An institution of general history from the beginning of the vvorld to the monarchy of Constantine the Great : composed in such method and manner as never yet was extant / by William Howel ...

AN INSTITUTION OF General History. The First Part. BOOK II. Of the Persian Empire, and the Affairs of the World Contemporary with it. (Book 2)

CHAP. I. The Persian Empire.

SECT. I. From the beginning of the Empire of Cyrus, to the death of Cam∣byses his Son and Successor.

1. CYRUS having obtained the Empire of the East through the Conquest of Babylon, after a three years siege,* 1.1 as is conjectured, was sensible of Gods providence therein (whom he understood to have foretold it, and called him by name above 100 years before he was born) and out of obedience to his decree,* 1.2 gave leave to all the Jews that were in Captivity in his Dominions, to return to their own Countrey, the 70 years of their exile foretold by Jeremiah the Prophet being now expired. In compliance with this opportunity Zorub∣babel the son of Salathiel, and Grand-son to Jechoniah as Captain, with Jo∣shua

the son of Josedec (which Josedec was brother to Esdras, and son to Seraiah the Chief Priest,* 1.3 who being Counsellour to Zedekiah was slain by Nebuchadnesar,* 1.4 the year wherein Jerusalem was taken) and 42462 Jews (as Josephus reckoneth up the number) departed, and went into Judaea. Though the other Tribes formerly led into Captivity by Salmanasar might have the same liberty of returning, yet having together with the memory of their antient Countrey lost their affection to their God, and it, regarded not the time, the Lord having onely promised liberty of returning to those that were exported by Nebuchadnesar. And a great part of the Tribe of Judah it self (if not the greater) unwilling to leave their possessions got in a strange Land, as also discouraged by the difficulties and troubles they were to un∣dergo, preferred perpetual banishment before the seat and habitation of their Ancestors.

2. In the second year of the Persian Empire, and the second moneth,* 1.5 when all things were in a readinesse, according to Commission given by the King (who defrayed the charge out of his own Revenue, and restored the Golden Vessels carried away by Nebuchadnesar) the Levites were set over the work of the Lords house, and Zorubbabel laid the foundation of the second Tem∣ple,* 1.6 to the joy of the younger sort born in Captivity, but with the lamentation of the elder, who had seen the glory of the former house. When the Chu∣thites (whom Esarhaddon planted in Samaria) heard of their progresse in the work, they first fraudulently offered their assistance, pretending the same religion, and being rejected so corrupted the Courtiers (who either kept the thing from Cyrus, or he was then busied in his Wars, as Josephus writeth) that the building was hindred for several years, untill the second of Darius, the son of Hystaspes. For this the Prophet Daniel (who was yet alive,* 1.7 and nigh 90 years old, as having been carried into Captivity 73 years before) mourned, and fasted three weeks, and had the great, and last Vision concern∣ing the future Kings of Persia, of Alexander the Great, and his Successors in Asia and Egypt, untill the time of the Hasmonaeans, or Maccabees. But whether he lived past the third year of Cyrus or no is uncertain.

3. Concerning the end of Cyrus many and several things are written. Ac∣cording to Herodotus, Trogus and others he invaded the Massagetes, and pe∣rished in their Countrey.* 1.8 The Queen of this Scythian people named To∣myris he first made a pretence to sue to for marriage, but she being aware of this design to entrap her forbad him entrance; whereupon betaking him∣self from wiles to force he laid a bridge over the River Araxes, and pro∣vided for the passing of his Army over. Whil'st he thus imployed himself, she was so hardy as to send him a message, offering him either to invade her Countrey, or else to permit her a passage into his. Amazed at it, he referred the matter to his Council what should be done therein, where some advised him to suffer her to passe the River, but Craesus stifly opposed it, shewing the danger in case he were overthrown but in one battel, and advised him after he had set over his men, and discovered the enemy, to leave the weakest sort a∣mongst his Army there in the Camp plentifully provided of strong wines, with which liquor being utterly unacquainted, they would make themselves drunk, and so might be easily destroyed. This advice succeeded accordingly, and a∣mongst the rest Spargapises the Queen's son was taken prisoner, who as soon as he came to himself desired to be loosed, and put an end to his life with his own hands, out of a deep sence of his condition. His mother knowing nothing of his death, with threatning language required Cyrus to dismisse him, and when she saw he returned not, gathered together all her forces, wherewith counterfeiting flight she trained the King into streights, and by an ambush laid in the Mountains, cut him off with his whole Army to the number of 200000 men. His head she cast into a bason of bloud, upbraiding him with cruelty in these words: satisfie thy self with bloud after which thou hast thirsted.* 1.9 To this story Diodorus addeth that she nailed his body to a Crosse.

4. But Ctesias wrote that the last War he made was against the Derbices, a

people also of Scythia, whom though he overcame,* 1.10 yet he received a wound in fight, of which he died three dayes after. Xenophon saith he died aged, and in peace, and how finding himself almost spent, he called to him his friends, with his two sons Cambyses and Smerdis, or Tanaoxares, whom (after a long Ora∣tion, wherein he discoursed much concerning the immortality of the Soul, and the punishment and reward which is due to things committed in this life) he exhorted by the strongest arguments to perpetual concord and love. If so, he acted like one that had received the knowledge of the true God, which he had opportunity also to know from Daniel and others, being by them instru∣cted in the Scriptures. Some think that the variety of these reports proceeded from the study of the Persians to conceal the shame of his being overthrown by the policy of a woman. Others observe, that had he lost his whole Army in Scythia, it is scarce probable that his son would have transported all his re∣maining Forces into Egypt so soon, and hereby leave that side of his Kingdom destitute and naked, when the Scythian Nation bordering upon Media was so victorious: not to add that Cambysses would not have been able to undertake, and perform such a Conquest in so little a space. Considerable certainly is that which the Writers of Alexander's Acts have committed to memory, as Curtius, Plutarch, Arrianus, and even Aristobulus (who by command of the King was an eye witnesse of it) as he is cited by Strabo:* 1.11 That he was buried in his own Citie Pasagardis in Persia, where his Epitaph was plain to be read, in which after telling the Traveller who he was, he desired him not to grudge him that earth wherewith his body was covered.* 1.12 The Tomb was opened by Alexander, either out of hope to find some Treasure, or (what was pre∣tended) out of desire to honour his dead body with some Ceremonies, and in it were found an old Target, two Scythian Bows and a sword. The Coffin wherein he lay Alexander caused to be covered with his own Roab, and a Crown of Gold to be set thereon. These things something weaken the cre∣dit of that opinion which Herodotus relateth as the most probable of those that were held in his time. But lesse credit is to be given to that* 1.13 which will have him slain in a Sea-fight against the inhabitants of Samus; and* 1.14 another that lengtheneth his life to 100 years, whereas he scarce passed 70. He∣rodotus giveth to his reign 29 years; but most agree that he reigned 30. which must be counted from his first obtaining the Kingdom of Me∣dia.

5. What time passed from the Conquest of Babylon, and the beginning of his Monarchy, unto his death, is controverted amongst learned Writers. Some reckon ten years, or thereabouts, and others but three, of which number was once Joseph Scaliger, who afterwards retracted it as an error; but Ludovi∣cus Cappellus hath renewed the assertion, making it probable by arguments drawn from Scripture, who therefore is to be consulted in his sacred* 1.15 Chrono∣logy.* 1.16 Cyrus had issue two sons, Cambyses and Smerdis, or Tanaoxares, with three daughters, Atossa, Meroe, and Artystona, to which Ctesias addeth A∣mytis. Atossa and Meroe their brother Cambyses afterwards married; and Darius Hystaspis obtained Artystona, as also Atossa after the death of Cam∣byses. Of the two sons, to Cambyses he left his Kingdom, and to Smerdis or Tanaoxares assigned the Government of Media, Armenia, and the Cadusi∣ans, according to Xenophon.

* 1.176. Cambyses presently after he came to the Government, made all possible provision for a War with Egypt, the cause whereof is to be enquired after. Herodotus telleth a story how he sent to Amasis King of that Countrey to desire his daughter Nitetis in marriage,* 1.18 which he not daring to deny because of the then formidable power of the Persians, and not willing to gratifie him absolutely, for that he conceived his daughter would be entertained but as a Concubine, he found out a way as he thought to satisfie Cambyses,* 1.19 and yet keep his daughter. There was one of Apries his predecessor's daughters yet unmarried, her he sent to him under the name of his own, who when she had sufficiently ingratiated her self with Cambyses, told him how indeed she was nothing a kin to Amasis, but begotten by his Lord and Master; whereat

the Persian conceived such indignation, that, to be revenged on him, he inva∣ded Aegypt. But that which moved Cambyses to send for this woman, seemeth something strange. He had formerly desired from Amasis a Physi∣cian for the eyes, the best that could be procured in Aegypt, wherewith he gratifying him, the man took it so ill of Amasis to be sent out of his native Country, that in way of revenge, he moved the matter to Cambyses, con∣cluding with himself, that the King of Aegypt would not send his own daugh∣ter: This was the saying of the Persians, which Herodotus rather approveth than what the Aegyptians alleged, that Cambryses was son to Nitetis the daughter of Apries, and that the Persians ascribed that to the Son which be∣onged to the Father,* 1.20 because they would have Cambyses born of Cassan••ane the daughter of Pharnaspes, of the noble race of Achaemenes; and yet he confesseth there was a report, that besides Cassandane, Cyrus kept Nitetis as his Concubine, whom he most affected, and that to revenge his mother upon her, Cambyses when but young threatned, and after his Father's death made War upon Ae••ypt. However things might go in reference to the daughter of Apries, Cambyses seemeth to have invaded that Kingdom, upon pretence of the right he had to it as Heir by conquest to Nebucha••nesar, who subdu∣ed it, though it revolted from his Successors; which might be concealed from Herodotus by the Priests, who spared not to invent lyes for a cover to the dis∣grace of their Country.

7. While Cambyses was yet busie in his preparations,* 1.21 one Phanes an Ha∣lycarnassaean by birth, taking something in distaste from Amasis, whom he served, fled out of Aegypt by ship, and coming into Persia, advised this King, that for his better passage of the sandy Desarts, he should send to the King of the Arabians for sale conduct, who being no good friend to the Aegyptian,* 1.22 came and met him with Camels bearing abundance of water, which was necessary for the sustenance of the Army in that hot and dry place. Ere Cambyses could arrive in Aegypt, Amasis had prevented captivity by a natural death, and Psammen••tus his son having succeeded him, expected his coming at Pelusium one of the mouths of Nile. Here a battel being fought, the Aegyptians were overthrown and fled to Memphis, whither Cambyses sent after them to yield up themselves to him; but they tare in pieces the messengers, and then being besieged, stood out for some time; but at length the City was taken.* 1.23 Psammenitus had his son put to death before his eyes, to try his patience, though the Conquerour too late repented of it, and had gi∣ven him his life with the Kingdom to govern, as a Province, had he not at∣tempted new matters, for which he was forced to drink Bulls blood, and so died, having reigned six moneths after his Father.

* 1.248. This work done in Aegypt, Cambyses betook himself to extravagant practices. The dead body of Amasis he caused to be brought forth, to be beaten, pinched, and then burnt, contrary to the practice as well of the Persians as Aegyptians, who abhorred such a thing, because the former ac∣counted Fire a god, & the later a ravenous beast, perishing with the thing de∣voured by it. Then resolved he to make a three-fold War: One upon the Car∣thaginians, another upon the Ammonians, or the Inhabitants of the place situate about the Temple of Jupiter Hammon, and the third against the long-lived Aethiopians, who inhabited Africk, near to the Southern Sea. He resolved to send a Fleet against the Carthaginians, an Army of Foot against the Ammonians, and as for the Aethiopians, he would first send to discover their Country. While his Messengers were dispatching towards Aethiopia, he gave order to the Phoenicians (who having yielded themselves, were his onely strength at Sea) to fight against Cartha••e, which they flatly refused, be∣cause that City was a Colony of their own, and thereby this design was d••sh∣ed. After the return of his messengers, who brought him word how he was slighted by the Aethiopian King, in great rage and haste he set forwards against him, without all thought of victualling his Army, commanding all his foot to follow,* 1.25 except the Graecians. When he was come to Thebes, he sent about 50000 men against the Ammonians, with command after they had

spoiled them to burn the Temple; and so he marched on with the rest of the Army. But ere he had passed the fifth part of his journy, all provisions fail∣ed, and all the beasts that carried burthens were eaten up; yet did he not now recollect himself, but proceeded till they were constrained to eat up every tenth man, and then returned he with great losse and disgrace to Mem∣phis, where he dismissed the Greeks from his service. The forces sent against the Ammonians, never reached thither, neither ever returned, being all over∣whelmed, as was reported, in the Sandy Wildernesse.

9. Cambyses at his return to Memphis, found the Citizens in great mirth and jollity, for that Apis their god had appeared to them lately; which he interpreting as an expression of joy for his bad successe, wounded the beast in the thigh (thinking to strike him into the belly) of which he died. He derided much the Aegyptians for such deities: those that were found re∣joycing, he commanded to be slain, and the Priests to be beaten with rods. For such impiety they accounted him stricken with that madnesse, which after∣wards appeared. For not long after, he sent his brother Smerdis back into Persia, having conceived great indignation against him, because he alone of all the Persians, could draw a Bow that was brought him by his messengers out of Aethiopia. After this he dreamed, that one came and told him how Smerdis sate on the Throne, and with his head reached to Heaven, whereupon, he sent Prexaspes his greatest confident to make him away, who murdered him in a pretended hunting,* 1.26 or as some said, drowned him in the Red Sea. To this he added the murder of his own Sister, whom, without any example, he had married, because she upbraided him with their brother's death. Memo∣rable is the answer of his Judges, who, when he demanded, whether there was not a Law amongst the Persians, that a man might marry his own Sister, answered, they found no such Law, but one there was, viz. The King might do whatsoever he listed. Then married he one Sister, and afterwards ano∣ther, whereof the younger he killed being great with child, as the Aegyptians reported, so that she miscaried double.

10. To this rage and madnesse against his relations, he added fury towards those that were nearest about him. Asking Prexaspes the minister of his pa∣ricide, what his people thought of him, and receiving this answer, that they thought him too much given to wine, that it might be seen how sober he was to do mischief, he said it should be a demonstration, if he could shoot with an arrow the son of Prexaspes right into the heart, which accordingly he did. The day after he buried quick twelve other Persians for no sault at all, and commanded Croesus the Lydian to be slain for admonishing him gravely con∣cerning such enormities, having dispatched him himself with an arrow, if he had not taken him to his heels. His servants notwithstanding preserved Croe∣sus alive, expecting a reward if he should afterwards repent of his death. And he really rejoyced in his preservation, when he returned to himself; but put them to death for their disobedience. Many more such like things he did whilst he remained at Memphis, and raged against the Images and Temples of the Aegyptians.

11. But whilst he thus spent his time, two of the Magi, Medians by birth, conspired against him. One of them he had left Overseer of his hous∣hold affairs,* 1.27 named Patizithes, who having certain knowledge of the death of Smerdes, though it was kept very secret, took occasion thereat to rebel, because most of the Persians thought this Prince yet living. For, having with him in the Kings house a brother as like him in the lineaments and pro∣portion of body as in name, him he placed in the Throne, and sent up and down through the Empire, to perswade every one rather to obey Smerdis the son of Cyrus than Cambyses. One of these messengers coming down to the Army towars Aegypt, found it at Ecbatane in Syria, where standing in the midst, he proclaimed what was enjoyned. Cambyses being much start∣led, blamed Prexaspes for having neglected to execute his commands; but he protesting his obedience therein, and that he had buried his brother with his own hands, the messenger was persued and fetcht back, out of whom Prex∣aspes

getting out that he had not himself seen Smerdis,* 1.28 but Patiz••thes had given him instructions as from him, easily conjectured what was at the bottom, and therewith acquainted the King. Then too late did Cambyses bewail his brother, and resolving with all speed to march for Susa, as he mounted on horseback his Sword fell out of the Scabberd, and wounded him in the thigh. Demanding the name of the place, he gave himself for lost, for that it had been told him he should die in Ecbatane, which he had ever interpreted of the place in Media so called, where he hoped it would be in his old age. Twenty dayes after, he revealed the whole matter concerning his brother to the Nobility about him, conjuring them not to suffer the Empire to return to the Medes, but rather recover it the same way it had been betrayed. Not long after his thigh-bone being putrified, he died, when he had reigned seven years and five moneths.* 1.29 He left no issue, and so the direct line of Cyrus in him received it's period.

SECT. II. From the death of Cambyses to that of Xerxes.

1. SMerdis the Magician (called also Mardus,* 1.30 Sphendadates, and Oropa∣stes) reigned those seven moneths which were wanting to compleat the eighth year of Cambyses, whom the Persians believed not as to his brothers death, but thought that indeed he was alive and reigned, because Prexaspes feared to confesse that he killed him. In this time he, or rather his brother, wonderfully pleased all men, except the Persians, remitting to other Nations their tributes, and excusing them from War for three years.* 1.31 But in the eighth moneth he was discovered by the means of Otanes, a man of highest rank in Persia, who suspected him for a counterfeit, because he never would appear in publick, nor admit any of the Nobility into his presence. He having a daughter then at Court, which had been Concubine to Cambyses, and now was in the same quality to him that reigned, as all the rest of his wives; to her he sent to know, whether it was indeed the son of Cyrus with whom she lay. She having had no acquaintance with that Prince,* 1.32 could give him no answer, and neither could she come near Atossa, who being sister to Smerdis might easily know him, for that the Magician to prevent intelligence, kept them se∣vered one from another: This increasing the suspition, Otanes sent to her again, charging her as he lay asleep to know whether he had any ears; for Cyrus had upon some account cut off the ears of Smerdis the Magician. She obeyed her Father when it came to her course, notwithstanding the danger, and the day following confirmed him fully in what he had suspected.

2. Otanes presently discovered the matter to Aspathines and Gobryas, two men of prime rank also among the Persians, who easily giving him credit, as having suspected the same thing themselves,* 1.33 agreed to take three more, each of them one, into Council about it. Otanes brought Intaphernes, Gobryas chose Megabysus, Aspathines took Hydarnes, and Darius being then arri∣ved at Susa from Persia, which his Father Hystaspes governed, they also thought fit to add him to their number. Darius when admitted, signified, that he had been assured of the cheat, how he was come to Town upon no other account than to kill the impostor, and urged them to joyn with him and attempt it speedily. Otanes was much against such hasty proceedings, desi∣ring further to consult about it, but Darius alleging the danger of delay, for which cause, if they would not attempt something that very day, hee would go and discover rather than be discovered, at length they agreed to him.

3. But while they were thus debating the matter, the Magi knowing that Prexaspes had made away Smerdis the sone of Cyrus, and considering how nearly it concerned them to make him their own, had sent for him, and by vast promises endeavoured to purchase his secrecy in that private affair. He

seemed to compile, and desired tha the Persians might be called together un∣der the wall, that he might perswade them, that he who now reigned was the true Smerdis. But after he had mounted the turret, he began to reckon up the Pedigree of Cyrus from Achaemenes, related his kindnesse and good turns done to the Persians, and then telling the whole matter concerning Smerdis whom he had murdered, after he had laid many curses upon them, except they recovered the Empire, and revenged themselves upon the Magi, he threw himself down headlong and died. The seven Conspirators utterly ignorant of this, arrived at the Court, at such time as the Magi were consulting con∣cerning what had happened, where the Porters easily admitted them, because of their dignity, nothing being suspected of them. But coming into the house, they were stopped by such Eunuchs as there waited, whereupon they forced their passage with their Swords, and were encountred by both the Ma∣gi, who having taken the Allarm, and perceived the matter, betook them∣selves to their weapons. One of them wounded Aspathines in the thigh, and put out the eye of Intaphernes: the other retired into another room, whi∣ther he was pursued by Darius and Gobryas,* 1.34 Gobryas grapling with him, Da∣rius stood idle for fear of wounding his friend; but Gobryas bidding him strike though it were thorow his sides, he did it at adventure, and slew the Magician. Both of them being slain, they cut off their heads, and carrying them out, acquainted the Persians with what they had done. Then fell they upon such Magicians as they could meet, which the Persians taking as an example, did the like, so that if night had not intervened, all that sort of men had perished, and this day was observed annually as a great Festival, in which none of the Magicians stirred abroad. This was the end of the usurpation, wherein seven Magi are said by some to have been partakers; but if so,* 1.35 those two bro∣thers are to be accounted the chief, one of them counterfeiting the right Heir.

* 1.364. This tumult being over in five dayes time, the seven Conspirators fell into consultation about a setlement.* 1.37 Otanes spake for the taking away of Monarchy, which he urged, from the example of Cambyses and the Magician, was apt to degenerate into Tyranny, and would have had the Government remitted to the people in a Democratical way; Megabyzus was for Oligar∣chie; but Darius of all the three sorts praeferred Monarchy, as that into which at length the other would passe, through seditions and the ambition of such particular men as should be able to advance themselves above their neighbours. The other four subscribed to his opinion as best, which there∣fore being agreed on by the major part, several capitulations were made in order to the election. Otanes desired that both himself and family might be exempted from the regal jurisdiction,* 1.38 which was granted, and all possible honour further decreed to him for his pains taken in the discovery. It was agreed a∣mongst the other six, that it should be lawful for them at any time to come into the Palace, except the King were with his wife, and the King was pro∣hibited to take a wife any where but out of their families. As for the electi∣on, it was resolved, that all the next morning by Sun-rise riding into the Sub∣urbs, he whose Horse first neighed, should obtain the Empire of Cambyses.

* 1.395. Darius obtained it through the cunning of Oebares his Stable-Groom,* 1.40 who having knowledge from his Master of the businesse, the night before the controversie was to be decided, put his Horse to Mare in the place whither they were to ride.* 1.41 The Horse the next morning remembring his mate neigh∣ed for which, as coming by accident, the other five adored Darius as King. Having thus obtained the Kingdom, though he had children already by a daugh∣ter of Gobryas; yet the more to strengthen his title,* 1.42 he married the two daughters of Cyrus which remained; Atossa the wife of her brother Camby∣ses, and of the Magician, and Artystona yet a Virgin: he also took Pari∣nys daughter to Smerdis the son of Cyrus, and Phoedaina the daughter of Otanes. This he did, being also himself of regal extraction,* 1.43 both allied to antient and modern Kings. He was issued from Achaemenes; Cyrus and his Father Hystaspes being brother's sons, the one to Cambyses, and the

other to Arsamnes,* 1.44 as some have reported. This translation of the King∣dom is said to have been first revealed to Cyrus, at such time as having pas∣sed the river Araxes, he was marching against the Massagetes; For hee dreamed that he saw the eldest son of Hystaspes (which was this;* 1.45 for he had three younger sons, Artabanus, Atarnes, and Artaphernes,) having wings on his sholders wherewith he overshadowed Asia and Europe. At that time he was about twenty years old, and Armour-bearer to Cyrus (accor∣ding to* 1.46 Aelian) who sent him back into Persia, and as some said, caused him to be imprisoned. After his death he was delivered out of Prison, and made Governour of the Persian Magi, accompanied Cambyses into Aegypt, and when he had discovered the imposture of the Magi, joyned with the other Princes against them, and then either by the neighing of his Horse, or by strong hand, as some have thought, obtained the Empire.

6. Though thus Darius obtained the Soveraignty; yet it seemeth to some,* 1.47 to have been as a perpetual Dictatorship, who think it probable, that the other six had also by turns the exercise of Tribunitial jurisdiction, together with him. First, because Aeschylus who fought against the Forces of Darius at Mara∣thon, nameth two Kings, viz. Maraphis and Artaphrenes, betwixt the slaughter of the Magi and Empire of Darius, who seem no other than Mar∣donais and Artaphernes, reckoned by Ctesias amongst the seven. Then in the Holy Scripture,* 1.48 together with the edict of Darius in the second year of his reign, the assent of Artashashta King of Persia is joyned, which may well enough be taken for the said Artaphernes; though others do otherwise expound the place. And, to add something not altogether so material, the other Conspirators foreseeing how burthensome they should be to Darius (which in what other way could it be than this?) bound him with an* 1.49 Oath most sacred amongst the Persians, that neither with poyson, sword, any o∣ther violence, nor by famine should he kill any of them; though it proved not so sacred as to be inviolable.

7. In the second year of Darius the building of the Temple which had been interrupted,* 1.50 began again and proceeded. The Samaritans bribed the Cour∣tiers in the time of Cyrus, to hinder the work, and Cambyses having been formerly no friend to it, when he came to reign stopped it by expresse com∣mand, through the calumniation of such as bore the Jews no good will. The Magician also forbad it upon the same account, it being clear from Scripture, that two several Princes named Ahasuerus and Artaxerxes withstood it; and that betwixt the reigns of Cyrus and Darius.* 1.51 But when the Adversaries now betook themselves to Darius, expecting from him a countermand to the Jews (who being reproved for their remissnesse by the Prophet Haggai, were fal∣len again to build upon the foundation formerly laid) he instead of any such inhibition, sent them an expresse command, not onely not to hinder, but at his own cost to further the Structure, allowing also to the Priests expenses for the daily Sacrifices. The Jews therefore incouraged by this new Edict, and confirmed by the Prophecies of Haggai and Zachariah, proceeded prospe∣rously in the building.

8. In the same year had the Prophet Zachariah a Vision, in which the Angel interceding for Jerusalem, and the Cities of Judah, mentioneth the Lord's having had indignation threescore and ten years. The rise or be∣ginning of these years Ludovicus Cappellus fetcheth from the destruction of the Temple. For from the first Edict of Cyrus, and the end of the Captivi∣ty, to this time, passed about eleven years (Cyrus, according to his account, reigning but three after the taking of Babylon, Cambyses together with the Magician eight, and Darius one; from which must be deducted so much as the removal of the Jews would require) even so many as passed from the be∣ginning of the Captivity to the desolation of the Temple, and so the Temple lay desolate full Severity years. Hence is observable, that as the State and Policy of the Jewish Commonwealth was broken, and much impaired eleven years before the destruction of the Temple, so was it renewed at the end of the Captivity so many years before the re-edifying of it, which hitherto had

been attempted without successe, but now renewed,* 1.52 was happily finished in the sixth year of Darius, as to the house it self, though three years more seem to have been taken up in the building the porches and other appendices to it. And as the greatest part of the holy Vessels were carried away in the Captivi∣ty of Jechoniah, eleven years before the destruction of the Temple, so were they sent back again so many years before the restauration of it. Lastly, this also is observed, that as from the destruction of this typical Temple to the re∣building of it, passed Seventy years, so from the Conception of Christ the true and spiritual Temple, to the final desolation of the shadow or typical one at Jerusalem, so many years passed, precisely Seventy.

9. Darius after his setlement in the Kingdom, divided it into twenty Provinces (which the Persians called Satrapies) over each of which he con∣stituted a Praesident,* 1.53 withall appointing what tribute each Nation should pay. For, hitherto, under the two former Kings, nothing was appointed con∣cerning tribute, the several people contributing money by way of benevo∣lence, whereupon, because of this new imposition, they styled Darius an Huckster, Cambyses a Lord, and Cyrus a Father. Cyrus was mild, and used them as children, striving to deserve well of them; Cambyses was sharp and morose,* 1.54 and Darius by all wayes possible purveied for money. The next thing memorable concerning Darius, is, his putting to death Intaphernes, one of the Conspirators, for abusing the Porters, and violent intruding into the Palace, contrary to the Capitulations agreed on amongst them. Having an intention to go to the King, they that kept the gate stopped him, saying, that he was with his wife, which he thinking to be a lye, drew his Sword,* 1.55 and cutting off their ears and noses, then tyed the reigns of an horses bridle to their necks and let them go. They presenting themselves in this case to the King, he first suspected some treasonable design of all the six, but finding that the rest knew nothing of the matter, he put Intaphernes to death, with all his sons except the eldest,* 1.56 whom he granted to the intreaties of the Mo∣ther. But not onely him, but all the rest also who were burthensome to him, another telleth us that he made away by a new kind of death.* 1.57 He caused many ashes to be laid betwixt some walls, over which laying a rafter, there∣upon he feasted them very nobly; but being fast asleep the floor fell, and they therewith into the ashes, where they perished. If he destroyed them in this strange manner, probable it is, that he desired to be rid of them, be∣cause of some power to which they might pretend by virtue of a previous agreement, not enduring any incombrance or restraint upon his prerogative; for that Soveraignty is impatient of any competition in the throne.

* 1.5810. About the tenth year of his reign the City of Babylon rebelled against him, having of late recovered that greatnesse of mind which sometime posses∣sed it's Inhabitants. Cyrus demolished not their walls,* 1.59 but left them in∣tire with the gates standing, which putting them in a posture of defence, they took courage at the forein Wars of Cambyses, and the stirs that happened a∣bout the Magi. He gathered his forces together, with all speed, and laid siege to it; but they being resolved to stand out to the utmost, chose every one a woman to make ready their meat, and to save provisions, killed all the rest of that Sex except their Mothers. Then, as if they had made them∣selves impregnable, they derided the Persians, saying, they should be over∣come when a Mule foaled: And above nineteen moneths they held out, not∣withstanding all their attempts and devices. At length in the 20^th, Zopyrus son to Megabyzus, one of the chief Commanders in Darius his Army, be∣ing incouraged by his Mule that foaled, mangled his face, cutting off his ears and nose, and in gore blood counterfeited a flight to the besieged, as thus abused by the King. The Babylonians believed, and according to his expecta∣tion chose him for their General, after which, he made several sallies, and the besiegers according to the former agreement fled; but within a while he be∣trayed the City to Darius.* 1.60 He demolished the walls, and nailing 3000 of the principal actors unto crosses, pardoned the rest, for whom 5000 women were sought, by whom they might repair their decayed stock. Zopyrus was

rewarded, as with other things in greatest account amongst the Persians, so with the City of Babylon for his life. The son of this Zopyrus was Megaby∣zus, who afterwards conducted the Persian Army against the Athenians and their companions: and son to this Megabyzus was that Zopyrus, who revol∣ted from the Persians to the Athenians.

11. After the recovery of Babylon, Darius wanting neither men not mo∣ny,* 1.61 undertook an Expedition against the Scythians, to be revenged on them for holding the(a) 1.62 dominion of Asia 28 years, at such time as persuing the Cimmerians they overthrew and kept under the Medes, whom they found Lords of all in the dayes of their King Cyaxares. This(b) 1.63 Herodotus mak∣eth the pretended cause of the War, but(c) 1.64 Justin from Trogus relateth, that it was because Lanthius the Scythian King denied him his daughter in marriage. Darius caused a bridge to be laid over the Bosphorus into Europe half a mile long, and thereon passing his forces over, crossed the Sea himself by ship, and gave charge to the Ionians his Subjects (who together with the Aeo••ians, and others that lived upon the Hellespont,* 1.65 made up the Navie) to sail up the Sea as far as the River Ister (which parted Scythia from Thrace) over which he also enjoyned them to make a bridge. In his march through Thrace all submitted to him except the Getes, who out of Ignorance with∣stood him. The Ionians prepared the bridge against his coming, whom, after he had transported his forces, he commanded there to expect him Sixty dayes, at the end of which if he returned not, he permitted them to return into their own Country.

12. The Scythians had no constant dwelling or habitation, removing with their wagons, wherein they lay, and cattel, from place to place, according as they were furnished with grasse, living upon milk and raw flesh, without Towns or corn, and taking their conduct from the Pole-Star, as the Chrim Tartars their posterity at this day also live, the great Chrim himself having no other City than an Agora, or one of the Carts. Having intelligence of his coming, they sent their wives, children, and cattel towards the North, then stopped all the wells, destroyed all fruits of the Earth, and sometimes ap∣pearing to the Persians, again retired on purpose to deride them. Darius seeing himself thus mocked, and despairing to come at them by reason of their perfect knowledg of the Country, and his ignorance therein, fearing also his provisions might fail, and especially lest the Ionians should forsake him at the bridge, now that the Sixty dayes were expired, bethought how he might make a safe retreat. The Scythians getting knowledge hereof, laboured to remove the Ionians from the bridge, telling them how good it would be for them to return home in safety; for that now the time prefixed by the King was expired. They fell into consultation hereupon, and Miltiades Tyrant or petty Prince of the Chersonesus besought them, that, having this opportunity, they would not let it slip, but free themselves from the Persian yoak. But Histiaeus Tyrant of Miletus a City of Ionia, and others, who had enslaved their own Citizens at home, fearing, lest if the power of the Persians, by which they were maintained, were broken, they should be reduced into a pri∣vate condition or worse by their own Country-men, resolved, that nothing more concerned them, than that the greatnesse of that Empire might be established. Yet it was judged convenient to break the bridge so far, as to be out of bow-shot from the Scythian side, therein to comply with that People, who perhaps else might force them to do it. Beginning therefore to break it, the Scythians believed their promise of performing the whole, and return∣ed to hunt out the Persians. Expecting them to retreat that way which was best for Provisions, they missed of them; for Darius returned the same he went,* 1.66 and with great difficulty recovered the banks of Ister. Here he ar∣rived by night, and was much discouraged when he found the bridge broken; but upon the first shout Histiaeus came with all his Vessels and made it up for the transportation of the Army.

13. Darius passing over his Army marched through Thrace unto Sestus, and thence sailed over into Asia, leaving Megabysus in Europe with an Army

of 80000 men. Megabyzus, according to order, subdued the Perinthians and Paeonians, whom he translated into Asia, and having reduced to obe∣dience all the Maritime Coast,* 1.67* 1.68 sent into Macedonia to demand earth and water of Amyntas the King. These were Symboles of subjection, signifying an acknowledgement of fealty, and voluntary homage, the chief Soveraignty over all wherein propriety lay, being yielded up with these two Elements. Darius had formerly sent to demand them of the Scythians, and they in re∣turn sent him a Bird, Frog, Mouse, and five Arrows, leaving him to make the interpretation, which he framing according to his own wish, thought that they had yielded all those Elements wherein those Creatures live, and their Weapons withall into his hands. But Gobryas construed the meaning to be this: O ye Persians, get ye wings like Birds, dive under the water, or creep into the holes of the Earth, for else our Arrows will overtake you; which exposition was accordingly verified. Amyntas doubting of his own strength, kindly entertained the Messengers, and granting what they came for, magni∣ficently feasted them, insomuch that being well heated with Wine they de∣sired that women, according to the custom of Persia, might be brought in to them. He replied, that was not the fashion of Macedonia; but yet he would gratifie them therein, which being done, they began to be uncivil towards the women, whereat he inwardly fretted, but for fear suppressed his indignation. But his eldest son Alexander being present, a young man of prompt bold∣nesse and little experience, desired him to quit the room, and let him alone to entertain the Guests; and though he suspected him for his courage, and disswaded him from any rash attempt, yet did he withdraw accordingly. A∣lexander then told the Persians they might have liberty to enjoy these wo∣men, but for that it now grew late, he desired they would let them go out to wash,* 1.69 and make themselves ready, which done, they should come again. They assenting, he dressed so many bare-faced young men in women's Clothes, who, being brought in, when the Persians began to dally with them, according to his command stabbed them with Daggers hid under their Clothes for that pur∣pose. Megabyzus hearing nothing of his Messengers, sent one Prubares a Persian down with an Army to make diligent search after them, but him A∣lexander easily took off by giving him his sister Gygaea in marriage, with whom he had falln in love; so that he suffering the matter to rest in silence, no far∣ther inquiry was made after it.

14. The year following, being the 16^th of his reign, Darius sent as Suc∣cessor to Megabyzus, Otanes the son of Sisamnes, who took in the Cities Chalcedon, Byzantium, and Antander, with the Islands Lemnos, and Imber. He himself was now returned to Susa, whither he carried along with him Histiaeus,* 1.70 who stood so much his friend at the Bridge of Ister. Histiaeus having begun to build a Citie of his own in Thrace, Darius out of colour of doing him honour, and using his advice in his most important affairs, drew him away from it, knowing his great abilities, and fearing his restlesse spirit. There he continued for some years, till not being able to hear so much talk of Em∣pire, and rule, wherein he himself had no share, he much preferred his antient Dominion though but over one Citie, before this Real, though plausible im∣prisonment, and therefore sought how he might kindle a fire in Ionia, that for his interest in that Countrey he might obtain to be sent thither to quench it, and so with his liberty get some notable advantage for a great atchieve∣ment. It hapned that his endeavours did but tend to the blowing up of that spark, which was already kindled without his knowledge, in Aristagoras his son in Law,* 1.71 who Governed Miletus in his absence. The first rise was occasioned by the inhabitants of the Island Naxos, who having banished some of their principal Citizens, the Exiles fled to Anaxagoras for protection and succour. He knowing not well of himself how to restore them,* 1.72 sent to Artaphernes the brother of Darius, and his Lieutenant of Ionia then resident at Sardis, propo∣sing the Conquest of that Island to him, and offering to subdue both it, and all the rest of the Cyclades to the obedience of the Persian Empire. Arta∣phernes acquainted the King with the businesse, and he approving of it, he

lent him 200 ships under the conduct of Megabates his Kinsman.* 1.73 They sayled together towards Naxos, and it hapned in the way that Megabates harshly used one of Aristagoras his followers, for which he sharply rebuked him, as having no authority to punish those under his command. This the Persian took so hainously, that he gave intelligence underhand to the Naxians of their coming, who being forewarned were forearmed, so that no good could Anristagoras do, but spending his time to no purpose, was forced at length to raise his siege. For this fruitlesse attempt, feating disgrace, or worse from the Persians, that he might prevent it, he studied how to revolt, and draw the Ionians into Rebellion.

15. While he consulted with himself, a Message came from Histians,* 1.74 who because the wayes were so watched that he could send no Letters, shaved close the head of his trusty Slave, and thereon with an hot iron in∣graved such marks as served to make out his sence, and after his hair was grown sent him to Miletus. Aristagoras shaving his head again as he was com∣manded (which was all the message that the slave carried by word of mouth) presently, and gladly apprehended the matter, viz. that he should excite the Ionians to rebell. Going now more cheerfully about his work, that the Mi∣lesians might more readily receive the motion, he restored them to a shew of liberty, and to oblige the rest of the Cities, by one means or other abdicated the power of their petty Princes, or Tyrants as they were called. But know∣ing how little able this strength would be to graple with the whole power of Asia, which presently would be upon them, he sayled to Lacedamon, there to desire assistance from Cleomenes the King, who refusing to intermeddle, he thence went to Athens, where as before he laid open the riches of Asia, with the imbecillity of the Persians the present masters thereof; and added, that the Milesians, as a Colony of the Athenians, might justly expect relief from their hands.

16. The conjuncture of affairs at present were such at Athens, as he could not have had a more convenient opportunity.* 1.75 It hapned that Hippias the son of Pisistratus being expelled from Athens had withdrawn himself to Sardis, where he laboured with his whole might to make the Athenians odious to Artaphernes, and bring the Citie into the command of Darius, that so it might return to his own Dominion. They sent their Ambassadors after him, pray∣ing Artaphernes that he would give no credit to their Exiles; but he urging them, that, if they meant to secure themselves, they would receive Hippias they chose rather to become Enemies to the Persian; and therefore compiled with the motion of Aristagoras.* 1.76 They agreed to send out 20 ships under the command of Melanthius, a man of principal note amongst them, with which the Eretrians (out of way of requital for aid formerly received from the Ionians) joyned other 5. This was the beginning of those many evils, which afterwards fell both upon the Greeks and Barbarians, and of such Wars as ended not till in the destruction of the Persian Empire. It fell out in the 19^th year of Darius, the second of the 69 Olympiad, 501 before the Aera of Christ. A.M. 3502.

* 1.7717. Aristagoras with this force went against Sardis, which he easily took, all but the Castle wherein Artaphernes secured himself. A fire prevented the plundering of the Citie, which was all turned into ashes by the means of a Souldier's burning one particular house. The confusion being great,* 1.78 the Persians and Lydians met together in the Market-place, through which ran the River Pactolus having Golden Sands, and imbodying themselves prepa∣red to charge the Enemy, which when the Gracians perceived they fled for fear to the Mountain Tmolus, and thence to their ships lying at Coresus in the Territories of Ephesus.* 1.79 The Persians in the pursute slew a great part of them, amongst whom fell Eualcides Captain of the Eretrians so much celebrated by Simonides the Ceian Poet, and other eminent men: those that escaped dis∣persed themselves through the Cities. Aristagoras could not by any means per∣swade the Athenians from returning home; notwithstanding, for what had hapned to Sardis, Darius was exceedingly incensed against them; insomuch

that he commanded one of his servants where ever he sate at meat, thrice to sound these words in his eas, Sir, remember the Athenians.

* 1.8018. At this time all Cyprus revolted from the Persians, except the Ama∣thusians, whom also the rebels besieged. Yet Darius, blinded by the spe∣cious pretences of Histiaeus, let him go,* 1.81 thinking indeed that being present he might do him especial service in extinguishing the Rebellion. Though the Ionians were forsaken by their friends of Atheens, yet they proceeded, and crossing the Hellespont took Byzantium with the Towns adjacent, and thence went into Caria, a great part whereof they drew into society with them in the War. But the scene of affairs was presently altered.* 1.82 Artybius the Per∣sian with a numerous Army was sent against Cyprus, and the Ionians followed with a Flee, to the aid of Onesilus, who first procured the revolt, and now lay before Amathusia. Both parties being well appointed by Sea and Land, they ingaged with their Fleets and land Armies. The Ionians had the better by Sea, but on Land the Cypriots were betrayed by Stesanor, Tyrant of the Ca∣rienses, and by the Salaminians, so that being utterly routed, Onesilus was slain, and Aristo-Cyprus Prince of the Solians, and son to that Philo-Cyprus whom Solon commended in his Verses above other Tyrants, or Reguli. The Ionians receiving intelligence of this overthrow, and how all the Cities in the Island were besieged, except Salamis (which the inhabitants had already gi∣ven up to Gorgus their antient Prince) hasted away. Of all Towns Soli stood longest out;* 1.83 but in the fifth moneth was taken by the Persians, who under∣mined the Walls; and thus Cyprus was reduced into its former bondage, a year after it had cast off the yoak.

19. The Persian Lieutenants, or Satrapa, viz, Daurises, Hymees, and Otanes, who had married the daughters of Darius,* 1.84 after they had driven the Ionians to their ships, parted the revolted Cities which each of them should fall on. The two former reduced many upon the Hellespont and Propontis, and the later by the assistance of Artaphernes took Clazomenae in Ionia, and Cumae in Aeolia, after which Aristagoras was utterly discouraged, and thought of nothing but flight. Hecataeus the Historian, who had formerly disswaded him from Rebellion; now advised him to build a Fort in the Island Lerus, where he might continue for some time, till it were conve∣nient for him to return to Miletus; but his resolution being bent for Myrci∣nus, Town built by Histiaeus in Thrace upon the River Strymon, and a∣mongst the Edones, thither he soon after departed with as many Volunteers as would follow him, leaving the Government of Miletus to Pythagoras, a man of the most approved fidelity amongst the Towns-men.* 1.85 He obtained the Countrey thereabout without much trouble, but besieging the Town was cut off by the Thracians with all his Forces.

20. Histiaeus being dismissed by Darius upon that account formerly men∣tioned was ere this come to Sardis.* 1.86 Artaphernes demanding of him what should have moved the Ionians to Rebell, he answered, that he knew not, but at wondred at the thing, whereto the other replied, telling him plainly that he had made that shooe which Aristagoras had put on. Fearing therefore to stay with him whom he perceived sufficiently to understand the matter, he fled the night after, and conveyed himself into the Island Chius, where the inha∣bitants supposing that be came to promote the affairs of Darius, cast him into prison, but upon farther advice restored him to liberty. Then sent he to some Persians lying at Sardis, who were partakers of his conspiracy, wil∣ling them to rise, but Artaphernes having timely notice thereof prevented it by putting them to death. This device failing, he procured the Chians to convey him to Miletus; but there he could not be received, the inhabi∣tants rejoycing that they were rid both of him and Aristagoras; so that endeavouring to get in by night he was wounded in the Thigh, and forced to retire himself again to Chius. Here now not being able to procure any ships by all his intreaties, he went over to Mitylene where he perswaded the Les∣bians to furnish him with 8 Vessels, with which he sayled to Byzantium; and at this Port he intercepted all such ships of the Ionians as coming from Pontus refused to obey him.

21. The Persian Generals having much weakened the power of the Carians, and subdued all the Ionians that lived upon the Hellespont, were now ready to go against Miletus both by Sea and Land. The Ionian* 1.87 Deputies assembling in Pavionium (the place of their publick Councils) resolved to levie no Land Army against them,* 1.88 but withstand their violence from the walls of Mile∣tus, and make as great and strong a Fleet as possible. They ranged in or∣der of battel near Laeda, a little Island lying over against Miletus. The wing that looked towards the East the Milesians themselves made up with 80 Sail; to them joyned the Prienians with twelve, and the Miusians with three. By them stood the Teians with seventeen, and by them the Chians with 100 Vessels. Beyond these were placed the Erythraeans with eight ships, and the Phocaeans with three. Next to them stood the Lesbians with Seventy, and in the last place were seen the Samians making up the Western wing with Sixty ships; the whole consisting of 353 Gallies with three ranks or Oars. But the Persian Navie contained 600 of Phoenicians, Cyprians, Aegyptians, and Cilicians.

22. Though the Persian Fleet almost doubled the other in number of Ves∣sels, yet the Captains feard both the skill and valour of the Ionians, and therefore betook themselves to politick Councils. They sent for the several Reguli or Tyrants of the Cities, whom Aristagoras had deposed at the be∣ginning of the War, and desired that every one would endeavour to draw off his own Citizens. While they were using their utmost indeavour herein, Dio∣nysius the Phocian Captain, and General of the whole Ionian Navie, exer∣cising his men continually for the fight, they being unaccustomed to such di∣scipline, were after seven dayes weary of it, and pitching their tents in the Island, therein shaded themselves, and could not be got to their ships. The Samians doubting whitherto their sluggishnesse might tend, though it wis∣dom to hearken to the propositions made from the Persians by Aeaces the son of Syloson their Prince, who advised them by a timely repentance to save their estates, rather than expose themselves to the anger of the Persian, who though he were beaten at present, was able to bring another Fleet five times as big, so that their labour and danger would know no end. Their Captains therefore took occasion at the disorder of the Ionians, to deny any further obe∣dience, and, when the Phoenicians began to tow their Fleet together to fall on, they hoised up their Sails and departed. After this pattern the Lesbians and a great part of the Ionians withdrew themselves; onely the Chians stood to it, who taking many of their Enemies ships, lost more of their own, and at length fled to Land. Some of them running their Gallies on ground at Mycale, went on foot by night unto Ephesus, where the women then cele∣brating the Thesmophoria, the Inhabitants taking them for thieves issued out and slew many of them. But Dionysius having light on the Persian Gallies, retreated not home, knowing his own Country would go to wrack with the rest, but going into Phoenicia, there robbed certain ships of burthen of much wealth, and thus inriched sailed into Sicilie.

23. The Persians having thus done their work at Sea, presently laid siege to Miletus, which by undermining the walls, and using all sorts of Batte∣ries,* 1.89* 1.90 they utterly destroyed in the sixth year after the Rebellion was first be∣gun by Aristagoras. Some of those Inhabitants which survived their Coun∣try, together with the Samians, transported themselves into Sicilie; the rest being brought to Susa before Darius, he without any punishment inflicted on them, placed in the City Ampia, situated where the River Tigris falleth in∣to the Red Sea. As for their grounds, the Persians took to themselves the Champain Country, and gave the Mountainous parts to the Carians of Peda∣sus. Histiaeus seeing what was befallen Miletus with some Lesbians sub∣dued Chius easily, being weakened before,* 1.91 whence with many Ionians and Aeolians, he undertook an Expedition against Thasus; but hearing that the Phoenicians were gone from Miletus into the other parts of Ionia, he return∣ed back to Lesbus. Here his forces not trusting themselves, he went over into the Province of Atarnes, as it were thence, and from the Territories of

the Mysians adjoyning to gather forrage, where Harpagas the Persian then lying with a considerable force,* 1.92 ingaged with him in a fight at Malena, and having cut off the greater part of his men, took him alive. Being carried to Susa unto Artaphernes, they nailed his body to a crosse, and sent his head as a present to Darius, who was displeased that they had not presented him alive, and caused his head to be buried, as of a friend, and one that had Well deserved of the Persians. Now not onely Caria, but all the Islands and Cities on the continent were also recovered without much trouble: the most beautiful of the Boyes being made Eunuchs, and of the Girls sent to the Per∣sian Court. And thus the Ionians were subdued the third time; once by the Lydians, and twice by the Persians: the tributes were established by Arta∣phernes, according to Darius his former prescription, and all things setled at the cost of the revolters.

24. Two years after the destruction of Miletus, and in the 26^th of his reign, Darius withdrawing the commissions of all his late Captains, sent Mardonius the son of Gobryas, who had married his daughter Artozestra,* 1.93 with a great power to the Sea. Mardonius coming into Cilicia, sent away all his Land Forces towards the Hellespont, and passing by Sea into Ionia, there dissolved all the Tyrannies, as they were called, or powers of single men, and brought in the Democratical Government into the Cities. After this with his Fleet he subdued the Thasians, and with his Land Army other Ma∣cedonians besides them that formerly obeyed his Master;* 1.94 but loosing from Acanthus and coasting by the Mountain Athos, such a Tempest fell upon the Navie as sunk three hundred Vessels, wherein perished above 20000 men. Then quartering his Foot in Macedonia, the Thracians called Brygi, fell in upon him by night, and killing many wounded him also; whereupon, he turned his Forces upon them, and subduing them, carried back the Army into Asia. The year following Darius constrained the Thasians,* 1.95 who were ac∣cused by their neighbours of having an intention to revolt, to pull down their walls, and carry all their ships to Abdera. Then to try of what temper the Graecians were, he sent throughout Greece to demand Earth and Water. The Lacedaemonians and Athenians threw the Messengers into pits, bidding them thence to take Earth and Water to carry to their Master;* 1.96 but the Inha∣bitants of Aegina and other Islands out of fear complied, for which they were accused by the Athenian Ambassadors at Sparta, as intending with the Persians to fight against Athens. Hereupon Cleomenes one of the Kings, was sent to chastize the principal revolters, but such a contention fell betwixt him and his Colleague Demaratus about it, as ended at length in the depriva∣tion of the latter, who thus unjustly outed of his Patrimony, betook himself to Darius, by whom he was bountifully entertained.

* 1.9725. When Darius sent into Greece to demand Earth and Water, he gave order to the Cities upon the Sea-coasts to build long ships and flat bottomed boats for the transportation of Horse. The burning of Sardis by the means of the Athenians and Eretrians, was thrice every time he went to meat still sounded in his ears. Hippias the late Prince of Athens was yet provoking him against that City, and at length procured forces to reduce him into his former place. Under colour of restoring him, Darius intended, if possible, to subdue all Greece, and therefore removing Mardonius, under whom the Fleet had of late miscarried, he put in his room Datis a Mede, and Arta∣phernes his brothers son, to whom he gave in charge to lay waste Athens with Eretria, and bring the inhabitants thereof prisoners into his presence. In their passage they burnt Naxos, took some Forces and Hostages out of the Islands, and landed their Horse upon the Coasts of Eretria. They prepared to fight; but, the Enemy keeping himself within the walls, they strongly at∣tempted the storming of the City for six dayes, and on the seventh had it betrayed into their hands by Euphorbus and Philagrus, two of the princi∣pal Citizens. The Athenians hearing of their approach, sent Phidippides a famous, though ordinary Foot-post, to Lacedaemon, to desire that State to hasten their succorurs. They resolved to send aid; but said it was impossible

speedily to do it, for that they could not break the Law, which forbad them to go forth on the ninth day of the moneth Or, except the Moon was at the full. Whilst they expected that season, the Athenians made choice of ten Captains for the War, and by this time the Persians, now Masters of Ere∣tria, sailed into Attica, wherein they were conducted by Hippias, to the plains of Marathon, as most convenient for Horse. After the Athenians had taken the field, the Plataeans came in to their aid, but a great dispute there was amongst the Captains, whether they should stand to the hazard of a battel. Those that were for the Negative had carried it, but that Miltiades, who was all for fighting, drew over Callimachus one of the Polemarchi to his party. The major part of the votes then passing on his side, each Captain assigned his day to him (who had formerly been Prince of the Chersone∣sus, and thence was expelled by the Persians) committing the management of the fight to his discretion.

26. Miltiades accepted of the charge, yet thought good not to fight till his one day (which was the tenth) should be arrived. Then set he the Army in order, and being at a miles distance from the Enemy, led very fast upon him, which the Persians attributed to madnesse, seeing the other so few in comparison of themselves, and badly provided both of Horse and Arms. The fight continued long, wherein, in the middle battel the Persians put the other to flight; but in both the wings the Graecians prevailed, and turning themselves upon those that worsted their fellows,* 1.98 made great slaughter of them as far as the Sea side, where they also seized upon seven of their ships. Concerning the number of the slain, Writers do not agree. Herodotus writ∣eth of 6400 of the Barbarians, and 192 of the Graecians. On the one side fell Hippias, as Justin hath recorded out of Trogus,* 1.99 and Callimachus on the other. What year the battel was fought is not certainly known, but in the second or third of the 72 Olympiad, and four or five before the death of Darius.

27. Datis and Artaphernes returning into Persia, carried the Eretrians captive along with them to Susa, where they presented them before Darius;* 1.100 though Ctesias wrote that Datis was slain in the battel of Marathon, and that his body was denied to be restored. Darius placed the Eretrians in Anderica in Cissia, a Country so called, at 210 furlongs distance from Susa, the pos∣session whereof their posterity held a long time together with their own lan∣guage. Notwithstanding the defeat at Marathon, he left not off thoughts of conquering Greece, making all possible provision for another invasion. But in the fourth year after, more work fell into his hands; for though Diodo∣rus telleth, that the Aegyptians much honoured him as one of their Law-gi∣vers,* 1.101 they now rebelled. The year following he was provided for both Ex∣peditions, and was about to undertake them, when the custom of the Country first required that he should name his Successor. He had three children be∣fore he was King by the daughter of Gobryas, whereof the eldest Artobaza∣nes, (by others called Artemenes and Ariamenes) challenged the Kingdom by virtue of his birth-right.* 1.102 But it was judged due to Xerxes his eldest son by Mossa Cyrus his daughter, who was founder of the Empire,* 1.103 and he accor∣dingly was declared at this time; although some make this civil and loving contest betwixt the two brothers, to have happened after their Father's death, and been judged by Artaphernes their Uncle. But as Darius was about set∣ting forwards for Greece he was prevented by death, the first year after the rebellion of Aegypt ending,* 1.104 after he had reigned 36 years compleat, in the third year of the 73 Olympiad ending, before the Aera of Christ, 485. A. M. 3519.

28. Xerxes succeeded his Father in the third year of the third Olympiad,* 1.105 being the fourth King of Persia, the right to the Empire whereof he fetched from Cyrus his Grand-father by the Mother's side. He was scarce setled in the Throne,* 1.106 when Mardonius his kinsman stirred him up with earnestnesse not to give over the War which he had begun with Greece, promising to him∣self great command upon the conquest of Europe, which he made Xerxes

believe would be as readily performed as spoken. He, though ambitious enough, was not at first of himself very forward, but as it concerned him, thought first of recovering Egypt, for which all things were left in readinesse by his father, and in the year next after his death turned his forces thither with present successe.* 1.107 For, he reduced that Countrey under the yoak, which he laid heavier upon it than formerly, and committed the Government there∣of to his brother Achaemenes, who was after many years slain by Inarus the Libyan.

29. Egypt being thus fortunately recovered, he was therewith much ele∣vated, and now had resolved to follow on the War with Greece; but to hear what his Captains would say, he called them together to advise about it, to whom with vanity enough he opened his mind, and was seconded by an in∣discreet flattering speech of Mardonius, who seemed with words to be able to blast the present condition of Greece.* 1.108 His Uncle Artabanus, a grave and long experienced man, strongly urged the contrary, shewing how vain humane confidence was, how britle and instable the fortune of Princes and others, which appeared sufficiently in his fathers expedition against the Scythians first, and since that, against the Athenians: that the Greeks were not so weak a Nation he proved by the battel at Marathon, that the thing which he at∣tempted was most dangerous to be thought on again, and again, that without mature deliberation the attempt would be rash however the successe should happen; that God many times pulls down the highest things, and humbleth the haughty that trust in their own strength, by making them to fall into sudden ca∣lamities: and as for Mardonius, he chastised his youthfull and ambitious heat with a sharp reprehension, foretelling him what would be the reward of his rashnesse. But this wise Counsel could not be heard from a grave man, the ears of Xerxes being stopped by the suggestions of one more agreeable to his head-strong, and youthfull humour; so that he imputed to his Uncle basenesse of mind and cowardise, inflicting this punishment upon him for it, that staying at home he should not partake of so glorious an expedition. To this enterprize he was also stirred up by the Aleuadae, or Princes of Thessaly, who grudged at the liberties of the Greeks: by the son of Pisistratus also banished Athens, who living in his Court, abused his credulity by the help of a Wizard, or Fortune-Teller.

30. Yet not long after, considering what Artabanus had said, he changed his purpose, and calling his Council together again, after he had commended his Uncles opinion, signified the same unto them, at which all the wiser sort much rejoyced; but the thing running much in his mind, so that he was di∣sturbed in his sleep, he returned to his former resolution, and resolved on the expedition. In the preparation for it three years (Herodotus saith four) were taken up, all Asia being concerned therein so far, as to seem to be re∣moved out of its place. A Navy he provided out of all the Sea-Coasts of his Empire to the number of above 1200 Vessels, which he commanded to meet at Cuma and Phocaea; and having out of all his Provinces gathered great multitudes of horse and foot, at length he moved from Susa in the fourth year of the 74^th Olympiad, and in the fifth year (not after the Egyptian expe∣dition as Herodotus hath it, but) of his reign. All the land forces met at Critalae, with which he passed the River Halys, and came to Celaenae, a Citie of Phrygia, where Pythius the Lydian (or Bi••thynian as Pliny will have him) entertained him and his Army, & presented him with a vast summe of money, which he returned with advantage. And so at length he came to Sardis, whence he sent into Greece to demand earth and water, as Symboles of sub∣jection.* 1.109 The Navy was come to the Chersonesus by this time, which that it might shun the inconvenience which that formerly Governed by Mardo∣nius had incurred, by sayling about the Mountain, or Promontory of Athos, he caused the Mountain to be cut off from the main, by a Ditch so broad as two Vessels might sayl a breast, through which the whole Navy passed. And wintring this year at Sardis,* 1.110 he commanded a Bridge to be laid over the Hel∣lespont (a mile over, wanting an 8th part) which being shattered and broken

by a great Tempest, he took so hainously, as he commanded 300 stripes to be given the Sea, and a pair of Fetters to be cast into it in token of servitude, and causing the heads of the work-men to be cut off, ordered other Bridges to be made.

31. In the beginning of the Spring he moved from Sardis with his whole Army and came to Abydus,* 1.111 the day being turned into night by a sudden dark∣nesse (though no stars appeared) at his setting forth; with which portentous thing (being no true eclypse) Pythius, who formerly entertained him, was so terrified, that of his five sons listed in the Army, he desired the eldest, as the comfort of his old age, might be left to him, at which the King was so angry, that he commanded the young man to be cut in two, and the parts so to be laid asunder that the Army might passe betwixt them. When he was come to Abydus he had an extream desire to view all his forces, for which purpose he had an high ascent raised for him, where he also desired to see a Sea-fight, which in shew was performed, and wherein the Sidonians had the better: with the sight hereof, and all his Land forces on the shore, he was elevated into a great passion of joy, apprehending of how many thousands he was Master, and then presently again into another of weeping, the cause of which Artabanus his Uncle demanding (who had thus far accompanied him) he told him, it was in thinking that of so many thousands not a man should be alive 100 years after. Hence that wise old man took occasion to discourse to him most gravely of the vanity, and miseries of this life, and being again importuned to tell his opinion concerning the expedition, did it with the same faithfulnesse as for∣merly, after which he sent him back to Susa to Govern as his Deputy in his absence.

* 1.11232. Then prepared he for his passage into Europe,* 1.113 and having performed his Heathenish Devotions to the Sun, by one of the Bridges bending towards the Euxine, passed over his horse and foot, and by another inclining towards the Aegean, his sl••ves and beasts, seven dayes, and as many nights being taken up in the passage. The Fleet sayled Westward to the Promontory of Sarpe∣don, the Land forces marching through the Chersonesus of Thrace to Agora, and so bore down towards the Bay of Melana,* 1.114 where a River of the same name failed them in drinking, as Scamander, and several others in Asia are said to have done before. Passing over, and moving Westward they came to Doriscus, where being a vast plain watered with the great River Hebrus, there they pitched their Tents, and Xerxes mustered his whole Army, both by Land and Sea.

33. The greatest number of men it contained that ever were seen listed under the Banners of one man;* 1.115 but yet great is the variety found in Wri∣ters about the true number: Herodotus writeth of 1700000 foot, and 80000. Horse, besides Camels, and Chariots; Diodorus Siculus not half so many foot, viz. 800000. and yet what he assigns to the foot, Ctesias attributeth to the whole Army, which he writeth to have consisted of 80 Myriads, besides Cha∣riots: Justin from Trogus, and Orosius out of him, reckons 700000 men out of his own Dominions, and 300000 Auxiliaries. Aelian writeth of 700000 in all, Corneliu Nepos of 700000 foot, and 400000. (perhaps rather 40000) Horse. Pliny 788000 (for the name of Darius, Xerxes being to be read) and Isocrates agreeth with Aelian, mentioning onely 700000 in all. As for the Navy there were found 1207 beaked ships, and other Vessels for carrying of Horses, and for other uses 3000. according to Herodotus, from whom Diodorus little dissenteth as to the number of the Gallies, writing, there were found above 1200 of them, to which he addeth 850 Horse-boats, and other Vessels of burthen of 30 Oars a piece 3000. with the former agreeth Ctesias (though often dissenting) and Cicero: with the later Isocrates and Lysias. Orosias mentions 1200 beaked Gallies, and 3000 Vessels of burthen; and as for that place in Justin, which encreaseth the number of the Fleet to 10000. there is no doubt of its corruption. Herodotus by giving 200 men to every Gally, and furnishing all the other Vessels, conjectures 517610 men to have been bestowed in the whole Fleet, so that at this muster the Land and Sea-forces

being added together, with the 20000 Arabians that drove Camels, and the Libyans the Chariots, at this rate would amount to 2317610. besides slaves and others that followed the Camp.

34. Notwithstanding all this number, he commanded all the Nations in his passage, from Doriscus towards Greece, to march along with him, so that here∣by came an accession of 120 ships to his Fleet, to which giving 200 men a piece, the number will amount to 24000. and to his Land Army another of 30 Myriads, or 300000 men, as Herodotus gathereth (though Diodorus thinketh lesse something then 20 Myriads) and so the whole number of his Asian and Europaean Souldiers would on this account amount to 2641610. and yet he thinketh the number of slaves and attendants to have rather ex∣ceeded this, so that if it onely be doubled, the number of those persons that by Land came to Thermopyle, and by Sea to Sepias; amounted to 5283220. And for the number of women that baked meat,* 1.116 and of Concubines and Eu∣nuchs which followed, no man can assign them, of carriage beasts, and for the Waggons, and of Indian Dogs no man could count; so that no wonder it is that to this stupendous multitude some sorts of Rivers failed to afford drink, or that Plutarch and Isocrates should write 5000000 to have followed Xerxes into Greece; the wonder is, that no greater plague raged amongst them, that any concord could be preserved amongst so many Nations, & that provi∣sions could be procured for the preservation of the lives of so many Creatures.

35. The Graecians all this while having had intelligence, first of his de∣sign all along from Demaratus the Spartan Exile, and then of his motions, were according to their several interests variously affected. Some, as the The∣bans, and the rest of the Boeotians (except the Thespians, and them of Plataea) and many Thessalians (perswaded by the Aleuadae) and several others, out of fear, had under-hand sent earth and water, as Symboles of subjection: Ma∣ny also were uncertain in their resolutions,* 1.117 not knowing what to do. The rest meeting at the Isthmus, and consulting for the publick safety, resolved, and swore to joyn together in War against the Persians, and with United power to defend the liberty of Greece, at the present to wave all their private diffe∣rences for that purpose, and to remit the monies owing to each other; to de∣vote the tenth to Apollo, i.e. to do to death the tenth man of all those that had already given up themselves to the Enemy. The War which had often been patched up, and still brake out again, betwixt the Athenians and them of Ae∣gina, was composed. By occasion of this War the Athenians of late had strengthned themselves exceedingly at Sea, through the procurement of The∣mistocles the son of Neocles, a very wise man, who had brought the people to lay out the money, which issued out of the Golden Mines of Lauria, and was to be divided amongst the multitude man by man, upon shipping, whereby the Fleet was encreased to almost 200 sayl, and Greece came to be preserved. A∣bout the same time it hapned that the Athenians asking Counsel at Delphos, the Oracle answered, that Wooden Walls alone would be security to them; which several enterpreting several wayes, he expounded ships to be meant by it, and pressed hard, that a Sea victory was promised them at the Island Sa∣lamine, which being received by the greater part, they set themselves with all their might to the strengthning of their Navy.

36. But those of the League finding it convenient to call in the help of their friends, and Allies, sent into Sicily, Corcyra and Crete, to desire aid and assistance of the Greek Colonies against the publick Enemy; and to Argos to excite them to joyn against him with the rest of their Neighbours. But all was to no purpose; for Gelon, who then had all Si∣cily in his power, and was thought to have more ships than all the asso∣ciates put together, refused to give any aid except he might be declared Captain General of the whole Army; the Corcyraeans promised great matters, confessing their safety to be involved in that of Greece; but resolving to make use of the successe of either party, when danger threatned Greece from Xerxes they sent 60 ships, under shew of supply, but commanded the Fleet to hover about Laconia, and apply it self to Xerxes, if the Conquerour, as coming in

to his assistance, which being observed, after the fight the Officers excused themselves for being absent at the ••ight at Salamine, because the Etesian winds blowing contrary, they could not double the Cape of Malea. The Cretans very powerful at Sea put off the matter under pretence of hearing an answer from the Oracle at Delphos, whither they said they had sent: and the Argives out of hatred to the Lacedaemonians, proposed such conditions as could not be admitted, and afflicted them sore with the rest of the associates.

37. The Athenians then and Lacedaemonians being most ingaged (against whom the design of the Persian was most bent) applied themselves with all their might to make resistance. Xerxes being about to passe over into Europe, the Thessalians sent ••o them, demanding help to secure themselves, or else being unable to stand out they must yield. The Council General at that time being assembled in the Isthmus, thinking it wisdom to withstand him at the first entry into Greece, rather than to defend it in broken parts, sent present∣ly away by Sea 10000 men into Thessalia, under conduct of Evenetus a Spar∣tan, and Themistocles the Athenian, who in conjunction with the Thessalian Horse, at the River Peneus, flowing betwixt the Straights of Ossa and Olympus, might hinder the passage of the Persians; but after they came there, it being shewed to them to be but a vain thing there to oppose themselves against so great a multitude, especially seeing there were other passages into Thessalie, by Alexander King of Macedonia, they returned back again to the Isthmus, and the Thessalians thus forsaken, gave themselves up to the Persians. Af∣terwards the Council again deliberating what should be done, resolved to seize upon the Straights of Thermopylae, which are the only passage out of Thessalie into Greece, and better to be maintained by far than the other, and concluded on sending 6000 Foot thither under command of Leonidas the valiant King of Sparta. Sea matters were committed to the care of the Athenians and Aeginaetans especially, and it was resolved, that the Fleet should sail to the Artemisian shore, towards the North part of the Island Euboea, and not far from the Straights. Xerxes drawing near, this was done accordingly, both as to Land and Sea Forces; but the Navy receiving an Alarm, through a mis∣chance of three of it's ships, retreated into the Straights betwixt Euboea and Boeotia, where Euripus floweth betwixt Chalcis and Aulis; but understanding of a great Wrack suffered by the Persian Fleet, wherein by tempestuous wea∣ther were lost 400 Vessels, with a great multitude of men, and much trea∣sure, it returned back after a few daies; in the mean while Xerxes drew down with his innumerous multitudes to the Straights.

38. He sent before a Spie to look how Leonidas and his men behaved them∣selves, who bringing him word how he found the Spartans, who then kept watch, exercising themselves in gymnick games, and dressing their heads as on some Festival, he demanded of D••maratus their Country-man the reason thereof. He told him they were fully resolved to die for their Country, and ready to fight it out to the last man, if need required, whereat he derided him as before when he spake of the valour of his Country-men, thinking they would be so skared at his multitudes, as not to dare to come to hand-strokes. But finding no such matter, but Demaratus his words to be true, on the fifth day after, he commanded a party of Medes to fall upon them, who being with great slaughter repulsed, he sent his Band of Persians, which being in∣vincible as he thought, he named immortal, and they, though wanting no cou∣rage under the eyes of the King, who from an high throne beheld the fight, came off with the same successe; whereat he was astonished, grew melan∣choly, as being now sollicitous for his whole Army. The next day the fight was renewed, but with the same successe, great slaughter being made of the Persians, so that the way being more narrow by the carkeises, there was no room for a multitude to fight, which being driven one upon another, the con∣fusion and consequently the slaughter was the greater. At this Xerxes was struck with great consternation, not knowing what to do.

39. There was one in the Army, a Trachinian, named Epialtes or Ephialtes (as Pausanias writeh it) who understanding his trouble went to him, and of∣fered

to shew a way over the Mountains, by which, though with much diffi∣culty, he might send a Party to come about,* 1.118 and fall on the backs of the Grae∣cians. Being cheared with this, he sent as many as shewed themselves most forward, with him, under the command of Hydarnes, who passing over the River Asopus, got in the dark of the night up into the Mountain, where beating down the Guard of Phocians which there watched, they began to come into the more plain and easie way, when the thing was carried by some fugitives to the Graecians. They were stricken with great terror at the report, all but Leonidas with his Spartans, who for that the Lacedaemonians were told by an Oracle, that they must either lose their City or one of their Kings,* 1.119 was very readie to abide to the utmost. Wherefore he willingly gave way to his associates to depart, bidding them to reserve themselves for the better con∣dition of their Country, who all presently falling off, except the Thespians, and such Thebans as the rest of the Graecians had forced thither, not so much to help them, as to keep them as Hostages; with them and his 300 Spartans he prepared himself to fight with a mind devoted already to death. When the Sun was up, and the Persians not yet got down, those resolute Grecians passing the Straights to redeem their lives at deerer rates, fell in upon the multitudes of their enemies, with which being compassed about, they were all cut off, with Leonidas, except such as retiring back into the Straights took an hill, and fighting valiantly with those Persians whom Epialtes had led down upon them, sold their lives as their fellows at a deer rate; 20000 of Xerxes his Army with this handful of men being slain. The Thebans alone lifted up their Targets beg∣ging quarter, crying out they were brought thither against their wills, and that they were Xerxes his Subjects, yet were they slain, or being taken were stig∣matized for disgrace. The body of Leonidas being found was nailed to a crosse. These things hapned at Thermopylae in the middle of Summer, while some of the Graecians in Peloponnesus were celebrating the games of the 75^th Olym∣piad, in the beginning of it's first year, wherein Callias was Archon at Athens, as we are told from Diodorus Siculus, of whose history digested according to the years of their solemnities, that part now extant beginneth with this Expe∣dition; at which time also Philosophy was translated out of Ionia to Athens by Anaxagoras the Clazomenian, Scholar to Anaximenes the Milesian,* 1.120 who now being twenty years old began to professe it in that City, way being made for Learning there by the Library collected through the industrie of Pisistratus.

40. Xerxes having now had experience of what Demaratus had said to him, asked his advice for carrying on the War: being in great doubt what to do, after he had heard how they of Sparta were able to arm well-nigh 8000 men of such temper as the former; and that the other Lacedaemonians ••hough inferior to those were very valiant. Demaratus being of this opinion, that all the Land-forces would assemble together at the Isthmus, to defend that entrie into Peloponnesus, advised him to send 300 ships well manned to spoil the Country of Laconia, thereby to keep the Lacedaemonians and their neighbours entangled at home, whilst having subdued the rest, he might after∣wards fall upon them, who would be then too weak of themselves to sustain his power: he farther also advised, that 300 Vessels should seize upon Cy∣thera the Island, which lying near the Coasts of Laconia, might serve as a place of retreat or randezvouze for their own security, and endamaging of the Enemy; Chil••n the Lacedaemonian having been wont to say, that it were better for them to have it drowned in the Sea, than to stand so as it did for their disadvantage. But Achaemenes the brother of Xerxes stifly impugned this advise, lest by the severing of the Fleet after such losse by the Tempest, they might prove too weak for the Graecians at Sea; and to this out of fear, the King submitted, hoping his Land-Army and Fleet should stand each the other in good stead, both holding one course, and not lying far asunder.

41. The Fleet of the Graecians stood all this while at Artemisium,* 1.121 as a bullwark to Euboea, commanded by Eurybiades the Lacedaemonian, to whom the Athenians for quietnesse and safety gave place. But now the Pelopon∣nesians

having every one an eye upon his own Country, longed to go farther into Greece, and were onely staied by the cunning of Themistocles, till such time as the Euboeans could secure their wives and children, with the princi∣pal of their goods. In the mean time the Persians thinking to incompasse them, sent 200 sail to come behind about the Island, they lying in the Straights betwixt it and the Main. They had knowledge of this devise, and not ignorant of the losse sustained by the Persian Fleet in the last tempest, set sail at mid∣night, and met these 200 ships with a counter-surprise, took and sunk thirty of them, and forced the rest to take the Sea, where by foul weather they were driven upon the Rocks, and all cast away. The news of this was brought to the Graecians by 53 Athenian ships, sent in to encrease the Fleet, which doub∣led the joy thereof, so that elevated with new hopes, they set next day upon some Cilician ships, which were severed from the rest of the Fleet, and dam∣nifying them much, returned to Artemisium.

42. The Persians taking this in great indignation, and fearing the anger of Xerxes, resolved to redeem their credit with some notable exployt, and for that purpose the next day in the form of a crescent invaded the Graecians. They cheerfully gave them battel, and the fight indured from noon till night, ending with equal losse to both parties.* 1.122 For though more of the Persian Vessels were lost, yet, the lesser damage fell as heavy upon the other, which being smaller could lesse bear it, though they fought most manfully for their Liberty and Country, the Athenians deserving best amongst them, and amongst the Athenians, Clinias the Father of Alcibiades, a famous man in the next Age. Amongst the Persians the Aegyptians fought most stoutly; and these things hapned at Sea those same three daies in which the Land-action was at Thermopghylae, in both the Straights the Greeks endeavouring to hinder the Enemies accesse into their Country. But shortly after they had in∣telligence by one sent out on purpose, what was become of Leonidas and those with him, they would needs depart from Artemisium, and draw their Navie, much battered in the former Fights, more inwards and nearer home. Themistocles seeing their resolution, before they weighed Anchor, perswaded them to kill up the Cattel of the Euboeans, and bring the meat on shipboard,* 1.123 rather than to leave them a prey to the Enemy, and engraved upon stones upon the shore, and at the watering-places, where he knew the Ionians would come, an exhortation to revolt to the Greeks, and side with their Mother-Country, or else stand neutral in the fight, or fight coldly. This he hoped would either prevail with them, or at least render them suspected with the Persian.

43. From Artemisium they sailed to the Coast of Attica, and at the desire of the Athenians took up their harbour at the Island Salamine: the Persian Fleet removed to Artemisium and the Coast adjoyning to Histaeotis. Xerxes now having passed the Streights of Thermopylae, marched through the Country of Doris into Phocis, which being forsaken of it's Inhabitants he wasted, and when he came to Panopaea a Town thereof, he divided his Army into two parts. With the one he invaded Greece, and the other he sent to rifle and burn the famous Temple of Delphos, but, as it's said, this party was almost wholly destroyed without humane help,* 1.124 by Thunder and Lightning, and two Rocks, which breaking off from the Mountain Parnassus, overwhel∣med it: those that escaped were generally killed by the Phocians, who ha∣ving fled into the Mountain for fear of Xerxes, fell upon them; so that few remained and escaped to their Friends in Boeotia. Xerxes now marched through Boeotia the Country of his allies into Attica, with intention to do his utmost against the City of Athens it self.

44. In the mean time the Graecian Fleet lying at Salamine, though strengthned with a new accession of ships at the Coast of Traezene, could hardly be con∣tained there; for every one being sollicitous for his own Countrey, and de∣spairing of Attica, and the rest of Greece without the Isthmus, was busie in fortifying it, and laboured thither to bring the Navy, whence there might be a safe retreat into Peloponn••sus if need were; This the Athenians understand∣ing,

were sore troubled, as having justly expected that the Peloponnesians would joyn with them, and the rest of the associates in defending Attica, as they had fought for them at Artemisium; but making the best use of it they could, begged of them so long to stay there till they could provide some way for themselves.* 1.125 Having obtained this, they published an Edict by the procure∣ment of Themistoc••es (who improved the Oracle formerly mentioned to this purpose, and invented other devices) that all fit by age should come aboard, and transport their wives & children out of the Citie, with their slaves, & what they could, which was done, most carrying them to Traezene, where they were kindly entertained: and that Aristides, a man famous for wisdom, justice, and integrity, but lately banished for a time by the Ostracism, by the potent fac∣tion of Themistocles, might return home;* 1.126 by the same procurement another Order was made to recall all such as were so banished, that they might now in time of need serve their Countrey, and out of fear lest they should joyn themselves to the Enemy.

45. In the Fleet now at Salamine were 358 armed ships, besides other vessels of lesse importance, of which 180 were provided and furnished by the Athe∣nians, 161 onely by the Lacedaemonians, the Corinthians sent 40. the inha∣bitants of Aegina 30. which were notable for swiftnesse, the Megarians 20. they of Chalcis furnished as many, having the Vessels of the Athenians: the rest were supplied in lesser numbers by the Chians, Naxians, Melians, and Seriphians Islanders. Whilest the Officers were in Council about the place of battel, news came that the Enemy was entred Attica, wasting all with fire and sword: for having in Boeotia burned the Towns of the Thespians, and Pla∣taeans, who had forsaken their habitations, he hasted into Attica, where con∣suming all things, he entred Athens three moneths after he had passed over his forces into Europe. The Castle some few who would not leave their an∣cient seat held out to the last, and were all put to the sword, having refused quarter upon a vain confidence of the Oracle, that the Citie should be de∣fended with wooden Walls, and thinking they fulfilled the same by fortify∣ing themselves with Boards and Pallisadoes: the Temple of Minerva in the Castle he burnt to ashes. The message being brought, the Captains departed every man to his ship, decreeing nothing, and all the rest of the Peloponnesians determined to sayl to the Isthmus.

46. This resolution might have proved fatal to all Greece,* 1.127 had it not been prevented by the wisdom of Themistocles, who being stirred up by Mnesi∣philus of Athens followed Eurybiades the Admiral into his ship, and obtained of him again to Assemble the Council. Here he overcame him by his mild∣nesse, who lifting up his Rod in an heat to strike him, he bade him strike so he would but hear. When he came to speak of staying at Salamine, one Adi∣mantys upbraided him with the losse of his Countrey, saying, It was not fit that such an one should give Counsel to them that had theirs remaining to them; to whom he boldly replied, that though they, the Athenians, had left their houses▪ and vvalls, dead things, and not to be valued at their liberty, yet they had a Citie left them, than which there was none greater in Greece, viz. 200 ships, which as yet was present, and ready to help their associats; but if they would depart, and betray them, he would have them know they should presently hear that the Athenians had both a free Citie and Territories as good as that they had left, meaning Siris, a Town in Italy, in their power: Eurybiades hearing this, and fearing to be deprived of the Athenian Fleet, so necessary for their support, inclined to his opinion, insomuch that the Grae∣cians resolved to stay, and prepared themselves for the fight; but the Per∣sian Fleet drawing down to Phalerus the Athenian Port, and the Land army to the Sea-side, the Peloponnesians were so afrighted thereat, that having all their minds upon the Isthmus, the advise of Themistocles was not at all re∣garded, and they resolved to weigh Anchors, and to be gone that night, and notice hereof was given to the Mariners.

47. For now Xerxes his Fleet was drawn down so repaired, and increased by a new Accession of ships, that it was altogether as considerable as before

the shipwrack at Sep••as, and taking all Nations as he passed along with them, his Land Army contained as great a number as heretofore at Thermopylae. The King came down from Athens to Phalerus the Port, and called a Council to deliberate what should be done. All the Captains were for a Sea-fight, the Kings of Tyre and Sidon being first asked their opinions by Mardonius; onely a woman, Artemisia Queen of Halicarnassus, a wise and valiant wo∣man, who had followed Xerxes in this expedition with five ships, with grave and important arguments disswaded a Sea-fight, and advised him to enter Peloponnesus with his Land Army, for thereby he would presently dissolve the Greekish Fleet, and finish the War. Though this advice followed would have been enough, and Xerxes could not but commend it, yet the major and worse part carried it, and it was resolved to fight the Graecians out of hand at Sala∣mine. The Anchors then were weighed, and the Fleet made thitherwards; but night coming on suffered them not that day to reach the Island.

48. At this time were the Peloponnesians ready to depart homewards,* 1.128 and thereby the Estate of Greece to be ruined, by their breaking their united power, and reducing themselves into their particular and inconsiderable con∣ditions, had not Themistocles, born for the preservation of his Countrey, re∣lieved it by his wisdom in its great necessity. There was one Sicinus a Per∣sian, who, taken prisoner, was a great lover of Themistocles, and taught his Children. Him he sent privately to the King, to tell him, that he preferring his good before that of the Graecians, gave him now first to understand that they were about to fly, and advised him not to suffer it, but prevent them, and set upon them whilest they were disordered, and the Fleet was severed from their Land Army. Xerxes gladly hearing the message, as believing it to proceed out of Themistocles his affection to him, communicated it to his Of∣ficers, and whilest the rest could be furnished with Souldiers, sent 200 ships about the Island to block up the Straights, so that none of the Enemies might escape. Themistocles communicated what he had done to Aristides, who ap∣proving of it, went to perswade the Greeks to fight, when presently, whilest theit minds hung in suspense, came a ship of Tenedos from the Persian Fleet, and acquainted them with what was done in the Straights, so that necessity compleated what was but half effected by the speech of Ari∣stides.

49. Then prepared they themselves unanimously to the battel.* 1.129 Themisto∣cles made a speech unto them, wherein he shewed where their concernments lay, exhorting them to fight manfully for their Countrey and Liberty; for their Parents, Wives, Children, and whatsoever was dear to them, with which being provoked they applied themselves to their ships, and put forth the Fleet into the Main. Xerxes placed himself on an high Throne to be∣hold the fight over against Salamine, and had some with him to write down the particulars thereof. A bloudy fight was fought with great earnestnesse on both sides, the one fighting under the eyes of their King, who marked every pas∣sage, and accordingly was affected, and the other for as much as could be dear to them in so dangerous a condition. Herein the Greeks had the advantage, that they were more exercised in Sea matters, and having all they had lying at the stake, they did it with the more earnestnesse, and in that they fought with greater order: the Persian with so great a multitude of ships, fought in disor∣der, and hindred one another, and if the Vessels sunk were all lost, whereas their Enemies by their skill in swimming saved themselves. At length their Ionians, sollicited as was said, by little and little withdrawing themselves from the fight,* 1.130 the rest, what by that discouraged, and overcome by the pertinacious valour of their enemies, began to fly; the Athenians pressing hard upon them, and destroying many of their ships; of such as fled towards Phalerus, many were intercepted by the Aegenaetans, the Emulators of the other in deserving well of Greece; such as escaped them, and got to the Port, thence withdrew themselves to the Land Army.

50. Of all the Graecians the Athenians and Aeginaetans deserved best, and amongst them Themistocles, the Captains of the Fleet each one, when upon

their Oaths they pronounced who merited most, naming him after themselves. Amongst the Persians the valour of Artemisia the Queen was most conspi∣cuous, acknowledged by Xerxes himself, who thereupon said, that his men were turned women, and women became men: she was saved as it hapned, and escaped to Phalerus. Many Noble Persians fell, amongst the rest Ariabignes the Kings brother, few of the Graecians. Xerxes exceedingly discouraged with this great losse, considered of his safe retreat out of Europe, fearing the I∣onians might break the bridge laid over the Hellespont; yet that he might colour any such intention, he began a new project by casting earth into the Straights, to joyn the Island Salamina with the Continent. But Mardonius understand∣ing his temper, and bethinking himself in what case he himself might stand for being the first adviser to the War, went to him, and extenuating the losse, the Land Army being left intire, at length proposed to him, to leave to him 300000 men, with which he would engage to revenge him upon Greece, and reduce it all under his power, if he pleased to depart himself into Asia, being nothing tainted in honour for that things had not so well succeeded in this encounter, because the miscarriage was procured by the Cowardise of the Egyptians, Phoenicians, Cilicians, and others no better than slaves, the Persians having gallantly enough behaved themselves, and he, their Prince, having sub∣dued already the greater part of Greece, and taken Athens it self, against which the War was principally intended.

51. He liked very well the motion, but still dissembled the matter, answer∣ing, he would refer it to his Council, which he accordingly called, and asked the advice particularly of Artemisia. She approved of Mardonius his Coun∣sel, for that if he should subdue Greece it would be to the Kings advantage, and if he miscarried it would be no disgrace to him, who in his own person had accomplished the main design of the expedition, in taking, and wasting Athens; he was pleased therewith, sent her beforehand away with his sons he had brought with him, and gave liberty to Mardonius to make choice of what, and how many Forces he pleased; all this being done the same day with the fight at Salamis. The night following in great fear and disorder the Fleet loosed from Phalerus, and fled amain towards the Hellespont, which the Grae∣cians seeing, persued them as far as Andros one of the Cyclades, and took in there, for that they could then no more discern them, and that Island had been of the Persian faction. Here it being debated in the Council of Officers whe∣ther the Enemy should be any further persued, Eurybiades the General, for several grave and urgent reasons, disswaded it, a Bridge being rather to be laid for him, insomuch that he convinced the rest, and Themistocles, who as He∣rodotus saith, was formerly for the persute, or else dissembled, for that which followed, changed his mind, and restrained the Athenians.

52. And further foreseeing that through their inconstancy,* 1.131 & known ingra∣titude, he might have cause in time to come to use friends, that now he might make one of Xerxes, and therein also further provide for the good of his Countrey, he betook himself to his wonted craft and policy. He dispatched away to him his former trusty Messenger, to acquaint him how carefull he was for his safety, in disswading the Graecians from persuing him, and to advise him by all means to make towards the Hellespont, ere the Bridge should be broken down, which he thought would be within a small time. He being much afrighted hereat retreated presently with all his Forces the same way he came, into Thessaly, where delivering to Mardonius 300000 men picked out of the whole Army, and setling other matters, with a small and obscure train fittest for haste (all the rest being commanded to follow) he hasted through Macedonia and Thrace to the Hellespont, where he arrived after 45 dayes. Here, whether he found the Bridge whole, and so passed over it, or (what the Graecians have believed) broken in pieces by Tempests, and so passed over obscurely in a fishers Boat, observable is the great change upon him, who with so great pride had formerly beaten the Sea, and cast Fetters into it. His Ar∣my following was a great part consumed by the plague, famine, and other casualties, so that the fowls of the aire continually followed it, the way be∣ing

full of carkeises. Being shipped also over to Abydus, very many died by intemperate use of diet, and drinking too much in the dysenterie, where∣with they were sorely grieved. Those that remained, by slow journies reach∣ed to their King lying at Sardis.

53. Artabazus, a man of prime note amongst the Persians, accompanied Xerxes to the Hellespont, with a partie of 60000 men taken out of Mardoni∣us his Army,* 1.132 who finding at his return the Inhabitants of Potidaea in Mace∣donia to have revolted, fearing the Pallenians round about would do the same, and suspecting also Olynthus, which then was inhabited by the Bottiae∣ans, he besieged both Towns, of which the latter he took, and killing the Towns-men gave it to one Critobulus of Chalcis to govern, after which, they of that place inhabited it. He then more strongly besieged Potidaea, but after three moneths having layn before it to no purpose, many of his men being lost in the Sea, which broke in with an unusual Tide, he rose up and departed to Mardonius, who, for that Winter was at hand, had taken up his quarters in Thessali, and the adjoyning places of Macedonia, The Persian Fleet being re∣turned to the Coast of Asia, wintred at Cumae, for the greatest part, onely some ships at Samos, whither in the Spring they all sailed, being increased to the number of 300 by the addition of the Ionians, on whose Coast now they lay to keep them in obedience, being little desirous of sailing any more Westward, for the experience they had lately had of the Graecians at Salami∣na, and being in as little fear of their coming to them, whom they expected to be kept in awe, so as not to stir far from home, because of Mardonius.

54. They stirred not about providing any Land-forces wherewith to oppose Mardonius; but very busie they were at Aegina in rigging their Fleet, over which Leutychides King of Sparta (issued from Procles, and put into the place of Demeratus,) was made Admiral: Xanthippus Father to Pericles being General of the Athenian Fleet, which contained the most ships. Whilst they abode here, came six men from Chios, who having conspired against Strathes their Tyrant, upon discovery of the plot, fled, beseeching them that they would undertake the freeing of Ionia; and so far they prevail∣ed, as to get them to Delus; but no further would they go, because unac∣quainted as yet with the affairs of Asia, they feared the Persians, so that both parties stood in awe of each other.

* 1.13355. Mardonius thinking of his promise made to his Master, consulted the Oracles, but they refusing to answer, he sent Alexander King of Macedonia, now in great grace with the Persians, through the marriage of his Sister to Butaris, in ambassage to the Athenians, to take them off from the society with the rest of Greece. He knew they gave the most mortal blows in the battel at Salamina, and thought, that if they could be taken off, the rest would be conquered with little or no difficulty. The fame of this Ambassage flying abroad, came to Sparta, which netled the Lacedaemonians, and made them with all speed to dispatch away Ambassadors of their own, to prevent the alliance so dangerous to all Greece, and the Athenians refused to give au∣dience to Alexander, till they were arrived, that they might also be present thereat. Alexander told them how Xerxes had given order to Mardonius to signifie to them how willing he was to remit what was past, to restore them their Territories, and more than them if they would, to leave them to their own freedom, and repair up their Temples at his own charges, if they would enter into a league of amitie with him, otherwise they could not be ignorant how great inconveniencies they drew upon themselves from so potent a Prince, able to send other Armies if they now with Mardonius should be overthrown: to these things spoken as from Mardonius, the Ambassador ad∣ded as a friend, not to let slip such an oppoptunity. After him the Ambas∣sadors of Sparta spoke, and shewed how unworthy a thing it would be for the Athenians of all others, to forsake the publick cause, they having been the causers of the War, and their Ancestors been so renouned for setting others at liberty, wherefore they hoped that they would not be accessary to the slavery of all Greece. Their answer was to Alexander, that so long as the Sun should

hold his course, they would never enter into alliante with Xerxes, but resist his forces with their own; and him they desired, whom they respected as a friend, not any more to bring such an unwelcome message, lest he might suf∣fer something from the angry people. To the Spartans they answered to this pur∣pose: That they would never any of them as long as they lived enter into con∣federacy with the Persian; they thanked them for their kind offer to main∣tain their wives and children in case of necessity, which they hoped they should not have much cause to need, so as to be troublesome to them, and de∣sired them to hasten away to them their supplies, for that they thought the Barbarian would not lose time after the report of their answer, but pre∣sently invade them; and they thought it most convenient to meet him in Boeotia.

56. Mardonius having received this answer from Athens,* 1.134 in great wrath marched thitherwards out of Thessalie. When he came to Thebes, the In∣habitants advised him to go no farther, for that he should never subdue Greece united together, but stay there in a commodious place, and corrupt with mo∣ney those that were most prevalent in each City, whereby he might divide the Graecians into factions, and so easily mastering the dissenters, subdue the whole Country. But he not hearkening to this advice, proceeded, hoping by fires made in the Islands, to give notice to Xerxes still lying at Sardis, that he was again got into Athens, which the Inhabitants upon his approach, and the Peloponnesians deferring to send their succors, again quitted and departed to Salamine. He entered Athens the tenth moneth being now compleated after Xerxes had the possession of that City, and having so done, sent to Sa∣lamine to the owners of it, once more offering them the same conditions he had formerly proposed by Alexander of Macedonia, hoping, that upon this extremity to which they were once again reduced, they might change their stubbornnesse for a more complying disposition.

57. But they were so far from harkening to what he offered, that they stoned one Lycidas a Senator, for saying it deserved to be taken into conside∣ration, and to be proposed to the whole body of the people, and his wife and children were used in the same manner by the women. Then sent they (together with the Megarians and Plataeans) seriously to expostulate with the Lacedaemonians for the non-performance of their promise, whereby their Country was again exposed to the will and pleasure of the Enemy, and plainly to tell them, that except their associates would better stand to their word, and dispatch away their succours in time, they must needs provide for themselves apart, for as much as yet a way was open for their entry into confederacy with the common Enemy. The Ambassadors found them celebrating annual games, and understood that the Peloponnonesians were onely intent upon their perfecting the wall at the Isthmus, having no regard at all to them, whereof they highly complained to the Ephori. They promised them an answer the next day, but deferred from day to day, until after ten dayes the wall of the Isthmus was perfected.

58. After this time came a man of Tegea to them, and blaming them for their neglect of their allies, convinced them of the vanity of the wall, in case the Athenians should joyn with Mardonius, for they could with ease convey him otherwise than by the Isthmus into Peloponnesus, wherewith being startled, in the dead time of the night, and without privity of the Ambassa∣dors, they sent out 5000 men besides 7000 of the Heilots or publick Slaves, under the conduct of Cleombrotus Tutor to Plistarchus the young King. In the morning the Ambassadors came again to them expostulating as before, whereto the Ephori answered, that their succours were already on their way, whom then the other understanding the matter, followed, and with them other 5000 gathered out of the places bordering upon Sparta. Mardonius having intelligence how things went in Peloponnesus from the Argives,* 1.135 who all this while were of his party, was something abashed, having till now had some hopes of the Athenians their compliance, for which rea∣son he had spared their Territories. But now he destroyed all he could both

in City and Country, and forsaking Attica as a Country dangerous to his Ar∣my, by reason of the unevennesse of the ground, and hard to be quitted so∣dainly in time of danger, he returned into Boeotia a Champain Country, and in alliance with him, where in the Territories of the Thebans he pitched his Tents at the River Asopus, bringing much dammage to his friends round about, in taking up such things as were but necessary to the sustenance of his Army. The Spartans in the mean time lying at the Isthmus, the other Pe∣loponnesians after their example came also thither, whence they marched to Eleusine. Thither came the Athenians from Salamine, and joyned with them, whence they followed Mardonius into Boeotia, and sate down over against his Camp at the foot of the Mountain Cithaeron.

59. The Greeks brought into the field 11 Myriads or 110000, according to Herodotus, from which number(a) 1.136 others take the odd thousands, and make them just 100000. The number of the Persian Army Amounted to 30 Myriads or 300000, besides the Greek Auxiliaries, which he conjectureth to have been about five Myriads more; the 300000 are owned by Plutarch, another(b) 1.137 numbereth but 200000 Foot, & 20000 Horse, but Diodorus on the contrary saith, that besides these Forces drawn out of Xerxes his Army, Mardonius had out of Macedonia and Thrace, and the associate States, about 20 Myriads, and that his whole Army contained 50 Myriads or 500000 men. Mardonius when the Graecians were encamped,* 1.138 sent a partie of his Horse to assail them, which objecting cowardise to them, and provoking them, very light skirmishes ensued, wherewith the Megarians were sore put to it, being on dis∣advantagious ground, but being relieved by 300 stout Athenians, all others refusing, a sharp encounter followed, in which Masistius who commanded the Party of the Persians was slain. A great contest followed about the body, the Persians labouring with all their might to redeem it, all the Persian Horse coming in to the quarrel, and then the whole Army of the Graecians; but at length they were fain to return without it, and it was caried in triumph about the Greekish Camp. This as it brought great sorrow to the Persians, so the o∣ther were much elevated in their minds thereby, and removed their Camp into the Territories of Plataeae, whither Mardonius also followed them, and encam∣ped over against them, both parties neglecting to fight (onely excepting such Skirmishes as was made by the Persian Horse) for ten dayes.

60. On the eleventh, it being palpable that the Greekish Army daily wasted, by the revolt of many of their Countrymen, and yet that the Persian groaned under it's own burthen, Mardonius called a Council of his Officers to consult what was to be done. Artabazus the son of Pharnaces, a man of great Nobility, and an emulator of the General, contended with him, urg∣ing that the best was to decline the fight, and march to Thebes, where they might have plenty of provision, here wanting, and whence by sending money into the principal Cities of Greece (according to the advice formerly given by the Thebans) they might dispatch the War with ease. But Mardonius be∣ing more hot and earnest, thinking his Army to be for the present stronger than the Enemy, resolved to fight, not suffering himself by any perswasions to be removed from his purpose, for that because of his authority the rest durst not contradict it, and it was resolved to fall on the next morning by break of day. Notice hereof was given by Alexander the Macedonian to the Athe∣nians, who advised them in case Mardonius should not fight to stay it out; for the Persians were straightned for provisions. The Athenians bring this news to Pausanias the General, who being something struck therewith, he desired them to change places, because they were better acquainted with the Persian manner of fighting since the battel at Marathon, and the Spartans were more used to the Thessalians and Boeotians now opposed to the Athenians; they soon condescended hereunto, but Mardonius having notice of it, made his Persians change place with the Boeotians and the other; and though Pau∣sanius again reduced his men into the former place, yet was neither this hid from Mardonius, who still to prevent him did the like.

61. Mardonius upon this sent and upbraided Pausanias and his Spartans

with cowardize, especially seeing he had made a challenge to fight with them with his Persians, either a certain number of each, or all together, both which were refused. Then sent he his Horse upon them, which with darts sore troubled the whole Army, and most of all in that it hindred the fetching of water, that the Graecians were constrained to change the place, and resolved to passe into an Island compassed about with the River, and near the Walls of the Citie, which was very convenient for watering▪ and lay also well for provisions. By night they removed, but most missing of the place went to the Temple of Juno in the high way to Plataea, and there encamped themselves, whom the Spartans being commanded to follow, much trouble arose there∣upon by the means of one Amompharetus a valiant man, who for some time would not stir with his Regiment, crying out, it was contrary to the Laconick Discipline to fly from the Enemy, and supposing Pausanias and the rest durst not forsake him. But towards morning he came off from his resolution, and so all marched to the Temple of Ceres, situate upon the River Moloe, being followed close by the Persian Horse.

62. The Sun being risen, Mardonius grievously inveighing against the cow∣ardise of the Graecians, and Artabazus for his late opinion, marched with his whole Army, as to pursue the Enemy flying, and all his Horse began sore to presse upon the backs of the Spartans and Tegeatans, joyned with them at the Chapel of Ceres,* 1.139 so that then ensued a sharp fight betwixt them, and betwixt the Athenians who came in to their succour, and such Greeks as were confederate with the Persians. The Tegeatans charged the Persian infantry, in which after much toyl and bloudshed, Mardonius fighting on a white Horse in the midst of 1000 choise men, was slain by Armnest••s the most va∣liant Spartan. After his death, his men discouraged, were slaughtred in great numbers, and put to the rout, which Artabazus seeing, shifted for himself with a party of 40000 commanded by him, and fled towards the Hellespont: the Greeks that assisted Mardonius, though nothing inferiour to their Countrey∣men for valour, were put to flight; and 300 of Thebans, who most stoutly be∣haved themselves, were slain upon the place.

63. In the mean time the Corinthians, Megarians, Phliasians, and the rest, who had taken up their station at the Chapel of Juno, hearing of the victory of their friends hasted to the place all out of order, the Corinthians over Hill and Dale the nearest way; but the rest through the plain, who were circumvented by the Theban horse, and many of them cut off. The Persians fled into their Camp, which they had fenced with a Rampire for security, whither they were followed by the Spartans, who laboured with all their might to storm the place, but were stoutly repulsed by the Defendants, till the Athenians coming in, and better exercised in such attempts, brake into the Camp. The Tegeatans followed with great violence, and took, and plun∣dred the Pavilion of Mardonius with his brasen manger, and then followed an unspeakable slaughter of the Persians, so that of those 300000 left to Mar∣donius by Xerxes, excepting those 40000. which fled with Artabazus, not 3000 remained, 100000 according to Diodorus, without mercy being put to death within the Rampire. Of the Graecians not many were slain, according to Herodotus, who reckoneth 31 Spartans, 16 Tegeatans, and 52 Athenians, mentioned at large by him;* 1.140 but Plutarch mentioneth 1360 of the Greekish Army to have been slain, and Diodorus increaseth the number to above 10000. The Mantineans and Eleans came after the victory, at which they were so ashamed, that returning home they banish'd their Captains as authors of the delay. The Conquerours thence marched to Thebes, where the inha∣bitants gave up the authors of their revolt to the Barbaridus, whom being carried to Corinth, all but Attaginus that escaped, he there put to death.

64. Whilest these things were thus done in Boeotia, the Greekish Fleet of which Leutychides the Spartan King was Admiral, harboured at the Island Delos: Hither came three Ambassadors from Samus, desiring aid against the Barbarians, and their Tyrant imposed upon them, shewing that it was most

equal that Graecians should one vindicate the liberty of another, and that this Enterprise would be without difficulty, for as much as if the Ionians did but once see their Fleet, they would revolt from the Persians, of whom such as were amongst them would either fly, or might easily be made a prey; Last∣ly, if the Ambassadors were mistrusted as not representing things according to their Commission, they offered themselves as Hostages, till the truth might be cleared. Leutychides taking an Oath of them that they came impowered from the Samians, retained Hegesistratus (because his name he took for a good omen) who had been the mouth of the rest, and sending the other two before followed the next day to Samus. The Sea-men that were there, stricken with great fear at the report of the Fleet approching, dismissed the Phoenician Vessels, and fled with the rest to the Continent, hoping to keep them safe under the protection of the 60000 Foot left on the Coasts by Xerxes to keep Ionia in obedience, over whom Tigranes was General, a man of a most proper and amiable personage.

65. The Persians having drawn their ships under the foot of the Moun∣tain Mycale, near the Temple of Ceres Eleusinian, and barricaded them with great stones, wood, and other materials, came the Graecians with their Fleet prepared for a fight. But understanding what was done, Leutychides coming near the shoar, by the voice of a cryer aloud (as Themistocles had done be∣fore) endeavoured either to make the Ionians revolt, or at least to render them suspected to the Enemy; which being done, presently he landed all his men, resolving to try the event of a Land battel. The Persians suspecting the Samians disarmed them, and sent the Milesians to keep the passages lead∣ing up into the Mountain. As the Armies were going to meet, a sudden ru∣mour was spreadabroad through that of the Graecians, that Mardonius with his forces were cut off, which elevated their spirits, and made them to charge with greater alacrity, which was also increased, for that they were now to fight at the Temple of the same Goddesse, as they heard their friends had done with Mardonius in Boeotia.* 1.141 Then charged they the Persians in a double body, the Athenians with the Corinthians and others, on the plain by the Sea-shore; the Lacedaemonians, and others joyned with them, through the mountainous and precipitous places, who whilest they were getting up, the Athenians fell on, and calling on one another to endeavour to deprive the Lacedaemonians of the honour of the victory, charged the Enemy so furiously, that at length they beat them back, and forced them into their Camp, whither also they brake in with them.

66. Hereupon ensuing a bloudy fight, all the rest fled except the Persians, who fighting with great resolution, were yet cut off and defeated upon the coming in of the Lacedaemonians and the rest. Two of the Sea Captains were slain, two escaped, and with the rest fell Tigranes, the General of the foot, and of the Greeks perished not a few. The Samians, though disarmed, and other Ionians came in and helped their friends, and the Milesians set to Guard the passages of Mycale fell down upon the Persians another way, and made great slaughter of them. So was Ionia rent from the Persian Empire again,* 1.142 and joyned to the Graecians. After this performed by Land, the Con∣querours burnt all the Persian ships in the Haven, and being inriched with great spoil returned to Samus. It was found out afterwards that this victory at Mycale was obtained on the self same day as the other at Plaetaea in Boeotia, the later in the morning, and the former at evening, which caused the wonder how intelligence could be given to these that fought at Mycale of the suc∣cesse of their Countrey-men so far of.* 1.143 This hapned often in following times as will be seen, although some have thought that no report was brought any way to the Army of the victory of Plataea, but that it was so given out on pur∣pose as a stratagem by Leutychides to animate his Souldiers, who then being wholely ignorant of any such thing, he invented that which afterwards proved accordingly. These two battels, and victories, hapned on the third or fourth day of the moneth Boedromion, in the second year after the invasion of Greece by Xerxes.

67. The Graecians lying at Samus fell into dispute about translating the Ionians, and Aeolians, out of Asia into Greece, for that they could not be al∣wayes in a readinesse to defend them, and they could not subsist of themselves;* 1.144 and the Spartans moved that those who had revolted to the Persian should be cast out, and they placed in their rooms; but the Athenians fearing to be de∣prived of the right of their Colony, which yet the Ionians acknowledging themselves, might own the rest of the associates for their patrons, upon such a change, dashed the project. Then were the Samians, Chians, Lesbians, and others, who had revolted, religiously and solemnly sworn to the observation of the league, and the Graecians departed towards the Hellespont to break the Bridge there, which when they found broken to their hands, they con∣sulted about returning home. The Athenians were for going into the Cher∣ronesus of Thrace to recover it out of the hands of the Persians, and, though the Peloponnesians returned, proceeding in their resolution went and besieged Sestus an Aeolian Town, situate in the Chersonesus, over against Abydus. Before this Town they continued till the Autumn was far spent, and then pined out the inhabitants, who forsook the Town, but were overtaken, and either slain, or made prisoners, amongst the later sort of which was Artagetes the Governour, who because he had violated the sepulchre of the Chapel of Protesilaus, a great Saint in that place, saw first his son stoned before his face, and then was hanged by command of Xanthippus the Athenian Admiral. Then returned the Navy home to Athens,* 1.145 and nothing was done further this year, which was the second of the 75 Olympiad, and the 7^th of the reign of Xerxes, of the World 3526. and before Christ the 477.

68. Xerxes all this while lay at Sardis, and thither those few that escaped from Mycale betook themselves. In the way Masistes brother to the King fell foul upon Artayntes, one of the Captains of the Fleet, amongst other reproach∣full words telling him that he had in this behaved himself more cowardly than a woman, whereupon the other drew his Dagger, and had stabbed him, but that one Xenagoras an Halicarnassean interposed himself, whom for this saving of his brother, Xerxes rewarded with the Government of Cilicia. Whilest he lay still at Sardis he fell in love with the wife of Masistes, but she being too honest for his adulterous intentions, he married her, and his bro∣thers daughter Artaynta to his son Darius, hoping to enjoy her this way, which Ceremony being over, he returns home, leaving part of his Forces to con∣tinue the War with the Graecians. In his(a) 1.146 flight he burned all the Temples of Asia except the Ephesian, out of indignation at his late bad successe, and amongst the rest the Oracle of Didymean Apollo amongst the Branchidans, who because they betrayed the Treasures of their God to him, durst not stay behind but followed him.(b) 1.147 Some say he went to Susa, others to Ecbatane, a(c) 1.148 third, that by Babylon into Persia. That in his way back from Graece he(d) 1.149 destroyed the Temple of Belus in that Citie, we also read, with all the other religious places of the Babylonians, taking away a Statue off that Wall of twelve Cubits, and all of beaten Gold, and killing the Priest who offered to hinder the removal of it.

* 1.15069. Being returned to Susa, he fell from the Mother to the Daughter too, being in love with Artaynta his Daughter-in-law, whom incestuously he used constantly. She begged of him a Coat which with much art and industry Amestris his wife had made for him. By her wearing of this the Queen knew how matters went, and thence followed the destruction of the whole house of Masistes; for on Xerxes his birth-day, when he used not to deny her any request, she asked Masistes wife to be given up into her power, vvhich he doing, she cut off her breasts, nose, ears, lips, and tongue, and in this case sent her home. Masistes inraged at this barbarous usage, conspired vvith his Children how to be revenged, and resolved to fly into Bactria, of vvhich he vvas Governour, then to stir up that Province, and the Sacae vvith vvhom he vvas very gracious, into rebellion against his brother. But Xerxes coming to the knowledge of the matter sent a party after him, vvhich cut him off vvith his Children, and all his retinue. These things hapned about a year after his

return, with which endeth the history of Herodotus the Father of history (as Cicero called him) seeing he is the most antient of all Heathen Writers now extant.

70. The same year being the third of the 75^th Olympiad,* 1.151 and the eighth of the reign of Xerxes, a year after the finishing of the Median War, so called by the Graecians, the Lacedaemonians sent Pausanias, famous for his Generalship at the battel of Plataea, to set at liberty such Greek Cities as yet were under the Persian, who accordingly with 50 Gallies set sail out of Pelo∣ponnesus, and taking 30 more out from Athens, commanded by Aristides, first went to Cyprus, where he set at liberty such Towns as were yet held by Persian Garrisons, and thence to the Hellespont, where he took Byzantium, and therein many Noble prisoners of the Persians, whom he delivered to one Gangylus an Eretrian, to be kept as he pretended, to be put to death, but indeed to restore them to Xerxes. For he sent this man secretly to the King, and bargained for his daughter to be given him in marriage to betray Spar∣ta and all into his hands. He gladly received the message, and wrote back again to him by Artabazus the son of Pharnaces whom he sent to the Sea-Coasts to hold intelligence with him, and for that purpose gave him the Go∣vernment of Dascylis, recalling Magabates who was over that Province. But Pausanias growing more insolent, hereupon was suspected, and after∣wards at length discovered, and punished for his treason, as farther is to be discovered in it's proper place.

71. In the third year of the 77^th Olympiad, and the sixteenth of Xerxes,* 1.152 Demotion beng Archon, or chief Magistrate at Athens, the Athenians made choise of Cimon the son of Miltiades for their General, and with a conside∣rable force sent him into the Maritime Coasts of Asia, with order to relieve the Associates, and set at liberty such as were still under the slavery of Persian Garrisons. He bends his course towards Byzantium, and took Eione and Scyrus, inhabited by Pelasgians and Dolopians, and divided the grounds thereof by lot; then casting in his mind greater designes, sailed back to the Piraeus, and furnishing himself with more ships, increased his Navie to the number of 200, to which he added of the associates 100 more, and with all this power sailed towards Caria. Here all the Maritime Greek Cities revol∣ted to him, and what did not, he subdued by strong hand, which having done, he sailed to Lycia, where he had the same successe, and now requiring ships to be provided by such as had joyned themselves in society with the Athenians, he thereby mightily increased his Navie.

72. The Persians now levied both a Land and Sea-Army, the former with∣in themselves, and the latter out of Phoenicia, Cyprus, and Cilicia,* 1.153 the Ge∣neral being Tithraustes the base son of Xerxes, who by some other is said to have only had command of the Fleet, and that Phaerendates was over the Land-forces, though this place by another is given to Ariomandes the son of Gobryas. Cimon having made discovery that the Persian Fleet rode nigh to Cyprus, sail∣ed thither, and with 250 ships made head against 340, whereupon ensued a sharp fight, both parties fighting with great courage and animosity, till at length the Athenians overpowerd the other, and spoiling many of their Ves∣sels, took about 100 with the men in them, the rest escaping to Land at Cyprus, the men saved themselves by flight, but the ships fell into the hands of the Graecians. Cimon not contented with this Victory, sailed towards the Land-Army of the Persians, then lying upon the River Eurymedon.* 1.154 To de∣ceive the Enemy, he put his most valiant men aboard those Vessels lately ta∣ken in the fight, adorned and clothed after the Persian fashion, so that the Persians not doubting at all but that it was their own Fleet, kindly wel∣comed these counterfeits as their friends. Hereby Cimon received as such, landed his men by night and fell upon the Enemies Camp, whence ensued great fear and tumult, his men presently killing all they meet, and amongst the rest Pheredates Nephew to the King by his brother. Of the common sort many were slain, others sorely wounded, and shortly all put to flight, yet they knew not by whom, not suspecting the Graecians to have any Land-Army

and therefore concluding themselves surprized by the Pisidians upon whom they bordered.

73. Suspecting therefore this storm to come from the continent, they be∣took themselves to their ships, and the Moon then not shining, and the night being very dark, the error was the more increased, so that not discerning any thing they ran upon their own ruine, and great slaughter was made of them on all sides. All things being thus in confusion, the Graecian General fear∣ing the straggling of his Soldiers too far for booty, according to former order, that when he set out a Light they should all come back to that place, gave out that sign by the ships, upon sight of which they withdrew themselves thither. Notwithstanding these two Victories, which in some sence seemed to excel those of Salamina and Pla••aea, being fought on the same day, yet would he add one thing more as a supplement to them.* 1.155 Understanding that 80 Phoeni∣cian ships (expected as Plutarch saith, by the Navy at Eurymedon, which was the cause why he set upon it so soon, being unwilling they should joyn) to be arrived at Hydrus, he sailed hastily thither, where as yet the news had not arrived, but now the Phoenicians suspecting the truth, and thereby discoura∣ged, he easily overcame, took and sunk all their ships, and therein the great∣est part of themselves miscarried. Hereupon ensued a certain agreement be∣twixt the King and the Graecians.

74. The next thing considerable concerning Xerxes, is his death,* 1.156 placed in the fifth year after the former transactions, by Diodorus. There was one Artabanus an Hyrcanian by birth, of great power about him, as Captain of his Guard, who consulted about making him away, and transferring the Kingdom to himself, and for that purpose inveagled Mithridates the Eunuch the King's Chamberlain, by whom being let in by night with his seven sons, they strangled him in his bed. Hee reigned 21 years, or 20 with odd moneths,* 1.157 though some there be that cut off nine years from that number.* 1.158 Their ground is, for that Themistocles the Athenian being banished his Country, came to Artaxerxes, then the new King of Persia, according to Thucydides, so that Xerxes must at that time have been dead. Now the same Author placeth this flight of Themistocles betwixt the Siege of Naxus which the Athenians subdued, and the former exploits of Cimon, so that his Expedition must have happened also not in the dayes of Xerxes as we have fixed it according to Diodorus, but in the reign of Artaxerxes his successor: and Eusebius placing the flight of Themistocles in the fourth year of the 76^th Olympiad (though Diodorus in the second of the 77^th) hence it must follow, that the beginning of the reign of Artaxerxes must be placed higher by near to nine years. The authority of that grave Author is in no wise to be despised, yet notwithstanding, this shortning of the reign Xerxes which must necessarily follow, is not agreeable to the testimony of other Writers: especially it is to be considered what difficulty will arise hereby to the Chro∣nology of the sacred story, it being most probable, that the seventy weeks of Daniel commencing in the seventh year of Artaxerxes, end at the death of Jesus Christ; which cannot be, if their beginning be to be assigned nine years higher. This may incline us to believe, that some reason Diodorus had (who could not but have opportunity to see and compare several histories) not to follow Thucydides, and make us rather subscribe to the number of years by general consent ascribed unto the reign of Xerxes.

* 1.159SECT. III. From the death of Xerxes, and the beginning of Artaxerxes Longima∣nus, to the death of Artaxerxes Mnemon, containing the space of 103 years.

1. XERXES left three sons, Darius, and Artaxerxes,* 1.160 both of them at the time of his death resident in his Court, and Hystaspes, who was absent in his Government of Bactria.* 1.161 Artabanus having murdered their Father, presently in the dead time of the night went to Artaxerxes, and made him believe that his elder brother Darius had made him away, out of ambition to reign himself, counselled him to provide for his own safety and honour,* 1.162 before he should establish himself, and offered him the guard to rid him of him, whereby he being perswaded, sent and slew his brother. When this was done, Artabanus called his sons together, telling them this was the time of obtaining the Kingdom, and drew his sword with an intention now also to kill Artaxerxes. But he being onely lightly wounded, laid so about him, that he slew him upon the place, as we have it from one; though o∣thers with more reason defer the time of Artabanus his death, to whom also seven moneths in the Empire are attributed by * Eusebius.* 1.163

2. It is probable, that for that time the treason of Artabanus not being discovered, or for some reasons winked at, he might by a Vicegerency go∣vern the Kingdom. By his means came Artaxerxes to it in his youth, a Prince of a great spirit, and yet of a mild nature, Sirnamed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Longimanus, because his right hand was longer than the other, in the fourth year of the 78^th Olympiad, or in the beginning of the 79^th, Lysitheus being then Archon at Athens. A. M. 3540, 463 years before the birth of Christ. Within a while Artabanus laid in wait for his life also, communicating his design to Megabyzus, who had married the daughter of Xerxes,* 1.164 and for her loose life was fallen into a discontent, Megabyzus swore secrecie as well as he,* 1.165 but revealed the whole matter, so that Artabanus finding not the same successe as in his other treasons, was sent the same way, and by the same means with which he intended to dispatch Artaxerxes. Now came out the whole truth concerning Xerxes and his son Darius, and Spamitres (or Aspamitres) the Eunuch, who was accessary to the murders, was tortured to death. Justin telleth us, how the King fearing the number, and power of Artabanus his Sons, commanded his Soldiers to be ready armed the next morning, both for a muster, and to exercise them. Amongst the rest appeared he according to his place, with whom Artaxerxes desired to change his coat-armour, pretending his was too short for him, which to do, he first putting his off, the King took the advantage and ran him thorow with his sword.

3. After his death, his party being strong, great troubles ensued, which en∣ded at length in the destruction thereof, three of his sons falling in fight, and Megabyzus who opposed them being sorely wounded, for whom now great lamentation was made through the Court, till at length he escaped the dan∣ger by the skill and industry of Apollonides the Physician, native of the Island Cos. The Bactrians also, according to Ctesias, revolted, with another of the King's Officers named Artabanus, who seemeth to have had some other command than over Bactria. For we are told elsewhere, that Hystaspes the son of Xerxes was Satrapas or Governour of that Province, and thence may almost conclude him to have been the principal cause of the revolt, out of in∣dignation that being the second brother, the youngest of all the three should be preferred before him. Two battels were fought in this quarrel, in the latter of which the wind being full in the faces of the Bactrians, so disturbed them, that thereby Artaxerxes became Victor, and reduced all that Coun∣try into obedience.* 1.166* 1.167 Artaxerxes having thus revenged his Father's and Bro∣ther's death, and brought Artabanus and his complices to condign punish∣ment, and recoverd Bactria, setled the affairs of his Kingdom. He took

care of his revenue, setled the Militia, displaced suspicious Governours of Provinces, and carrying all things with much moderation and Justice, gained great Authority from his subjects. In the mean while the Egyptians hearing of the death of Xerxes, and in what disturbance the affairs of the Persians were, out of desire to recover their liberty, hearkned to the Counsel and per∣swasions of one Inarus King of Libya, the son of Psammetichus, so that the greater part of the Countrey revolted, and making him their Prince, sent about to crave aid,* 1.168 and amongst others to the Athenians. They thought it their interest to impair all wayes possible the interest of Persia, and conclu∣ding it not amisse to get some footing in Egypt, resolved upon sending three hundred ships, and prepared for the setting of them forward with all earnest∣nesse. Artaxerxes hearing on the other hand how things went in Egypt, deter∣mined to overmatch the revolters in provisions for the War, and for that end levied Forces throughout his Dominions, Rigged his Fleet, and omitted nothing requisite for an expedition of that moment.

4. He thought first of going down himself, but being overruled by his friends sent Achaemenides his brother, according to Ctesias, but according to Diodorus, Achaemenes the son of Darius, and his great Uncle, with an Army of above 300000. saith Diodorus, or 400000 foot, and 80 ships, who marching as far as the River Nile there pitched his Tents, refreshed his Souldiers, and prepared all things for a battel. The Egyptians assisted by the Libyans expected the Athenian Fleet, which at length arrived, and got pos∣session of the River. Presently after this a Land battel ensued, in which, though the Persians for a time prevailed by their multitudes, yet the Athe∣nians, who were now acquainted with their manner of fighting, pressing sore upon that Wing with which they joyned, did such execution as put it to flight,* 1.169 at which all the rest out of fear betook them to their heels. Great slaughters were then made in the persute, the greatest number of the Barba∣rians fell, and the rest betook themselves to a Fort called White-wall, whither the Athenians persuing, took two parts of Memphis, and besieged them in the 3^d division called by that name, of 400000 that came into Egypt, Ctesias writeth 100000 to have been slain, and with them their Captain, killed by the hands of Inarus, whose body was sent back to Artaxerxes. That Achae∣menes the son of Darius vvas slain vvith many Persians,* 1.170 Herodotus tells us by an anticipation of the story.

5. Artaxerxes understanding what bad successe his affairs had in Egypt,* 1.171 and knowing the main blow to have been given from the Athenians, sent Megabyzus vvith a great summe of money to Lacedaemon to hire that State to make War upon them, and give them something to do at home, to di∣vert them from the assistance of his Rebels. The Lacedaemonians vvould not be bribed to fall our vvith Athens, and refused to hearken to any thing else the Ambassador offered on his masters behalf, so that he recalled him home, and gave in charge to Megabyzus the son of that Zopyrus vvho recovered Babylon to Darius, to prepare for another expedition, with whom he also joyned Artabazus, making choise of them both out of respect to their great valour, and skill in Military matters.

They by the Spring having got together an Army of (above 300000 men,* 1.172 saith Diodorus, 200000 onely saith Ctesias) marched down into Cilicia, where, and in Phoenicia they rested their men, and caused the inhabitants of these places, together with the Cyprians, to provide a Navy, which being done, to the number of 300 ships, they furnished them with the ablest Souldiers, and all sorts of Weapons, and whatsoever was requisite for a Sea-fight, and in this preparation, together with the exercising, and training of their men, spent they almost all the Summer. In the mean while the Athenians laboured to storm the White-wall wherein the Persians were besieged, but they made such effectual resistance as they kept them out all this year. When Winter was over, Megabyzus and his Colleague led down their Army through Syria and Phoenicia, the Navy Coasting all along not far off; and at length came to Memphis, where the fear of them presently loosed the siege of their Coun∣trey-men,

whom joyning to themselves they gave battel to the Egyptians and their Associates. Many fell on both sides, but most of the Egyptians;* 1.173 at length Megabyzus wounded Inarus in his Thigh, and put him to flight, who betook himself to Byblus, a Town situate in an Island of Nile, called Proso∣pitis, and with him such Greeks as had escaped the fight, after which the Egyptians returned into obedience, making their peace vvith Megaby∣zus.* 1.174

6. Megabyzus persuing them, besieged the place,* 1.175 which yet was so de∣fended that they held it out a year and six moneths in despight of him. The Athenian Fleet lay in the River before the Town, which the Persians at length considering, and how it was possible by Ditches to drain the water, and derive that course thereof another way, set about it, and so drained the Chanel that the Island was now joyned to the Main, and the ships rested on dry Land. Now Diodorus saith, the Egyptians forsook their confederates, and returned to obedience, which the Athenians understanding, and how their ships by this stratageme of the Enemy were rendred uselesse, burnt them all, and nothing afrighted with so great a danger in which they were involved, called upon one another with exhortations not to commit any thing unworthy of their former noble atchievements, so that excelling those their Countrey-men if possible, who lost their lives at Thermopylae, they resolved to fight. The Persian Commanders seeing their courage, and considering their own losses al∣ready great, having lost many thousands, though they had recovered the Island, yet gave them these terms to return with safety out of Egypt. Their number being something above 6000. they returned home by Cyrene above their ex∣pectations, having consumed six years in this War to no good purpose, Inarus taken and Crucified; Artaxerxes then recovered all Egypt except some fenny parts, near which Amyrtaeus reigned, who by reason of the difficulty of the place, and the fiercenesse of the people, could not be reduced into order.

In the mean time, whilest the Athenians travelled homewards,* 1.176 came 50 ships more to their relief, which being utterly ignorant of what had passed, took up their harbour at Mendesium, one of the mouths of Nile. Here they were set upon by the Persians on Land, and the Phoenicians by Sea, and lost most of their Vessels, a few onely escaping home, and such was the end of this expedition of the Athenians with their associates into Egypt.

7. Artaxerxes in the seventh year of his reign made a decree in the be∣half of the Jews, that whosoever of them would,* 1.177 might go up with Ezra to Jerusalem and inhabit it. He and his Counsellors contributed much Trea∣sure, and gave them liberty to Collect what they could, and commanded his Treasurers beyond the River Euphrates to furnish him yearly with what he wanted, as far as 100 Talents of silver, 100 measures of Wheat, 100 Baths of Wine, 100 Baths of Oyl, and Salt without measure, for the sacrifices and other uses, according to the discretion of Esra. He commanded that all things should be done according to the mind and will of the God of heaven, lest his anger might break out against the Kingdom of him and his sons: the Priests and Levites he made free from all impositions, and gave power to Esdras to constitute Judges and Governours over the people, for the setlement of the Politie or Commonwealth.

8. Now though here in this Edict be no expresse mention of repairing the Walls of Jerusalem, or of the Request of Esra in that behalf, yet is it probable enough that he would desire it, because of the often incursions of their Enemies, the Samaritans, and others, neither could their habitation in the Citie be secure, nor the work of the Temple go on with safety: and in what could all that Treasure be spent but in Fortifications? So that we may even conclude sufficient Licence and Authority to be included in this Decree, and that Esra began to build the Walls, but was either hindred by other oc∣casions, or the negligence of the Jews, or (more probably) the molestati∣ons of their Enemies; who because the Licence was not expressed, took thence occasion to interrupt the work till thirteen years after it was renewed, and perfected by the procurement and industry of Nehemiah, who obtained

a confirmation rather of the former Edict, than any new Decree; So though Syrus had first of all granted Licence for the rebuilding of the Temple, yet because the work was hindred by the Enemies of the Jews, there was need of another Edict granted out by Darius. As the decrees of these two Kings were in effect the same, so also those were onely put in execution after∣wards by Nehemiah, because the execution of it, as to the rebuilding of the Walls, was either remitted by negligence, or by malice of the Bor∣derers.

9. If so, the beginning of the seventy weeks of Daniel, fitly may be taken hence, ending most probably in the death of our Savious Jesus Christ.* 1.178 Seventy weeks saith the Angel, are determine upon thy people, and upon thy holy Ci∣tie, to finish the transgression, and to make an end of sins, and to make recon∣ciliation for iniquity, and to bring in everlasting righteousnesse, and to seal up the Vision and Prophecy, and to anoint the most holy. Know therefore, and understand, that from the going forth of the Commandment, to restore, and to rebuild Jerusalem, unto the Messiah the Prince, shall be seven weeks, and threescore and two weeks: and the street shall be built again, and the Wall, even in troublous times. And after 62 weeks shall Messiah be cut off, but not for himself: and the people of the Prince that shall come, shall destroy the Citie and the Sanctuary, and the end thereef shall be with a Flood, and unto the end of the War desolations are determined. And he shall confirm the Co∣venant with many in one week: and in the midst of the week he shall cause the Sacrifice and the Oblation to cease, and for the overspreading of abomi∣nations he shall make it desolate, even untill the consummation, and that de∣termined shall be powred upon the desolate. Thus the Oracle, in which is contained a Prophecy concerning the rebuilding of Jerusalem, and the co∣ming of Christ, who should bring unconceivable benefits along with him, and yet at length be put to death, not for himself, but others, and this should be all accomplished within 70 weeks of years, which contain 490. Lastly, it foretels, that for that horrible sin of the Jews in murdering the Messias, they should lose both Principality and Priest-hood, and be punished with perpetual Exile, and the utter and unreparable desolation of the Citie.

10. Many are the opinions concerning the beginning and end of these seventy weeks amongst Chronologers. Some begin them in the first year of the Empire of Cyrus, and end them in the Nativity of Christ. Others fetch their rise from the second of Darius Nothus (Successor to Artaxerxes) and conclude them with the destruction of Jerusalem, by Titus Vespasian. Some make them Commence from the 20 of Artaxerxes (when Nehemiah obtained another Decree of him) and to conclude with the passion and death of Christ; and others will have them begin in the 20^th year of Artaxerxes Mnemon, and end in the desolation of the Citie by the Romans. But many there are who rejecting all these, with best reason, fix the beginning of them in the seventh of Artaxerxes Longimanus, and their conclusion in the death of Christ, in which termination most of the Learned, both ancient and modern, agree.

11. For if we seriously consider the account of time, and judge of it ac∣cording to the best approved Authors,* 1.179 the three former opinions will be found either to exceed, or come short of the number. From the beginning of the Persian Empire to Christ's Nativity passed about 530 years. From the se∣cond of Darius Nothus indeed to the destruction of Jerusalem, near upon 490 years intervened; but concerning any Edict made by that Prince, there is not a word in Scripture. From the 20^th of Artaxerxes Longimanus to the death and passion of Christ, are found 476. or 477. which come too short by thirteen of the 490. and betwixt the twentieth of Artaxerxes Mnemor, and the destruction of Jerusalem, are found but about 450. which come far short of the true account; as also the Chronology of such as would fetch the rise of the 290 from the first of Darius Medus; and the second or sixth of Darius the son of Hystaspes. And although the Angel mentioneth the pu∣nishment

to be inflicted on the Jews, yet doth he not comprise it in the 490 years, the end of which he signalizeth by the annointing and sufferings of the M••ssias, but assigneth half a week or of seven years for the accomplishment of those plagues, which in such a quantity of time were to be inflicted upon his murderers.* 1.180

12. But if we reckon from this seventh of Artaxerexes Longimanus down by his Successors in the Persian Empire, the Ptolomies of Aegypt, after that of Alexander the Great, and then by the Assamonaeans or Jewish Prin∣ces till we come at length to Herod the Great, and so to Christ, the just number of 290 we shall find accomplished at his death, with such small dif∣ference, as is pardonable to so many Authors handling so many things. Or if we reckon by the years of the Olympiads and the building of Rome, we shall find Christ to have died in the 490^th year after the promulgation of this de∣cree. The seventh year of Artaxerxes Longimanus fell in with the second and third of the 80^th Olympiad, according to Eusebius, and the 295, or 296^th of the City, from which continuing to the second year of the 202^d Olym∣piad, and the 785^th of the City (in which Christ was crucified) 289 years or ••90 are precisely found; so that farther we shall not enquire about these se∣venty weeks, having therein already satisfied what this design and work requi∣reth, leaving the further enquiry thereof to the studious Reader, and the judgement to the Learned.

13. In the fifteenth year of Artaxerxes the Athenians having recalled Cimon, whom for ten years they had banished by the Ostracism,* 1.181 sent him with a Fleet of 200 Sail against Cyprus subject to the Persian. Sixty of these ships he sent into Aegypt to the aid of Amyrtaeus, who still was up in the marishes, and with the rest he set upon Citium a Town in the Island.* 1.182 At this time were Artabazus and Megabysus still Generals of the Forces of Persia: the former lay with 300 ships in the Road of Cyprus, and the other with a Land-Army of 300000 men quartered in Cilicia. Cimon when he had besieged Citium sent some messengers to Delphos to enquire something of the Oracle, but ere they got to their journeyes end, he died before the place, either of sicknesse,* 1.183 or by some wound, both which are affirmed. When he saw he should die, he counselled his men forthwith to depart, and conceal his death, and they doing so, it hapned that neither the Enemy, nor Associates knew any thing of it. At this time came back the Fleet sent into Aegypt, so that all joyning together again, they sailed to Salamine a Town in Cyprus, where they fought with the Phoenicians and Cilicians, who were come to aid their friends of Cyprus. In a Sea-fight they sunk many of their Vessels, took 100 with the men in them, and pursued the rest as far as Phoenicia. The Persians with that part of the Fleet which yet remained, fled into Cilicia, where Me∣gabysus lay, but the Athenians followed them with speed, and landing fell upon them, and making great slaughter, amongst the rest slew Anaxicrates the Sea-Captain, who most gallantly fought whilst life lasted. Then the Greeks victorious got them to their ships and sailed home.

14. The King understanding what losse he had received in Cyprus,* 1.184 called a Council to deliberate what should be done thereupon, at which, when all was considered, it was resolved that it was requisite to procure a Peace if possible. He wrote then to his Captains about Cyprus, to make peace upon as good terms as might be; according to which order Artabazus and Megabyzus sent to Athens to treat about it. The Athenians not being averse from hearkning to them, both sides sent their Commissioners with full power to conclude;* 1.185 at which time also the Argives sent to Artaxerxes to demand of him whether the confederacy into which they entered with his Father remain∣ed, or they were accounted by him as Enemies; to which he answered, that he did not doubt of it's continuance, and as for his part he accounted no Ci∣ty more friendly to him than that of Argos.

The Articles of Peace concluded with the Athenians were, That all the Greek Cities in Asia should be free:* 1.186 though in the Peace with Lacedaemon it was agreed they should be under the Persian; that the Persian Generals should

not come within three dayes journy of the Sea, that none of the Persian Sub∣jects should come with a long ship between the Cyanian and Chelidonian Islands. The Athenians on the other part took an Oath, not to invade the King's Territories. For the joy conceived about this Peace, they built an Altar of Peace, and graced Callias the principal of the Embassie with the greatest honours. Cimon was dead, and with him in a manner the true gallan∣try of the Greekish Nation; for none of their Captains after him did any thing to purpose against the Barbarians (as they termed all except them∣selves) but being drawn by their Orators to intestine differences,* 1.187 and none after him being left to take them up, they fell one upon another, and so affor∣ded an happy occasion to the Persian to breath himself, and for a good time to effect his own security with the impairment of their interest. For though Agesilaus afterwards (as will be seen) passed over his Army into Asia, and made a short War with the Persian Commanders on the Sea-Coasts, yet without doing any thing of much consequence, was he recalled by Seditions at home, leaving the Persian Officers behind him, who exacted impositions from the Cities confederate with Greece: whereas whilst Cimon was in com∣mand, not so much as a Carrier appeared in these quarters, nor an Horse came within 400 furlongs distant from the Sea.

15. In the twentieth year of Artaxerxes,* 1.188 Nehemiah his Cup-bearer the son of Hachaliah the Jew received a message, that the remnant of the Cap∣tivity left in Judaea were in great affliction and reproach: that the wall of Je∣rusalem was broken down, and the gates thereof burnt with fire. Because of this he wept,* 1.189 fasted, and mourned certain dayes, and praying to God to make the King favourable to him, obtained to be sent with ample commission to build up the walls. Now was no new Edict promulgated in behalf of the Jews, which had been done sufficiently thirteen years before by the consent of the Princes: onely letters were written to the Keeper of the King's Forest, to furnish Nehemiah with wood sufficient for the building of the gates and walls of the City, for the Temple, and an house for himself; and the Governours beyond the river were ordered to convey him over till he came into Judah. By virtue of this authority he came to Jerusalem, and notwithstanding the indignation and opposition of the Enemies of the Jews, by his great diligence and valour, finished the work of the wall in 52 dayes. From the new Moon of the moneth Nisan, which followed this repairing of the walls, to that new-Moon of the same moneth in which Christ suffered, passed 475 Julian years, which make up 490 Lunar years, consisting each of twelve Lunar moneths. This being not without a providence, that as from the going out of the decree to the death of Christ intervened 490 Solar years; so also from the rebuilding of the walls to his death, should intervene so many consisting each of twelve Lunary moneths. This gave occasion to many eminent men both Antient and Modern to follow the opinion of Africanus, in placing the beginning of the 70 weeks in the twentieth year of this King, and concluding them with the death of Christ: although he reckoneth from that time to the fifteenth of Tiberius 475 years; whereas there are to be accounted but 472; and Christ died not in the fifteenth year of his reign, but was then bap∣tized.

16. Nehemiah not thinking it sufficient to repair the walls whilst the frame of the State was out of frame,* 1.190 restored both the Ecclesiastical and Civil Po∣lity thereof. Taking notice how all ranks of men, and especially the Priests were out of order, no certainly being of their Pedigrees; he caused to be sought for, and read, the Register of those who returned with Zorubbabel, from which whosoever could not prove his descent from some Priestly Family was cast off from the Priesthood. Twelve years staied he at Jerusalem, go∣verning with great moderation, and self-denial, and reforming abuses both in Religion and the State. The Rulers of the People dwelt at Jerusalem, the rest of the People cast lots to bring one of ten to dwell therein, for that it was little inhabited, and nine parts to dwell in other places, the People bles∣sing all such as willingly offered themselves to dwell in Jerusalem. Then re∣turnd

he to the King, from whom he yet obtained leave to come again into Judah, where he seemeth to have lived untill the sixteenth year of Darius Nothus, in which the first part of the seventy weeks endeth, consisting of 49 years, viz. seven weeks, which are thought to be those of which the Angel spake, that the street should be built again and the wall, even in troublous times.

17. After Artaxerxes had made peace with the Graecians, he fell into civil and intestine broils with Megabyzus, who had done him such service in Aegypt and elsewhere, if credit be given to Ctesias, from whom we have a relation of these transactions. This Megabyzus, after he had quieted Aegypt, and committed it to the Government of Sartamas, departed thence and went to the King,* 1.191 leading along with him Inarus and some Greekish prisoners, after he had obtained a promise from him that no punishment should be in∣flicted on them, though Amytis (or rather Amestris) the King's Mother had so layn upon him to deliver into her hands not onely them, but Megabyzus himself her son in Law, being inraged for the death of Achaemenes, who in the former Expedition was slain by the Ionians. For five years he endured her importunity without yielding, but at length being wearied and overcome, he gave up the Greeks and Inarus into her power. His body she nailed over∣thwart to three crosses, and beheaded 50 of the Greeks, which were all she could take. That Inarus was crucified Thucydides witnesseth, though no∣thing of this time or manner; and Herodotus reporteth,* 1.192 that his son Thanny∣ras was restored by the Persians to the Principality of his Father.

18. Megabyzus being sorely moved with the usage of his prisoners, con∣cealed his displeasure for a time; but getting leave to depart to his Govern∣ment in Syria, whither he had privately sent some Greeks beforehand, broke out into open Rebellion, and got an Army together of 150000 men. Against him then was sent Osiris with 200000, who joyning battel with him wounded him in the thigh, but received two wounds from him, one in his thigh and the other in his shoulder, with the anguish whereof, and losse of blood, he fell from his Horse and was taken prisoner; and though his men well behaved them∣selves, yet were they overthrown, and Megabyzus getting the Victory used him very courteously, and sent him back to the King who desired it. After this was sent more forces, commanded by Mexistenes Nephew to Artaxerxes, by his Brother Artarius the Governour of Babylon. He also giving battel to Me∣gabyzus, was wounded by him both in shoulder and head though not mortal∣ly, and being put to flight Megabyzus obtained another famous Victory.

19. Things going thus, Artarius dealt with him by Messengers, then Ar∣toxares the Eunuch Governour of Paphlagonia, and Amestris also advised him yet to be reconciled to the King, afterwards Artarius himself, Amytis his wife, and Artoxares (now twenty years of age) were sent to him to per∣swade him to go to him: Being perswaded, after his return the King signifi∣ed to him by a message, that he freely pardoned him all that was past, but going on a time a hunting with him, when a Lyon set upon the King, as he raised him∣self up Megabyzus slew him, whereat Artaxerxes was in a great rage that he had stricken him before he could touch him, and commanded his head to be cut off. But by the intercession of Amestris, Amytis, and others, his life was spared, yet was he banished to Cyrta, a Town upon the Red Sea, and Artoxares the Eunuch into Armenia for speaking freely to the King in his behalf.

Five years he then continued in exile, at the end of which feigning him∣self to be a Pisagas (which in the Persian tongue signifieth a Leper at whom no man might come) he fled away and came to his wife Amytis at his own house, by whom scarcely being known, he was by her means and the help of Amestris reconciled once again to the King, who made him eat at his own table as formerly, and so continued in great favour till his death at 76 years of age, for which the King was much troubled.

20. Whilst the Graecians were busie with one another in the Peloponnesian War, of which now several years had passed,* 1.193 Artaxerxes sent Artaphernes a

Persian to the Lacedaemonians, with a Letter written in Assyrian Characters, in which, amongst other things, he desired to know plainly of them how they stood affected, for that he was utterly ignorant of what they thought, many Ambassadours coming, and no one of them agreeing with another, where∣fore he desired, that if they intended to declare themselves, they would send some of their own back with Artaphernes. What was effected hereby is not known, but we find elsewhere,* 1.194 that the Lacedaemonians entred into a League with him in one main matter, contrary to that formerly made with the Athe∣nians. For whereas it was provided first in the one, that the Greekish Cities in Asia should be left to their own liberty, in the other they were expresly left under his Dominion; such influence had then the Civil Wars of Greece upon the matters of Asia; perhaps because the Lacedaemonians were jealous of the Ionians,* 1.195 as the Colony of their adversaries the Athenians, who, if not now, entred into War with them, were much suspected, jealousies abound∣ing betwixt them. Not long after this Message, Artaxerxes died,* 1.196 having reigned according to Diodorus fourty years compleat, according to Sulpi∣cius Severus 41. but after Ctesias 42. amongst which opinions 'tis proba∣ble that he died in the beginning of the 42 year, after the death of Xerxes, in the second year of the 89 Olympiad. A. M. 3582. 421 years before the birth of Christ.

21. Artaxerxes had onely one legitimate son by his wife Damaspia,* 1.197 named Xerxes, but 17 by Concubines, amongst which were Sogdianus, Ochus, and Arsites. Xerxes succeeded his father, but was slain by Secun∣dianus, as he was drunk, in the 45^th day after his death. Secundianus then be∣came King, but causing Bagorazus the Eunuch to be stoned for something done about his fathers body, incurred the displeasure of the Army, which be∣cause of this, and his brothers death, could never be taken off by all the gifts he bestowed on them. Being jealous of his brother Ochus, whom his father had made Governour of the Hyrcanians, he sent for him; but he refused to come, and so did several times, till he had got a considerable Army. For Arberius General of the horse revolted to him, then Arxanes the Viceroy of Egypt, and Artoxares coming out of Armenia caused him to take the Cidaris (or Citaris) a Cap peculiar to the Kings and Priests of Persia.

* 1.198Ochus thus taking the Royal Ensign and Title of King,* 1.199 changed his name into Dariaeus, and was also most commonly called Darius Nothus. By the advice of Parysatis his wife, he enticed by all means Secundianus to come to him, not sparing Oaths, or any other wayes to get him into his hands, and so far prevailed, that though Menostanes the Eunuch counselled Secundianus not to trust himself, yet he came to him, and being cast into ashes he died the same way as Darius the son of Hystaspes formerly made away his Emulators,* 1.200 though some think this Darius to have been the first inventor of this punish∣ment, and that it is falsly ascribed by Valerius Maximus, to the son of Hy∣staspes. Then reigned he alone by himself after his brother had reigned six moneths and twenty dayes. The three Eunuchs, Artoxares, Artibarxanes, and Athōus were in great power with him; but especially, he was advised by his wife,* 1.201 by whom he had two Children, Amistris a daughter, and Ar∣saces a son (called afterwards Artaxerxes) before he came to the King∣dom. Afterwards he begot of her another son, called Cyrus, from the Sun; and others to the number of 13. But all the rest died young, except these two and his fourth son named Oxendras.

* 1.20222. After this Arsites his own brother, both by father and mother, and Arty∣phius the son of Megabyzus revolted from him. Artasyras was sent with an Army against them, who falling upon Artyphius, was worsted in two bat∣tels; but in the third overthrew him, and corrupting the Greeks that fought for him, drew away all his Company, except three Milesians; so that upon the Oath of Artasyras for his security, for that Arsites could not be found, he yielded himself to the King. He was minded to put him to death, but Pa∣rysatis his wife perswaded him to spare him for a time, for Arsites seeing him unpunished would also be moved to yield himself, and then he might

rid himself of them both together, which accordingly came to passe, both being cast into the ashes; though Darius was hardly brought by her perswa∣sions to make away his brother: now also Pharnacyas, who with Secundianus had slain Xerxes, was put to death, and Menostanes being apprehended shun∣ned the same punishment by laying violent hands upon himself.

This Rebellion was followed by the revolt of Pisathnes the Governour of Lydia, against whom Tissaphernes and others being sent, he met them, having in his Army Lycon the Athenian, with such Greeks as he had brought with him, who being corrupted by the Kings Captains revolted from him, so that with fair words he was drawn in, and carried to the King, who cast him into the ashes, and gave his Government to Tissaphernes, and the Cities with the regions adjoyning to Lycon for a reward of his treachery. After this followed the treason of Artoxares in great power with Darius, who conspired about killing him, and transferring the Kingdom to himself. For this purpose be∣ing an Eunuch, he caused his wife to make him a beard, that he might seem no other than a perfect man; but the matter being revealed by her, he was delivered up into the hands of Parasytis, who put him to death.

23. Arsaces (afterwards called Artaxerxes) the eldest son of Darius, married Statira, the daughter of Idarnes, a man of prime rank amongst the Persians; and Terituchmes the son of Idarnes, who after his death succeed∣ed in his Government, married Amistris daughter to the King. She had a sister named Roxana, who being very beautifull, and well skilled in shooting, Terituchmes fell in love with her, and having to do with her detested his wife, insomuch as he resolved to murder her by the help of 300 men, with whom he practised to revolt. Whilest he thought hereof, one Udiastes, a man in great power about him, being promised great matters if he could deliver the Kings daughter from so great a danger, slew him; but the son of this Udiastes, who was Armour-bearer to Terituchmes, and was not present at his death, after he had notice thereof cursed his father, and seizing upon the Citie Zaris delivered it up to Terituchmes his son. Then did Parysatis bury alive the Mother, Brethren, and Sisters of Terituchmes, and commanded Roxana to be cut in pieces alive. Darius would have had her to have made away Statira his daughter-in-law together with the rest; but through the im∣portunity of Arsaces her husband, she spared her; of which Darius told her, that afterwards she would sorely repent, as it came to passe.

From the second year of this King,* 1.203 Sulpicius Severus, and* 1.204 many learn∣ed men with him, count the beginning of the seventy weeks of Daniel, end∣ing them with the destruction of Jerusalem, because the number of years do agree, and the Angel maketh mention of that desolation; though nothing be spoken in any place concerning any going out of a Decree during the reign of this Prince, from which those weeks must needs have commenced. They must needs allow the work now to have been carried on by the sollicitation of the Prophets Haggai and Zachariah, which had been interrupted for 115 years, ever since the second year of the return of Zerubbabel and Jeshua, at which time they began to build. But now at this time, and before this, lived Malachias the last of all the Prophets, who exhorts not the people to the building of the Temple as the others did, which is an evidence of the fi∣nishing of it before; but reprehends those corruptions which* 1.205 Nehemiah in his second Government had observed amongst the Jews, viz. marriages with strangers, unjust detention of Tithes, and corruption of Divine worship. And because the succession of Prophets was no more to be expected; in the later end of his Prophecie he exhorts the people to keep the Law of Moses, untill such time as the great Prophet the Messias should be revealed, before whom John Baptist was to come, in the spirit and power of Elias. The ending of the Canon of holy Scripture is by Eusebius placed in the 32^th year of Artaxerxes Longimanus. After these Prophets the Hebrews held the men of the great Synagogue to have succeeded; but the later Jews reckon the three last Prophets amongst them, and Esra as the President of the Council.

24. Against this Darius the Medes rebelled, but were after some time reduced again into obedience. At this time the States of G••eece being plunged deep in the Peloponnesian War,* 1.206 he made his advantage thereof as much as he could, siding with the Lacedaemonians against the Athenians, who did him most hurt in Asia, both by their great skill and practice in Na∣vigation, and being allied to the Ionians, whom as their Colonies they helped against him; so that much entercourse, and great transactions passed betwixt Tissaphernes his Lieutenant, and those of Sparta, which are involved in the affairs of Greece.* 1.207 In the 17^th year of his reign he sent his son Cyrus (born since he came to the Government) down to the Sea-side as Satrapa, or Lieu∣tenant, with a kind of power over the other his Lieutenants there, and Cap∣tain General of all the forces which were wont to muster at the plains of Castolus: giving him in charge to assist the Lacedaemonians in the War against the Athenians, and by his help did they recover to the hopes of their former fortune. When he had continued in his charge a year or two, he grew so high that he killed his two Cousin Germans, Autobaesaces and Mitraeus, because they came not to him with their hands folded under their Clothes, which Ceremony was onely observed in the presence of a King.* 1.208 Their Pa∣rents of this complaining highly to his father, and alleging how unjust it was to connive at such practices, he sent for him to come to him, alleging he was not well, lying then incamped in the Countrey of the Medes, against the Ca∣dusians, bordering thereupon, who had revolted.

25. Leaving the command of the Cities, with all his Treasure,* 1.209 and the as∣signment of his Tributes to Lysander the Spartan, he went up, taking along with him Tissaphernes as his friend, with 300 Greeks, under the leading of Xenias the Parrhasian. His father lived not long after he came to him, whom in his sicknesse Parasytis his wife having ruled him all his life, loving Cyrus above her eldest son, urged him to leave him his Successor,* 1.210 as Darius the son of Hystaspes did Xerxes, for that he was born to him being a King, and the other but a private person. But he thinking it not just refused to do it, but left him those Cities over which he had made him Governour, and his Kingdom to Arsaces,* 1.211 or Artaxerxes his eldest son, and so died after he had reigned 19 years, in the fourth of the 93th Olympiad, the 27th of the Pe∣loponnesian War now ending. A. M. 3600. 403 years before the birth of Christ.

Arsaces then, by the pleasure of his father,* 1.212 or his interest in the great ones, obtained the Kingdom, and changed his name into Artaxerxes, being for the excellency of his memory sirnamed Mnemon. When he had made sure his possession, his wife Statira thinking it then time to revenge the death of her brother, and the rest of her kindred, caused Udiastes, who slew Teritach∣mes, to have his tongue drawn backwards through his neck, and cut off, and got his son Mitridates, who had delivered the Citie Zaris into the hands of Teri∣tachmes his son, to succeed in his Government. Not long after his fathers death Artaxerxes went to Pasargada,* 1.213 there to be initiated by the Persian Priests in the royal mysteries. There was a Temple dedicated to some war∣like Goddesse, thought to be Diana, whose Temple he that was to be initia∣ted entring must put off his own Clothes, and put upon him a Garment worn by Cyrus the Great, before he came to the Empire; there was he to eat such a quantity of Figs, to drink Milk mingled with Vinegar, and perhaps used some other unknown Ceremonies. Whilest the King was about these things came Tissaphernes unto him,* 1.214 and with him a Certain Priest, who having been appointed tne instructer of his brother Cyrus had taught him the Magical Arts. He accusing him of treasonable practices, had more credit given to him, because Cyrus had resolved to set upon the King in the Temple, and kill him as he should put off his Clothes; some say he was apprehended upon this accusation, others, that he came indeed into the Temple, and being hid by the Priest, was discovered and taken.* 1.215

26. The King was minded to put him to death, and out of reverence to his Family caused him to be bound in golden chains, but their mother took him

in her arms, wrapped him in her hair, laid her neck to his, and with great lamentations and intreaties prevailed for his pardon,* 1.216 and sent him back again into his former Province of Lydia, and the Sea-coasts. When he came there, not at all contented with this command,* 1.217 nor so much as remembring that he was saved by his mother's intercession, as that he was taken and bound by his brothers, burned more than ever with a desire of reigning. And to this pur∣pose as secretly as he could gathered forces of the Greeks; and under one pre∣tence or other, laid out for forein aid both far and near, hoping to surprise his brother, The Ionian Cities given up now into the hands of Tissaphernes revolted to him, all except Miletus, the Inhabitants of which he finding to pra∣ctise the same, killed some, and drove away the rest, who flying to Cyrus, he be∣sieged the City both by Sea and Land, endeavouring to restore them. Then wrote he submissively to his brother, desiring he might have the Government of those Cities rather than Tissaphernes, and herein he was furthered by his Mother,* 1.218 who lying as it were his Lieger at Court, made the best of all things. Hence was Artaxerxes deluded, suspecting nothing, but accounting these for∣ces to be kept together against Tissaphernes, betwixt whom and Cyrus he little regarded though there were a War, and the rather, because Cyrus sent him the Tributes due from the Cities, which Tissaphernes had formerly kept in his hands.

27. Clearchus at this time being banished from Lacedaemon, came to Cy∣rus, who after conference with him admired the man,* 1.219 and gave him 10000 Daricks, wherewith he levied an Army, and passing out of Cherronesus war∣ed upon the Thracians that inhabited above the Hellespont, thereby greatly promoting the affairs of the Greek Cities, insomuch that they willingly fur∣nished him with money to maintain his Forces which were onely raised for Cyrus, though thus employed for a cover to the design, and till he could be in a readinesse. There was also one Aristippus a Thessalian a guest of Cyrus, who being overpowered by his Country-men of the contrary faction, came to him, and requested him to spare him 2000 Mercenaries and three moneths pay, alleging that thereby he should be able to overcome his adversaries. He granted his request, and doubled both the number of men and sum of money, desiring him withall, not to agree with his adversaries till they two had had conference together; and so this Army in Thessalie (though not discovered) was kept on foot and maintained for him. Further he sent to Proxenus the Boeotian, his friend, to bring unto him as many men as he might, under pre∣tence of warring against the Pisidians, who spoiled his Country; and Sophae∣netus the Stymphalian, with Socrates the Achaean, who likewise were both his Guests, to come to him with as many men as they could make, under colour, together with the banished Milesians, of making Warre upon Tissaphernes.

28. When he was now resolved to march up into the higher Provinces against his brother, and for that purpose must gather all his Forces together, he gave out, that his purpose was to chace the Pisidians wholly out of the Country, and so, as for that intent, assembled both his Barbarian and Grae∣cian Troups. He commanded Clearchus with the Army he led to come unto him, Aristippus to compound with his adversaries, and send him his Forces, and Xenias the Arcadian (whom he had appointed General of the Mercena∣ries that lay in Garrison in the Cities) leaving onely so many as should be necessary to keep the Cittadels, gathered those Forces together, and brought them to Sardis, being about 4000 armed Foot. He sent for those that lay before Miletus, and invited the banished men to his service, promising, if his affairs succeeded, not to give over till he had restored them, which they gladly accepted of. Proxenus came with 1500 heavy-armed and 500 light-armed foot. Sophaenetus the Stymphalian brought 1000 armed, Socrates the Achaean about 500, Pasion the Megarean 300, and as many Peltasts or Targetiers.

29. He had before this sent to Lacedaemon, desiring of that State,* 1.220 that as he had formerly aided them against the Athenians, so they would not refuse

now in his need to do the same for him: boasting in his letters, that if they sent him Foot-men, he would provide for them Horses, if Horse-men, Cha∣riots, if they had before of their own certain pieces of ground, he would give them whole Villages, and that he would not count but measure their pay to them.* 1.221 They counting it but just and agreeable enough to their own interest (not considering against whom they ingaged) decreed aid to be sent to him, thinking hereby if he overcame to ingratiate themselves with him;* 1.222 but if Artaxerxes should get the better, to excuse themselves well enough, as ha∣ving decreed nothing against him absolutely. The Ephori then presently wrote to their Admiral, to do whatsoever he should command, who accor∣dingly went to Ephesus and joyned himself with Tamos the Aegyptian and Admiral to Cyrus, with whom he sailed into Cilicia, and there prevailed that Syennesis the Prince of that Country hindred not Cyrus as he passed by Land against his brother.* 1.223 Tissaphernes conceiving that these preparations were greater than fitted the War against the Pisidians, with a Party of 500 Horse hasted to the King with all possible speed, who as soon as by him he had the intelligence, made contrary preparations.* 1.224 Cyrus after he had committed the care of Lydia to some Persians of his kndred, and given the charge of Lydia, Aeolis, and the parts adjacent to Tamos of Memphis his faithful friend, he presently set forwards toward Cilicia and Pisidia, it being bruted up and down that some of these people had revolted. From Sardis he marched through Lydia, and after four encampings, came 112 miles and an half to Colosse, a great, rich, and well inhabited City, where he stayed seven dayes, and Menon the Thessalian came to him with 1000 armed Foot, and 500 Dolopian, Aenian, and Olynthians Peltasts.* 1.225 From thence he marched in three en∣campings 75 miles and an half to Celaene a great and rich City of Phrygia, where he rested thirty daies, & Clearchus the Lacedaemonian came to him with 1000 armed Foot, and 800 Thracian Peltasts, and 200 Cretian Archers; and Sosias the Syracusian brought 1000 armed Foot, and Sophaenetus the Ar∣cadian the same number. Here he also mustred the Greeks, and found them to be 11000 Armed, and about 200 Peltasts or Targetiers.

* 1.22630. From Celaene he marched in two encampings ten Parasangs, or thirty seven miles and an half, and came to Peltae, where he stayed three dayes; and thence in two encampings 45 miles, and arrived at the Market of the Ce∣ramanians, a City full of People, and the last in the Country of Mysia: and hence in three encampings he marched 30 Parasangs 112 miles, and reached to the Plain of Cayster, a City well peopled, where he rested his Army five dayes. Here the Army made much adoe for pay, being more than three moneths behind, which he was enabled to pay them, with a moneth over, by the coming of Epiaxia wife to Syennesis King of Cilicia, who brought good store of treasure with her. From thence in four encampings he proceeded 75 miles as far a Tyriaeum, a City full of people, and hence in three encampings 75 miles and arrived at Iconium the last City of Phrygia. He stayed here three dayes, and then marched in five encampings through Ly∣caonia 112 miles, which Country he suffered the Greeks to spoil as Enemy. Now he sent away the Cilician Queen by the nearest way into her own Coun∣try, and with her Menon the Thessalian and his Regiment, to make way for his passage into that Country.

31. Cyrus with the rest marched through Cappadocia 25 Parasangs, or 93 miles and an half in four dayes, and came to Dana a great and wealthy City, where he put to death two Persians for treason against himself. From hence at∣tempt was made to break into Cilicia, but the Streights were so narrow, that one Chariot could but passe at once, and withall exceeding steep, so that if resistance was made it was impossible, which Syennesis the King was said to be ready to make at the height of the Streights, and the Army, for that reason staid in the Plain. But the next day word was brought that he had quitted the passage, after he perceived Menon's Troops to be got into Cilicia beyond the Mountains, and heard how a Fleet of Lacedaemonian Gallies were with those of Cyrus, under sail to passe from Ionia thither, under conduct of

Tamon. Then ascended he the Mountain without any opposition, from which descending, in four encampings he marched 93 miles and an half, and came to Tarsus and a great rich City of Cilicia, where was the Palace of Syen∣nesis, and through which runneth Cydnus, a River two hundred foot in bredth.

32. The Inhabitants thereof, except such as bought and sold, fled with their King to the tops of the Mountains, leaving the City to be sacked with the Palace by the Soldiers, inraged for the losse of 100 of their Companions of Menon's Regiment. Cyrus sent for the King to come to him, who refu∣sed it, till overcome by the perswasions of his wife, and then he gave him great sums of money to uphold his Army, and received back such gifts as were accounted most honourable amongst Kings, as an Horse with a golden bit, a Chain of gold, Bracelets, a sword decked with gold, a Persian Garment, and Freedom of his Land from spoil; as also restitution of Slaves taken in spoil by the Soldiers wheresoever they could be found. Here the soldiers now ima∣gining that they were lead against the King flatly refused to go any farther, it being, as they said, no part of their agreement. Clearchus went about to force his men to proceed, but they, as soon as he offered to go forwards, cast stones at him and at his carriage beasts, whereby he was forced to betake him∣self to a fair and politick way, and to effect it (which with trouble enough he did) Cyrus gave out that he went against Abrocamas an Enemy of his, who lay upon the River Euphrates about twelve encampings from thence, that if he found him there, he would be revenged on him, and if he fled away they should deliberate what to do. Hereupon, though they suspected the matter, yet they resolved to hold on, and upon demanding more pay, he promised them half as much more as formerly they had: viz. a Darick and an half instead of one Darick to every Soldier. All this while no man heard in publick they were led against the King.

33. From Tarsus in five encampings he marched about 83 miles to Issos, the last City of Cilicia, well peopled, large, and rich, and situated upon the Sea, where he remained three dayes. Hither out of Peloponnesus came to Cyrus 35 Lacedaemonian ships, under the command of Pythagoras, together with Tamos, who brought from Ephesus 25 of Cyrus his ships, wherewith he had besieged Miletus, and Cherisophus the Lacedaemonian whom Cyrus had sent for, and who brought with him 700 armed Foot. Whilst the Army lay here, the Graecian Mercenaries that served Abrocamus, viz. 400 armed Foot revolted and came to Cyrus. From hence in one encamping he came about eighteen miles to the Streights of Cilicia and Syria, defended with a wall on each side, betwixt which ran the River Kersos 100 foot broad. The distance betwixt the walls was three furlongs, admitting no passage by force, the neither way toward the Sea being narrow and fenced with strong walls, and the upper nothing but inaccessible Rocks, in either wall there being set a gate. This passage Cyrus suspecting to be stopped by Abrocamas, sent for his ships to transport so many men as might force it: but he upon hearing of Cyrus his coming into Cilicia, returned with all speed out of Phoenicia to the King, though reported to have an Army of 300000 men.

34. From the Streights he marched in one encamping eighteen miles, and upwards, and came to Myriandrum a City of Syria, inhabited by the Phoe∣nicians, upon the Sea, being a place of traffick, where many ships of burthen then rode in the Haven. Here he remained seven dayes, and Xenias the Ar∣cadian Collonel, with Pasion of Megara shipping themselves sailed home∣wards, discontented, as was thought, because Cyrus suffered Clearchus to keep their Soldiers, which refusing to go any further against the King, remo∣ved into his Camp, with intent to return into Greece. From thence in four encampings he marched 75 miles to the River Chatos, 100 foot broad, which was full of great tame Fish, which the Syrians counted gods, and therefore suffered them not to be harmed no more than Pigeons. The Villages where∣in they encamped belonged to Parisatis, being assigned her for her mainte∣nance. Thence in eight encampings he marched 168 miles to the River

Euphrates, whose breadth was 3 furlongs, and upon which was built the great and rich Citie Thapsacus, where the Army remained 5 dayes.

35. Here it was openly declared to the Greeks, that they were led against the King, for which they were very angry with their Officers, who, they said they were sure, knew it before, for not acquainting them sooner with the design; and refused to stir one foot forwarder, except upon promise of as much as their Countrey-men had, who formerly waited on Cyrus to his fa∣ther.* 1.227 He promised to give every man five pounds of silver (of the value of 14. l. 11. s. 8. d. sterling) as soon as they came to Babylon, and to continue their whole pay, till they should be sent back into Ionia, to which conditions most of them yielded, and Menon prevailing with his Regiment to passe over the River first, whilest the other were yet in consultation, thereby to gain greater favour with Cyrus, all the Army followed, not a man being wet above the breasts in wading over; so that this passage seemed to be miraculous, and to portend more good to Cyrus than followed, the River giving way to him, which they of Thapsacus reported never to have been passed over on foot be∣fore, but onely with shipping, which Abrocamus had burnt to hinder him in the passage. Thence in nine encampings he marched fifty parasangs, or 187 miles and upwards through Syria, and came to the River Araxes. Here they stayed three dayes, and made provision of victuals, and then departing thence, marched through the Wildernesse of Arabia, 130 miles in five encampings, having Euphrates on the right hand, and proceeding through this Countrey came to the River Masca, where they stayed three dayes in making provision for the army; whence in 13 encampings they marched through the desart 90 parasangs, or 337 miles and an half, and came to the Straights.

36. Proceeding in their journey hence, they might discover the footings, and dung of horses; for a party had been sent of about 2000. which going before the Kings Camp, burnt up the fodder, and made havock of all things profitable for use. Now came Orontes a Persian to Cyrus, whom having sought to betray him in times past, and pardoned by him, attempted now to do the like, but was discovered, and put to death. Marching still forward they proceeded in three encampings 45 miles through the Countrey of Babylon. In the third encamping at midnight Cyrus set his men in order, thinking his brother to be near, and would give him battel the next morning. The Grae∣cians were in number 10400 Armed, and 2400 Targetiers, the Barbarians with Cyrus were ten Myriads (or 100000) besides about 200 sythed Cha∣riots. From hence in order of battel he marched some twelve miles, thinking the King would have fought that day, because at the end of this half dayes journey he found a Trench cast five fathoms broad, and three deep, running up 45 miles into the Countrey, as far as the Wall of Media, where the four Chanels begin that derived out of the River Tigris, fall into Euphrates. This Trench the King caused to be made after he heard that Cyrus was stirring, who now passing it without any disturbance, he and all his Army were strong∣ly perswaded that the King determined not to fight; whence he had not so great care of his March the next day, and the third day after he advanced sitting in his Chariot: the most of his Army marched confusedly, many of the Souldiers having their Arms laid upon the wains, and carriage of beasts.

37. Now it was time, the Market was full, and the place of encamping where they should quarter was at hand, when Patagyas a Persian, one of the faithfullest of Cyrus his Train was seen to come upon the spur, his horse drop∣ping with sweat, crying out in the Persian and Greek language that the King was hard by, with an huge Army, ready and prepared for fight. This news made a great confusion, all thinking they should be charged in that disorder, Cyrus leaping from his Chariot, put on his Curace, and mounting on hors∣back, took his Darts in his hand, and commanded the rest to Arm, and every man to take his place. Clearchus stood in the point of the right Wing, by the River Euphrates, Menon and his Regiment held the point of the left, and Cyrus himself the midst with 600 hors-men Armed with great Curaces, and Tases, and all of them with Casks, except he alone, who stood waiting the

fight with his head unarmed, according to the custom of Persia. The King had with him 90 Myriads (or 900000) and 150 Chariots, having on both sides sythes prominent, and bearing straight forth from the Axle-trees, and some from the former seat of the Chariot with their points turned toward the ground, that they might cut in pieces whatsoever they met and struck upon: His purpose was to send them with high speed against the Ranks of the Graeci∣ans, to break and rent them asunder.

38. The Kings Army came on an equal and slow pace, in great silence, quietnesse, and order, which amased, and discouraged Cyrus, and the Graeci∣ans,* 1.228 little expecting any such thing. Cyrus now galloping up to the right Wing, cried out to Clearchus to lead the Graecians against the middest of the Enemies battel, because the King was there, saying, that if he were over∣come, there would be no more for them to do. Clearchus seeing the middest of the battel, and hearing from him that the King, by reason of his multi∣tudes which stretched out the body, was far without the point of the left Wing of the Graecian Phalang, would not for all that draw away the right Wing from the River, fearing to be confronted, and incompassed on both sides: but answered, he would have a care that all things should go well. The word was betrayed before they joyned, so that they were forced to change it to Jupiter the saviour, and victory, after the giving of which the Graecians singing the Paean, and running on with a shout, the Barbarians, be∣fore they came within an Arrows shot turned their horses and fled, the other following the Chace with all speed, and crying to one another not to haste too much, but to follow in good order. The Chariots void of Guides were car∣ried, some upon the Enemies themselves, some upon the Graecians, who upon a forecast opened, and let them passe through, onely some were over∣thrown by fear, who notwithstanding were reported to have had no harm, nor yet any other Graecian in this whole fight, one onely excepted, who was struc∣ken with an Arrow in the left side.

* 1.22939. Cyrus beholding this sight much rejoyced, and was now worshipped as King by those about him; notwithstanding he followed not the Chase, but keeping by him his 600 horse, observed what the King would do, who be∣ing in the midst of his Phalang, without the point of Cyrus his left Wing, and seeing no man to fight against him on the contrary part, wound, and turned his battel to the left hand, to overwing, and encompasse in his Enemies. Cy∣rus perceiving it, and fearing, lest coming on the backs of the Graecians he should cut them in pieces, galloped forth, and met him in front, and charging with his 600. overcame, and put to flight the 6000 that were ordered before him, and with his own hands (as was reported) slew Artagerses, one of his Generals. His 600 pursuing hotly were dispersed, except a few that were left with him, for the most part such as usually sat at his Table, with which being accompanied, he espied the King, and the Troup about him, and after he had said I see the man, flew out directly against him, struck him on the breast, and wounded him through the Curace, as Ctesias of Gnidus the Kings Physician related, who reported also that he cured the Wound. Whilest Cyrus thus fought, one with a Dart hit him a sore blow under the eye.

40. The King and Cyrus with their followers in defence of either of them thus coping together, Cyrus was slain by the King, as his flatterers said,* 1.230 as others by a Carian, though Ctesias writeth his death to have hapned after the King had withdrawn himself to an Hill, being first wounded besides the eye, and then dispatched by a thrust into his left Leg, by a Caunian of a base condi∣tion, who with other of his Companions had thrust himself, it being now dark,* 1.231 in amongst his followers. Here he died in the battel of Cunaxa a place distant from Babylon 500 furlongs, or 60 odd miles, a man in the opinion of such as had acquaintance with him, of a most Kingly disposition, and most wor∣thy a Crown of all the Persians that succeeded Cyrus the Great. Clearchus before the fight advised him to keep himself behind the Army, and not to venture into danger, to whom he replied as one who wished him to carry him∣self unworthy a Kingdom whilest he fought for one. In the opinion of Plu∣tarch,

not so much his rashnesse (though inexcusable) as the lazinesse, not to say cowardise, of Clearchus is to be condemned, who having marched so many miles for no other purpose than to place him in the Throne, not so much endeavoured his safety and Conquest, as his own ease and secu••ity: The event of the fight shewed, that none of those about the King would have endured the least brunt from the Graecians, and that after they had been put to flight, and he with them, or else killed in the place, the victory and King∣dom must have remained to Cyrus. But this advantage was lost by Clearchus, who so placed his men that Artaxerxes could not have desired a more con∣venient order, on his part, they being at greatest distance from him and his Army, insomuch that he neither perceived himself overcome by them,* 1.232 and Cyrus was sooner slain than they could reap any fruit of their victory. This battel was fought about the beginning of the fourth year of the 95 Olympiad, Epaenetus (or Xenaenaetus) being Archon at Athens, in the third ending, or fourth beginning of Artaxerxes.

41. Artaxerxes commanded the head, and right hand of Cyrus to be cut off, and following the Chace, chanced upon his Camp, which they plundred, and took thence his Phocaean Concubine, called the wise and beautifull, whose name in her own Countrey was Mitto, but by Cyrus called Aspasia, whom the King most loved, and kept amongst his 360 Concubines. Now were he and the Graecians near four miles asunder; these last giving Chace to such Enemies as stood before them, as if they had been Conquerours of the whole Army; the other rifling the Camp of the Graecians, as if his Army had gained the victory. After this, both parties rallied again for a new engage∣ment, but the Barbarians received not the Graecians, but fled with greater speed than before.* 1.233 Having persued them some way, the Graecians made an Holt, and rested themselves, wondring they saw not Cyrus, being ignorant what was befallen him. Then after some consultation what was to be done they returned to the Camp about Supper time, where they found the most of their other goods rifled, and especially the meat and drink, and the 400 Wains loaden with Meal and Wine, which Cyrus had prepared to relieve them, in case the Army should at any time be driven to want. The most of them therefore were supperlesse, having also wanted their Dinner that day: for that the King came in sight before they could refresh themselves. Thus this day ended, and together with the story the first book of the Ascent of Cy∣rus commonly ascribed to Xenophon as the Author.

42. The Graecians hearing of Cyrus his death were much troubled,* 1.234 and of∣fered Ariaeus (a Persian, who followed Cyrus, and commanded his left Wing) to place him in the Throne; but he refused it, for that, as he said, there were many Persians in all respects better than he, who would never endure that he should be King. Artaxerxes sent a Message to them to lay down their Arms, and to repair to his Gate, there to submit themselves to his mercy. The Coronels were divided in their opinions concerning it, and gave several answers according to their apprehensions, but Clearchus, for all a doubt∣full one, viz. that if they might be accounted as his friends, they should be better friends having Arms, than delivering them up to any man; if no re∣medy there was but War, they should better make War with Arms, than without, after they had rendred them up. And whereas he offered them Truce, as long as they abode in the same place, but threatned War if they stirred thence, he replied onely, that they would expect accordingly. Then resolved he, after he knew Ariaeus his answer, and how he invited them to march back again into Ionia,* 1.235 for that the sacrifice killed about marching against the King was not prospitious, to joyn the Army unto his, which accordingly he did, Ariaeus, and the Officers of the Graecians taking an Oath to be friends, confederates, and not to betray one another. The League was entred into on this manner: They killed a Boar, a Bull, a Wolf, and a Ram; and the Graecians dipped the point of a sword, the Barba∣rians of a Spear in the bloud of these beasts, being powred out into the hol∣lownesse of a Target.

43. The length of the journy from Ephesus in Ionia to the place of the battel was 93 encampings, 535 parasangs, 16030 furlongs,* 1.236 2000 miles and above, which though very long, yet resolved they to take another and longer way through Paphlagonia, because the former was destitute of provisions. Then set they forward that way, marching more slowly for the better gather∣ing of necessaries, and after the King had somewhat recovered of his wound, he pursued them, and pitched his Tents hard by theirs; but with the noise of them his men were so affrighted, that some of the nearest to them removed their Tents,* 1.237 and on the next day setting their men in order for battel, he who before had made such large demands, sent and offered them truce, and covenanted to let them have free passage through his Territories till they came to the Sea, and afforded them provisions for their money, which was also gran∣ted to all the Mercenaries who served under Ariaeus (or Aridaeus) and Clear∣chus. Then proceeded the Greeks on their journy, and the King returned to Babylon, where rewarding those that had best deserved on him in the last battel, he judged the service of Tissaphernes to have been most eminent, therefore as a reward (amongst several other noble gifts) he gave him his own daughter to wife, and the government of such places as formerly had been under Cyrus, binding him to him thereby so, as he proved ever most faithful to him.

44. Tissaphernes seeing how the King was incensed against the Graecians, promised him to destroy them all, if he were but furnished with Forces to that purpose,* 1.238 and could but withdraw Ariaeus from them, by whom he doubted not but they might easily be betraied. The King accepting his offer, gave him leave to chuse of the most valiant of his Army as many as he would, with which he followed after, and incamping near to them, sent for Clearchus and the other Coronels to come to him, pretending he had somewhat for their good to say to them. They with the Captains of the several Companies go∣ing to him, with 200 more (who went to buy Victuals) he secured the Coro∣nels called into his Tent, and killed the Captains at the door with the other 200, of which one chanced to escape with the news thereof to the Camp. The Coronels were sent to the King, who put them all to death except Menon. The Soldiers at first greatly terrified, having now no body left to command or lead them, by the advice of Xenophon made choice of other Leaders, amonst whom Cheirisophus was chief, and he himself was one, be∣ing elected into the place of Proxenus,* 1.239 who being his ancient friend and guest sent for him, and promised him if he would come, to make Cyrus his friend, who, as he esteemed him, would be more to be prized than his own Country. He communicated the matter to Socrates the Philosopher and his Master, who, for that Cyrus his interest seemed crosse to that of the City of Athens,* 1.240 seem∣ing to stand with the Lacedaemonians, advised him to consult the Oracle of Delphos. Thither he went, and enquired how he might best accomplish his journy, to which was answered, that he must sacrifize to those gods to whom he ought to sacrifize, which he reporting again to Socrates, he blamed him for so propounding his question, alleging he ought to have asked whether he should travel or no, and not as one resolved already to do it; but seeing it was so, he must do as he was bidden, and accordingly he followed Cyrus to Sardis, where Proxenus presented him to him.

45. The Graecians marching on towards Paphlagonia,* 1.241 were dogged at the heels by Tissaphernes, who being affraid of the valour of desperat men, ne∣ver durst ingage in any battel with them, but onely flancked them or fell in upon their Rear, as he could have opportunity, and yet followed them as far as the borders of the Carduchians, after which, seeing he could not do them any considerable hurt, he departed with his men towards Ionia another way. The Carducians a warlike Nation and at Enmity with the King, and much exercised in slinging of great and massie stones,* 1.242 much disturbed the Graecians in their passage of their Country, and in the passing the Mountains thereof were spent seven dayes. With great difficulty and danger having passed it, they went over the River Centritis into Armenia; of which Artabazus be∣ing

then Governour, entred into league with them, and suffered them quietly to passe; but in travelling thorow the Mountains they were near all being overwhelmed in the snow, the discerning of wayes being taken away thereby. The whole Army had perished also by extream cold, had they not light upon some Villages near hand, wherein being furnished with plenty of necessaries, they refreshed themselves. The houses stood within the ground, into which the Men descended by stairs, and their Cattel by desents made for that pur∣pose. Having here stayed eight dayes, they journyed thence to the River Phasis

46. Having continued four dayes at this River, they marched through the Country of the Tacchi and Phasiani, by whom being opposed, they fought, and made great slaughter of them, and then seized upon their Villages, which were plentifully furnished with such things as they wanted, they there rested fifteen dayes. Thence marching through the Territories of the Chalciden∣sians, in seven encampings they came to the River Harpasus, and thence coming into the Plains of the Tascutin, they there refreshed themselves three dayes, and proceeding, in four encampings they arrived at a great City cal∣led Gymnasia. The Prince of this Country entring into a League with them, furnished them with Guides to the Sea, of which, after fifteen dayes being got up to the hill Chenius, they got a sight afar of, at which the Front shout∣ed so for joy, that those in the Rear thinking they had been set upon by some Enemy, prepared themselves for a Fight, and there laid they a great heap of stones as a Monument to Posterity, of the spoils obtained from the Barba∣rians, and the immortal memory of their Expedition.

47. Then came they into the Country of the Macri, with whom they made a League, by taking and receiving a Spear, according to the custom of these Barbarians. Having got over their Mountains they came into the Ter∣ritories of the Coleti, where a great multitude opposing them, they made no small slaughter of the Inhabitants, and made great spoil, where they found a kind of Honey, of which whosoever did eat, became according to the quan∣tity eaten, drunken, mad, or as dead, but the next day at the same hour return∣ed to their right Senses, and after three or four dayes arose as having received some Medicine. Thence in two encampings they come to Trapezond a Graecian City well inhabited,* 1.243 situate upon the Euxine Sea, being a Colony of the Sinopeans, placed in the Colchian Country. Here Jason with his Com∣panions are reported to have arrived with their ship Argos. They sacrifized to Hercules and Jupiter, and celebrated Games of Exercise,* 1.244 and hence was Cherisophus sent to Byzantium to provide ships for the transportation of them home, and for him here they staied thirty dayes, but after that term he returning not, their provisions growing scarce,* 1.245 though they had made ex∣cursions both by Sea and Land, they put on shipboard (having obtained a little shipping of the Trapezuntans) the sick, all those above forty years of age, with the women and children, and passed in three dayes to Cerasunt a Graecian City situate upon the Sea, being also a Colony of the Sinopeans in the Colchian Country. Here they remained ten dayes, and taking a muster, found 8600 remaining of those that ascended with Cyrus into Persia, the rest being consumed by the Enemies hand, or Snow, or sicknesse. Here also they divided the money that arose out of the sale of Captives, the tenth part of which the Officers took into their hands, being severed as an offering to be made to Apollo and Diana of Ephesus; every one keeping and preserving a share for his gods.

48. From Cerasunt they came into the Country of the Mesynecans, the veriest Barbarians they had met with in the whole journy, which they passed by force in eight encampings, and in three more that of the Tibarenes through which they came to Cotyora a Graecian Colony also of the Sinopaeans. Thus far the Army marched on foot, the whole length of the retreat from the place of the battel in the Babylonian Territories hither, being 122 encampings, 620 parasangs, 10820 furlongs, 1352 miles and something more. At Co∣tyora they continued 50 dayes, making encursions upon the neighbouring

people of Paphlagonia. Then the Heracleans and Synopeans, a Colony of the Milesians in Paphlagonia, furnished hem with shipping, into which they put themselves and their baggage, and sailed away,* 1.246 Cherisophus meeting them with a few Vessels. Holding on their course they sailed by Jason's shore, where the Ship Argo is said to have anchored, and by the mouths of the Rivers Thermodon, Halys, & Parthenius, by which after they had passed, they arrived at Heraclea a Graecian City and Colony of the Megaraeans, situate in the Territory of the Maryandens, and came to anchor near the Cherronnesus or Peninsula of Acherousia, where Hercules is said to have fetcht the Dog Cer∣berus out of Hell; the marks being there shewn of his descent, and the depth of the place, being more than two furlongs.

49. Here the Soldiers, through the perswasion of Lycen an Achaian, mak∣ing unreasonable demands of money from the Heracleans, they shut their gates upon them,* 1.247 and provided for their own defence, which bred a sedition in the Army, so that they parted asunder. The Arcadians and Achaeans being more than 4500 all heavy armed, sailed away first, having got shipping of the Heracleans, that falling sodainly upon the Bithynians, they might pre∣vent the rest, and make the greatest prey. Cherisophus a little before chosen General, having 1300 armed, and 700 Peltasts, (who were the Thracians that followed Clearchus) marched on foot from Heraclea, and as soon as he en∣tred Thrace, led along by the Sea-coast being now sick, and presently dead of a Medicine he took in an Ague. Xenophon with 1700 Armed, 300 Pel∣tasts, and 40 Horse, taking shipping, landed in the confines of Thrace, and marched through the midst of the Land. With great difficulty passed they through the Country on foot, the Thracians of Asia and the Bithynians, grievously afflicting them, till meeting together again, they resolved no more to part, and decreed it should be death for any one to move such a thing. Then came they safe, though with great difficulty, to Chrysopolis a City in Chalcedonia, whence without much trouble some returned home,* 1.248 others were employed by Seuthes the King of Thrace; and after that Thymbro joyning them to the rest of the Graecian Forces,* 1.249 made War with them against Tissaphernes.

50. The Governours of the King's Provinces through which they journyed were Artymas of Lydia, Artacamas of Phrygia, Mithridates of Lycaonia and Cappadocia; of Cilicia Syenesis, of Phoenicia and Arabia Dernes, of Syria and Assyria Belesis, of Babylonia Roparas, of Media Arbacas, of the Phasiens and Hesperites Teribazus.* 1.250 The Carduchans, Chalybes, Chaldaeans, Macrons, Cholcans, Mosynaecans, Coitans, and Tibarens, were free people, and under no man's subjection. Paphlagonia was ruled by Co∣rylas, the Bithynians by Pharnabazus, the Europaean Thracians by Seuthes. The total number of the Ascent and Descent, was 212 encampings, 1150 parasangs, 34255 furlongs, 4281 miles and more. The time of the Ascent and Descent one year and three moneths. Thus these Strangers wanting all things, ignorant of the Countries through which they passed, over precipitous Mountains, straight and (almost) impassable wayes, notwithstanding the ma∣lice of Enemies, sharpnesse of air, and difficulty of the Soil, by the wonder∣ful Providence of God, and singular prudence of Xenophon, returned home into Greece, as we have it described by Xenophon himself, though the seven Books of this Expedition, notwithstanding the constant opinion of Antiquity, are adjudged by a late Learned Man (by reason of the disagreement of their manner of writing from his other works) from him, and are ascribed to The∣mistogenes the Syracusian, whom* 1.251 elsewhere he mentioneth to have related these matters. However this service performed to Cyrus cost him the losse of his Country, being for that banished by the Athenians his Countrymen; but the Lacedaemonians taking pitty of him, gave him some Lands in the Country of Elis and the Territories of Triphyllis, whence we may very well fetch an account of his writing that elegant Treatise of the form of their Commonwealth.* 1.252

51. In this mean time whilst the Graecians were on their way homewards,

Parysatis the Queen-mother of Persia greatly lamented the death of her son Cyrus, and meditated nothing but revenge upon such as had been instruments in his death, whom one way or other getting into her hands, she killed with most exquisite torments.* 1.253 The Carian, who vaunted he, and no other, had killed him being designed by Artaxerxes to be beheaded, because he robbed him of the glory of so valiant an action, she begged of the King, that she might have the punishing him, and so delivered him to those, who for ten dayes tormented him; then digged out his eyes, and lastly made an end of him by powring melted brasse into his ears. Mithridates guilty of the same Crime of boasting, and thereby greatly incensing the King, who would have had all men to believe that he alone in a single Duel had slain his bro∣ther, was condemned to be put to death after an odd kind of punishment full of cruelty then in use in Persia. The Malefactor was laid on his back between two hollow things, in form like to Boats, so fitted together that his head, hands, and feet might••ly out, and the rest of the body be contained within. Being thus made fast meat was given to him, and if he would not receive it, he was forced to eat by pricking of his eyes; and when he did eat, instead of drink, honey and milk mixed together were powred into him, being so placed as ever to have his eyes against the Sun. Hereby it came to passe, that his face would be wholely covered with flies; and doing that with∣in the Engine, which a man needs must who keepeth constantly eating and drinking, from the putrefaction of the Excrements were Maggots and Worms bred, which creeping up into the entrails fed upon the body, so that the miserable man being dead, and the upper part of the Engine removed, they might see the flesh devoured, and swarms of filth sticking on the Car∣casse: After this manner was Mithridates by degrees extinct, after seventeen dayes.

52. Parysatis after this, having won from Artaxerxes her son at Dice,* 1.254 the Eunuch Megates, who had cut off the head and hands of Cyrus, caused him to be flead alive. Her study then was how to rid herself of Statira her daugh∣ter-in-law, whom she never cared for, now hated mortally, and emulated her by reason of her hatred against Cyrus, and her power with the King her husband, so as she resolved in the procurement of her destraction to ha∣zard her own safety. Being now in appearance reconciled, and all old things forgotten, so as they met and supped together, she thence took occa∣sion secretly to work her death.* 1.255 There was a bird in Persia, called Rhynta∣ces, in which being nothing superfluous, or of excrement, all the inward parts were filled with fat. This, as Ctefias wrote, she cut it in two with a knife, whereof the one side was onely poysoned, & then taking the clear half to her self, she gave the other which the poyson had touched unto Statira, who su∣specting nothing, for that she see her eat herself of the bird before her, did eat it up, and died after great convulsions and torment. She suspected her be∣fore her death, and possessed the King with the matter, who knew sufficiently the cruel, and implacable disposition of his mother. He presently with Tortures examined her neerest servants, but she kept Gygis a woman who had been accessary to the fact, and would not give her up to him, till at length having notice that she should go out of the house by night, he surprized, and con∣demned her to die the death due to poysoners by the Persian Law, which was, that the head of the Malefactor being laid on a great stone, with another it was broken and flatted. As for his Mother he hurt her not at all, either by word or deed, but she desiring to go to Babylon, he sent her, adding onely this, that he would not see that Citie so long as she lived. This was the state of the Domestick affairs of Artaxerxes.

53. After the overthrow of Cyrus,* 1.256 he sent down Tissaphernes (not Phar∣nabazus, as is falsly written in Diodorus) to the Sea-Coasts to recover them into his power, the Governors of which fearing now to pay dearly for their compliance with Cyrus, sent to make their peace with this new General, and sought all wayes possible to be received into his favour. But Tamos a man of prime note amongst them, and Governour of Ionia, shipping his

goods, and all his sons (except one, named Cyaos, who afterwards became Captain of the Kings forces) sayled for fear of Tissaphernes into Egypt to Psammitichus the King, hoping for former curtesies to be received; but he, without consideration of former benefits, to get his ships and money to him∣self, murdered his friend with his Children.

In the mean time the Ionians fearing Tissaphernes,* 1.257 and desirous to enjoy their liberty, sent to the Lacedaemonians, now the chiefest State in Greece, desiring, that being the Captains, and Protectors of all Greece, they would not neglect them Originally of the same stock, but endeavour that they might enjoy their liberty, retain their Lands, and not utterly be destroyed, as danger seemed to threaten them from Tissaphernes, whom they had incensed by revolting from him to Cyrus. They, who were nothing contented with the doubling of their power by the accession of that of Athens lately subdued, but still according to the nature of men desiring more, began to cast in their heads how they might attain to the Empire of Asia, being also encouraged by the retreat of their Countrey-men, did not unwillingly receive the em∣bassy; but promising them speedy relief, first sent to Tissaphernes, desiring him not to offer any violence to the Greek Towns, but he neglecting their Message, and falling upon Cumae, in the Territories of which he did much harm, and took many prisoners, they then created Thymbro their Captain General against the King, giving him 1000 of their own Citizens, and order to take up as many from amongst their associates as he should think conve∣nient.

* 1.25854. Thimbro then with these marched to Corinth,* 1.259 where making them up to the number of 5000. besides 300 Athenian horse, he thence sayled to Ephesus. Having there out of the Associates and others, raised 2000 men more, he removed, and fell upon Magnesia, a Town subject to Tissaphernes, which he took at the first onset, and presently after attempted Tralles, a Town of Ionia; but it being to no purpose, he retreated to Magnesia, which being Fortified with no Wall, fearing that Tissaphernes might after his de∣parture recover it, he removed it to an Hill hard by, named Thorax. Then invaded he, and harazed the Enemies countrey, but hearing that Tissapher∣nes was coming towards him with a great power of horse, he thought himself unable to graple with him, and therefore returned unto Ephesus. Not long after upon promise of pay he procured Xenophon his forces to joyn with him, with which then he took the field against Tissaphernes, whereupon Per∣gamus yielded to him, together with Teuthrania, and Halisarnia Governed by Eurysthenes and Procles, who were descended from Demaratus the La∣cedaemonian. Other Towns also were delivered up to him, and some he took by force, till at length he sate down before Larissa, called the Egypti∣an, which attempting for some time to no purpose, his Superiours at Lace∣daemon were nothing satisfied with his management of the War, so that he received orders from the Ephori to leave Larissa, and remove the Army in∣to Caria. He obeyed, and when he was come on his way as far as Ephesus, Dercyllidas (a man so famous for his rare invention and cunning,* 1.260 that he got the sirname of Sisyphus) being appointed his Successor, there met him, and discharged him of his employment. Returning home, he was accused by the Associates for giving his Souldiers liberty to spoyl the friends and confede∣rates of the State, and for that was banished.* 1.261

55. Dercyllidas taking the Army into his hands, and not ignorant how he had to do with two Persian Lieutenants, Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus, who feared and hated each other; lest he should be overmatched with both, he re∣solved if he could to make peace with one of them. He had conceived some distaste against the later for an affront he put upon him, when he formerly served under Lysander in Asia: wherefore he made peace with Tissaphernes upon certain conditions, and lead his Army into Aeolis, without any hurt to the confederates in the way, which was under the Command of Pharnaba∣zus, where taking nine Cities in eight dayes, and getting into his hands all the Cities of Troas, he consulted by what means he might so quarter his

Souldiers in Winter, as not to be burthensom to the Associates as Thimbro was, and yet prevent Pharnabazus from troubling the Cities with the excur∣sions of horse, of which he had good store. He sent then presently to Phar∣nabazus to offer him either vvar, or peace, who making choice of a Truce, for that he stood in fear of Phrygia, which bordered upon Aeolis, and where he had his seat, he thereupon lead his forces into Bithynia to Winter there; the other not being unwilling he should so do, because the Bithynians were often troublesom to him.

56. In the beginning of Spring Dercyllidas marching out of Bithynia came to Lampsacus, where he met with three Lacedaemonians sent from the State to signifie to him the Prorogation of his Command for another year, who also by order from the Ephori, rebuked the Souldiers for the injuries offered by them to the associates in the time of Thimbro, and commended them for their great moderation last year, warning them for the time to come, to which one of the Officers answered (who had followed Cyrus) that the Souldiers were one and the same, but that the change of Generals produced a change in their behaviour. The messengers being departed out of Asia, he sent again to Pharnabazus, offering him either peace, or vvar, as before, who ma∣king the same choice, he out off hand passed over the Hellespont, and by the hands of his Souldiers, amongst whom the work was divided, fortified the Isthmus of the Cherronesus of Thrace with a Wall, thereby to defend it from incursions of the Thracians, who now had falln upon it, and whom to repell he was sent for. He so incouraged the minds of the Souldiers by hope of re∣ward, that the work being began in Spring was finished before Autumn, be∣ing thenceforth a great advantage to the inhabitants. After this he returned into Asia, where visiting the Cities he found that the Exiles of Chius having seized upon Atarna, there lurked, and lived upon such booty as they could make out of Ionia; wherefore he besieged the place, though strong, and well victualled, and after a siege of eight moneths forcing them to yield, he committed the care of the Town to Draco a Pellenian, and returned unto Ephesus.

57. In the mean while Pharnabazus, after he had made Truce with him,* 1.262 went up to the King, to whom he accused Tissaphernes, as not having re∣pelled the Lacedaemonians out of Asia, but suffered them there to continue at his cost and damage, alleging how unworthy a thing it was to fight more with money than Arms, and to restrain an Enemy more with rewards than valour. He advised him to make ready a Fleet, and give the Command thereof to Conon the Athenian, a man of great experience in things that con∣cerned War, who since the disaster of his Countrey sojourned with Evagoras the King of Cyprus. Artaxerxes yielding, gave him 500 Talents to provide ships; and Conon hoping by this means to do some special service for his Countrey, undertook the charge, but the Fleet being not yet ready, he sayled with fourty Phoenician Vessels into Cilicia,* 1.263 there to set all things in order. About the same time the Ionians sent to Lacedaemon to declare to that State, that if Caria were invaded in which Tissaphernes his principal seat was, there might be hope that he would leave them to their Laws and Liberty. This so wrought with the Spartans, that the Ephori thereupon sent order to Dercyl∣lidas to lead his forces into that Countrey, and to Pharaces their Admiral to sayl thither with his Fleet.

* 1.26458. Notwithstanding the secret accusations of Pharnabazus,* 1.265 yet still was Tissaphernes trusted by the King, and so far as with the Chief power in the War against the Graecians; insomuch that Pharnabazus, though much against his will, was forced to come to him at such time as Dercyllidas in∣vaded Caria. He first carried him thither, where taking what order their affairs required, and re-inforcing their Garrisons, they returned into Ionia, and Dercyllidas perceiving they had crossed the River Maeander, after he had consulted with Pharaces the Admiral about the preservation of the Ionians at that time but naked of defence, he also passed the River after them. The Per∣sian forces were in number 20000 foor, and 10000 horse; Dercyllidas his

whole Army amounted but to 7000, and though the Peloponnesians well enough behaved themselves, yet such as came from Priene, and out of the Ionian Cities and Islands had listed themselves under him, some of them throwing their Arms into the Corn (which grew plentifully by the River,) took them to their heels, and the rest sufficiently evidenced what they would do if they came to fight. Yet Tissaphernes having not forgot how such Greeks as followed Cyrus had put them to it, and judging all their Country∣men to be of the same metal, would by no means hear of fighting, which Pharnabazus sore pressed him to;* 1.266 but sent to Dercyllidas, desiring to come to interview. After Hostages given and received on both sides, they met, and an accommodation was made on these terms: That the King should leave all the Greek Cities to their own liberty; that the Greekish Forces should all depart out of his dominions, with all Lacedaemonian Governours from his Ci∣ties, and that a truce should be for so long a time, till both parties could hear from their Superiours, concerning their resolutions herein. Then marched away the Armies to their quarters, the Persian to Tralles, and that of the Greeks to Lexcophrys.

59. Notwithstanding this truce entred into by these Captains,* 1.267 yet the rig∣ging of a new Fleet went forwards in Phoenicia, and nothing do we hear con∣cerning the confirmation of the Treaty by the King. It hapning that one He∣rodas a Syracusan, living with a Sea-man in Phoenicia, and taking notice how great diligence was used in preparing a Fleet, which he heard should be com∣pleated to the number of 300 Vessels, he took the first opportunity of a ship and sailed into Greece, giving notice that such a Navy was providing by the King, and Tissaphernes, though he knew not, as he said, upon what design. The Lacedaeminians hereat startled, began to look about them, when Agesi∣laus one of their Kings, through the perswasion of Lysander, offered himself to undertake an Expedition into Asia against the Persian, provided they would send with him thirty of his choosing, by whose advice he might manage af∣fairs;* 1.268 give him 2000 men from home, and 6000 more of the associates, which being granted him, together with provisions for half a year, he sailed with Lysander (who had procured himself to be one of the 300, hoping by this means to restore the Decemvirates in the Asian Cities, which he having erected, the Ephori had again dissolved) unto Ephesus with such speed, that he landed his Forces before the Persian Lieutenants knew so much as of his coming, and thereby took them at unawares.

60. At Ephesus he raised new Forces to the number of 4000,* 1.269 and in∣creased his Army to 10000 Foot and 400 Horse, with which he took the field, a great company of rascally men, not inferiour in number to the other, following the Camp out of greedinesse for prey. Tissaphernes sent to him to know the cause of his coming into Asia, to whom he answered, that it was to restore the Greek Cities to their liberty; to which the other replyed, desi∣ring a cessation of Arms for so long a time, as he could send to the King, ho∣ping to obtain from him that which he required. Agesilaus gave little cre∣dit to his bare word, thinking, as indeed it was, that he protracted onely the time; but swearing most solemnly, that without any deceit he would do what in him lay to procure a Peace, he also upon this condition sware to hold the Truce; but Tissaphernes having little regard of his oath, sent onely to the King for new forces to joyn with his old ones, which though Agesilaus suf∣ficiently knew, yet kept he his Faith inviolable in preservation of the Truce; and when he denounced war against him, except he would forthwith quit Asia, he gave notice thereof joyfully to his Soldiers, and sent to the Ionians, Aeoli∣ans, and the Greeks living upon the Hellespont, to dispatch their supplies unto Ephesus. Contrary then to the expectation of Tissaphernes (who thought he would have made for Caria) he invaded Phrygia, where setting upon the Cities at unawares, he got much booty, and without any losse came to the confines of Daschylium, where his Forlorn-hope meeting with a Party of Horse belonging to Pharnabazus, were worsted, losing twelve Men, and two Horses, till he with the Infantry coming in to their relief, the Barbarians

retired with the losse of one Man, and Agesilaus spending the greatest part of Summer in wasting Phrygia, marched back with his Army mightily inriched, & came back in Autumn unto Ephesus, where he took up his Winter quarters.* 1.270

61. Whilst the Lacedaemonians thus acted in Asia against Artaxerxes, that they might strengthen their interest abroad, they sent to Nephereus the King of Aegypt, which now for a good space had revolted from the Persian Empire, to procure him to joyn with them in the War, who sent them 100 Gallies, and 500000 measures of Wheat for a supplie. Pharax then with a Navie consisting of 120 Sail departing from Rhodes, sailed to Caunus, where he set upon Conon, who there had forty Ships lying at anchor; but Artapher∣nes and Pharnabazus coming in to the relief of the Ships and Place with great Forces, he retired back to Rhodes, the Inhabitants of which not long after expelled his Fleet, and revolting to the Persians received Conon and his Navy. It hapned after this revolt, that those that brought the Corn from Aegypt being gnorant of what had happened, thrust their Ships into the Haven, which Conon and the Rhodians seizing upon, thereby well furnished the City. Afterwards came in to Conon 90 Gallies more: 10 from Cilicia, & the rest out of Phoenicia, of which the petty King of Sidon had the charge. And here the sol∣diers of Conon mutinied for want of pay,* 1.271 who therefore more earnestly called for their Arrears, because their service was the stricter under so great a Captain.

62. Agesilaus knowing that without Horse he could not well carry on the War, in Champain places, in the Winter-time took order about it,* 1.272 permit∣ting such rich men in the City as would not fight themselves, to furnish him with each of them an Horse and a Man in their stead. Then upon the ap∣proach of the Spring, drawing together all his Forces to Ephesus, he trained and exercised them in the management of Arms, that City serving them as the shop of War, during these Exercises. When he had thus prepared their minds, and encouraged them by rewards, and otherwise, he gave out he would march straight into the most fortified places of the Enemies Country, further to ex∣ercise them for the Fight. Tissaphernes thinking this rumor to be spread on purpose to deceive him, again marched into Caria, whither he thought indeed he meant to go; but Agesilaus, as he said, invaded the Territories about Sar∣dis, which wasting round about, on the fourth day his men stragling about for plunder, were set upon by the Enemies Horse, which slew many of them. He going in to their relief, understanding the Persians had no Foot there, and considering how he had all things in a readinesse, resolved to make something of it, so that falling on in good earnest, he got a considerable Victory near the River Pactolus, and plundering the enemies Camp, from what belonged to friend and foe, got booty worth above 70 talents, amongst which was Camels which he carried with him into Greece.

63. Tissaphernes at the time of this engagement (if we may believe Xe∣nophon, who accompanied Agesilaus in this Expedition,* 1.273 rather than Diodo∣dorus or Pausanias) was at Sardis, and upon that account was accused by the Persians to have forsaken and betrayed them. About this time it happened that Conon the Admiral of the Persian Fleet, having to no purpose for a long time sollicited the King by letters, for money to pay his men, resolved now him∣self to go to him, Pharnabazus egging him on that he might accuse Tissa∣phernes of treachery. Leaving then his Fleet to the care of two Athenians, he came to Thapsacus in Syria, and passing down Euphrates unto Ba∣bylon, made application to Tithraustes, to whom hee signified that hee would speak with the King. But none being to be admitted to his presence, except he adored him, he transacted his businesse by letters and messengers, and prevailed to have Tissaphernes adjudged an enemy, the Lacedaemonians to be prosecuted with War, and to chuse whom he pleased for the paying of mo∣neys; and with great gifts returned he to the Sea, having commission to charge the Phoenicians, Cyprians, and other maritime Inhabitants, with long ships, and having Pharnabazus for his associate, according to his desire, to provide a Navie for the defence of the Seas against the next Summer.

64. These accusations of Tissaphernes were so prosecuted by Parysatis who

bore him mortal hatred in the behalf of her son Cyrus, that Artaxerxes made Tithraustes Captain General of the War in his stead,* 1.274 enjoyning him to make him away, and granting letters to all the Cities and Lieutenants to be obedi∣ent to him. He gave him two letters at parting, whereof the one was written to Tissaphernes, being a pretended Commission to him to have full and absolute power in the War: the other to Ariaeus Lieutenant of Larissa, commanding him to assist Tithraustes in the apprehending of him. He delivered the let∣ter as soon as he came to Collosse in Phrygia, whither Ariaeus procured Tissa∣phernes to come, as to advise together about the War, and as he was in the Bath having laid by his scimiter, caused his servants to take him, and sent him to Tithraustes, who carrying him as far as Celaenae cut off his head, which he conveyed to the King.* 1.275 He sent it to his Mother, who greatly rejoyced at the sight, with her also the Graecian women who had lost their sons or husbands through his fraud; and the whole Nation in the death of their mortal Enemy.

65. Tithraustes now sent to Agesilaus to acquaint how the incendiary be∣twixt the King and the Graecians was deservedly punished, so that his Master thought it reasonable that he would withdraw his Forces out of Asia,* 1.276 and the Greek Cities being left to their own laws, should pay their accustomed tri∣bute to him. He denyed to do any thing herein without consent of the La∣cedaemonian State,* 1.277 whereupon they agreed that Tithraustes paying him thirty talents for the maintenance of his Army, he should depart into the parts sub∣ject to Pharnabazus, till such time as he understood the will of his Superi∣ours. Then led he towards Phrygia, when in the way he met with an order come from Lacedaemon, whereby not onely the power at Land, but over the Navy also was given unto him, over which he might make Admiral whomsoe∣ver he pleased. He then to gratify the Cities and those who at home studied to pleasure him, made up a Navy of 120 ships, over which he set Pisander his wives brother, a man indeed greedy of honour, and of prompt boldnesse, but of little experience in such great concernments.

66. Tithraustus taking notice hereof, and how Agesilaus did not intend to quit Asia, but rather conceived great hopes of overthrowing the King, resolved there was no way to be taken but to find his Countrymen such work at home, that they must necessarily recall him.* 1.278 To this purpose he sent one Timocra∣tes a Rhodian into Greece, with gold to the value of 50 Talents, to the intent that he might therewith corrupt the leading and the principal men of the se∣veral Cities, and engage them into a War with the Athenians against Lacedae∣mon, which was accordingly brought about. Agesilaus in the mean time en∣tring Phrygia, which was subject to Pharnabazus, about Autumn, spoiled the Country, and by fair or foul means took many Cities. Thence marched he into Paphlagonia, which he withdrew from the obedience of the Persian, and received 1000 Horse and 2000 Foot from Cotys the King, and after this he went to Dascylium, where Pharnabazus his Palace was, and there, it being a place plentious of provisions, he took up his Winter-quarters.

67. Whilst his Soldiers straggled abroad for booty in great contempt of the Barbarians, Pharnabazus light on a Party of Horse, and thereof slew 100. Three or four dayes after Herippidas (the principal of the 30 Counsellors who accompanied Agesilaus) having notice from Spithridates, that Pharnabazus lay incamped in a large Village named Cave, 20 miles of, procured of Agesi∣laus 4000 Foot and as many Horse-men as he could perswade to accompany him,* 1.279 with which beginning his march as soon as it was dark, by break of day he fell in upon the Enemies Camp, killing most of the Mysians who kept the watch before it. Then the Persians fled; Pharnabazus fearing to be be∣sieged, so that he wandred from place to place like the Scythian Nomades, and Herippidas got much rich plunder, amongst which the costly stuff of Pharnabazus, but seeking out too austerely all the concealed prey, he took from Spithridates and the Paphlagonians all that they had gotten; with which disgrace being exceedingly affected, they went away by night to Ariaeus lying at Sardis, who had formerly rebelled and waged War with Cyrus against the King. At this departure of Spithridates and Megabates his son (who was

most dear to him) Agesilaus was so troubled, as also at that of the Paphla∣gonian Forces, that nothing more vexed him of all things that fell out in this Isiatick Expedition.

68. Afterwards Agesilaus and Pharnabazus met together to treat about a Peace by the procurement of Apollophanes of Cyzicus,* 1.280 who was guest unto them both. Pharnabazus professed that if he were not made General of the War he would revolt from the King; but if he should be, he would carry it on against the other with all his might, and to his utmost ability. Agesi∣laus on the other side promised he would speedily depart out of his Territo∣tories, and as long as any other remained to make War upon, would spare him and his estate. Upon the approaching of Spring, he led down his Forces into the Plains of Thebes, where pitching his Tents near the Temple of Dian•• Astyrina, he levied all the Forces he could; for he intended an Expedition into the upper Countries, being confident to turn all in his passage from their obedience to the King, his fame being spread abroad far and near, ha∣ving spent now two years in the War. But the gold sent into Greece the last year by Tithraustes, had by this time so wrought upon the humours of the se∣veral States there, that they conspired together in a great and dangerous War against the Lacedaemonians, who thereupon sent to Agesilans, setting him a day by which he must needs be at home with his Army for the preserva∣tion of his Country.* 1.281 It troubled him much to leave Asia, for the conquest of which he was in so fair a way, yet he resolved to obey the call of his distressed Country, seeing (as he himself expressed in his answer to the Ephori) a General then truly and justly commandeth, when he obeyeth the Laws, and the Ephori or whatsoever Magistrates else are in the City. At his departure he is reported to have said, that the King expelled him Asia by 30000 Archers, wittily intima∣ting the same number of Daricks stamped with the effigies of an archer, where∣by he had procured the conspiracy of the Graecian Cities against Lacedaemon.

69. Having passed the Hellespont, and being come to Amphipolis, he re∣ceived news of a Victory obtained by the Lacedaemonians about Corinth, whereupon he dispatched Dercyllidas presently back into Asia,* 1.282 by these tidings to confirm the associated Cities. In the mean time while he marched through Macedonia and Thessalie towards the Straights of Thermopylae, Conon the Athenian and Pharnabazus, Admirals of the Persian Fleet, lay about Doryma a place in the Chersonesus, with about 90 Gallies, who having notice that the enemies Fleet were about Gnidus, prepared themselves for an engagement. Pe∣riarchus (or Periander) the Lacedaemonian Admiral weying anchor sailed from Gnidus with 120 ships to Physeus another place in the Chersonesus, and thence directed his course strait against the Kings Fleet, and at the first had the better of it, but the Persian Gallies coming in apace to the relief of their friends, the Lacedaemonian confederates began to shift for themselves.* 1.283 The Admiral thought it unseemely and unworthy of the Spartan valour to run away, and therefore directed his ship to the front of the Enemy, where first killing many of his Enemies, at length he was slain. Then the followers of Conon pursuing the Lacedaemonians to the contnent,* 1.284 took 50 Vessels, and 500 men, the most part swimming to shore and saving themselves; & the rest of the Gallies with safety recovered Gnidus. By this victory of Conon (who made use of the Kings Forces for the recovery of the estate of his own country) Athens and all Greece which heretofore were under the Lacedaemonian yoke, again recovered their liberty. Diodorus placeth it in the second year of the 96^th Olympiad, when Diophan∣tus was Archon at Athens; bur Lycias in the year following, being under the government of Eubulides, and the eleventh of Artaxerxes.

70. Pharnabazus and Conon for the improvement of this Victory,* 1.285 la∣boured with the Islands and Maritime Towns of Ionia, to revolt from the Lacedaemonians, which they effected, some casting out the Garrisons, and maintaining themselves in their antient liberty, others yielding unto Conon, onely Dercyllidas lying at Abydus at the time of the fight, retained that place, and Sestos over against it, still in hostility against the Persians, though endeavoured also to be reduced. In the next Spring the two Persian Generals

invaded the Maritime parts of Laconia, which after they had wasted as they might, and now were about to return, Conon perswaded the other to let him have the Navy, with which he said he would sail to Athens, and there build up again the long walls, and the Piraeus or Haven, than which he affirmed nothing could happen more disagreeable to the Lacedaemonians. This he ea∣sily obtained, and money also to rebuild the walls, for which sailing thither with 80 Gallies he took order; giving those 50 Talents which he had received of Pharnabazus unto the Athenians.

The Lacedaemonians having notice of this,* 1.286 being very fearful the Athe∣nian State should again recover it's antient power, sent away Antalcidas to Teribazus another of the Persian Lieutenants who governed Sardis, if pos∣sible to draw him to their Party, and reconcile them to the King. After this was known at Athens, they also sent Conon and others to him, and with them joyned several other States, as the Boeotians, Corinthians, and Argives,* 1.287 who were weary of the power of the Spartans. Antalcides de∣clared how those that sent him were ready to imbrace a Peace upon such terms as the King pleased, for that they would no longer contend with him about the Greek Cities in Asia, thinking it sufficient, that the rest which were else∣where situated might be left to their own Laws and liberty: he also laboured earnestly to render Conon suspected to the King, alleging, that at the King's cost he onely promoted the affairs of his own Country, seeking with his Forces to obtain as many Cities as he could for the Athenians, to whom under-hand he went about to restore Ionia and Aeolia also. This offer concerning the leaving of the Greek Cities to the King's disposal, so nearly concerned his affairs, that the other Ambassadors in no case admitting it, for private respects returned home, without any thing concluded of; and though Teribazus durst not without commission joyn himself to the Lacedaemonians, yet gave he pri∣vately monies to Antaclidas to enable them to build a Fleet, wherewithall to constrain their adversaries to submit to an accommodation, and laying hold of Conon committed him to custody, till such time as going himself to the King he might know his pleasure concerning these things.

71. Some have reported how Conon was carryed to the King,* 1.288 and by him put to death, but others that he made an escape. Whilst Teribazus was yet with the King, he sent Struthas into Asia the lesse, to take care of the Sea-Coasts, who shewing himself very bitter against the Lacedaemonians for the evils which the Provinces had suffered of Agesilaus, and favourable upon that account to the Athenians, the Spartans sent over Thymbro to make War up∣on him. He with 8000 men took Coressus the high hill some five miles di∣stant from Ephesus, whence he made excursions into the King's Dominions; but Struthas lying not far from him with a great power of Horse, besides Foot, at such time as with a Party he was ranging about for booty, fell upon him, killed him amongst many others, and putting the rest to flight, took many; the other securing themselves where they might best do it.* 1.289 The year after, the Lacedaemonians sending Ecdicus to the aid of the exiles of Rhodes with eight ships, dispatched away with him one Diphridas, with order to passe into Asia, there to gather up the remnant of the Forces, with which, and as ma∣ny more as he could raise, he was to protect those Cities which had received Thymbro, and to grapple with Struthas. He acted accordingly, and so or∣dered his affairs, that he proved hard enough for Struthas, and amongst other commendable actions took prisoner Tigranes his Son in Law, as he was going with his wife to Sardis, whom releasing for a great ransome, he seasonably made use of the money for the payment of his Soldiers.

72. Whilst these things passed betwixt Artaxerxes and the Common∣wealth of Sparta, he was also imployed about the affaires of Cyprus,* 1.290 which he strove to get into his hands. There was in that Island one Evagoras of great birth (being descended from those who first built Salamine the principal City therein) who being lately expelled through a Sedition, returned with a little force of Auxiliaries,* 1.291 and expelling Abdemon the Tyrian, who then had the power over the City, and a great friend of the King of Persia, made

himself King of Salamine, and within a short time growing very rich gathered forces, and by the help of his son Protagoras subdued almost the whole Island. But the Amathusians with the Solians and Citians stood out against him, and by their Ambassadors sollicited Artaxerxes for aid, accusing Evagoras for the death of Agyres, who had been confederate with the King, and offering him their help for the possessing himself of the whole Island. He being jealous of the growth of Evagoras, and considering how convenient this Island might be, by reason of its situation, for the promoting of his affairs at Sea, by vvhich especially Asia could be defended, resolved to assist them, and dis∣missing the Ambassadors to their content, gave order to the Cities upon the Sea-Coasts to build ships vvith all speed, he himself travelling into the upper Provinces for the raising of a great Land Army.

73. Till he had composed matters with the Graecians, no considerable thing could he attempt upon Cyprus, and though they favoured the cause of Evagoras in opposition to him, yet their enmity one against another hindred that effect which their Union might have produced, to the great impairment of his affairs. The Athenians sent ten ships to the aid of Evagoras;* 1.292 but it hapning that Teleutias being sent by the Lacedaemonians at that time to suc∣ceed Ecdicus in the Fleet, and to defend their interest in Asia,* 1.293 met with them, and intercepted them all, whereby it hapned that those who were Ene∣mies to Artaxerxes overthrew those who went to make War against him. After this these two Commonwealths contending sore with each other at Sea to their mutual damage,* 1.294 at length Antalcidas was sent by the Lacedaemonians to the Government of the Fleet, because they knew him to be in great grace with Teribazus. He coming to Ephesus, left Nicolochus his Lieutenant, and according to his private instructions went with Teribazus to Artaxer∣xes about a peace, towards whom he so behaved himself (to please him ca∣sting off the Spartan gravity, and not refusing to dance before him) that the King, who before could not endure the Spartans, as counting them the most impudent of all men, imbraced him with singular respect and courtesie.

74. He concluded of a peace with him for the Lacedaemonian State,* 1.295 in case the other Graecians would not consent to such overtures as the King made, and returned with Teribazus, who giving notice that all who would might ac∣cept of the conditions which his master proposed, they dispatched their se∣veral Deputies to him. He shewing them the Kings Seals, opened the Letters, wherein was contained, that Artaxernes the King accounted it meet that the Cities in Asia, and the Islands Clazomenae (since joyned to the Continent) and Cyprus, should be under his Dominion: as for the other Greek Cities, both great and small, that they should be left to their own liberty; except Lemnus, Imbrus, and Scyrus, which having been subject to the Athenians time out of mind, be thought it reasonable they should so continue. Those that should not receive this peace, he with the rest who would embrace it would prosecute with War to his utmost power, both at Sea and Land. The Ambassadors went home, and made report of what was proposed to the several Commonwealths, who grudged it much that the Cities of Asia, for whose liberty Agesilaus had ta∣ken so much pains, should be so unworthily again betrayed. But being ne∣cessitated to submit, they accepted of the conditions; and the peace was sworn to at length by all Greece, in the second year of the 96th Olympiad,* 1.296 and the 18th year of Artaxerxes. A. M. 3618.

75. Artaxerxes being thus freed from this tedious controversie with the Graecians, set himself to a preparation for the Wars of Cyprus,* 1.297 from which as yet he had been diverted. Evagoras by this time, through the assistance of Chabrias, whom the Athenians had sent to his aid with 800 Peltasts, and ten Gallies, had brought under the whole Island, having got together also a most numerous Army, whilest the King was kept in play by the Graecians. For he entred into society with Acoris King of Egypt,* 1.298 who furnished him with great store of money, and Hecatomnus the Viceroy of Caria under-hand supplied him with some for the hiring of forein Souldiers; and the King of Arabia with others, who bore no good will to Artaxerxes, sent a great

power of men. He had in a readinesse 90 Gallies, whereof twenty lay at Tyre in Phoenicia, which with other Cities he had got into his hands, and the rest anchored readily furnished before Cyprus. The King gathered together both his Land and Sea forces, the former consisting of 300000 men, and the later of 300 Gallies. Over his Land Army he appointed General Orontes his son-in-law, and Teribazus Admiral of his Navy, who taking up their for∣ces out of Phocaea and Cuma, marched down into Cilicia, whence passing over into Cyprus with great industry they began the War.

76. Evagoras having 6000 men of his own, many more Auxiliaries, and having hired a great force of strangers over and above, (money being very plentifull with him) first with his Pinnaces well Armed set upon the Ene∣mies ships as they brought in provisions, whereof some he took, others he sunk, or chaced away. Hereby it came to passe, that no Commodities being imported into the Island, a great dearth ensued in the Persian Camp; and hereby a mutiny of the Souldiers, especially of the mercenaries, who fell upon their Officers, and killed some of them. This put Glos the Admiral upon a resolution to sayl with the whole Fleet into Cilicia, whence he brought suffi∣cient supply; which Evagoras seeing, and considering his Navy to be far in∣feriour to the Persian, he got ready other sixty ships, and procuring fifty more from Acoris (who readily furnished him with all things necessary for the War) he made up his Fleet 200 sayl.* 1.299 Then exercised he his men often to prepare them for a fight, and that to the terror of the Enemy who beheld it, and at length as the Persian Fleet sayled by Citium he fell upon it, taking some Vessels, and sinking others, but the Admiral and other Com∣manders standing close to their tackling, a sharp conflict ensued, in which though Evagoras at the first prevailed, yet Glos with all his power, and with great earnestnesse and valour grapling with him, he was at length after great losse put to flight.

77. The Persians after this victory mustered all their forces, both by Sea and Land at Citium, and presently both wayes laid siege to Salamine. Now Evagoras, though he had had the better of it formerly in some sallies out upon the besiegers, cooled in his courage after this defeat. Though the siege was very straight and pressing, yet resolving to continue the War, he left his son Pythagoras for the defence of the Citie, with full Authority, and departed by night with ten Gallies into Egypt, where he laboured hard with Acoris the King, to perswade him to carry on the War with him, and that with all his power. He granted him some money;* 1.300 but for that he was dis∣couraged by the late defeat, nothing according to his expectation, so that re∣turning, and finding the Citie very much straightned, and himself destitute of succour, he was forced to send about an accommodation: Teribazus offered his consent upon these terms, that quitting all the Cities except Salamine, he should for that pay a yearly Tribute to the King, and be at his command as a servant to his Lord; which though hard, he consented to, except the last, thinking it a great disgrace to be at his back as a servant, and more reaso∣nable to be subject to him as one King to another.

* 1.30178. Teribazus not admitting of this exception, Orontes his colleague, and emulator, accused him by secret Letters to the King, as well for other mat∣ters, as that having an opportunity sufficient to take Salamine, he did not use it, but spent his time in treaties with the Enemy; he farther laid to his charge privatly entring into friendship with Lacedaemon sending to consult the Oracle about warring against the King, and especially alluring the Officers by honours, gifts, and promises. Artaxerxes believing these things, wrote back to Orontes to arrest Teribazus, and send him presently unto him, who accordingly sent, earnestly desired to be brought to his tryal, but being for the present committed to prison, and the King employed in the Cadusian War, his judgement was still delayed. In the mean time Orontes being now General with full power and authority in Cyprus, finding that Evagoras with great courage still held out, and that his own Souldiers taking ill the imprison∣ment of Teribazus refused to obey him, sent to Evagoras to treat of peace,

offering him the same conditions he was formerly willing to admit of from Teribazus. He being thus delivered beyond hope, concluded a peace on these terms; to pay yearly Tribute for the Kingdom of Salamine, and as King, to be obedient to the King of Persia.* 1.302 And thus the Cyprian War ended ten years after the first preparation for it, and after it had been managed 2 years. Artaxerxes after all this time, and the expence of 50 Talents, leaving Eva∣goras in effect, in the same condition he was before.

79. Gaus the Persian Admiral, after this War,* 1.303 having married the daugh∣ter of Teribazus, fearing, lest because of his affinity, he should be suspected also by the King, and suffer upon that account, resolved for a prevention to fortifie himself against him by entring into league with his Enemies. This he did presently with Acoris of Egypt,* 1.304 and wrote to the Lacedaemonians to ex∣cite them to break the peace, making large offers of what he could do for Greece. They had of late as before cast in their heads how to make them∣selves masters of all Greece, and finding that they heard ill for the peace con∣cluded with Artaxerxes, in which the interests of their Countrey-men were betrayed, they sought for, upon a new advice, a fit opportunity to renew the War against the Persians, and therefore now not unwillingly accepted of this confederacy with Gaus.

80. At this time Artaxerxes made War upon the Cadusians,* 1.305 leading against them an Army of 300000 foot, and 10000 horse. He cast himself into great straights marching into a Countrey uneven, rainy, and bringing no Corn, but nourishing onely its inhabitants with Pears, Aples, and such like fruits; so that finding there no provision, and not able to come by it from elsewhere, the carriage beasts were killed for meat, an Asses head could scarce be bought for 60 drachms,* 1.306 the Kings set meals were laid down, and very few horses remained; the rest being all eaten up. Then Teribazus under dis∣grace saved the King and his whole Army; for there being two Kings of the Cadusians, he himself went to one of them, and sent his son to the other, each of them signifying to him whom he went to, that his Colleague had sent about a peace to Artaxerxes, having left him out, wherefore his advise was, that they should send with him Ambassadors to treat, and conclude a pacifi∣cation first, which, being both deceived, they did, and a League was entred into by both apart. Then returned he homewards, and in the way, to give a good example to others, alighted from his horse, and with Quiver and Target upon him travelled on foot over the mountainous, and rough places, and coming at length to a place called the Kings Inne, compassed with pleasant Gardens and Groves, because of the extremity of cold, he gave leave to the Souldiers to cut down the Cypresses and other Trees, which because they out of mo∣desty refused, he took an Axe, and himself cut down the most beautifull. But coming home, and upon sence of his great losse, both of men and horses, su∣specting he was contemned for his ill successe, he slew many of his principal subjects, of whom he thought he had cause to be jealous.

81. The Cadusian War being finished, he caused Teribazus to come to his tryal, commending the matter to three of his most eminent Judges, who upon consideration of what was alleged, pro and con, and of his former great merits, absolved him, to the satisfaction of the King, who then bestowing on him the greatest honours, expunged the name of Orontes his false accuser out of the Catalogue of his friends, and cast upon him the greatest ignominy. About the same time, following herein the example of Cambyses his Prede∣cessor, he caused certain Judges convicted of unjust Decrees to be flead alive, and their skins spread over the judgement seat, where the rest heard, and de∣termined causes, that they might have a constant Memento before their eyes.

Not long after Gaos the Persian Admiral, who, as before was said,* 1.307 had en∣tred into society with the Lacedaemonians, and the King of Egypt, whilest he was managing his revolt, was slain by some that cunningly laid in wait for him. One Tachos undertook the carrying on of his design, and fortifying himself with an Army, built a Citie in an high Rock upon the Sea, called

Leuca, where was a Chapel dedicated to Apollo; but he dying a little after, great controversie hapned about the place betwixt the Clazomenians and Cu∣maeans (whereof the former obtained it) and thereby those rebellions in Asia fell of themselves, and the Lacedaemonians, thinking it best to inter∣medle no more with Persian matters, gave their minds wholly to establish their power in Greece, got into their hands several Cities by one means or other, and not obscurely sought after the Empire of all Greece, contrary to the form of the League, made by the means of the Persian King at the procurement of Antaleidas, amongst all the Graecians, as Diodorus telleth us.

82. Acoris the King of Aegypt,* 1.308 who of late had entred into society with Gaus, and before had given assistance to Evagoras against Artaxerxes, as one who laid claim unto his Kingdom, to strengthen himself raised a great Army of Strangers, and for that he gave very good pay, and sought otherwayes to deserve well of Military men, many Graecians gave their names and listed themselves in his service.* 1.309 But wanting still some famous and expert General, he procured Chabrias the Athenian, a man of great command and no lesse valour; though without the consent of the people. Artaxerxes made Phar∣nabazus (now of late his Son in Law) the General of his Forces, who fur∣nished with money made great preparations for the War, and sent to Athens to complain of Chabrias, who as he said, by his service to the Aegyptian, alienated the Kings affection from that State; and desired that they would send Iphicrates to be a Captain in his Wars. The Athenians being desirous to have both the King and Pharnabazus their friend, presently recalled Cha∣brias, and gave order to Iphicrates to assist the Persians.

83. Pharnabazus spent several years in preparation for the War,* 1.310 of which Iphicrates being weary, told him he wondred, that he being so quick in speaking should be so slow in doing, to which he answered, that the rea∣son was, that he himself was master of his words, but the King of his acti∣ons.* 1.311 The Graecians were again fallen into civil dissentions, the former Peace being not long continued through the ambitious practices of the Lacedaemoni∣ans; which Artaxerxes considering, and how needful their help was to him in this Egyptian Expedition, he sent to them to mediate and take up their differences, which they all liked well and accepted, except the Thebans. At length after three or four years spent in preparation, the King's Forces were drawn down into Ace a Town of Syria,* 1.312 where being a general Muster, three were found 200000 Barbarians, under the command of Pharnabazus, and 20000 Greeks under the Ensigns of Iphicrates: the Navy amounted to the number of 300 Gallies, besides a great number of Vessels of burthen. In the beginning then of Summer they marched for Aegypt; the Fleet sailing along the Coasts, and coming near the mouths of Nile, found the Aegyp∣tians furnished sufficiently for a War; warning enough having been given them by the delay of Pharnabazus, who (as other Persian Generals) having not the full disposal of things in his power, was constrained to send to the King, to know his pleasure concerning particulars, whose answer not being quickly obtained at a great distance, procured much slownesse in all Ex∣peditions.* 1.313

84. Nectanebis the King of Aegypt (for Acoris was now dead) sent to spie out the number of the Persian Army; but his chiefest hope was in the strength of the Country, which was mightily fortified against any invasion, by the seven mouths of Nile, whereof each strengthned with a Castel, and a wodden bridge to hinder the passage of any ships up the River. But especially he took care of Pelusium the readiest passage from Syria, stopping up such places as might be passed by water, and drowning such as gave accesse by Land.* 1.314 Pharnabazus his Officers finding Pelusium so strongly fortified, re∣solved there was no passing there, and to carry the Fleet up to the Mendesian mouth of the River, where landing 3000 men, Pharnabazus and Iphicrates set upon the Castle. The Aegyptians brought in 3000 Horse and Foot to the relief of it, and thereby ensued a most sharp encounter; but being at length overpowered by the number of Persians which coming in continually to the

fight, encompassed them; a great slaughter was made of them, and many taken alive. The rest betaking themselves to the Fort, Iphicrates his men brake in with them, took it, and razing it, carried the Defendants away prisoners.

85. Iphicrates now understood by these Prisoners, that the Garrison was called out of Memphis the strongest City in Aegypt; whereupon he advised Pharnabazus with all speed to sail thither, before the Aegyptians should have time to unite their Forces. Pharnabazus answered, he would first stay till all his Army arrived, by the which the taking of Memphis would be more easie; but the other replyed, that if he would but let him have all the Mercenaries onely in the Army, he would promise to reduce the City. Pharnabazus hereupon grew jealous of his valour, and fearing he might there∣by, from his skill and courage bring Aegept into subjection, denyed him what he required;* 1.315 to which refusal he opposed this solemn protestation, that if the Persians should let slip out of their hands this fair opportunity, this Expedition through their fault would prove successlesse. Nothing being pro∣cured hereby but hatred and ill words, the Aegyptians by the means of this delay re-inforced the Garrison of Memphis, and with all their Forces came to the Fort which the Persians had demolished; when dividing their men in∣to several parties, they set upon the Enemy, and prevailed so much upon him, that making great slaughters, the Persian Generals, having spent much time about the Place, and now the Nile swelling, and beginning to overflow all the grounds about them; lest they should seem to strive with Nature it self, resolved to retreat out of the Country: And this was the fruit of so long a preparation, and so much expence.

86. Being returned into Asia, the differences betwixt them brake out afresh, insomuch that Iphicrates fearing lest he might be attached as Conon formerly had been, withdrew himself by night, and returned to Athens. Thither Pharnabazus sent after him, to accuse him as guilty of the miscariage of the Expedition, to which the Athenians answered, that if they found him guilty, they would punish him; but within a while they gave him the com∣mand of their Fleet. This year Nicocles the Eunuch slew Evagoras the King of Salamine, and seized on the Kingdom, according to Diodorus, who in no case is to be believed, as to the Author of the Paricide; for though it be con∣firmed by one(a) 1.316 that he was killed by an Eunuch; yet it appeareth from another, that his name was Thrasydaens; seeing it is clear from Isocrates, that Nicocles (to whom he wrote one Oration;(b) 1.317 another concerning the Of∣fice of a King he stiled by his name; and made a Funeral one concerning Evagoras) was the very son of Evagoras, and succeeded him in the King∣dom, and is not to be reckoned amongst Eunuchs.

87. The next year,* 1.318 Artaxerxes understanding how Greece was shaken with intestine broiles, which he still looked upon as by it's help to recover Aegypt, sent to compose the differences amongst the several States. They all assented to his offers, except the Thebans, who having a design to be Ma∣sters of all Boeotia, would not enter with the rest into the League, which the Lacedaemonians ill resenting, and suspecting their ambitious practices for the dominion of all Greece, invaded them as the publick Enemies, Here∣upon ensued a great and bloody battel at Leuctra,* 1.319 in which the Thebans had the better, through the conduct of Epaminondas, who so abated the strenght of the Spartans, that they sent Agesilaus their King into Aegypt, and An∣talcidas to Artaxernes, to desire a supply of money. But the King, either because they sought to his Rebels the Aegyptians, or upon some other ac∣count, slighted the Message, and rejected Antalcidas, insomuch that return∣ing home, when he found that he was laughed at by his Enemies, and fearing the severity of the Ephori, he starved himself to death.

88. Yet still did the King endeavour to reconcile the Graecians,* 1.320 for that as long as they exercised mutual feud, he could not have any considerable sup∣ply from them. This year on the former message Philiscas of Abydus was sent to them, who procured both the Thebans and their associates, and the Lace∣daemonians

to meet at Delphos; but the controversie resting about Messene, and the Thebans refusing to consent that it should be under the Lacedaemonians, the Treatie had again the same successe: which so offended Philiscus, that he left 2000 Soldiers he had hired to the Lacedaemonians, and returned into Asia. The Thebans not long after having a design to bring all Greece into subjection, and knowing their endeavours to be vain, except they made Ar∣taxerxes their friend, or at least induced him to stand neuter, resolved to send Ambassadors to him. Calling together then their associates, they pretended the thing to be necessary, because Euthycles the Lacedaemonian was already there, and dispatched away Pelopidas from themselves, Antiochus from the Arca∣dians, Archidamus for the Eleans, and another for the Argives, which being known at Athens, they also sent Timagoras and Leon from their State.

89. Pelopidas found the most favour at the King's hands,* 1.321 pleading (and not falsely) that the Thebans had onely assisted the Persians at Plataea, and since that had never fought against that Kingdom; and that for this onely cause were they invaded by the Lacedaemonians, because they refused to follow Agesilaus against the King, having also prohibited him to sacrifize at Aulis, where Aga∣memnon sacrifized when he passed into Asia and took Troy. The late Victory of the Thebans at Leuctra, and the invasion of the Lacedaemonian Territo∣ries, did not a little add to the esteem of Pelopidas, who to inhance the re∣nown of his Country, stuck not also to aver, that the reason why the Argives and Arcadians had of late been overthrown by the Lacedaemonians, was, be∣cause the Thebans were not at the battel. He obtained of the King, that Messene being exempted from the jurisdiction of the Lacedaemonians, should be left to it's own liberty, and that the Athenians should withdraw their ships, or else War was to be made upon them, which being read to the pub∣lick Ministers of the other Republicks, Leon the Athenian openly said, that the Athenians must find out another friend besides the King, who replyed, that if they knew any more equal thing, they should acquaint him there∣with.

90. With Pelopidas was joyned in Commission Ismenias the Theban,* 1.322 as we have it from Plutarch. He being brought by Tithraustes a Colonel into the King's presence, and commanded, according to the custom, to adore him, took off his Ring secretly from his finger, and cast it down at his feet, and then stooping down to take it up, as he thereby satisfied the King, and ob∣tained his request; so he thought he provided sufficiently for the credit of himself and Country. Timagoras the Athenian communicated by letter some secrets to Artaxerxes, for which he was rewarded with 1000 Daricks, a costly Supper, and 80 Cows to find him with milk for his health; with a costly Bed and furniture to it, and some Persians that knew how to make it, the Greeks being accounted ignorant in these things. But returning home with the rest of the Ambassadors he was put to death; either because he ac∣cepted of these gifts, as Plutarch believed; or for that he adored the King after the Persian manner,* 1.323 wherewith they counted their whole State to be re∣flected on, or (what is most likely) because of this intercourse betwixt him and Artaxerxes they questioned his fidelity; his Colleague moreover im∣peaching him at their return for refusing his company, and imparting all the secret of their negotiation to Pelopidas.

91. After the return of the Ambassadors,* 1.324 the Thebans sent for the Depu∣ties of the several Cities, whom, when the letters from the King were read, they commanded, all that would be accounted his and their friends, to swear to the contents of them. The Deputies answered, their Commissions were to hear, and not to take any Oath, which if they would exact from the Ci∣ties, they must send to them. This they did, hoping that the particular States would not dare to refuse the society of the King and them; but the Messengers first coming to Corinth, and that City refusing to swear, the rest followed their example, and so this device of the Thebans came to nothing. Then fell the Graecians into great broyls again, making havock of the Terri∣tories,

and goods of one another, which Artaxerxes still looking upon as against his design for the recovery of Aegypt, sent once more and procured a Peace betwixt them, whereby the Laconick,* 1.325 or Boeotian War (as it was called) ended, after it had endured about five years from the first beginning, in the 39^th year of Artaxerxes.

92. This Peace yet effected nothing on his behalf, the interests of the se∣veral States being at this time so contrary,* 1.326 that they presently after broke out afresh into civil Wars; and what Forces could be spared out of Greece, be∣ing not employed for, but against him. For, three or four years after, the maritime parts of Asia revolted from him, and Tachos now King of Aegypt made great provision for the War, both by Land and Sea; and hiring many Soldiers out of several Republicks in Greece, drew also to his party the Lace∣daemonians,* 1.327 who had conceived displeasure against Artaxerxes, because he made Messene to be comprehended in the general Peace. At the same time had he then to deal with the Aegyptians, the Greek Cities in Asia, and the Lacedaemonians; and besides them several of his Lieutenants in Asia revol∣ted; amongst whom were Ariobarzanes of Phrygia (who had lately seized upon that Country after the death of Mithridates) Mausolus of Caria, a powerful Prince, having many strong places, especially Halicarnassus, in his power; with whom joyned Orontes of Mysia, Autophradates of Ly∣dia, and of the Ionian race, the Lycians, Pisidians, Pamphylians, Cilici∣ans: and besides these the Syrians, Phoenicians, and almost all that boun∣ded upon the Sea. The General command over all was given to Orontes. By this so general a defection, half of the Tributes were withdrawn from the King; and the other half sufficed not for warlike preparations.

93. But Orontes having got the chief command, and therewith received a years pay for 20000 men, betrayed those that had entrusted him with so great a power. For promising himself no small matters from the King, he first sent up to him those that brought him the money, and then betrayed ma∣ny Towns, and a Band of Mercenaries to those who were sent from him for that purpose. At the same time things went in the same course in Cappa∣docia, accompanied with some memorable circumstances. Artabazus the King's General invaded that Country with an numerous Army, and Datames the Governour thereof, who had revolted, meeting him with a great Party of Horse, and 20000 Foot, pitched his Tents against him. The Captain of Datames his Horse was his Father in Law, who to ingratiate himself with the King, and to provide for his own safety, having first agreed with Artabazus, by night passed over with all his Troops unto him. But Datames not at all discouraged hereby, exhorted his Mercenaries to con∣stancy, and promising them a large donative, presently led them against the Revolters, whom he fell upon just as they were joyning with the Enemy, and with great violence made great slaughter of both. Artabazus being ignorant of the matter, suspected that the Revolters went about again to betray him, and return to Datamus, and therefore gave order to his Souldiers to fall upon the Horse approaching; whence Mithrobarzanes (for so was the Revolter called) being shut up in the midst, whilst one part laboured to repel the Traytor, and the other to be revenged upon him for his treachery, was re∣duced into great straights, and out of extreme despair made great slaughter on both sides, till at length having lost 10000 men, the rest were put to flight by Datames, to whom some returned and asked pardon; others betook themselves to a place, whence being not able to stir they were killed, to the number of 500 men.

94. Whilest these things were thus carried on, Rheomithres was sent into Egypt to Tachos for aid, from whom obtaining 500 Talents, and 50 Gallies, he returned to Leuca, a Citie in Asia, where sending for many of the Offi∣cers of the revolters, he laid hands on them all, and sent them up to the King, by which Treachery he reconciled himself unto him. Tachos by this time had prepared all things for the War, having obtained out of Greece 200 Gallies, 10000 most valiant Souldiers, and out of Egypt it self raised 80000 foot.

Agesilaus the King of Lacedaemon he also procured to come to him,* 1.328 promi∣sing him the command of all his forces. Upon the report of his landing, all sorts of presents were dispatched to him; but the Courtiers finding no Train, nor any thing of State about him, onely an old man, little of stature, not at all trimmed, but with coarse and old Clothes, sitting on the shore upon the grasse, they greatly despised him, and were seized with wonder at his poor∣nesse of spirit, when they beheld how amongst the presents, taking the Meal, Calves, and Geese to himself, he gave the sweet Meats and Oyntments to be divided amongst the slaves.* 1.329 And Tachos himself gave him not the chief com∣mand according to his promise, deriding him for the smalnesse of his stature, and saying, that the fable was fulfilled in him, the Mountains are in Travel, and a Mouse is brought forth; to which with anger and scorn he answered, that afterwards he should have cause to think him a Lyon.

* 1.33095. With Tachos also was Chabrias the Athenian, though not sent from the State as was Agesilaus, but on his own account, who advised him want∣ing Treasure, to command his richest sort of subjects to furnish him with as much money as they could spare, and he would repay them out of his yearly Tributes, which course he following got great store of money, and yet in∣jured no man. To him he committed his Fleet, to Agesilaus the conduct of the 10000 mercenary Graecians, to Nectanebus his son (or rather the son of his brother,* 1.331 or sister, being called his Nephew;) reserving to himself the com∣mand over all; and though Agesilaus advised him rather to manage the War by his Lieutenants,* 1.332 and stay in Egypt, he sayled into Phoenicia, the Spartan following him, though against his dignity and disposition. Coming into Phoe∣nicia, he sent Nectanebus against the Cities in Syria, to whom came a mes∣sage from the Viceroy of Egypt left there by Tachos, signifying that he had re∣volted, and now invited him to seize upon the Kingdom; to which he con∣senting, drew presently to his party, all the Officers by gifts, and the Soul∣diers by large promises. Tachos now being in fear of his own servants, and Agesilaus whom he derided, betook himself to Sidon, and thence to Artaxer∣xes, by whom he was courteously entertained, though not declared General in the Egyptian War, (and so by the help of Agesilaus recovered his Kingdom) as Diodorus writeth.

96. Another King besides these two was made by the Egyptians of Men∣desium, of whom 10000 arose, and for him made War upon Nectanebus.* 1.333 The case being thus, Agesilaus took part with Nectanebus, whom he thought more to favour the Graecians, took the other prisoner, and confirmed him in the Kingdom, who importuning him to stay and winter with him, he refused, ha∣sting homewards,* 1.334 for that he knew the Lacedaemonian State to be at this time ingaged in a War, destitute of Treasure, and yet to keep strangers in constant pay for want of their own men. Nectanebus when he would not stay, dis∣missed him with great gifts and honours, giving him 220. or 230 Talents for the maintenance of the War at home, with which taking ship, he sayled home∣wards, though in the midst of Winter; making haste, lest through his absence the State should do nothing the next Summer; but being carried by Tempest into a desart place, called the Haven of Menelaus, lying betwixt Cyrene and Egypt, he there fell sick and died. His friends laying his Corps in Wax, for want of Honey, carried it to Lacedaemon, where it was buried according to his worth, and dignity.

97. About the time of his death died also Artaxerxes the King of Persia,* 1.335 after he had reigned 43 years. He had 115 sons, of which three onely were legitimate; Darius, Ariaspes, and Ochus, the rest being begotten of Concu∣bines,* 1.336 of which he kept 360. with which yet he could not be contented with∣out the addition of Atossa his own daughter, his own mother to please him becoming a Bawd to his incestuous affections. When he was grown old, per∣ceiving his sons to strive about the succession, and especially Ochus (who al∣though the youngest, hoped by the means of Atossa to procure the Kingdom of him) fearing lest after his death he might do as his Uncle Cyrus had for∣merly done, contrary to the custom of Persia, which admitted not of two

Kings at the same time, he made Darius the eldest, now 50 years old King, whilest he lived, lest his death should involve the Empire in civil broils. It was the fashion for him that was made King, to ask, and receive something at the hands of him that made him, according to which Darius asked Aspasia to wife, which formerly having been Concubine to Cyrus, Artaxerxes took, and afterwards married. He out of indulgence to him first granted his request, for that she being a free woman, and no slave, might chuse whether she would have him, and hoping she would refuse; but she willingly accepting of the thing, and he then repenting of what he had rashly promised, consecrated her as a Nun to Diana, that she might live for the remainder of her dayes a single life. Darius hereby incensed, through the provocation of Tiribazus, (who bore Artaxerxes malice for defrauding him of his daughter Amistris, whom he promised to him, but married her himself) entred with 50 of his brethren into a conspiracy against the life of his father,* 1.337 and the plot being re∣vealed by an Eunuch, was put to death with his complices.

Darius being removed out of the way, Ochus was more inflamed with a de∣sire of reigning, to which he was more incensed by Atossa his sister. But he feared two of his brothers; Ariaspes legitimate, and the elder, and one Ar∣sames, who though base born, and the younger, yet was much esteemed for his wisdom, and especially beloved by his father. Both of them he resolved to destroy;* 1.338 the former by his cunning, and the later by down-right cruelty; for he hired some who never ceased to tell Ariaspes, as a great secret, that his father was resolved to make him away by a cruel, and shamefull death, and so often inculcating it unto him as speedily to be done, drove him to that fear and desperation that he poysoned himself. Artaxerxes mourned for him, but knowing the kind of his death, and suspecting the cause, yet through ex∣tream age was unable to search into the matter and find it out: onely he im∣braced Arsarmes more affectionatly than ever, and not obscurely signified that he onely could trust, and rely upon him. Ochus judging then that no delay was to be used, procured Harpates the son of Ieribazus (who fell in the treason of Darius) to murder him. Artaxerxes was already so spent with age that he seemed to want but the least furtherance to his death, so that word being brought him of the death of Arsames, he was not able to bear it, but died heart-broken with sorrow, after he had lived 94 years, in the 43^th of his reign; in the third of the 104 Olympiad. A. M. 3644. about 360 before the birth of Christ. He was esteemed mild and loving towards his subjects, which opinion was mightily confirmed by the cruelty and paricide of his successor.

SECT. IV. From the death of Artaxerxes Mnemon, and the beginning of Ochus, to the death of Darius Codomannus, containing the space of 32 years.

1. OChus succeeded his father,* 1.339 after whom he was also named Artax∣erxes, and whose name the Persians put upon his Successors for a me∣morial of his mild and prosperous Government. Some think him by the Per∣sians to have been called Ochosueros,* 1.340 or Achosueros; and that he is to be taken for that Achesuerus, or Ahasuerus the husband of Esther, mentioned in Scripture, who by the seventy, and Josephus after them, is named Ar∣taxerxes. Some have thought Cambyses to have been the man,* 1.341 but he reigned onely seven years, whereas above twelve are given to Ahasuerus. Neither could Darius the son of Hystaspes be he, if the Jews with others rightly accounted the book of Esther to have been the last in order of all the Canonical Scripture of the Old Testament, and for that Vashti his wife is thought to be Atossa, the daughter of Cyrus, it cannot be, because he never

put away A••ossa, on whom he begat Xerxes. And although some plead hard for Xerxes, because his wife is called by Herodotus, Amestris, which they take in the Persian tongue to be onely Ham-Esther; yet 'tis apparent out of the same Author, that she was the daughter of Otanes a Persian Satrapa, by Religion an Heathen, and of a most cruel disposition. Besides, Ahasue∣rus in the seventh year of his reign was at Sushan; but Xerxes in the seventh of his reign was absent in the War with Greece, and though the Greeks cor∣rupted forein names, and might call Xer••es him, whom the Persians named Actachsasta, or Artachas-ta, yet not one in his own language called Achosch∣verosch.* 1.342 Neither is it probable that Longimanus could be the man, who is both in sacred, and prophane story called Artach-sasta and Artaxerxes; but no where Achasuerus. The same may be said of Nothus, who both by Ne∣hemiah and Greek writers is called Darius, and of Artaxerxes Mnemon, con∣cerning whose wife Statira, such things are written as can neither agree with Vashti nor Esther. Now if that of Esther be the last Canonical book; and Nehemiah lived to the time of Darius Nothus, then is it probable, that Esther lived in the reign of his son, or Grand-son, and cannot so conveniently be as∣signed for a wife to any as to Ochus.

2. Ochus knowing of how great Autho••ity his fathers name was to his subjects, and how contemptible he should be after his death was known,* 1.343 pro∣cured of the Eunuchs, Chamberlains and Colonels to conceal it for ten moneths, and in the mean time sending about the Royal Seal commanded in his fathers name, to proclaim Ochus King. When all owned, and obeyed him as King, he then confessed his fathers death, and commanded a general mourning, according to the custom of Persia, and presently took away all Competition, filled(a) 1.344 the Court with the bloud of his kindred, and relations, no regard being had, either to Sex or Age. Amongst the rest he put to death his(b) 1.345 sister Ocha, being also his mother-in-law, with cruel torments, and his Uncle with his two sons and Nephews, he caused to be set in an empty place, and killed with Darts, who seemeth well to have been father to Sisigambis (mother to Darius the last Persian King) whose 80 brethren together with their father Curtius reporteth to have been murdered by Ochus.

3. From Ochus revolted Artabazus,* 1.346 against whom were sent some of the Persian Satrapaes with 70000 men, and yet by the help of Chares the Athenian he overthrew them, and rewarded Chares with a great summe of money,* 1.347 which he laid out in the paying of his Souldiers. Ochus knowing of this, expostulated seriously with the Athenians about it, who hearing that he intended with 300 ships to assist their Enemies (with whom they were now ingaged in the social War) presently clap't up a peace with them. Ar∣tabazus being forsaken of the Athenians, betook himself to the Thebans, who ordered Pammenes with 500 men to passe over into Asia to assist him; by whose help Artabazus again overthrew the King's forces sent against him in two great and bloudy battels, which got no small credit to Pammenes, and his Boeotians. Yet a few years after,* 1.348 when the Thebans were ingaged in the Phocian War, and reduced to extremity for want of money, they sent to Artaxerxes Ochus, and obtained of him 300 Talents, which he did as it seemeth to put an obligation upon them to assist him in the War, which he renewed against the Egyptians.

4. Although Egypt had long before this revolted from the Persian Em∣pire, yet Ochus not at all affecting War kept himself quiet; for, having sent some Armies thither, by the treachery, or ignorance of their Captains, they miscarried, so that having several times badly sped, though despised on that account by the Egyptians, yet being a lover of his ease and quiet he sub∣mitted to the disgrace. But now at this time (about the eleventh year of his reign) the Phoenicians and Cyprians taking heart, and rebelling also, he re∣solved to chastise them all with Arms, and that in his own person; and ma∣king great provision of all things for the War, raised 300000 foot, 30000 horse,* 1.349 and 300 Gallies, besides Vessels of burthen. The first Tempest of the War fell upon Phoenicia, which revolted upon this occasion. A famous Citie

there was therein named Tripolis, consisting, according to it's name,* 1.350 of three Cities distant a furlong from each other, and inhabited by Tyrians, Sidonians, and Arcadians, in which the assembly General of the Phoenicians met and re∣solved of their most important affairs. Herein the Persian Satrapaes and Ambassadors, behaving themselves very uncivilly, and abusing the Sidonians, they thereupon resolved to rebel, and perswading the other Phoenicians to side with them for the obtaining of their liberty, sent to Nectanebus King of Aegypt to desire him to receive them into confederacy against Ochus. Then to begin their hostility they cut down the Paradise wherein the Kings of Persia, when they came that way, used to divert themselves; burnt the hay which the Satrapaes had gathered for use in War, and punished such Offi∣cers as by whom they had been abused.

5. Ochus having notice of this, longed to be revenged of all the Phoeni∣cians, but especially on them of Sidon; and gathering his Forces together at Babylon, set out thence against them. In the mean time whilst he was on his way, the President of Syria and Mazaeus Governour of Cilicia, with joynt Forces set upon the Phoenicians; but Tennes King of Sidon, having received out of Aegypt a supply of 4000 Graecians, over which Mentor the Rhodian was General, with them and his Citizens together, fell upon the Satrapaes, worsted, and expelled them out of Phoenicia. Whilst things were thus car∣ried there; another War arose to the Persians out of Cyprus, wherein were nine Cities of good account, having the lesser Towns in their subjection, and each of them a King; but all Subjects to the Persian, all which now, imita∣ting the Phoenicians, revolted. Ochus receiving tidings hereof, wrote to Adrieus Prince of Caria (who being newly come to the Government, was by the tenure of his Principality a friend and associate in war to the Persian Empire) to provide Forces both for Sea and Land against them, who accor∣dingly with great expedition making ready 40 Gallies and 8000 Mercenaries, sent them into Cyprus, under the conduct of Phocion, the Athenian, and Evagoras, who heretofore had held the Island as King. These two landing their men, laid close siege to Salamine both by Land and Sea, and the Island having been quiet of late, and for that reason abounding with riches, great numbers flocked out of desire of plunder from Syria and Cilicia, insomuch that the number of the besiegers was doubled. Hereupon all the other Cities sub∣mitted themselves; onely Protagoras held out still, and Evagoras thought by force to re-invest himself of that Kingdom, devolved upon him from his An∣cestors: But at length Protagoras also submitting, obtained Salamine still; and Evagoras contented himself with a larger Dominion given him in Asia, which ill governing, he fled again into Cyprus, and there taken was put to death.

* 1.3516. The King was on his march towards Phoenicia, when Mentor the Rhodian understanding what strength he had, and how unable the Rebels were to make tesistance, sent one to him privately, offering to betray Sidon into his hands, and to do him especial service in the conquest of Aegypt, be∣ing very well skilled in that Country and the River. Ochus not onely pro∣mised him indemnity, but a large reward, if he would perform what he pro∣mised, and placing his greatest felicity in the recovery of Aegypt, sent to the chiefest of the Graecian States, to desire aid. The Athenians and Lace∣daemonians signified their desire to retain amity and a good correspondence with him, but at present could yield him no assistance; but the Thebans sent him 1000 men, the Argives 3000, and the Greeks in Asia willing to shew their readinesse, furnished him with 6000. Before their arrival the King was got into Phoenicia, and sate down not far from Sidon, which the Inhabitants had by this time strongly manned within, and fortified with a threefold large ditch, and high walls, besides a Fleet of 100 Gallies. For they exceeded by far all their neighbours in riches.

7. But Tennes their King had associated himself with Mentor to betray the City, whom leaving therein with command of a part thereof for the bet∣ter carrying on of the treachery, he himself with 500 Soldiers went out, pre∣tending

to go to the publick convention of the Phoenicians, having with him 100 of the prime Citizens as his Counselors. These he brought straight to Ochus,* 1.352 who put them all to death as authors of the rebellion, and after them 500 more, who came as Suppliants with Olives in their hands, after he had understood from Tennes that the City should be surrendred to him without any conditions, thereby to strike a terror into the other Towns. After this, Tennes easily prevailed with the mercenary Aegyptians to let him and the King into the Town, which being done, and Ochus having it in his power, judging him now to be of no use to him, he commanded him also to be slain. The Sidonians before the King approached had burnt all their ships, lest any private person should convey himself away during the Siege.* 1.353 Now seeing themselves betrayed, and their City full of the Enemy which swarmed on every side, they set fire on their houses, and therein burnt themselves with their wives and children, so that (accounting slaves) above 40000 are thought to have perished in the flames. The King sold the rubbish thereof for many talents, much gold and silver being found, because it had flourished with great riches. By this Tragedy of Sidon the other Cities being terrified, yiel∣ded themselves unto the Persian.

8. The(a) 1.354 Auxiliaries out of Greece being come to Ochus after the taking of Sidon, he set forward with his whole Army towards Aegypt,(b) 1.355 taking Jericho a City of Judaea (as its probable) in his way, and drawing many Jews along with him in his Expedition. Coming(c) 1.356 to the Lake Sirbonis, he lost part of his Army in the Whirl-pits and Bogs, through ignorance of the place, and a length arrrived at Pelusium the first frontier-town, which was held with a Garrison of 1000 men. Now the King divided the Graecian Forces into three bodies, and over each constituted a Captain of their own Nation, and joyned a Persian with him: the other Forces he kept in his own Command, being greatly intent about the main businesse. On the other side Nectane∣bus was not a whit discouraged,* 1.357 having in pay 20000 Graecians, and as many Africans, besides 60000 of his own Aegyptians, and an innumerable Com∣papany of boats for the River. But by his conceitednesse and want of skil he miscarried, having formerly prospered whilst he used the conduct of the Graecian Captains, but now his Fortune changing upon his sole managing the War, for which he thought himself sufficiently able. After then he had for∣tified his Garrisons, with 30000 Aegyptians, 5000 Greeks, and half of the Africans, he seized upon such places, as were most advantagious for passage into the Country.

9. Things standing thus betwixt them, Nicostratus the Captain of the Ar∣gives getting some Aegyptians for Guides, passed with the Fleet through a ditch, and in a place something remote and out of sight landed his men, and pitched his tents; which being known by the Garrison, a party issued out, and fell upon them; but the Graecians, after a sharp contest, slew their Cap∣tain, and of them about 5000 nem. Nectanebus upon report made of this defeat was greatly discouraged, fearing all the rest of the Persian Army might be easily transported, and suspecting lest the Enemy should bend his utmost strength against Memphis the Metropolis, was especially concerned for it, and with that party which accompanied him returned thither. In the mean time Lacrates the Theban, General and principal of all the Graecian Cap∣tains drained the Chanel by cutting a ditch, and passing over his Soldiers raised a battery against Pelusium, by which the walls being much broken the defendants raised still Pallisadoes in the place, and the Graecians within stout∣ly defending the Fort, a great contest hapned for several dayes. But as soon as they heard of the Kings departure, they desired a Parley, and Lacrates in∣terposing an Oath, that upon yielding of the place, they should depart with such things as they brought out of Greece, they presently yielded. Then Ar∣taxerxes sent Bagoas an Eunuch of great authority with him, with a party of Barbarians to take possession of Pelusium, who meeting the Graecians took from them many things contrary to the agreement. This they received in great disdain, and called to their gods as witnesses of the Oath, which to

keep Lacrates fell upon the Barbarians, put them to flight with the losse of some, and defended his Country-men, for which being accused by Bagoas, the King defended what he had done, and punished the Authors of the violence.

10. Pelusium being taken, the other Towns were easily reduced by this stratagem of Mentor the Rhodian, the third Captain of the Graecians. These places being held by Garrisons consisting of two sorts of Nations, Graecians and Aegyptians, he caused this rumour to be spread abroad, that Artaxerxes had resolved to deal mildly with all those who should deliver up any Towns, but such as should withstand him, he would prosecute with as great severity as the Sidonias; and he gave in chrrge to the Sentinels to let as many Citi∣zens go out as would. By this means this report was presenly spread all over Aegypt, and thereupon mutinies followed betwixt the Strangers and Natives in every Garrison, each endeavouring first to betray their trust, and gain cre∣dit of the Conquerours by their speedy treachery. Accordingly when Men∣tor and Bagoas laid siege to Bubastis, the Aegyptians secretly sent to the lat∣ter to yield to him the Town upon security of a free dismission. The Graeci∣ans suspecting the matter, persued the Messenger, and getting from him the whole truth, in a great great rage fell upon the Aegyptians, whereof some they slew, others they wounded, and drove the rest into a corner of the Town. They signified this to Bagoas, and desired him with all speed to come and take possession of the Town, and in the mean time a messenger was sent to Men∣tor from the Graecians, who advised them as soon as Bagoas should enter the Town to fall upon the Barbarians. As soon therefore as part of his Soldiers with him was entred, they shut the gates, and killing all the Soldiers, took Bagoas himself prisoner.

11. Bagoas(a) 1.358 seeing his onely hope to be in Mentor, earnestly besought him to be the means of his deliverance, promising him to do nothing for the future without his approbation, who procuring his release, and having the Town delivered up into his own hands, as he got the credit of the enterprise, so ingaged he Bagoas to him, who entred by Oath into friendship and en∣dearednesse, which he also kept to the last, and by which union they both became afterwards the most powerful of all the King's Officers. After the surrender of Bubastis, the other Cities made their peace, but Nectanebus lying at Memphis, and seeing what progresse the Enemy made in his conquest, would not endanger his personal safety for a Kingdom,* 1.359 but packing up all his treasures got him away into Aethiopia. Then became Artaxerxes Master of all Aegypt, and demolishing the walls of the greater Towns, spoyled the Temples, and got much treasure. He carried away the Writings of the Priests, which afterwards Bagoas restored to them for a great sum of money, he(b) 1.360 derided Apis and all their gods, and for that the Aegyptians had for his dulnesse(c) 1.361 called him an Asse, he sacrifized Apis being taken by violence, to an Asse, making his flesh also be dressed up for meat. Then rewarded he the Graecians with great munificence, according to their particular merits, and making Phoerendates Satrapa of Aegypt, he returned laden with glory and spoyl unto Babylon, taking(d) 1.362 in his way a great number of Jews captive, of whom some he placed at Babylon, and others in Hyrcania upon the Cas∣pian Sea.

12. Ochus rewarded Mentor the Rhodian with 100 talents of silver, and much costly housholdstuff, and making him governour of the Coasts of Asia, gave him full power to make war upon his Rebels. He used his power mode∣rately towards Artabazus and Memnon, who formerly had revolted, and now were fled to Philip King of Macedonia: those he reconciled to the King, and sent for them both with their Families; for Artabazus had by the Sister of Mentor and Memnon eleven Sons and ten Daughters, by which number Mentor being much affected, not onely procured him his pardon, but pre∣ferred by degrees all the youths to honourable command in the Army.* 1.363 After this promise of pardon he allured Hermias the Eunuch Governour of Atarnus into his hands, whom casting into prison, he took his Ring and therewith signed

letters, wherein was commanded in his name, that such as had command of any Castles or Towns should deliver them up into the hands of the bearers, which was accordingly done, and then sent he Hermias up to the King, who caused him to be hanged, Aristotle the Philosopher and Xenocrates the Chal∣cedonian, (whom he had sent for to him) made their escape out of such pla∣ces as the Persians had got into their hands. Afterwards Mentor either by force or policy, reduced all such Captains as had revolted.

13. Philip the son of Amyntas at this time reigning in Macedonia,* 1.364 grew very potent, and besieged Perinthus, a Town in Thrace, situate upon the Pro∣pontis, with 30000 men, and very strong provision for War; so that he straight∣ly pressed the inhabitants, giving them no rest through his continual attempts. This Artaxerxes Ochus taking notice of,* 1.365 and being very jealous of his sud∣den growth, commanded the Satrapaes of the Maritime Coasts of Asia to relieve the Perinthians as effectually as might be, which they so performed as he missed of his design; and this afterwards was objected as a sufficient cause, amongst others, for the invasion of Asia.

14. In the reign of Ochus, as some think, hapned those things which are* 1.366 said to have been done in Judaea, during the reign of Artaxerxes, and to have given an occasion of imposing a Tribute upon that Countrey. After the death of Eliashib the Priest, his son John succeeded him in his Office accord∣ing to his birth-right,* 1.367 who had a brother named Joshua. This Joshua being in great favour with Bagoses, the Kings General, had a promise from him that he should have the Priesthood, by which he was so heartned as to strive with John in the Temple, and so far provoked him as he slew him there. Bagoses hearing this, endeavoured to enter the Temple, and when he was forbidden asked if they counted him more impure than the Carkess that lay within, and entring by force, took thence occasion to punish the Jews seven years for the death of Joshua. For two Lambs being dayly offered in the constant sacri∣fices, he imposed upon every one a Tribute of fifty drachms, which amounted to the yearly rate of sixty Attick Talents. But if these things hapned in the time of this Artaxerxes, and he be taken for Ahasuerus, then must this murther have been committed towards the beginning of his reign, and this Tribute of seven years been exacted before Mordecai the Jew came in fa∣vour, which was after the fall of Haman, in the twelfth year of Aha∣suerus.

15. During the reign of Ochus, in his ninth year,* 1.368 died Mausolus the petty King of Caria, more famous after his death than whilest living, to whom his wife Artemisia succeeding, because he left no Children, burned with such affection towards him,* 1.369 that reducing his bones and ashes into pouder she drunk it, desiring to become a quick and breathing monument of her hus∣band. She proposed great rewards to such Orators as would speak elo∣quently in his commendation,* 1.370 in which did several notable men of that time. For the preservation of his memory she raised such a monument as deserved to be reckoned amongst the seven wonders of the World, and in the work whereof the most exquisite artificers that then could be found were em∣ployed. Scopas on the East part, Bryaxes on the North,* 1.371 Timotheus on the South, and Leochares on the West, who notwithstanding Artemisia died of melancholy before the work was compleated, yet proceeded to the finish∣ing of it, intending it as a monument, not onely of Mausolus (upon which account the* 1.372 Romans called their most exquisite pieces of Architecture Mau∣solea) but also of the excellency of their Art; to transmit their own names as well as his posterity.

16. Bagoas had risen to that power with Ochus, that he ruled all things at his pleasure, the King doing nothing without his consent.* 1.373 Yet either misdoubting of his security through the cruel disposition of the King, or wil∣ling to have a greater power, owing Ochus also some displeasure for killing the Egyptian God Apis (he belonging to that Countrey) poysoned him by the means of a Physician, after he had reigned 23 years. Being dead, he cast him to the Cats to be devoured, another being buried in the Royal Sepulchre,

in his stead,* 1.374 and that he might expresse his cruel disposition, of his Thigh-bones he caused sword hilts to be made. In his stead he made King his youngest son Arses, killing all his other sons, that the new King being desti∣tute of kindred & friends, might yield the more obedience to himself. In re∣ality he now reigned, usurping all, except the meer Title; but Arses begin∣ning to look to himself, when he had ground to suspect that he intended to call him to an account for his wickednesse, he made him away also with all his Children in the third year after he had set him up.

* 1.37517. All the Children of Arses perishing with him, and the Royal family thereby being desolate, Bagoas made choice of one(a) 1.376 Codomannus his friend, and placed him in the Throne, whom some Authors would have not at all to be descended of the Royal line, being a Carrier of Letters, but o∣thers make him the son of Arsames (brother to Ochus) by Sisygambis his si∣ster, according to the custom of the Persian marriages. Whilest a private man in the Cadusian War he shewed himself valiant, killing an Enemy, who challenged any one of Ochus his Army to a single Combat, and thereby for the present procuring great rewards, honour, and the Government of Arme∣nia, after Arses his death came to be remembred by the people,* 1.377 which made choice also of him for their King, and that nothing of Royal Majesty might be wanting to him gave him the name of Darius. Not long after his preferment Bagoas repented him of what he had done, and being much versed in King killing, provided a potion to send him after Ochus and Arses, which he ha∣ving notice of, called him to him, and in a pleasant humour offered it to himself to drink, and thereto compelled him, satisfying the people suffi∣ciently in that he thus requited him,* 1.378 who sought the same way to entrap him.

By this Darius was sent into Samaria, as a Satrapa, Sanballet,* 1.379 a Cuthaean by birth, and so of the same Original the Samaritans themselves were. He thinking it good policy to procure Amity with the Jews, his Neighbours, mar∣ried his daughter Nicaso to Manasses the brother of Jaddus the High-Priest.

18. Darius with the Empire of Persia was necessitated to espouse a quar∣rel with the greatest Monarch then known in the World except himself, and with such a people in combination with him,* 1.380 as easily excelled all others in Military skill and valour. The quarrels which hapned betwixt the Persians and Graecians had been many, and as many bickerings and contests in the field had ensued thereupon, wherein as the Greeks both at home and abroad had constantly had successe agreeable to their dexterity, so each foil of the Per∣sians gave as great a stroak to their credit, insomuch as they were sleighted by the other, especially after the retreat of those that assisted Cyrus, who in de∣spight of all Artaxerxes could do, marched through the midst of his Terri∣tories as Conquerours, and having seen the great riches of those Countreys through which they passed, carried home a longing desire after them, and an indignation that such things should be enjoyed by those who seemed not in capacity to defend them.

19. The disadvantage of the Persians was the rising of the Kingdom of Macedonia, to that high pitch of greatnesse to which it had been of late ad∣vanced by the abilities of Philip the present King, who though he might have pretended a cause where none was, yet was there some occasion of offence given him, though but counted a necessary allay to his rising fortune so terri∣ble to the Persian Empire:* 1.381 For when with great preparations he had besieged Periathus a Citie of Thrace, Ochus gave order to his Lieutenants to assist the besieged, which was so powerfully done, as his design miscarried. Yet he having brought all Greece to his beck, and established his interest sufficiently in Europe, resolved upon Asia, and assembling the estates at Corinth, pro∣cured himself to be declared General of all Greece for the Persian War; for which he made mighty preparations, imposing a certain number of Souldiers upon every Citie. The next Spring he sent over as before him into Asia three Captains, Parmenio, Amyntas, and Attalus, under pretence of freeing the

Greek Cities there, which hapned the same year that Arses died, and he lived himself not long after, being stabbed by one Pausanias, as he was solemnizing the nuptials of his daughter Cleopatra, with Alexander King of Epirus. Hereupon Darius, who before studied how to turn the War into Macedonia, thought himself secure, despising the youth of Alexander his son and Successor, who exceeded not the age of 20 years.

20. But Alexander being a young man of a great and restlesse spirit, and of wisdom & valour far above his age, overcame all difficulties, both in Greece and Asia, which his Enemies had raised (getting himself to be chosen in a little time General of the one, as his father had been, and in the other sup∣pressing betimes the sedition of the Army of Attalus, by taking of him out of the way) and most vehemently burnt with a desire of the Conquest of the Persian Empire; from an endeavour after which he might by no means be diverted. Having either by fair, or foul means setled his matters in Europe,* 1.382 he passed over into Asia two years after his fathers death, and landed at Troas with a Fleet of sixty long ships. He first cast a spear out upon the shore, and leaped out in a frisking manner, as taking possession of the Continent. Then presently he made a visit to the Tombs of Achilles and Ajax, to whom he made a parentation, and mustered the Army he had brought over with him. Concerning the number of Forces, those that were there present themselves have not agreed in their relation, but according to the greatest probability, there were of foot 13000 Macedonians,* 1.383 of the Associates 7000. and 5000 Mercenaries, besides of Odrysae, Triballi, and Illyrians 5000. and 1000 Ar∣chers, with such as fought with Darts. Of horse there were 1800 Macedo∣nians, 1800 Thessalonians, and of other Graecians 600. besides a Guard of 900 Thracians and Paeonians.* 1.384

21. Darius after he had heard how Alexander was declared General of Greece, and was much spoken of for his valour, shook off his former security and buckled himself to preparation for resistance. He got together a consi∣derable Navy, and raised great Forces, for command of which he made choice of most expert Captains, and amongst the rest of Memnon the Rhodian, a man very excellent in Military matters, whom he sent into Phrygia with a band of 5000 Mercenaries to reduce Cyzicus to his obedience. He passed over the Hill Ida, and on a sudden set upon the Citie, and had well-nigh ta∣ken it; but the Defendants making strong resistance, he plundred the Terri∣tories adjacent, and then retreated with much booty. In the mean while Parmenio, one of the three Captains sent into Asia by Philip, and who stood close to the interest of Alexander, took by storm Strynium, a Town of Phry∣gia, and sold the inhabitants. From thence he went to Pitanes to attempt the same upon it, but Memnon coming upon him struck such a terrour into his men that he was forced to raise his siege. After this, Callas with a band of Macedonians and Mercenaries ingaged with the Persians in a battel at Troas, but being overmatched in numbers, he was worsted, and betook himself to Rhaeteum. These things fell out before the passage of Alexander into Asia.

22. After(a) 1.385 Alexander was landed, the Persian Captains met to con∣sult about carrying on the War, whom Memnon advised by no means to ha∣zard a battel with him; but to lay waste the Countrey before him, thereby to hinder his march any farther for want of necessaries, and then to passe all their Forces over into Macedonia, and so to transfer the seat of the War into Eu∣rope. This wholesom Counsel was rejected as below the Persian courage, and a resolution taken to ingage, so that gathering their forces together they mar∣ched into Phrygia towards the Hellespont, and pitched their Tents upon the River Granicus (which runneth through the plains of Adrastea) intending it as a defence to them.(b) 1.386 Alexander in his way thither passed by Lampsacus, the inhabitants of which either having already revolted to the Persian, or else suspected of such an intent he resolved utterly to destroy. As he was thus minded Anaximenes an Historian of that place, well known formerly to his father, and also to him, presented himself to him, to whom he swore in so ma∣ny

words, that he would not grant what he was about to ask, which the other readily apprehending, desired of him that he would destroy Lampsacus, so that with his sharpnesse of wit be••ng circumvented, he was constrained to spare it against his will.

23. Alexander having with great trouble and danger passed the River Granicus, then(a) 1.387 ingaged with the Persians in a great and bloody battel, wherein much valour was shewn on both sides.* 1.388 Spithrobates, a Persian Sa∣trapa of Ionia, and Son in Law to Darius, a man of a great courage, with a strong body of Horse fell upon the Macedonians, whom no one being able to sustain, Alexander himself grapled with him, a fierce combat ensued, he wounding the King, who yet at length slew him. But Rosaces his brother coming in upon Alexander, gave him such a blow on the head as broke his hel∣met and lightly wounded him, and a second had killed him outright but that Clitus, Sirnamed Niger, a Macedonian, putting spurs to his Horse, in good time cut off the hand of the Barbarian. A great conflict then ensued betwixt the prin∣cipal Persians and Macedonians, and many of the former lost their lives upon the place; amongst which of most special note were Atyxes and Pharna••es, brother to the wife of Darius, and Mithrobarzanes Captain of the Cappado∣cians. These being slain, those that opposed Alexander began to flye, and afterwards all the rest; of the 100000 foot which the Persians brought into the field about 10000 being slain•• and of the 20000 Horse, 2000. Of Alex∣ander his Army one(b) 1.389 reports nine Foot-men, and 120 Horse-men to have fallen, but(c) 1.390 another onely 34 in all, amongst which were nine Foot-men. The King by confession of all deserved most commendation for his valour, and next to him the Thessalian Horse-men.(d) 1.391 Arsites the Persian fled into Phrygia, and there killed himself, because through his advice, he seemed to have been author of this overthrow.

24. After he had refreshed his Army, Alexander marched through Lydia,* 1.392 having Sardis delivered up to him, and came to Ephesus, where he dissolved the Oligarchical form of Government, and set up a Democratical one in its room, commanding the same to be done in all Greek Cities, which he order∣ed to be left to their own Laws. The Persians which had escaped at Granicus were come to Miletus with Memnon the Rhodian, against which City he went and besieged it both by Land and Sea, and by his Engines making great breaches in the walls, the Inhabitants yielded themselves to his mercy, to whom he gave both life and freedom, but such Barbarians as he took he either slew or scattered them up and down in the quality of slaves. A little after he dissolved his Fleet, consisting of 160 Ships or more, onely reserving a certain number for the conveying of Engines and other instruments for a siege, amongst which were twenty Auxiliary Vessels belonging to Athens.

25. Memnon, after the taking of Miletus, with the most considerable Persian Officers, and a multitude of Mercenaries, betook themselves to Hali∣carnassus, the greatest and most elegant City in Caria, which he took upon him to defend for the King, to whom he sent as Hostages his Wife and Chil∣dren, and thereupon command was given to all the Maritime parts of Asia, to obey him as their Captain General in the War.* 1.393 Alexander in the mean time sent his Engines thither by water, together with provision for his Army, and marched himself by Land thitherwards with his whole Force, setting at li∣berty in his way all the Greek Cities, which he left to their own Laws, and freed from Tribute, professing that he undertook this Expedition for the free∣dom of the Greeks. In his way he was met by Ada the Queen of Caria, who after the death of her Husband Idrieus, was deposed by her Brother Pex∣odarus. She delivered up Alinda, the strongest City in the Country wherein she dwelt, into his hands, and imploring his help for the recovery of the Kingdom, adopted him for her son. He despised it not, and left her the Government of Caria, over which he declared her Queen, by which cour∣tesie the Cities being overcome, sent him Crowns of gold, and delivered up themselves into his power.

26. Orontobates a Persian, Son in Law to Pexodarus, after his death

kept possession of Halicarnassus,* 1.394 with whom Memnon the Rhodian and other Persians, after the taking of Miletus, joyned themselves. Alexander now besieged it, and with all his might endeavoured the taking of it by assault; but such was the pertinaciousnesse of the defendants, that they held him out, and making a sallie had given him a defeat, if the old Soldiers buckling their Arms to them had not come in in good time,* 1.395 and repulsed them with great slaughter; after which the Soldiers forsook the City, and so he took it, and levelled it with the ground. The Castle he fortified with a wall, and a no∣table ditch, in which for the defence of Caria he left 3000 forein Foot, and 200 Horse, under the command of Ptolomy; and restored to his adoptive Mother Ada, the Principality of the Country. From thence he proceeded towards Lycia and Pamphylia, that reducing the Sea-Coasts into his power, he might render the Enemies Navy unserviceable to him, which he in a good measure performed, and came in the midst of Winter into Mylias a Region of Phrygia, where he entred into League with the Ambassadors sent to him from Phaselis, and the lower Lycia, who surrendred all the Cities into his hands. Afterwards he went into Phaselis, where he stormed a Castle built by the Pisidians, to infest the Country.

27. Whilst(a) 1.396 he here remained, he understood of a plot against his life, by Alexander Aeropus, called also Luncestes (from Lyncus a Town of Epi∣rus, as it's probable) who was promised by Darius the Kingdom of Mace∣donia,* 1.397 and 1000 talents of Gold besides, if he could any way procure his death. His Mother had by letters advised him to take heed of him, and the thing being confessed by Asisines a Persian, whom Darius under a shew of a Message to the Governour of Phrygia, had sent to deal with him in this mat∣ter, he committed him to custody, not thinking it safe to put him to death, lest thereupon some trouble should follow, in Macedonia. From Phaselus he marched to Perga on the shore of the Pamphylian Sea, concerning which many ancient Historians reported, that it by an extraordinary providence gave way to him, and herein Josephus hath rather been too credulous, whereas(b) 1.398 at a low water the place used to be dry, and gave way to passengers; only Alex∣ander hapning to come thither in Winter-season, and trusting all to the goodnesse of his Fortune, would march through before the water was fallen off, so that his men waded all the day in water up to the navel.(c) 1.399 Subduing all in his passage, at length he came to the Lake of Ascania in Phrygia, and thence in five Encampings to Celaenae, the Castle of which being held by the Satrapa of Phrygia with 1000 Carians, and 100 mercenary Graecians, after 60 dayes truce (in which they had in vain expected relief from Darius) was yielded unto him.

28. In Celaenae he left a Garrison of 1500 Soldiers, and declaring Antigo∣nus Satrapa of Phrygia, went forward for Gordium, having wrote to Parme∣nio to meet him there with his Forces, who accordingly came;* 1.400 and there ar∣rived also a supplie of 1650 men out of Greece. This Gordium a City in Phrygia, had been the regal City of Midas the Son of Gordius King of this Country (concerning whom notable Stories are related) and herein was a Temple of Jupiter, wherein Alexander heard that there was a yoak belonging to Gordius, the bands of which whosoever could untie, the Oracles promised him the Empire of all Asia. When he had taken the Town he came into the Temple,* 1.401 and asked for the yoak, which being brought to him, when he could not find the ends of the thongs which were hid amongst the knots, lest his frustrate endeavour should be ominous, he cut them in pieces, with his sword, and thereby either eluded or fulfilled the Oracle.

29. Darius this while sent a great sum of money to Memnon,* 1.402 whom he had declared General of all his Forces, wherewith he raising many men all over where he came, and rigging a Navie of 300 ships, betook himself seriously to his work. He presently reduced Chins, and sailing to Lesbus easily took Antissa, Methymnus, Phyrrhus, and Eressus; but Lesbus and Mitylene more strongly fortified, with great losse of men. His name being blazed abroad by these actions,* 1.403 most of the Islands Cyclades sent their Ambassadors

about a Peace, and a rumour being spread that he intended to fall upon Euboea, a great fear seized upon the Inhabitants thereof, and many of the Graecians who envied the Fortune of Alexander, began to take courage, and conceive new hopes, amongst which were the Lacedaemonians, who alwaies had despi∣sed both his alliance and that with his Father. Thus prosperously succeeded Darius his affairs under the management of Memnon;* 1.404 but Providence having otherwise determined concerning his estate, Memnon died shortly after, and with him the King's successe was even extinct. He was in good hope that the War would have been translated out of Asia into Europe, by necessitating Alexander to return; but understanding of his death, he consulted with his Friends whether he should manage the War by his Lieutenants, or go himself in person, and give the Macedonians battel.

30. The Persians perswaded him to march in the head of the Army,* 1.405 which thereby would fight with more alacrity, but Charidemus (or Eudemus) an Athenian, a man much admired for valour and prudence (who by the com∣mand of Alexander being banished his Country, was come to the Persian Court) advised him not rashly to commit the fortune of his Empire to the hazard of his own life, but keeping the chief power in his own hands to send some expert Lieutenant to the War. He told him that 100000 men would be sufficient for this enterprize; a third part of them being Graecians, with which he doubted not to engage to perfect what already was well begun by Memnon. The King at first gave ear to what he said; but the Persians ob∣stinately opposed it, and so interpreted his words as if he affected the chief command, for that end, that he might betray the Empire to the Macedonians. Hereat he grew angry, and in his passion upbraided the Persians with cowar∣dise, which so far incensed the King, before this exasperated against him, that his anger overtopping his reason, he cast a belt about him after the Persian manner, and commanded him to be put to death, who foreseing his ruine, cried out as he was led away, that shortly he would repent it, and pay suffi∣ciently for so unjust proceedings. After the cooling of his passion he repen∣ted too late of his rashnesse, and considering the valour of the Lacedaemoni∣ans, bethought himself what man of worth he might find fit to succeed Mem∣non; but finding none to whom he might commit so great a trust, was ne∣cessitated to expose himself to danger for the preservation of his Kingdom. Then raised he Forces in all places, wich he commanded should meet at Ba∣bylon, where accordingly were found 400000 Foot, and above 100000 Horse, and with this number (taking his Mother, Wife, one Son of six years of age, and two Daughters marriageable along with him) hee marched towards Cilicia.

31. Alexander in the mean while placed Satrapaes over Paphlagonia and Cappadocia, which voluntarily yielded themselves,* 1.406 and hastned towards the Straights of Cilicia called Pylae, which being quitted by those that were there placed to maintain them, he easily passed, and came to Tarsus, which Ar∣sames the Persian also forsook, and wasting Cilicia to straighten the Macedo∣nian Army of provisions, fled amain to the King. Here he fell sick of a disease, which(b) 1.407 one wrote he got by too much toil,(c) 1.408 others assign no particular cause at all; but according to the general tradition,(d) 1.409 he contracted it by casting himself all hot and sweaty into the River Cydnus, whence such a cold seized upon his Nerves that he fell speechlesse, and so small hopes there were of recovery, that little probability was conceived of protracting the danger. Onely one Physician named Philip an Acarnanian, who used a speedy and desperate kind of course in his practice, undertook the cure. But by letters from Parmenio he was lately advised to beware of him, as being corrupted by Darius for a great sum of money to make him away. Yet he counting it safer to commit himself to the doubtful fidelity of the man than perish by a certain disease, put himself into his hands, and taking the potion, gave him the letters of Parmenio to read, fixing his eyes upon him as he drank, whom as he saw nothing troubled at the matter, he took more courage, and recovered the fourth day after.

32. Darius having notice of the sicknesse of Alexander hasted towards Euphrates, thinking to prevent him, and seize upon Cilicia.* 1.410 But he sending Parmen••o before to possesse himself of the Pylae, or Straights that part Cilicia and Syria, followed from Tarsus, and came to Anchiale built by Sardanapa∣lus; and thence to Solus, where he placed a Garrison, and fined the inhabi∣tants 200 Talents of silver for their affection to the Persians. Hence be marched against the Cilicians, inhabiting the Mountains, which having brought under, he returned, and understanding how Ptolomy and Asander his Lieu∣tenants had overthrown Orontobaces the Persian, who held the Castle of Halicarnassus, whereby the parts adjacent were reduced to obedi∣ence; upon this good news he sacrifized to Aesculapius, and restored the Democratical Government to the Solians. Then giving order to Philotas to lead about the horse to the River Pyramus, he marched with the foot by the Sea-Coasts, and came thither, whence he passed over to the Citie Ma••los, where he had notice that Darius lay at Sochus, a place distant two dayes march from the Straights. From Mallos he passed to the Citie Issus, which being forsaken by the Persians, Parmenio had seized on, and cleared the passage thither, where he consulted whether he had better passe forwards, or there expect his supplies out of Macedonia. Parmenio perswaded him that no place could be more convenient for him to fight in than that straight one about Issus, because both their Armies would then be equal in effect, such narrow places being uncapable to receive a multitude. After three dayes he passed the Straights and came to Myriander, where much rain falling held the Macedonians in their Tents.

33. Darius in the mean while by the perswasion of some Graecians about him, had made choice of the plains of Syria, most capable to receive his multitudes, and opportune for the horse to charge in; and for some time here he continued; but Alexander delaying his march, he was perswaded by his Courtiers that he dared not to adventure any further, or look him in the face, and because Winter approached he would lose no time, and therefore send∣ing away his money and stuff of most value, with such as were not fit for War, unto Damascus, he hasted into Cilicia, where he supposed Alexander to have possessed himself of the difficult passages, as not daring to try battel in open field. Supposing that he pretended sicknesse, and hid himself in the straights, he passed over the Mountain, and went to Issus, most imprudently passing by, and leaving him at his back. Taking this place, and therein such of the Ene∣my as being sick and weak were there left, he cut off their hands, and then searing their Arms sent them away to tell their King what they had seen; for he thought now the Enemy to have left Issus, and fled for fear of him, and for that reason hasted over the Hill Pinarus, thinking to fall upon him in the Rear. Alexander knowing for certain that he was passed by, took thence occasion to encourage his Souldiers, who now could not be overmatched by multitudes, and sending a party of horse to view the straights, returned thither by night, and repossessed himself of them. Then refreshing his men for the rest of the night, he set a strong watch upon the Rock, and in the morning went down into the path, and set his Army in order for a battel.

* 1.41134. This being done, the Armies joyned ere long, and Alexander seeing where Darius was, made towards him, which when Oxyathres the brother of Darius saw, to prevent him, he placed a Company of most valiant hors-men before the Chariot, which cut off many of Alexander his men, who pressed forwards. But the Macedonians giving way to none in valour, with great violence broke in amongst them, and then a mighty slaughter followed, and a great heap of Carkases lay before Darius his Chariot. Many of the most noble Captains amongst the Persians fell, some of the Macedonians, and Alexander himself received a wound in his Thigh. Darius his Chariot horses being wounded with spears began to fling, & threatned the overturning of him, when fearing he should be taken alive he leaped out, and mounting an horse ready for him, he cast away his Royal apparel, and shifted for himself, after which his horse was put to the rout and ran away. The Infantry discouraged

herewith made no considerable opposition, the great multitudes being un∣serviceable in so straight and precipitous a place, and being put to the rout so hindred the flight, and trode one another down, that more damage ac∣crued hence than from the meer strength of the Enemy. Of the Persian horse Arrianus writeth 10000 to have been slain, and of the foot 90000. with whom others consent as to the number of the horse, but as to the foot there is little agreement, some accounting more, and others lesse: 40000 are repor∣ted to have been taken.

35. Of Alexander's men 504. Curtius saith were wounded; 32 foot-men were slain, and of hors-men 150. which some reckon lesse by 20. though another increaseth them to 300. Alexander following the Chace was forced to passe with his phalange over the Enemies dead bodies, and with 1000 horse did great execution, but was not able to reach Darius, who rode upon a Mare that had a Foal left at home, and therefore ran with more speed, he being accustomed to have some kept for such necessities. His Tents were easily taken, and therein his Mother, Wife, Son, and two daughters; but of mo∣ney not above 30000 Talents; the rest being sent before-hand to Damascus. The women hearing that Alexander was returned with the Robe of Darius, made great lamentation, which he understanding, sent Leonatus to them to put them out of fear as to his death; to promise them the maintenance of their former dignity, and a Visit from him to be made the next morning. As soon as it was light, he went to them with Hephaestion his greatest favou∣rite, both whom when the Mother of Darius saw, and knew not which was the King, she made reverence to Hephaestion, as seeming to her from the worth of his Clothes to be the greater person, which when she understood to have been amisse, was troubled at it, and asked his pardon; to which he an∣swered, smiling: Be not troubled Mother, for he also is Alexander.* 1.412 This bat∣tel of Issus was fought in the moneth Maemacterion, Nicostratus (or Nico∣crates) being Archon at Athens, in the fourth year of the 111 Olympiad, the fo••••th of the reign of Darius, and the fourth of Alexander. A. M. 3672.

36. Alexander, after this victory, marched for Syria, and sent Parmenio before him to Damascus to seize upon Darius his Treasure,* 1.413 which by Cophe∣nes the Keeper thereof was betrayed into his hands, and for that was re∣warded with death by one of his Complices, who sent his head to Darius. Of Coyn here was found 2600 Talents, besides 500 pound weight of Bullion, and a World of other riches. Of men and women 30000 were also taken, with 7000 beasts that carried burthens.* 1.414 Then was Parmenio sent to seize upon the Persian Fleet, and others to take in the Cities of Syria, which upon the report of the successe of the battel at Issus was easily done, the Gover∣nours of Darius yielding themselves with their Treasures. As Alexander travelled into Syria, many petty Kings met him adorned with their Diadems,* 1.415 whereof some he received into friendship, and others he deprived of their principalities, as they had deserved of him. When he came to the Citie Ma∣rathon, he received Letters from Darius, wherein he desired the ransom of his Wife, Mother, and Children, with some other conditions of peace; but such as rather became a Conquerour, than one that had now been thrice shamefully beaten,* 1.416 not vouchsafing, in his direction, to Alexander the Title of King. He disdained his offers, justified his War from the invasion of Greece by the former Persian Kings, and the treachery of Darius himself, who hired one to murder him, as Philip his father had formerly been by some set on by them. He promised him his relations without Ransom, if he would come himself as a Suppliant for them, and safe conduct, he both knowing, as he said, to overcome, and shew favour to the Conquered. And the next time he wrote he bad him remember that he did it not onely to a King, but to his own King also.

37. Alexander marched to Byblus,* 1.417 which yielded to him upon composi∣tion, and thence to Sidon, the inhabitants of which being so hardly used for∣merly by Ochus, in hatred of the Persians sending for him. The King of Si∣don was one Strato, who being the son of Gerostratus the King of Aradus the

Island Governed it in his absence (he joyning his ships, as the rest of the Phoenician Kings, to the fleet of Darius) & meeting Alexander as he came into Phoenicia, put a Golden Crown on his head, and gave up Aradus,* 1.418 and Mara∣thus, a great and wealthy Town, standing upon the Continent over against it, with Mariamne, and all that belonged unto them, into his hands. But now because he had done this rather for that the will of the people was such, than out of his own inclination, Alexander deprived him of his Kingdom, and permitted his beloved Hephaestion to bestow it upon any of his friends. He chose to confer it upon a Sidonian by whom he was entertained; but he re∣fused it, for that it was unlawfull for any but one of the Royal stock to pos∣sesse it. He wondring at the greatnesse of his spirit joyned with so much honesty, bid him choose any one of the Royal Race on whom to bestow it, who accordingly made choice of Abdalmon (or Abdalomnius) a poor Gar∣diner who wrought for his living, but of unblameable life, and descended of the Royal family. Alexander admitting of him, said, the habit of his body could not withstand the noblenesse of his stock, but desired to know with what patience he had endured such poverty, to whom he answered, That he wished he could as well bear a Kingdom, and that those his hands had satisfied his desire: whilest he had nothing, nothing was wanting to him. The King being much taken with his carriage, not onely gave him the hous-hold stuff of Strato, but most of the booty got from the Persians, subjected the Coun∣trey adjacent unto his power, and afterwards also the Citie of Tyre, ac∣cording to Diodorus.

38. Now was all Syria in the hands of the Macedonians,* 1.419 and whole Phoe∣nicia also except Tyre, which Citie was seated in an Island about half a mile distant from the Continent. As he marched thitherwards, the Tyrians sent him a Crown of Gold of great value, in a Congratulatory way,* 1.420 and a large quantity of provisions; which he received as from friends,* 1.421 and friendly signi∣fied to the Messengers his intention to go into their Citie, to pay some vows he had made to Hercules. They told him there was a Temple of Hercules without the Citie, in the place called Old Tyre, wherein his devotion would be most suitably performed, and so disswaded him from entrance, that he was inraged thereat, and threatned ruin to the Citie, telling them,* 1.422 that though they were confident in the strength of the place, and despised his Land-Army, yet in short time he would make them find they were in the Continent. And in confidence that their Town, not onely fenced with high and strong Walls, but also with the Sea, was impregnable, they resolved to stand out against him, being incouraged also by the Carthaginian Ambassadors, who after their yearly custom (in token of observance to their Mother City) were come to celebrate the sacred Anniversary, and promised them certain, and speedy sup∣ply by Sea, which for the most part at that time was commanded by their Fleets.

39. Alexander yet having not his Navy at hand, and foreseeing that a long siege would be a great hindrance to his designs, sent to them about an agreement; but contrary to the Law of Nations, they slew the Messengers, and threw them into the Sea, with which affront being much moved, he re∣solved to besiege them. Ere he could do this, such a quantity of earth or other matter was to be cast into the Sea, as to joyn the Island to the main land, which for the depth of the water, & the force of the Current, was a task almost insuperable; but there being great store of stones and rubbish at hand in Old* 1.423 Tyre,* 1.424 he caused it to be utterly demolished, and by the hands of many thou∣sands of his own men, and the people of the neighbouring places, set upon the work. The Tyrians (whose King Azelmicus being absent with Darius his Admiral, had left them to the Government of his son) hindred it all wayes possible, and when it was near concluded, a violent wind spoiled a great part of it, but to repair it he caused great Trees to be cut down in the Moun∣tains, which together with the boughs being cast in, and earth being heaped upon them, resisted the violence of the waves, and at length by the great num∣ber of hands, and incredible industry, the Island became but a Peninsula.

But for all this, the Tyrians having the command of the Sea, their City seem∣ed yet to be impregnable, whereupon Alexander had thoughts of gathering together a Fleet; but in the mean time came in the Kings of Aradus and Byblus, who had withdrawn themselves with their Fleet from Autophradates the Persian Admiral, and with them the Sidonian Gallies. Besides these Vessels belonging to Phoenicia (which were 80 in number) at the same time came ten from Rhodes, from Solos and Mallos three, and from Lycia ten, besides one great Gally from Macedonia. All these he pardoned, as having been necessitated to joyn with the Persians. And Azelmicus the King of Tyre now left Autophradates and came home; Arrianus writing that he was taken in the City.

40. From the Mountain Libanus was wood brought for the making of En∣gines, Towers, and Ships, in which work whilst Alexander his men were imployed, some of the wild Arabians fell upon them, slew thirty, and took scarcely so many. He upon notice hereof left the charge of the Siege to Perd••••∣cas, and Craterus, and speedily with a ready Band of men went into Arabia, where when they came to the mountainous parts of the Hill called Antiliba∣nus, they left their Horses and marched on foot. When it grew night, and the Enemy approached, though his men were before, yet would he not leave his School-master Lysimachus being weary and spent, but still drawing him on was parted from the Army, and forced with a few about him to passe the night in a dark and cold place. But seeing many fires to be kindled afar off by the Enemy, he being nimble of body ran to one of them, and killing two Ba∣barians that there sate, brought away a fire-stick burning to his Companions, who therewith kindled a great fire, and thereby struck such a terror into the Arabians, as all that night they passed in quietnesse. Then partly by force and partly by agreement he reduced the Country into obedience, and in eleven dayes time returned to Sidon, where he found arrived out of Peloponnesus 4000 Greekish Mercenaries, under the conduct of Alexander the Son of Polemocrates.

41. Having then got together a Navy of 190 or 200 ships, he set sail from Sidon and came to Tyre, the Inhabitants whereof refused to fight by Sea, but yet let down none of their courage, though 30 Messenges were come from Carthage to let them know, that that State being hindred by a domestick War, could not afford them any succour. They sent their wives and children thither to be out of the danger, being thereby the more willing to undergo any them∣selves, which they little regarded, making stout resistance, but at length the City was taken; one saith by treachery, another by a stratageme, but more by plain force; Alexander himself alone first going down from the wooden Tower he had reared, by a bridge laid upon the wall. The Inhabitants, though the Enemy had entred, called one upon another, and fortifying the narrow passages stood out still, till the number of 7000 (the most of those that fought) were slain.* 1.425 The Conquerour condemned the women and chil∣dren that were found unto bondage, the young men to the number of ••000 he caused to be hanged all along the shore, or crucified, as another telleth us, (which was accounted a servile kind of death) because the Tyrian slaves had formerly conspired against their Masters, and slain them all with their whole families, leaving no free people alive, except one Strato and his Son, to whom and his posterity they committed the Kingdom. Fifteen thousand the Sido∣nians saved upon the account of kindred (they reckoning both Tyre and Sidon to have been built by Agenor) from whom the City was again re-peopled, and to such as had fled to the Temple of Hercules, Alexander granted in∣demnity, amongst which the King and his family were, with some Cartha∣ginians which were come for the honour of Hercules to the Metropolis.* 1.426 This befel Tyre in the moneth Hecatombaon, when Annicetus (otherwise called Niceratus and Nicetas) was Archon at Athens, in the first year of the 112^th Olympiad, the fifth of Darius, and the fifth of Alexander, A. M. 3673.

42. During this Siege, the Officers of Darius whch escaped from the bat∣tel at Issus, with all those that followed them, and the youth of the Cappa∣docians,

and Paphlagonians, attempted to recover Lydia; but Antigonus who there commanded for Alexander overthrew them thrice in several pla∣ces. At the same time also Aristimenes, who was sent with some ships by Darius to recover the Coast of Asia, lying upon the Hellespont, was wholly defeated by a Fleet of Macedonians which Alexander had sent for out of Greece.

43. Whilst Alexander lay before Tyre, another Ambassage came to him from Darius, who now offered him 10000 talents as a ransom for his relati∣ons, and all Asia betwixt the Hellespont and the River Halys in Dower with his Daughter; which conditions that he might incline him to receive, he sets before him the difficulties of passing into the Eastern Countries, and laid the losse of the last battel to the straightnesse of the place:* 1.427 he sought to terrifie him by threatning to incompasse him in the plain Countries, and bad him con∣sider how impossible it was to passe the Rivers of Euphrates, Tigris, Araxes, and the rest, with things of the like nature. The proposals being brought be∣fore a select Committee of Alexander's friends, Parmenio who was now old, and full of riches and honour, said, that if he were Alexander, he would ac∣cept of them, to which the King answered, that so would he, if he were Parmenio. But he returned answer to Darius, that he offered him nothing but his own, and what victory and his own valour had possest him of; that he was to give conditions and not to receive any, and that having passed the Sea it self, he disdained to think of resistance in transporting his Army over Ri∣vers. As for his Daughter, he said he would marry her, though without his consent, and if he would taste of his humanity, he should come and refer himself to him. Darius having received this answer, prepared himself anew for the War.

44. Tyre being taken, Alexander invaded Judaea, resolving to bring all Palestine into subjection. At this time Jaddus was the High-Priest there,* 1.428 whose Brother Manasses married Nicaso the Daughter of Sanballat, who had been sent from Darius to govern Samaria, being both Sons to John, called in Nehemiah, Jonathan and Johanan, who was Son to Jehoiada. Manasses thus matching himself, the people was displeased at it, and thereupon Jaddus desired him to put away his wife; not only the People but the Law so requiring it. Hereupon he repaired to his Father in Law, and told him, that his wife was dear unto him; but he must either part with her or his Priest-hood, who answered, that he would so bring it about, that he should not onely be Priest, but an High-Priest also,* 1.429 being minded to build for him upon Mount Gerizim near to Samaria a Temple like to that of Jerusalem, which thing he would obtain to be confirmed by Darius. Many betook themselves to Manasses, being allured with the newnesse of the thing, and the liberality of Sanballat; but Alexander at that time passing the Hellespont, the consultation thereupon was disturbed. After Darius was beaten and retired back into Persia, San∣ballat revolted unto Alexander, and going over to him with 8000 men, though now very old, desired of him leave to build his new designed Temple, per∣swading him it would be for his interest, that thereby the Jews being divided amongst themselves, might be the lesse able to resist him. Alexander yield∣ing to his request, he returned, and falling with great industry upon the work, he died not long after.

45. This was at such time as Alexander lay before Tyre, during which Siege,* 1.430 he sent round about to demand an Oath of Allegiance, and assistance from the several Cities, and amongst the rest the messengers came to Jerusa∣lem. Jaddeus or Jaddus the High-Priest answered, That he had entred by Oath into society with Darius, and whilst he lived he might not by any means break his Faith; with which answer Alexander being moved, after the ta∣king of Tyre (not of Gaza as Josephus thinketh, for then he must have re∣turned backwards) hee invaded Judaea. The High-Priest and People then looked for nothing but ruine, but he imploring the assistance of God, was warned in a dream to go out and meet him, adorned with his Pontifical Vest∣ments, with the Levites and People, as in a solemn Procession. Alexan∣der

meeting this long train,* 1.431 lighted from his Horse, and adored the Priest, at which thing all the rest being amazed, Parmenio asked him the reason there∣of, to whom he answered, that he worshipped not the Priest, but the God whom he served, for that whilst he was yet in Greece, and consulted about his Expedition into Asia, such an one appeared to him, advised him to it, and promised him successe. Then going up to the City he ascended to the Temple, and sacrifized according to the directions of the Priest, who shewed him the Prophecy of Daniel, wherein was foretold, that a Graecian should obtain the Empire of the Persians. He accounting himself the man rejoyced thereat, and the next day offered to the People whatsoever they would ask of him, who requested they might live after their own Laws and Customs, that on every seventh year in which they sowed not, they might pay no tri∣bute, and that such of their Country-men as inhabited Babylon and Media, might also be left to their own Laws, all which he readily granted them. He offered them also, if they would follow him, the freedom of the exercise of their Religion, whereupon many gave their names to the Expedition; and then leading his Forces to the neighbouring Cities, he was friendly re∣ceived by them.

46. The Samaritans met him in the way, desiring him to visit their City Sicirna, (seated at the foot of the Hill Gerizim, and inhabited by the Runagates of the Jewish Nation) to honour their Temple with his presence, and to remit to them also the tribute of every seventh year, they sowing not therein; for that they were Hebrews, though not Jews, as descended of Jo∣seph and his two Sons Ephraim and Manasseh,* 1.432 all which he referred to his return. By this time his Officers had recovered several places that had revol∣ted, as Callus Paphlagonia, Antigonus Lycaonia, and Balacrus Miletus, after he had overthrown Idarnes the Captain of Darius. Cilicia he had com∣mitted to the care of Soscrates, the Country about Tyre to Philotas the son of Parmenio, who had delivered his charge of Cebestia to Andromachus, that he might follow the Expedition. All the Towns of Palestine he had got now into his hands, except Gaza, which Batis the Eunuch resolved to hold out against him.* 1.433 This was a City distant from the Sea about two miles and an half, of difficult accesse by reason of the depth of sand about it, the Sea near unto it being very muddy, being large, seated upon an high Rock, and compassed with a strong wall. Hither, having commanded Hephaestion to go before with the Fleet, he came, and sate down before it with all his Forces.

47. Having viewed the situation of the City,* 1.434 he resolved that light kind of earth to be fit for digging of mines, which he commanded presently to be at∣tempted, and seeing that no wooden turrets could be erected by the walls be∣cause of the loosenesse of the sand, he made a great heap of earth and stones to be laid, which equalled the height of the walls, on which he planted his Engines for batterie. By the advice of Aristander his Prophet, he contained himself for a time without the reach of the Arrows, but the Arabians whom Batis the Governour (called Baberneses by Josephus) had hired, issuing forth set fire to the Engines, and beat away the Macedonians from the Mount, he ran in with the Targetiers to the rescue, and kept his men from running, but he himself received a wound on his shoulder. Afterwards those Engines be∣ing come by water with which he had taken Tyre, he caused the whole City to be surrounded with mounts two furlongs broad, and 250 foot high, where∣by conflicting both with Engines above ground and below, at length after two moneths it was taken, the wall being broken by a Mine, at which breach the Macedonians entred. Alexander himself led in his men, and when his former wound was not yet quite cured, received a bruise on his thigh with a stone. The defendants stirred not from their places, but fighting to the last, were all slain to the number of 10000. The women and children the Con∣querour made Slaves, and furnishing the City with a new Colony ga∣thered out of the places adjacent, used it as a Garrison in the War.* 1.435

48. From Gaza he sent Amyntas the Son of Andremo with ten Gallies into Macedonia, to make a Leavie of the stoutest young men, and bring them

over, because the War though prosperous, wasted his old stock of Soldiers, and he could not so well trust foreiners as his own subjects. Then marched he strait for Egypt,* 1.436 and the seventh day after his removal from Gaza arrived at that place, afterwards called Alexanders-Camp, and came to Pelusium. Here met him great multitudes of Egyptians, who being weary of the inso∣lence and avarice of the Persians, expected his coming, and gladly received him. Placing a Garrison in Pelusium, and commanding that the ships should sayl up the River to Memphis, he having the Nile on his right hand, came, through the desart to Heliopolis, and thence crossing the River, unto Mem∣phis, which when he approached, Mazaces the Persian Governour met him, and delivered into his hands 800 Talents, with all the royal houshold-stuff. Here he sacrifized to all the Egyptian Gods, and celebrated Games, and then sayled down the River to the Sea; and when he came to Canopus sayled about the Lake Mareotis, betwixt which and the Egyptian-Sea, he chose out a place whereon to build a Citie, which he would have called after himself Alexandria.

49. In this place towards the Sea and Haven stood there once a Village named Rhacotis. When the figure of the new Citie was to be delineated,* 1.437 for want of Chalk, they marked out the ground with Meal, which presently was seized upon by an innumerable company of Fouls of all sorts,* 1.438 that from the Sea and Lake came flocking thither,* 1.439 and devoured it all. Hereat the King was discouraged, but his Prophets told him, that it signified the Citie should he exceeding populous and wealthy, and nourish all sorts of men. He himself designed in what place the Forum should be, and where the Temples that were to be Consecated to the Egyptian and Graecian Gods, and herein used the skill of that noble Architect Dinocrates (called also Stasicrates) who was imployed by the Ephesians, in restoring of their Temple formerly con∣sumed with fire. This (afterwards Famous) Citie was founded by Alexan∣der in the fifth year of his reign, and the first of 112^th Olympiad, the 417th of Nabonasar, from which year the moneth Thoth, as also the fifth of Darius, the supputation of the years of Alexander is begun by Ptolomy the Mathema∣tician, and a Native of this Citie, A.M.3673. 329 years before the Aera of Christ.

50. Leaving the care of his new designed Citie to fit Overseers, he took a journey toward the Oracle of Jupiter Hammon,* 1.440 situate in the vast sandy desarts of Libya, because he had heard that Perseus and Hercules had for∣merly gone thither; or to know his fortune,* 1.441 or that he might at least have occasion to boast of his knowledge of it. In the midst of the way he encoun∣tred Ambassadours sent to him from the Cyrenaeans,* 1.442 who brought a Crown with other great gifts, amongst which were 300 excellent horses trained up and taught for the War; which receiving in good part, he entred into con∣federacy with them. Two great dangers especially to be met with in this journey, viz. want of water in so dry a place,* 1.443 and of being overwhelmed by heaps of sand, which the South-wind threw upon 50000 of Cambyses his ar∣my, he escaped wonderfully by abundance of rain which is said to have falln, whereby the way was made more firm and passable;* 1.444 and two Crows are re∣ported to have been his Guides, and in the night-time when they could not be seen, by their croaking to have given notice which way they tended. When he arrived at the Temple, the Priest, either hired to it, or mistaking the Greek language as it is thought, saluted him by the name of Jupiter's son. Hereupon he took the name upon him, and to his Mother Olympias as well as others wrote with that Title. She facetiously checked him for slandering, and bringing her in danger with Juno, by making her an Whore to Jupiter. By the terrour hereof he hoped to do wonders with the Barbarians,* 1.445 & because Ham∣mon was painted with the upper parts like a Ram, and the nether like to a man, he also would appear to be horned, for which reason amongst the Ara∣bians he obtained the name of Dulcarnaijn. When he received an answer sa∣tisfactory, as he pretended, he returned into Egypt the same way he came, or, as another wrote, by a more direct one towards Memphis.

51. Being come to Memphis, he received many Embassies from Greece, whence also came a new supply of Forces, viz. 400 Greekish Mercenaries from Antipater, and 500 horse out of Thessaly.* 1.446 The neighbouring Cities he exhausted for the peopling of his new one, which he ordained should be the Metropolis of Egypt. Amongst other sorts of people the Jews also, whose fidelity he approved, were inrolled inhabitants, having equal privilege with Graecians, and obtaining the name not onely of Alexandrians, but of Macedonians also: and to the Souldiers of Sanballat the Cuthaean, who fol∣lowed him into Egypt, caused he Lands to be assigned Thebais, which Pro∣vince he committed to their defence. He greatly desired to see not onely the remoter parts of Egypt, but Aethiopia also: but the War depending yet with Darius, hindred him, and therefore disposing of Egypt, he removed in the Spring thence to Tyre in Phoenicia.* 1.447 Over Egypt he left Aeschylus the Rhodian, and Peucestes the Macedonian, with 4000 Souldiers; and the care of the River Nile he committed to Polemon with 30 Gallies. As for the Civil Goverment, he left it to Dolaspes the Egyptian, to rule according to the an∣tient Laws.

52. Ere his departure, he understood of the death of Andromachus the Governour of Syria, whom the Samaritans burnt alive. With all expedition then he removed to revenge his death, but being on his way, the murderers were delivered up to him, whom he punished according to their deserts, and placed Memnon in his room. Taking the Citie Samaria, he gave it to the Macedonians to inhabit, but the Countrey about it to the Jews,* 1.448 for their fi∣delity to him, with immunity from Tribute. Coming to Tyre,* 1.449 he celebrated Games, as he had done at Memphis, and sacrifized again to Hercules; and nominating several Governours over the places already Conquered, took his journey towards Euphrates.

53. Darius having understood of his design, to find him out whithersoever he should go, gave out orders for all his Forces to meet at Babylon,* 1.450 whereof some consisted of such Nations as rather seemed to fill up the names of men than to make resistance. This Army being almost greater by the half than that which perished at Issus, many wanted Arms, which were sought for with all diligence. Some have reckoned 1000000 foot, and 400000 horse, be∣des 200 Chariots, and 15 Indian Elephants; whereas Alexander his Forces amounted but to 40000 foot, and 7000 horse. In the moneth Hecatom∣baeon Alexander came to Thapsacus, where he found two bridges on the Ri∣ver Euphrates; but such as reached not quite over to the further side. Ma∣zaeus was sent thither to hinder his passage, with order also if he could not do this, to spoyl, and destroy all things in his way; but upon his approach he made haste away,* 1.451 and Alexander then making up the bridges, transported over all his Forces, and so proceeding through Mesopotamia, having Euphra∣tes and the Armenian Mountains on his left hand, made for Babylon, not the nearest way, but that which was more convenient for provision and mode∣ration of heat. As he went forwards, he was given to understand by some Scouts which he took, that the King had pitch't his Camp on the further side of the River Tigris,* 1.452 with intentions to hinder his passage, but coming thither, he neither found him, nor any opposition at all. This River was so swift (being upon that account by the Persians called the Arrow) that by the vio∣lent force of its stream it drave many weighty stones before it, and those that lay in the bottom were made so round, and well pollished by continual rol∣ling, that no man was able to fight on so slippery a footing, so that the Ma∣cedonian foot-men to wade the River, were forced to enterlace their Arms, thereby making one weighty body to resist the fury of the stream; so deep the Chanel was on the further side, that to keep their Bowes from being we••, as also their Arrows and Darts, they were inforced to lift them above their heads, so that Darius might here have easily resisted the Macedonians, and given a check to the fortune of the Conquerour, had not the fate of the dying Persian Empire besotted his mind, and deprived him of all common prudence.

54. Having (though with great danger) passed the River without any losse save of a little of the Baggage, he led on through Assyria, having on the right hand the River Tigris, and on the left the Gordian Mountains. On the fourth day after his passage Mazaeus sent a party of 1000 horse upon him, which was easily repelled by the Paeonian Captain Ariston, who slew their Captain, and bringing his head to Alexander, demanded a Cup of Gold as his fee, accord∣ing to the custom of their Countrey, to whom he replied, smiling, That an empty one was due, but he would give him one full of good liquor. Two dayes he here continued, giving orders for a march the next morning; but it hapned that in the first watch the Moon was Eclypsed, and seemed of a bloudy colour,* 1.453 whereat (as all other common people long time after) the Macedo∣nians, not knowing the cause, were marvelously affrighted. They appre∣hended it as a certain token or presage of their overthrow and destruction, and began to murmur, that for the ambition of one man that disdained to own Philip as his father, and would be called the son of Jupiter, they should all perish, being forced to make War, not onely against Worlds of Enemies, but against Rivers, Mountains, and the Heavens themselves. He knowing it to be dangerous to lead his Army to fight whilest it was possessed with matter of terrour, called the Egyptian Astrologers, to assure them that this Eclypse was rather a certain presage of good successe: and he made it out onely by this reason, that the Graecians were under the Aspect of the Sun, and the Persians of the Moon; and therefore the Moon failing and being thus darkned, the Persian glory was to be Eclypsed. Aristander the Sooth∣sayer affirmed the same, promised Alexander good successe, and affirmed a battel was to be fought in that same moneth, for the sacrifices portended victory. Hereby the Souldiers were setled, and their courage redoubled, ac∣cording to the great influence of superstition upon the common sort of people.

55. Thinking it wisdom to make use of the present disposition of their minds he marched thence, and proceeded, till he heard that Darius was not much above twenty miles distant from him, upon notice whereof he rested there his Army for four dayes. Here were interrupted Letters written by Da∣rius to the Graecians, to perswade them to kill, or betray him, which by the advice of Parmenio he suppressed,* 1.454 and removing thence it hapned chat Sta∣tira, the Wife and Sister of Darius, through the tediousnesse of the journey, and grief, fell into untimely travel, and died, at which disaster Alexander shed tears, and spared no cost in solemnizing her Funerals, grieving that he was thus deprived of so fair an occasion of shewing mercy. One of her Chamber∣lanes, by name Tir••os, an Eunuch, slipped away, and carried the news of her death unto Darius. He fell of beating his head, and deplored the fortune of the Persians, which not onely suffered the Queen to be taken Captive, but dying in that condition to want the Ornament of a Royal Funeral. Being sa∣tisfied that there was no want of any such Ceremonies, or of tears from his Enemy to bedew her Hearse, he fell into a jealous conceit that nothing but unchaste affections had drawn them from Alexander,* 1.455 and lamented his Wife's condition, who had been subjected to the lustfull power of the Conquerour. But being with much ado perswaded of his continency, with hands lifted up to Heaven, he prayed that he might be able to restore the fortune of the Per∣sians to his posterity as he found it, that so he might be able to requite Alex∣der for his noble carriage towards his relations: But if the fatal time was come, and it so seemed good to Nemesis, and the vicissitude of worldly things, that the Persian Empire should receive its period; that none but Alexander alone might sit in Throne of Cyrus.

56. He dispatched away to him then a new Embassy of ten of his princi∣pal friends, and offered him for his Mother, and two Daughters Ransom 30000 Talents, and in portion with his Daughter Statyra all Asia,* 1.456 be∣twixt the Hellespont and the River Euphrates. He answered, that sometimes he endeavoured to corrupt his friends, and otherwhiles his Soldiers to destroy him, and that therefore be was to be prosecuted not as a just and fair enemy, but

as a pernicious murderer: that what he had already gotten, though now offer∣ed to him, was the reward of War, by which the bounds of both their King∣doms should be limited, and that they should both abide by what the fortune of the next day should assign them. Darius had before this time come to Arbela a City belonging to Babylon, where leaving the greatest part of his baggage, he went to the River Lycus, over which laying a Bridge, he passed over his Army in eight dayes, and proceeding ten miles pitcht his Camp upon the River Bumelus, near to a Village called Gaugamela, which in the Per∣sian Language signified the house of a Camel;* 1.457 for that Darius the Son of Hy∣staspis gave this place to the maintenance of a certain Camel which had been tired in carrying his provisions through the Desarts of Scythia. This was a Champain Country round about, and such grounds as were high he caused to be levelled, to be convenient for the fighting of his Horse, and that he might have a free prospect round about him.

57. Understanding from his Ambassadors returning, that he must expect nothing but a battel, he sent Mazaeus to defend a passage which he never yet dared so much as to hazard, the rest of the Army he caused to march above a mile farther in battel-aray,* 1.458 and there to expect the Enemy. Alexander for∣tifying his Camp which he left with an ordinary guard, went forwards towards the Enemy, and in his march a pannick fear seized on his Army, by reason of the Lightning of the Heavens in the Summer season, which they took as pro∣ceeding from some attempt of Darius; with some pains he undeceived them, and thought good to fortifie himself in the same place that night. Yet in the night he departed thence about the second watch, as thinking to fall on the Enemy by break of the day. Upon his approach Mazaeus with his Horse for∣sook an Hill which he had seized on, and returned to Darius, which place Alexander by the advice of Parmenio chose himself, as safer than the Plain, and from which one might take a full view of the Persian Army. Before the Fight his friends came to him and complained of the Soldiers,* 1.459 because in their conferences they had agreed to take all the profit of the plunder to them∣selves, without bringing any thing to his treasurie; whereat he smiled, and said, they told him good news concerning the discourses of such as were re∣solved to overcome, and not to flie. Many then of the Soldiers resorted to him, and bad him be of good cheer, and not be afraid of the multitude of the Enemies, which would not endure their very shouting for the battel.

58. The two Armies lying in the view of each other,* 1.460 in the eleventh night after the Eclyps of the Moon, Darius kept all his men in arms, mustring his Forces by torch-light, which made all the Plain betwixt Niphates and the Gordyaean mountains to be of a flame. Alexander in the mean time whilst his Macedonians took their rest, was busie in his Sacrifice with Aristander. Parmenio and others would have had him fallen upon the Persians in the dead of the night, thereby to strike more terror into them; but he answered them, that he would not steal Victory; which Darius was afraid of, and there∣fore contained his men in Arms all the night, which not a little in••ured his affairs the day following. All the night Alexander passed without sleep, be∣ing careful for the main chance; but about the morning watch fell so fast asleep, that it being full day he could hardly be awaked, and to his friends demanding the cause thereof he replyed, that now he was eased by Darius of all his care, seeing he had gathered all his Forces into one place, and there∣fore in one day he hoped to put an end to his daily labours and danger. His whole force consisted of about 7000 Horse, and 40000 Foot, over which his chiefest Captains were Parmenio, with Philotas and Nicanor his Sons, whereof this commanded the Foot Regiment of the Argyraspides, or Sil∣ver-Shields; Coenus, who commanded the Elimiots; Perdiccas Captain of the Orestae and Lyncestae; Meleager; Polysperchon; Hephaestion Captain of his Life-guard; Menidas; Philip the Son of Balaccus; Craterus; Er••∣gyus the Mitylenaean; Philippus that had the Thessalian Troups, and Clytus the black who lead the Kings Regiment. He himself commanded the right wing, and in both caused the battel to bee made something bending-wise,

lest they should bee incompassed with the multitudes of the Per∣sians.

59. Darius having marshalled his men according to their several Nations, took the command of the wing opposit to Alexander, and lead on against him. After a sound to the charge on both sides, and a great shout, the Armies met, and in the first place the scythed Chariots being driven with great fury upon the Macedonians,* 1.461 struck them with great consternation, for that Mazaeus the General of the Horse following the Chariots close, made the charge the more terrible. But the Macedonian phalange, according to the King's order, beating their Targets with their Spears, made such a noise, that the Horses skared therewith bore backwards, and tetreated for the most part; and though some went still forwards, yet the Macedonians parting asunder, made a lane and let them passe through, yet with the losse of many whom the Scythes had caught. After the Arrows and Darts were spent, the Armies came to hand∣strokes, wherein the Horse was first ingaged. Darius in the left wing was stoutly defended by his followers, who fighting under his eye, laboured all they could with their multitudes to oppresse the Macedonians. And Ma∣zaeus in the left wing charging with great valour, at the first onset did great execution. Then sent he a Party of 2000 Caducians, and 1000 of the choi∣cest Scythian Horse, to fall upon the Enemies Camp, where a great tumult following, some of the captive women took their opportunity, and betook themselves to their friends, but Sisygambis Mother to Darius refused to stir, and kept her self quiet in the same place, not thinking it fit to trust her self to the doubtful fortune of an escape, or shew any ingrateful disre∣spect to Alexander: the Scythians plundred most of the baggage and departed.

60. In the mean while, part of the Horse that fought about Darius, with their multitudes pressed sore upon the Macedonians, and forced them back, whereby the second time the Victory seemed to incline towards the Persians. Alexander seeing how he was concernd to relieve his men, broke out with his own Regiment upon Darius himself, and with a Dart slew his Chariot-driver. The Courtiers hereupon crying out, those that were further off sup∣posed the King himself to have been slain, and therewithall betook them∣selves to their heels, which the next seeing fled also for company. The ranks also about Darius began to be broken,* 1.462 till at length all one side was ba∣red, and then he accounted it also time to fly, and therewithall such a dust was raised, Alexander with his Troops giving the chase, that it could not be discovered which way he fled, using great celerity therein, and for that pur∣pose mounted a Mare that had lately foaled, as he had done before at the bat∣tel at Issus. Whilst these things were thus carried in the left wing, Mazaeus in the right sore pressed upon his adversaries, which Parmenio with the Thessa∣lian Horse and other for a time sustained; but being put sore to it, he sent to Alexander for speedy relief. But he could not be found; so that he was forced to use his utmost skil in making the Thessalians endure the brunt; and at length put the Barbarians to flight, after they were disheartned with the report of their Princes fortune.

61. Darius with a few in his company came to the River Lycus, which having passed, when some advised him to break down the Bridge, lest the Enemy should make use thereof in the pursute, knowing that if he should do so, he must leave many thousands of his men as a prey to him, he answered, that he had rather afford way to the pursuers, than take it from those that fled. Here Alexander immediately pursued him, but not being able to reach him, he returned, and fought a more sharp encounter than ever with some Parthi∣ans, Indians, and many of the valiantest of the Persians, wherein though he had the better, yet he lost Sixty of his followers, and Hephaestion with Coenus and Mendas were wounded. Of the Barbarians(a) 1.463 one maketh above 90000 to have been slain, of the Macedonians 500, and many wounded.* 1.464 Another(b) 1.465 counteth of the former 300000 to have been slain, and a greater number taken, with all the Elephants, and such Chariots as were

not broken; Yet of Alexander's men but 100 at most, with 1000 horses, partly killed outright, and partly broken in the chase. A(c) 1.466 third reckon∣eth 40000 Persians, and lesse than 300 Macedonians to have been lost. This battel was fought at Gaugamela a Village situate upon the River Bum••∣lus, which being but an obscure place, the Macedonians to innoble their Victory, gave out that it was at Arbela, a Town of good note, some fifteen miles distant, beyond the River Lycus.* 1.467 Alexander obtained the Victory on the fifth day of the moneth Boëdromion, in the sixth year of his reign, as also the sixth of Darius; Aristophanes (not Aristophontes his Successor, as some mistook) bein Archon at Athens, in the second year of the 112^th Olympiad. A. M. 3674.

62. Darius fled from the River Lycus to Arbela, where he arrived about midnight, and then concluding that Alexander would ma••ch to Babylon and Susa, resolved to flie into the utmost borders of his Kingdom, there to renew the War; and accordingly withdrew himself into Media, beyond the Moun∣taines of Armenia. About midnight Alexander set forwards for Arbela, hoping to take him there with all his treasure; but arriving there the next day, he found not him, but met with much treasure, with his Bow and Target. Now seemed the Empire of the Persians to all men to be dissolved, and thereupon Alexander was declared King of Asia,* 1.468 and for joy thereof sacrifi∣zed with great magnificence to his Gods, and bestowed riches, houses, and Countries upon his friends. Foreseeing that the air thereabouts, by reason of the corruption of the dead bodies might be infectious, he removed with all speed from Arbela towards Babylon, being in his way met with Mazaeus the Governour, who gave it up into his hands, and Bagophanes the Keeper of the Castle and the King's treasures, lest he should be exceeded by Mazaeus, caused the way to be strowed with flowers and garlands; silver Altars heaped with Frankincense and other odours being placed on both sides.* 1.469 The Towns∣men came also to meet him; whom he commanded to follow his rear, and so entred the City and Palace in a Chariot, with his armed men about him. Thirty dayes he spent in* 1.470 looking over Darius his housholdstuff, all which time his Army glutted themselves with the contentments of the Town. Here the Chaldaeans shewed him the motions of the Stars, and the appointed vicissi∣tudes of times: and Calisthenes the Philosopher sent into Greece unto Ari∣stotle (whose cousin german his Mother was) the Coelestial observations of(a) 1.471 1903 years. He consulted these men about his affairs, and at their desire caused such Temples to be rebuilt, as Xerxes had out of anger destroyed, after his overthrow in Greece. And especial care was taken for that of Belus in the midst of the City, the ruines of which were so great, that the labour of(b) 1.472 10000 men for two moneths was required for the clearing of the ground. He commanded all his Soldiers to lay their hands to the work, amongst which the Jews onely refused to do it, who thereupon received great incommodity, till such time as they were discharged of this task by the King, as(c) 1.473 Hecataeus the Abderite wrote in his Book concerning the Jews, who also at that time li∣ved with Alexander.

63. He committed the charge of the Castle of Babylon to Agathon of Pydna, with a Garrison of 700 Macedonians, and 300 Mercenaries, appointing Mazaeus the Satrapa of the Country. To Apollodorus of Am∣phipolis, and Menetes of Pella, he assigned the Government of the Militia of the Satrapies of Babylon, and the other Countries as far as Cilicia, lea∣ving them 2000 Foot, and 1000 talents of silver, to hire as many Solders as they could; and to Mithrinas who betrayed the Castle of Sardis unto him, he granted Armenia. Of the money which he found at Babylon, to every Macedonian Horse-man he gave seven Minae (each Attick Mina containing an 100 Drachmes, and about 3 l. 2 s. 6 d. Sterling) and to every stranger five; to every Macedonian Foot-man two, and to every stranger two moneths pay, for a reward. Then set he forwards from Babylon, and in his way met with a supply of 500 Horse, and 6000 Foot, sent out of Macedonia, with 600 Horse out of Thrace, and 3500 Foot; and out of Peloponnesus 4000 Foot,

and 380. (or according to Diodorus little lesse than 1000) horse. These were also accompanied with 50 of the Noblemen's sons of Macedonia, for the Guard to the Kings person.

64. Drawing near to Susa, he met with the son of the Satrapa thereof, sent unto him with a Messenger that brought Letters from Philoxenus, whom presently after the battel at Gaugamela he had sent thither. The Letters im∣ported that the Susians had yielded their Citie to him, and that all the King's Treasure was safe for him, which Abulites the Satrapa sent his son also to signifie, either for that he sought to obtain favour, or as some thought, be∣ing underhand ordered by Darius to do so; that Alexander being bu∣sied with such booty,* 1.474 he might have time to consult the better for his own affairs. On the twentieth day after his departure from Babylon he arrived at Susa, where he took possession of betwixt fourty and fifty thousand (as is to be gathered from all Authors) Talents of Silver, besides Gold and Rich Fur∣niture. Many things he there found, which Xerxes had brought out of Greece, and amongst the rest the brazen Statues of Harmodius and Aristogiton, which he sent back unto Athens. He left the Mother and Children of Darius at Susa, with Masters to teach them the Greek tongue, and then committing the Citie to the care of Archelaus, the Castle to Xenophilus, the Treasury to Callicrates, and the Satrapy of the Countrey of Susa to Abulites, in four encampings he came to the River Pasitigris, being resolved to invade Persia.

65. Near to the Countrey of Susa lieth that of the Uxians,* 1.475 running out into the Borders of Persia, and leaving a straight passage betwixt it self and the Susian Dominions. The inhabitants of the low-land Countrey became without much ado subject to Alexander; but the other with some slaughter of them he forced to submit;* 1.476 and whereas they demanded money of him which they used to receive from the Kings of Persia for their passage, he im∣posed a Tribute of 100 Horses, 500 Cattel, and 30000 Sheep yearly to be paid, they living like Shepheards, and using no money. After this he com∣mitted the baggage, with the Thessalian Horse, the Mercenaries and Associ∣ates, with the rest of the Army that used heavy Armour, to Parmenio, to lead that way into Persia, that was passable with Carriages, and he himself taking the Macedonian foot with the horse of the associates, and others, with all speed marched a nearer one through the hilly Countrey. Being arrived at the Pylae,* 1.477 or Straights of Persia, he found Ariobarzanes, a Persian Satrapa, seized thereof, by whom he was repelled also with some disgrace and losse, being forced to retreat four miles from the Straights; but at length being led by a Shepheard, another difficult way, he came upon his Enemies on a sudden, and put them to flight. But Ariobarzanes in the midst of near four∣ty horse, and 5000 foot, with great slaughters on both sides broke through the Army of the Macedonians, which on both sides had beset him, and made for Persepolis the chief Citie of that Countrey, but being shut out by those that kept it for the Conquerour, he turned again upon his E∣nemies, and with great valour renewing the battel, perished with all his followers.

66. Having private notice from Tiridates the Eunuch, Keeper of the Treasure at Persepolis, that they there had an intention to rifle it upon hear∣ing of his coming, he took the horse, and all the night marched thither∣wards.* 1.478 Being a quarter of a mile from the Town, about 800 Grecians met him in manner of suppliants, whom the former Persian Kings had reduced into bondage, and as a token of slavery cut off their Feet, Hands, Ears, or Noses, and having marked them with some Barbarian Letters, kept them as laughing stocks for derision. They besought Alexander, that as he had done by Greece, so he would also deliver them from the cruelty of their Enemies. He offered them to send them back, but they rather chose to re∣ceive some grounds to live on, than returning home to carry greater dis∣grace than comfort to their relations. To each of them then he gave 3000 Drachms, and 10 Garments, with Cattel, Sheep, and Corn, for the stocking of their grounds. The next day he called a meeting of his Officers, whom

he told how there was no Citie more inveterate against the Graecians than that, which had been the Seat of the Persian Kings, and that therefore by the destruction of it they were to make a Parentation to their Ancestors. The Town, all besides the Palace, he allowed the Souldiers to plunder, who made a great slaughter of Captives, and got unestimable riches in that place, which heretofore of all they had been most secure.* 1.479 Entring the Castle, he received the Treasure which there had been heaped up from the time of Cy∣rus the Great, containing a great quantity of Gold and Silver. Diodorus saith, he took thence 120 Talents, Gold being reckoned at the reckoning of silver, part of which he employed in the present service of the War, and the rest sent to Susa to be kept.

67. Leaving a Garrison in Persepolis, and a great part of the Army with the baggage there, with 1000 horse, and a party of foot, he made an invasion into Persia. Much rain fell, and grievous Tempests ensued, but he perse∣vered in his purpose, and also when they came to such places as were full of Snow and Ice, and though the inhabitants fled from their Cottages to the Mountains,* 1.480 and killed his stragglers, yet he brought them to submit, and laying waste the Territories of Persia, subdued also the Mardi, a war-like Nation, differing much from the customs of the other Persians; and on the 30th day returned to Persepolis. Then did he distribute gifts to his friends, making no spare of Treasure, and there he wintred four moneths, rather enervating than refreshing his Army with the delicacies of the place. For the celebration of his victories he offered magnificent sacrifices, and feasted his friends Princely; and to the feast admitted Courtisans. Amongst the rest was Thais the Athenian, the Mistresse of Ptolomy the son of Lagus. She gave out that the King would atchieve a most gallant Enterprize, if in a frollick he would with them set on fire the Palace, and thereby in one mo∣ment overthrow the glory of the Persians by the hands of women. This finding acceptance amongst the younger sort, now in the midst of their Cups, one amongst them desired that they might now revenge the injuries offered to the Temples of the Greeks with burning fire-brands, which was seconded by others; but yet they said, that so great an affair did onely belong to Alexander.* 1.481 He being moved hereat, was led out by Thais in a dance with the Minstrels, and she receiving a fire-brand from him, first set it to the Palace, after which all the rest followed, and so that structure was re∣duced into ashes. Thus was the fury of Xerxes against Athens revenged by a Woman, and Native of that Citie, in the same way, though ac∣companied with derision. But Alexander afterward repented too late, alle∣ging that he should more grievously have punished the Persians, by forcing them to behold him seated in the Palace, and Throne of Xerxes.

* 1.48268. From Persepolis he removed to Pasargadae, a Citie founded by Cyrus the Great, and the antient Seat of the Persian Kings, which being delivered up to him by Gobases the Governour, he therein found 6000 Ta∣lents. Here he saw the Sepulchre of Cyrus in a Garden, into which he com∣manded Aristobulus (who wrote the story) to enter,* 1.483 who there found a golden Bed, a Table, and Cups, with a golden Basket, and great store of Ap∣parel, and Robes adorned with Pearl. On this place Cyrus overthrew A∣styages the Mede in his last battel, and thereby obtaining the Soverainty of Asia, in memorial of it built this Citie, and a Palace, which being by Curtius named Persagadae, or Pasagada, signifieth the Army of the Persians.* 1.484 Then Alexander either by force, or fair means, became Master of all the other Ci∣ties of Persia, about the time of the rising of the seven Stars, from which the antients used to begin their Summer. He placed over this Countrey Phra∣saortes a Satrapa, and then, being minded to pursue Darius, set forwards for Media, where he heard he was;* 1.485 but being within three dayes journey of Echatane, there met him Bisthanes the son of Ochus, who reigned before Darius.* 1.486 He assured him that the King was gone thence five dayes before, ha∣ving taken with him 7000. or 8000 Talents, and being accompanied with an Army of 6000 foot, and 3000 horse.

69. Dariu•• staid at Ecbatane some time to receive such of his Soldiers as had escaped the battel; and for the furnishing of them with Arms. He raised forces in the Neighbouring Nations,* 1.487 and sent to the Satrapa of Bactria, and the higher Countreys, to retain them in obedience. And he determined, that if Alexander should stay about Babylon, or Susae, to continue in Media in expectation of some better change of fortune; but if he should pursue him, then to betake himself into Parthia, or as far as Bactria, and lay all the Countrey waste as far as he passed, to cut off the provisions of the pur∣suer. He sent therefore the women with all his Furniture and Carriages to the Caspian Straights, and staid himself, with such forces as he had raised, at Ecbatane, till such time as Alexander was within lesse then two hundred miles of him. Then thought he of Bactria;* 1.488 but fearing to be overtaken by Alex∣ander (against whose celerity no distance seemed to be sufficient) he changed his purpose, and though he fled, yet prepared he himself rather for a fight than flight. His Army consisted now (according to Curtius) of 30000 foot (where∣of 4000 were Graecians, Commanded by Patron, (a man for his constant fide∣lity to Darius, never enough to be commended) and 3300 Bactrian horse, un∣der the Command of Bessus the Satrapa of the Countrey.

70. Alexander being come to Ecbatane, sent back towards the Sea the Thessalian horse, and other associates, bestowing on them, besides their full pay, 2000 Talents. To Parmenio he gave in charge to bring all the Treasure out of Persia into Ecbatane to be committed to the trust of Harpalus, whom he left with a Garrison of 6000 Macedonians, besides some horse, and of the associates;* 1.489 and then afterwards he ordered him to march through the Countrey of the Cadusians into Hyrcania. Clitus he commanded to go with his own Regiment into Parthia whither he himself intended to come, but now with a select party with incredible speed pursued Darius, and in eleven Encampings came to Rhagae. Here seeing no hope ever to reach him, who before this had passed the Caspian Straights) he staid five dayes, and then marched for Parthia, and on the first day pitch't his Camp by the Straights, and on the next having entred them, news was brought to him con∣cerning the Captivity of Darius.

71. For Bessus the Satrapa of Bactria, and Nabarzanes a Colonel of horse, though his own servants, rebelled against him, and drawing their men to their party, caused him to be bound, with an intention if Alexander should overtake them,* 1.490 to curry favour with him by the delivery of such a prisoner into his hands; but if they should escape, then to kill him, seize upon his King∣dom, and renew the War. They seized on his money and stuff, and taking into their society Brazus, or Barzaentes, the Satrapa of the Arachoti and Drangi, lead him away Captive in a Chariot, bound in Golden Fetters, as beseemed so great a King, but yet, lest he should be known, they covered over the Chariot with base skins, and unknown men drove it, his keepers following aloof off, lest he should be discovered to any that asked of him. The Persians having none now to follow, joyned themselves to the Bactrians, and with the rest owned Bessus for their General. But Artabazus with his Sons and Soldiers, as also the Greeks (whose Captain was Patron) separated themselves from them, and taking another way towards the Mountains out of the high road, departed, and went into Parthiene.

72. Upon notice of this conspiracy Alexander concluded that more haste was to be used, and therefore taking along with him a party fit for such ex∣pedition, he left the rest of the Army to Craterus to come after with more leisure, and travelling all that night, and the next day till noon, gave his men a little time to rest, and then again setting forward, came the next morning to that place where Bagistenes the Babylonian (who brought him notice of the condition of Darius) had departed. Then again marching fast that night, and the day following, untill noon, he came unto the place where Bessus laid hands on Darius, as* 1.491 one telleth us; but, as* 1.492 another, where they that con∣ducted him had rested the day before. Here he met with Melon, Darius his interpreter, who being sick, and not able to follow, now counterfeited

himself a fugitive, and fully acquainted Alexander with the King's condi∣tion. He hereby vvas further quickened up to use all expedition, but his men spent vvith continual travel must needs have rest, and therefore he made 500 Horse-men to dismount, and the Officers of Foot, and others most valiant amongst them to take their Horses, being arrived as before, that so they might be both Horse and Foot-men as need should require.

73. Whilst he was thus busied, Orsillos and Mithracenes, two Persians who detested the Paricide of B••ssus, came back from him, and acquainted Alexander that he was 500 furlongs off, but that they could lead him a nearer way, whereby he might soon overtake him. With this conduct he beg••n his journy that night, and being come 300 furlongs encountred Brocubelus (or Antibelus) the Governour once of Syria under Darius, who told him that Bess••s was but 200 furlongs off, that as he thought he made for Hyrcania, and mar∣ched out of order as fearing no danger,* 1.493 and therefore might easily be surpri∣sed. He then continued his industry to overtake him, but he and his com∣plices had notice of his approaching, and coming to Darius, bad him mount on Horse-back, and withdraw himself by flight from the Enemy. He refu∣sing to do this, Salibarzanes and Barzaentes threw darts upon him, and lea∣ving him mortally wounded, wounded also the Horses that drew him, lest they should follow far, and killed two Slaves which accompanied him, having none now to follow him but a Dog which he had brought up.* 1.494 Having done this, the murderers with 600 fled with full speed, and that they might not venture altogether, Narbarzanes went towards Hyrcania, and B••ssus with a few Horse-men in his company kept on the way for Bactria. The rest of their men stragled, as they were led, either by hope or fear: 500 Horse-men imbodied themselves, not knowing, whether to flie, or to receive and fight the pursuing Enemies.

But Alexander having notice of the fear and anxiety of the Enemy, sent Nicanor with part of the Horse on before, to restrain their flight, he with the rest following after, and when they were come up, so little courage ap∣peared in the Persians, that though they resisted, yet 3000 were presently slain, and the rest stragled about like sheep, Alexander giving command then to his Soldiers to abstain from slaughters. Now appeared an incredible thing, more prisoners than they that took them, whilst the conquered were so stu∣pified that they neither considered their own multitude, nor the small number of their Enemies. In the mean while the beasts that drew Darius having none to drive them, wandred out of the way for half a mile, and being wearied both by their wounds and heat, stood still in a certain Valley. Not far off was a certain Spring,* 1.495 to which Polystratus a Macedonian being directed, came almost spent with thirst, and whilst he was drinking water in his helmet, he espied the Horses fainting away, by reason of the darts sticking in their sides, and drawing near to consider of the matter, found Darius in the Chariot sore∣ly wounded, but yet breathing. He desired some water of him to drink, which though none of the best, yet he said was the best that ever he drunk•• He desired him to carry his thanks to Alexander for his great humanity and courtesie towards his relations. As for himself, he desired rather a seemly than noble burial, but bad him put Alexander in mind how dangerous it would be to all Princes to suffer his death to go unpunished. He wished him the Empire of the whole World,* 1.496 and gave his ••and to Polystratus as though to be presented to Alexander; after which wishing him a reward, for his kindnesse, from the gods, he expired.

This was the end of the Life, Reign, and Empire of Darius, a man who, if we look at warlike matters, was fit for nothing lesse, but in other things did nothing unbeseeming Royal Majesty. And neither could he; for as soon as he began to reign,* 1.497 was he vexed by the Macedonians. Whilst he lived, one crosse presently succeeded after another: neither could he enjoy any rest from the beginning of his reign. For within a while after, he received that over∣throw at the River Granicus; then lost he Aeolia, Ionia, and both the Phry∣giaes: the Lydians also and Carians (all but the Hallicarnassians) and not

long after Halicarnassus it self, and then all the Maritime Coast as far as Cilicia. After this he received a great overthrow at Issus, in which his Mo∣ther, Wife, and Children were taken: Phoenicia and Aegypt fell off from him. At Arbela (or Gaugamela) losing a mighty Army consisting of all sorts of people, he disgracefully was forced to flie, then driven from his King∣dom, wandring up and down, and wanting due accommodations, at last he was betrayed by his own servants, and at the same time both a King and Cap∣tive, was ignomniously bound in fetters, and perished by the treachery of those, from whom he should have expected safety, as Arrianus writeth. This hapned in the year that Aristophontes was Archon at Athens, in the month Hecatombaeon, vvhen he had lived about fifty years, in the seventh year of his reign, and the 203^d of this Empire, in the third year of the 112^th Olympiad, A. M. 3675, 328 years before the ordinary Aera of Christ.

Contemporaries with the Persian Empire.

CHAP. II. The affairs of the Graecians amongst them∣selves during this Empire.

SECT. I. Of such things as hapned from the beginning thereof until the Expedi∣tion of Xerxes.

* 1.4981. IN the time of Cyrus the Great, and afterwards, lived Polycrates the famous Tyrant of Samus, who from a small beginning arrived at such extraordinary power, as no petty Prince of the Greekish Nation was ever accounted equal to him for worldly felicity.

* 1.4992. The word Tyrannus (which we English Tyrant) Suidas thinketh to have been derived from the Tyrrheni, a people of Italy,* 1.500 because they were cruel and given to robbery. Others thought it was derived of the City Tyre, by means of it's riches and glory. Most anciently the word was of no ill signification, but was used in a good sense, there being no discrimination betwixt King and it, as* 1.501 Servius observeth. For, though Homer (who never mentioneth Tyre) either knew it not, or would not use it, yet the Poets who follow him, call those Kings that lived before the Trojan times by the appellation of Ty∣ranni. Afterwards through the dissolute and cruel demeanour of some Prin∣ces, and the antipathie of the Greeks towards Monarchy (after they had ge∣nerally erected Oligarchical or Democratical Governments) it came to be ta∣ken in a bad sense. Herein it is especially given to those, who, being once private persons, enslaved their Citizens by invading, without any just title, the supreme power; as to Polycrates, Pisistratus, Dionysius, and Agatho∣cles. It's also applied to the Children who succeeded their Fathers in the usur∣pation. And it is also given sometimes to those who governed by the desire and consent of the People, as Gelon of Syracuse, betokening, as to this particular, a petty Prince or Regulus. For it is seldom or never in antient Authors, when it is taken in an ill sense, found applied to any but the usurp∣ing Lords of Cities (not any notable Kingdom) and such Cities as had before been governed in the way of a Commonwealth. And what is said of those Governours called Tyranni, must be extended to their Government, in the

Greek language called Tyrannis, which we english Tyranny,* 1.502 though not in any ill sense, wherein the Athenians used it not when they would have Solon to take the Tyrannis or Government upon him, though the word was harsh. This is hinted to take off any thoughts of the ignorant, as if the word reflected upon Monarchy, the best of Governments when all shall bee considered.

3. Samus is an Island in the Mediterranean Sea, lying over against Ionia,* 1.503 not far severed from it, containing in circuite scarce 100 miles, so called from the heighth of it by the Antients in their Language. On the West it looks towars the Island Icaria,* 1.504 but on the East the continent of Asia, be∣ing near to Ephesus, and the promontory of Mycale, from which it is distant but five miles. The most antient Inhabitants were Carians differing much from the Greeks both in language and manners. But when the sons of Codrus led out Colonies from Attica, Androclus one of them here setled one,* 1.505 by which the City of the same name with the Island was built; having a very large and commodious Haven. It was presently much beautified with fre∣quency of Inhabitants, riches, and multitudes of buildings, and being very famous for the Temple of Juno, which was especially worshipped in this place, it was reckoned amongst the twelve Ionian Cities, being partaker of the great Council of Panionium, and counted not inferiour to Miletus, Ephesus, or Chius, the most eminent amongst them.* 1.506 From Herodotus it should appear to have at first been governed by Kings, the Inhabitants as he saith, in the reign of Amphicrates, making War upon Aegina which was hurtful to both sides: and this was the cause that in the Age following the Aeginetans did as much by the Samian exiles which had retired into Crete. But in what Age Amphicrates lived he doth not mention; yet this is apparent from his words, that the Samians because Islanders remained untouched by the King of Lydia and Persia, when the other Ionian Cities in the continent were forced by them into subjection.

4. But when Cyrus flourished in Asia, and Pisistrates at Athens,* 1.507 Poly∣crates the Son of Aeaces one of their own Citizens offered violence to their liberty. When first he seized on the Soveraignty, he made his two Brothers Pantagnotus and Syloson partners with him, but afterwards he slew the one, and ejected the yonger, and so having all the power in his own hands, he con∣tracted amity with Amasis,* 1.508 who at that time reigned in Aegypt. In a short time his affairs so prospered, that he became famous through Ionia and all Greece, for wheresoever he made War he prospered, with his 100 Biremes or Gallies with two ranks of Oars on a side, and 1000 Archers, invading all his neighbours without any difference, for that he held it for a rule, that he gratified his friend more by restoring what he had taken from him, than if he had taken nothing away. He subdued many Islands and many Towns in the continent. The Lesbians coming to help their friends of Miletus with all their force, he overthrew, and took so many, as served him to draw a ditch round about the walls of Samus. His affairs being thus prosperous, were not unknown to Amasis, but being every day more prosperous than other, at length Amasis suspected that his friend and allie for this prosperous Fortune would have some disastrous end, and therefore he wrote to him, and desired him that to make some certain change therein, he would pick out that which was most dear to him,* 1.509 and in the losse whereof he would be most troubled, and make that away, so that he should never more enjoy it. He accordingly took ship and cast into the Sea his signet, which was an Emrald set in a gold ring; but it so hapned, that a Fisher taking a very large fish, presented it to him as onely worthy of it, and in the belly of it his Servants, when they cut it up, found the signet. Amasis hearing this, took such assurance that an unfortunate end must follow such prodigious successe, that lest hee should bee troubled with the miscariage of a friend and allie, hee renounced his friendship.

5. When Cambyses was raising his forces for his Expedition into Aegypt, Polycrates sent to him underhand, to desire him to send for some supplies,

who doing so, he picked out such as he thought were most prone to rebellion, and with them manned out two Triremes, desiring of him that he would not send them back. Yet they after the War withdrew themselves from Camby∣ses, and vvent to Lacedaemon to desire aid of that State against the Tyrant, vvhich vvas granted them, either for that the Lacedaemonians vvere engaged to the Samians (as these pretended) because they had received supplies from them in the Messenian War, or as the Spartans alleged, not out of any kindnesse, but malice to the Samians, because they had in the Age foregoing intercepted certain presents sent by them to Croesus, and to them from Ama∣sis. The Corinthians vvere also dravvn in, having a particular quarrel of their ovvn; the occasion vvas also given at the same time, the Samians having taken from the Corinthians certain Boyes vvhich they vvere carrying from Pe∣riander their Tyrant to Alyattes King of Sardis to be made Eunuchs.

6. The Lacedaemonians coming with a great Fleet to Samus, besieged the City, but endeavouring the storming of it were repulsed with some losse, and having in vain spent forty dayes in the Siege (so valiantly was it defended by Polycrates) they then returned home into Peloponnesus. A story went, that Polycrates stamped some Lead, and covering it over with Gold, with it purchased the departure of the Lacedaemonians; but this was the first Expe∣dition which the Dores made against Asia. Afterwards at such time as Cam∣byses fell sick, that fell upon Polycrates which Amasis had forewarned him of. At this time one Oraetes a Persian was Governour of Sardis, Ionia, Lydia, and the Sea-coasts, in the place of Ha••pagus, who either for that he was upbraided that he got not Samus, so near to his Province, into the King's hand, or for that Polycrates slighted and gave no answer to a messenger which he sent to him (both which are reported) sought earnestly to work his destruction. Knowing he had an ambition to become Master of Ionia and the Islands, he sent to him to tell him that he heard how excellent things he cast in his head, but that he wanted money to accomplish them, wherefore he having now heard for certain that Cambyses determined to kill him, offered to him, that if he would receive him he should have half of the King's money which he had in his possession, whereby he might get the Soveraignty of all Greece. And if he doubted of his faithfulnesse, he desired him to send one of his most trusty servants to whom he would give satisfaction.

7. Polycrates with great joy received the message, being greedy after mo∣ney, and to make the thing sure, sent Maeandrius his Secretary over to Oraetes, who knowing him a cunning and circumspect man, filled several chests with stones, and covering them at the top with gold, thereby deceived him. Po∣lycrates was yet disswaded by all his friends from going over himself, for that the Oracles were against it, and his Daughter dreamed that she saw him up aloft in the air, where he was washed by Jupiter, and annointed by the Sun; but he was angry with her for her importunity, and notwithstanding all dis∣swasions went over to Oraetes, taking with him amongst others, Democedes the Son of Calliphon of Crotone in Italy, the most famous Physician then in his Country. He went over into Magnesia as far as the River Maeander, and then Oraetes laying hold of him, nailed him to a crosse. Of those that accompanied him,* 1.510 the Samians he dismissed, telling them that they must ac∣count it for a great favour so to be used by him, but all the Strangers and Slaves he took to himself, and reduced them into the State of servitude. This end had Polycrates, with whom none of the Syracusian Tyrants, or any other of Greece for magnificence were to be compared.* 1.511 Him succeeded one Mae∣andrius his Vicegerent or Procurator, of whom Herodotus telleth many sto∣ries, and who by the help of Otanes the Persian Satrapa, being removed, by the approbation of Darius the Son of Hystapes, Syloson the Brother of Poly∣crates succeeded,* 1.512 Samus paying very dearly for it, what by the War and the ensuing severity of Syloson. When Syloson died, Aeaces his Son succeeded him,* 1.513 by the favour of the Persians; but was not long after thrust from his Tyranny, when Aristagoras the Milesian drew all Ionia into rebellion against the Persians; which hapned about the eighteenth year of Darius.

8. In the second year of Darius, and the first of the 65^th Olympiad, the inhabitants of Platea in Boeotia,* 1.514 who never well accorded with their Neigh∣bours the Thebans, being now irritated with their continual injuries, that for the future they might free themselves from such grievances, sent, and of∣fered themselves to the Lacedaemonians (who then were of greatest Autho∣rity in Greece) as Allies and Dependents. But they perceiving themselves to be at too great a distance from them to give any succours when need re∣quired, advised them to have recourse to the Athenians as nearer to them, and of sufficient ability to relieve them.* 1.515 They accordingly did so, and con∣tracted a straight league of Alliance with Athens, which became a great eye-fore to the Thebans, and all their party a long time after.

9. In the third year of the 66 Olympiad, and the 8^th of the reign of Da∣rius, fell out great stirs at Athens, which never ceased till they produced a change in the Government. Pisistratus the famous Tyrant at his death left three sons, Hippias, Hipparchus, & Thessalus, and the principality (as it should seem from* 1.516 Heraclides) to them all; though Hippias, as the eldest, had Su∣pream Jurisdiction. He had hitherto for the space of thirty years enjoyed his fathers Kingdom, being loving and affectionate towards his brethren, and moderate towards his subjects: Hipparchus was accounted a wise man, and lover of learning, being something given to be amorous, and Thessalus bold, and head-strong.* 1.517 It hapned that Hipparchus fell in love with one Harmo∣dius, a young man of the Citie, and sorely sollicited him to unlawfull dal∣liance, who therewith acquainted one Aristogiton, a man of a middle rank amongst the Citizens,* 1.518 and who most passionately loved him. He fearing he should be deprived of this his dear one, consulted with himself how he might destroy, both Hipparchus and the Tyranny. Hipparchus still going on to sollicite Harmodius, but in vain, at length resolved to be revenged on him, and executed it on his sister, which being on a certain solemnity to carry up the basket that was to be dedicated to Minerva, he put her by as un∣worthy of the office; though some of late have thought that he ravished her.

10. Harmodius taking this in very evil part, and Aristogiton much worse, prepared all things necessary for their conspiracy; but expected the great feast called Panathenaea, on which day onely the Citizens might be in Armour without suspition, for discharging the solemnity. They provided not many men before hand, for the more close carrying of the businesse, and because they hoped all the rest would without any hesitation be ready to come in to them. When the day came, they and their party being ready with their Po∣niards, espied a man talking with Hippias; Whereupon they thought they were discovered, and therefore resolved to do that, wherein especially they were concerned,* 1.519 if they could, and so rushing in violently upon Hipparchus, they slew him in the place. Aristogiton defended himself for some time from the Guard; but the multitude flocking in, he was taken, after he had received many wounds, and his friend Harmodius slain outright. Hippias having no∣tice of what had passed, came cunningly upon the Citizens that were Armed for the solemnity, and by his Guard picking out such as had Daggers about them, or whom he suspected, thereby prevented at this time all further trouble.

* 1.52011. Hitherto he and his brethren had not been distrustfull of their own safety, and therefore had used no great Guards about them; not rendring their power very burthensom to the people, but acting according to the rules of vertue and prudence. They exacted onely the 20th part of the publick revenue, exceedingly beautified the Citie, waged War, and left the Citizens to their former Laws; onely some one of them was alwayes Magistrate, and other men held of them yearly Offices, Pisistratus the son of Hippias, and Nephew to the founder of this Kingdom, as it appeareth from Thucydides, having sometimes had the power in his hands. But Hippias after this, fear∣ing himself, exercised his power very severely against the Athenians, putting many of them to death, and to establish himself by forein alliance he gave

his daughter in marriage to Hippoc••us, the son of Aeantides the Tyrant of Lampsacus, knowing them to be in great grace with Darius King of Persia. To find out the complices of these two young men, he tortured, amongst others, a woman named Leaena the Paramour of Aristogiton, but she was so con∣stant as to endure all, and biting off her tongue, spit it in the face of the Tor∣mentors, lest therewith she should discover any one; in memory of which the Athenians afterwards Consecrated in the Castle a Lionesse without a tongue, as also Erected Statues to the memory of Harmodius and Aristo∣giton, as the liberators of their Countrey. These Statues were taken away by Xerxes into Asia, and long after sent back by Alexander, or Antiochus, or Seleucus, as is severally delivered by Historians. They also Decreed that their names should never be given to any slaves.

12. Though these two did not actually procure the freedom of Athens, but perished in the attempt, yet it was attributed to them, because that in the 4^th year after, some imitating their example expelled Hippias, & effectually pro∣red it. At this time the Alcmaeonidae (or those of the family of Alcmaeon,* 1.521 who was great Grand-son to Nestor, and being cast out of Messenia by the Heraclidae, came and lived at Athens) being driven into exile by the Pisi∣stratidae (or Pisistratus his sons) having sometimes endeavoured in vain the recovery of their Countreys liberty, still lay in wait for a more convenient opportunity to accomplish it. Being full of money, they hired the Amphyctio∣nes to let them build a new Temple at Delphos, which was very magnificent, and corrupted the Pythia (or the woman that received and delivered the Oracles, standing in a Tripos, or three footed stool) as often as any of Sparta came thither, still to propose to them to set Athens at liberty. This being constantly done, the Lacedaemonians accounted it a piece of their religion to do it, and sent Anchimolius, a man of prime Rank amongst them, with an Army to expell the Pisistratidae, though their friends, and such as had de∣served no otherwise than well of them. They being aware of this, had con∣tracted friendship and alliance with the Thessalians, and now procured from them a supply of 1000 horse, which by a common decree they sent under the Command of Cixeas their King; which falling in upon the Camp of the Spar∣tans, slew amongst many others Anchimolius the General, and beat the other to their ships, in which they returned home.

13. Afterwards the Lacedaemonians sent another Army by Land, under the Conduct of Cleomenes the son of Anaxandridas,* 1.522 who invading the Athe∣nian Territories was encountred by the Thessalian horse, which he put to flight, and having killed above fourty of them, the rest shifted away, and be∣took themselves as they could into Thessaly. Cleomenes then coming up to the Citie besieged the Tyrants, being shut up within the Pelasgick-wall, but being unprovided for a siege, and they furnished sufficiently with provisions, after a few dayes he was about to depart homeward, had not one thing falln out. As the Children of the Pisistratidae were privatly to be conveyed out of the Countrey,* 1.523 they were intercepted, which overturned the affairs of their Parents, and forced them to Covenant with the Athenians, for their Ran∣som, within five dayes to depart out of Attica, which accordingly was done, Hippias going straight to Sigaens, & thence to Lampsacus, from which place he went to Darius, and in the 20th year after returned with his Army,* 1.524 and died (as some say) in the battel at Marathon. Sigeus was a Town situate upon the Hellespont, which Pisistratus took by force out of the hands of the Mityle∣naeans, and made Hegesistratus his base son, by a woman of Argos, Tyrant there. Hippias was offered from Amyntas the King of Macedonia, either Anthemus, or Iolcos, a Citie in Macedonia; but he refused both, and be∣took himself to Darius, whose Army he afterwards conducted into At∣tica.

14. The state of Athens great before,* 1.525 grew greater after this grand muta∣tion, in which two men contended for the chief Authority: Clisthenes one of the Alcmaeonidae (the Nephew by his Mother of Clysthenes, the Tyrant of Si∣cyon) and Isagoras the son of Tisander. Clysthenes being too weak for the

other's faction,* 1.526 that he might engratiate himself with the people, whereas they were before divided but into four Tribes, encreased them unto ten, and whereas formerly they were named from the four sons of Ion, viz. Teleon, Aegicor, Argadaeus, and Hopletes, now he changed these for other Heroes, which were, 1. Hippothoon the son of Neptune, 2. Antiochus of Her∣cules, 3. Ajax of Telamon, 4. Leon the Athenian,* 1.527 who according to the Oracle devoted his Daughters for the publick safety, 5. E••echtheus, who slew Immaradus the Son of Eumolpus, 6. Aegaeus, 7. Oeneus the base Son of Pandion, 8. Acamas the Son of Theseus, 9. Cecrops, and 10 Pandion.

15. Isagoras envying Clysthenes that respect, which hereby he obtained, procured Cleomenes the King of Spar••a (with whom he had contracted friend∣ship during the War with Hippias) to come once more against Athens. He sent a Messenger first,* 1.528 and presently procured him to be banished, and yet came thither with an Army, and besides many of the family of Alcmaeon formerly cast out with Clysthenes, now also expelled 700 families proper for War, under pretence of their being contaminated with them in the businesse of the death of Cylon. Then endeavoured he to dissolve the Senate, and com∣mit their power to those of Isagoras his faction; but both Senate and people resisting, Isagoras and he with their men seized on the Castle wherein they were besieged two dayes: On the third the Lacedaemonians with Isagoras had leave to depart, but the rest were cast into prison, and put to death. Then was Clysthenes with the 700 families recalled, who restored the De∣mocratical Government to the Citie,* 1.529 as it was founded by the Laws of Solon.

16. To Clysthenes is also ascribed the introducing of the Ostracism into the Athenian State,* 1.530 being generally granted to have been brought in a little after the banishment of the Pisistratidae. For, considering the calamities which had hapned in their time, the Athenians for the time to come would have all of equal power and authority. By the Ostracism therefore they for∣ced absence from the Citie for ten years upon the most powerfull amongst them for Glory,* 1.531 Nobility, or Eloquence, lest they should grow too great; without any ignominy, or disgrace; they being neither deprived of Goods, Lands, or any thing, save their presence at home for that time. The form of it was this. Each of the Citizens wrote the name of that man in an Oyster shell (whence it had the name of Ostracism) who seemed to him to be the most powerfull for the overturning of the Democracy, and then brought the shell in as a suffrage into the place designed, and so he that was found to have most written with his name, was for ten years ordered to leave the Citie. But two conditions were required that this judgement should stand in force: That no fewer then 6000 should be at the meeting, and the giving of suf∣frages; and that those that gave them should be no younger than sixty years old. The first that was banished by this Law, was (as Aelian tells us) Clysthenes the Author of it, though (according to another) Hipparchus,* 1.532 and Charmus Kinsman to Pisist••atus: In after time; Aristides, because of that great Title Just given to him, and Themistocles for his Military glory.

17. But Cleomenes the Lacedaemonian King perceiving himself damnified both by word and deed from the Athenians,* 1.533 raised forces throughout Pelo∣ponnesus, intending (though dissembling the matter) to be revenged upon them, and set up Isagoras as Tyrant over them. He invaded one part, and procured the Boeotians on one side, and the inhabitants of Chalcis on the other,* 1.534 to fall in upon other places. The Athenians thus distressed on all sides, yet first went against the Peloponnesians lying in Eleusine, and when the Armies were about to joyn, the Corinthians, first bethinking themselves of the injustice of their cause, withdrew themselves; and so did Demaratus the son of Ariston King of Sparta, and the Collegue of Cleomenes, having never dissented from him formerly. Then the rest of the associates seeing that the Kings agreed not betwixt themselves, and the Corinthians were gone, drew

off also in like manner: The Athenians then to be revenged, fell upon the Boeotians, of whom killing many, they took prisoners 700, and then pas∣sing over into Euboea the same day, chastized the Inhabitants of Chalcis in like manner. Thus, four times the Dores out of Peloponnesus came into Attica; twice in a hostile manner, and twice to the help of the Athenians. First when they brought a Colony into Megare, which was in the time of Codrus, the second and third times to expel the Pisistratidae, and now the fourth, when Cleomenes with the Peloponnesians invaded Eleusine.

* 1.53518. The Thebans and the rest of the Boeotians, seeing themselves too weak for the Athenians, desired help of the Inhabitants of Aegina, an Island situated in that part of the Sea, which severed Attica from Argolis, being five miles distant from the former, some eight in circuit, and the Country of Aeacus, (whence the Aeacidae) having a City of it's own name. The Aeginetans bearing an old grudge to those of Athens, and puffed up with a conceit of tweir wealth, easily imbraced their society, and when the Athenians were busie with the other, passed over in their long ships into Attica, and wasted the Coasts thereof. The Lacedaemonians at this time understanding how they had been deluded by the Alcmeonidae their corrupting the women that gave out the Oracles, and thereby their losse both of their old friends, and all thanks also as to the Athenians; hearing further by the Oracles which Cleo∣menes had brought out of the Citadel of Athens, that that State should much distresse them, and especially seeing how weak it was under Tyrants, but now how it increased in strength after the recovery of it's liberty, called back Hippias, resolving to restore him. He was ready at their call, but then it hapned that Sosicles the Corinthian Ambassador and others of their confede∣rates utterly disallowed of this practice, and therefore seeing there was no hope of recovering his former condition, he returned into Asia, and there laboured with all his might to possesse Artaphernes the Satrapa of Lydia against the Athenians, that they might be conquered by Darius his Brother. They sent to Artaphernes, to desire him not to give credence to their exiles; but, as when two or three years before, when they sent to enter into society with the Persians, he told them they must give Earth and Water, as symbols of subjection (which the Ambassadors doing, were much blamed at their re∣turn) so now he told them, if they would be safe, they must receive Hippias. They refused the Condition, and chose rather to be professed Enemies to the Persian, and thence presently after joyned with Aristagoras, who with∣drew the Ionians from their obedience,* 1.536 which provoked Darius afterwards to invade them, procured the Expedition of Xerxes, and the quarrel of that Empire with Greece. But these things concerning Athens and Hippias, hapned in the first year of the 69^th Olympiad, the 18^th of the reign of Darius, A. M. 3501.

19. After the Ionian War was over,* 1.537 and the Graecians in Asia were forced once more to undergo the yoke, Darius in the 27^th year of his reign, and the third after his victory, sent into Greece to demand Earth and Water as tokens of subjection. The Athenians and Lacedaemonians threw the Messen∣gers into a well, and bad them thence fetch Earth and Water to carry to their Master,* 1.538 but the Inhabitants of Aegina and other Islanders, for fear of the Persians, promised obedience. The Athenians presently took offence thereat, as judging that the Aeginetans did it out of a grudge to them, that they might fight under the conduct of the Persians against Athens, and therefore they sent to Sparta to complain of them as Traitors to Greece. Cleomenes was sent from that State, and came to Aegina, with an intention to apprehend the prin∣cipal authors of the revolt; but one Crius there openly opposed him, threat∣ning him, in case he laid violent hands on any, for that he knew he did it with∣out any publick decree of the Lacedaemonians, who else would have sent the other King with him.* 1.539 This he said at the instance of Demaratus the other King of Sparta, who disagreeing with Cleomenes ever since the invasion of Attica, now also grievously accused him in his absence. Hereupon Cleome∣nes returned home, cast out Demaratus, upon pretence of his illegiti∣mation

from his Office, and put Leutychides his kinsman in his place.

20. The Father of Demaratus was Ariston, of the posterity of Procles, a man as worthy as any of his Ancestors;* 1.540 who having no children by two wives (for which cause he divorced them) to satisfie the desires of the people (which greatly desired some issue male from him) married a third, which already was the wife of his friend Agetus, covenanting with him for her, (she being the most beautiful woman next after Helena) which by the Laws of Lycurgus he might do.* 1.541 Being married, it hapned just after seven moneths, when he was according to the custome sitting amongst the Ephori, his hous∣hold servant came and signified to him that he had a Son born, with the sud∣dainnesse of which thing being disturbed, he rashly swore that it was not his, coming so much within the Time. The Ephori then neglected it, and he af∣terwards repenting of his rashnesse, brought up the Child as his own, and because he was so desired by the publick wishes of the People, gave him the name of Demaratus. After his death Demaratus succeeded, a man of great worth, and who obtained a crown in the Olympick Games, which never hap∣ned before to the Kings of Sparta. But that speech of his Father was now obje∣cted against him, by his Colleague and Emulator Cleomenes the Son of Anax∣andridas, who accused now also for their retreating formerly out of Attica, which occasioned all the difference betwixt them; and all this was aggra∣vated by Leutychides, who sought for his place, and had a private quar∣rel with him about a wife, of which he had hindred him by taking her to himself.

21. Great contention hence arising the Spartans resolved to send to Del∣phos, and enquire of the Oracle whether Demaratus was the Son of Ariston, which being done, Cleomenes procured a friend he had at Delphos to corrupt Py••hia,* 1.542 so that being drawn by bribery she gave the answer against Demara∣tus. Hereby Cleomenes procured him to be removed from the Kingdom, and Leutychides his kinsman to succeed him; yet though thus handled, he ceased not to love his Country, and continuing at home, disdained not to bear in∣feriour Offices, till further affronted by Leutychides, who to insult over and deride him, at such a time as overseeing the exercises of the Boyes, he sent and demanded of him how he liked of that Office after the Kingdom. He answered, that he had tried both, but the other not, and that that question should be the original either of great mischief or happinesse to the Lacedae∣monians, and then getting him home with his head covered he sacrifized to Jupiter, and sending for his Mother conjured her to tell him the truth con∣cerning his Father. Being assured from her of his Legitimation, he went out of the City, under pretence of going to Delphos; but took the way to Elis, and thence to the Island Zacynihus, and so to Darius King of Persia, the Zacynthians having refused to give him up to his Country-men who pursued him. He was received with great honour by the Persians,* 1.543 who bestowed Lands upon him, to maintain him in a Princely equipage; and there his posterity is reported to have endured a long season.

22. Not long after Cleomenes received his just reward, his own hands be∣ing his executioners; for his treachery against Demaratus being come to light, and fearing to be called to an account for it, he first fled into Thessalie, and thence returning into Arcadia stirred up the Inhabitants against the Spartans, and attempted to swear them to be true to him whithersoever he should lead them. The Lacedaemonians hearing of this, and fearing what he might do to them,* 1.544 recalled and restored him to his former dignity; but when he was come home, having not had before this time a very setled head, he now fell into a Phrensie, as he met any one in the City, pushing their faces with his Scepter. His friends then bound him with wooden fetters, in which condition, partly by intreaties, and partly by threats, he got a Sword of his Keeper, wherewith beginning at the calf of his leg, he cut up his flesh upwards to the thighs, and, when he ripped up his belly, died, leaving no issue behind him, but a pattern of Justice to all Greece, which being amused at his end, most attributed it to the corruption of Pythia, and that injustice done to Demara∣tus;

the Athenians to his invasion of Eleusine, and his destroying the Temple of their gods; but the Argives concluded this judgement to have fallen upon him, because he had basely killed such of their Country-men as escaped from a battel fought with him, after he had got them out of the Temple of Argus, and had burnt the grove which he had taken. This passage betwixt the Lace∣daemonians and Argives, is to be described though in the same order Herodo∣tus hath done it, it having hapned long before the death of Cleomenes,* 1.545 and as Pausanias saith, in the beginning of his reign.

23. Consulting the Oracle at Delphos, it was answered, that he should take Argos, and hereupon he raised at Army and invaded the Territories of that State. The Argives in their own defence made hast to meet him, but he setting upon them as they were at dinner, put many of them to the Sword, and besieged the rest in the grove at Argus, whither they fled. Then learning their names from such fugitives as were with him, he called them man by man out of the Wood to redeem themselves (which at the Lacedaemonian rate was for two minae a man) and so 50 of them coming out of the grove (in which place they could no see beforehand what was done to their Companions) he put to the Sword. At length one of them climbing up on a tree discovered the matter, after which no man would come out; but then he set fire to the grove and burnt it and them together. After this, asking to whom of their gods the grove belonged to, it was answered to Argus, and so he found and acknowledged himself deceived by the Oracle. Returning to Sparta, he was accused as having been corrupted, for that he might have taken Argos if he would; but the major part were satisfied with his excuse and acquitted him. As for Argos it was rendred by this overthrow so desolate of men, that the Slaves governed all things, till such time as the sons of the slain grew up and recovered their Patrimony; after which the Slaves conquered Tyrinthes, and held it, till perswaded by Cleander a certain Wizard, they returned, and made War upon their Masters, which continued long, till such time as the Argives with difficulty remained Conquerours.

24. Cleomenes being dead, the Aeginetans sent and complained of Leu∣tychides for the injury he had done to them, in causing together with Cleome∣nes ten of their principal men to be kept as Hostages at Athens. He was given up to them, but fearing to carry a King of Sparta away prisoner, though for the present the State had given him up, they took him onely to Athens to procure them the liberty of their Hostages. But the Athenians put them off,* 1.546 as refusing to deliver them without the authority of two Kings, seeing both of them committed them to their custody, and the journy being to no purpose Leutychides was dismissed and so returned; but yet he also paid for the injury offered to Demaratus.* 1.547 For, Menander leading an Army into Thessa••ie, of which as of the War he had full and ample power, he was cor∣rupted with money, and betrayed the interest of his Country, after which be∣ing discovered, as he held the money in both his hands fitting in his tent, he was apprehended and carried to Sparta, where being called to account, he fled to Tegea, and there died in exile, his house being razed as a traytor to his Country.

25. But the Aeginetans, of old, Enemies to those of Athens,* 1.548 were now much more incensed against them for detaining their Hostages, and set them∣selves to studie a revenge. At that time there was at Sunium (the utmost promontory of Attica) a Gallie which (according to the custome observed every year since the time of Theseus) was then going to Delphos, abord of which were the principal men of Athens: on this they seized, and taking the men prisoners, bound them all. The Athenians hereat inraged, laboured with all might on the other hand to revenge this, and agreed with one Nico∣machus to have the City betraied to them; yet for that they could not get their Fleet together soon enough, they came a day too late, and missed of that enterprise. But through the counsel of Themistocles, having rigged a Fleet of 70 Gallies (20 of which the Corinthians sold them at an inconsi∣derable rate, because by the Law they could not give them) they set upon

the Aeginetans,* 1.549 and overthrew them in a Sea-fight. They betook themselves for aid to the Argives their old friends, but having offended them not long before, they received a publick denial, yet underhand a supply of 1000 Vo∣lunteers, most of whom fell in Aegina by the hands of the Athenians, against whom yet the Aeginetans afterwards, reinforcing their power at Sea, in an∣other battel became Victors. But what the issue of this War farther was, is not declared by Herodotus, who yet elsewhere affirmeth, that it give occasion to the safety of all Greece, by putting the Athenians upon the care of Sea matters, whereby when Xerxes came, they became the bulwark thereof. Probable it is, that this War which was begun before the battel of Marathon, was not composed till the time that Xerxes was about to invade Greece, when we read that all the Graecians (and these two States amongst the rest) resolved to lay aside all private quarrels amongst themselves, the Aeginetans being observed by* 1.550 another to have had the Dominion of the Sea 20 years, untill the passage of Xerxes, which thenceforth they were forced to yield to the Athenians.

26. Whilest the Athenians were busie in the War against Aegina, Darius sent his Forces into Greece against them, and the Eretrians (inhabitants of the Island Euboea) which though they took the Citie of the later, and made them Captives, yet were they overthrown by the former in the battel at Ma∣rathon.* 1.551 After the fight 2000 Spartans came to Athens (being hindred hi∣therto by their superstition, which forbad them from a Law of Lycurgus not to stir out till the full Moon) whence they proceeded to Marathon to see the number of the slain, and then commending the valour of the Athenians returned home. Of these were slain in this fight Callimachus one of the Polemarchs, Cynaegirus commended by many Writers,* 1.552 who when the Persians fled, and betook themselves to their ships, held one of them with with his hands till they were cut off, and then with his teeth, till at length he was slain; and Hippias the late Tyrant (who now hoping to recover, after twenty years banishment, his old power, became the conducter of the Persian For∣ces) though neither Herodotus nor Thucydides make mention of his death, yet is reported by later Authors here to have been slain.* 1.553 Themistocles now a young man behaved himself gallantly in the battel; but the successe is a∣scribed to the valour, and conduct of Miltiades, to whom,* 1.554 when Aristides one of the Captains had assigned his day's Goverment, the rest when it came on their turns did the same, after that by the same help he had car∣ried it in the Councel for a battel. Yet did he not fight till his own day came, and then ingaging, overthrew the Enemy in that memorable battel.

27. His father was Cimon,* 1.555 who in the Tyranny of Pisistratus departed from Athens, and thrice obtained the Garland in the Olympick Games; yet being reconciled to Pisistratus afterwards returned, but after his death was slain by his faction. His eldest son, who was called after his Grand-father Stesagoras,* 1.556 was brought up with their half Uncle Miltiades in the Chersone∣sus, over which he was Prince. His other son was this Miltiades, so called after this his Uncle, which dying without Children, Stesagoras succeeded him, but not long after was killed by one that counterfeited himself a fu∣gitive, and died also without issue. Then did the Pisistratidae send Miltia∣des to succeed his brother in the Principality of the Chersonesus, and there he ruled when Darius undertook the expedition into Scythia, and he it was that gave the Ionians counsel to break the bridge, and leave him there wan∣dring with his Army. Being setled, he married Hegesipyla the daughter of Olorus King of Thrace; but the Scythians provoked by Darius, and making an excursion as far as the Chersonesus, he daring not to withstand them fled, and after their retreat was restored by the Thracians. After some years Da∣rius being angry with him, sent a Fleet of Phoenicians to subdue the Cherso∣neus; whereupon he fled with five Gallies from Cardia, and came to Athens; but as he fled the Phoenicians intercepted one of them, and therein his son Metiochus, who being presented to Darius, received from him house, lands, and

a Persian wife. Being returned home, he was accused for possessing the Ty∣ranny of the Chersonesus, but was acquitted, and* 1.557 having perswaded the A∣thenians to throw Darius his Messengers into the pit, was afterwards decla∣red by the people one of their Captains, and thence had occasion to obtain this famous victory at Marathon.

28. Miltiades flourishing in great glory, and grace with the people,* 1.558 ob∣tained of them 70 Gallies well manned, not making known his intention, but professing that he would much thereby benefit the State. He sayled to the Island Paros (one of the Cyclades in the Aegean-Sea, and famous for the best Marble) the inhabitants of which having assisted the Persians at Mara∣thon,* 1.559 he besieged, demanding 100 Talents of them. They would not hear of parting with money, but made provision for resistance, whereupon he har∣razed their Territories, and more closely besieged them, and attempted the Citie for twenty dayes, but leaping off from a Wall, he hurt his Thigh, and was forced to return home. There, when he was arrived, he was accused by Xanthippus (the son of Ariphron, and father to Pericles, his Emulator) of Treason, as having voluntarily miscarried in the Enterprise about Parus. He could not be present himself to answer, his Thigh now corrupting, which held him in his bed, but Stesagorus, or Tisagoras, his brother (according to Cor. Nepos) or rather, other of his friends did it for him, bidding the people remem∣ber the battel at Marathon, and the taking of Lemnus, which he, having ex∣pelled the Pelasgiaus, had subdued under the Athenian power. The people spared his life, but fined him fifty Talents, which sum this expedition had cost them. One tells us it was not out of any regard to his Crime so much,* 1.560 as ha∣ving lately been under the Tyranny of Pisistratus, they feared now the power of their own Citizens, and him especially, who having been much practised in Magistracy and power, and enclined naturally to a love of it, could scarce as they thought bear the condition of a private life; so that though being called a Tyrant, he obtained that power not by his own seeking, but was ever found to be just, moderate, and humble; yet having a great name for Military mat∣ters, and thereby great interest, they chose rather to condemn him though in∣nocent, than continually be in fear, though they might have thought on the Ostracism.

* 1.56129. After this, Miltiades died in prison of the corruption of his Thigh,* 1.562 as most have delivered, his fine being yet upon the score; upon which account the Athenians would not suffer his body to be buried, till such time as his son Cimon offered himself to bonds in the room thereof. As his father before him, so he was unable to pay the fine, and by the Laws of Athens could not be released untill he had done it. He had then to wife his sister by the fa∣ther's side (as we are to take it) named Elpinice,* 1.563 it being lawfull for the Athenians to marry such. One Callias there was in the Citie, a rich man, though of a vulgar cast, who had gained much by the Mines; he being in love with her, offered Cimon, if he would part with her to him, to discharge the fine. Cimon sleighted the offer, but she avowed that she would not suffer any of Miltiades his Children to die in prison, and that to prevent such a thing,* 1.564 she would marry Callias, if he would perform his offer. Hereby Cimon was perswaded, married her to him, and the fine being discharged, was set at liberty, which he presently improved for his own advancement. These things fell out not long after the battel at Marathon.

* 1.56530. Three years the Graecians had rest, as from without, so within them∣selves, till the coming of Xerxes; onely the War betwixt the Athenians and Aeginetans still depended, untill common danger drew them to a composure. As the Athenians had given most occasion to the invasion of Greece,* 1.566 so they bore the greatest burthen thereof, and by the means of Themistocles, one of their Citizens, procured the overthrow and flight of Xerxes, in that by his Stratagems the Peloponnesians were brought to fight, and not suffered to de∣part to their several homes, which would have brought certain destruction to them all. Assistant to Themistocles was another of his Countrey-men, named Aristides, who though banished by the Ostracism through his procurement,

for that as they disagreed in temper,* 1.567 so in their way of policy, and Gover∣ment (Themistocles being quick, bold, crafty, and easily changeable, accord∣ing to the juncture of affairs; but Aristides constant and grave, onely intent upon Justice, and who neither in jest nor earnest would give way to lying, scurrility, or deceit) yet now with others was recalled by his means for the safety of the Countrey, and voluntarily laid aside all private quarrels which came into competition with the publick safety. The sirname of Just which first got this man love, afterward procured him envy, Themistocles whispering this into the ears of the multitude, that whilest he took upon him to censure all things, he had prepared for himself a Throne, in the ruine of the Courts of Judicature, and defended with a sufficient Guard. The multitude puf∣fed up with their successe at Marathon, and designing great things in their heads, could ill bear any that excelled them in fame and glory, and therefore flocking into the Citie they banished him by the Ostracism, cloaking their envy at his glorie with a specious pretence of fear of Ty∣ranny.

31. When they were come together to give their suffrages,* 1.568 a Countrey∣man ignorant of Letters, is reported to have given a shell to Aristides (not knowing him, but to be of the common sort) and desired him to write there∣in for him the name of Aristides, at which he wondring, and asking him if ever he had received any injury at his hands, he said no, but that he was troubled to hear him all over go by the name of Just. Aristides hearing this, answered nothing, but wrote his own name, and gave it to the man, and when he departed out of the Citie, with hands lifted up to heaven prayed (contrary to what Achilles did when he found himself ill used by Agamemnon)* 1.569 that the estate of Athens might never happen to be such as to give them occasion to think of Aristides. But in the third year after, when Xerxes now marched through Thessaly and Boeotia towards Attica, the Athenians repealing their Decrees, recalled all that were banished, especially for fear of Aristides, lest joyning with the Enemy, he might by his Authority draw many of their Citizens to revolt. They were mistaken concerning the mans disposition, for before the Decree for his return was made, he had not been wanting to pro∣voke the Graecians as much as he could to defend their liberty; then joyned with Themistocles, though one most averse to him, and for the publick good advanced him to the highest degree of Dignity. He joyned in endeavours with him for procuring the Graecians to fight, and understanding that Psyt∣talia a little Island before Salamina was possessed of the Enemy, he pas∣sed over thither with a party of such as voluntarily followed him, and put all of them to the sword, except some of the chiefest, to whom he gave quar∣ter. He disposed Soldiers so throughout the Island, that on which quarter soever any of either party should light, he might seize upon them, and so pre∣serve his friends, and provide that none of the Enemy should escape: upon which account a Trophy was erected in Psyttalia. And when Themistocles to try him after the victory, said, that one brave act was done, viz. the overthrow of Xerxes, but that another remained, which was, by breaking the bridge to take Asia in Europe, he earnestly desired him to reject all such advice, and rather to consider how soon they might expell the Mede out of Greece, lest being shut in with such great Forces, and all opportunity of flight being taken away, he might by necessity be••egged on to revenge.

32. After the overthrow and flight of Xerxes,* 1.570 Themistocles having the greatest authority in the fleet, went therewith against such Islanders as had taken part with the Persians,* 1.571 demanding money of them. He urged them with two powerfull divinities Perswasion and Necessity, to which the Inhabi∣tants of Andros (one of the Cyclades) trusting in the strength of their For∣tifications, opposed two others as strong as the former, viz. Poverty and Im∣possibility, whereupon they were close besieged, but it being to no purpose, the Fleet returned to Salamine, Themistocles without the privity of the rest, going to other Islands, from whom by his threats he exacted much money. After they had at Salamine divided the spoil, and consecrated part thereof to

their gods, they went to the Isthmus,* 1.572 there to reward him who should be thought to have best in the War deserved of Greece. When the Captains se∣verally came to deliver their minds in writing at the Altar of Neptune, each one ascribed to himself the first place in merit, but to Themistocles assigned the second, which amounted to as much, as if by a silent confession they had acknowledged his merit to be principal. And though by the envy of the Captains his glory was depressed, yet was he accounted the most prudent man of all Greece, and being invited down to Lacedaemon, by the judgement of that severe State,* 1.573 as the praise of valour was given to their own Eurybiades, so that of prudence and dexterity unto him. They gave him a crown of Olives, and the best Chariot they had, as a reward, and what before was not done to any mortal man by them, at his departure, to do him honour, they sent 300 Horse to conduct him to the borders of their Dominions. After this, the Graecians overthrew Mardonius, whom Xerxes had left behind him, at the battel of Plataea, and the same day the Persian Fleet at Mycale a Promontory of Ionia, which they hereby restored to liberty, Xanthippus being Archon at Athens; in the second year of the 7••^th Olympiad, and the seventh of the Reign of Xerxes. During which passages abroad, little hapned at home but in relation to them; the summe of which elsewhere hath been related.

33. As for learned men which flourished during this period; some of the seven Wise Men of Greece lived in the time of Cyrus,* 1.574 and about the begin∣ning of the Persian Empire. These seven were, Pittacus of Mitylene,* 1.575 who was born about the 32^th Olympiad; Bas of Priene, Chilon of Lacedae∣mon, and Cleobulus of Lindus, all who flourished about the 47^th Olympiad, with Thales of Miletus, who being born about the first year of the 35^th Olympiad, foretold an Eclypse of the Sun, which hapned about the third year of the 48^th, in the reign of Alyattes, and Astyages, and about the beginning of the 58^th having helped Croesus over the River Hal••s, by drayning it with a ditch, then died. The sixth was Solon of Athens, who died the same year with Thales, and the seventh Periander of Corinth.

34. Besides these there was Xenophanes the Colophonian, who being born in the 40^th Olympiad, came into Sicilie when Hieron and Epicharmus flou∣rished, about the 70^th Olympiad, Epicharmus lived 97 years as Lucian writ∣eth, and invented the Comedy eight years before the beginning of the Per∣sian Empire. Phocylides flourished at the same time, to whom a Poem yet extant concerning Laws is ascribed, though Scaliger thinks it made by some Hellenistick Jew. Besides these, Anacreon the Teian Poet, who as* 1.576 Pliny writeth, was choaked with the stone of a raisin. Simonides a Poet of the Island Ceos, where he was born in the City Iulis. Having lived some time at Athens with Hipparchus the Son of Pisistratus, he went into Sicilie unto Hiero, by whom being asked what God was, he demanded a daies time to consider of it, and after that another; still professing that the more he studi∣ed the point, the more he was to seek in it. Some say he found out the Art of Memory, and that being very covetous, he first exposed the Muses to sale. In the second year of the 58^th Olympiad, and eight before the Persian Em∣pire, died Anaximander the natural Philosopher of Miletus. Anaximenes his Scholar flourished about that time. Theagenes of Rhegium the most an∣tient Chronographer. Democedes of Crotone a Physician, being taken Cap∣tive with Polycrates by Oetes the Persian, was carried as a slave to Darius, with whom he lived in great esteem, after he had cured his foot and the breast of his wife Atossa.

35. There flourished also in Darius his time, Cadmus of Miletus an Hi∣storiographer, there having been another of this name and place, according to Suidas, who in four Books wrote the History of Miletus and all Ionia: and Strabo nameth Cadmus, Phercydes and Hecataeus as those who first of all Greeks wrote Prose. Hecataeus flourished at this time, and gave light to Herodotus. Phrynichus the Athenian, a tragical Poet, who first caused a wo∣man to be personated, and invented the verse with four feet. Heraclitus

the Ephesian, a contemner of Heathenish Idols,* 1.577 who out of fear wrote his Book of Nature in such an obscure manner, that thence he got the name of Scotivus or Dark. Zeno of E••ea, or Velia, in Italy, Scholar to Parmeaides, who conspiring against Nearchus the Tyrant, endured torments to death, ra∣ther than he would discover his complices. Pythagoras the son of Mnesar∣chus the Samian, but born at Sidon in Phoenicia, about the 53 Olympiad.* 1.578 Being twelve years old he learnt of Thales and Phocylides, from the later tak∣ing the transmigration of Souls. Travelling into Aegypt and to Babylon, he drunk in the learning of both places. About the 68^th O••ympiad he went in∣to Italy, where he lived first at Crotone, and then at Metapontus. Here he taught and constituted the Italian School or Sect, as Thales had done the Io∣nick. Whereas others suffered themselves to be called Sophoi, he would be called out of modesty Philosophus. In the 67^th Olympiad he found out the nature and course of the Planet Venus. In the fourth year of the 70^th he died at Metapontus, where he was so admired, that his house was made a Tem∣ple, and that part of Italy called Magna Graecia. Amongst his Scholars was Milo the famous Wrestler; and women through him became famous for learn∣ing, their Epistles being yet extant.

SECT. II. Of such things as fell out amongst the Graecians, from their Victories at Plataea and Mycale, until the beginning of the Peloponnesian War, containing the space of 48 years.

1. THe Persians being overthrown in Greece both at Sea and Land,* 1.579 and so driven utterly out of Europe; and those that fled into Asia in ships being also defeated at Mycale, Leutychides the Spartan who there com∣manded in chief, returned home with his associates of Peloponnesus. The Athenians with the Ionians, and those that inhabited upon the Hellespont, besieged Sestus, which the Persians had seized on, all Winter, and reduced it; after which they also all departed home.

2. The Athenians having brought home their wives and children,* 1.580 after the overthrow of Mardonius, had the popular Government restored by Ar••stides, and set themselves to rebuild the walls of their City in a greater compasse, and stronger than had been formerly, being thereto especially induced through the perswasion of Themistocles. The Lacedaemonians above all others were hereat exceedingly troubled, as considering that having obtained so great glory by the two Victories at Marathon and Salamina, the Athenians would contend with them for the Principality, and upon that account they wished them as weak as might be.* 1.581 They disswaded them therefore from going on with their work, alleging that it was dangerous for Greece to have any forti∣fied place without the Peloponnesus, which the Barbarians might seize on, and possesse. They said they would send answer by Ambassadors of their own, and Themistocles took the businesse upon him. He first went alone, and or∣dered that the rest should follow, but not till the wall was brought to a rea∣sonable height; that in the mean time both bond and free should ply the work; and sparing no place, whether holy or prophane, private or publick, take all such stuff for building as they might soonest light on. When he came at Sparta, he demanded no audience, but sought to protract the time, pre∣tending he expected his Collegues. The Lacedaemonians complaining that neverthelesse the work went on, and that he went about to deceive them, the other Ambassadors arrived, of whom after he knew that the fortifications were almost finished, he laboured to perswade the Ephori (who now had the chief power in that State) that the things were false, which they were made to believe, desired them to send persons considerable whom they might trust to make inspection, and keep him as an Hostage till their return.

3. They sent accordingly three of their principal men to Athens, and with them Themistocles his Collegues, to whom he gave in charge that the Lacedaemonians should not be dismissed till his return. After their departure, he demanded audience of the Magistrates and Senate, and then freely and openly professed, that the Athenians by his advice, & agreeable to the common-Law of Nations,* 1.582 had fenced their publick and private gods with a wall, that they might more easily defend them; and neither could that be to the dam∣mage of Greece, of which Athens was the bulwark against the Barbarians, for here the King's Navy had twice suffered Shipwrack. He told them, they did ill to regard more their private ambition, than what was profitable for all Greece; and, to conclude, if they expected the return of their Ambassadors, they must dismisse him, or else never expect to see them return; which ac∣cordingly they were forced to do with much private regret, though ashamed to own the cause. He advised his Country-men further to finish the work of the Piraeus or Port of Athens, which they had begun a long time before, whilst he was Archon; for he perswaded them first to apply themselves to Sea-matters, as the way to obtain Dominion, and commended to them that place as most convenient for their design, having three natural Havens. The wall he caused to be made so thick as two Carriages loaded with stones might passe by each other; but brought the height of it but to half of that which he had designed. And with so great a desire was he caried out for the inlarge∣ment of the Dominion of that State, that observing the Lacedaemonian Na∣vy to be drawn up at Gytheum, and so, easie to be set on fire,* 1.583 he much desi∣red to have it done, and told the people he had a thing of great moment in his head, but such as was not to be divulged. The People appointed Ari∣stides to confer with him, and if he approved it, resolved he might prosecute it; but he making a report that Themistocles advised a thing, than which no∣thing was more profitable, and more unjust, he was commanded to desist.

4. A little after these things, Pausanias the Lacedaemonian, famous for the Victory at Plataea, was sent with a Fleet of twenty Peloponnesian Gallies,* 1.584 and thirty of Attica, against Cyprus, where he took many Towns, and Byzan∣tium afterwards, held by the Persians.* 1.585 He was very imperious towards the associates, insomuch as he carried himself more like a Tyrant than a General, and being sorely complained of to his Superiours, he was by them recalled to give an account of it. He gaped after the Kingdom of Greece, and to that end entred into conspiracy with Xerxes, whose Daughter he asked to wife, and being accused of much favour shewed towards the Persians, yet for that no∣thing could be proved, he was dismissed, having the government of the Fleet onely taken from him.* 1.586 Yet returned he to the Hellespont, under pretence of the War to continue his intelligence with Xerxes; but being expelled from Byzantium by the Athenian Soldiers, he returned not to Sparta, but staied at Troas, and for that was again complained of, as holding clandestine consul∣tations with the Persians, and not having any just and warrantable cause there to remain. Hereupon he was called home by the Ephori the second time, and cast into prison, but appearing again to his tryal, he was the second time dismissed.

5. The Lacedaemonians sent Dorcis with others to succeed Pausanias in the Fleet; but the associates would take no notice of him;* 1.587 for Aristides the Just, Captain of the Athenians, so moderately behaved himself, and wrought crosse to the actions of Pausanias, that all the Cities of Asia hating the others pride, joyned themselves to him, so that he became the means of transfer∣ring the chief Command at Sea, which (together with that at Land also) had hitherto been enjoyed by the Lacedaemonians, unto his own Country-men, the Spartans,* 1.588 at this time not being unwilling, or opposing it in the least, so ashamed were they of the carriage of their own Citizens. The Athenians being thus advanced by the associates for their moderation, under pretence of revenging the States upon Xerxes, obtained also liberty to lay a Taxe upon them all, how much money one, and how many ships another should find. Officers they appointed to receive the Tributes, the sum of all which amoun∣ted

to 460 Talents: Delos was appointed for the Treasury, and the place to meet in, to deliberate of the Affairs of all the free States. This assesse (as Plutarch writeth) was made by Aristides at the desire of the Graecians, who relied upon his integrity; and his moderation so much appeared herein, that afterwards the Athenians inslaved the States, and drawing the Tributes to their private use, first doubled, and then tribled the sum. For now, whereas the whole Tax imposed by him amounted but to 460 Talents, Pericles added almost a third part (as Plutarch reckoneth) and increased it to 600. and after his death it was brought to 1300 Talents.

6. The Athenians having setled the Tribute,* 1.589 under the conduct of Cimon the son of Miltiades, took from the Persians Etone, a Town of Thrace, si∣tuate upon the River Strymon, which they deprived of its liberty. Then expelled they the Dolopians out of Scyrus (an Island in the Aegean Sea) and therein planted a Colony of their own; then waged they War with the Cary∣stians in Euboea, for denying them obedience (which was composed) and be∣sieged the Naxians that had revolted from them, whom they forced to sub∣mit.* 1.590 This being the first of all Greek Cities, which, contrary to the League, was subjected to bondage, after it others were as occasion served, which was taken by the Athenians, either for that they sent not the full Tribute, or ships, or would not serve in the War when affairs required it. The Athe∣nians also severely exacted what had been appointed, and compelled such as refused, having forgotten their former mildnesse, now in power, and carrying it very imperiously towards their associates whom they could order as they pleased. And this was also effected by the Greeks themselves: for, to shun the labour of it, most of them chose rather to send money than ships; whereby the Athenians, who had Vessels enough, and alwayes in readinesse, increased their strength, and upon occasion found them unfit for resistance.

7. In the mean time Pausanias, who had been called home to Sparta,* 1.591 gave not over his conspiracy against his Countrey, though he changed his as∣sociates. For he now sought to draw the Helotes, or publick slaves, into re∣bellion with the allurement of liberty, and hereof being detected by one Argilius (whom he had unchastly loved, and now being sent with Letters to Artabanus, suspected he carried a Warrant for his own death, and so opening them, discovered both his plot against himself and the State) he took sanctua∣ry in the Temple of Minerva, and there the door being made up (to which end his own Mother is said to have brought the first stone) was starved to death. After his death the Spartans sent to Athens to accuse Themistocles of the same Crime, who being before this banished by the Ostracism, lived at Argos in great esteem, and was much envied by the Lacedaemonians for having done many things in his Countreys behalf, which they looked upon as tending to their prejudice. 'Tis said that certain Letters were found in Pausanias his Coffers, intimating a correspondence betwixt them for pro∣moting the affairs of the Persian King, which though he assented not unto, yet discovered not the thing, hoping Pausanias would either be deterred from his design,* 1.592 or the thing would come out some other way. But the Spartans laying it heavily to his charge, and his own Citizens envying his glory, though he sought to purge himself by Letters, yet was he condemned, and the people perswaded to send some to lay hold of him, and bring him up. He perceiving this, fled to Corcyra, and thence to Admetus King of the Mo∣lossians, with whom, not being able to continue in safety, he went to Ar∣taxerxes Longimanus, by whom he was honourably received, and bountiful∣ly entertained (having three Cities given him, one for bread, another for wine, and a third for victuals, to which others add two more for Clothes and Linnen) and died at length at Magnesia a natural death, though some wrote, that seeing he was not able to perform his promise to the King of Conquering Greece, which by this time had many expert Captains (amongst whom of most especial note was Cimon) he poysoned himself.

* 1.5938.(a) 1.594 Four years after the banishment of Themistocles died Aristides, whose moderation and abstinency herein appeared, that having born such

Offices,* 1.595 yet he died so poor, that he scarcely left wherewith to be buried;* 1.596 yet so gratefull was the State towards his memory, that his Children were provided for at the publick charge. Eight years after the battel of Plataea, Cimon being sent out by the Athenians, obtained in one day two notable vi∣ctories at Sea and Land, over the Persians at Eurymedon, a River in Pamphylia, which brought him and the State no little credit. After this they fell out with the Thasians, who by their Colonies had taken possession of the rich Mines of Silver and Gold,* 1.597 which were in that part of Thrace, lying upon Macedonia, betwixt the two Rivers Strymon and Nyssus. For these Mines the Athenians envied them, and raised such a contention, that they withdrew themselves from the association; whereupon they presently commenced War against them, and overthrew them in a Sea-fight, and afterwards besieged them by Land.* 1.598 The Thasians besieged, sent to the Spartans, desiring them to invade Attica, thereby to divert the Athenians from them; and, having promised, they were ready to perform it; but that they were hindred by an Earth-quake, which sorely afflicted them, and whereupon the publick slaves (called Helotes) of the posterity of the Messenians, took their opportunity,* 1.599 and rebelling, seized upon Ithome in the Territories of Messenia, being acted by that impression, which Pausanias not long before had made upon them.

9. The Spartans much distressed by this rebellion, having lost 2000 men by the Earth-quake, besides a great losse in their buildings, after three years the Thasians were no longer able to hold out, and yielded to such hard con∣ditions as the Athenians laid upon them. The Lacedaemonians proceeding but slowly in their War, sent to the Athenians for aid, which was sent them, but through sinister suspicions they sent it back again, and this was taken as an affront by the Athenians,* 1.600 who were very much moved at it. This was the beginning of that mutual malice and enmity which thenceforth passed betwixt these two States, and proved the rise of abundance of mischief. For, the Athenians, presently after the return of their men, forsook the League, which they had entred into with the Spartans against the common Enemy, and made an Alliance with the Argives their Adversaries, in which they also comprehended the Thessalians. And they that were besieged in Ithame, at length in the tenth year, being forced to yield, and banished Peloponnesus by the Spartans, the Athenians kindly received them with their Wives and Children, and gave them Naupactus to inhabit, which they had lately taken from the Locrians, called* 1.601 Ozolae. A little after this, another great acces∣sion was made to the strength of the Athenians, and that with the detriment of the Spartans; for the inhabitants of Megara, Neighbours to the former, being falln upon with War by the Corinthians, betook themselves to them for aid, though heretofore they had been the Allies of Sparta. This oppor∣tunity the Athenians imbraced,* 1.602 and thereby got Megara into their hands, with Paga, a Mart-Town adjoyning to it; and fortifying Megara as far as Nisaea upon the Sea, therein placed a Garrison of their own. And this was also the beginning of that inveterate hatred betwixt Corinth and Athens.

10. During the War betwixt the Lacedaemonians and their slaves,* 1.603 hap∣ned another in Peloponnesus, betwixt the Argives and the inhabitants of Mycenae, upon this occasion. The Mycenaeans standing high upon the an∣tient Eminency of their Citie, would not be subject to the Argives, as the other Cities of Argolis were, but would live according to their own Laws and Customs,* 1.604 having nothing to do with the Commonwealth of Argos. More∣over, they contended with them about the Temple and Rites of Juno, chal∣lenged to themselves the Right of Administring the Nemaean Games, and whereas during the War with Xerxes, the Argives had made an order not to help the Lacedaemonians at Thermopylae, except they would yield them part of the Command, the Mycenaeans alone joyned themselves to them. These things made the Argives jealous that their power increasing with the return of their antient spirit, they would contend with them for Empire it self,

and therefore of a long time they desired to destroy their Citie.* 1.605 Now see∣ing they had a good opportunity, whilest the Spartans being busied at home could affoard them no relief, they raised a great Army out of their own, and the Neighbouring Cities, and therewith setting upon them, over∣threw them,* 1.606 and laid close siege to Mycenae. They stoutly resisted for some time, but being exhausted by the War, and the Lacedaemonians (being bu∣sied with the Helotes, and lately distressed by the Earth-quake) not being able to relieve them, the Defendants being most spent, the Citie was taken and levelled with the ground, the inhabitants being made slaves, and the tenth part of them consecrated to the god of Argos. So, this Citie happy in more antient times, a Nurse of famous men, and renowned for worthy exploits, was brought to destruction, and continued desolate to the time wherein our Author lived.

11. The difference raised betwixt the Athenians and Corinthians,* 1.607 about Megara, proceeded so far, as the former invaded Peloponnesus, and joyning battel with the Corinthians and Epidaurians, were worsted;* 1.608 but engaging the second time at the Island Cecryphalea, obtained a victory. Not long after, the War betwixt the Athenians and the inhabitants of Aegina was again renewed, wherein the former obtained a great victory at Sea, and took se∣venty Vessels from the Islanders, and then besieged the Citie, to the re∣lief of which 300 men were sent out of Peloponnesus. Now the Corin∣thians judging it a fit season to be doing something,* 1.609 for that they were both occupied in the War of Aegina and Egypt also, (where their Forces were assisting Inarus the son of Psammitichus against Artaxerxes) invaded the Territories of Megara. But things hapned otherwise than they expected, for the Athenians left not the siege at Aegina, but sent out of the Citie of Athens such as were both above and under age for the War, to the aid of Megara, which at length carried away the victory, and forced the Corin∣thians to return home with great losse. At this time the Athenians began to build their long Walls from the Citie to the port.

12. After this arose a War betwixt the Phocians and the Dores. The Lace∣daemonians being Patrons to the later, sent to their aid 11500 men, which Army forced the Phocians and brought them to terms, but being about to return home,* 1.610 it dared neither do it by the Crissaean Sea (or Gulf of Phocis) nor through the Isthmus, for fear of the Athenians, and so staid in Boeotia for an opportunity: especially being desired by some principal men of Athens, who hating the popular Government, hoped by the help of this Army to dissolve it, and hinder the building of the long Walls, which made much for the in∣terest of the people. But the Athenians hearing of this stop came out of the Citie to a man against them, having with them 1000 Argives, and a great number of other Allies, so that the whole amounted to 14000. who when the Thessalian horse joyned with them gave battel to the Lacedaemonians near Tanagra, a great and famous Citie of Boeotia, not far from Thebes. The Thessalian horse revolting to the Lacedaemonians, they obtained the vi∣ctory, and then presently marching into Megaris, wasted it, and so returned home through the Istshmus. Yet the Athenians resolving not to give way to Fortune, 72 dayes after this defeat marched again into Boeotia to revenge themselves, which by the overthrow of the inhabitants they reduced together with Phocis; rased the Walls about Tanagra,* 1.611 and compelled the Opnutians of Locris to give them 100 Hostages of their richest men. At this time they perfected their long Walls; Aegina was yielded to them, the Walls of which they pulled down, took away their shipping, and imposed Tribute upon them for the future. And Tolmides their Captain coasting Peloponnesus with a Fleet, burnt the Lacedaemonian Arcenal at Gythium, took Chal∣cis, a Town of the Corinthians, and landing his men, overthrew the Sicyo∣nians in fight.

13. But in Egypt the Athenians had bad successe,* 1.612 Inarus being taken and Crucified, and few of their men after six years returning home: fifty Gallies also being sent to their relief were most of them taken and sunk by the Phoe∣nicians.

Other Expeditions they made also with like successe, save that they overtherw the Sicyonians again in battel; which made them after three years willing to make truce with the Peloponnesians for five years, by the advice of Cimon,* 1.613 whom being banished by the Ostracism they had recalled, during which time they warred in(b) 1.614 Cyprus under conduct of Cimon, and in Aegypt in the service of Amyrteus the King, with good successe.(c) 1.615 Af∣ter this followed the Holy War, as they called it, the Spartans taking the Tem∣ple at Delphos from the Phocians, and giving it up to the Delphians, from whom the Athenians again took it and restored it to the Phocians. After∣wards the(d) 1.616 Boeotians revolte from the Athenians, who thereupon in great indignation under conduct of Tolmides invaded them, took Chaeronea and other Towns, in which putting a Garrison, and returning homewards light upon the Enemy, who killed and took them all, and amongst others Tolmides was slain,* 1.617 who had made this bold attempt, contrary to the advice of Pericles the Son of Xanthippus, who now had begun to grow eminent. Hereat the Athenians exceedingly dashed, to redeem their prisoners parted with all Boeotia, and not long after all Euboea revolted from them, their credit being now on the decaying hand. To the recovery of this Island Pericles was sent, who scarce being landed, news came that Megara had also revolted, and that the Peloponnesians were about to invade Attica.

14. This constrained him to return,* 1.618 and the Peloponnesians accordingly invaded At••ica under the command of Pl••stonax the son of Pausanias the Lacedaemonian King. They wasted all as far as Fleusine; but Pericles there opposing them, corrupted Cl••andridas Counsellour to Plistonax with gold, whereby they were deterred, and returned home, where Cleandridas was re∣warded with death, and Plistonax with banishment. Pericles having so ea∣sily dispatched his affairs here, returned into Euboea, which he wholly redu∣ced,* 1.619 pulled down the walls of Chalcis, and banished onely the Inhabitants of Hestiaea, which he peopled with a Colony of his own Citizens. This va∣rious fortune inclined both sides to an accommodation, and procured a League to be made for thirty years betwixt the Athenians and Lacedaemonians, with their allies on both sides, whereby Nisaea, Achaia, Pagae, and T••aezene, were set free by the Athenians, and it was made lawful for any City that had not been associate with either part, to joyn it self to which it best liked; which Article afterwards was urged by them of Corcyra to Ath••ns, where∣by they demonstrated that they ought not to deny them the liberty of asso∣ciation.

15. Six years after, a War arose betwixt the Inhabitants of Miletus and those of Samus, about Priene a Town in Ionia, under the Mountain Mycale.* 1.620 The M••lesian affairs going down the wind they sent to Athens, where they grievously accused the other, with whom joyned also many of the Samians themselves, who not being imployed in the Government, desired to have it changed. The Ath••nians being perswaded by them, manned out forty ships against Samus, by which power Pericles restored the Popular Government, exacted 80 Talents, and taking for Hostages 50 Boys, and as many Men, which they kept in custody at Lemnus, put a Garrison of their own into Samus it self.* 1.621 But some of the Citizens who had withdrawn themselves into the continent, entered into a conspiracy with the greatest in the Town, and asso∣ciating to them Pissuthnes the Governour of Sardis for the Persians, with 700 Au••i••i••ries passed over by night into the Island, and setting upon the Peo∣ple on a sodain (of which they overthrew the major part, and having their Hostages delivered to them by stealth out of Lemnus, delivered up the Athe∣nian Garrison with the Officers into the hands of P••ssuthnes) and brake out into open rebellion, and drawing in the Byzantians to their party, made War upon Miletus.

16. The Athenians, having notice of this, presenly dispatched away 60 Gallies against Samus, with 44 of which Pericles and his nine Colleagues sailing for Miletus, ingaged with the Sam••an Fleet consisting of 70 Ves∣sels (whereof twenty were laden with Soldiers) at the Island Trag••ae, and

obtained the victory, and afterwards with the other part of the Fleet, and a new supply of 40 ships, sailing to Samus, overthrew the Inhabitants, and closely besieged them both by Sea and Land. Pericles, whilst things were thus or∣dering, heard that the Phoenicians were coming to the relief of the besieged, to meet whom he took away with him 60 Gallies, and bent his course towards Caria, after whose departure the Samians perceiving the Guards thinner than usual, broke out of the Haven, put to flight the ships that lay nearest, over∣threw the next, and so recovering the mastery of the adjoyning Sea, for 14 dayes exported and imported what they pleased. But Pericles being returned with 60 other ships from Attica (commanded by excellent Captains) besides 30 others from Chius and Lesbus, they were besieged closer than ever, and being spent with the War,* 1.622 in the ninth moneth of the siege yielded up the City. The conditions were hard enough, viz. To demolish their Walls, give Hostages, deliver up their ships, and pay the charge of the War. Byzanti∣um affrighted at this successe, returned also to it's former obedience.

17. Shortly after this, fell out those motions which occasioned the Corin∣thian, and so by consequence laid the foundation of the Peloponnesian War,* 1.623 about the second year of the 85^th Olympiad, and the 25^th of the reign of Artaxerxes Longimanus.

The Inhabitants of the Island Corcyra, who were a Colony of the Corin∣rinthians, some 85 years after their plantation in that Island (formerly called Phaeacus, situate on the Illyrian shore, and being very populous) sent out a Co∣lony which built a City called Epidamnus, and afterwards Dyrrach••im, but not without the leave of Corinth the Metropolis, which at their request had assigned a Citizen of their own (Phalius of the posterity of Hercules) ac∣cording to the Law and custome, to be Prince of the Colony; and out of the number of their own Citizens and other Dores made up the number. This new Colony seated in a very convenient place, in a short time flourished ex∣ceedingly, and abounding with plenty of all things, as usually it hapneth, fell out of luxurie unto civil dissentions about the Government, and hereat occasion being taken by their next neighbours the Taulantians (who made War upon them) suffered no little dammage.* 1.624 At length the People incen∣sed against the great ones expelled them the City, who thereupon betaking themselves to the Taulantians, procured them to distresse Epidamnus both by land and sea, by which the people being straightned sent to the Corcyraeans their Founders, and Patrons, humbly to beseech them that by their authority they would make an accommodation betwixt them and their exiles, and bring the Taulantians to cease their Hostility. The Corcyraeans, whether disapproving the cause, or minding something else, rejected their petition, who then by direction from the Oracle at Delphos, betook themselves to the Corinthians, Founders of them both, and gave up their Colony into their hands. They were glad of this occasion, and presently promised them all assistance, being angry with the Corcyraeans, who upon their good fortune were grown insolent, and paid not the respect to them which was due from a Colonie to the Metro∣polis; for they were so rich and strong, that giving way to no City of Greece in the former respect, they had also 120 Gallies readily furnished, which drew envy upon them from the Corinthians, insomuch that now by the help of their Friends they resolved to chastise them, and sent a Party of Sol∣diers to defend Epidamnus, together with new planters to be imbodied into the Colony.

* 1.62518. The Corcyraeans took this heavily that they should intermedle with the affairs of their Colony, and being sollicited by such exiles as had fled to them, sent a Fleet to Epidamnus, commanding it to receive the exiles without delay, and cast out the new Planters with the Corinthian Garrison. But the Epi∣damnians refusing to do it, and the Corinthians making great provisions for the War, they sent their Ambassadors to Corinth with some Spartans and Sicyonians to bear witnesse of the matter, and offered to put it to a reference before equal Judges: But the Corinthians neglecting their message, as resolved for War, they also made preparation for it. They still continuing the siege

before Epidamnus, the Corinthians sent a Fleet of 75 Gallies, armed with 2000 fighting men thither, but leaving 40 for the carrying on of the siege,* 1.626 vvith 80 more they ingaged vvith them in a Sea-fight near the Promontory of Actium,* 1.627 and got the Victory. The same day Epidamnus vvas yielded to that party they had left at the siege, and so hereby getting the dominion of the Sea far and vvide, and grovving proud upon their good fortune, they invaded the Territories of the allies of their Enemies, to succour vvhom the Corin∣thians manned out another Fleet, and landed an Army at Actium. They pitched also there their Tents against them, but Winter dravving on, they both departed vvithout any act of Hostility; the Corinthians all that year and the year follovving, out of hatred to the other, using all their endeavours for rig∣ging a nevv Fleet, and procuring plenty of rovvers out of Peloponnesus and other parts of Greece.

19. The Corcyraeans before this time not joyned in alliance vvith any other State,* 1.628 novv began to look about them hovv they might strengthen them∣selves. They sent to Athens, desiring to enter into society vvith that State, and to have assistance from it; and the Corinthians having notice hereof, sent their Ambassadors to oppose them. The Corcyraeans vvere first heard, mak∣ing a large discourse,* 1.629 and then the Corinthians larger than they. The matter vvas brought tvvice before the People, vvhich at length resolved that a defen∣sive League should be made vvith them of Corcyra, that the one should assist the other in case they vvere assaulted by an Enemy: but to make any inv••sion assistance vvas denied, lest they should break the Leagues formerly made vvith other States. The Athenians resolved on this course, for that they savv plainly they must have War vvith the Peloponnesian, and therefore desired to have the Corcyraeans vvho vvere very povverful at Sea,* 1.630 on their side; and they thought it vvould be for their interest to have the Corinthians and their asso∣ciates spend their stock upon those of Corcyra, vvhich Island they also looked upon as very commodious for passage either into Sicilie or Italy. Ten Triremes therefore vvere decreed to assist the Corcyraeans, in case they vvere in any danger, and three Captains sent, one of vvhich vvas Lacedaemonius the son of Cimon, vvhom Pericles envying for his fathers sake, procured that no more assistance should be sent, that so the businesse might miscarry under him;* 1.631 but aftervvards out of plain shame he sent another Squadron of ships vvich came too late. These Generals had in charge by all means to decline the fight vvith the Corinthians, except they set upon the Corcyraeans, vvhom then they vvere to protect to the utmost.

20. This Squadron of ten ships joyning vvith the Corcyraeans made up their Fleet 120 sail, vvith vvhich they gave battel to the Corinthians (vvho had 90 of their ovvn, and 60 from their allies) betwixt the Island Corcyra and the continent of Epirus. This fight (described most accurately by Thu∣cydides) was the most valiantly fought, and with the greatest number of ships, of any that to those times had happened betwixt the Graecians themselves. The Athenians mindful of the charge received from their Superiours, at the first rather sought to deter, than to fight with the Enemy, succouring the Corcy∣raeans in some places; but they being fully worsted and put to flight in that wing wherein they stood, they then with all their might fell upon the Corin∣thians, and spoiled their Victory in that part, and rendred it ambiguous as to both sides.* 1.632 On the same day both parties rallied for a fresh ingagement, and they were sounding to the charge, when unexpectedly the Corinthians espied twenty Athenian ships which Pericles had now sent to assist with the other ten, at which sight being utterly discouraged (as fearing more might follow them) they fell off again, to the admiration of the Corcyraeans, who knew nothing of the coming of these ships. Great slaughter was made on both sides; the Corinthians lost thirty ships, and Corcyraeans seventy, besides 1000 of their men taken prisoners, whom as the Corcyraeans carried homewards, they took Anactorium (a Town situate upon the Bay of Ambracia) in their way, and therein le••t some Planters of their own. This battel was fought in the 39^th year of Artaxerxes Longimanus, the tenth of the 86^th Olympiad,

and five years almost before the beginning of the Peloponnesian War, Lysi∣machus being Archon at Athens.

21. Eight hundred of the Prisoners which had been formerly slaves they sold, and the rest (many of them being of the chiefest Rank of the Corcy∣raeans) they kindly entertained.* 1.633 Thus was Corcyra as it were made victo∣rious, and the Athenian ships dismissed, which proved the first cause of the Corinthians making War upon the Athenians. Others followed, which not onely inraged them, but the other Peloponnesians against the Athenians. Po∣daea, a Town situate in the Isthmus of Pallene (formerly called Plegra,* 1.634 and afterwards Cassandrea from Cassander King of Macedonia) was a Colony of the Corinthians, but associated with the Athenians. The Inhabitants there∣of were now commanded by the later to demolish that part of their Wall, which was next Pallene, to give hostages, and to cast out the Magistrate which every year the Corinthians used to send them, and receive no more from them afterwards. This the Athenians did, for that they perceived the Corin∣thians to be much exasperated against them, and feared that joyning with Perdiccas King of Macedonia, with whom they were at odds, and upon whose Kingdom Potidaea bordered, they would sollicite the place to re∣volt, and by its example would entice the rest of the Towns thereabout from their alliance. But Perdiccas being first aware hereof (against whom the Athenians had Armed his brother Philip and Derdas) in great wrath sent to Lacedaemon to stir them up with the other Peloponnesian States to make War upon them, and invited the Potidaeans to revolt, with other Towns in Thrace.

22. The Athenians being not ignorant of all this, to prevent the revolt of the Towns, sent order to the Captains of the thirty Gallies lately sent into those parts, first to see the execution of their Commands laid upon Potidaea, and take all possible care that the other places should not give ear to any si∣nister advice. They of Potidaea sent to Athens, desiring earnestly that no∣thing of extremity might be put upon them; but yet they dispatched also Ambassadors (together with some from the Corinthians their founders) to Sparta, to desire aid thence, that they might provide for the worst. Having no good answer from Athens, but affrighted with the coming of the Fleet; and on the other hand being promised by the Lacedaemonians, that in case the Athenians fell upon them, they would straight invade Attica, they took the ad∣vice of Perdiccas, and revolted with the Chalcidensians and Bottiaeans. The Athenian Fleet having notice hereof departed from Thrace, where they had arrived, and sayling to Macedonia, joyn their power with Philip and Derdas against Perdiccas. The Corinthians to help their friends at Potidaea, sent 1600 men, partly of their own, and partly hired out of Peloponnesus, of heavy Ar∣mour; and 400 besides light Armed, who fourty dayes after the revolt of the Town came into Thrace, under conduct of Aristaeus, the son of Adi∣mantus.

23. The Athenians hearing of this aid,* 1.635 to give greater strength to their affairs in Thrace, sent to their former Forces 2000 Armed men, with a Fleet of fourty Gallies, under the Command of Callias, the son of Calliades, with whom were joyned in Commission four others. Being arrived in Macedonia, they found their friends who had joyned with Philip to have taken Therma, and now intent upon the siege of Pydna, and joyned themselves to them; but seeing how their affairs would be endangered by the Conjunction of Perdic∣cas with the Corinthian Forces and Potidaea, they made up a peace with the King, and attempting Berrhaea in their way, made haste towards Potidaea, and pitched their Tents at Gigonum, whither another Athenian Fleet of seventy Gallies also came. Perdiccas the Macedonian King again revolted to the Potidaeans, and joyned himself with the Corinthian Army, betwixt which, and that of the Athenians ensued a fight, wherein the Athenians were worsted in that Wing wherewith they fought with the Corinthians;* 1.636 but got the better against Perdiccas, which Aristeus the Corinthian General seeing, after he returned from the pursute, broke through, and fled into Potidaea. Of the Athe∣nians

were slain 150. amongst whom Callias the General, but of the contrary part few lesse than 300. The A••henians after this victory drew a line against the Town, and a supply of 1600 fresh men being sent from Athens under the Command of Phormio,* 1.637 closely besieged it both by Sea and Land. These were the mutual causes of the heart-burnings of the Corinthians and Pelopon∣nesians against the Athenians, & of the Athenians against them, about Corcyra, and Potidaea, both of them Colonies of the Corinthian, of which the Atheni∣ans defended the former against its founders, whilest they endeavoured to chastise it, and they again inticed the later, with other Towns which were Tributaries to Athens, to renounce their allegiance to that State.

24. Potidaea being thus blocked up,* 1.638 the Corinthians were highly con∣cerned, both for the Town it self, and such of their own Citizens as were therein; and resolving that it was no time now to be idle, sent to their as∣sociates of Peloponnesus to meet them at Lacedaemon, where they grievously inveighed against the Athenians.* 1.639 Liberty being given to every man to speak, several others also sharply accused them, but especially the Deputies of Megara, for many injuries, and chiefly for that, contrary to the agreement made with them, they had interdicted them the Ports and Market of Athens. The Corinthians cunningly suffered the rest to speak first, that by them the Lacedaemonians might be incensed against the Athenians, but then, after all, more fully and earnestly laid open their faults, aggravated the injuries re∣ceived from them, pressed the great danger which threatned Peloponnesus from their power, checked the Lacedaemonians for their too much remis∣nesse in vindicating the cause of their distressed friends and allies, and plainly declared, that if now they would not do it, they must strengthen themselves with other confederates.

25. It hapned at this time that there were at Lacedaemon some Ambassa∣dors sent from Athens upon other businesse, who understanding how things went, desired also to be heard, and this being obtained, sought to allay the stomach of the Peloponnesians by calm and prudent reasons. They desired not to be understood, as though they came to plead the cause of their State which they neither could acknowledge as guilty, nor own them as their Judges: but desired, and advised them not rashly to resolve upon any violent course, nor give credit to all that was objected, untill such time as they could through∣ly understand the case; for that things being once confounded could not easily again be composed.* 1.640 They mentioned the commodities of peace, and the evils that come by War; charged these calumnies upon the envy of their accusers, who could not behold the power of Athens without prejudice, though it was obtained no otherwise than as the reward of vertue, as the as∣sociates themselves could not but witnesse, who knew well enough how the Athenians merited at Marathon of all Greece, as afterwards at Saelamine; and they averred, that they had used their power so moderatly, as none had any reason to complain. That they had increased their strength they denied not, which to endeavour was agreeable to the Law of nature, as also that the weaker should obey the more potent; so that it was without injury, though not without force, which was absolutely necessary for the maintenance of any command, and was practised not onely by themselves, but the Lacedaemonians also, and would ever so be in the like cases. Again, they laid before them the uncertainty of the event of War, and concluded with a religious protestation, concerning their innocency, and desire of peace.

26. The Lacedaemonians having heard both parties, debated the businesse amongst themselves.* 1.641 They were generally inclined to make War presently upon the Athenians as the Authors of many in••uries, which Archidamus, one of their Kings, and a very prudent, and moderate man observing, by a grave speech dehorted them, not from undertaking a War for the safety of their Allies, but rushing into it; for that the strength of Athens, and of their own State (as he said) being compared, there was need of a sufficient time to make provision for it, in which not onely the assistance of the Graecians, but of the Barbarians also was requisite. He shewed that the Athenians could not be

subdued by the wasting of At••ica, having all provisions in a readinesse, and that it was no policy for them being unprovided to deal with such an Enemy: but that rather the thing was to be deferred till things could be in a readi∣nesse, in which time the Athenians might perhaps be in a better mind, and give satisfaction without constraint; and this could not turn to the disgrace of the Lacedaemonians, in that they followed the example of their Ancestors: Lastly, that by how much they took Arms with more advice, they should by so much conclude with more happinesse and celerity.* 1.642 But Sthenelaides one of the Ephor, and who spake last, dissenting from the judgement of Archidamus very sharply perswaded the people to take up Arms against the Athenians, as violators of the former Leagues, and War was decreed accordingly, not so much at the instance of their confederates, as out of fear of the growing power of Athens. This was done in the 14^th year after the ending of the Eubaean War, and the Truce made for 30 years.

27. The Lacedaemonians acquainted the Deputies with what was resolved; but withall told them they would signifie it to all their associates, that if so be the War should be decreed by the common consent, it might be carried on with their joynt force: then departed they to their several homes to know the minds of their Superiours, and the Athenian Ambassadors re∣turned.* 1.643 After their departure, the Lacedaemonians, before the matter should any further proceed, sent to Delphos to enquire of the Oracle concerning the event of the War, whence receiving such answer as they wished, they again sent for their Allies, and propounded the businesse to them, who unanimously decreed the War, which was exceedingly pressed by the Corin∣thians, who, before this meeting, for fear of the losse of Potidaea had sent about it. It being not expedient to begin the War unprovided, all were de∣sired to repair home, and make all provisions possible (in which was almost spent a year) and in the mean time Ambassadors were sent to Athens to make demands, of which, if any were denied, a more specious pretence might be ob∣tained for the War.

28. In the first Embassie they demanded the expiation of a piacular of∣fence, in which P••ricles was involved by his Mothers kindred. For, know∣ing him to be a man of great Counsel and courage,* 1.644 by all means they endea∣voured upon this account to have him banished; but the other objected to the Lacedaemonians, that they had drawn out of the Temple of Neptune some of their He••lots, and slain them, and starved Pausanias to death in that of Pallas Chalciaeca, where he took sanctuary. After this the Spartans sent to require them to abstain from Potidaea, to set at liberty Aegina, and especial∣ly they pressed them to let the Inhabitants of Megara have the liberty of their Port and Market, without which they must expect nothing but War: but to none of these demands was there given any satisfying answer, the Me∣garians being accused for appropriating to their own use the ground which belonged to the goddesse of Eleusine, and receiving such fugitive slaves as fled from Athens. In the third message Ramphius and his Collegues added but this to the other demands, that the Lacedaemonians were desirous of peace, and would grant it, in case the Athenians would suffer all the Graecians to be free, and live according to their own Laws. These things thus often the Spartans demanded, to amuse the other party till they themselves could be provided, and to catch at a specious pretence for a quar∣rell.

29. The Athenians upon the last message called the Assembly of the people to deliberate about the matter,* 1.645 that they might send a clear and positive answer once for all. Many speaking pro and con, at length Pe∣ricles the most excellent of all the Athenians of that age, both for doing and speaking, with his eloquence (wherewith he was said by the Poets to Thunder and Lighten) easily drew the multitude to his mind. After he had inveighed against the Lacedaemonians as swollen with envy, he ex∣cused themselves, and incouraged the people from their ability to under∣take the War. He advised that this answer should be returned: That the

decree against them of Megara should be rescinded, in case the Lacedaemoni∣ans would give such freedom of their City to the Athenians and other of the associates: that they would set all Cities under their jurisdiction at liberty, which were free before,* 1.646 when the League should be entred into; provided the Spartans would do the same, and suffer such as were under them to live accord∣ing to their own customs, and not to be tyed to those of Laconia: and lastly, that they were content to be judged concerning the things in controversie, accor∣ding to the leagues; neither would they first make War, but effectually de∣fend themselves. He added, that this was both just and honourable, and if they undertook the War chearfully, they should find their Enemies lesse con∣derable: that out of the greatest extremities the greatest honour was wont to accrue both to their State in general, and to each Citizen in particular, which he made good by instancing in the Median War, at which time the City was far lesse considerable than at the present, and whence it arrived to that pitch of greatnesse: he told them it was fit they should imitate their Ancestors, and leave not the Empire received from them diminished unto posterity.

30. Why Pericles should be so earnest for the War(a) 1.647 several reasons have been alleged, and this(b) 1.648 amongst the rest, that he was not able to make account for the publick money he had received to build a Portal in the Castle to the honour of Minerva. He consumed abundance of treasure in this work, and none looking after him, diverted the publick money taken up un∣der that pretence to other uses. Whilst he considered hereof, and sat sorrow∣ful at home, Alcibiades a Boy and his Sisters Son (whom after his Brother in Laws death he brought up in his own house, and who afterwards became ve∣ry eminent) came and asked him why he was so sad, to whom he answered, because he knew not how to give an account of his Office, at which the Boy replied,* 1.649 Study therefore rather how thou mayst not need to give an account of is. This most prudent man destitute of advice from himself, used this of a child, and for this reason perswaded the people to the War, that being in∣tangled therein they might have no leisure to call him to account for the dis∣bursment of the money. What ever his motives were, the People(c) 1.650 decreed what he proposed, and answered the Lacedaemonians particularly according to what he said, and in general, that they would do nothing they had en∣joyned them, but were ready to acquit themselves of those matters laid a∣gainst them, before equal and indifferent Judges; and with this answer the Ambassadors returned to Lacedaemon, whence no more came. These were the quarrels which foreran the War, being begun about the affairs of Epidam∣nus and Corcyra. Notwithstanding this disagreement, yet they continued commerce with each other, went to and fro without any publick Officer, or Herauld; but yet not without jealousy of one another. For these things that hapned made confusion in the Leagues, and ministred matter for War.

31. Several Learned Men flourished in this space, as(a) 1.651 Aeschylus the Tragoedian,(b) 1.652 Iccus a famous Physician of Tarentum in Italy,(c) 1.653 Anax∣agoras the Clazomenian Philosopher, who was defended by his Scholar Peri∣cles, when accused of Atheism;(d) 1.654 Panyiasis a famous Poet; Pericles him∣self, the Son of Xanthippus, accounted by(e) 1.655 Cicero the first Athenian Orator. Besides these,(f) 1.656 Charondas and Zaleucus both Scholars of Py∣thagoras, whereof the former gave Laws to the Thurians, and the other to the Locrians; Melissus, Protagoras the Atheist, and Empedocles,(g) 1.657 all who flourished about the 84^th Olympiad. Herodotus of Halicarnassus, who being sent to Thurium in Italy with some new Planters to restore the Colony there, lived to the beginning of the Peloponnesian War which he mention∣eth, and in the 42d year of his age, about the third of the 84^th Olympiad, re∣cited his Book at(h) 1.658 Athens in the Assembly of the Panathaenaea, by the emulation of which Thucydides then young was much moved; so that after∣wards this stirred him up to write.(i) 1.659 Euripides the Tragoedian, the Scholar of Anaxagoras,(k) 1.660 Sophocles, who was chosen General of the Athenian Forces, and (l) Phrynicus the Comoedian, and(m) 1.661 Pindar a Theban the Prince of Lyrick Poets, who died aged 85 years, in the second of the 86^th

Olympiad.* 1.662(n) 1.663 Men••on an Athenian in the year before the beginning of the Peloponnesian War (according to the account of Thucydides) Apseudes en∣tring into his Office of Archon, began his Cycle of the Moon, containing nineteen years. In this space, though not precisely, the Lunations do recur; so that if the Quadrature of the Moon fall out as at this day this year; the same shall return the same day of the nineteenth year succeeding. Either be∣cause it was written in letters of Gold, or for the precious use of it, it ob∣tained to be called, as still it is, the Golden Number. It is found by adding an unit to the year of our Lord, and dividing the whole by 19. The remain∣der shall be the Cycle of the Moon; or if nothing remain, the Cycle is out; that is Nineteen.

SECT. III. From the beginning of the Peloponnesian War to the ending thereof, containing the space of 27 years.

1. IN the fifteenth year after the recovery of Euboea by the Athenians,* 1.664 and the truce concluded for thirty years; the sixth moneth after the battel fought at Potidaea; in the 48^th year of the Priesthood of Chrysis the Priest of Argos; Aenesias being the principal Ephorus at Sparta, Pythodorus Ar∣chon at Athens; in the first year of the 87^th Olympiad, the 33^th of the Reign of Artaxerxes Longimanus, of the World the 3574, began the Peloponne∣sian War, henceforth there being no commerce with one another without an Officer at Arms, and Hostility exercised without intermission.

2. In the second moneth of Pythodorus his Government, and the begin∣ning of the Spring,* 1.665 300 Thebans seized upon Plataea, by the treachery of some in the Town, being associate to the Athenians; for they perceiving a War to be drawing on, and knowing that Town to be alwaies in peace ad∣verse to them, thought good to make sure of it betimes. The Inhabitants thinking more to have got in, than indeed did, at the first yielded it, but then again apprehending the truth, resolved to rescue their liberty, and set by night upon the Thebans, whom they knew to be weary, ignorant of the Town, and would be much troubled with the dirt, by reason of abun∣dance of rain which fell that night. The device prospered, and the, slew almost half the number, taking the rest prisonres, which were 180, and amongst them Eurymachus the Author of this Expedition. It hapned that from Thebes another Party came too late to the help of their fellows if need should be, who seeing what was done, considered whether they should not set upon such Plataeans as were abroad in the Country, and waste it round about, thereby to redeem their friends. The Plataeans (as the Thebans said) sent to them, being afraid of this, and offered them to release the prisoners if they would forbear to spoil their grounds; but in case they did, threatned to put them to death; whereupon the Thebans withdrew; and yet for all this the Plataeans put their friends to death. The Plataeans on the other hand alleged, that they never made any promise to dismisse them; but in case they should agree in treaty. But they sent to Athens to give them notice there of this attempt made upon their Town.

3. The message being carried before the Thebans were put to death, the Athenians sent word to Plataea, that they would do nothing against them till they heard further from them; after they had first seized upon such Boeoti∣ans as were in their Dominions. Then after the truth was known, they sent an Army which victualled the place, and taking out the uselesse multitude of both Sexes, put a Garrison therein. Thus the League being plainly broken on both sides, both parties prepared themselves for the War, both sent away Am∣bassadors to the Persian, and other Barbarians, and set themselves to obtain new alliances. Now were old Prophecies and Sayings in all mens mouths,

which they interpreted according to their affection. Most were enclined to∣wards the Lacedaemonians, who professed themselves the vindicators of the liberty of Greece, and hating the Athenians, either for that they desired to shake off their yoak,* 1.666 or feared to undergo it. On the Lacedaemonian side were all the Peloponnesians except the Argives and Achaeans, who were friends to both, all but the Inhabitants of Pellene amongst the latter, who at the beginning sided with the Lacedaemonians, and afterwards the rest also joyned themselves to them. Without Peloponnesus the Megarians, Phoci∣ans, Locrians,* 1.667 Boeotians, Ambraciots, Leucadians, Anactorians. The Corinthians, Megarians, Sicyonians, Pellenians, Eleans, Ambraciots, and Leucadians, furnished them with ships; the Boeotians, Phocians, and Locrians, sent out Horse-men, and the rest of the States supplied them with Foot.

* 1.6684. With the Athenians stood the Chians, Lesbians, Plataeans, Messeni∣aens inhabiting Naupactus, most of the Acarnanians, the Corcyraeans, Za∣cynthians, and the rest of the tributary Cities all over, the Carians inhabit∣ing the Sea-coasts, the Dorians their neighbours, Ionia upon the Hellespont, several Towns of Thrace, and other places not few, the Islands lying be∣twixt Peloponnesus and Crete towards the Sun-rising, and all the Cyclades except Melus and Thera. The Chians, Lesbians, and Corcyraeans, affor∣ded shipping, the rest, men and money, as Thucydides writeth, who in this Catalogue passeth by Euboea and Samus, though they abounded with shipping, and sided with the Athenians. Presently after the action about Plataea, the Lacedaemonians sent abroad to their associates to meet at the Isthmus, which they did accordingly, two third parts out of each of the Cities. Here Ar∣chidamus the Spartan King and Captain General, having first gravely advised them not to trust too much to their own strength, though they made up such an Army as the eldest of them had never seen,* 1.669 sent to Athens to see if that City would now remit any of it's former rigor; but the messenger being sent back without hearing, he marched for Attica, the Boeotians at the same time having invaded the Territories of the Plataeans.

5. Ere Archidamus invaded Attica, Pericles his friend, who by the Athenians with nine others was appointed General, foreseeing that if he should spare his Villages, either upon the account of their particular friend∣ship, or by order from the Spartan State, to render him suspected, it would create him abundance of envy and ill will, to avoid all suspition, called the People together, and gave the said Villages to the Commonwealth, and ad∣vised them to gather all their things out of the Villages, and contain them∣selves within the City, to take care of their shipping, and not to neglect their confederates, from whom they might be supplied with money, which to∣gether with good counsel and advice is the sinnews of War.* 1.670 He told them that they had 600 Talents of Tribute yearly coming in, besides other reve∣nues; that they had in the Castle left 6000 Talents of Silver ready coyned, besides in bullion and plate 500 Talents more, and money in the Temples, besides forty pound of pure Gold about the statue of Pallas, which it was law∣ful to use in extremity, making it up again afterwards. They had ready 19000 Foot-men, and 1200 Horse, besides others that used bows on Horse∣back, and 6000 Archers on foot: of Gallies fit for sail 300, and he added other things to make them couragiously begin the War. They obeyed him in fetching their goods into the City, and shutting up themselves there, though much to their prejudice and trouble; but such authority had he with the peo∣ple, having first, to ingratiate himself, inlarged the authority and liberty of the multitude, whereby afterwards in effect he ruled alone. They set them∣selves also with all their might to the rigging of their Fleet, and gathering together the forces of their Confederates.

6. The Peloponnesian Army entred Attica by Oenoe a Castle of the Athe∣nians, upon the frontiers of Boeotia, and there Archidamus staid, provid∣ing all things for the storm. Being somewhat long in his preparations, his adversaries thence found matter wherewith to accuse him, as one who affected

the Athenians, and on purpose before at the Isthmus,* 1.671 and now also protracted the time till they should have removed all their goods out of Attica. He in∣deed thought they might be inclined to a composure for the saving of their goods, and therefore did delay his march, but finding no message sent, and not being able to take the Castle, he removed about 80 dayes after the The∣bans entred Plataea, in the height of Summer, Corn being now ripe, and in∣vaded Attica, which he wasted as far as Acharnae, the strongest Garrison of all the Countrey, and but seven or eight miles distant from Athens. When they in the Citie understood this, having not suspected he would have peirced so far, and afflicted for the losse they sustained, they began to be much moved, (especially they of Acharnae, who seemed to themselves a considerable part in the State) and tumultuously gathering together, now began to rail at Pe∣ricles, for that he being General did not lead them out against the Enemy. He would not call the assembly nor any Company together, for fear they should resolve rashly upon any thing; but was very carefull of the defence of the Citie, and sent out a party of horse, of which some were Thessalian Auxi∣liaries, to restrain the excursions of the Enemy into the parts adjacent, which was beaten back with some losse. At length the Peloponnesians seeing the Athenians would not come out to fight, removed from Acharnae, and wa∣sting other places, departed through Boeotia into Peloponnesus, and went seve∣rally to their own homes.

7. Whilest they were yet in Attica, the Athenians, to divert them, sent out a Fleet of 100 Gallies, on which were aboard 1000 Soldiers of heavy Armour, and 400 Archers, with which the Corcyraeans joyned 50 Vessels more,* 1.672 and other associates contributed their numbers. Coasting the Pelopon∣nesian shoar, besides other harm done, they landed in Laconia, and had taken Methone, then unwalled, and meanly manned, but that Brasidas the Spartan with 100 men brake through, and getting into the Town, defended it so, as they were glad to retreat to their ships. Then went they to Elis, where they seized on Phia, and staying there two dayes, harrased the Countrey, and overthrew such as were sent to restrain them: but their ships being sorely tossed with a Tempest, and hardly recovering the Haven of Phia, and under∣standing also that greater forces were coming against them, they departed thence, and grievously distressed such places as they came to. At the same time also another Fleet was sent from Athens to infest the Locrians, and de∣fend Eubaea, which did much harm upon the Coasts of Locris, took Thro∣n••um, took Hostages with them, and overthrew the Locrians that came out to resist them.* 1.673 In the same Summer the Athenians cast out the Inhabitants of Aegina, for that they imputed to them the especial cause of the War, and judged that Island convenient for them to place a Colony therein of their own. The Lacedaemonians out of requital for the kindnesse received from them during the Earth-quake, and War with their slaves, and out of hatred to the Athenians, gave them Thyrea and its Territories to inhabit (which sepa∣rate Laconia from the Countrey of Argos, reaching as far as the Sea;) but such of them as this place for its straightnesse could not receive, were dispersed up and down Greece it self.

* 1.6748. This same Summer, at the change of the Moon, hapned such an Eclypse of the Sun (at which time saith Thucydides, it is judged that it can onely hap∣pen) that at Mid-day the Stars were seen, which according to the Julian ac∣count hapned on the third day of August, as the Astronomical Tables demon∣strate. About the same time the Athenian Fleet of 100 Gallies having in Acarnania taken several Towns, came to Cephallenia, an Island lying over against Acarnania and Leucas, which being inhabited in four Towns, they reduced without one stroak, and so returned home. In the beginning of Au∣tumn, the Athenians with a vast Army invaded Megaris, which wasting in an Hostile manner they returned, and so they did once a year, till they got Ni∣saea into their hands. At this time also they placed a Garrison in Ataelante, an Island belonging to the Locrians of Opus, which hitherto no body had peo∣pled, lest it should prove an Harbour for Robbers that from Locris might

prey upon Eubaea. In Winter, according to their custom, they solemnised the Funeral for those that first died in the War on this manner. First, their bones for three dayes were laid out to be seen in a Tent,* 1.675 where it was lawfull for their friends to come, and do such duties as was usual to the dead. Then when they were carried out, each Tribe came, and putting the bones of their fellows into Cypresse Coffins, carried them away on Chariots, and one Chest was carried empty for such as had not been found; the women of their kin∣dred making lamentation as for them. Then were they buried in a publick Sepulchre, in the most famous Suburb of the Citie, called Ceramicus, where all slain in War were constantly buried, except they that fell at Marathon, who for their greater honour were buried in the place of the fight. After they were buried, some one Eminent for prudence and eloquence made a Funeral Oration in commendations of them, which at this time was most ex∣cellently performed by Pericles. The scope of his speech was to shew they deserved immortal glory for shedding their bloud in their Countreys behalf, and to excite the living to seek after such renown. With this Winter ended the first year of the Peloponnesian War, whose History for its influence into the whole is the more considerable.

9. In the Spring the Peloponnesians again under conduct of Archidamus their former General invaded Attica, at which time fell also upon it,* 1.676 a most fearfull plague, as it is described by Thucydides, who was sick of it, as seldom hapned; during the rage of which they plundred and wasted the Countrey all over.* 1.677 Pericles returning to his former Counsel, hindred the Citizens who were very desirous to issue out and fight, and provided an hundred ships, with which and fifty of the associates of Chius and Lesbus, armed with 4000 foot and 300 horse, he departed to Peloponnesus, the Coasts of which he sore wasted, and forced the Army to return home to defend it, which they were willing to do also because of the plague, after they had been in Attica fourty dayes. After the return of Pericles, his Army was sent under the Command of Agnon and Cleopompus, against Chalcis and Potidaea, at the later of which it was seized by the pestilence, and greatly dimished, and Agnon with 1500. which remained of 4000, returned home. But the people being sore afflicted by the plague and War together, were angry now against Pericles, as him that moved them to take up Arms, who calling them together sharply reproved them; and they confessed what he said to be true, and that he had advised them upon good grounds, but being inraged at their private discommodities, they fined him 80 Talents, and banished him the Citie,* 1.678 and yet presently after, according to the inconstant nature of the multitude, recalled, and created him General with full power.

10. In the same Summer a Navy from Peloponnesus of an hundred Gallies fell upon Z••zynthus, an Island addicted to the Athenians, which wasting, and being not able to do any more, they returned home. The Peloponnesians also in the end of Summer sent Ambassadors to the Persian King to desire aid, who were also commanded to go to Sitalces King of Thrace, to desire a League of confederacy with him; but they were taken near the Hellespont by some Athenians, through the assistance of Sadocus the Kings son, and free of Athens, and being brought thither, in revenge for some Athenians, Mer∣chants, and others, slain in Peloponnesus, they were put to death. In Winter twenty Gallies were sent from Athens to Naupactus to secure the Straights lying betwixt Peloponnesus and Aetolia, and other fix to Caria and Lycia, to gather money, under Command of Melesander, who in a fight was there slain with part of his forces.* 1.679 Potidaea now also being in despair of any supply from Peloponnesus, and sore afflicted with famine (which raged so far as they are man's flesh) yielded to the Athenians. Of the besieged such as were Males had liberty to depart with one Garment apiece, Females with two, and a little provision. The Citie being thus emptied was re∣plenished with a Colony from Athens, to which state this siege stood in 2000 Talents. And so the second year of the War ended with this Win∣ter.

11. In the next Spring Archidamus the Lacedaemonian King marched against Plataea, and besieged it. The Plataeans sent to him to desire he would forbear to use any extremity against them;* 1.680 but he returned them very harsh conditions,* 1.681 requiring them to forsake the Athenians, to give up their Citie, and all they had, for the time of War, and in the mean time to go and dwell somewhere else, promising that as soon as the War should be over, they should have all entirely restored to them. They desired a Truce, till such time as they could send to the Athenians, their associates, and know their mind, who being utterly against it, they then sent Archidamus word, that they were resolved to undergo whatsoever the chance of War should lay upon them, for that they neither could, nor would revolt from the Athenians. He then fell of wasting their grounds, and with all his might attempted the Citie, which was as valiantly and powerfully defended by the Inhabitants. No way taking, at length the Spartans attempted it by fire, which consumed most part of the Town, leaving but a few houses for the Plataeans to live in. Yet still the matter succeeded not, and at length despairing to take the place by force, they raised a Wall round about it, which they fenced with a double Ditch to shut them in, and leaving sufficient Guards, departed home. Be∣fore this the Towns-men had sent out to Athens all their uselesse Company. This same year the Athenians fought with various successe in Thrace and Acarnania.

12. In the later end of this Summer,* 1.682 and the 6^th Moneth of the year died Pericles, of the Epidemical disease, or the Plague, as Plutarch reporteth, though not by its sudden force as others, but in a way of Consumption, which, if so,* 1.683 was extraordinary. As he drew on towards his end, some of the prin∣cipal men of Athens that were left alive of his antient friends, as they sate by him, not thinking that he understood any thing, discoursed much of his great and many victories and Trophies which he had erected, placing therein the main of his commendation. He understanding the discourse, interrupted them, saying, that he wondred they should especially take notice of those things, which fortune made common to him with others, and make no men∣tion of that which was most worthy and remarkable, for No man, saith he, upon mine account hath put on a black Garment.* 1.684 A man he was to be had in constant admiration, not onely for his equity and mildnesse, which he shewed in so many businesses of concernment, and such enmities as were ex∣ercised against him; but also for his greatnesse of spirit, that this he espe∣cially charged upon himself, not to indulge his anger in so great power, or his malice; neither to be implacable towards his greatest adversary: and this seemeth to be the reason that he enjoyed the sirname of Olympius without en∣vy, because he was of so sweet a disposition, & in the greatest power preserved his life unblemished. The great misse the Athenians had of him made them soon perceive what man he was, whose power whilest alive they ill bore, as dasling their eyes; when dead, and they had experience of others, they confessed that no man could in that height of place have carried himself more moderatly, or in that modesty more gravely, and that height of power which used to be branded with the name of Tyranny, appeared in him to have been the wholsom preservative of the Commonwealth; such depravednesse of manners, and excesse of wickednesse falling upon all things after his death, which he weakning and keeping under as long as he lived, procured that it exceeded not the strength of the remedy.

13. The Summer following being the fourth year of the Peloponnesian War-rising,* 1.685 the Peloponnesians and their confederates made the third inva∣sion of Attica, when Corn was now ripe, under the Conduct of the same Archidamus, which they wasted up and down as long as their provisions lasted.* 1.686 In the mean time all the Island Lesbus (except Methymna) re∣volted from the Athenians, having had a great desire to do it before the War, but that the Lacedaemonians would not receive them. A Fleet of fourty ships were then presently dispatched from Athens, and War was de∣nounced to the Inhabitants of Mitylene, except they delivered up their ships,

and pulled down the walls;* 1.687 which being denied, War was made upon them, their Gallies put to flight, and the Haven blocked up. Hereupon they desir∣ed a Treaty,* 1.688 and obtained truce to send an Ambassage to Athens about a Peace; but in the mean while they sent underhand Ambassadors to Lacedae∣mon, to desire a straight League and alliance, with present aid. The Ambassa∣dors being ordered by the Spartans to stay at Olympia at the time of the solem∣nity of the 88^th Olympiad pleaded there their cause, and in the name of their City were received into the League, and assistance out of hand was promi∣sed to them. Another Expedition was then resolved on into Attica, but the Spartans being ready, at the Isthmus, whereas their associates loitered, and the Athenians then with a Fleet of 30 ships preid upon Peloponnesus, they being advertized of the losse they sustained in Laconia, returned home.

14. Yet the Peloponnesians in performance of their promise made to the Mitylenaeans, dispatched away a Fleet of 40 Gallies, which found another from Athens to oppose it, consisting of 100; for the Athenians now aboun∣ded in shipping, having ready furnished 250 Gallies, on which they expended much, so as to defray their expences, they now first of all were assessed, ex∣acting yet from their confederates the usual Tributes, which they paid with much repining. At the same time the Mitylenaeans and the rest of the Les∣bians made War upon the Methymnaeans, who persisted in their obedience to the Athenians. These understanding of it, sent at the latter end of Sum∣mer a band of men into the Island, which drew a line round about Mitylene, upon which Guards being set, the Inhabitants were straightly besieged. In Winter the Inhabitants of Plataea being greatly distressed for want of victuals, and despairing of any aid from Athens, resolved to break through the Ene∣mies Fortifications, though exceeding difficult to be passed, and save them∣selves by flight. Many for the difficulty of the thing changed their minds, but 300 stood firm in their resolution, and taking advantage of an exceeding dark and tempestuous night, 212 with remarkable courage and constancy brake through, and (the rest being repulsed into the City) came safe unto Athens. Towards the end of Winter Salaethus was sent from Lacedaemon to Mitylene, to encourage the besieged to hold out, by promise of help; and another Ex∣pedition to be made by the confederates into Attica. And so the fourth year of the Peloponnesian War ended.

* 1.68915. In the beginning of the fifth year, the Peloponnesians sent 40 ships to Lesbus to the relief of the Mitylenaeans, under the conduct of Alcidas, and they themselves with an Army, over which Cleomenes (Uncle and Guardian to Pausanias their young King yet under age) was Captain, invaded Attica the fifth time, which they most grievously distressed; but hearing nothing from Lesbus that they liked, and being in scarcity of victuals, they returned the sooner into Peloponnesus. The Mitylenaeans being sorely distressed in the same nature, whether the Magistrate would or not, yielded themselves to the mercy of the Athenians, which the Peloponnesian Fleet understanding be∣fore they arrived at Lesbus, went over to the Coast of Asia, and there ha∣ving cast many things in their heads, without any thing of note performed, returned, through the perswasion of their General, into Peloponnesus, being from Lesbus in vain pursued by Paches the Athenian Captain. He retur∣ning from the pursute, setled things in Lesbus according to his own mind, sent Salaethus the Lacedaemonian messenger (whom he took in the Town) with the authors of the revolt, and some whom the Towns-men sent to intercede for them, unto Athens, staying there himself for further orders. Salaethus was presently put to death, and the people being called together to consult about the Mitylenaeans, resolved, at the instigation of Cleon, a man of bitter severity, that all those of ripe age should be put to death, as well as they that were sent to Athens, and all the women and children should be made bond-slaves; and this decree was without delay sent to Paches to be put into execution.* 1.690 But considering of this rash and cruel sentence, they repented of what they had done, and the next day met to advise further of it, when again Cleon a man in great grace with them, pressed vehemently the former decree.

But Diodotus one of a milder spirit opposed him, and having endeavoured the day before to no purpose to do it, now by very few voices carried it from him.

16. Then was there dispatched a swift Galley, with order if possible to get before that which carried the former Decree,* 1.691 and command Paches to abstain from putting it in execution. Yet the former arrived at Mitylene first, having set forth a whole day before it; but whilst Paches was considering of the sharpnesse of the Decree, and how to perform it, the latter arrived, and so the lives of the multitude were saved, being so near to destruction, as scarce any thing nearer. But to punish the revolt, above 1000 of those whom Paches had sent to Athens as authors of it, the People commanded to be put to death, Mitylene was deprived of it's walls and ships, all Lesbus except the Methymnaeans had hard conditions imposed upon them. The fields were ta∣ken from all the owners, of which the tenth part being dedicated to the gods, the remainder was distributed to the Citizens of Athens, the tillage thereof being left under a vast rent to the Lesbians: and all such Towns as were now subject to the Mitylenaeans, the Athenians reduced under their Do∣minions. The same Summer they seized upon Minoas, an Island lying be∣fore the shore of Megaris, and the Port of Nisae, and fortifying it, made the Coasts more safe and convenient to all intents.* 1.692 In the mean time those that were left in Plataea were forced by meer famine to yield themselves and City to the judgement of the Lac••daemonians, who sent five men to hear their Orators, and the Thebans their Enemies. These men adjudged them all to death, which accordingly was executed upon them to the number of 200, with whom were slain 25 Athenians found in the Town, and the wo∣men adjudged to slavery. The City for some time was given to some exiles to inhabit: then, scarce a year being past, was by the Thebans utterly de∣stroyed, an Inne onely being built out of the ruines of the Temple of Juno, and the Temple it self inlarged, all the grounds being seized on by the The∣bans. This was the fortune of the Plataeans (who thought they might have had some favour shewed them for the merits of their Ancestors in the Median War) after they had continued 93 years in the society with Athens, and no more is to bee heard of them till Plataea was rebuilt by Alexander the Great.

* 1.69317. During these things, a most lamentable sedition hapned at Corcyra, part of the Citizens being for Popular Government, and the rest for that of a few or the most potent; the former trusting to the aid of the Athenians, as conformable to their policy, and the other to the Peloponnesians. Twice within the City did they fight, and both the Athenians and Peloponnesians sent their Fleets to the assistance of their Friends; but the Athenians being stronger at Sea, and sending 60 Gallies more to the help of the former Na∣vy, the Peloponnesian withdrew themselves, having onely lightly skirmished with the Enemy in the sight of Corcyra, before the latter Fleet arrived. Then those for the Popular Government, strengthned by the assistance of the Athenians, cruelly raged against their adversaries, no mercy being shewn to such as took Sanctuary, or hung upon the Altars, neither from Parents to their own Children, insomuch that the City was almost shaken to pieces and made desolate, and a grievous Sedition indeed came afterwards proverbially to be termed a Corcyraean. And it was not onely fatal to Corcyra, but to all Greece besides, being drawn into example by other States which afterwards broke out into factions.

* 1.69418. At the same time the Greek Cities in Sicilie fell into dissentions, some being of the Dorick, and others of the Ionick faction, the head of the for∣mer Syracuse, and of the latter Leontium, which two made War upon each other. The Leontines craved aid of the Athenians, for that they were not onely of the Ionian stock, but conjoyned with them in an ancient League of confederacy. The Athenians willingly took the opportunity to get some footing in Sicilie, to hinder thereby the exportation of Corn thence into Pe∣loponnesus, and especially to make way for their power and dominion there.

At the end of Summer they sent thither twenty Gallies. In Winter these ships assisted with ten more from Rhegium in Italy, invaded the Aeolian Islands near to Sicilie, and wasted such as refused to yield. At the same Season the Plague began again at Athens, which took away a great number of Soldiers, but much greater of the common people: Earthquakes also hapned in se∣veral places. And with this Winter the fifth year of the Peloponnesian War ended.

19. In the beginning of the next Summer, the Peloponnesians came the sixth time to the Isthmus,* 1.695 with intent to invade Attica, under the conduct of Agis the Spartan King; but being affrighted with the frequent Earthquakes, they returned. In the mean while the War in Sicily variously proceeded. Laches the Athenian Captain taking some Towns. The Athenians sent out one Fleet to infest Peloponnesus, and another the Island Melus, which stub∣bornly withstood their commands, both which did nothing of very great con∣cernment. The Spartans planted the Colony of Heraclea, in the platform of old Trachinia a City in Thessalie, being for the convenience of it's situa∣tion upon the Sea, and the Haven, very fit for carrying on the War against the Athenians. These received a great losse from the Aetolians, but in Winter thrice overthrew the Ambraciots, who were forsaken by their friends the Pelo∣ponnesians, which made them now imbrace a Peace with their adversaries the Acarnanians and Amphilochians (who called in the Athenians against them) and entred into a league and society for ten years with them. The war proceeding all this while in Sicily, a greater Fleet was sent under conduct of Eurymedon and Sophocles,* 1.696 to oppose the Syracusians, towards the end of Winter, at which time the Hill Aetna belched out great store of fire into the Territories of Ca∣tana, 50 years after it had the last time so done. Thus the sixt year of the Peloponnesian War ended.

20. In the beginning of the next,* 1.697 the Peloponnesians under the command of Agis the Son of Archidamus the Spartan King, again invaded Attica. The Athenians having furnished 40 ships for Sicilie, gave order to the Captains, in their way to have an eye to the Corcyraeans, who were much infested by their own exiles,* 1.698 and were in fear of 60 Peloponnesian Gallies sent thither: and to Demosthenes was given the command of some ships wherewith he should in∣fest Peloponnesus. As all the ships sailed by Laconia, Demosthenes a man of a prompt and earnest disposition, advised the other Captains to fortifie Pylus, which is a ragged Promontory joyned to the main by a little neck of Land. Before it lies a small barren Island of lesse than two miles compasse, and within that a Creek which is a good harbour for ships, the force of weather be∣ing born off by the head-land and Isle. The Promontory having anciently be∣longed to the Messenians, and now desolate, he pressed sore that they might seize upon, and make their own, being very convenient for the wasting of Laconia; but the other Captains dissented from him, hasting for Corcyra, when in the mean time such a tempest arose as forced them to take into the Harbour.* 1.699 Then did he again urge his former advice, and though he nothing more profited with the Captains, yet the Soldiers desirous to make some stay there, and seeing the commodiousnesse of the Haven, fell upon fortify∣ing the place, and with wonderful diligence and pains perfected the wall in six dayes. Then was Demosthenes left there to keep it with five ships, and the rest directed their course for Corcyra.

21. The news of these doings at Pylus drew the Peloponnesians in all hast thither out of Attica, fifteen dayes after their arrival, and they brought their whole Force both by Land and Sea to recover this piece of ground, which they well foresaw how bad a neighbour it might prove in time.* 1.700 In the Island named Sphacteria, they placed a number of men all Spartans, which were to keep it by their turns, and stopped up the Haven on both sides, that there might be no entrance in for the Athenian ships: then furiously did they as∣sault Pylus both by Land and Sea, but it was as valiantly defended by Demo∣sthenes; So that with several new onsets the storm was continued till the next day, and then the Peloponnesians drew off to recruit themselves, and

provide for a new onset. In the mean time came in fourty Athenian ships (to which Demosthenes had before-hand sent to acquaint them with his condition) and with them some belonging to their Allies, which first offered fight to the Peloponnesians in the open Sea; but that being refused, set upon them in the Haven, brake, and sunk many of their Vessels, took some, and forced the rest to run themselves on ground, about which afterwards ensued a great contention, whilest the Athenians would become masters of them, and the Spartans out of shame, and grief for their friends in the Island, laboured with more earnestnesse to get them off, which they effected by some, and the rest fell as prize to the Enemy, who now closely besieged the Spartans that were left in the Island.

22. Pylus being now secure, but the Spartans in the Island as good as lost, the Magistrates were sent for from Lacedaemon into the Camp (as the cu∣stom was in great dangers) who perceiving that there was no other way to rescue their Citizens,* 1.701 than by composition with the Enemies, took Truce for a time with the Captains, till they might send to Athens about a peace. The conditions of the Truce were, that the Peloponnesians should deliver up to the other all their ships, as well such as were upon the Coast of Laconia as there, to be restored to them if the peace should not succed, and that they should attempt nothing upon the Fort, nor the Athenians against their Camp. That a certain quantity of victuals should be daily carried into the Island, but no ships should passe into it secretly; that the Truce should end at the return of the Ambassadors, and if in the mean time it should be broken in any one point, it should be esteemed utterly void in all. The Ambassadors coming to Athens put the people in mind of that moderation all men ought to shew in prosperity,* 1.702 & with what credit they might now, at their request, make a peace. But Cleon a man very vehement, and much in request, with-stood it, so that in stead of a peace on equal terms, and recompence for harm received, the A∣thenians demanded certain Cities, which had been by the Spartans long be∣fore this War taken from them, and refused to continue the Treaty, except the Spartans in the Isle were delivered up to them as prisoners. The Ambas∣sadors returned without successe, and the Truce being ended, both sides be∣took themselves to their Weapons again about Pylus.

23. The Peloponnesians demanding their sixty ships which they had given up, and now at the end of the Truce were to be restored to them in as good a condition, were put off, under pretence that they had broken the Truce. The Island was also afresh besieged, and the Spartans valiantly standing out, things went on but slowly, so that Cleon himself, who much vaunted what he could do, was by the people, who now began to relent of their not imbra∣cing a peace, forced, whether he would or not, to command a new supply of men thither. He, and Demosthenes (whom he chose for his Collegue) first offered conditions to the Spartans,* 1.703 and then upon their refusal forced them, after the losse of 128. to yield themselves to mercy. The number of those that yielded were 292. (whereof 120 of the Nobility of Sparta) which were carried to Athens, and being closely imprisoned, it was resolved, that when the Peloponnesians next invaded Attica, they should all be slain; and then was a Garrison of Messenians (the old Inhabitants, and bitter Enemies to the Spartans) sent into Pylus. The Lacedaemonians sorely discouraged by these Events, and fearing worse things, sent to Athens again about the liberty of the prisoners, and delivery of Pylus, but the Ambassadors were often re∣jected, and nothing done, the Athenians being still more puffed up by their good successe. This Summer they overthrew the Corinthians in the Isthmus. A Fleet being also sent for Sicily,* 1.704 assisted the Corcyraeans in their way against their Exiles (who having got footing in the Mountains, annoyed them) and by their help they now utterly subdued them, and using them with unwonted cruelty, the sedition here had an end. Anachorium a Town of Corinth, upon the Bay of Ambracta, they also took. In Winter Artaphernes a Persian be∣ing sent from his Prince to Lacedaemon, was intercepted in Thrace, and brought to Athens, where his Letters being opened and read, they contained

no secret, and he was sent back with Ambassadors to Ephesus to the King of Persia, Artaexerxes Longimanus, concerning whom they there had intelli∣gence that he was dead, and so the Ambassadors returned home. The In∣habitants of Chius being suspected by the Athenians, were commanded to demolish their new Wall; with these things the seventh year of the War ended.

* 1.70524. In the beginning of the eighth year hapned a partial Eclypse of the Sun, which the Astronomical Tables shew to have falln out on the 21st day of March after the Julian account, before noon, half of the Diameter or a∣bove being obscured, the fourth year of the 88 Olympiad now drawing to an end; and an Earth-quake hapned on the first of the Moneth Munichion, which some make to fall in with the same day. The Athenians this year fell upon the Island Cythera, lying near to Laconia, and inhabited by a Spartan Colony, which they took, and putting therein a Garrison for a time, thence made excursions into Laconia. Afterwards they took thence a great part of the Colony, and took, and burnt Thyrea, standing upon the Confines of La∣conia and Argolis, given by the Spartans to the Aeginetans, whom now they took away, and plundring the Town set it on fire. Carrying their prisoners to Athens, the Aeginetans were condemned to death, and the Cytheraeans being dispersed throughout the Islands, such as they left in Cythera were subjected to a great Tribute.* 1.706 But in Sicily, at this time, an Universal peace was made, and imbraced by all the Cities, through the earnest perswasion of Hermocrates a Syracusian; so that the Athenian Forces were driven to quit the Island, for which at their return two of the Generals were unjustly banished, and the third underwent a great fine.

25. The Exiles of Mitylene with others of Lesbus, and some Mercenaries, seizing upon Rhetium in Asia, took Antandrus; but selling the former again to the Inhabitants, they were drawn out of the later to fight, by Aristides, and Demodocus (or Symmachus, as Diodorus calleth him) who overthrew them, and took the Town from them. These two were Captains of the Fleet, which gathered Tribute from the Islands; their Collegue Lamachus being gone into Pontus against the Heracleans, who being in League with the Persian King denied Tribute. His ships, by the vehemency of water which ran down the River, were shattered, and he lost the greatest part both of them, and his Forces; so that he could not move thence, either by Sea, or Land; whereupon the Heracleans thinking it a more honorable part to do good than to take revenge, furnished him with provisions, and sent him away with a Convoy, esteeming that the wasting of their grounds would be well recompensed if they should make friends of their Enemies. With this Con∣voy he passed through the Countrey of the Thracians in Asia, and so came to Chalcedon.

25. At this time the Inhabitants of Megara were much distressed, what by the several inrodes of the Athenians, and their own Exiles whom they had cast out, and now preyed upon them from the Villages. Wearied with these continual disturbances, they thought of recalling the Exiles; but the Magi∣strates understanding that,* 1.707 and presently apprehending what danger might arise to themselves from those of whose banishment they had been the cause, conspired with Hippocrates and Demosthenes, the two Athenian Captains, to betray the Town to them. The Gates were opened, and the Athenians had been Masters of the place, but that some of the Conspirators changed their minds, and obstructed the businesse, which the other seeing seized upon part of the long Walls, and casting up a crosse work against the Town, set them∣selves with all their might to compasse about the Nisaea, or Port, hoping, if they could get it, the more easily to obtain the Town. And the Garrison in it being presently discouraged by the stopping of victuals, which they were wont dayly to receive out of the Town, yielded; the Spartans to mercy, and the rest upon condition of liberty to Ransom themselves. Then the Athe∣nians provided for setting upon the Town: but were hindred by the coming of Brasidas the Spartan, who hovering about Corinth, upon notice how things

passed here, hasted, thinking to prevent the taking of Nisaea, and after he had heard of its surrender, yet used all expedition, hoping to save the Town, and to recover it. But when he came the Megarians were divided in their affections, yet both parties feared to let him in, for that they thought it best to reserve themselves for that party that should have the better, and Govern themselves according to Occurrences, and therefore he was forced to depart at this time without having done one thing or other.

26. Not long after, the Boeotians came, and joyned themselves to Brasi∣das, and thereupon followed an Engagement with the Athenians, which ended with equal successe to both sides. That party of the Town which fa∣voured the Exiles, being incouraged with the presence of their friends, sent for Brasidas, and other Peloponnesian Officers into the Town, to consult with them, who confirming them in their resolutions then departed home: The Athenians also following,* 1.708 such as sided with them for fear betook themselves to flight. Then were the Exiles recalled, having first taken an Oath to for∣get all things past, and not consult their own passion, but the good of their Countrey; but having got the power into their hands, and having the Guards of the Citie at their disposal, they caused 100 of those they suspected to be apprehended, and being condemned by a forced judgement of the people, they put them to death. Then taking all the Government to themselves, it continued in an Oligarchical way a long time.

27. At the same time, several amongst the Boeotians attempted to change the frame of their Government,* 1.709 being much desirous of Democracy as it was established at Athens; and to this purpose held correspondence with them there, plotting to betray several places into their hands; but the matter be∣ing discovered succeeded not, but onely to the losse of the Athenians, who were overthrown in battel. In the mean while the Lacedaemonians being in∣vited by Perdiccas King of Macedonia, and some of the Inhabitants of Chal∣cis (who promised them some pay for their men) resolved to send some Forces into Macedonia and Thrace, to divert the power, and design of the Athenians,* 1.710 who now began to be ill thought of by many in those parts, and feared by reason of their growing strength. They made choice of Bra∣sidas for their General, a man of approved valour, and remarkable integrity. They did a thing at this time, which is noted with cruelty and injustice. Be∣ing something down the wind in their Fortune, they suspected the power and number of their slaves the Helotes, lest in this their weaknesse they should at∣tempt something against them, and took occasion at this expedition, by of∣fering all such of them liberty as would chearfully imbrace the service, to ob∣serve who amongst them were most active, and when they expected to be manumised, instead thereof they made away (though how is not known) about 2000 of them, and sent 700 away with Brasidas, together with 1000 Mercenaries hired out of Peloponnesus.

28. Brasidas after his arrival, by fair means reduced Acanthus and Stagi∣rus (both Colonies of the Andrians) from the Athenians, and then in Win∣ter set upon Amphipolis a famous Colony of theirs, situate upon the River Strymon, which almost compassing it gave an occasion to the later name of it, being before called Nine-wayes. In a dark night he seized on the bridge, and all but the Citie it self, and 'tis thought had taken it also had he led his Sol∣diers on, but such as had conspired with him to betray it being overmatched, and stirring not, he onely wasted the grounds about it, and attempted nothing further for the present. The Inhabitants who affected the Athenians, being more in number,* 1.711 sent to Thucydides the son of Olorus, and the Writer of the History of the Peloponnesian War, then the Athenian General, lying in Tha∣sus, an Island inhabited by a Colony of the Parians, half a dayes sayl distant from Amphipolis, who with seven ships hasted thither to prevent the delive∣ry of it, or however to save Eione. But Brasidas being aware hereof, to ob∣tain Amphipolis before his coming offered them most large conditions; that all should there remain, and live in the same State as formerly, as well Atheni∣ans as others; or if they liked better to remove, it should be free for them so to

do, which they accepted of, hearing nothing from Thucydides, who yet came to Eione that very night, and saved it, whereas Brasidas else had taken it the next morning. Yet he took three other Towns near to Amphipo∣lis, and left them to be Garrisoned by Perdiccas.

29. The Athenians were much moved for the losse of Amphipolis, which had been of great use to them in affoarding them Wood for shipping, as well as money, and besides this, how a free passage seemed to be open to the La∣cedaemonians to invade their confederates, who thereupon might be induced to revolt by Brasidas, who being a very moderate, and just man of himself, gave out, that his design was to set Greece at liberty. And even so it fell out, for the Cities hearing what had hapned, and great commendations of Brasidas, sent to him to hasten his march towards them, with promise to revolt, think∣ing they might safely enough do it, for that they falsly perswaded themselves, that the power of the Athenians was not so great as they found it afterwards, when it was too late to repent them of their rash and inconsiderate resolu∣tion, into which they were hurried by an earnest desire of liberty. The Athe∣nians having intelligence of this, used all diligence to send Soldiers into all of them, as the shortnesse of the time, and the Winter season would bear. Brasidas sent to Lacedaemon for a new supply of men, but little heed was given to his message, partly because the great ones there envied his glory, and especially because the people being well wearied now with the War, de∣sired to have their men that were taken in the Island,* 1.712 and to make peace. Yet he having made provision for the building of ships upon the River Stry∣mon, went on with the War, drew all the Towns on the Mountain Athos, except two, to submit, and then by surprise taking Torone, a Town of Chalcis, and tributary to the Athenians, he stormed the Castle the third day after. The remainder of the Winter he spent in fortifying the places taken already, and providing for taking of others which he designed. And thus the 8th year of the War ended.

30. In the beginning of Spring the Lacedaemonians for the reasons above mentioned were desirous to come to a composition, and they hoped that now the Athenians, something discouraged by what Brasidas had done in Thrace, might not be averse to it. And indeed they were inclining to a cessation of Arms, that they might stop his proceedings till such time as they could re∣cruit themselves, intending to Govern themselves in reference to the length of the Truce as their affairs should comport, and so a Truce was con∣cluded for a year, the Articles of which imported these things especially. That what both sides possessed at this time they should enjoy;* 1.713 that free accesse and regresse should be given to Ambassadors and Heralds, and their Confe∣derates, to treat about a peace: that Runagates should not be received; that all controversies should be decided by Law, and not by force: and something was added concerning the use of the Sea; In this Truce the Confederates on both sides being comprised. During this Cessation several Treaties were held about a League, but something hapned which disturbed sorely the minds of the Athenians. For Scione a Town of the Peninsula of Pellene of its own ac∣cord revolted to Brasidas, and was followed by Menda. Brasidas ignorant of the Truce, after the revolt of the former, laboured sore with the later, and Potidaea, to reduce them also; but then news came to him of the Cessation, and much contention there was about the places; for that the Athenians said that Scione revolted two dayes after the Truce was sworn to, and concluded. Being not able to recover them by words, they sent an Army to effect it by deeds, and Menda they recovered, whilest Brasidas was absent, assisting Per∣diccas the King of Macedonia in his War with Archibaeus, where such dissa∣tisfaction passed betwixt the King and him, that thenceforth Perdiccas began to joyn himself to the Athenians. Who compassed Scione about with a Wall, which having finished in the later end of Summer, a sufficient Guard being left, the rest of the Army was brought home. The Winter following all was quiet betwixt the two States by vertue of the Truce; but the Mantinaeans and Tegeatans fought a battel with equal successe, both parties erecting

their trophies. The Spring drawing on, Brasidas attempted by night to sur∣prise Po••idaea, but missed of his purpose. And with this Winter the ninth year of the War ended, in which the Temple of Juno at Argos was burnt through the negligence of Chrysis the Woman-Priest,* 1.714 which flying for it, another was placed in her room, after she had during this War continued eight years and and half therein.

31. The Truce being expired on the day of the Pythian Games,* 1.715 the seventh of the moneth Thargelion, Cleon having himself perswaded the Athenians to undertake the Expedition, was sent into Thrace with a Fleet of thirty ships, abord of which were 1200 Foot, and 300 Horse, besides Confederates.* 1.716 Hearing that Torone was but manned with a mean Garrison, he departed from the siege of Scione, and set upon it with such earnestnesse, both by Land and Sea, that in the same day he took it, and though he attemp∣ted Stagirus in vain, yet he effectually did it upon Galopsus, a Colony of the Thasians, after which he staid at Eione expecting some Auxiliaries out of Macedonia, and Thrace. Here he grew very secure, being exceedingly puf∣fed up with his late successe, and that at Pylus, which he arrogantly imputed to his own wisdom; but his men disdained to lye idle, and pretended to be wearie of his Government, as thinking him unfit to command. Herewith he moved from Eione in a secure posture, thinking of nothing lesse than fighting, which was taken notice of by Brasidas, who having fewer men than he, and lesse experienced, thought it not wisdom to trie a battel with him, nor at once to let him have a sight with all his Forces; but pouring them violently upon him by degrees, thereby to confound and overthrow his Army. He had a discovery of Brasidas his intents, and began to retreat, but then he fell upon him out of Amphipolis in the manner aforesaid, and without much adoe put his men to the rout. Cleon himself flying was slain outright, and Brasi∣das before this was mortally wounded and carried to Amphipolis,* 1.717 where he died, after he had heard how his men had got the Victory, being honoured by the Touns-men, as an Heroe, by Sacrifice, anniversarie Solemnities, and naming a Colony after him, which they did to ingratiate themseves with Sparta, because of the fear they stood in of the Athenians. Of the Athe∣nians were slain 600; but of the Conquerours but seven; such disadvantage was there in the battel.

32. In the beginning of Winter Ramphias with others in commission with him, was sent from Lacedaemon with new Forces, and came as far as Pieria an hill of Thessalie; but there the Thessalians opposed his passage, and news of Brasidas his death arriving, other causes also moving him (whereof this was not the least, that the Spartans before his coming from home were inclined to a peace,) he returned into Lacedaemon. And after the action at Amphipolis, and his return, came to be known, both sides for weighty and urgent rea∣sons were much more enclined to it, Cleon and Brasidas being both slain, whereof the one was a man of a turbulent spirit, and the other a great sol∣dier,* 1.718 who sought after glory in Military matters. The Athenians having received two great blows, at Delium first (when the change of the Govern∣ment was to be made in Boeotia) and now at Amphipolis, had learnt not to trust too much to the smiles of their fortune: therefore they who before would hear of no conditions, as certain of Victory, now were much abated in their confidence, and repented they had not imbraced peace, when it was of∣fered them upon such honourable terms, after the action at Pylus, for that they feared their confederates would be incouraged by this change of their for∣tune to change their affections. On the other side the Lacedaemonians who thought they should have ended the War, and brought the Athenians to terms by an invasion of Attica, now found they were much mistaken; the defeat in the Island they had ever before their eyes, and felt the excursions from Pylus and Cythera; they feared their slaves, lest they should rise against them; and another danger pressed them sore; for the State of Argos which had an∣cient enmity with them, was now after a truce of thirty years well-nigh ex∣pired, and likely to take the benefit of their present troubles, by joyning,

with those who alone found them work enough, being so powerful at Sea. Above all, the liberty of the prisoners at Athens, whereof most of them were of the greatest quality, provoked them to a pursute after peace.

33. The businesse was much helped on by Plistonax the Spartan King, and Nicias the Athenian, the former being weary of those calumnies which were raised against him upon any miscarriage in the War, and the other much ena∣moured of Peace, by the obtaining of which he thought he should be famous to succeeding Ages. Several treaties all the Winter were on foot about it, and towards the Spring the Lacedaemonians to make the Athenians the more rea∣dily imbrace it, gave out, that they would with the whole force of all their confederates invade Attica,* 1.719 and fortifie a Castel therein. After much stick∣ling about it, a peace was concluded for fifty years, upon these terms especi∣ally: that a restitution of places and prisoners should be made on both sides, except Nicaea, which the Athenians might still keep from the Megarians, and Plataea, which the Thebans refused to restore to it's Inhabitants. The two States swore to the performance of it, and all their allies and confede∣rates (except the Boeotians, Corinthians, and Megarians, who liked it not) and it was concluded at Sparta, upon the 26^th day of Artemisius Pleistolas being Ephorus, at Athens, upon the 24^th of Elaphebolion, Alcaeus being Ar∣chon, in the beginning of the Spring, presently after the Bacchanalia, ten years and a few dayes being past since the first invasion of Attica, and the beginning of the War.

34. The Lacedaemonians were by lot to make restitution first; which they presently did of persons, but as to places, Amphipolis was the cause that they could not perform it; for neither the Inhabitants, nor the rest of the as∣sociates would suffer it, though the Spartans drew out their Garrison, and did all that in them lay to restore it, they being unwilling to come again under the dominion of their old Lords, and counting it unreasonable for the Spar∣tans to desire it. The deputies of the dissenting Cities were at Lacedaemon, and being desired to sign the League, flatly refused, except some things were changed in it.* 1.720 Which the Spartans hearing dismissed them, and very pru∣dently applied themselves to the Athenians, making an offensive and defen∣sive League with them, thereby to retain them from joyning with the Ar∣gives and Peloponnesians, which confederacy it behoved them above all things for to hinder. After this straight League, the prisoners taken in the Island were set at liberty, the eleventh year of the War now rising, and the peace was observed according to agreement; but all the late confederates of Sparta took this exceedingly ill, and let out all their hatred, formerly conceived a∣gainst the Athenians their professed Enemies, upon their unjust friends. The Corinthians especially took it in great disdain, who had been the greatest in∣centives to the War, out of envie to the State of Athens, and as their De∣puties departed from Lacedaemon they took Argos in their way,* 1.721 where to the principal Citizens they inveighed grievously against this League, saying, it was made with design to enslave Peloponnesus, whose vindicators they the Ar∣gives must needs be, and that it was incumbent upon them to decree, that all free Cities which would, might enter into an alliance with them for their mutual safety, which if they would so do, they were sure that many, out of hatred to the Spartans, would give their names to it.

35. After their departure the thing was first referred to the Magistrates, and then to the People, who chose twelve men, to whom they gave power to make a League with any City or State, except the Spartans, and Athe∣nians, with whom nothing was to be concluded, without the advice and con∣sent of the whole body of the People. This they did, because they foresaw a War to be made with Sparta after the end of the Truce, and hoped by this means to become master of Peloponnesus;* 1.722 for as the Lacedaemonians were now contemned for their bad sucesse (and the rather more for that all had such vast conceits of their courage, that they thought they would have submit∣ted to no conditions, but have cut out all by the Sword) so they who had been of neither parry in this War, but allied to both, had bettered their condition,

and now flourished exceedingly. The Mantineans first, who livnig in Ar∣cadia, stood in fear of the Spartans whose confederacy they had shaken off, entred into an alliance with them, and after them the rest of the Peloponnesi∣ans, who thought they might understand more of the matter than themselves did, and had high thoughts of this great and rich City, conceiving it able to do much, because that of so long it had done nothing. They were grievous∣ly incensed against the Spartans, and this offended them especially, that in the straight League betwixt them and Athens it was provided, that by mutual consent they might add new conditions, or alter the old at their own pleasures. This proviso they looked upon as made to enslave Peloponnesus, by the assist∣ance of Athens, for that if any thing was to be changed, it were but just that it should be done by consent of all the Confederates who were concern∣ed in it.

36. The Lacedaemonians knowing well how much they were concernd in these courses, sent Ambassadors to stop the matter at Corinth, whence they well perceived the mischief to have proceeded. They expostulated with them for what had been done, and laid perjurie to their charge, in case they left their society and betook themselves to Argos,* 1.723 and blamed them for not ad∣mitting the League with Athens, because it was formerly agreed, that what the major part should conclude, it should oblige all; except some divine im∣pediment interposed. The Corinthians replied in the Assembly of the Agents of those Cities which refused the League, that in general the Lace∣daemonians themselves had not fully performed the conditions of the League, who had not taken order that the places forced from them should be restored, and that for their part they could not desert their confederates in Thrace, whom they perswaded to rebel against Athens, and taken into protection, and to whom they were obliged by oath taken more than once, which to them ap∣peared to be a sufficient divine impediment why they could not enter into a League with Athens. And as for their conjunction with Argos, after they had advised with their friends, they should do what was right and fitting. Af∣ter their departure, in the next assembly they entred into a League with the Argives, and so did the Eleans with the Corinthian Colonies, and those of Chalcis in Thrace.

37. All the Summer of the eleventh year, the Athenians and Pelopon∣nesians had commerce with one another, though great consultations were on foot, and, the associates bickered with one another, and both parties wanted not dissatisfaction. For, the Lacedaemonians restored not Amphipolis, nei∣ther procured the associates in Thrace, the Boeotians, nor Corinthians, to sign the League, though they ingaged joyntly to cause them to do it, and that if within a certain time they did it not, both were to hold them as Enemies. The Athenians seeing that they performed not these things, suspected they dealt deceitfully with them,* 1.724 and for this cause refused to surrender Pylus, repen∣ted they had dismissed the prisoners, and with-held other places till the Spar∣tans had first performed the Covenants. They excused themselves, for that they had done as much as in them lay, having set at liberty their prisoners, drawn out their Forces from Thrace, and omitted nothing in their power, in which the restitution of Amphipolis was not: and as for what concerned the Boeotians and Corinthians, they would do what they required. They earnest∣ly desired that Pylus might be restored, or, at least, that the Helots and Mes∣senians might be taken thence, which after much adoe was granted, and these men were conveied into the Island Cephalenia.

38. In Winter the Deputies of the Confederates came to Lacedaemon, and laboured in vain to dissolve the League betwixt that State and Athens. But now other Ephori having entered into their Office, who had nothing to do in making the straight alliance, and were also much averse unto it, they dealt se∣cretly with the Boeotians and Corinthians, to perswade the former to joyn themselves to Argos, and then all to enter into a League with Sparta, which they were sure would purchase this willingly, with a breach betwixt them and Athens, for that then the War would be more easie out of Peloponnesus;

onely they desired much that the Boeotians would deliver up Panactus into their hands, that therewithall making exchange with the Athenians for Pylus, they might with lesse difficulty make War against them. As the Ambassa∣dors were in their way, two of the principal men of Argos met them, and were very earnest with the Boeotians to imbrace their society, which, when they came home,* 1.725 they laid open to the Boeotarchae, and Ambassors followed from Argos to perswade them to it, who were kindly entertained and dis∣missed with hope that some Ambassadors should follow them to conclude up∣on the businesse. In the mean time the Agents from Corinth, Megara, and Thrace, agreed with the Boeotarchae, that they should bind themselves by Oath to assist him who should want it, and not to begin, or finish any War without the joynt consent of all, and upon these terms, that the Treaty should be signed. But ere this could be done, the Boeotarchae were to refer the mat∣ter to the four Councils of Boeotia wherein lay the supreme power, which not being made acquainted by them what advice the Ephori and others of Sparta had given, for fear they should give that State offence by joyning with Co∣rinth which had revolted, they judged the contrary, and so by the means of the Boeotarchae, who took it for granted that the Councils would act accord∣ing to their advice, the matter proceeded no farther now, and afterwards was neglected by them.

39. This Winter also many Treaties were held betwixt the Athenians and Lacedaemonians, about the restitution of the places; and the Spartans hoped, that if Panactus was but restored to the other, they should recover Py∣lus. But such Towns as their old Allies had gotten by their means in the late War, could not be restored without their consent, and therefore Ambassa∣dors were sent earnestly to request the Boeotians to deliver up Panactus with the Athenian prisoners. They stoutly refused to do it, except they would enter into as peculiar and straight a League with them, as they had done with the Athenians. Now this could not be legally done, be∣cause in the League with Athens it was provided, that neither should make either League, or War, without mutual consent. Yet being possessed with an inflamed desire of recovering Pylus, and the more, for that they some∣thing now were moved by the Ephori, and others that desired a breach with Athens, they struck up a League with them. Then did the Boeotians utter∣ly demolish Panactus instead of giving it up,* 1.726 and so the eleventh year of the War ended.

40. In the Spring the Argives hearing nothing of the Boeotian Ambassa∣dors promised to be sent but great talk of the demolishing of Panactus, and the League betwixt them, and the Spartans, whom they thought to have drawn them in with the consent of the Athenians, were much perplexed, thinking they now should be run upon by all, though they formerly promised themselves the Dominion of Peloponnesus by forsaking the alliance of Lacedaemon. They therefore sent presently thither, and struck up another League with them for fifty years. In the mean while three were sent from Sparta to receive from the Boeotians the A••henian prisoners and Panactus, who yielded both per∣sons and place, but this utterly demolished, pretending for their excuse, that by an antient League it was to be held by neither of them in particular, but be common to both.* 1.727 The Athenians received their men, but were much moved that Panactus was demolished (though the Ambassadors put it off by telling them they needed not now then to fear any thing from it) being sen∣sible of a double injury received, both as to the Town, and the League made without their knowledge, and then they called to mind other breaches of the peace, and were jealous that they were circumvented by the Spartans. An occasion was hence taken by such amongst them as bare no good will to the peace, to seek all manner of wayes to destroy it. Amongst these was Alcibiades the son of Clinias by the sister of Pericles, who though a young man, yet eminent for his Nobility, Riches, and Favour with the people, bare a secret grudge against the Lacedaemonians, for that despising his youth, and ha∣ving no regard to the antient friendship betwixt them and his family (which

his Grand-father having dissolved, he sought to restore by kindnesse shewed to the prisoners taken in the Island) made use of Nicias and Laches in the conclusion of the League before him, which he thought was much to the pre∣judice of his honour.

* 1.72841. He cried out, that their design was first to suppresse Argos, and then to do as much for Athens, and at this time there being no good agreement be∣twixt the Argives and Spartans, he sent to them privately, exhorting them, as they tendered their own safety, to enter into a League with Athen. They who were now not consulting how to become masters of others, but how to save themselves, were well pleased with his message, and though they had Am∣bassadors now resident at Lacedaemon about the League with that State, yet did they send away others to Athens, together with the Eleans and Manti∣neans, to make one offensive and defensive with them there. The Lacedae∣monians hereat were at a stand, seeing well, that such a Combination tended to their hurt. To keep in with the Athenians the Ephori thought that more was done already than stood with their honour or profit; others held it the wisest course, seeing they had done so much, not to stick at a little more, but rather by giving full satisfaction, to retain the friendship of that State, which was more to be valued than all the rest of Greece. This resolution prevailing, such were sent away to Athens as had most affection to peace, who said in the Senate, that they came with full Commission to conclude all, excused the League entred into with the Boeotians, as having been done one∣ly to pleasure them in the regaining of Panactus, and assured them of the readinesse of their State to give all satisfaction, being much grieved that things went otherwise than according to their pleasure. Alcibiades taking notice that they said in the Senate, that they came with full Commission to conclude, feared that thereby the people might be drawn to a peace, & inter∣posed by a notable stratagem.* 1.729 He perswaded the Ambassadors of his friend∣ship towards their Citie, and advised them to take heed that their absolute power to conclude might not be known to the Commonalty, lest the multitude should thereupon grow peremptory, and yield to nothing, except they could draw them to unreasonable conditions.

42. The Ambassadors believed him, and ordered their speech to the peo∣ple according to his directions. Hereupon he took the advantage which their double dealing afforded, and openly inveighed against them as men of no sincerity, come for no other purpose than to draw the people from strength∣ning themselves with friends, intending to withdraw the Argives, and their adherents, to their own alliance, as already they had done the Boeotians, though contrary to their Oath. Then he commended the cause of the Argives, Ele∣ans, and Mantineans, to the people, which was much moved, having had be∣fore no good opinion of the Lacedaemonians; but an Earth-quake intervening before they came to the question,* 1.730 nothing was done that day. At the next meeting Nicias perswaded them to let him first go to Lacedaemon to know their minds concerning the League with the Boeotians, whether or no they would renounce it, and their friendship with Amphipolis, and restore Pana∣ctus in such a condition as it ought. But Xenares the Ephorus, and his party, was so strong, that none of these things could be procured; onely the peace with Athens was again sworn to, to gratifie Nicias, who was sensible how he should be blamed at his return, being accounted also the cause of the League. After his return the Athenians made a League with the Argives, Eleans, and Mantineans for 100 years, at large described by Thucydides, but tending to the mutual assistance of each other. Hereby nothing in terms was done de∣rogatory to the League with Sparta, and the Corinthians, though the Allies of Argos, yet refused to be comprised in it (as in the former betwixt the Ar∣gives, Eleans, and Mantineans) alleging that the former Convention was sufficient, which did not oblige them joyntly to make War upon any one, though to defend one another. This they said, for that they seemed to find reason to forsake these Confederates, and to apply their minds afresh to the Lacedaemonians.

43. This Summer the 90th Olympiad was celebrated, from the solemnity of which the Lacedaemonians were kept by the Eleans, being forbidden the Temple,* 1.731 and offering sacrifice, for which a Guard was set, because they had not paid a Fine of 2000 Minae imposed upon them by them, according to the Olympian Law, for putting some men into the Castle Phorycus, and the Town of Leprea, during the Olympian Truce. They sent their Ambassadors to excuse the matter, but nothing was done, so that they sacrifized at home, which bred very ill bloud betwixt them. After this solemnity the Argives and their Confederates sent to Corinth, to perswade them there to imbrace their party; but the Ambassadors of Sparta being there, and it being much debated, an Earth-quake hapned, and so they returned without any successe. In Winter hapned a fight betwixt the Heracleots of Trachine (placed there by the Spartans to their losse) and part of the Thessalians with others, where∣in they were worsted, and many of them slain: amongst whom Xenares the Lacedaemonian General. With these things the 12th year of the War ended.

44. The next Summer Alcibiades with some forces out of Attica, and the assistance of Argos,* 1.732 marched into Peloponnesus, which passing over he came to Patrae, where he dealt with the Inhabitants about building a Wall thence unto the Sea, intending also of himself to build another as far as Rhium in Achaia; but the matter was hindred by the Corinthians, Sicyo∣nes, and others, who would have been endamaged thereby. The Argives made War upon Epidaurus upon light occasion, thinking, that if that Town was but subdued, they should be more safe from the Corinthians on that side, and the Athenians would have a readier way to send them aid from Aegina. Whilest they were busie about a peace, Ephamidas the Corinthian threw this in their dish, that what they made words of, that they contradicted by their deeds, and upon that account they drew back their Army. But no conclusion coming of the Treaty, they invaded the Territories of Epidaurus again, and wasted the third part thereof. The Lacedaemonians were twice abroad with their Armies this Summer, but were recalled by their superstitious Ceremo∣nies. The Athenians also sent the Argives 1000 men under Conduct of Alcibiades; but they having drawn away their forces, and having no imploy∣ment for them, they returned home. In Winter the Lacedaemonians con∣veyed 300 Garrison Soldiers into Epidaurus, which passing through the Bor∣ders of the Athenians, the Argives expostulated with them for suffering it, contrary to the League, and complained that they restored not the Helotes and Messenians unto Pylus, whence they had taken them upon the desire of the Spartans. This accordingly was done at the instance of Alcibiades. All others were quiet this Winter, except the Argives and Epidaurians, who skirmished sometimes, and towards Spring the former hearing Epidau∣rus to be naked, came suddenly with their scaling Ladders, and endeavoured the taking of it, but in vain. Together with this Winter the 13th year of the War ended.

45. The Summer following, the Spartans seeing in how bad a case their friends the Epidaurians were, and that the rest of Peloponnesus had either al∣ready revolted,* 1.733 or was ill affected to them, fearing that if they delayed, all things would go worse, they armed themselves, and slaves, with their Confe∣derates, under the conduct of Agis their King. It hapned that the Argives were compassed round about by their Enemies; but when they were about to fall on, two of their Captains stepped out, and perswaded Agis to abstain from fight, saying, that the Argives were willing to do all just things, and make peace with the Lacedaemonians. This they spake of their own heads, without the consent or knowledge of the multitude, and Agis, without ac∣quainting any more of the Captains or Confederates, consented to a Truce for four moneths, and therewith drew off his Army. The Lacedaemonians and Confederates obeyed him for the rigour of the Law,* 1.734 but grievously blamed him for letting slip, or rather wilfully losing so great an opportunity, having the Enemy at such an advantage, and having such a numerous and well-fur∣nished

Army as had not been seen of the Graecians to that day; there being met together besides the Spartans, the Arcadians, Boeotians, Corinthians, Sicyo∣nians, Pellenians, Phliasians, and M••garians, and the choice of all these States, who seemed not onely able to fight with the Argives, and their as∣sociates, but with any other in combination with them. The Argives also not considering what danger they had escaped, were sore inraged against their Officers, who had as they thought let the other escape out of their hands, inso∣much that they had stoned one of them had he not taken Sanctuary, and they sold his goods, Not long after a Party of 1000 Foot, and 300 Horse coming from Athens to their aid, the People, by the perswasion of Alcibiades, re∣nounced the Truce made with Agis, and the Confederates gathering toge∣ther went and besieged Orchomenus, wherein the Spartans had put the Ho∣stages received from the Arcadians, and which was without much to doe de∣livered up to them.

46. The Lacedaemonians being grievously inraged against Agis, especially after the news came about Orchomenus,* 1.735 beyond all precedent decreed his house should be demolished, and fined him 100000 Drachmes, which he de∣precating, and promising to redeem his credit by some notable exploit, they yet made a new Law, that there should be ten men assisting to him, without whose consent he should not as much as lead the Army from the City. News presently was brought that Tegea was besieged, whereupon he took the field, and came to a set battel with the Argives and their confederates, wherein though his right wing was over-borne through the negligence of the Polemar∣chi (who did not soon enough communicate the orders received from him) yet he put to flight the Enemy in the other,* 1.736 and then coming to the help of it, obtained the Victory. This was that noble fight, as Thucydides extolleth it, betwixt the most eminent and powerful States of Greece, than which there was none more eminent that hapned amongst the Graecians themselves. Yet the number of the slain was not great. Of the Argives and their allies about 1100, of the Confederates of Sparta not many, and of the Lacedaemonians themselves 300 were reported to have fallen. The day after, the Epidamni∣ans, whilst Argos was naked, fell in upon their grounds, and killed many of those that came out of the City against them. Whilst the Lacedaemonians were busie in their Carnean Solemnities, the Eleans and Athenians assisting the Mantineans, went and drew a line about Epidaurus, upon which they left a sufficient Guard, and departed.

47. In the beginning of Winter the Lacedaemonians after their solemnity was over,* 1.737 again took the field, but thinking now the Argives might be humbled, sent to feel their minds about a Peace. At this time such as desired a change of the Government at Argos became powerful, and hoped if they could conclude with the Spartans, to take it out of the hands of the multi∣tude,* 1.738 and bring it to a temper agreeable to the constitutions of that State. By the artifices of those men, the Argives were brought to forsake the Man∣tineans, Eleans, and Athenians, and joyn themselves in a League with the Lacedaemonians to continue for 50 years: It was agreed, that no entercourse should be held with the Athenians, except they would draw out all their Forces from Peloponnesus (The freedom of Epidaurus being especially looked at herein by the Spartans as much concerning them) and that no Treaty or War was to be entred upon without mutual consent. They then took care for se∣veral other things, and sent to Perdiccas King of Macedonia, to enter into a League with him, but de did not throughly assent to it, though he bore re∣spect to Argos, whence he accounted himself descended: but they renewed the League with them of Chalcis, and obliged others unto them. The Ar∣gives sent also to the Athenians, to require them to draw off their Guards from Epidaurus: but they hereupon sent Demosthenes thither to get all the Fortification into their own hands, after which they surrendred it to the Towns-men, and renewed their ancient League with them. The Mantine∣ans at first refused to joyn with the Argives in the League with Athens; but after considering that they could not subsist without them, subscribed, and

gave up those places they had in their hands. After this, 1000 men from Lacedaemon, and as many from Argos, were sent to Sicyon, where by the endeavours of the Lacedaemonians,* 1.739 the Supreme Power was transferred out of the hands of the People to a few men, which was after effected at Argos also, an Oligarchy being introduced, agreeable to the Government of Sparta. With this Winter the fourteenth year of the War ended.

* 1.74048. The Summer following, the People of Argos bearing heavily the change of the Government, took their opportunity when the Lacedaemonians were busy in the naked exercises of their youth, and killing some of their adversa∣ries, and expelling others, restored the Popular Government, renounced the League with Sparta, and renewed that with Athens. Then they fell on building of their long walls from the City to the Sea, thinking, that if they should be blocked up by Land, to have entercourse with the Athenians by Sea. In Winter the Lacedaemonians knowing that they were busied (men, women, slaves and all) in this work, with their associates (all but the Corinthians, who stirred not) came against Argos,* 1.741 hoping to take the City by means of those within that were of their Party; but being frustrated of their expectati∣ons, they demolished the wall, and taking Hysias a Castle of Argolis, put to the sword all the males of free condition, and so returned. After this, the Argives wasted the Territories of the Phliasians, for harbouring their exiles. This same Winter the Athenians renounced the League with Perdiccas, accus∣ing him of conspiracy with the Argives and Laconians, of non-performance of the League betwixt them, and laying the blame upon him that the Expe∣dition miscarried which they had made, under the conduct of Nicias against the Chalcidians and Amphipolis in Thrace. With these things the Winter en∣ded, and together with it the fifteenth year of the War.

49. The year following, Alcibiades with twenty ships sailing to Argos, took thence 300 men suspected of Laconism, who were carried into the Islands subject to the Athenians, and there committed to custody. After this the Athenians with a strong force invaded the Island Me∣lus, the Inhabitants of which being a Colony of the Lacedaemonians, denied them obedience. They first sent Commissioners to the Town to treat with the Melians, where there was much canvassing the case; but in conclusion they continuing in their resolution not to yield, Fortifications were made a∣gainst the City, and strong guards left upon them. Almost at the same time, the Argives making excursions into the Phliasian Territories, by the lying in wait of the Phliasians, and their own exiles, lost 80 of their men. The Athenians that lay in Pylus now also wasted Laconia,* 1.742 notwithstanding which, the Lacedaemonians would not take so much notice as to account the League broken, and thereupon to take arms; but onely caused it to be proclaimed by a Cryer, that whosoever of their Subjects would, might prey upon the Athenians: the Corinthians onely about some controversie made War upon them, all Peloponnesus besides being quiet. The Melians made two sallies against the besiegers, with good successe; but a fresh Army being sent from Athens set upon,* 1.743 and by the help of some treachery took it this Winter, upon terms of yielding to mercy. All the males of ripe age that could be taken were put to the Sword, the women and children made slaves, and the Town was repeopled by a Colony of 500 Athenians.

50. This same Winter the Athenians,* 1.744 with greater preparations than ever, resolved seriously to look after Sicilie.* 1.745 Their pretence was to give assistance to their friends and allies there, but the true and onely cause was the desire of propagating their Empire, by the bringing under of all that whole Island. A good occasion was now given them by the Egestans, who upon ac∣count of former alliance, came and sued to them for aid against the Seli∣nuntians their Enemies, upheld by them of Syracuse, offering them money for carrying on the War; whereupon they thought fit first to send Ambassadors to be informed concerning the money boasted of, and the state of the War. The Lacedaemonians this Winter made excursions into Argolis, and carried away much booty. The Argives caused Ornea to be demolished, where

their exiles harboured, by the help of the Athenians, who sent some Forces to Methone a Town bordering upon Macedonia, thence to infest the Terri∣tories of Perdiccas. The Chalcidians hereupon sollicited the Lacedaemonians to send aid to the King, but they thinking it not policy to break quite with Athens, refused. Thus the Winter with the sixteenth year of the Pelopon∣nesian War ended.

* 1.74651. In the beginning of Spring the Ambassadors sent from Athens return∣ed out of Sicilie, bringing from the Egestans 60 talents of Bullion, with a moneths pay for 60 ships, as was required. They affirming (though falsly) as well as the Egestans, that they had much money in their Temples and pub∣lick Treasury; the People thereupon much elevated decreed aid to be sent to them, under the conduct of Nicias, Alcibiades, and Lamachus, to whom they gave in charge, that, if it might be, they should restore the Leontines, and do those things which they saw to be most advantagious to the Common∣wealth, according to the comportment of affairs. Nicias laboured with all his might to divert the People from such a suddain resolution, proposing all the difficulties and dangers of the War, and thought to have excused himself by magnifying the power that was required to such an undertaking; but his mouth was stopped by a Decre, which gave him as much as he could exact. For 100 Gallies were ordered for the Expedition, besides others of their Confederates, which amounted to above 30, over and above Vessels of bur∣then, and others necessary for the transportation of 6100 men, whereof 5100 bore heavy Armour. All things were prepared, with the greatest care and industry imaginable; the Soldiers were compleatly funished with Arms, clothes, and all things necessary; and a drachme a day assigned for their wages.

* 1.74752. Before the departure of the Fleet, all the Hermae throughout the City (these were the images of Mercury set up at every man's gate) in one night were mangled and abused, which was taken as an ill omen, and the People was jealous that it was done by some that were Enemies to the Popu∣lar Government. Great inquisition was made in vain to find out the Au∣thors, but the suspicion light upon Alcibiades one of the Generals, through the practice of his emulators, who made use of his lofty deportment, which ill suited with their kind of policy.* 1.748 He offered himself to the tryal, being fear∣ful to be condemned absent; but his Enemies put it off for the present, and got him to be sent away, intending to make use of that which he feared, that be∣ing condemned unheard, he might be the sooner oppressed, because now by his own authority and interest, he had drawn many to give their names to the Expedition, and therefore they could not easily carry any thing against him, because of his popularity. As the Fleet saild toward Sicilie, the Gene∣rals sent some before to discover further in what condition the Egestans were, who bringing tidings clean contrary to what both they, the Egestans them∣selves, and the Ambassadors sent to them had asserted, the Generals were all divided in their opinions what to do, but Alcibiades hot and youthful, was for their proceeding, to which Lamachus at length assenting, his desire was obtained. They then landed and seized upon Catana, attempted Camarina in vain, when Alcibiades received orders to come and plead his cause at Athens about the Hermae,* 1.749 his Enemies having obtained it should be so. In truth he was condemned beforehand, but to colour the matter, he was sent for to plead, and that must be with bonds laid upon him. He was aware of the danger, and departed straight to Lacedaemon, with intention to teach the Athenians what person they had compelled by unjust Judgment to for∣sake his Country, and betake himself to their Enemies. After this was known, sentence of death was published against him of his Partners, many (whether justly or no Thucydides much questions) being put to death with∣out proof already in the City.* 1.750

53. The Syracusians, though not fully perswaded of the design of the Athenians against them at first, (and thereupon not so well provided as they might have been) yet made all possible provision for resistance. The two Generals, after the departure of Alcibiades, by a stratagem drew them out of

the Citie, and in the mean time brought their Forces near unto it, and worsted them when they sallied out, but without any great losse sustained on either part, and then drew off to their Winter quarters at Catana and Naxus. The Syracusians incouraged by Hermocrates one of their new Generals (a wise man, who had forwarned them of the design of the Athenians) sent to Sparta and Corinth for aid; strengthened their Fortifications, made excursions to Catana, where they wasted the grounds, plundred, and burnt part of the Athe∣nian Camp which was empty. Both sides laboured to draw the Camarinaeans to their side, but in vain; yet many Cities, especially in the in-land, imbraced the society of the Athenians, who sent also this Winter to the Carthaginians to procure their amity; the Cities upon the Tyrrhenian shore they also drew in, and all Sicily was now divided into these two factions. The Corinthians readily resolved to send aid to the Syracusians, and sent some of their own with their Ambassadors to Sparta to procure as much for them from that State.* 1.751 The Spartans made difficulty at first to do it, for fear of giving the Athenians offence; but hearing from Alcibiades what their designs were (who was come thither upon the publick faith) at his perswasions resolved also upon sending Forces under the Command of Gylippus: they also im∣braced his Counsel concerning renewing the War, and fortifying Decelea a Castle in Attica. At the same time, the Athenian Generals sent to Athens for money and hors-men, which was readily decreed to be sent. Herewith the 17th year of the War was ended.

54. The next year the Argives and Lacedaemonians preyed mutually upon one another in Peloponnesus. In Sicily the Athenians with their whole force, and new supply of horse, sayled to Syracuse, about which they seized upon many places, and several skirmishes ensued about the fortifications, wherein the Athenians had the better. Then was the Athenian Fleet con∣veyed into the Haven of Syracuse, whence great contention ensued, and La∣machus one of the Generals assisting his friends was slain. The Syracusians endeavouring the recovery of Epipolae were repelled by Nicias, who thence drew a double work against the Town, and strengthened himself by the ac∣cesse of Confederates, and store of provision. The besieged receiving no as∣sistance from Peloponnesus parlied with Nicias; but the matter succeeding not, they made choice of new Captains, whilest Gylippus was not now far off, but despised by Nicias for the small number of his men. In Greece the Spartans distressed the Argives, who were assisted by the Athenians with thirty ships. These made excursions into the Territories of Epidaurus, so that the League which had so long continued betwixt them and Sparta, though in a doubtfull condition, was now openly broken, and the War resumed; and that more by their fault than any blame of the Lacedaemonians, if Thucydides be judge.

55. Gylippus arriving at Syracuse disturbed the work of Nicias about the Wall, and changed the constancy of his good fortune,* 1.752 who yet was not dis∣couraged thereby, but proceeded in his utmost endeavours for the service of those that sent him, making preparation for Sea-matters, wherein the Athenians seemed to excell all others: hereupon ensued several skirmishes with various fortune, and the remaining of Summer was spent on both sides, in increasing their forces and procuring aid.* 1.753 Nicias writing to Athens for supplies, new Levies were made, and Demosthenes, and Eurymedon joyned in Commission with him, whereof the later was sent in mid-winter with ten Gallies, and a great summe of money into Sicily, and the other staid till Spring to get ready what was remaining: twenty ships they also ordered to attend the motions of the Peloponnesians. These things being known, the Spartans and Corinthians calling upon their Confederates provided for the invasion of Attica, accordingly as Alcibiades had advised. With these things the 18th year of the War ended.

56. In the beginning of the Spring the Peloponnesians under the Com∣mand of Agis the Spartan King, invaded Attica, where they fortified Oeca∣lea, a place some twelve miles distant from Athens, and as much from the

Borders of Boeotia. The Athenians sent thirty ships to waste Peloponnesus, and sixty (with five of Chius) into Sicily under Demosthenes his command. Out of Peloponnesus were sent to the aid of the Syracusians, from Sparta 600 men, from Corinth 500. Sycion 200. & out of Boeotia 300. to which the Corin∣thian Gallies lying at Naupactus were ordered to be a Convoy. At Syracuse the affairs of the Athenians, through the skill and valour of Gylippus and Hermocrates, went down the wind, who being also much distressed at home by the excursions out of Decelea, yet kept up their spirits to the admiration of all men. After Demosthenes had arrived in Silicy, and heard of the miscar∣riages of their Fleet at Sea, he blamed Nicias, that he had not as soon as he came applied all his endeavour to Syracuse the head of the War, and caused him to agree to set upon Epipolae, a difficult and craggy place, where falling on in the dark night, they could not discern betwixt friend and foe, all speaking in the same dialect,* 1.754 and thereby great slaughter being made of them, partly by themselves and the Enemy, the Athenians received a great defeat. The Generals hereupon consulting together, were not of the same opinion; Demo∣sthenes now was for departing away speedily out of the Island, seeing all things hapned crosse therein, though he had been the cause of the fight: on the other side Nicias, who had laboured with all his might against the War, now pressed earnestly that it was for the honour and interest of their Countrey to stay and carry on the siege, and though Eurymedon was of the same opinion with Demosthenes, yet could not Nicias be removed from his, so that their departure was deferred till they understood that Gylippus was come with new supplies out of Peloponnesus and Silicy. This resolution he stuck to so much, for that he knew the multitude rather to look at successe than the reason of things, and was unwilling to hazard his life and reputation in the hands of those who would be ready to condemn before they heard him, as they had done Sophocles and P••hiodorus the former Generals, pretending they had taken money for making peace, when indeed there was not any possibility of making War.

57. But upon the report of Gylippus his coming, Nicias was content, and order was given for the Army to dislodge with the greatest secrecie; when in the mean time fell out an Eclypse of the Moon. By this, which was account∣ed an ill Omen, was Nicias again so terrified, that out of a superstitious conceit he would not have the Camp break up till 27 dayes were past. The Syra∣cusians much rejoyced hereat, and resolved to hinder their flight, or force them to transfer themselves to some other place. They first beat up their Camp, and the next day provoked them to fight, both at Land and Sea, and in the mouth of the Haven ingaged in a great and bloudy battel, wherein Euryme∣don one of the Athenian Generals was slain, and though the Squadron of Gy∣lippus was worsted, which made the Athenians Erect a Trophy, yet had they the worst of it,* 1.755 all considered. They made them too late repent that they had so ambitiously and unjustly undertaken a War with a Citie as great as Athens it self, and one of the same kind of Government, Enemy to Oligarchy. But the Syracusians were more and more animated, conceiving now great hopes of obtaining much glory and favour amongst the Graecians, of whom some they might free from slavery, and others from the fear of it for the time to come, by chastising their Tyrants, as they were accounted. As a way hereto they re∣solved to block up the mouth of the Haven, that the Athenian Fleet should not passe out thence by stealth.

57. The Athenians seeing themselves in this straight, concluded it the best for them to make a new, and a more narrow Camp near to their ships, and attempt another battel at Sea, in which, if they had the better, then to re∣move to Catana, but if not, to burn their Vessels and depart by Land to some convenient place.* 1.756 This was attempted with all care and expedition; but the Syracusians opposed them, and in the straight of the Haven was such a dispute, as scarce ever before had hapned, which was beheld by the land armies with passion suitable to the condition of their friends: Notwithstanding the Sy∣racusians lost almost as many Vessels, yet the other were so weakned, and

the Sea-men so discouraged, that though the Generals would have attempted to break out another time, yet they refused any more to go aboard; so that they concluded of going away by Land the next night. If this had been done it might have falln out well for the Army, but by the cunning device of Her∣mocrates they were circumvented, and perswaded to stay till the third day after.

59. Their departure was most full of out-cries, sorrow, and misery, set out to the life by Thucydides, so that none can read it without compassion. Gy∣lippus seized upon their 130 ships left in the Haven,* 1.757 then pursued them, and set upon them behind, before, and on all sides, so that distressed for all neces∣saries, they took another way than that which lead to Catana, otherwise than they had intended, and they were divided into two bodies, whereof that with Demosthenes soon yielded upon promise of their lives. Nicias required better terms,* 1.758 and refused to submit; but at length was forced to it, craving favour for himself and men, at the hands of Gylippus and the Spartans; 18000 in one day were slain, 700 taken and condemned to Mines, were after sold. The two Generals were (contrary to the utmost endeavour of Gylippus, who would fain have had the honour of carrying them to Sparta) put to death, or as Diodorus saith, killed themselves in prison. This was the end of the Sici∣lian War, so indiscreetly overtaken by the Athenians, who when they had those already that gave them enough to do, would needs make to them∣selves more Enemies, and so by labouring to grasp, lost, all. Meton(a) 1.759 the Astronomer (mentioned before) was so certainly perswaded of the danger of this expedition, that when he was enrolled amongst those that were to un∣dertake it, to prevent his going, he counterfeited himself mad, to confirm the belief of which he set fire on his own house. But(b) 1.760 Hippocrates the Coan (Prince of Physicians) is said to have set out his own son at his own charge, as Physician to the Athenian Army.

60.* 1.761 The Athenians were loath to give credit to the first report of the losse of their Army and Fleet, because of the greatnesse of it, but then know∣ing it to be so indeed, were much incensed against those that perswaded them to undertake the War, and for that they feared the Sicilians would now come upon them whilest they were destitute of all things, the Citie was filled with great consternation. Yet within awhile, they took courage, and making all provision for defence, gave Commission to some few of the most ancient and experienced amongst them, to consult and provide fit matter for the multi∣tude to decree.* 1.762 In Winter following all Greece was elevated upon this their bad successe. They who were neuters before, now offered themselves to joyn in suppressing those of whom formerly they stood in fear: the Con∣federates of Lacedaemon more vigorously provided against them, and all those that had been subject to them were earnest to shake off the yoak. The Lacedaemonians having such encouragement, set themselves very serious∣ly to the War. Agis their King went into Thessaly to raise money, and a Fleet of 100 Gallies was prepared amongst the Confederates. Pharnabazus one of the Satrapaes of Persia, and Lieutenant of those parts of Asia about the Hellespont, and Tissaphernes another of the Satrapaes, sent to Sparta, and offered them assistance. These designs were carried as secretly as could be, that the Athenians might get no knowledge of them, who laboured also at the same time about the Rigging of a new Fleet. With these preparations the 19^th year of the War ended.

61. The next year the Athenians were at the beginning somewhat en∣couraged by some successe at Sea, and thereby the Lacedaemonians so far discouraged again, that they thought seriously of concluding the War, till otherwise perswaded by Alcibiades, who undertook an expedition into Ionia to withdraw it from the obedience of Athens, and did very much effect it. The Athenians hereat abashed,* 1.763 and fearing all their Associates would revolt, took out 1000 Talents, which as yet had been untouched, as forbidden by the Law, and laid them out in this case of extremity in provisions, and espe∣cially in preparing a new Fleet. Then by Alcibiades his means was a League

of alliance made betwixt Darius Nothus King of Persia, and the State of Sparta, by virtue of which the King allowed money for paiment of their Soldiers. The Athenians recovered Lesbus, and Clazomenae, the Milesians and Chians (principal in the revolt) were destroyed by them, but again they had the worst of it in a Sea-fight near unto Rhodes, which the Peloponnesians then by fair means drew to their society, exacting of the Inhabitants 23 ta∣lents in the name of tribute, which successe, because of the strength of this City, made them confidently despise the money, and alliance of Persia.

62. For, Tissaphernes and they were at some difference about the form of the League, which they complained was not rightly drawn, for therein they were tied to give up to the Persian the Islands, Thessalie, Locri, and Boeo∣tia, which heretofore had been under the power of that Empire: which seemed unworthy for the Lacedaemonians to do, who pretended themselves the vindicators of the liberty of Greece, against the incroachments of the Athenians; Herewith Tissaphernes was grievously netled, and departed in discontent from Cnidus, where eleven Spartans had met him to require that the instruments should be corrected. At this time also it hapned that Alci∣biades was envied for his glory, and suspected by the Peloponnesians, and ha∣ted by Agis the Spartan King,* 1.764 for that he had corrupted his wife, insomuch that order was reported to have been sent to Astyochus the General, to kill him, but he withdrew himself to Tissaphernes. He laid open to him the full State of the Peloponnesians, perswaded him to diminish the pay that his Ma∣ster allowed them, by changing a Drachme into three Oboli a day, part of which also he should ever keep unpaid, to keep the Seamen at his devotion. He further suggested crafty counsel to him: especially that they should not suffer the Athenians to be suppressed by the Lacedaemonians, but to keep those two States ever in an even ballance,* 1.765 and let them weaken one another by their mu∣tual enmities; yet to favour a little more the Athenians, because they would be content with part of the soveraignty of the Seas, and would go no further, whereas the Spartans would not rest here, but contend for the sole Domi∣nion, and to bring all the Graecians from under the Persian yoak. These things he pressed upon him as great mysteries of State for his Master's service, and as such he imbraced them; wherefore the promise he had made of joyn∣ing the Phoenician Fleet with that gallant one of the Peloponnesians was not performed, and the power of this weakened by the with-holding of the Sol∣diers pay.

* 1.76663. Alcibiades had a great desire to return into his own Country, which would not be to any purpose except it were preserved, and therefore he com∣municated these things to Tissaphernes. He wrote to some of the chief of the Athenians then lying at Samus concerning his desire, and told them wherein he was dealing with him; and yet he signified that he had no mind to return, as long as the Popular Government (under which he was banished) should continue. The Athenians that lay at Samus liked the matter well, and generally inclined to change the Government, for that they were made to believe that Tissaphernes by the procurement of Alcibiades would be their friend, and they should have money from him for the payment of their Army.* 1.767 But Phrynicus the General standing in fear of Alcibiades, by reason he had spoken too freely against him, opposed it with all his might, and when he could do nothing by words, very boldly acquainted Astyochus the Lacedae∣monian General with the matter. He who now had not Alciliades in his power, was no whit eager for his destruction, and being withall corrupted by Tissaphernes to betray his trust, went and acquainted him and Alcibiades with what he had received. Hereupon Alcibiades wrote to the Athenians in Samus, and acquainted them with the treachery of Phrynicus, required them to put him to death as a Traitor to his Country, who hereupon was exceeding∣ly troubled, and boyled with anger against Astyochus; yet in so desperate a case adding one rash act unto another,* 1.768 he wrote again to him, upbraided him with unthankfulnesse, and signified that he would betray Samus with all the Athe∣nian

Army there unto the Lacedaemonians, which he could do, because the Town was unwalled, and would do, forasmuch as it was lawful in so eminent a danger, as he was in, to provide for his own security.

64. Astyochus without taking this opportunity to serve his Country, made this known also to Alcibiades, which Phrynicus understanding, and knowing that Alcibiades would write hereof to the Army, that he might prevent him, he told the Soldiers that the Enemy intended to set upon Samus by Sea and Land, now that the City wanted walls, whereupon he commanded them, having absolute authority, to raise a work about it, and keep diligent watch. This was done accordingly, and then though Alcibiades his letters presently after arrived, yet no credit was given to the accusation, as proceeding from his bitter Enemy, but more confidence reposed in him. Alcibiades then appli∣ed himself to Tissaphernes to reconcile him to the Athenians, but he being unwilling to lose all his credit, was cool in the businesse. But whilst he dealt with him, the Soldiers in Samus having sent to Athens to deal with the People about the change of Government, Pisander chief of the messengers labour∣ed to convince them of the absolute necessity thereof, for that otherwise they could not be freed from imminent destruction. The People being circum∣vented yielded to it, & gave him with ten other Commissioners power to treat, and conclude whatsoever they found necessary for the State, with Tissapher∣nes and Alcibiades: but the former of these standing in fear of utterly losing the Peloponnesians, and having this alwaies in his mind to keep the two States in an equal ballance,* 1.769 would not give any encouragement, or open his mind fully to Alcibiades, who fearing to lose his credit and power with him, which he had so boasted of to the Athenians; that he might put them by, demanded such hard Conditions as he knew they could not grant, and so the Commissi∣oners returned with great stomack and disdain, to have been so ill used by him.

65. And Tissaphernes to prosecute that design of setting the Graecians upon each other, and keeping them in equal power; fearing that if he detained any longer the pay from the Peloponnesians, that they would be too much weakened by the Athenians, who now of late had had the better of it in some engagements, and thereby the Kings Provinces should be exposed to danger, he went this Winter into Caria, where he renewed the League on better terms for the Peloponnesians,* 1.770 paid the arrears due to the Army, and promi∣sed to dispatch away the Phoenician Fleet. This new alliance was made in the thirteenth year of Darius, (Alexipidas being Ephorus at Sparta) upon the River Maeander, attested by the names of Tissaphernes, Hieramenes, and the Children of Pharnaces. Towards the end of Winter Oropus a Town situate upon the confines of Attica and Boeotia, revolted to the Boeotians, be∣ing formerly in the jurisdiction of Athens. Hereupon the Boeotians conceived hopes to alienate all Euboea from the Athenians, especially for that the Eroe∣trians who were principal in that Island, inclined to a revolt, and sent away to the Peloponnesians to desire they would come into Euboea. But their care for Chius which was distressed by the Athenians suffered them not to comply with their desire; for they set out a Fleet to relieve that Island, but the Athenians being masters of the Sea, it durst not venture further than Mile∣tus; and therefore the Athenian ships returned unto Samus. Thus ended the 20^th year of the War.

66. In the beginning of Spring Dercylidas was sent from Sparta by Land to the Hellespont, with no great force, where with ease he brought off Abydus (a Colony of the Milesians) from their obedience to Athens, and after that Lampsacus, but attempted the same upon Sestus to no purpose. The Athe∣nians and Chians had a battel at Sea upon equal terms: but Strombichides the Athenian hearing what was done in the Hellespont hasted thither, reco∣vered Lampsacus, was repelled by the Inhabitants of Abydus, and then went to Sestus in Europe, where he placed a strong Garrison for the security of those parts. In the mean time Pisander and his Colleagues being retur∣ned from Alcibiades to Samus, in conjunction with those therein, resolved

without him to change the Government. They first did it in most of the Ci∣ties which were subject to Athens, and found it almost effected there, after that Androcles, a man who was most earnest in the defence of Democracy, with some others,* 1.771 were secretly murdered by some Conspirators, who laboured thereby to gain the good will of Alcibiades and Tissaphernes. These design∣ed to have the State governed by 5000 men of the most able with bodies and estates to serve it, and the People durst not contradict them, such factions and jealousies had risen, that no man was secure of his neighbour. But Pisander and his Colleagues arriving, obtained of the multitude, that ten men might be impowred, to conclude and set down in writing such things as seemed to them requisite for a setlement, which on a certain day were to be referred to the People.

67. When the day came, these ten men first required, that it might be lawful for any one to speak his opinion without danger of incurring any penalty by the Laws. Then they proposed, that no Magistracy should be undertaken and exercised after the usual manner,* 1.772 nor any receive salary for the exercising thereof: that five Presidents should be chosen, who should pick out 100 men, and each of these chuse three more, that all might make up the number of 400. That these 400 men should be invested with the Supreme power and authori∣ty;* 1.773 should decree and ordain what seemed good unto them; and might call together the five thousand when they thought it convenient. These propo∣sitions, though of so great consequence for the change they were likely to produce, were yet admitted of, not as much as one man gainsaying them, such a change there was made in the minds of the People, which now since the banishing of the Tyrants had onely been governed by it's Laws and con∣stitutions, and not onely not subject to the authority of others, but reigning over many, devested it self of so great soveraignty and power. But these 400 men thus authorised, were conducted in a solemn manner to the Senate-house, with daggers under their coats, and compassed about with armed men, where the old Senate having their Salaries paid were dismissed. They chose the Prytanes or Presidents out of their own body, and then began to exercise their authority;* 1.774 but not without blood, bonds, and bannishment. They sent to Agis the Lacedaemonian King, then lying at Decelea, to treat of Peace, but he not having any opinion of their power as long to continue, but thinking the People would shortly resume it, rejected their Ambassie, and sending for more Forces out of Peloponnesus, came to Athens, hoping that in these commotions he might affright the City into a surrender. But he found the contrary; for all agreeing in this to resist him as the common Ene∣my, they stood notably in their defence, and sallied out upon him; so that having no hopes, he dismissed his new forces, and with the other returned to Decelea.

* 1.77568. After his return, the 400 sent other Ambassadors to him about a peace, who referred them to Sparta, whither they went, but what successe they had, doth not appear from Thucydides. They knew the common Soldiers at Sa∣mus (though Pisander and his Companions had stickled so for it) to be Ene∣mies to Oligarchy, and therefore to take them off, they sent to acquaint them that the power was not in them onely, but in the 5000 also, and laboured to satisfie them in this point, that this was equivalent to Democracie, seeing that during that Government, when all things were done by the body of the Peo∣ple,* 1.776 a greater number did not use to meet. But they at Samus beng impa∣tient of any but Popular Government, after the departure of Pisander and his Colleagues, had restored it there, and sent to Athens to signifie so much, not knowing what had hapned there, which was very unwelcome news to the 400, who cast some of the messengers into prison. But Chareas, hiding himself for some time, escaped, and carried back a report how things stood, amplifying much the oppression and insolence of these Governours; whereat the Soldiers were grievously enraged, and threatened death, not onely to the authors of the Oligarchy, but to all that had been partakers of it; and at such a season when the Enemy expected such advantages, they had committed something,

tending to the ruin of their Countrey, had they not been restrained by the in∣terposition of more stayed and prudent men. Thrasybulus and Thrasyllus, who had been most earnest for restoring the popular Government, that they might do it in a safe and honorable way, caused all the Soldiers, especially such as they knew to favour Oligarchy, to take an Oath unanimously to act for the restitution of the power of the people; to fight resolutely against the Peloponnesians;* 1.777 to take for Enemies the 400 men at Athens, and to admit of no entercourse with them by any Officer at Arms; which Oath also they cau∣sed to be taken by all the Samians that were at age, whose conjunction they thought necessary for carrying on the design.

69. Then did the Soldiers chuse them new Officers, of whom were Thra∣sybulus and Thrasyllus, and encouraged one another to the Enterprize, both from the justnesse of their undertaking (for that the Army had not revolted from the Citie, but the Citie from it) as also from their strength, far supe∣riour (especially in respect of the Fleet) to that of the 400. adding also, that Alcibiades upon promise of security, and restitution, would be assisting to them, and that they might hope well concerning Tissaphernes, and the King of Persia. In the mean while the Peloponnesians sore mutined against Tis∣saphernes and Astyochus, that they had not their pay; and were not lead out to fight with the Athenians, whilest they were so at odds amongst themselves, which forced the later to draw both Sea and Land-forces to Mycale for an in∣gagement, but the Athenians refusing to fight, for that they were inferiour to them in number of ships, when more came from the Hellespont pre∣sented themselves; but then the Peloponnesians conceiving themselves too weak for the encounter, refused to ingage. Thrasybulus in the mean while perswaded the Army to recall Alcibiades.* 1.778 Audience being given him, after he had complained of the injustice of his Enemies, he discoursed much of the state of Affairs as they then stood; Magnified above measure his power with Tissaphernes (which he did, both to discourage them at Athens, and to render the Satrapa the more odious to the Peloponnesians) who he said would assist them to the selling of the bed he lay on. Hereupon the Sol∣diers mightily elevated with hopes, presently created him one of their Gene∣rals, with full power, thinking of nothing but the punishment of the 400. and resolving without any regard of the Enemy at hand to sayl directly for the Piraeus.

70. Alcibiades withstood their resolution, saying, that nothing was rash∣ly to be committed, and seeing that they had put the power into his hands, he must go to Tissaphernes. This he did, not onely to transact what he pretended, but also to boast of his new power, to let the Persian know he could either pleasure him, or incommodate his affairs, and so this crafty man procured, that he both made him fear the Athenians, and the Athenians stand in awe of him, whilest hereby he made up his own interest. That also which he intended concerning Tissaphernes, and the Peloponnesians, came to passe; for distrusting him before, they were now very bitter against him, since he hindred the fight at Miletus, and defrauded them of their pay, and Astyochus their own General they had killed in a mutiny, had he not taken sanctuary. Presently upon this came Mindarus, sent from Sparta to succeed him, who then de∣parted home with an Agent from Tissaphernes, whom he sent to excuse him∣self to that State, and answer such objections as were made against him. Alcibiades returned from Tissaphernes to Samus,* 1.779 where met him the Am∣bassadors of the 400 men (who upon hearing how things went here, had all this while out of fear staid at Delus.) The Soldiers would not hear them, and vo∣ted they should be put to death; but he caused them to have leave to deliver their message, which they did with all the advantage they could, in excuse of those that sent them, accusing of falshood what had been reported by Chareas; but still the Army was dissatisfied, and cried out to sayl to the Piraeus. Al∣cibiades now timely interposed himself; for, had the Army then departed for Athens, all Ionia, and the Hellespont had been presently lost; but he put a stop to their heat, and checked those that were so fierce against the Ambas∣sadors.

He himself bad them return this answer,* 1.780 that the 5000 might retain their power, but the 400 were commanded to desist, and restore the Senate of 500 whom they outed; that they should do well at Athens to take care of the Commonwealth, and not to give place to the Enemy: for whilest the City was safe, he hoped to make up the breaches; but if either it should be lost, or the Army at Samus miscarry, there would want those who should be recon∣ciled to each other.

71. With this answer he dismissed the Messengers in safety, as he did also with much kindnesse Ambassadors sent from Argos to offer assistance against the 400. Tissaphernes now upon what design is uncertain, went to Aspen∣dus where the Phoenician Fleet lay, pretending he would purge himself to the Lacedaemonians, and give order to Tamus his Officer to pay the Arrears due to the Army. But neither did he remove the Fleet from Aspendus, ac∣cording to agreement, pretending frivolous things, nor did Tamus accordingly pay the monies; which raised many conjectures and much discourse. Thucy∣dides thinketh his design to have been to hold the Graecians in suspense, and suffer them to weaken one another,* 1.781 for that if he had joyned himself to ei∣ther party, by the help of his Fleet he might in a short time, and without dif∣ficulty have finished the War, and given the victory to which side he pleased. Alcibiades went to him with 13 ships, promising either to induce him to joyn his Fleet with the Athenians, or to procure that he should not assist them of Peloponnesus; it being likely enough that he knew his intention of not moving to the one part or the other; but this he did, especially by his entercourse, and familiarity with him, to increase the indignation and choler of the Peloponne∣sians, and thereby to constrain him to joyn himself with the Athenians. But the return and report of the Ambassadors sent from the 400 men raised great perturbations in the minds of men at Athens, whilest those, who either out of some ambitious design (all men being greedy of power over others) or for the publick good,* 1.782 desired the Supreme Authority might be in the 5000. had the advantage of the other factions. The other were as busie as concerned, especially Phrynichus, because so obnoxious to Alcibiades, Pisander, and others. They sent to Lacedaemon to make peace, with that State upon any terms, and Fortified that part of the Piraeus, which commandeth the mouth of the haven, which made the other party, which affected Democracie, very jea∣lous; Theramenes crying out that they intended to betray the Citie to the Enemy, who now with 42 Gallies hovered about the Coasts.

* 1.78372. Neither were these mere Calumnies; for these 400 men for the most part desired to retain the Dominion over both Citizens and Allies; but if not that, yet to continue Masters of the Fleet and Fortifications, and if this could not be obtained, then to call in the Enemy, to redeem their lives, and part of the Citie, with the ships and vvorks; being resolved never to give way to the popular Government, from which they could expect nothing but sudden de∣struction. To this purpose they made the Wall upon the Piraeus with several Gates to let in the Enemy if need were. But Phrynichus returning from Sparta whither he was sent Ambassadour (though to no purpose) was stabbed in the Forum by a conspiracy, after which Theramenes and his par∣ty grew more bold, and by the help of the Soldiers seized upon some of the Chief of the 400.* 1.784 whence ensued a very great tumult, all being ready to fall one upon another, and certain mischief had followed, but that the an∣tient men somewhat repressed the younger, and Thucydides the Pharsalian, then sojourning in the Citie, laboured earnestly to perswade them, crying out, that they should not themselves destroy their Countrey, now that the Enemy was ready to assail it, and with much ado he kept them from offering vio∣lence to one another. Theramenes also checked the Soldiers in the Haven; but he giving way to it, the new Fortifications there were demolished. The next day the 400 met, though in great fear, and sent some of their number to appease the Soldiers, saying, that they would chuse 5000 men, who from amongst themselves should chuse the number of 400 by turns to rule the State, desiring they would not undo the Citie by compelling it to yield to

the Enemy. Herewith the minds of the Soldiers were somewhat quieted, and with much ado they agreed that a general Assembly should be had at a certain day for an agreement: but when the day came, and the Assembly was scarce gathered together, news came that the 42 ships, under Command of Hegesandrides the Spartan, held their course directly from the Coast of Me∣gara, to the Island Salamine.

73. The Soldiers now concluded of the certainty of what Theramenes had told them, and that these ships intending for the Piraeus, it was good that the Fortifications were demolished; and likely enough it was that Hegesan∣drides hovering so long about Epidaurus, expected some good opportunity to fall on Athens. Hereupon all the Assembly hasted to the Piraeus, but the Fleet making towards Euboea at length came to Oropus, which making them very sollicitous for Euboea wherein their hope onely remained, they sent Thymochares with some ships to Eretria, which he joyning to those that were in the Island, made up 36 sayl. He was forced to fight sooner than he intended, by the fraud of the Eretrians, who delayed to bring victuals to sell as they were wont, and thereby drew the Soldiers further off from the Fleet, and made great disorder; so that the Peloponnesians setting▪ upon them,* 1.785 whilest out of good order, quickly put them to flight. They took 22 ships, killing some, and taking the rest of the men: such as fled to Land, and betook themselves to Eretria as to friends, were killed by the Inhabitants; then presently all Euboea, except Oreus, revolted to the Peloponnesians. When tidings hereof came to Athens, never did so great consternation seize upon them there, no not after the overthrow in Sicily. For the Army at Samus dissented from the Citie; they had neither ships left, nor men to serve in them, and were broken into factions, of which they could not fore∣see the event; and the losse of Euboea was exceeding great, because that Island furnished the Citie with more Commodities than Attica it self. And their fear was increased by the nearnesse of it, from which the Ene∣my might presently come and seize upon the Piraeus now destitute of ships, which they did not onely think would be, but imagined to be already done.

74. And had the Enemy been a little bolder, he might easily have done this, and more. Had he besieged the Citie, it would have been more grie∣vously broken by seditions, and constrained to call home the Army at Sa∣mus, and thereby he might have reduced with ease Ionia, the Hellespont, all the Islands, and all as far as Euboea; and so consequently all the Athenian Do∣minion into his power.* 1.786 But well was it for the Athenians that they had such an Enemy to deal with as the Spartans, who were of so contrary dispositions: they being speedy and bold in executing all their designs; but these slow, and something fearfull, especially in Sea matters, whereby they affoarded ma∣ny opportunities to the Athenians. These things are confirmed from in∣stance in the Syracusians, who being of the same nature as the Athenians, were good enough for them at all assayes. The Athenians in the midst of all their fears took yet all care possible for their Affairs, furnishing out twenty ships, and meeting together in Pnice, the usual place for popular Assemblies, they abrogated the power of the 400. and gave it to 5000. amongst whom some were to furnish the Commonwealth with Arms, ordering that none should receive any wages for his imployment.* 1.787 Many other meetings then succeed∣ed, in which certain Law-makers were chosen, and other things decreed for the good of the State, at which time Thucydides thinketh the Athenian Commonwealth to have been better than ever tempered and qualified, a mo∣derate, and equal way being brought in betwixt the power of a few, and that of the whole people. A decree also passed for the restitution of Alcibiades, and those with him. Upon this change Pisander and the rest that adhered to Oligarchy fled to the Enemy.

75. In the mean while the Peloponnesian Fleet lying at Miletus, in vain expected money from Tissaphernes, and the coming of the Phoenician Fleet: on the other side Pharnabazus, Lieutenant to the King upon the Hellespont, promised them all kindnesse, and in particular used his indeavour to draw all

the Greek Cities within his Government from the society of the Athenians, which Tissaphernes also had promised, but performed like other things. Mindarus the General of the Fleet moved herewith, went from Miletus towards the Hellespont, with a Fleet of 73 ships, which Th••asyllus the Athenian understanding, made after him with 55 Sail, labouring to get be∣fore him. Some stop was made by the way, but nothing very considerable done till they came towards an engagement at Gnosema. Sixteen Gallies of Athens were first met with by the Peloponnesians, who took three of them, and burnt another; and at length both the Fleets joyned battel, being inlar∣ged since they came into the Hellespont by the accesse of other ships. At first the Peloponnesians put to flight the middle battel of the Athenians, and dri∣ving the ships to Land had the better of it there; but being too eager in the pursute,* 1.788 they brake their ranks, which Thrasybulus and those with him ob∣serving in his wing, wound about and sell upon them with such violence, as forced them to flie. They took 21 ships, the rest by reason of the straight∣nesse of the Sea getting into some Harbour or other, and though they lost fifteen of their own, yet obtained they a seasonable Victory, which made them lift up their heads (having been dejected by so many disasters) and cease to complain of their Fortune.

76. The report of it at Athens, as of an unexpected thing, mightily incou∣raged the people also, so that notwithstanding the revolt of Euboea, and in∣testine Seditions, they had hopes still, if they prosecuted the War with dili∣gence, to have the better. Four daies after the fight the Fleet removed from Sestus towards Cyzicus, where in their way they took eight Gallies that came from Byzantium, and taking the Town, which then for want of walls could make no resistance, fined the Inhabitants; the Peloponnesians at the same time endeavouring to recruit their Navie. In the mean while Alcibiades having been with Tissaphernes returned to Samus with thirteen Gallies, bringing word, that he had stopped the Phoenician Fleet from joyning with the Peloponnesi∣ans, and had rendred the Satrapa more friendly towards the Athenians. Then presently adding nine ships to the former, he constrained the Halicarnasseans to pay a great sum of money, and fortified Cos. Tissaphernes, when he heard that the Peloponnesian Fleet was gone towards the Hellespont, hasted from Aspendus into Ionia, where understanding that the Inhabitants of Antandrus had received a Garrison from the Peloponnesians of Abydus, because they had been ill dealt withall by Astacus, whom he had made his Lieutenant in those parts, as also that the Peloponnesians had cast his Garrison out of Miletus, and Cuidus (which they did to affront him, laying grievous matters to his charge) lest they should proceed any further, and grieving that Pharnabazus in a lesse time, and with lesse expence, should make more use of them against the Athenians, he determined to follow them into the Hellespont, to expostu∣late with them about Antandrus, and purge himself as well as he could of those things laid to his charge about the Phoenician Fleet, and other matters. And when he came to Ephesus he sacrifized to Diana. Here the history of Thucydides(a) 1.789 endeth (with the Summer of the 21st year of the War) which afterwards was continued by Theopompus for seventeen years; but by Xenophon for 28. The work of the former is lost; and that of the latter extant, but without a beginning, in the judgement of a learned man, who, besides the proeme, will have the history of two years to be wanting;(b) 1.790 from the end of that Summer at which Thucydides left, to the conclusion of the Summer of the 23 year of the War. But Diodorus placing the last things of Thucydides in the second year of the 92 Olympiad, in the very next relateth those which are mentioned in the begining of the first Book of Xenophon, so that if the whole was extant in his time, he either missed these two years, and so invert∣ed the Chronology of all his history succeeding; or else onely the proeme of the first Book of Xenophon is lost (if there was any) and the History entire.

77. Not long after the Athenians and Lacedaemonians engaged thrice in fight at Sea,* 1.791 wherein the Athenians had the better first and last, the second

having been fought to no great purpose on either side. Tissaphernes,* 1.792 after this coming to the Hellespont, Alcibiades went to visit him, whom he secur∣ed, and committed to close custody, pretending he had orders from his Ma∣ster to make War against the Athenians; but rather for that he feared he should be accused by the Peloponnesians to the King, and therefore thought by this enterprise to redeem his credit.* 1.793 But after he had been secured thirty dayes, he made his escape to Clazomenae, where pretending to have been sent by Tissaphernes, he sailed thence to the Athenian Army lying at Cardia. Sailing thence to the Hellespont or Cyzicus,* 1.794 he overthrew Mindarus both at Sea and Land, who died also in the fight, taking all the Peloponnesian ships, after which he forced from the Town a great sum of money, and prosecuted the Victory by fineing and securing other places. In the mean while letters were intercepted, and sent to Athens, which were to Sparta, written from Hippo∣crates Lieutenant to Mindarus, and found to contain the distresse of the Fleet in these few words, according to the Lacedaemonian custom:* 1.795 All is lost; Min∣darus is slain, the Soldiers are famished: we know not what to do. But Pharnabazus laboured with all his might to encourage the Lacedaemonian Ar∣my, telling them they had lost nothing but woodden ships, their men being saved, and that new ones should be built at his Masters cost (who had wood enough on the Mount Ida) in which work he was very diligent, and relieved the Chalcedonians then distressed.

78. The news of the successe with the letter of Hippocrates coming to Athens, filled the People with excessive joy,* 1.796 who offered sacrifice to their gods, and kept holy day. They chose then 1000 of the most valiant Foot, and 100 Horse for prosecuting the War, and sent thirty Gallies more to Al∣cibiades, that he might with greater successe set upon the allies of Sparta now the Sea was in his power. The Lacedaemonians when they understood how things went, dispatched away Ambassadors (the chief of which was Endius, unto Athens) about a peace. They offered that both States might retain such places as they had already in their power, that the Garrisons might be dismissed on both sides, and the prisoners redeemed man for man; and much in a little was said by Endius,* 1.797 to shew that the Athenians were more concerned to be for peace, though he denied not but that the War was hurful to Sparta. The most moderate men amongst the Athenians were willing to hear of an accom∣modation; but such as made their own markets out of the publick losse, and gained by the War, withstood the proposition. Amongst these as principal was Cleophon, the most eminent of the Daemagogi (or leaders of the People) at this time, though formerly a maker of Harps, whom many remembred to have been bound with fetters, but he was surreptitiously registred amongst the Citizens.* 1.798 He speaking many things fit for his purpose, especially made use of the late successe; which he so improved, as if Fortune now had forgot to be inconstant. The People herewith puffed up, and conceiving great hopes that by the conduct of Alcibiades they should re-obtain their antient power, refused to entertain the proposals made by Endius; of which ill advice they were afterwards sensible, when it was too late, falling so low from this height of presumption, that they could never after recover themselves.

79. Ater this, Agis the Spartan King made excursions from Decelea,* 1.799 as far as the walls of Athens, at which time it hapned that Thrasybulus was in the Ci∣ty about businesse, who leading out his Athenian Soldiers and others that were present, offered him battel; at which he was troubled, and hasted away, losing a few of his men in some light Skirmishes. This service got Thrasy∣bulus such credit,* 1.800 that he easily obtained what he came for; 1000 Foot of heavy Armour which he himself would pick out, 100 Horse, and 50 Gallies, being decreed to him; but Agis seeing that it was to no purpose to besiege Athens by Land, as long as they could bring in what provision they pleased at the Piraeus, sent away Clearchus the Son of Ramphius to Byzantium and Chalcedon, to make provision for Sea matters, who got through the Helle∣spont with much adoe, and with the losse of three ships out of his fifteen he had with him, came to Byzantium.

* 1.80180. The next year in which the 93 Olympiad was solemnized, wherein Eubotas the Cyrenaean got the prize in the course, Euarchippus being Ephorus at Sparta, and Euclemon Archon at Athens, Thrasybulus having obtained the ships decreed to him, with 5000 Sea-men, sailed to Samus, whence after three daies he departed, and took Colophon, made excursions into Lydia, where obtaining much booty, he also went against Ephesus. Tissaphernes coming in in good time, he was beaten back from the City with double losse, whence he sailed to the Hellespont, and in his way at Lesbus put to flight a Fleet of 25 Syracusian ships, four whereof he took with the men in them. Then departed he to Sestus to the other Athenian Forces, and thence remo∣ved to Lampsacus with the whole Army in the beginning of Winter, which Town they fortified, and besieging Abydus overthrew Pharnabazus, who came with a considerable body of Horse to relieve the Town; which Victory reconciled the Soldiers, who before this were at odds, because those under Alcibiades being hitherto victorious, would not be joyned with the followers of Thrasybulus who had been beaten. In the same Winter the Athenians made frequent depredations in the territories of the Persian King. Then also the Helots which had fled from Malea to Coriphasium, were upon agree∣ment dismissed by the Lacedaemonians; and the Plantation of Heraclea, and Trachinia, were by the Acheans the ancient Inhabitants, betrayed into the hands of the Oeteans the common Enemy, and 700 of them slain, together with Labotas the Lacedaemonian Governour. Thus the 24^th year of the War ended, wherein the Medes having rebelled, were reduced to obedience by Darius No••hus, and the Temple of Pallas at Phocaea was burnt with Thunder and Lightning.

81. In the beginning of the next Spring Pantacles being Ephorus at Sparta, and Antigones Archon at Athens,* 1.802 the Athenians with their whole Army and Fleet went into Proconnesus; thence to Chalcedon and Byzantium, and sate down before Chalcedon. The Chalcedonians aware of their coming, sent all their booty to the Bythinaeans their neighbours, which being known to Alcibiades, he went with a sufficient force, and by threats got it deliver∣ed up to him, after which returning he compassed Chalcedon from Sea to Sea with a rampire, and to the River. Hippocrates the Lacedaemonian, Gover∣nour of the Town, troubled hereat, sallied out, and fought with that Party that was undet Thrasyllus, for a long time with ambiguous Fortune, till Alcibia∣des coming in, Hippocrates was slain, and his men repulsed into the Town. Pharnabazus during the fight came to relieve him, but could not get to them by reason of the Athenian fortifications. He, whilst Alcibiades was absent, gathering Money from the Cities, made an agreement with the other Athe∣nian Captains, that he should pay them 20 talents, that the Chalcedonians should pay all their arrears, and afterwards as much as they were wont: in the mean time the Athenians should offer them no violence, till the Atheni∣an Ambassadors, which he took upon him to convey, should return from the King. Alcibiades at this time was at Selymbria, which having taken, he re∣turned to Byzantium with a body of Horse and Foot newly raised in Cherro∣nesus and Thrace, where Pharnabazus expected him to have his oath to the agreement. He refused to take his oath except Pharnabazus did the like, who condescended to him, and so they both swore not to hurt each other. Together with the Athenians, others went as Ambassadors to the King from the Lacedaemonians; as also Hermocrates and his brother Proxenus now ba∣nished from Syracuse.

82. The Athenians then presently besieged Byzantium, which having no hopes to obtain by strong hand, they atempted by treachery, and had it deli∣vered up to them, whilst Clearchus the Governour, a Lacedaemonian, was gone to Pharnabazus to sollicite him about money to pay the Soldiers, and to gather a Fleet together wherewith if possible he might raise the siege. News hereof was carried to Pharnabazus then wintering at Gordium in Phrygia with the Ambassadors whom he was carrying to the King. In the be∣ginning of Spring when they were on their journy, they met with some Spar∣tans,

who already had been with him, and said they had obtained from him for the Lacedaemonians what they desired, and how he had appointed his younger son Cyrus his Lieutenant for the Sea-coasts,* 1.803 whom he had commanded also to assist the Spartans in the War, bringing a Commission with him where∣by he was constituted Governour over all that used to meet upon the plains of Castolus. The Athenian Ambassadors hearing this, desired first to see Cyrus, and then to go to the King; but if not, to return home. But Cyrus re∣quired Pharnabazus, either to deliver them up into his hands, or to send them back, because he would not have the Athenians privy to what was done. But he neither sent them to the King, nor dismissed them, but kept them off and on for three years, after which he obtained leave of Cyrus to dismisse them, see∣ing he would not permit them to go to his father, and so procured them by Ariobarzanes to be conveyed through Mysia to sea: and so they sayled to the Athenian Army.

83. Alcibiades having a great desire to return to Athens with the Army,* 1.804 first betook himself to Samus, whence he went and gathered up 100 Talents amongst the Carians, and returned thither. Thrasybulus with thirty ships going into Thrace, reduced several places into his power, and Thasus amongst the rest, sorely at this time distressed with Seditions, Famine, and Pestilence. Thrasybulus with the rest of the Army sayled to Athens, before whose co∣ming the people had created anew three Generals, Alcibiades, and Thrasy∣bulus,* 1.805 who were absent, and Conon present in the Citie. Alcibiades en∣couraged hereby sayled to the Citie, where at his landing multitudes of peo∣ple came to meet him, admiring his person, and the present posture of affairs, which they ascribed to his good conduct, whom they now acquitted from what was laid formerly to his charge, and excused him for siding with the Enemy, seeing he was thereunto led by necessity. He spoke to the Senate and peo∣ple in his own defence, and gave such satisfaction, no body opposing, that he was created General with full power, as able to restore the Commonwealth by his own industry to its antient power. He first on Land (which of late had not used to be done for fear of the Enemy) celebrated the Eleusinia, and then in the third moneth after his arrival, with a Fleet of 100 Gallies, aboard of which were 1100 foot of heavy Armour, and 150 Horse, he sayled to An∣drus, the Inhabitants of which he worsted in fight, and thence departed to Sa∣mus,* 1.806 intending to make use of that Island as the Seat of War. At this time Lysander was sent from Sparta to succeed Cratisippidas in the Fleet, who went to Cyrus to desire him in earnest to undertake the War, blaming the backwardnesse of Tissaphernes. Cyrus promised him his utmost assistance; but he desired that the saylers might have a drachm a day assigned as their wages, thereby to entice the Athenian Mariners to forsake their Masters. He answered, he could do nothing against his fathers order, who had appoint∣ed for every ship 30 Minae a moneth, it being in the power of the La∣cedaemonians to furnish out as few, or as many ships as they pleased; but afterwards he condescended to increase their pay to four Oboli a day: Moreover, he paid them all their Arrears, and gave them a moneths pay before-hand, which made them very chearfull, and ready for all duty.* 1.807

84. The Athenians were much troubled hereat, and sent also to Cyrus to obtain his favour, but could not be admitted, though Tissaphernes used all his interest in their behalf,* 1.808 relating, that his design had been according to the wise Counsel of Alcibiades, not to promote the Affairs of either, but to suffer them to destroy one another. Alcibiades understanding that Thrasy∣bulus being gone from the Hellespont fortified Phocaea, went thither to speak with him, leaving the Fleet with Antiochus his Pilot, whom he commanded expresly not to fight, no, not although he were provoked to it, untill his return. But he being not at all used to command any thing except the Helm of a ship, could not bear his new power without making tryal of it, and with two Gal∣lies went, and provoked Lysander in the Haven of Ephesus (where he was intent upon mending his Fleet consisting of 90 sayl) who first sent out some

particular ships against him; but the whole Athenian Fleet coming in to his aid, he was also forced to carry out his, and so ingaging with it, there en∣sued a sharp conflict upon uneven terms. For, the Athenians came on without order, and so within a short time were discomfited, Antiochus slain, and fifteen ships lost; the other returning back to Samus. Alcibiades re∣turning within awhile, in great chafe for what had hapned, went, and offered battel again to Lysander, but he contenting himself with his former victory would not stir, & not long after the Lacedaemonians took Delphinium and Eion, two Towns in Thrace.* 1.809 This losse was at Athens by Thrasybulus imputed to the neglect, and luxury of Alcibiades, who thereupon by the people was outed of his Command, and ten other Captains chosen for the management of the War, amongst whom was Thrasybulus himself, Conon, and Pericles the son of Pericles the Great. He then went and made War upon the Thra∣cians that were not under the command of that King, and thereby enriched himself with great Treasure, having built a Castle for his security, called Bi∣santhe, in those parts. Conon, who at this time was Governour of Antandrus, Phanisthanes being assigned his Successor, according to the decree of the peo∣ple, went to Samus, took Thuria, and made excursions into the Terri∣tories of the Enemy. So this year ended, in which the Carthaginians with a Fleet of 120 Gallies, and 120000 men invading Sicily, overthrew the Agrigentines, whom after a seven moneth's siege they also forced to a sur∣render.

* 1.81085. The year following wherein the Moon was Eclypsed in an evening (April the 25. some three hours after Sun-set, as the Astronomical Table de∣monstrates) and the old Temple of Pallas was burnt at Athens, Pitaeus being Ephorus at Sparta, and Callias Archon at Athens, the 26th year of the War commencing, Callicratidas was sent from Lacedaemon as Successor to Lysan∣der, whose time was now expired. He having furnished himself with money subdued Methymna, and charged Conon the Athenian General to depart out of those Coasts, and when he perceived him putting out to Sea, made after him,* 1.811 intending to stop his passage to Samus. He pursued him to the Haven of Mitylene, where he worsted him, took thirty of his ships, and then besieged him in the Town, from which he cut off all provisions. Conon sent out two Gallies to carry word hereof at Athens; one of which escaping clear from the Enemy, came thither with the news, whereupon relief was presently de∣creed to be sent. Callicratidas in the mean time overthrew Diomedon, who came to relieve Conon with twelve ships, ten whereof he took, but when he heard that the Athenian Fleet was now come to Samus, consisting in all of 150 sayl, he left Eteonicus with fifty ships to continue the siege, and with the other 120 betook himself to Malea, a Promontory of Lesbus over against Mitylene,* 1.812 where he supped, and it hapned that the Athenian Fleet coming to Arginusae (a place also over against Lesbus) supped there the same night. Here they fought the next morning a long, and ear∣nest battel, wherein at length Callicratidas his ship being sunk, and he in it, his men began to flie towards Chius and Phocaea. The Pelopon∣nesians lost 79 ships, and the Athenians 19. with most of the men in them.

86. The Athenian Generals resolved that Theramenes, Thrasybulus, and others, with 42 ships should hasten to such Vessels as were as good as lost, to preserve them and the men, and the rest should sayl to Mitylene against Eteonicus; but a vehement Tempest arising they were all hindred, and forced to continue in the same place, during which stay, Eteonicus having notice by a Pinnace how things went, told his men the clear contrary, with which arti∣tifice incouraging them to take the Sea, he escaped. It might have been ex∣pected that the ten Captains, who joyntly had the command in Chief over the Athenian Fleet, might have received great honour for such a victory: But they were instead hereof, by the especial endeavour of Theramenes, brought to judgement, for suffering many Citizens to perish in the broken, and sunken ships; whereas, as it was pretended, they might have saved them.

They alleged justly for their excuse the Tempest which followed the fight; but after much canvasing, both in the Senate and Assembly of the people, the malice of Theramenes (who set persons on to make great lamentations for those that were dead) so far prevailed, together with the forgery of a certain fellow (who saying that he himself escaping in a Meal-Tub, had been intreated by those that were in peril of drowning,* 1.813 to desire the people to revenge their death against the Captains) that against the form of Law (contrary to which Socrates the Philosopher onely resolutely refused to act as one of the Prytanes) eight of them were condemned, and six being present were put to death; amongst whom was Pericles the son of Pericles. Those that were absent escaped, the heady multitude quickly repenting of their rash∣nesse, and the accusers of them were bound over to answer what they had done. Afterwards a sedition being raised, wherein Cleophon was slain, they took the opportunity and fled; but Callixenus one of the most faulty re∣turning to the Citie, and hated of all men, was famished to death.

87. The Soldiers of Eteonicus wintring in the Island Chius,* 1.814 where they wanted both victuals and clothes, most of them conspired together to seize upon the Citie Chius, to which whosoever agreed was to wear a Reed as a distinction. He having notice of it, was sensible what ill will, disgrace, and damage it would bring upon him if it proceeded, and fearing his own life, he boldly killed one of the Soldiers, whom he met with the Reed upon him, and being asked the reason of it, said as boldly, it was for wearing that mark of Sedition, whereat the rest were so daunted that they for fear cast away their Reeds, and so the plot was broken in pieces. Then received he money of the Chians, and gave them a moneths pay, and taking no further notice of the plot, encouraged them with fair words, and promises, and so sayled away. After this the Allies met together at Ephesus to consult about their affairs,* 1.815 where it was agreed, that ten men should be sent to Lacedaemon to desire that Lysander might be sent back to the Fleet, of whose abilities they had al∣ready sufficient proof. By the Laws of Sparta he could not be twice Gene∣ral, and therefore they found out a middle way, to appoint Aracus to that place, and send him as his Lieutenant. Five and twenty ships were then de∣livered to Lysander, at the end of the 26^th year of the War, wherein Cyrus killed his two Cousins Autobaesaces and Mitraeus, because they had not gi∣ven him the honour due to Kings of Persia, by holding their hands within their clothes when they came to him. For this he was accused to his father, who upon pretence of sicknesse sent for him to come to him.

88. The year following wherein Archytas was Ephorus at Sparta,* 1.816 and Alexias Archon at Athens, Lysander gathering his Navy together, went to Cyrus for money, which being obtained with some difficulty he paid his Sol∣diers and Sea-men their Arrears. At Samus also the Athenians provided for fighting; where in the mean time came a Message to Cyrus from his father, who now being sick desired to see him, although at this time the King lay in∣camped against the Thamneri of Media, Neighbours to the Cadusians, who had revolted. Cyrus hereupon sent for Lysander, and consulting with him about the War, desired him not to fight the Athenians, except he over∣matched them in number of men, told him his father and he were able enough to encrease the Fleet upon occasion, and to bind him and the state of Sparta to him, he gave him all the Revenues he had in those parts, with all the ready money, and so took his journey. Lysander neither daring to fight the Enemy with so few ships, nor to be idle with so many, subdued some pla∣ces, and having given Agis a visit in Attica, sayled unto the Hellespont, which finding clear, he besieged Lampsacus, and took it. The Athenian Fleet, which consisted of 180 Gallies, hearing of this, came from the Cherronesus to Sestus,* 1.817 and thence sayled to Aegospotamos, a River over against Lampsa∣cus, the Hellespont at this place being not two miles broad. Lysander con∣tained his men in great order, and refused to fight without an advantage, which was at length given him by the Athenians, who braved him, but were in con∣tinual disorder, carelesly running up and down, insomuch that Alcibiades ha∣ving

notice of it, came and advised the Captains to look better to them∣selves, but returned vvith no other recompence than bad vvords. But Ly∣sander keeping diligent vvatch upon them, observed his time vvhen they vvere most of them landed, some eating and drinking, others looking for victuals, and others vvandring up and dovvn, and setting upon the Fleet easi∣ly became Master of it all vvithout any opposition, except eight, vvhere∣vvith Conon fled into Cyprus unto Evagoras the King, knovving hovv bad entertainment he should have at home.

89. Such Athenians as had confusedly got into their ships vvere slain or taken, and those that vvere yet on Land by the Land Forces, vvhich Lysander had in a readinesse for that purpose. He took 3000 men, vvith the Captains and all the ships, except those eight of Conon, and a Packe-Boat, vvhich tacking to his ovvn ships, with the found of Pipes and the paean sung, he returned in triumph unto Lampsac••s. Then called he the allies together to consider what was to be done with the prisoners.* 1.818 Many crimes were objected against them, as that they had done many unjust things, and now had determined, if they had got the Victory, to cut off the right hands of the Peloponnesians (or the thumbs rather, as Plutarch hath it, of their right hands, that they might ne∣ver be able more to handle spears, but row with oares) and having taken the two Gallies of Andrus and Corinth to cast headlong all the men into the Sea; the perswader to this being Philocles. Hereupon it was resolved, that they should all be put to death, except Adimantus who had withstood the Decree of cutting off the hands,* 1.819 which sentence was accordingly executed. Lysander then sailing about to the Cities under the Athenian power, dismissed the Gar∣rison Soldiers and all others he found, with charge to get them to Athens under pain of death, which crafty policy he used to fill the City with men, that it might not be able long to endure a Siege for want of Victuals. When they of the City heard the news, they were affected accordingly, bewailing not onely the fortune of the slain, but their own also, expecting now that should be done to themselves, which heretofore they had done to the Melians, a Co∣lony of Sparta, and to the Histiaeans, Scionaeans, Toronaeans, Aeginetans, and many other Greek Cities, not in way of revenge for any injury, but out of indulgence to their own lust; for that they rejoyced in other mens mise∣ries. Yet as grief would give way to prudence, they took care for fortifying the City against a Siege, in which they could not look for any assistance from elsewhere, all their Confederates, except the Samians, having forsaken them, and such as they had banished from their dwellings being again restored to those places which they had filled with Colonies of their own.

90. Lysander having taken away Democracy, brought in the power of a few into all the Cities. Herein he dealt with much cruelty and ambition, (putting in such men onely as were his creatures, that he might obtain an unli∣mited power or Tyranny over all Greece) and sending for Land forces from Sparta,* 1.820 he besieged Athens both by Sea and Land. The Athenians conti∣nued so resolute for a long time, that till many were already dead of famine, not a word was heard of asking Peace. Then Ambassadors were sent to Agis the Spartan King about it, who referred them to Sparta, having as he said no commission to entertain their overtures. Thither then they went, offering, that they might gain the friendship of Lacedaemon, to part with all places be∣sides the City and Piraeus, where they would retain the Fortifications; but they had for answer, that if they seriously desired peace, they must repair home, and not return till they had better advised of the matter. Hereat the Athenians were much abashed, thinking now of nothing but servitude; none daring to propose the demolishing of the walls; for the Lacedaemonians ha∣ving offered them Peace upon these terms, Archestratus for advising them to embrace it, was imprisoned, and it was decreed that it should be unlawful to mention it for the time to come. Theramenes then procured to be sent to Lysander to get out what his intention was, whether to enslave them, or to have the walls demolished, and thence he returned not till the fourth moneth, that in this time they might be constrained to resolve of something. At his

return,* 1.821 he said he could get no other answer, but that they must send again to Sparta, and thereby he procured himself and others to be sent with full au∣thority for concluding a Peace.

91. The Ambassadors of the Confederates being assembled at Sparta, many of them, especially the Corinthians and Thebans, urged that no com∣position was to be made with them, but that Athens should be destroyed; but the Spartans would not give way to it, saying, it was not their intention to destroy a City, which in the greatest dangers of Greece had done the great∣est things for it's deliverance. They then without much delay made peace with them upon these terms: That the long walls and the fortifications of the Piraeus should be demolished; that they should deliver up all their ships except twelve, receive their exiles, follow the Lacedaemonians both by Sea and Land in the Wars,* 1.822 and have the same Friends and Enemies with them. Some at the return of the Ambassadors would have refused these terms; but the far major part siding with Theramenes accepted of them. Lysander then seized upon the ships, and the walls, upon the sixteenth day of the moneth Muni∣chion (on which they had formerly overthrown the Persians at Salamine) and went about to alter the Government, which the People strongly resisted, in∣somuch that he sent back to Sparta to complain of them, saying, they had broken the League, in that their walls were not demolished; and though no worse thing was yet decreed against them though pressed by some, yet this made them willing to receive any thing.* 1.823 Then sent he for all the Pipers out of the City, to whom joyning those in his own Camp, at the noise of their instruments he caused the walls to be demolished, and the Gallies to be burnt, the Confederates making great solemnity, as if that day gave beginning to the liberty of Greece. Herewith, the 27^th year, and the War it self ended, which being carried on for so long a time with most various fortune, dubious and inconstant events, with infinite charges, all sorts of contests, and the ruine of so many Captains, as had not perished in all the Wars of Greece be∣sides, was finished by the politick industry of one man,* 1.824 whom some thought thereupon they could not sufficiently admire, in the 780^th year after the end of that of Troy, in the fourth of the 93d Olympiad, the nineteenth of Darius Nothus (who died presently after, the conclusion of the Peace) A. M. 3600.

SECT. IV. From the end of the Peloponnesian War to the beginning of the reign of Philip King of Macedonia, containing the space of 44 years.

1. THe year following being that wherein the 94^th Olympiad was celebra∣ted, in the course of which Crocinas the Thessalian got the prize,* 1.825 En∣dicus was Ephorus at Sparta, and Pythadorus Archon at Athens, whom yet the Athenians did not so account, because that the Oligarchy being brought in this year, they esteemed it as anarchical. As soon as the long walls and the Piraeus were demolished by the command of Lysander, thirty men were cho∣sen to make Lavvs, by vvhich the Commonvvealth might be governed. Af∣ter their creation and investiture in the povver, they deferred both to publish or vvrite the Lavvs; but constituted the Senate and other Magistrates at their pleasure.* 1.826 Then, first, they laid hold of all such as had under the Demo∣cracy lived by informing, and false accusing of others, vvhich vvas not dis∣pleasing to honest men. So that those being condemned by the Senate, they vvere put to death. But aftervvards they began seriously to lay their heads together, hovv they might make themselves Masters of all. They sent Aeschines and Aristotle tvvo of their company to Sparta to desire a Garrison for the better government of the City, till they had taken out of the vvay all naughty persons, and had setled the Commonvvealth, promising themselves

to pay the Soldiers. Lysander being made use of procured vvhat they desired, and Callibius vvas sent as Harmostes unto Athens, whom they so flattered, that they brought him to consent to vvhatsoever they should act. Novv then they fell upon, not onely naughty and dissolute persons, but on the best, vvho∣soever they thought ill affected, and would endeavour to stop their proceed∣ings. Theramenes one of them protested against this cruelty, and added, that it was impossible their power should continue in that State without a suf∣ficient company to assist them. Hereupon they fearing him, lest he should make himself Captain of the discontented, which was almost the whole City, chose out of the Citizens 3000 which they thought meetest for their purpose, and gave them some part of the power, with this privilege, that none of them should be put to death without the consent of the Senate; all the rest of the People being left to the discretion of the thirty, whom they also disarmed at a general muster.

2. Now thinking themselves secure enough, they filled all places with murders,* 1.827 not onely of their private Enemies, but such whose wealth might enrich them, of which they were excessive greedy; and to this purpose they agreed, that every one should name one man whom he would put to death for to seize upon his goods. Theramenes having disliked the election of the 3000, uttered now also his detestation of this wickednesse, refusing himself to com∣mit it. For this they were more jealous of him, fearing he might crosse their abhominable practices, and resolved upon his destruction; so that having provided a Company of young men with daggers to assist them, they called the Senate together, and therein Critias (his once familiar friend, but now his deadly Enemy, because the most cruel Tyrant of the thirty) bitterly accu∣sed him as a turbulent and unsetled man; being novv for the People, and another vvhile against them; he objected against him the death of the six Cap∣tains procured by him, and concluded he vvas not a fit man to live in a Com∣mon-vvealth,* 1.828 especially so constituted. Theramenes replyed vvith undaunt∣ed courage, and gave satisfaction to the Senate, as Critias perceived by their muttering, vvho thereupon concluding, that if he escaped it vvould endan∣ger his ovvn life, he consulted vvith his Companions, and then returning to the Senate, told them, that having first expunged his name out of the Cata∣logue of the 3000, and hereby he being subjected to their censure, they con∣demned him to death. Theramenes replied again, that his name was no more easy to be blotted out than any other mans, in consideration vvhereof, he advised them all to make his case their ovvn: but none daring to oppose, for that they knew the men that were present to be privily armed, he was led away, and compelled to drink poyson, which he did with a resolute and gallant Spirit. After this the Tyrants, as being at liberty to do what they plea∣sed, forbad all that were not contained in the Catalogue, to come into the City, from which they expelled them and the borders, that they and their Associates might enjoy their Lands. The Citizens betook themselves to the Piraeus, but being thence also expelled, they filled Megara and Thebes with their multitudes.

3. This banishment of the Athenians procured their liberty. For, now they entred into consultation, and resolved to hazard their lives for the free∣dom of their Country; seeing that now what would have been treason at home, would have no danger abroad, but such as might be found in the execu∣tion. First Thrasybulus who was then at Thebes, with but* 1.829 thirty in his company, seized upon Phyla, a Castle in the Territories of Athens; which the Tyrants understanding, endeavoured to recover, but to no purpose; for he having gotten to him within a while 700 men, put to flight the Garrison Sol∣diers of Sparta, whom they had set to watch two miles off from the Castle, killing of them about 120 men. Herewith the Tyrants were something dis∣couraged,* 1.830 but thinking it best to get Eleusine into their power, they went thither, and perceiving the Inhabitants that were able to bear Arms to go out at the gates, that they might onely as they pretended take the number of their heads, most wickedly murdered them. After this Thrasybulus with 1000

men seized upon the Piraeus, against whom, though the Tyrants came out with their whole power, yet he obtained the victory against them, killing 70, and what more, Critias the Arch Tyrant, with Hippomachus one of his Collegues, and Charmiaes one of the ten Captains which had been placed over the Pi∣raeus. When the slain were delivered up to be buried, and thereupon both parties met, C••eocritus a Cryer belonging to the Priests, and a man famous for his loud and audible voice, expostulated with those who sided with the Tyrants for expelling them their fellow Citizens, educated together, partakers hereto∣fore of the same things, sacred and prophane, prosperous and adverse, and all for to satisfie the lust of those Monsters, who had kindled such a flame as had already consumed more than the Peloponnesian War did in ten years. His speech produced such effect, that the 3000 fell at difference amongst them∣selves; such as had been busied in the destruction of other men, together with the Tyrants, vehemently contended that nothing was to be granted to them in the Pi••aeus; but those that were confident in their own innocence, crying out, there was no reason that they should obey the will and pleasure of the thirty, and suffer the Citie to perish, prevailed against them. Then was the power of the thirty abrogated, and ten chosen into their room, one out of very Tribe,* 1.831 after which they quitted the Citie, and retired to E∣leusine.

4. Notwithstanding the change of the Government, yet there was no accord betwixt them in the Piraeus and those in the Town,* 1.832 but several acts of Hostility they committed against one another. At length the 3000 in the Town, and the Tyrants of Eleusine, sent to Sparta to desire aid against the other, saying, that the people revolted from the Lacedaemonians; and Ly∣sander procured them 100 Talents to be sent out of hand, himself ordered to go General to assist them, and his brother Libys General of the Fleet. Then besieged he the Piraeus,* 1.833 both by Land and Sea, and sorely straightned them; but Pausanias the Spartan King thinking much that he should get the glory of Conquering Athens the second time, which he would make as his own, he perswaded the Ephori to give way, that he should follow him with another Army, under pretence of assisting him; upon which account the Corinthians and Boeotians amongst the Confederates refused to follow him, alleging they should break their Oaths by fighting against them, who had done nothing prejudicial to the peace. This they did, concluding that the Lace∣daemonians would lay the Territories of Athens to their own demains. Pausanias, after his arrival, sent to them in the Piraeus to bid them depart, and they refu∣sing it, for a colour to his designs, he lead his Forces against them. But return∣ing without any thing performed, he went to view the Walls the next day, at which time they sallied out upon him, and still fresh supplies coming in on both sides, wrought, and received considerable damage.

5. Yet for all this he underhand sent unto them about a composure, and instructed them what they should offer. They obeyed him, and he perswaded also those in the Citie to end the controversie, that both might become friends to the Lacedaemonians.* 1.834 The two Ephori present with him (for two used alwayes to accompany the Spartan Kings in their expeditions) inclined to his opinion, rather than to the severity of Lysander, and so accordingly they sent Ambassadors from both parties to Lacedaemon about an agreement. The Lacedaemonians after audience presently dispatched ten Commissioners with them back to Athens, who, together with Pausanias, might make an agreement. They presently composed all on these terms: That all should re∣turn home to their own habitations, except the 30. and the 10. and 11 men which had commanded in the Piraeus: and if any feared the people they might remove to Eleusine. These things being done, Pausanias drew off the Spar∣tan Army, and those that were in the Piraeus went up with their Arms into the Citie,* 1.835 and there sacrifized to Minerva. Then by the perswasion of Thrasybulus the popular Government was restored, and all things ordered as in former times. A little after it being heard that they in Eleusine hired Soldiers abroad, attempting new matters, the whole Citie rose against them,

took their Captains as they came to parley, and slew them: the rest by their friends sent to them were perswaded to agree. Then passed a general Act of Oblivion for all that was past, confirmed by an Oath, to keep which they being very carefull, even yet saith Xenophon, joyntly mannage the affairs of the Commonwealth. By which wise order the Citie returned to its former quietnesse, upon this Sedition raised by the 30 Tyrants, who being created by a Decree of the Senate, as * another saith, put to death 1400 Citizens unheard,* 1.836 and forced more than 5000 to fly into the Piraeus.

6. But this Tyranny of the 30. not onely produced the dest••uction of many in the Town, but of Alcibiades also then living in Asia with Pha∣nabazus,* 1.837 whom he intended to make use of to bring him to the King, ho∣ping he might deserve no worse of that Prince than Themistocles had done of his Predecessor. When the Athenians were deprived of their liberty by the means of Lysander, and the Tyranny of the 30. they then began again to re∣pent of what they had done to him, judging that if he had been yet at the Helm, they should never have made shipwrack of their liberty, and still their confidence was in him, and thought their cause was not utterly despe∣rate as long as he was safe.* 1.838 The Tyrants also were jealous of him, pro∣curing all the intelligence they could concerning all his actions, and at length Critias remonstrated to Lysander, that things could not stand as they did long, if he lived, who yet was nothing perswaded to procure his death, till he received a Scytala from the Magistrates at Sparta, who either feared his great abilities, or did it to gratifie Agis, to remove him by some means out of the way. He sent to Pharnabazus, requiring him to dispatch him, who enjoyned his brother Magaeus, and his Uncle Susami••hres to be his Executioners: They coming to the Village in Phrygia where he lived, durst not enter his house, but compassing it about set it on fire. He perceiving what was done, took some Clothes, and casting them into the fire, which keeping down the flame for some space, he brake out, whereupon the Barbarians fled, not daring to stand to him, but at a distance killed him with Darts, after which his body was burnt (with that matter that was prepared to consume him alive) by the care of his Paramour Timandra, the Mother of Lais the famous Corinthian Courtisan. Thus he died in the flour of his age, scarce exceeding fourty years, a man very beautifull, of most excellent parts, fit for any imployment, able to accommodate himself to all, both times and customs, though never so repugnant, and therein yet esteemed also to excell. Socrates upon him exercised the true Platonick love, labouring to infuse such virtue into him as might make him truely lovely; but such were his temp∣tations, and inclination, that counterpoising the instructions, nature in this man seemed to try what she could do; it being agreed by all, saith* 1.839 one who wrote of him, that none was ever more eminent, both for vice and virtue.

7. After these things Cyrus made War upon his brother Artaxerxes,* 1.840 as hath been said elsewhere, at what time he sent to Lacedaemon, demanding a return for his kindnesses shewed to them, who thinking it most just, sent their Admiral to keep in play Syeunesis the Satrapa of Cilicia, till he passed that Countrey. After his overthrow, Tissaphernes his greatest Enemy, be∣ing a most insolent man before, now grew more haughty (after the King had laid the Province of Cyrus to his Satrapie) and began to be more trouble∣some to the Greek Cities in Asia.* 1.841 They sent to complain hereof at Sparta, which State sent to their relief Thimbron with an Army of 1000 new raised Soldiers out of Laconia, 4000 Foot of Peloponnesus, and 300 Horse from Athens, which the Citie willingly parted withall, with no good prosperity wished to their persons, for that they had been in the service of the thirty Ty∣rants. What he did in Asia, and how he returned home after Dercyllidas was sent to succeed him, and was banished upon complaint of the Confederates, is related in the Affairs of Asia. At the same time as Dercyllidas managed the War beyond the Seas, the Lacedaemonians and Eleans reviving their old grudges and complaints, broke out into another War, which was begun by the

Lacedaemonians at the instance of the Ephori. They sent out Agis their King, who led an Army into the Territories of the Eleans; but an Earth-quake hapning at his first entrance, which was counted ominous, he returned with∣out any thing at all performed. The year after, he undertook another expe∣dition, the Athenians, and all the other Confederates, except the Corin∣thians and Boeotians, following him, wherein he sorely afflicted all the Coun∣trey, sparing the Citie Elis it self, and though he retreated, yet the Garrison he left behind him, continuing these depredations all the next Summer, and the Winter following, the next Summer the Eleans were constrained to re∣ceive such conditions as their Enemies would give them. The Wall about Patrae was demolished, Cyllene relinquished, five Towns delivered into the hands of the Spartans, and three to the Arcadians; the management of the Affairs of the Temple belonging to Jupiter Olympius being onely left remaining to them.

8. Not long after these things Agis died,* 1.842 having falln sick in his return from Delphos. He had born to him by his wife Timaea, a son called Leuty∣chides, but conceived at that time when Alcibiades sojourned at Sparta, by whom there were great presumptions that he was begotten. He had not been with his wife of ten moneths before the Child was born; Timaea her self was wont when she would play with it to call it Alcibiades more commonly than Leutychides, as was acknowledged by her maids; and neither did Alcibiades himself forbear to acknowledge that he had to do with her, saying, it was not out of any carnal affection, but out of a desire that those who should proceed from him might reign at Lacedaemon; upon these grounds Agis owned not Leutychides for his son, but told the Ephori he was none of his, divorcing also his Mother;* 1.843 but when he lay sick, having no Children, and moved by his prayers and tears, he owned him for his son before many witnesses. After his death a great contention insued about the succession betwixt Leutychides and Agesilaus brother to Agis, a man lame of one foot, but of a most noble and valiant disposition. Agesilaus was bred after the ordinary strict way, as not having expected the Kingdom being a younger brother, and yet was in great favour vvith the people, and pressing the illegitimation of his adversary had their ear; but one thing they much stuck at, vvhich vvas an old Prophecie much urged by Diophites their Prophet, that it should go very hard with Spar∣ta when it should have a lame King. Yet Lysander, vvho had taken a great affection to him,* 1.844 answered, that by a lame King vvas not meant lame of a foot, vvhich could be no hinderance to virtue, but one of spurions extraction; and herewith, and by his private interest, procured the sentence to passe for Age∣silaus.

9. Agesilaus had not been a year in his Office, before that being to sacri∣fize for his Countrey according to the custom, the entrails of the beast three times did not permit it, which being viewed by the Prophet, he fore∣told that a grievous conspiracy was hatched against him, and all Magistrates, both in Town and Countrey. Five dayes after this a notable conspiracy in∣deed was disclosed to the Ephori by one of the Complices, the head of which was Cinaedon. They presently referring it to the Senate, it was thought fit that he should be sent out of the Citie, under pretence of some employment, and that some should go after him to make him reveal his fellows, which ac∣cordingly was done, and an ignominious death was executed upon them. After the execution Herodus of Syracuse came with news out of Phoenicia, that a Fleet of 300 Gallies was prepared by Tissaphernes, and the King, but upon what design was not known. The Lacedaemonians moved at this, cal∣led the Deputies of their Confederates to Sparta to consult about it. Now Lysander had a great mind to return into Asia, desirous to relieve those his friends, who being by him placed in the Government of the Cities, ten in a place, were for their violence and great misdemeanours, either killed, or driven into banishment. He therefore perswaded Agesilaus to undertake so noble and pious an expedition, and wrote to his friends in Asia, to desire of the State that he might be sent. Being perswaded, he offered his service on condition

they would grant him thirty Assistants,* 1.845 by whose directions and advice he might manage the War; with 2000 choice men newly to be raised, and 6000 of the Confederates: These were all decreed to him by the dealing of Lysander, who procured himself to be sent as chief of the thirty, to which place he might well pretend for the great glory of his atchievements, and his friendship to Agesilaus, whom as he judged he had more obliged by procuring this employment, than by the former courtesie of preferring him to the King∣dom.

10. Having his Army and Provisions in a readinesse, he marched to Au∣lis, that thence, after the example of Agamemnon, he might passe over into Asia; but going about to sacrifize a Doe to the Goddesse, with which he thought she would be better pleased than she was with Agamemnon for his daughter, he was hindred by the Boeotians from doing that which was con∣trary to their custom, and was constrained in a great chase to passe over with∣out the Ceremony, the Omission of which he accounted as a bad presage. When he came to Ephesus, it appeared that he onely bore the name, and Ly∣sander had all the credit and authority, all men making application to him, and observing him as a man of whom they had had former experience to ex∣ceed all men in earnestnesse to gratisfie his friends, and destroy his Enemies. This much moved Agesilaus,* 1.846 though a man of a most mild spirit (who was famous for bearing with any thing) and troubled also his own Collegues, so that the King resolving to cut off his authority, rejected all the sutes he made for any, and plainly shewed that his design was to crosse him in all he at∣tempted. Lysander hereupon told his friends how the case stood, that they must make no more addresses to himself, and being sensible of the disgrace expostulated with him about it, who let him understand that he could not endure to be overtopped by him; He then desired some imployment of him, wherein he might both save his own credit, and do him service, wherein he promised to be faithfull. He then sent him to the Hellespont, where find∣ding Spithridates the Persian to be offended by Pharnabazus, he brought him over to him with a great Treasure, and 200 Horse, although hereaf∣ter it was found that he took very hainously the diminishing of his repu∣tation.

11. Agesilaus in Asia prospered in the War to admiration, gaining great glory for his wisdom, valour, and courtesie, both at home and abroad; inso∣much that the Spartans, in confidence of his abilities, and integrity, committed the Fleet also to his command, judging it most convenient for expedition, and that both the Armies might joyn the readilier upon occasion, that they should be in the hands of one man whom they could trust. But in this one thing he is accounted to have erred, in that not having respect to the publick good, he passed by many far more Eminent for prudence and gravity, and pitched upon Pisander, his wives brother (a man very bold, but meanly pra∣ctised in businesse) for his Admiral.* 1.847 As he was going towards the Fleet, and Agesilaus marching for Phrygia, Tithraustes (who having cut off the head of Tissaphernes had succeeded in his place) considering in how great danger his masters affairs stood, sent Timocrates a Rhodian with much Persian Gold into Greece, wherewith to corrupt the principal men in the Cities, and procure them to make War against the Lacedaemonians. This was effected at Thebes and Argos; and the Athenians, though they had no Gold, yet were very ready to imbrace the War, believing that therein they should have the Chief command. Those that were corrupted then grievously inveighing a∣gainst the Lacedaemonians, procured that the chief Cities entred into a Com∣bination against them. The Thebans knowing that they would not begin the War except first provoked, took occasion to do it by the Locrian Opun∣tians, whom they procured to quarrel with the Phocians, and their other Neighbours, about some grounds in question amongst them, concluding, that thereupon the Phocians would break into Locris. They did so, and did more hurt than they had received; whereupon Audocides, who had received much Gold, procured the Thebans to assist the Locrians. The Thebans then in∣vaded

Phocis, which they wasted, and presently did the Phocians send to Lacedaemon to desire aid, shewing that they had not been the beginners of the War.

12. The Lacedaemonians not unwillingly imbraced this occasion of falling out with the Thebans, to whom they bore many grudges.* 1.848 They exacted the tenth part assigned to Apollo at Decelea, refused to make War against the Piraeus, perswading also the Corinthians, as they judged, to do the same; they remembred also how they had forbidden Agesilaus to sacrifize, casting the sacrifice from off the Altar, and would not follow him into Asia. They resolved now that they had no War in Greece, and that their affairs were in so good a condition in Asia, to curb their insolence. Lysander was then dis∣patched to Phocis, where he should gather the Forces of the Confederates together, and stay for Pausanias the King,* 1.849 who was to bring the Forces of Sparta and the rest of the associates to Haliartus. He marching into Boeotia drew Orchomenus from the league of Thebei, and impatient of delay tarried not for Pausanias, who hovered about Tegaea, but went with such Forces as he had already to Haliartus, which he summoned, but in vain, the Thebans which already were in the City hindring the surrender. Upon refusal he led his men to the walls,* 1.850 and they of Thebes upon notice hereof hasted out of their City to help their friends, and falling upon Lysander (whether aware of their coming or not is uncertain) slew him in the place, and routed his Forces, of which were slain 1000 men, and of the Thebans 300. This was the end of Lysander, which he partly brought upon himself by his eagernesse to make this Expedition, being in his old age fallen into melancholy, which rendred him more pevish than usual.* 1.851 He left a great name behind him, but purcha∣sed rather by his good successe than Virtue. He would neither spare for cruelty nor falsehood to compasse his designs, taking no estimate of any thing by any balance but that of profit. He scoffed at such as said, that those who were descended of Hercules (amongst which he was reckoned, though not of the royal families) ought to manage Wars without deceit, saying, that where the Lyon's skin would not serve, the Foxes was to be sowed to it. A de∣sign of his was discovered after his death, whereby he intended to have taken the Regal power out of the two families, and have made them common to all in general. To this purpose a writing was found containing a speech he intended to offer to the People; which Agesilaus would have published, that it might have been seen what kind of Commowealths-man he was; but was disswaded by Lacratidas chief of the Ephori, who said, that Lysander was not to be digged up again, but rather that speech to be buried with him. Notwith∣standing his ambition, yet he died poor, which rendred him the more famous, so that to do honour to his memory the Spartans imposed a mulct upon cer∣tain Citizens, who being contracted with his Daughters before his death, af∣terwards when his poverty appeared, refused to marry them.

13. The Thebans having lost so many men in the late fight, thought they had but small cause to triumph, counting their losse equal with that of the Enemy. The day after, when they understood that the Phocians and others had retreated, they took more courage; but again, when they perceived Pausa∣nias to draw near, they esteemed themselves in no small danger. Yet the day following the Athenians joyning themselves to them, and Pausanias not moving forwards, they then had no small confidence in the goodnesse of their Fortune. Pausanias being doubtful what to do, called a council of the con∣federates to consult, whether he had best by main force or by truce recover the body of Lysander, who for that it lay near the Town walls, and it was very dangerous to fetch it off by strong hand, concluded a truce was to be desired; and the rather, for that the Corinthians refused to joyn with them, and the Enemy had good store of Horse which they wanted. The Thebans refused to give up the dead bodies, except the Lacedaemonians would ingage to depart out of Boeotia, and therefore to their great grief they were constrained to do it, and in their retreat the Thebans grown very insolent, killed such as staid behind never so little in the Villages. The Expedition was unfortunate to

the Spartans in general;* 1.852 but especially to Pausanias, who at his return was accused capitally for not meeting Lysander in convenient time, according to agreement, for that he had not by fight but truce recovered the slain, and dis∣missed such Athenians as had been taken in the Piraeus; and lastly, had not appeared at his tryal. Being condemned he fled to Tegea, where afterwards he fell sick and died.

14. The Lacedaemonians awakened by their losse,* 1.853 and now knowing for certain that money had been sent out of Asia to the several Cities, which had moved them to take arms, they thought themselves in some danger, and re∣called Agesilaus to defend his Country. He having had successe in the War suitable to his Military skill and valour, was now gathering of greater Forces, wherewith he intended to march into the higher Countries against the King himself; but notwithstanding this, and that it troubled him to leave Asia, yet he resolved to obey, acknowledging in his letter to the Ephori, that then a General truly and justly commands, when he is governed by the Lavvs and Magistrates, upon vvhich account he said, he vvould follovv the letter, if not prevent it (seeing they had set him a day, and that he commanded not for himself but the City and Confederates) although he had subdued a great part of Asia,* 1.854 overthrovvn the Barbarians, and had made great preparations for the War in Ionia. He left Eux••nus the Harmos••es of Asia vvith a guard of 4000 Soldiers, but making all provision for his Country, drevv over many out of the Cities to the Service. Having passed the Hellespont into the Cher∣ronesus, he held the same vvay that Xerxes formerly had done, vvhen in the mean time the Ephori and Aristodemus guardian to Agesipolis the young King, vvith an Army of 15000 overthrevv that of the Leaguers, consisting of 20000 (vvhereof 13000 bore heavy Armour) making great slaughter, though they lost no more than eight of their number. Care was taken that Agesilaus should have notice of this successe (with the Confederates in Asia) who grieved onely that Greece should destroy so many of it's own Worthies. As he passed through Thrace, he would not ask any of the Barbarians leave to go through their Countries; but onely sent to know whether he should passe as a Friend or an Enemy. All friendly received and conducted him, except the Tralles, who having formerly sold the passage to Xerxes, now also demanded of him 100 Talents, and as many women. He jeered at them, asking why they came not to receive what was demanded? and going forwards made great slaughter of them. The King of Macedonia, when he asked the question of him, said he would consider of it; so let him, said he; but in the mean time we will proceed in our journy, which boldnesse so awed the King, that he suf∣fered him to passe quietly.

15. Having passed through Thessalie notwithstanding all opposition, by order of the Ephori he invaded Boeotia,* 1.855 judging alwaies obedience best, though he could have wished, and had intended first to have been better pro∣vided. As he invaded Boeotia the Sun was eclypsed (August 24 according to the Astronomical Table) and he received the news of the overthrow of Pi∣sander upon the Coasts of Asia by Pharnabazus, and Conon the Athenian, who being for his skil in Sea-matters in great request with the Persian, im∣proved his interest for the restitution of the Fortune of his Country. Upon this report he put on a good countenance, lest he should discourage his men, telling them Pisander the Admiral was slain, but that his Fleet had obtained the Victory. But now in Boeotia, when he was come near to Coronea, the Leaguers opposed themselves against him, being the Boeotians, Athenians, Argives, Corinthians, Euboeans, Aenianes, and both the Locrians, with whom was fought such a battel as had not hapned in that Age. At the first on∣set Agesilaus had the better in one wing, but the Thebans in the other, and being in the pursute were forced to retire to help their friends, where he charging upon the Front of the Thebans, and not on the Rear, as he might have done, did great execution, and was wounded himself, notwithstanding the valour of his Guard, consisting of Fifty stour young-men, lately sent him from Sparta to do him honour. At length he had the better of it, and dis∣missed

un-hurt 80 of the Enemies, who had taken Sanctuary near hand, af∣ter which he went to Delphos, and consecrated the tenth of his spoils, which amounted to no lesse than 100 Talents. In the mean time Gylus the Polemarchus brake out into Locris, where the Soldiers beeing greedy of plun∣der, were fallen upon by the Inhabitants, whom though they repelled at first, yet night coming on they were so intangled, that Gylus himself and very ma∣ny others were slain, and all of them had been lost, but that the Alarm being taken by the Camp, relief was thence sent to them. After this, the Soldiers were dismissed to their several homes, and Agesilaus went by ship to Sparta. Yet notwithstanding the War continued, the Athenians, Boeotians, Argives, and their Confederates, making excursions from Corinth, which they had made the seat of Warre; and the Lacedaemonians with their allies from Sicyon.

16. The Corinthians considering that their grounds were wasted, and many of them slain, because of their being so near to the Enemy, but their Confe∣derates free from these mischiefs, the most and best of them desired Peace, and began to consider of it amongst themselves. This being understood by the Argives, Boeotians, Athenians, and especially by such amongst them∣selves as had received the Persian Gold, and caused the War, they fearing Corinth would return again to the Lacedaem••nians, to prevent this, they re∣solved to massacre all such as were for the Peace. This they performed on a Festival, when most were got together, sparing none that took Sanctuary in religious places, so that most of the elder sort were killed, and the younger fled out of the City. Many of them, by the intreaty of their friends, and up∣on the Oath of the Magistrates, that they should be safe, returned home with∣in a short time; but seeing plainly the City was in the way to ruine by the tyranny of those that governed,* 1.856 as that for Corinth it was to be called Argos, the Laws of which City they must be forced to receive; moreover being sensible that they had no more power at home than meer strangers, some of them resolved it was better, by attempting the freedom of their Countrey, to die in the quarrel, if it should fall out, than to live in that slavish condition. In prosecution hereof they let in Praxitas Governour of Sicyon for the Lace∣daemonians within the long walls, who having no great force with him, for∣tified himself as well as he might, which being understood at Argos, they flocked out thence to assist their friends, and the Lacedaemonians opposing themselves they came to a fight, wherein after much difficultie and various Fortune, the Lacedaemonians were conquerours, making great slaughter of their Enemies, This Victory was the more eminent, for that so small a number had vanquished such multitudes, after which, they put to the Sword a Garrison of Boeotians, which held the Haven called Lochaeus.

17. Praxitas pursuing his Victory, brake down part of the walls to make a passage for his men, and then going on in the way towards Megara, took two Towns, wherein he left a Garrison and departed, after which followed onely some light bickerings, till at length the Lacedaemonians issuing out of Lochaeus, with their friends besieged Corinth, at which time the Athenians fearing they might passe the long walls and invade their territories, came out of the City with Masons and Workmen, and repaired that part which was to∣wards them. The Lacedaemonians grudging that the Argives should flourish at home, and prosper abroad, sent Agesilaus with an Army against them, who laying waste all their Territories, brake through to Corinth, and took the walls which the Athenians had repaired,* 1.857 his Brother Teleutias Admiral, taking the ships and Arcenals upon the Gulf. Returning home, he was not long after sent out again, who when he came to Corinth, thought to have sur∣prised it, but the Citizens aware of it, called in a Garrison of the Atheni∣ans, under the command of Iphicrates, and thereby prevented him. At this time Ambassadors came to him from several parts, and amongst the rest from Boeotia, to know what terms of Peace he would propound; but he carried himself so high, that he would take no notice of them; though Pharax in∣terceded out of an inveterate grudge he bare towards the Thebans. But

before their departure there came news that the party he had left in Lechaeus was defeated by Iphic••ates, at which unusual message being much affected he leaped out from his Throne, and in all haste went to relieve them, but in his way met with three Hors-men, who acquainted him how late his as∣sistance would be. Hereupon he returned, and the next day sent for the Ambassadors to hear what they had to say; but they something in∣couraged at what had hapned, and minding to requite him for his dis∣respect, made then no mention of peace, but desired leave to go to Co∣rinth.

18. He easily apprehending them, told them they should the next day see their friends in the Town rejoycing, and the defeat of his men, which was the true cause of their desire to go to Corinth, and accordingly wasting all about the Citie, went to the Walls, and having in vain provoked the Inha∣bitants to fight, marched to the Lechaeus the place of the defeat, after which he dismissed the Ambassadors, not suffering them to go to Corinth. His Army now beholding with their eyes the monument of the late mischance, were sorely affl••cted, having not at all been accustomed to such a sight, onely the Parents, Kindred, and relations of the slain, according to the Laconian cu∣stom seemed to rejoyce in the Calamity of their Countrey. Having re-in∣forced the Garrison of Lechaeus, he returned home his men, shunning the light and sight of all men, out of shame for what had hapned in this expedition contrary to their former fortune. But Iphicrates after his departure, in con∣fidence of his good successe proceeded, and reduced such places as had been taken by Praxitas & Agesilaus.* 1.858 After these things the Achaeans being put to it by the Acarnanians, who endeavoured to wrest from them Calydone, a Town formerly belonging to the Aetolians, sent to Lacedaemon, and expostulated with them for not assisting them, who alwayes were ready to follow them into all places. The State upon this complaint sent Agesilaus to aid them, who invading Acarnania, wasted the Countrey, made prey of most of their Cattel, and being opposed by them, was much pur to it on the mountainous and pre∣cipitous places, by Darts and Arrows; but coming to hand-stroaks, they were presently put to flight, and 300 of them slain. Then consumed he all things with fire and sword, and attempted some Towns by the perswasion of the Achaeans; but in vain. Now Autumn growing on, he could not be staid by their intreaties to prevent the Acarnanians from sowing their Corn, telling them they were not well advised in their request; for his intenti∣on being to return the next year, how much more Corn they should have upon the ground, by so much would they be the more desirous of peace.

19. And according to his promise, the Winter being over, he returned, at the report whereof the Athenians seated in a mid-land Countrey, and there∣upon more obnoxious to damage in their Corn, and in great danger of losing their Towns, made an agreement with the Achaeans, and entred into a so∣ciety of War with the Spartans. This War being over, the Lacedaemonians not thinking it safe to contend with the Athenians and Bo••otians, whilest the Argives were at their back, they resolved to send their Forces against them. The conduct of them falling to Agesipolis,* 1.859 the other King, he would not un∣dertake it, till he had consulted both the Oracle of Jupiter Olympius, and that of Apollo at Delphos, concerning the lawfulnesse of the War, because the Argives desired a Truce, but being satisfied therein, he invaded, and wasted their Territories; yet ere long terrified with divers prodigies, he retreated without any considerable thing done. In the mean time Pharnabazus and Conon, having overthrown the Lacedaemonians in a Sea-fight at Cnidus, freed the Greek Cities from the Lacedaemonian Governours,* 1.860 which Conon suggested to the other as the onely way to make them his own, and not to attempt to de∣prive them of liberty, which would force them to combine against him, and thereby give him work enough. He attempted Sestus and Abydus; but Der∣cyllidas having secured them, he lost his labour, and gave order to Conon to pro∣cure a Navy from the Cities upon the Hellespont against the Spring, being

much incensed against the Lacedaemonians, and resolving to invade their Dominions. At Spring he did so, and having strengthened the Enemies of Sparta, as much as possible, he furnished Conon with a Fleet, and money to rebuild the long Walls of the Piraeus, than which Conon perswaded him he could not do any thing more suitable to his own interest involved in the dam∣age of the Lacedaemonians, and gaining the good will of the Athenians. The Spartans understanding that their own affairs must necessarily decline as much as those of Athens were advanced, (notwithstanding Teleutias bro∣ther to Agesilaus had recovered the Soveraignty of the Gulf of Corinth) yet thought it necessary as much as in them lay to prevent it.

20. Lest Conon should again recover the Islands to the Athenian state, they thought good to advertise Teribazus, another of the Persian Satrapaes, hereof, hoping either to draw him to their party, or at least to procure that no more furtherance should be afforded to the design of Conon.* 1.861 To this pur∣pose they sent Antalcidas to him, to lay open these things, and to try what could be done with him about a peace, who according to his instructions, to gain it the more easily, fully left to his disposal the Greek Cities in Asia, provided those without were but left to their own freedom. Teribazus liked well of this, but the Athenians, Boeotians, Corinthians, and Argives, having also dispatched away their Ambassadors upon report of his employment, re∣fused to assent upon their own private interests. The Athenians feared, if the Islands should be left to their own liberty, lest they should lose Lemnus, Im∣brus, and Sciras. The Thebans, lest they should be compelled to set at liber∣ty the Cities of Boeotia, and the Argives concluded, that then they must lay aside all thoughts of Corinth, which they had conceived great hopes to make their own. Their dissention hindred Teribazus from concluding a peace with the Lacedaemonians without the Kings special Warrant, but underhand he supplied them with money to maintain their power at Sea, and commit∣ting Conon to custody, went to the King to know his pleasure.

21. The King upon his giving account how affairs stood, sent Struthas to take care of the maritime affairs, who being sensible what damage Agesilaus had done his master, was inclinable towards the Athenians, which being under∣stood at Lacedaemon, they sent Thymbro into Asia to keep him in action, who at first sorely afflicted the places subject to his command, but at length was slain, and his Forces defeated. At this time certain Rhodians being ba∣nished by the people who had the power in their own hands, came to Sparta, and complained that the Athenians had brought the Island under their power by that kind of Government. The Spartans understood their interest in so powerfull an Island, and sent Ecdicus with eight Gallies to revive, if possible, the Oligarchy which was agreeable to their own model; and in this Fleet they ordered him to convey Diphridas into Asia, who was to gather up the Reliques of Thymbro's Army, and renew the War against Siruthas. He ordered his affairs very well, being a man fitter for the purpose than Thym∣bro was. But Ecdicus fearfull of the power of the people did nothing at Rhodes, into his room Teleutias was dispatched, and with a Fleet of 27 Gal∣lies did that for which he was sent.* 1.862 The Athenians hearing of these motions sent out Thrasybulus against the Spartans, who despairing of Rhodes went in∣to the Hellespont, where in Thrace he reconciled two Princes, Odryses and Seuthes, and made them friends of the Athenian State. Departing thence, he recovered several Cities, and amongst the rest Byzantium and Chalcis, whence going to the Island Lesbus (all the Towns whereof except Mitylene were joyned to the Lacedaemonians) he had good successe, taking several pla∣ces, and wasting the Territories of the other.

22. From Lesbus he sayled victoriously unto Rhodes, where he obtained money from the Inhabitants of Aspendus;* 1.863 but his men after the receit there∣of dealing injuriously with them, they issued out in great anger, and killed him in his Tent. This is he, who if virtue be to be valued without fortune,* 1.864 one doubts whether he be not to be preferred before all others, seeing that for faithfulnesse, constancy, greatnesse of mind, and love towards his Countrey,

no man is to be preferred before him; and whereas it hapned rarely to any to free his Countrey from the slavery of one man, he did it from the Tyranny of thirty. But whereas no man excelled him in worth, many overtopped him in nobility, and hereupon it fell ou••, that though in the Peloponnesian War he doing many things of himself, Alcibiades did nothing without him, yet the eminency of that man easily swallowed the glory and profit of all atchieve∣ments. The Lacedaemonians having notice of what he had done, and fearfull of what the friendship of Pharnabazus to the Athenians might produce, though they had nothing to say against Dercyllidas, yet sent Anaxibius out to restore their fortune, who had prevailed with the Ephori for this employ∣ment, and promised great matters if he were but assisted with money and shipping. They gave him three Gallies, and pay for 1000 men. He co∣ming to Abydus skirmished with Pharnabazus, and then getting three ships more, infested the Athenians. But the Athenians being sollicitous for keeping what Thrasybulus had recovered, though they had nominated Ar∣gyrius to his place, yet now sent Iphicrates with eight Gallies and 1200 men, who was lately returned from the Corinthian War. He setting upon Anaxi∣bius whilest he carelesly went abroad, slew him as he was going to Abydus, and with him twelve more Governours of Towns, and thence betook himself into the Cherronesus.

23. At this time Aegina was withdrawn by Et••onicus from the Athe∣nians, who thereupon besieged it, but to no effect.* 1.865 At Sea both sides as it were played the Pyrats with each other for some time: But Telentias being made General of the Lacedaemonian Fleet, fell in upon the Haven at Athens, where he took some Vessels laden, with the men, and putting the Citizens into a great fright, in his return preyed upon the Coasts, whence he took ma∣ny Fisher-boats with other booty, the places being not aware of any such things. In the mean while Antalcidas the Spartan returned with Teribazus from the Persian King, having concluded a League offensive and defensive with him, in case the Athenians and others would not consent to their pro∣posals for a general peace. He coming to Sea took eight Athenian Gallies which came from Thrace, under the Command of one Thrasybulus, and ma∣king up the Fleet to the number of 80 sayl, with 20 Syracusian Gallies, and others which he procured of Teribazus, obtained the Soveraignty of the Seas. The Athenians were startled hereat, fearing the issue of this War might be the same with that of the Peloponnesian, especially the Persian being now Con∣federate with the Lacedaemonians, and the Inhabitants of Aegina infesting their Borders;* 1.866 upon all which accounts they were very desirous of peace. The Lacedaemonians also being much straightned in maintaining Garrisons in so many places, both affected to them, & weary of them, began to have enough of War, having moreover much trouble about Corinth. The Argives not ignorant that War was decreed against them, and that their old shifts and pretences would stand them in no stead, were also ready to imbrace peace. They all then sent their Agents to Teribazus to know what was proposed by Artaxerxes Mnemon.

24. Teribazus shewing them the Kings Seals, read the Contents of the writing, which imported, that he thought it just that the Cities in Asia, the Islands Clazomenae and Cyprus, should be under his Jurisdiction: and all the rest, little and great, should be left to their own freedom, except Lemnus, Im∣brus, and Scirus, which having been time out of mind subject to the Athe∣nians, he thought it fitting they should so continue. And such as would not admit of these conditions, he with the rest of the Confederates would prosecute with War, both at Sea and Land, to the utmost ability. The Agents return∣ing home, all the States imbraced the conditions, except the Thebans, who were unwilling to set at liberty the Cities of Boeotia; but Agesilaus making preparations to invade them, they were so far awed thereby as to receive them. He constrained also the Argives to leave Corinth, from which the Authors of the late massacre then flying,* 1.867 the Exiles returned home. These things being done, and the League sworn to by all parties, this first peace was

made betwixt the Lacedaemonians and Athenians with their followers,* 1.868 after the ending of the Peloponnesian War, and casting down of their Walls, being called the peace of Antalcidas; for so it was termed, from the procurer, being indeed the shamefull betraying of those Cities into the hands of Artaxerxes, for which Agesilaus had prosecuted the War in Asia.

25. The Lacedaemonians were they who had the benefit thereof, being the Protectors and Patrons of it, and grew so high upon the successe, that now they resolved to chastize such of the Associates as had in the late War born greater affection to their adversaries than themselves.* 1.869 First they fell upon the Mantineans as guilty of this Crime, whom by their King Agesipolis (for Agesilaus, because of the friendship that passed betwixt his father and them, desired to be excused) they forced first to break down their Walls by turning the River upon them, which ran through the Citie, and then to di∣vide themselves into Villages. After this they forced the Phliasians to re∣ceive their Exiles, and made War upon the Olynthians in Thrace, at the re∣quest of the Acanthians and Apollonians, who accused them of clandestine practices with the Athenians and Thebans. By these courses they hoped that all the small Towns in Greece, upon occasion, would willingly follow them in their Wars as Authors of their liberty; and the great Cities, having lost their Dependents, would be unable to make opposition. And in particular they had conceived an emulation against Olynthus, now grown so mighty, that not onely she commanded her neighbour Towns, but was become terrible to places far remote,* 1.870 and to Sparta her self. The Olynthians had taken a great part of Macedonia, together with Pella the Metropolis of that Kingdom, and now imitating the old pretence of the Lacedaemonians to set at liberty the places over which Amyntas did Tyrannise, had almost driven him out of his Dominions, and taken all to themselves. They of Acanthus and Apollonia further adding, that either they must War upon Olynthus, or become subject to it, and fight shortly in its defence, Eudamidas was sent before with 2000 men. He arriving in Thrace, fortified the Cities, and recovered Potidaea, which had associated it self to the Olynthians, and managed his affairs with successe answerable to such force. In the mean time his brother Phoebidas, according as he had requested of the Ephori, was employed in raising the main body of the Army, and having compleated the leavy marched away for Thrace to joyn with him.

26. At this time the Thebans were much divided amongst themselves,* 1.871 be∣ing headed by two Polemarchi, Ismenias, and Leontidas. When Phoebidas was come on his journey as far as Thebes, Ismenias out of his hatred to the Lacedaemonians would not see him, but his Collegue betrayed Cadmaea the Citadel of Thebes into his hands, seized on Ismenias, and got the command of the whole Citie, whereat those of the contrary faction to the number of 400 fled to Athens.* 1.872 Then another being chosen into the place of Ismenias, Leontidas went to Sparta, where he found the Ephori and people much dis∣pleased with what Phoebidas had done, being both against the League, and without any Commission from them; and such as were Enemies to Agesilaus, especially aggravated the matter, labouring to draw him into suspition about it. He otherwise as great both a commender and practiser of Justice as any, yet took upon him to defend the fact, saying, that Phoebidas was worthy to be punished if he had done any thing that was hurtfull to the Commonwealth; but if it was profitable,* 1.873 then according to the ancient custom he was not bound, in such cases where haste is required, to stay for a Warrant. Follow∣ing herein his ambition, or giving way to his passion (which most shewed it self against the Thebans) he not onely indemnified Phoebidas, but perswaded the Citie to own what he had done, to keep the Castle, and prefer Ar∣chias and Leontidas, who had betrayed it, to the chief command of Thebes. The rest of the Graecians were sore aggrieved at what was done; but the Confederates durst not contradict it, and each Citie joyned one Commissio∣ner to three sent from Sparta, who all together should take Cognisance of, and judge the cause of Ismenias. He was accused before them of having favoured

the Barbarians, and held intelligence with the Persian; that he had received part of the money sent from him to corrupt the Graecians,* 1.874 and together with Andocides, had been the great incendiary who kindled and fomented their in∣testine broils. He answered severally and apart to all; but being believed to have attempted great and pernicious things, was condemned and put to death. Then was the power established in Leontides and his Compli∣ces, who did more in favour of the Lacedaemonians than was desired of them.

27. Things thus prospering, the Lacedaemonians more cheerfully pursued the War against Olynthus. They sent General thither Teleutias, who with the help of Amyntas the Macedonian,* 1.875 and Derdas Prince of Elimea, over∣threw the Olynthians under their walls, and wasting their grounds, for that Summer was ended, withdrew to their Winter quarters. But the next year when he returned, the Olynthians sallied out against him, whom to repel, he sending a party which drave them back beyond a River which ran by the Town, and followed them over, they then thinking they had his men at an advantage, turned back upon them, and slew to the number of 100. He being in a great chafe hereat, went in to the rescue with all his Forces, and following them within bow-shot from the walls, his men were sore galled by those that stood on the Turrets, and forced to give back, and then being hot∣ly charged he lost his life, with many others, so that the rest clearly put to the rout,* 1.876 and shifting for themselves to several places, the strength of this Army was broken, which defeat Xenophon chargeth upon the passion of Teleutias, shewing how dangerous it is in the Leader of an Army. The Lacedaemoni∣ans having notice of what had hapned,* 1.877 dispatched away Agesipolis their King with all convenient speed into Thrace, who upon better advantages inva∣ding the Olynthians, took Torone one of their confederate Towns, and har∣razed the Country, but at Midsummer by extremity of heat got a Fever, of which he died the seventh day, being much lamented by Agesilaus his Col∣league, for their long familiarity, though emulated by him. Being put into Honey and brought home, there he was interred with Royal rites, and Poly∣biades was sent to command the Army, who besieging the Olynthians, at length forced them by famine to yield on these terms:* 1.878 To have the same Friends and Enemies with the Lacedaemonians, and to follow them as associates whithersoever they should lead them in their Wars.

28. In the mean time the Phliasians grown confident upon the absence of Agesipolis, began to act very insolently and unjustly against the Exiles which of late they were made to re-admit. The Exiles complained of them at Lacedaemon, and they thereupon in their absence put a mulct upon them, which understanding, they still continued and praied justice from that State. At length the Ephori resolved upon War, and Agesilaus was sent against the Phliasians, who thereupon offering largely to do all things fitting, he re∣fused them, saying, he must have deeds and not words, to which now with∣out further confirmation he could give no credit. They asking what he would demand, he required their Castle to be delivered up to him, which being utterly refused, he besieged the City. They held out longer than he expec∣ted, because the Magistrate suffered them not to eat above half of the ordi∣nary proportion, and by means of one Delphion, who with 300 assistants, imprisoned such as spake of a surrender. But at length consumed with famine, they desired a Truce, to send Commissioners to Sparta to treat of Peace. Agesilaus stomached that they should passe him by,* 1.879 and therefore sending his friends to the City, he obtained that the matter should be referred back to him. He ordered that 50 should be chosen of the Exiles, and as many others, who should determine which Citizens should be suffered to live, and which put to death, and that then power should be given them to make Laws for the Government of the City. Whilst these things should be done he left a Garrison in the Town, and so departed, having spent Twenty moneths in this businesse.

29. All things thus falling out to the Spartans according to their wish, they

judged their Empire sufficiently established;* 1.880 but another event (as Xenophon gravely discourseth of divine vengeance) taught the contrary, it being clear, both from the Histories of Greeks and Barbarians, that God suffereth not to escape unpunished wicked and ungodly actions. They had sworn not long be∣fore to leave the Cities to their own liberty, and yet they kept in their hands the Citadel at Thebes, and therefore being formerly invincible, were now sufficiently plagued by those alone whom they had injured. There was one Phillidas Secretary to the present Polemarchi of Thebes, who being not at all suspected by his Masters, went to Athens where the Exiles lay, and there entered into a conspiracy with Mello one of them, for the killing of the Po∣lemarchi, and recovery of their Countries liberty. Mello and six others be∣ing let in by Phillidas, were in womens apparrel brought in to the Polemar∣chi as Courtezans, whilst they were drinking and celebrating the Feast of Venus at the end of their Office, whom they stabbed with daggers hid under their clothes; after which they did as much to Leontides the chief revolter, as he lay in his bed,* 1.881 Mello being easily admitted to him without suspition. Then went they to the common prison, and killing the Keeper set at liberty their friends, when now they called the people together, and exhorted them to stand in de∣fence of their native liberty. They presently besieged the Castle, wherein the Lacedaemonian Governour seeing the alacrity of the assailants, was forced to yield upon this condition, to go out with his Army, and for that was put to death at his return to Sparta. The Thebans then slew such as they could come by, who sided with Leontides, and, too rigorously, extended the same punishment to their children.

30. The Ephori sollicited by the Exiles that fled to Sparta,* 1.882 and moved by the authority of Agesilaus (who pretended a sufficient quarrel, for that Archias and Leontides were slain) sent Cleombrotus their King against the Thebans now in the depth of Winter. He in his passage slew those whom Phillidas had let out of prison, to the number of 150, who kept watch upon the mountains, but did nothing farther considerable, onely he left Sphodrias Governour of Thespae to raise new Forces, and be a refuge to the disconten∣ted party amongst the Thebans, and so returned. Yet herewith were the Athenians exceedingly affrighted, insomuch that one they put to death, who had conspired with the Theban Exiles, and condemned another who fled up∣on it. The Thebans also despaired of being able to graple with the Lacedaemonians, and therefore betook themselves to a politick device, which was invented by Pelopidas and Gorsidas principal of the late Conspira∣tors. A Merchant was sent to Sphodrias, then lying at Thespis, a rash and ambitious man, to perswade him to fall upon the Piraeus or Haven of Athens, as a work very grateful to his superiours, for thereby he should cut off the Athenian power at Sea, and he might be sure the Thebans would not assist them being already too much incensed.* 1.883 He pricked forwards by these con∣ceits, invaded Attica as far as Eleusine; but there his design being known, and his Soldiers unwilling to proceed any further, as not sufficiently pre∣pared for such an enterprize, he was forced to return.

31. The Athenians cast into prison the Spartan Ambassadors as conscious of such an unlawful act; but they utterly renounced the least knowledge of it,* 1.884 and promising Sphodrias should answer it with his life, they were content to expect the justice of the State upon him. The Ephori called him to account indeed, and yet though he appeared not, was he acquitted, to the great admi∣ration of all men, especially because of the author of his acquitment, which was Agesilaus.* 1.885 For the King, though at first he refused several times to hear any thing in his behalf; yet Cleonymus the son of Sphodrias beloved by Archidamus, made such means to him, that at length being very indulgent to his children, he excused the matter, and saying, he held Sphodrias to be an honest man, and that the Commonwealth stood in need of such Soldiers, he got him acquitted, to his great dishonour. The Athenians hereupon out of indignation joyned themselves to the Thebans, and the Boeotians and they sent to the Cities under the command of Sparta, to draw them to their party,

which they effected with most, they groaning under the yoak of Lacedaemon. They appointed a Common-councel to be held at Athens, for carrying on the War, made up of one out of every confederate City, by which course and other wayes of self-denial, the Athenians recovered much authority, ha∣ving constituted their Captains, Timotheus the Son of Conon, Chabrias, and Callistratus.

32. The Lacedaemonians to counterwork them,* 1.886 took off their severity from their Subjectts which had not yet revoked, whereby they kept them fast to them, and renewing Military discipline, sent Agesilaus into Boeotia with a great Army; for Cleombrotus liked not the cause so well as to ingage in it; and thereupon he was forced to lay aside his excuse of superannuation (being above 40 years older than one of ripe age) and submitted to the employment. The Thebans opposing themselves against him with the Athenians and others, took an hill, where by direction of Chabrias, they received him carelesly, with their shields let down to their knees, and their lances advanced, which courage of theirs as it seemed made him to retreat, and so having done great damage to their Country, and lost many of his men, he returned, leaving the Horse still to make excursions, under the command of Phoebidas. Several skirmishes then hapned after his departure, in one of which Phoebidas him∣self was slain, with 300 of his followers. This made the Thebans take more courage, and many then revolted to them. The Spartans sent a party to re∣inforce the Garrison of Thespis, and in the beginning of Spring prevailed with Agesilaus to undertake another Expedition, which was performed to little purpose.* 1.887 He broke a vein in his sound thigh, and the blood caused such an inflammation, that though opening a vein at his ancle gave him some ease, yet at his return he was forced to keep his bed for a long time, the blood at the orifice having ran night and day, till at length he swooned, which stopped the flux of it. The year after Cleombrotus was again sent out; but the The∣bans and Athenians disputing the passage with him in his way, after he had lost 40 men he returned. By these conflicts the Thebans were so exercised, that they became excellent Soldiers, as Autalcidas said jeeringly to Agesilaus at his return, that he was very well rewarded by them, whom without either will or knowledge he had taught to fight.

33. The Confederates being met at Lacedaemon, accused themselves of idlenesse, for that they had not stroven with the Athenians at Sea, and being now confident they could starve them in the City, they rigged a Fleet of 70 ships for that purrpose. And hereby they for some time as it were besieged Athens, so that the Corn-ships durst not approach, till Chabrias overthrew them in fight, and brought in plenty of provisions. The Lacedaemonians preparing to send new Forces into Boeotia, the Thebans desired of their friends at Athens to invade Peloponnesus by Sea, to divert them; which they rea∣dily did, under conduct of Timotheus, the Thebans at the same time taking several Towns upon their borders. The Spartans sent out one Nicolochus to Sea against Timotheus, who not staying for six Gallies of Ambracia, which he expected, with 55 sail set upon the Athenian Fleet consisting of 60, and was worsted. Hereupon Timotheus erected a Trophy, but Nicolochus getting the six ships of Ambracia, went and offered battel again, and Timotheus not stirring erected another Trophy as a Conquerour. But Timotheus mend∣ing his ships, made up his Fleet above 70 Vessels, and prevailed at Sea.* 1.888 The Thebans having got all the Boeotian Cities into their power invaded Pho∣cis, to the succour of which Cleombrotus was sent from Sparta,* 1.889 and there the associates both of the one side and the other met; but the Athenians thinking now that the Thebans became too potent by their assistance, were desirous of a Peace.* 1.890 The Thebans with 500 men went against Orchomenus, held by a Garrison of the Lacedaemonians, which sallying out against them, a hot dipute ensued, wherein, although the Spartans were double the number, yet they were beaten, which thing had not happened in former Ages. This added courage to the Thebans, and their military glory daily increasing, it now became evident that they strove for the Soveraignty of Greece. With

this year Hermeas of Methymna concluded his History of Sicily, which consi∣sted of 10. or, according to some, of 12 books.

34. The next being the second of the 101 Olympiad,* 1.891 the 30th of the reign of Artaxerxes Maemon, Hippodamus being Archon; Artaxerxes having a design to make War upon Egypt, and to use the Graecians therein, sent to perswade them to agreement.* 1.892 They being weary of War consented to it, all the Cities being to be set at liberty, and the Garrisons drawn out; onely the Thebans refusing to quit the Cities of Boeotia were not comprised in the League, being very confident in their good fortune, and much incouraged by several excellent good Soldiers amongst them, the principal of which were Pe∣lopidas, and Epaminondas, who from a poor Philosopher became the most re∣nowned for martial affairs of all Greece. This change produced great Com∣motions in the several Cities, but especially in those of Peloponnesus, which by the Lacedaemonians had been subjected to Oligarchy, and now having the popular Government restored, knew not how to use it moderately, but by unjust decrees opposed many worthy men, driving some into Exile, and sel∣ling their goods. Great stirs especially hapned amongst the Corinthians, Megarians, and Phliasians, whilest those that were unjustly banished en∣deavoured by force or policy to restore themselves.* 1.893 Those that were for De∣mocracy were maintained by the Athenians, and the Spartans assisting the O••igarchical faction, the peace was but for a small time observed by these two States, whilest both favoured such as bare most affection to their form of Government, and so they renewed the War: Such is the fruit of Antimo∣narchical Government, viz. nothing but sedition, confusion, and disor∣der.

35. They(a) 1.894 contested first about the Zacynthians, and afterwards in Cor∣cyra, where the Spartans besieging the Citie, the Inhabitants almost all fa∣mished, yet sallied out, and killing Mnesippus their General, with many o∣thers, the rest hearing of the coming of Iphicrates the Athenian with a great Fleet, with such plunder as they had got, disgracefully raised their siege and departed.* 1.895 At this time the Plataeans having a design to commit them∣selves to the Protection and Alliance of Athens, the Thebans thereupon de∣molished the Town, and not long after did the same by Thespis. The ruin of Plataea is by(b) 1.896 Pausanias referred to the next year when Asteus was Ar∣chon, in which also (being the fourth of the 101 Olympiad) hapned(c) 1.897 such Earth-quakes, and Inundations of the Sea in Peloponnesus, that Helice and Burae, two Towns of the Achaeans, were together with the Inhabitants swal∣lowed up. Hereof Diodorus assigneth several causes, laying the stresse upon an injury formerly offered by them to Neptune, in refusing to lend the Ionians their Statues, to which they should have sacrifized. Five dayes before the ruin of these Cities, all the Mice, Weasils, Serpents, and such like Creatures came out of Helice in great numbers, and took the way which leads to Coria. The Inhabitants admiring so strange a sight,* 1.898 had the next night their thoughts diverted by the Earth-quake, which made way for that Inundation wherein they perished, and with them ten ships of the Lacedaemonians then lying in the Haven.

36. The next year being the first of the 102 Olympiad,* 1.899 wherein Damon the Thurian got the prize, Alcisthenes being Archon, Artaxerxes sent his Am∣bassadors into Greece again to perswade the States to an agreement. The A∣thenians were now grievously displeased with the Thebans for destroying Pla∣taea and Thespes,* 1.900 two Cities which had so well deserved of Greece in the Median War, and thereupon would no more joyn with them. They sent Am∣bassadors to Lacedaemon about a peace, who used such Rhetorick to that State, specially Callistratus, that they brought the Spartans to assent upon these Terms: that the Cities should be set at liberty, the Armies disbanded, and whosoever would not acquiesce in these conditions, it should be lawfull for any of the Confederates, if they pleased (not being constrained to it) to help the di∣stressed. All others except the Thebans subscribed the League, for they were unwilling as before to quit the Cities of Boeotia. Hereupon the Spar∣tans

jealous of them, resolved to make War in the behalf of all Greece, and gave order to Cleombrotus their King (who now lay in Phocis,* 1.901 expecting what they would command him) to invade Boeotia. The Lacedaemonians having great Forces of their own, besides their Allies, and none willing to assist the Thebans, every one gave them for lost, who yet upon Cleombrotus his Summons refused to set free the Cities of Boeotia, except the Spartans would re∣store Messene, and permit the Laconians to enjoy their liberty. In summe, they desired they would no more meddle with what they did in Boeotia, than they were concerned in any thing done in Laconia.

37. They creaded Epaminondas General,* 1.902 of whose rare skill and valour they had had abundant proof, joyning with him the Baeotarchae. He levying 12000 men marched away, and possessed himself of the Straights of Coronea,* 1.903 which Cleombrotus hearing, marched through Phocis another way, and came into Boeotia by the Sea's-side; coming to Leuctra, he there rested himself, which the Boeotians understanding, passed over the Mountains, and came near to him, but seeing such multitudes to overspread the plain, were not a lit∣tle discouraged. The Boeotarchae then deliberating what to do, were divided in their opinions, three being for fighting, amongst whom was Epaminondas, and as many for departing;* 1.904 but whilest they were still in doubt came in the seventh, and through the perswasion of Epaminondas cast the ballance on his side. Plutarch saith, that Pelopidas first approved of his advice, being Cap∣tain of the Sacred Company, which was made up (as is most probable amongst many opinions) of intimate friends and lovers, who fighting earnestly for one another, when in danger, did great harm thereby to the Enemy. Whilest Epaminondas was several wayes incouraging his men to the fight, came in Jason the Pheraean, the most Eminent leading man of Thessaly, with 1000 horse and 1500 foot, in shew to help the Thebans, but with in∣tention to take up the quarrel; and he perswaded both parties to accept of a Truce.

38. Cleombrotus was then departing out of Boeotia, when a new Army met him from Sparta, under the Command of Archidamus; for the Lacedaemo∣nians seeing the courage and resolution of the Thebans, whereas otherwise they could not do it, resolved to oppresse them by their numbers. The Ge∣neral then thinking it to be disgracefull at all to fear the Thebans valour, marched back to Leuctra without any regard of the Truce, where they found the Boeotians ready to receive them. Cleombrotus and Archidaemus (both descended from Hercules) lead the Wings of their battel. Epaminondas gave leave to all that would to depart, which was done by the Thespians and others, who bore no good will to the Thebans. His prime men he placed in one Wing, and the other by themselves, whom he ordered to give back, as though they fled.* 1.905 Making then an oblique battalion, he with the stoutest men began the fight, and whilest the other retired from the Enemy he followed him close, who now brake his order to get into it. The successe remained doubt∣full as long as Cleombrotus lived; but he being slain whilest he most valiantly demeaned himself, first a great and bloudy contest hapned about his body, which at length his men recovered, and gave back in order, and by degrees.* 1.906 But Epaminondas still pressing upon them, and doing great execution, at length they fled, having no body to govern them. About 4000 of them were slain, and 300 of the other party. This battel hapned in the 34^th year after the end of the Peloponnesian War, the second of the 102d Olympiad, the 34^th of Artaxerxes Mnemon, Phraesiclides being Archon. A. M. 3634.

39. The message of this overthrow came to Sparta the last day of their gymnick solemnities, wherewith, though the Ephori were so affected, as those that saw now a conclusion of that Principality they had almost enjoyed 500 years, yet suffered not the exercises to be broken off; but sending the names of the slain to their relations, finished the Festival. The day after, when it was known who were slain, and who escaped, one might see the Parents and Kin∣dred of the dead to meet together in the Forum with cheerfull looks and minds, shaking one another by the hands; but on the other side the friends of

such as were living, as in some solemn time of mourning to keep themselves at home, or if they came abroad, to signifie their sadnesse in their habit, speech and countenance:* 1.907 and this was especially remarkable amongst the wo∣men. But when their associates had revolted, and Epaminondas was thought to be about to invade Peloponnesus, they then called to mind the Oracles, concerning what should happen to them under a Lame King; yet reveren∣cing the valour, power, and glory of Agesilaus, they not onely tetained him in his several places of King and General, but made use of him as a Physician in this sad distemper. Now whereas by the Laws of Sparta, such as had fled from a battel were not onely made incapable of Magistracy, and of marriage with others, who thereupon were noted with ignominy; but were to be struc∣ken by every one that met them, walking in a dejected posture, in Fools Coats, with their beards half shaved; there being many and powerfull who fled from Leuctra; lest any inconvenience might follow upon their discon∣tent, Agesilaus procured that the Law for his time should be silent, and (without repealing) obtain its antient vigour for the time to come. Then to recreat the minds of the Soldiers he lead them out into Arca∣dia, where industriously abstaining from fight, he took a little Town of the Mantineans, and made excursions into their Territories, to give his Citizens a little hope, and shew them that the fortune of Sparta was not alto∣gether desperate.

40. The Ephori made new Levies, listing those now that were above 60. The Tegeatans, Mantineans, Corinthians, Phliasians, Achaeans, and other Cities sent their numbers, the Conduct of all which was committed to Ar∣chidamus,* 1.908 because his father was not yet recovered. The Thebans presently after the victory sent a Messenger Crowned to Athens, to let them know their successe, and demanded aid; but the Athenians being not a little trou∣bled at what had hapned gave him no audience. Then sent they to Jason the Pheraean Prince of Thessaly, who though he was otherwise employed with the Phocians, yet came, and when Archidamus had now invaded Boeotia, pro∣cured a Truce betwixt them, and thereupon the Spartan Army returned home. This by Xenophon is related as done after the battel at Leuctra, and because he maketh no mention of any Truce made by Jason betwixt them, before the fight, we may suspect a mistake in the time, either of him, or Dio∣dorus,* 1.909 who relateth the story as before. Jason returning home was murdred by seven young men, having great designs in his head, after he had, partly by perswasion, and partly by awe, caused all Thessaly to receive him as General, the Lacedaemonians having refused to send them aid to defend themselves from his power. After his death his two brothers Polydorus and Polyphron, Authors of his death, were made Generals, of whom the former was slain within a while by the later, who turning his Principality into Tyranny, held it but one year, being then slain by his brother Alexander, under pretence of revenging the death of Polydorus, and overthrowing the Tyranny. But he proved ten times more Tyrannical,* 1.910 burying men alive, convering them in beasts skins, and so setting them before the Dogs to be devoured, and killing others with Darts, to make himself sport. At length having a plot against his Wives brothers, he was slain by them by her means, and Tisiphonus the eldest of all the brothers succeeded, who continued in the Government when Xeno∣phon wrote his History.

41. The Athenians considering that the Lacedaemonians still expected they should follow them in the Wars as formerly,* 1.911 and would compell them thereto if they could, thought it best for saving their credit to revive the peace formerly made with Artaxerxes. They sent therefore fifty men about it, to the Cities, to take an Oath of them to this purpose: That they would observe the Truce established by the King, and confirmed by the Athenians and their Associates; and if any injury should be offered to any that took the Oath, to assist them with their full power. All the States willingly admitted of it, and received the Oath, except the Eleans, who after the example of the Thebans, pretended that the Marganians, Scilluntians, and Triphyllians

ought not to be set at liberty, because they belonged unto them. All Cities both little and great being by virtue of this peace to be set at liberty, the Mantineans taking occasion thereat, made a Decree to build their Citie again, and to fence it with walls, which formerly had been demolished by the Lacedaemonians. They were agrieved that this should be done without their consent, and sent Agesilaus to them to stop their proceedings; but the Magistrates refused to call the People together to give him audience, though a friend upon his fathers account, telling him what was once deceed by the peo∣ple could not be altered. Some of the Arcadians sent and promised them assistance, and the Eleans helped them with thirty talents of Silver. At this time the inhabitants of Tegea fell out amongst themselves, whilst some would have all the Arcadians meet together and choose some one man to be their Prince,* 1.912 but others were for living under their own Laws onely, and the maintenance of their liberty. These at the first had the better of it;* 1.913 but by the help of the Mantineans, at length the other prevailed, and killing some, drove the rest of their Enemies to Lacedaemon, to the number of 80.

42. The Lacedaemonians thought they were bound by Oath to revenge the cause of the Exiles upon the Mantineans, who by falling on them had broken theirs, and gave order to Agesilaus to invade them. They by the advice of their friends the Arcadians contained themselves within their walls nevv built, and suffered him to spoil their Country, vvhich doing vvith great cau∣tion and warinesse, yet without any losse of honour, he returned home. At this time it must be, according to* 1.914 Pausanias (who placeth it in the same year with the battel at Leuctra) that by the perswasion of Epaminondas the Ar∣cadians built them one City to inhabit (destroying there many small Towns) which thence had the name of Megalopolis.* 1.915 * 1.916 The fame of Ploto being now spread abroad, the Thebans and Arcadians sent to him to desire his help, not onely for the instruction of their youth, and to teach Philosophy, but also to prescribe them Laws for their Commonwealth. At first he intended to go, but asking the Ambassadors how their Superiours stood affected to an equal di∣stribution of goods and honours, and hearing they were utterly averse to such a constitution, he thereupon refused to go to them. At this same time also Epaminondas sent into Sicilie, Italy, as far as the Islands Euesperites, and all over where the old Messenians dwelt,* 1.917 to invite them home into their antient Country, which was restored to them, and called after the old name Mes∣sene.* 1.918 Which restauration hapned 298 years (reckoned from the first of the 28^th Olympiad) after the taking of Ira, and their banishment; in the third year of the 102 Olympiad, Dyscinetas being Archon. During all this time of their Exile they preserved intirely their antient Rites, and the Dorick dialect unchanged, which in our Age (saith Pausanias) by them, and onely by them, is also preserved uncorrupt and natural.

43. The same year hapned such a Sedition and Massacre at Argos,* 1.919 as could never be paralleld in Greece. That City was then governed in a Democrati∣cal way; but the Orators so stirred up the People against the Nobility, that some being accused,* 1.920 for fear conspired against the Popular Government, to prevent their own ruine. Being hereupon suspected and examined, some fearing to be tortured made away themselves, and one in the midst of his pains accused thirty of the most eminent in the City. The common sort give∣ing credit to this accusation, put all those to death unheard, and confiscated their goods, and then many others being accused who were wealthy, they put them all to death, and in this manner made an end of 1600. The Orators themselves now were afraid, lest in this so general a Massacre they themselves also might unexpectedly miscarry, and therefore ceased from their calumni∣ations; which being understood by the multitude, as though they now for∣sook them, they put as many of them to death as they could find in the City, the vengeance of God thus repaying them.

44. The next year, the Lacedaemonians sent 1000 of their Citizens,* 1.921 and 500 Argives and Boeotian Exiles, under the command of Polytropus into Arcadia, who there fortified Orchomenus, but meeting with Lycomedes the

Mantinean, General of the Arcadians, he was slain in battel with 200 men. The Arcadians after this desiring help of the Athenians in vain, procured it of the Boeotians, who dispatched into Peloponnesus Epaminondas and Pelopi∣das, to whom the other Boeotarchae of their own accord left the command of the Army. When they were come into Arcadia, all the Confederates made up the number of 50000 men; but yet the Thebans were very unwilling to invade Laconia. They considered that the Country was well fortified, and that the Lacedaemonians terrible every where would fight more desperately at their own dores.* 1.922 But the other pressing them much to it, and some bringing word how the borders were desolate of defence, and offering to conduct them into it, at length they invaded it in four several bodies, and bearing down all opposition, met together at Sallasia, whence they marched for Sparta it self, burning and consuming all things in their passage.* 1.923 Six hundred years had the Dores now inhabited Laconia, and for all this time not an Enemy had dared to appear in it, so that this unusual sight caused great tumults in the City, the women having never before seen as much as the smoak of War, nor the men able to endure a Siege. Agesilaus contained them within, bestowing them as he found convenient in several places, for the defence of the City, which had no other walls than the bodies of it's Inhabitants. He was much moved at the arrogance of the Enemy, who challended him by name, as the cause of these dissentions, to come out and fight; yet so contained himself, as taking great pains for the preservation of his Country, he shewed clearly, that if he had not been, the City could not have continued.

45. The Boeotians laboured to provoke the Spartans to fight, bidding them either do it, or confesse themselves to be inferior to their Enemies; to which they answered, that when they saw occasion, they would not fear to try a bat∣tel with them for all. They left then the City, and making great waste of all Laconia, returned into Arcadia. The Spartans in the time of this their ex∣tremity, had promised liberty to such of their Slaves as would fight for them, and sent to Athens to procure assistance from that State, which the Ambassa∣dors procured to be decreed, especially by this motive, that the Lacedaemo∣nians had saved that City, at the end of the Peloponnesian War, when the Thebans were earnest for it's utter destruction.* 1.924 They made choice of Iphi∣crates for the General in this Expedition, who otherwise a man of excellent conduct, yet is judged by Xenophon to have been far overseen in the manage∣ment of this employment. For having loitered at Corinth, and the Thebans being about to return home, he ought to have fortified Cenchrea, where they had the most convenient passage, and when he sent to spie whether they had passed Oneus,* 1.925 he sent both all his own and the Corinthian Horse, whereas few had been sufficient to spie, and better for a speedy retreat, and hereby he lost no fewer than twenty men, and the Thebans retuned without any great molesta∣tion. The Lacedaemonians having got 4000 Auxiliaries, besides 1000 Slaves newly manumitted, and many men out of the neighbouring Towns, thought themselves then fit to try a battel; yet convenient for them first to send to the Thebans about a peace. They offered it to them on these terms; that Messene should be restored by them, and the Laconians left to their li∣berty. Most enclined to receive these terms, till Archidamus rising up, said, that peace was not to be received upon such unequal conditions by them, who were wont to give and not to receive it; that Messene was justly destroy∣ed 300 years before, and could not be restored, but to the great distresse and dammage of the Lacedaemonians.

46. But Epaminondas having to his great honour restored Messene fully (the grounds being divided,* 1.926 and all things done) after 85 dayes spent in this Expedition, returned home, and being in his way molested by Iphicrates, pursued him home to the walls of Athens.* 1.927 But there was a Law at Thebes, which made it capital for any one to retain the chief command longer than was in that case provided by the constitutions of the City, new Magistrates being to be chosen the beginning of the new moneth Bacatius. This Epa∣minondas knowing to have been made for the good of the City, would not

keep it to the dammage thereof, and continued his command four moneths longer than his Commission warranted. After his return, he and his Col∣leagues were accused, and he permitted them to lay all the blame upon him∣self. They being hereby freed, no man expected any defence from him, as having nothing to say for himself. He appearing, denied nothing that his ad∣versaries objected, confessed what his Colleagues said to be true,* 1.928 and refu∣sed not to undergo what the Law inflicted, onely he made one request to them: that this might be written upon his Tomb: Epaminondas was punished with death by the Thebans, because he constrained them at Leuctra to van∣quish the Lacedaemonians, whom, before he was General,* 1.929 none of the Boeotians durst once look on; and for that in one battel he not only saved the Thebans from ruine, but also restored liberty to all Greece; and brought matters to that passe, that the Thebans fell upon Sparta, and the Lacedaemonians had enough to do to preserve themselves; and left not off till Messene being restored,* 1.930 he be∣sieged their City. Having said this, the People affected with joy set up a laughter, and none of the Judges dared to passe sentence.

47. In the same year, according to Diodorus, but the next,* 1.931 according to Xenophon, Epaminondas was sent again into Peloponnesus to the assistance of Arcadians, Argives, and Eleans, who afresh had made War upon the La∣cedaemonians. The Lacedaemonians and Athenians had lately established a League betwixt themselves on these terms: That each should command the Army five dayes in their course,* 1.932 which before was solely left to the Spartans. The Athenians hearing of the coming of Epaminondas, sent Chabrias with an Army to stop his passage. He coming to Corinth, with the Lacedaemonians and other allies, made up an Army of 20000, and then all joyning together fortified the passage into Peloponnesus, making a ditch and a wall crosse the Isthmus from Cenchrea to Lachaeus. But Epaminondas observing at what place the guards were weakest, there with some difficulty brake thorough, hara∣zed the Country, had Sicyon and other places delivered up to him, but come∣ing to Corinth was gallantly repulsed by Chabrias, who sallying out of the City, and getting advantageous ground, not onely sustained his charge, but did good execution upon the assailants. At this time 2000 Gaules and Spaniards were sent by Dionysius Tyrant of Sicilie to the aid of the Lacedaemonians, who arriving at Corinth, the Graecians to try their valour led them out against the Enemy. They behaved themselves very well, did good service against the Boeotians, many of whom and their allies they slew, for which receiving great commendations and rewards besides, they returned in the later end of Sum∣mer into Sicilie.

48. The Thebans being returned home, the Athenians conceived indig∣nation against them, through the complaints of Lycomedes the Mantinean,* 1.933 who urged it was an unworthy thing for the Arcadians, being more noble (as the onely antient Inhabitants of their Country) and more deserving, to be commanded by the other, and follow them in the War. Being much puffed up with such conceits,* 1.934 the Thebans began to be alienated from them, and the Eleans bore them malice, because they could not obtain of them the Towns which the Lacedaemonians had taken from them. Things being at this passe, came Phyliscus of Abydus, sent from Ariobarzanes the Persian Satrapa, with much money, to perswade the States to Peace. The Thebans yet would not come to any conclusion, alleging that Messene ought to be exempted from the jurisdiction of the Spartans, with which he being offended, not en∣during that old pretences should be again revived, he left 2000 men already paid to the aid of the Lacedaemonians, and returned into Asia. The Arca∣dians having chosen Lycomedes their General, sent him into Laconia with an Army, where he took by storm Pallene, and therein put to the sword 300 of the Lacedaemonian Garrison Soldiers. To return the like unto them the year following (the first of the 103 Olympiad, wherein Pythrostratus the Athe∣nian was Victor) Archidamus was sent into Arcadia with the Confederates, and a new supply of men sent from Dionysius. He took Caryae, and put all therein to the Sword, and going on in his attempts, Cissidas the General of

the Sicilian Forces, pretending he had staid his full time set him by Dionysius, would needs be gone; but in his way was circumvented by the Messenians, and was forced to crave aid of Archidamus.

49. He hastned to relieve him, and in his march the Arcadians and Ar∣gives opposed themselves, whom charging with great resolution, he got a most famous victory, killing 10000 of his Enemies without the losse of one man; so that as the Priests of Dodona had sung (that it should be a fight with∣out tears to the Lacedaemonians) yet the message being come to Sparta, Age∣stiaus, the Senators, and the Ephori, are all said to have wept for joy. As this successe revived the spirits of the Spartans, which had been almost extinct by the battel at Leuctra, so, as Diodorus telleth us, the Arcadians now fearing their in-roads, for their better security built them one great Citie, twenty of the Menalian and Parrhasian Villages being taken in for the site thereof,* 1.935 though Pausanias will have Megalopolis built two years before. The The∣bans and Eleans onely rejoyced in the misfortune of their friends the Arca∣dians, as tending to the humbling of them. The Thebans casting much in their heads how to obtain the principality of all Greece, resolved upon send∣ing an Ambassage to the Persian King to contract a straight League and Alli∣ance with him, and assembling the Confederates they pretended a necessity thereof,* 1.936 because Euthycles the Lacedaemonian was now with the King in behalf of that state. They sent Pelopidas, with others for the Arcadians, Eleans, & Argives: the Athenians also understanding hereof sent Timagoras and Leon. Pelopidas being very famous even in Asia for his valour, by his de∣meanour got all the favour from the rest. He urged the King with the merits of the Thebans, who had never of all Greece born Arms against him, or his An∣cestors, either of old in the Median War, or of late in assistance to Agesilaus, and he extolled their valour, shewing that the reason why the Arcadians were of late overthrown by the Lacedaemonians, was because of their absence. For the truth hereof he appealed to Timagoras the Athenian, whom being at odds with his Collegue, he drew off to his party. He obtained of Artaxerxes what he demanded, viz. that Messene should be held exempted from the Jurisdiction of the Lacedaemonians, the Athenians should abstain from the Sea, and all the other Cities left to their own Laws: Lastly, that the The∣bans should be esteemed the near Friends and Allies of the Empire.

50. This employment got Pelopidas abundance of credit (who not long after was slain in a victorious battel,* 1.937 fought in the behalf of the Thessalians against Alexander the Tyrant) but Timagoras returning home received a great Present from the Persian, and being accused by his Collegue of siding with Pelopidas was put to death. The Thebans, though they had got what they desired of the King, yet their design came to nothing, for the Commis∣sioners of the Cities first refused to take the Oath of this new League, and then most of the Cities themselves after the example of Corinth, the answer of which was, that there was no need of this new Engagement. This plot then of Pelopidas having not taken good effect, Epaminondas thought of an∣other to reduce the Arcadians and Allies to obedience; and that was,* 1.938 first by subducing the Achaeans, to which purpose he went again into Peloponnesus. He easily effected this, and receiving an ingagement from them to continue faithfull to the Thebans, returned, for which being much blamed by the Ar∣cadians, and the rest of that faction, Governours were sent from Thebes into the several Cities, who bringing in the popular Government, thereupon drove away many of the principal men, who uniting themselves, seized again upon their several Cities, and then stood no more Neuters, but openly de∣clared for the Lacedaemonians. So this second device of the Thebans came to nothing, and the Arcadians were pressed both by the Lacedaemonians and Achaeans. At this time Euphron the Sioyonian, a man of great power in his Countrey, perswaded the people to bring in the popular Government, which done, and he with others being chosen Praetors, he murdered some of his Collegues, expelled the rest, and openly established a Tyranny. The asso∣ciates he put off by doing them pleasures, through which the Argives being in∣couraged,

together with him fell upon the Ph••iasians, & brought them to great straights, because of their faithfulnesse to the Lacedaemonians, wherein they ex∣cellled beyond President, no adversity nor any advantage being able to affright, or allure them from it, as is largely discoursed by Xenophon. The Athenians sent Chares with relief to them, who overcame the Argives in two fights, and restrained their violent attempts against them.

51. But Aeneas the Symphalian, General of the Arcadians, judging things not to be at Sicyon as they should, seized upon the Castle there, and forced Euphron to leave the Town, and give up the Haven to the Lacedaemonians. Yet a Sedition following in the Town he took occasion thereat,* 1.939 and re∣possessed himself, joyning with the people against the Nobility, but the Ca∣stle being held by a Garrison of Thebans, he thought there was no long conti∣nuing without their leave, and so taking money with him, went to Thebes, to procure the good will of the people there. Thither several of his adversaries followed him, to withstand his design, and finding that he wan upon the Magi∣strates and Senate, to hinder the progresse of the businesse, killed him in the Castle, at such time as the Senate was sitting there. One of them taking all the fault upon himself, made such a discourse in his own defence, by telling what the Thebans themselves had lately done in the like case, and by other ar∣guments, that Euphron was pronounced justly slain, and he was absolved. Yet being carried to Sicyon he was honorably buried in the Forum, and wor∣shipped by the people as one of their greatest benefactors. The Phliasians now had by the assistance of Chares taken Thymia, which was fortified against them by the Sicyonians, but their Exiles had seized upon Oropus; the Sicy∣onians and Arcadians recovered the Haven at Sicyon, and no body assisted the Athenians at Oropus, but all forsook them, so that it was committed to the trust of the Thebans, till the controversie about it should be decided. Lyco∣medes seeing them dissatisfied with their Allies, drew the Athenians to enter into society with the Arcadians.* 1.940 The conditions were, that the Athenians, in case Arcadia was invaded, should send succours of horse, without being con∣strained to invade Laconia.

52. The Athenians, as soon as this was done, cast in their heads how they might make Corinth their own, through the perswasion of Demetion; which being known there,* 1.941 their Soldiers were dismissed, and the society broken be∣twixt them. This made the Corinthians, who now had gotten so new and potent Enemies, look about them for their own security; and to this end levying all the force they could, they made also their peace with Thebes, in which they would have the Lacedaemonians concluded, saying, they were con∣strained to this accommodation; but the Lacedaemonians giving them, and all other their Confederates leave to provide for themselves (which was accepted by the Phliasians and others) said they would persist in the War, and com∣mit the issue to God, being resolved never to consent that Messene, which they had received from their Ancestors, should be taken from them. The condition of this peace was onely that each Citie should enjoy its own; for the Corinthians flatly refused to enter into a society of Arms, because they would not offend those that had well deserved of them, but presently a con∣tention was revived betwixt the Phliasians and Argives about Thymia, which was seized on, and held by the later, notwithstanding all that could be objected. At the same time were twelve ships, under the Command of Timocrates, sent to the aid of the Lacedaemonians by Dionysius the younger (who now had succeeded his dead father) which they used in the stor∣ming of Sellasia,* 1.942 and then the Fleet returned back into Sicily. At this time Artaxerxes sent once more to mediate about a peace, which was submitted to by the Cities, and so the Laconian, or (as it is also called) the Boeotian War ended, after it had continued above five years.

53. But in the very next year such sparks were kindled,* 1.943 (first betwixt the Aeleans and Arcadians) as brake out at length into another mighty flame. Lasion a Castle of Triphylia first belonged to the Eleans, but being in the

possession now of them, and another while of the Arcadians, continual con∣troversies were moved about it. The later now having it in their hands, the Eleans,* 1.944 by means of the Arcadian Exiles with them, seized upon it. This be∣ing taken in great disdain by the Arcadians, they procured help from Athens, and recovered it by force; after which they overthrew the Eleans, and wa∣sted their Territories to the Citie Gates. This put them upon craving aid of the Lacedaemonians, and desiring them to invade Arcadia, who accordingly sent Archidamus the year after the first action at Lasion. He took Cromnus, and therein leaving a Garrison returned; but after his departure the Arca∣dians recovered the place, and going into Elis, gave the management of the solemnities of the 104th Olympiad now drawing on, to the Pisaeans, who by old and fabulous arguments pretended it once to have belonged unto them. For this purpose they seized on Olympia before-hand,* 1.945 and going on when the time was come in the management of the exercises, the Eleans with all their strength fell in upon them, and with incredible boldnesse so laid about them, that they put the Arcadians to flight, and though they could not keep the place, yet with great honour retreated to their Citie, having never before been at all accounted of for valour. This Olympiad, because the Pisaeans managed it by force, was not registred in the Annals of the Eleans, neither is it certain who overcame in the course, Phocides the Athenian being named by Diodorus, but Eubo••us the Cyrenaean by Pausanias, in the second of his Eliacks.

54. At this time Epaminondas labouring all manner of wayes to get the Soveraignty of Greece for his Countrey-men,* 1.946 perswaded them as a means here∣to first to obtain the Dominion of the Seas.* 1.947 He shewed it was an easie thing for those who were strongest at land, to obtain, by instancing in the Lacedae∣monians, who though in the War with Xerxes they furnished out but ten ships for 200 of the Athenians, yet for their power on land were obeyed by them. By this, and other arguments, he got them to ordain that 100 Gallies should be provided, and that the Rhodians, Chians, and Byzantians should be invited to joyn with them in these preparations. He himself going with a little Force to these Cities, induced them to side with the Thebans, and so terrified Laches the Athenian, who indeavoured to crosse his design, that though he commanded a strong Fleet, yet did he quit these parts. During his absence, some of the Theban Exiles having a great desire to change the Go∣vernment into an Aristocracy, drew into their plot 300 hors-men of the Or∣chomenians, who when they were about to execute their design, it was re∣vealed by some principal contrivers to the Boeotarchae. The Thebans had conceived a grudge against the Orchomenians of a very long date, ever since that Citie having paid Tribute to them formerly, was exempted from it by Hercules.* 1.948 Having now then an opportunity to vent their malice, they first put to death the 300 hors-men, then taking the Town, they put to the sword all the men, sold the Women and Children, and so utterly destroyed Orcho∣menos. This cruelty was utterly detested by Epaminondas, who said,* 1.949 if he had been present, he would have in no case suffered such wickednesse to be committed by the Thebans.

55. The Arcadians having the Olympian Temple in their power, the Ma∣gistrates converted the money thereof to the paying of their Epariti,* 1.950 being the strength of their Army.* 1.951 This the Mantineans first protested against as Sacrilege, and sent the money which was due from them for the payment of the Soldiers, which being taken as an affront from the other, they called the Mantinean Magistrates before the Council of the 10000. who refusing to ap∣pear,* 1.952 they sent to fetch them by force, but being repulsed, at length others in the Council appeared for them, being of their opinion, that the money was not to be touched, which would brand them for ever with a note of infamy. This was decreed by the Council, which the great ones seeing, and apprehending in what danger they were, sent to the Thebans to tell them, that except they would come in time Arcadia would wholy revolt to the Lacedaemonians.

The most sober men amongst the Arcadians hereupon perswaded the Council to send to the Thebans, to protest against the coming down of their Army un∣sent for; and by restoring to the Eleans the Temple, to make peace with them. All took the oath of the League, and amongst the rest the Governour of Te∣gea, who lay in Garrison with 300 Thebans; but the great ones who feared to be called to account for the money, prevailed with him to lay hold upon the Mantineans and other Arcadians, who at Tegea were making merry for the peace. But the Mantineans making demand of their Citizens, promising if they had done amisse they should appear before the Council, the Theban Ge∣neral was at a stand, knowing not what to do, and at length dismissed the prisoners, purging himself by saying, he heard the Lacedaemonians were about to invade Arcadia, and that some of the Arcadians had designed to betray Tegea into their hands.

56. Though they believed him not, as knowing the contrary,* 1.953 yet they dis∣missed him, but sent to Thebes to accuse him as worthy of death, for attemp∣ting a matter so contrary to the good understanding betwixt the States. But Epaminondas excused him, laying the blame upon the Arcadians, who ha∣ving drawn the Thebans into the War, would offer to make peace without their consent, and thereby were guilty of treachery: and he plainly declared, that the Thebans would march into Arcadia, and there assist their friends. The Mantineans and others understanding this, sent to Athens and Sparta to de∣sire aid, laying open the design of the Thebans plainly to be this: To weaken Peloponnesus, and bring it all into subjection to themselves. They jealous of this, entred into League with them, wherein it was provided, that each State should have the command over the Army in their own dominions. Whilst this was a doing, Epaminondas marched from Thebes, leading with him, besides the Boeotians, some Thessalian Horse, and Soldiers out of Euboea. When he came to Nemea there he staied a little, having a great desire to meet with the Athe∣nians;* 1.954 but understanding that they passed by Sea into Peloponnesus, he arose and moved towards Tegea. Having notice in his way that Agesilaus with the whole power of Lacedaemon were come into Arcadia, and that the City must needs thereupon be desolate, he marched in all haste thither, and had become absolute Master of it, but that by meer divine Providence (as Xenophon himself acknowledgeth) a certain Graecian gave notice of his inten∣tion to Agesilaus, who sent word in all haste to Sparta, willing them to stand upon their guard, with promise to be with them as speedily as possible.

57. Archidamus his son being there left, set the old men and boys upon the Houses to annoy the Thebans with stones, and disposed so of those that were fit to fight, in the several places of the City, that though Epaminondas had continued his march all night, yet found he that his design was betrayed, and such was the opposition he found,* 1.955 that although he chose the steepest desent into the Town, to have the upper ground, yet was he repelled, the Lacedaemo∣nians losing the most in their too long pursutes. Then understanding the Lacedaemonian and Arcadian Forces to be all coming to relieve Sparta, he thought it not wisdom to hazard a battel with them all; but judging that Mantinea would be left naked, and at this time of the year the Inhabitaints would be much abroad in the fields about their Corn and their Cattel at pa∣sture, he thought it fit to try if he could surprise them all, and sent before the Horse for that purpose. At this time it hapned well for the Mantineans, that 6000 Athenians under the command of Hagelochus were come through the Isthmus into the City,* 1.956 who upon their desire, notwithstanding they should have to do with such Horse as exceeded theirs in the number, and the best esteemed of in all Greece, resolved to do their utmost in their behalf. In the engagement they had the better of it, and thereby preserved all that the Man∣tineans had without their walls.* 1.957 Epaminondas after this thinking with him∣self that he must be gone within a few dayes, the term of his commission be∣ing almost expired. was full of various thoughts. If he should leave those, for the aid of whom he was sent, to be besieged by the Enemy, he saw he

should lose the honour he formerly had obtained, especially seeing he had been repulsed at Sparta by so few a number, and now also had miscarried at Man∣tinea: and he considered that by this Expedition of which himself was author, he had given occasion to the Lacedaemonians, Arcadians, Achaeans, Eleans, and Athenians, to enter into a straight League of offence and defence. From these reasons he concluded he could not in honour depart without a battel, in which if he overcame, he should make amends for all, and if hee should die, such a death could not but bee glorious, which should bee undergone in an endeavour to make his Country Mistresse of all Peloponnesus.

58. Ere long the Armies of the Lacedaemonians and Mantineans appeared, consisting, with their allies, of 20000 Foot, and about 2000 Horse. To the Boeotians were assistants the Tegeatans, and such other Arcadians as were most powerful and wealthy, the Argives, Euboeans, the Thessalian Horse which the Thebans brought, the Messentans, Sicyonians, and other Peloponnesians; the number of all which amounted to 30000 Foot, and little fewer than 3000 Horse. This is much admired by Xenophon, that Epaminondas should so discipline his Soldiers, that neither night nor day they should shun any la∣bour, refuse to undergo any danger, to be contented with any kind of provi∣sion, and very ready to obey all orders. When he had ranged his men in or∣der of battel, he led them not straight on against the Enemy, but fetched a compasse towards the Mountains of Tegea, and made as though he would there pitch his Tents. This made the Enemy secure, which he well under∣standing, formed his battalia like a wedge, thereby to break them sooner, and led with speed against them, who now were all to seek, and in a confusion, some hasting to bridle their Horses, others to buckle on their harnesse, and all in a condition rather to suffer than act any thing. And lest the Athenians should relieve their Companions from the left wing, he placed a Party of Horse and Foot in the hills to keep them in awe, by being continually ready to fall upon their reer.

59. His expectation was not crossed, for on what part he fell he carried all before him,* 1.958 the Enemy not daring to stand; but rushing more violently a∣mongst them, the Lacedaemonians taking notice of him, flocked to him, and laid at him amain with darts, some of which declining, and fencing himself from others, those that stuck in his body he took thence and rerorted. Whilst he heroickly thus contended for the Victory, he received a mortal wound from one Anticiates a Spartan, who gave him so mortal a stroak with a dart, that the wood of it brake, leaving the iron and a piece of the tronchion in his breast. By the vehemency of the wound he sank down,* 1.959 and then ensued a most bitter contest about him: but the Thebans inflamed with wrathful in∣dignation at this sad mischance, with great slaughter compelled their Enemies to give back, but knew not how to improve the Victory. For neither Foot nor Horse pursued them flying, but continued still in the same place, and at length went off carelessly, insomuch that many of the Foot fell into the hands of the Athenians. Which so falling out, another thing hapned than men gene∣rally had expected. For almost all Greece being here gathered together, one State against another, in two factions, every one supposed, that when they should once come to fight, they that overcame would obtain the Dominion over the rest, who should be forced to submit to their yoak: But God so poysed affaires, saith Xenophon, that both sides, as if they had overcome, ere∣cted a Trophy, not being hindred by each other. Both sides also as Conque∣rours gave up the slain, and as Conquered received their dead by composi∣tion. And whereas both sides said they had the better of it, neither obtained thereby either Countrey, City, or Dominion, other than they before en∣joyed; but a greater disturbance thereupon followed in Greece. So much for these matters saith our Author;* 1.960 as for what is behind, perhaps some other will take care to commit them to writing, and so he endeth his History with this battel, though he lived almost three years after it, as we have from La∣ertius. Anaximenes also of Lampsacus, who began his History with the beginning of the gods and mankind (and therein in twelve Books almost

comprehended all the affaires of the Greeks and Barbarians,) finisheth it with the Battel at Mantinea, and the death of Epaminondas. So did Phi∣listus his History which he wrote of Dionysius the younger in two Books.

60. Epaminondas being caried alive into his Tent,* 1.961 the Physicians affirmed that as soon as the dart should be drawn out of his body he would die. He then called for Diaphantus to declare him General of the Army; but it be∣ing answered he was slain, he bade them send for Iolaidas, but it being an∣swered that he was dead also, he advised the Thebans to make peace,* 1.962 whilst with advantage they might, for that they had none lest that was able to dis∣charge the Office of a General. Understanding of his approaching end, he inquired of his Armour-bearer if his Shield was safe; (which to have lost was a great dishonour) It being answered it was,* 1.963 he asked which side had the Victory; answer being made the Boeotians, then said he, It's time for me to die, and comforting his friends who mourned he should die childlesse with this answer, that he left behind him two daughters,* 1.964 the battel of Leuctra and Mantinea, which should propagate his fame to all posterity) he there∣upon caused the dart to be drawn out, and so expired.* 1.965 This was the end of the worthiest Soldier that ever Greece brought forth, and hardly to be parallel'd in any other Country, all the Virtues which in others were but singular ha∣ving concen••red and united themselves in him. In strength both of body and mind;* 1.966 in Eloquence, Justice, Temperance, Wisdom, Magnanimity, and Sincerity, he excelled all men; and so far in Military skil, the art of a Ge∣neral, and in valour, that he could not adequately be called a Valiant, Poli∣tick, Wary, Bountiful, Industrious, or Prudent Captain; all these Titles and many others being due unto him. His modesty was incredible, shewing it self especially in this, that after the Victory of Leuctra, and many other rare atchievements, he refused not to go in the Expedition into Thessalie, in quality of a private Soldier. He was grave, yet affable and courteous, as a means to all those virtues, having great insight into all parts of Philoso∣phy and Learning, being therein instructed by Lycis the Tarentine, a Pytha∣gorean. But* 1.967 enough will be said in his commendation, if this be added, that the City Thebes before the birth and after the death of Epaminondas was ever subject to the command of others; but as long as he had to do in the management of the affairs thereof, was the head of all Greece; from which may be gathered, that this man was of more consequence than the whole City.

61. For with Epaminondas all the strength of the Theban Commonwealth was extinct, as if he had not onely died,* 1.968 but all the rest of the Citizens with him, who as before him they did nothing memorable, so now after were fa∣mous for nothing but their overthrows and disasters. After this battel of Mantinea, all the Graecians being tired out with War,* 1.969 entred into a League offensive and defensive together, out of which Agesilaus would have ex∣cluded the Messenians. But Artaxerxes stood for them, as having Territo∣ries as large and fruitful as the Laconians, whereupon the Lacedaemonians burning with an implacable grudge against them, refused to subscribe, and alone by themselves refused to be comprehended in the League,* 1.970 hoping still to recover Messenia. This reflected something upon Agesilaus, who out of an insatiable thirst after War, had by his utmost endeavour hindred the union of Greece, and the burying of publick quarrels. And he seemed to increase the infamy, by undertaking an Expedition shortly after into Aegypt, though it was by his service in his decrepit old age, to get some money for the supply of the now very poor and exhausted State. For it appeared a thing unseemly, for the best man in Greece, and one who had filled the world with his fame,* 1.971 to go serve a mean man, and a Traytor, and venture his life, cre∣dit and all, for a little gain, when as because of his old age, he had refused the Office of General at home, and in his own Country, though for the liber∣ty of Greece. But he thought nothing too much wherein he might serve the Commonwealth, and in this respect undervalued his own honour, and ha∣ving served in Aegypt in a condition far unworthy of him, after he had re∣ceived

230 talents of Silver as a reward from Nectanbis, died in his return, when he had lived 84 and reigned 41 years. A most excellent Captain, in whom Nature inwardly made amends for that wherein outwardly she had been deficient,* 1.972 most ambitious of glory, and yet of exceeding great humility, which he shewed in his house, and in his constant conversation. Though his justice was overruled by his passion in the businesse of the Theban War, yet generally he held it most sacred, and as a punishment for his default therein, that great glory whereby he even reigned over Greece till then, was afterwards (together with the splendor of the Lacedaemonian greatnesse) much eclypsed by the rising Fortune of Epaminondas.

62. Artaxerxes King of Persia, and Agesilaus of Sparta,* 1.973 died both in the same year, and the next after the death of Epaminondas. And the same year the peace of Greece was again broken by some Arcadians, who having been translated out of the neighbouring places into Megalopolis, took occa∣sion at some words of the League (which gave leave to all to return home) to quit the City and return to their old habitations. The other Megalopolitans endeavoured to reduce them by force,* 1.974 and thence insued a great controversie, they calling in to their help the Mantineans and the rest of the Arcadians and Eleans. The Megalopolitans sent to the Athenians for aid, who sent them 3000 Foot, and 300 horse, under the command of Pammenes. He with this Force took some of the Towns, and terrified others into composition, and so reduced them all to Megalopolis. The year following Alexander the Phaerean Tyrant subdued several of the Cyclades and took thence abundance of Captives. The Athenian Garrison commanded by Leosthenes opposed him in Peparethus, whereupon he set upon the Athenian Gallies, and took them, together with one belonging to Peparethus, and 600 prisoners. The Athe∣nians inraged hereat, condemned Leosthenes, and sent Chares with a Fleet into those parts, who spending his time in scaring the Enemies, but oppres∣sing the Confederates, thereby contracted an ill name. For going to Corcyra he there caused such a Sedition, as could not be ended but in the ruine of ma∣ny, and committed other things which much tended to the disgrace of those that sent him. With this year Diodorus concludeth his fifteenth Book, ha∣ving. according to his promise, related such things as hapned before the reign of Philip King of Macedonia, and such, as together with other affairs of the Greeks related by others, shew that peace, security, and order, are things little akin to Antimonarchical Government.

* 1.97563. Of Learned Men Contemporary with this period, in the first place is to be remmebred Hippocrates native of the Island Cous, Prince of all Phy∣sicians. He was the son of Heraclidas and Phaenarete,* 1.976 the twentieth in descent from Hercules, and the nineteenth from Aesculapius. Some have written that he was born in the first year of the 80th Olympiad. But a certain passage mentioned in his life of his curing Perdiccas of an Erωtick Feaver,* 1.977 argueth him at this time to have been famous. This Perdiccas King of Macedonia (who having reigned 28 years according to Eusebius, or according to others 53, died about the third of the 93 Olympiad) fell in love with Phila his Fa∣ther Alexander's Concubine, but modesty forced him to conceal his grief, till he fell into a Consumption and languished. Hippocrates by the motion of his eyes found out the cause of the distemper, and told Phyla it was in her power to save the King's life, whereupon she was willing though with the impairment of her own credit to redeem it. The like story is told of Era∣sistratus the Physician, who discovered that Antiochus the son of Seleucus was in love with his Fathers Concubine, which Galen * mentioneth, adding,* 1.978 that he had made the same discovery in a certain woman.

64. Hippocrates grew so famous in his Art, that Artaxerxes Longima∣nus hearing of him, sent for him, with large offers to come and cure his Ar∣my, then seized on by the plague. But he said it was not fit for him to touch any Persian Gold, or cure the Barbarians who were Enemies to the Greeks. The letters of entercourse betwixt the Persians and him, are amongst others yet extant. Having lived as some said 85 years, but as others 90, or 104,

or 109, he died amongst the Larissaeans, in the first of the 94 Olympiad. He left two sons, Thessalus and Draco; but the fruit of his brain hath been far more effectual for the propagating of his name to all posterity, wherein he hath not onely been a benefactor to the mystery of Medicine by his writings, but also by his religious care of the integrity of those who should professe it. For he framed an Oath to be taken by all that entred into his School, which for his honour, and the shame of those who have more reason to be convin∣ced of their duty, together with the information of the ignorant, it is con∣venient to exemplifie.

65. I swear by Apollo the Physician, and Aesculapius, and Hygia; and call all the gods and goddesses to witnesse,* 1.979 that to the utmost of my strength and judgement I shall observe what now I swear and covenant by writing. Namely, that I will esteem as my Parents my Master who taught me this Art, and thankfully communicate to, and supply him with all things necessary both for sustenance and convenience, as also account of his issue as mine own bre∣thren, and if they desire to learn the Art, teach them without any wages or contract. That I will communicate the precepts, and what I have heard, and the whole discipline to mine own children, to his who taught me, and my Scholars who have given their names and faith in this Oath, and none else whatsoever. That I shall also to my utmost power and judgement prescribe an wholesom course to the sick, and defend them from all harm and injury. Neither through the procurement of any will I give, or cause to be given, any deadly medicament. Neither in like manner will I procure any Woman to miscarry of her burthen; but preserve my life and age alwaies chast and pure from all wickednesse. Neither will I cut any of the Stone, but leave this work to be done by those Chirurgeons who are skilful in it. If I come into any house I will do it for the health of the sick, shunning all suspicion of in∣jurie, or corruption, especially as to the filthinesse of Venery both towards women and men, free persons and slaves. Whatsoever things I shall see or hear, either in administring Physick or otherwise in common entercourse, which I think ought not to be told abroad, I will conceal them. Now if I shall religiously observe this Oath, and in no case break it, let me live in great esteem alwaies an happy life amongst all men, and reap ample fruit from mine Art. But if I break it and forswear my self, may the contra∣ry happen to me. Much skill in Physick therefore corrupteth not the con∣versation; for though a little Philosophy may occasion Atheism, yet a great deal is an antidote against it, not suffering a man to rest in second causes; but discovering a necessity of looking higher. But more concerning this, as also to the praise of this excellent person, may be said in a particular account of the original, cause, professors, succession, progresse and matter of the Art of Medicine.

66. Besides Hippocrates, there lived at this time(a) 1.980 Democritus of Ab∣dera the Philosopher, who died in the same year, and was well known to him, having alwaies laughed at the folly of men. Four years after,(b) 1.981 Socrates the A∣thenian, the Father of Ethicks, was made drink poyson for speaking against plu∣rality of Gods and the superstition of his Country-men; Anycus having first procured Aristophanes the Poet, and then Melitus to accuse him. But af∣terwards the Athenians repenting of what they had done, in a way of mourn∣ing forbade all publick Exercises, and then animadverting upon his accusers, condemned Melitus to death, and the rest to exile.(c) 1.982 Plato at this time being 28 years old, and having heard Socrates 8 years, went to Megara to learn the Mathematicks of Euclide, who now also flourished. The year af∣ter,(d) 1.983 Sophocles died, six years after, Euripides the Prince of Tragick Poets. At this time also flourished(e) 1.984 Ctesias the Physician often mentioned before, who concluded his history in the third year of the 96 Olympiad.(f) 1.985 Aristotle Father of Peripatetick Philosophy was born at Stagira a City of Macedonia, in the first year of the 99 Olympiad. In the third year after,(g) 1.986 Demosthenes the famous Orator.(h) 1.987 Eudoxus of Cnidus, a famous Astrologer and Geometri∣cian, flourished about the 103 Olympiad, who(i) 1.988 found out the supposed

motion of the Stars from West to East,* 1.989 unknown to the Greeks in the time of Democr••tus. Z••no the C••tican, father of the Stoicks, was born in the third year of the 104th Olympiad. And we must not forget Thucydides, nor Xeno∣phon the Scholar of Socrates, and equal to Plato, with whom he exercised some emulation. He was a great Philosopher; the greatest master of elo∣quence in his time, insomuch that for the sweetnesse of his stile he got the name of Attick Muse; and so great a Soldier, that his retreat with the Greeks out of Persia after the death of Cyrus, to one who duely weigheth all cir∣cumstances, will appear to have surpassed the exploits of Alexander the Great.

SECT. V. From the beginning of the reign of Philip King of Macedonia, to the Monarchy of Alexander his Son, containing the space of 31 years.

1. MAcedonia having been formerly called Emathonia from Emathon a certain King, and afterwards Macedonia from Macedon the Son of Osiris, or as others say of Jupiter and Aethra was bounded on the North and Northwest by the Thracians and Illyrians, on the South and Southwest by Thessaly and Epirius, and on the East with the Aegean Sea.

2. The people were first called Pelasgi, saith Justin,* 1.990 and the Countrey Boeotia. In Paeonia, which afterward became part of Macedonia, Telegonus reigned, the father of Astriopaeus an eminent Warrier and friend to Pria∣mus in the siege of Troy. On another side Europus reigned. But Caranus an Argive, the sixteenth in descent from Hercules, some five years after the fall of Sardanapalus, by the command of an Oracle led a Colony into these parts, and having setled himself by force reigned 28 years. Caenus suc∣ceeded him and reigned 12. then Tyrimas 28. Perdiccas a Prince much renowned 51. after him Argaeus 28. Philip the first as many, Euripus 26. in whose infancy the Illyrians invading his Kingdom,* 1.991 his subjects carried him in his Cradle into the field, thinking he being present could not but be victorious, or that his people durst not forsake him, who was unable to defend himself.* 1.992 Alcetas after him reigned 29 years, Amyntas the first 50 years, to whom Darius Hystaspis sent for earth and water as tokens of sub∣jection. Alexander his son who slew the Ambassadors sent to his father; reigned 43 years, and by marrying his sister Gygaea to Dubares the Persian, grew into such grace with Xerxes, that he obtained all the Region between Olympus and Hermus to be united to his Kingdom, and yet during the War held secret intelligence with the Graecians, discovering to them all his in∣tents and purposes. He left three sons, Perdiccas, Alcetas, and Philip, the eldest of which succeeded him, whose story is sometimes by pieces related by Thucydides. Perdiccas left behind him Perdiccas and Archelaus his base son.* 1.993 Perdiccas was drowned in a Well by Archelaus his Guardian at seven years of age, the murtherer to excuse himself alleging to his mo∣ther that he fell in by chance as he hastily followed a Goose that way.

3. Archelaus having dispatched his brother out of the way,* 1.994 did the same by Alcetas his Uncle, and Alexander his Cousin, son to Alcetas; and yet though he came in this way, is said to have done many things to the advantage of the Nation, which is usual with Usurpers.* 1.995 He sought by all means to draw Socrates to him, and greatly loved and honoured Euripides the Tragedian. He had two sons,* 1.996 Archelaus & Orestes. Archelaus succeeded him, and reigned seven years, some confounding father and son together, and making this, who reigned but seven years, to have succeeded Perdiccas. Archelaus at the end of seven years was slain in hunting, either by chance or on purpose by Crate∣rus,

called by Aelian Cratenas, who relateth the cause to have been for that having married his daughter to him, he took her away and gave her to another.* 1.997 Cratenas had enjoyed the Kingdom scarce two or three dayes when he was also slain by others.* 1.998 Orestes then a Child succeeded, who was served by his Guardian as his father had served his Pupill, being killed by Aecopus one of the bloud Royal, who held the Kingdom six years: the same who at first de∣nied passage to Agesilaus when he returned out of Asia. He left three sons, Pausanias, Argaeus, and Alexander. Pausanias when he had reigned one year was slain by Perdiccas the son of Tharcileus or of Philip,* 1.999 who being son of Perdiccas, and Grand-son to Alexander the Rich, was preserved when Ar∣chelaus the Bastard slew his brother Perdiccas, his Uncle Alcetas, and Alex∣ander his Cousin German.

4.(a) 1.1000 Amyntas was by the Illyrians driven out of his Kingdom, but re∣stored by the Thessalians, held it (though very unquietly) 24 years. Some wrote how after his expulsion Argaeus obtained the Kingdom for two years;* 1.1001 till again he recovered it.(b) 1.1002 When he was overcome by the Illyrians, having little hope to recover his Kingdom, he gave the Olynthians a great part of the grounds adjacent; but after his restitution required it again. They refused to restore what was freely given them. He hereupon gathered an Army, and sent to the Lacedaemonians for aid, who sent Phaebidas to him with 10000 men at such time as he surprised Cadmea, the Citadel of Thebes, having sent before his brother; but the Olynthians had taken much of his Kingdom, and made themselves Masters of Pella the Metropolis of Macedon. He had issue by his wife Eurydice, three sons; Alexander, Perdiccas, and Philip; be∣sides one daughter called Euryone or Exione. He had also by his second wife Gygaea three sons; Archelaus, Argaeus, and Menelaus, afterwards slain by their brother Philip.* 1.1003 Alexander reigned not much above one year, in which time he was invaded by Pausanias the son of Aeropus, but defended by Iphicrates the Athenian, who declared his fidelity in this as well as other things, towards the Children of Amyntas, that Eurydice flying to him with her two Children, Perdiccas and Philip, he defended, and sustained her. Against him Ptolomy Alorites made War,* 1.1004 and both called Pelopidas the Theban to judge betwixt them, who having decided the controversie (as Plu∣tarch saith) took Philip the Kings brother, and 30 other of the sons of the chief Nobility,* 1.1005 as Hostages to Thebes. But within a year after Ptolomy mur∣dred him, not being his base brother as some suppose, saith Scaliger. Justin telleth us he was slain at the procurement of his mother Eurydice, which ha∣ving agreed to marry her son-in-law (which must be this Ptolomy Alorites, and thence cometh he to be called the brother of Alexander) Consulted in her husbands life time how she might kill him, and transfer the Kingdom to the Adulterer, which being betrayed by their daughter, Amyntas for his Childrens sake would not use any severity towards her, little thinking she would really accomplish her wicked design upon any of them at length.

5. Ptolomy Alorites held the Kingdom of Macedonia for three years,* 1.1006 and then was slain by Perdiccas the brother of Alexander, who succeeded him and reigned five. He was then slain in battel against the Illyrians according to Diodorus; but Justin saith he perished by the wicked practices of his mother, as Alexander did.* 1.1007 Perdiccas left behind him a young son, of whom Philip his brother was constituted Guardian in the second year of Ochus King of Persia, in the first year of the 105^th Olympiad, Callimedes being Archon. Plutarch maketh him to have been carried as an Hostage to Thebes by Pelopidas. Dio∣dorus writeth that his father gave him as an Hostage to the Illyrians, and that they committed him to the Thebans to be kept, who delivered him to the custody of Polymnis the father of Epaminondas, with whom he was brought up, though Plutarch saith he lived with Pammenes, and thence became an emu∣lator of Epaminondas. Justin saith he was twice given as an Hostage by his brother; once to the Illyrians, and another time to the Thebans, which migh∣tily conduced to his education; for being three years at Thebes, he laid the

foundation thereof in a Citie full of ancient severity, and in the house of Epaminondas a great Scholar and General. If he there continued but three years, he seemeth to have returned home at the beginning of the reign of his brother Perdiccas, but Diodorus saith, it was after his death that he made an escape from Thebes. At first, as it seemeth from Justin, he bore but the Office of Tutor, or Guardian to his Nephew; but afterwards great Wars hapning, in which the expectation of the Child could nothing avail, he was constrained to take upon him the Dignity of King by the peo∣ple.* 1.1008

6. For, the Macedonians having lately received an overthrow from the Illyrians, were much dejected thereat.* 1.1009 Phe Paeones their neighbours made excursions, and the Illyrians prepared for another terrible invasion. The King of Thrace was minded to set up Pausanias, and the Athenians Argaeus (both sons of the late Usurper Aeropus) having sent Mantias with 3000 men, and a Fleet readily furnished for that purpose. But Philip seeming no∣thing to be discouraged at these things, by his good language (wherein he was very able) and his courteous deportment, bare up the spirits of his people. He amended military Discipline,* 1.1010 and instituted the Macedonian Phalange. Understanding the Athenians to have a great desire to recover Amphipolis, and to have Argaeus established King, he left that Citie to its own liberty. The Paeonians and the King of Thrace he bought off with money, and overthrew Argaeus at Methone assisted by Mantias the Athenian, by which victory he mightily incouraged his men.

7. The year after he made peace with the Athenians,* 1.1011 who readily accepted of it, because he was content to quit Amphipolis, giving him great commen∣dations also for his clemency, in that he had suffered the Reliques of their Army at Methone to depart with their lives and liberty into Attica when he had them at his mercy. Being thus freed from the Athenian War, hearing that Agis King of the Paeonians was dead, he invaded, and brought them in∣to subjection to himself. Then entred he the Countrey of the Illyrians with about 10000 foot, and 600 horse, whose King Bardylis sent to treat with him, offering that each should retain such places as they already held; but he returned answer, that though he was also desirous of peace, yet would he admit of no terms, except the Illyrians would quit all the Cities which belonged to his Kingdom. Bardylis then met with him with a strong Ar∣my, and a great and bloudy battel was with great animosity on both sides fought, wherein at length Philip had the victory, and the Illyri∣ans having lost above 7000 men, were forced to relinquish all places belong∣ing to Macedonia.

8. After he had brought under all the Illyrians as far as the Lake Lych∣nitis, and made an honourable peace with them,* 1.1012 he returned into Macedonia with great fame. The year after, for that the Inhabitants of Amphipolis had several wayes provoked him, and ministred occasion of quarrels▪ he went against them with a great force, and having cast down the Wall with his bat∣tering Rams, entred the Citie, whence banishing all his Enemies he granted indemnity to the rest. This place being very conveniently sited for his oc∣casions in Thrace, much conduced to the progresse of his affairs. For here∣upon he presently took Pydna, and to ingratiate himself with the Olyn∣thians (the friendship of whom was very necessary for such as would grow great) having taken Potidaea, he gave up Pydna with the grounds belonging to it into their hands.* 1.1013 Then going to Crenidae, he inlarged this Town with an accession of new Inhabitants, and called it after himself Philippi. Here were rich Mines of Gold, which having been formerly neglected he now so far advanced as to bring him in yearly a Revenue of 1000 Talents, which mightily tended to the advancement of his affairs, and the Maje∣sty of his Kingdom, for now stamped he that piece of Golden Coyn, called the Philipick, raised great forces, and afterwards with bribes drew many Graecians to betray their Countrey. But he proceeded in his affairs with more confidence and freedom, for that now the Athenians were busied in

the Social War began this year, and thereupon could not take such care as was necessary, about the preservation of Amphipolis.

9. The Social War, which continued three years, had it's original from the revolt of the Chians,* 1.1014 Rhodians, Coans, and Byzantians, from the State of Athens. The Athenians sent against them two Generals, Chares and Chabrias, who when they came to Chius, found their the succours sent from other Cities, and from Mausolus the Prince of Caria. They fell upon the City; Chares on the Land, and Chabrias by Sea, but the later whilst too boldly he ventured by himself into the Haven, was slain, and then the rest retreated without any thing done. One* 1.1015 in his life telleth us, that in this Expedition he was a private man, but excelling the Commanders in Military skill and fame, was more regarded by the Soldiers; which thing proved his destruction. For endeavouring first of all to enter the Haven, when he had broken in none followed him, so that being compassed with Enemies his Gal∣ly was sunck, out of which casting himself, he might easily, as the rest did, have swom to his friends and escaped; but preferring an honourable death before an ignominious life, fighting alone was slain, in all fights having been daring, though otherwise he was accounted slow and heavy.

10. The year following, for any thing we understand, was spent altogether,* 1.1016 or for the most part, in preparations on both sides to decide the controversie in a Sea fight. The Athenians having sent before under the command of Chares a Fleet of 60 ships, sent other 60 after, which they commited to the trust of Iphicrates and Timotheus, two of the most noble in the City, who were to joyn with Chares, and in equal authority to manage the War. On the other part the Confederates with 100 Gallies wasted the Islands Imbrus and Lembus, and coming into Samus, after they had harased the Country, besieged the City both by Sea and Land, and making depredations upon many other Islands under the jurisdiction of Athens, got much money thereby. But the Athe∣nian Generals uniting their Forces resolved to besiege Byzantium, which the Confederates understanding, raised the siege at Samus to come and relieve it. They were about to joyn in battel, when sodainly arose a mighty Tempest, which made Iphicrates and Timotheus decline the fight, but Chares would not acquiesce in their opinion, but sent to Athens and accused them to the People, as wilfully having neglected a good opportunity of doing their Coun∣try Service, which so incensed the heady multitude, that they condemned them in many Talents. Corn. Nepos relateth, that Menestheus the son of Iphicrates, and son Law to Timotheus, was sent as General,* 1.1017 and they two as his Advisers. That the action was about Samus wherein Chares miscarried, and whereupon he accused them to the People. That Iphicrates being quitted, Timotheus was fined ten Talents, which he being unable to pay departed to Chelus, where dying, the multitude repented of their rash judgment, and remitting nine parts of the fine, caused his son Conon to pay the other, to∣wards repairing of the Wall. So that the Walls which Conon the Grand-father built with spoils Conon the Grand-son was forced to repair at his own cost and disgrace of his Family. This was the last Age of the famous Athe∣nian Captains, which concluded with the lives of Iphicrates, Chabrias and Timotheus, those that followed being not at all worthy the reckoning.

11. Chares having got all the power into his own hands,* 1.1018 assisted Pharna∣bazus the Persian Satrapa, who had revolted from his Prince, and was so rewarded for his service after the Victory, that he was enabled to pay his Army. This was very acceptable to the Athenians at first; but when the King had once sent to expostulate the matter with them, and a rumour was abroad that he intended with 300 ships to assist the Enemies in the Social War, they were far otherwise affected, insomuch as they resolved to make peace with the re∣volters, which was easily done, they being no lesse desirous of it. Philip ha∣ving the year before married Olympias the daughter of Neoptolemus late King of the Molossians, and Niece (not Sister as Plutarch hath it) to Arymbas or Aribbas the present, was much envied for his good successe by the three Kings of the Thracians, Illyrians, and Paeonians. Since they had been overthrown

and subdued by him, they had no strength severally to encourage them to a re∣volt; Yet joyning their Forces together they were confident of good suc∣cesse. But before they had compleated their Army, and whilst they were as yet incomposed, he set upon them sodainly, and easily reduced them to obedience.

12. The same year being the first of the 106 Olympiad, the sixth of Ar∣taxerxe•• Ochus,* 1.1019 Elpinices being Archon, Alexander the Son of Philip and Olympias was born at Pella in Macedonia, in the Attick moneth Boedromion, if that be true which Aristobulus relateth in Arrianus, that being 32 years and eight moneths old at his death, he died on the last day, but one,* 1.1020 of the moneth Thargelion. If this be true, (and Aristobulus, if any, might have occasion to know it) then could it not be on the sixth day of the moneth Heca∣tombaeon, as Plutarch relateth, whose error (into which others also fell) arose from thence, because anciently the Macedonian moneth Lous fell in with the Attick Hecatombaeon. The same Author telleth us in the life of Alexander, that Philip received at the same time three several messages: One, that the Illyrians had received a great overthrow from Parmenio his General.* 1.1021 Ano∣ther, that he had got the prize at Olympia with his swift-footed Horse. And the third concerning the birth of Alexander: and this was a little after he had taken Potidaea. But Potidaea was taken two years before, as appeareth not onely from Diodorus, but also from Demosthenes; and strange it is, that Philip should not know of his Sons birth a good while before he could have intelligence of the Olympian Solemnities, concerning which judgement was given on the sixteenth day of the moneth: So that the relation of Trogus is more true, that he received two messages at the same time: viz. one of his Victory over the Illyrians, and another of his prize at Olympia.* 1.1022 The same day that Alexander was born, was the(a) 1.1023 Temple of Diana at Ephesus set on fire by(b) 1.1024 one who desired by such an act to be rendred famous to all posterity, as he confessed upon the Rack. But the Council of Asia decreed that none should dare to name him; and for any thing we certainly know, his name is buried in oblivion, or at least, their is incertainty in it; for though Theopompus in his History recorded it, and some(c) 1.1025 tell us it was Herostra∣tus, yet by another he is called Lygdamis.(d) 1.1026 This being destroyed by this means a more excellent Structure was raised, the women contributing their or∣naments, and the men their goods; to this purpose money being also made of the old pillars. Timaeus as(e) 1.1027 one, or Hegesias the Magnesian as(f) 1.1028 ano∣ther, said the reason of the burning to have been, because Diana that night be∣ing busied in Midwives work at the travel of Olympias, had no leisure to look to her Temple, which Jest Plutarch counteth so frigid, as to have been able to have quenched the flame. Perhaps both conceits put together might have done it.

13. The year after wherein Callistratus was Archon, began the Phocian or Sacred War (as it was called) in Greece, which arose upon this occasion.* 1.1029 The Lacedaemonians after their overthrow in the battel of Leuctra, had been fined much money by the Council of the Amphyctiones, to the use of the Thebans,* 1.1030 for seizing upon Cadmea their Citadel, which was exacted of them. The Phocians also having plowed up a great piece of the ground belonging to the Temple at Delphos and called Cyrrhaea, were also fined by the same Common-council of Greece, many Talents. This Decree being confirmed by all the Graecians, and about to be executed by seizing on their grounds, Philome∣lus a man of principal note amongst them told them the Decree was unjust,* 1.1031 and perswaded them by force to rescind it, for that they had advantage enough so to do, because the Oracle it self was once in their possession, and tuition, citing to that purpose two Verses out of the second Book of the Iliads of Homer. He perswaded them therefore to get it again into their hands, pro∣mising, if they would give him power, to do it, and all other things for their profit and honour. They made him General, with full power according to his desire, who straight went to Sparta, where he pressed also the injustice of the Amphyctiones towards that State about their fine, and shewing how it

also concernd them to have the sentence of the Council nulled, he perswaded Archidamus the King, to joyn with him. He supplied him with money, wherewith raising Soldiers he invaded the Temple, and beating back the Lo∣crians that came to oppose him, with great slaughter, pulled the Decrees of the Council from the pillars, and brake in pieces the tables wherein were re∣gistred the names of the condemned. He caused it to be told abroad, that he neither intended to rob the Temple, nor to have any other dishonest inten∣tion; but the Boeotians not believing him, in their General Council decreed, that the Temple was to be recovered, and gave order for levies for the same purpose. Philomelus in the mean time fortified the place, and made all possible provision for defence. He invaded the Locrians, who killing some of his men, refused to restore the bodies, alleging the Law, that all sacrilegious persons ought to be cast out unburied: but he on purpose ingaged with them in another Skirmish, and with some of theirs redeemed them formerly de∣nied. Then forced he the Prophetesse to ascend the Tripos to give him advice concerning the Warre. She out of fear, told him he might do whatsoever he pleased.

14. The Temple of Apollo Pythius, and the Oracle at Delphos, one of the two chief Cities of Phocis (Elatea being reckoned with it) till made a Commonwealth of it self by the Lacedaemonians, was of antient Original, as appeareth by the(a) 1.1032 Poets making Agamemnon before his Expedition to Troy, to have received answer from it. The place thereof was accounted the middle of all Greece, and also the navil of the whole World, a Fable being invented (related by Pindar) that two Eagles (some say Crows) being sent out, the one from the East, and the other from the West by Jupiter, met here. The(b) 1.1033 Original of the Oracle is to be fetched from Goats, which feeding about that cave or hole (where afterwards the Temple was built) were seen to skip and utter voices unusual to others and themselves at other times,* 1.1034 which the Herdsman perceiving, went thither himself, and was affected in like manner, withall foretelling things to come. This being blazed abroad, and many who flocked thither experiencing the same thing themselves, it came to be judged an Oracle. For a time one gave answer to another indifferently; but many were transported with the fury, and leaping down into the hole were utterly lost, so that it was judged best, to set apart one woman, who should attend constantly, and a certain Engine to be made, wherein standing safely over the place, she might give out the Oracle. This Engine having three feet, came thence to be called Tripos; the woman was named Pythia, from asking, saith Strabo, and the first of all others was called Phemonoe. Virgins at first were onely destinated to this work, till one of them being ra∣vished by Echecrates the Thessalian, women of about 50 years, but in the habit of Virgins were onely allowed of. The Temple in more antient times was very famous for the Oracle; for the sitting of the Amphyctiones, the Pythian Games, and the riches thereof; but in the time of Strabo it was decaied in reputation, being nothing so much accounted of, which we may gather from it's poverty, seeing by gifts it was not able to recover the wealth taken out of it in after times, as it did that which it enjoyed in the time of Homer, having been rifled before it was recruited again by the present of Croesus, his Father Alyattes, the Italians, Sicilians, and others.

15. Philomelus sent to Athens, Lacedaemon, and the other eminent Ci∣ties of Greece, to excuse himself, professing he onely intended the recovery of the Temple into the possession of his Country-men, and not with any de∣sire or design to pillage the treasures, adding, that he should be alwayes rea∣dy to account for the money or gifts belonging thereto. He desired that if any out of ill will to the Phocians bare Arms against them, that they would en∣ter into League with them, or at least to forbear all Hostility. The messen∣gers effectually solliciting according to their instructions, brought the Athe∣nians and Lacedaemonians to enter into society, and to promise aid; but the Boeotians, with the Locrians and some others, thought the contrary, and resol∣ved that the Temple was to be rescued.* 1.1035 Philomelus seeing what kind of a brunt

he must undergo, laboured all wayes to strengthen himself, for which pur∣pose abstaining yet from the Treasures of the Temple, he took a great summe of money from the Citizens of Delphi, wherewith he hired Soldiers. Ha∣ving got together a considerable force, he took the field, and overthrew the Locrians who made head against him. They then sent to Thebes requiring aid for Apollo and themselves, and the Boeotians thinking their demand to be just, desirous to shew their Devotion, and conceiving it to concern them that the Decrees of the Amphyctiones should not be nulled, sent to the Thessal••ans,* 1.1036 and the rest of the Amphyctiones to joyn with them in this War against the Phocians. The Council meeting together, then Decreed, that War was to be made upon them, which caused great motions and factions through∣out all Greece.

16. Some thought Religion bound them to relieve the God, and punish the Phocians as sacrilegious persons; but others inclined to defend them, according to their particular interests. The Boeotians, Locrians, Perrhae∣baeans, D••rians, Dolopians, Athamanians, Achaeans, they of Pthiotis, the Magnetes, Aenianes, and some others were for rescuing the Temple. With the Phocians stood the Athenians, Lacedaemonians, and some others of Peloponnesus, whereof the Lacedaemonians were now more than before con∣cerned, for not having paid their Fine imposed on them by the Amphyctiones within the time limited, at the last sitting they were Fined 1000 Talents more. This made them desire that the Decrees of the Council should be invalid, as well as the Phocians, and being unwilling to contract the Odium of making War in their own name upon that account, they were glad to do it as it were in the name of the other, endeavouring withall to get the Tem∣ple into their own hands. Philomelus, when there came certain intelligence that the Thebans would invade them with a strong Army, to furnish himself with mercenaries, seized upon the Treasury of the Temple: then offering half as much more wages as formerly, he had multitudes offered themselves to the service. With 10000 he invaded the Locrians, who being assisted with the Boeotians opposed him, and having the worst of it, afterwards taking some of his men as they were gathering forage, put them to death as sacrilegious persons condemned by the Amphyctiones. This the Phocians complaining of, procured of their General, that to stop such proceedings for the time to come, he should punish such prisoners as he took in the same kind. After this the Armies removed into other parts of the Countrey,* 1.1037 where ingaging in Woody and difficult places of passage, the Phocians were overmatched with the num∣ber of their Enemies, and being put to flight, Philomelus, after he had omit∣ted nothing worthy of a Captain, for fear he should come into the power of his Enemies, leaped down a Rock, and perished with the fall. With Diodorus consenteth(a) 1.1038 Pausanias as to the kind of his death, though(b) 1.1039 Justin writeth him to have been slain in the beginning of the fight.

* 1.104017. Onomarchus his Collegue taking upon him the Office of General af∣ter his death, gathering up the reliques of the Army, therewith retreated home, and the Boeotians rejoycing they had wrought the destruction of so in∣famous a man, returned into their own Countrey, hoping his hap would de∣ter others from the like Enterprize. But the Phocians (being perswaded by Onomarchus, who himself had also been Fined by the Amphyctiones,* 1.1041 and therefore for his own ends stirred them up to continue the War) resolved to perfect if possible what was begun, and to that purpose created him General. He as his Predecessor had done, with large pay allured many unto him, cor∣rupted the Thessalians to quit the society of the Boeotians, and invading the Territories of the Enemy took Thronium, forced the Amphissians to submit, and wasted the grounds of the Dorians; he took Orchomenus in Boeotia; but besieging Chaeronea was worsted by the Thebans, and forced to retreat. At this time the Thebans, though deserted by the Thessalians, sent over forces into Asia to Artabazus, who had revolted from the King, and now began to decline after Chares the Athenian had left him. The War was renewed be∣twixt the Argives and the Lacedaemonians who had the better in a battel

fought at O••neae. Chares going into the Hellespont took Sestus, and Kers••∣blep••es the son of Cotys King of the Thracians, bearing ill will to Philip of Macedonia,* 1.1042 drew all the Cities of the Cherronesus to the party of the Athe∣nians, except Cardia, into which the people were about to send Colonies. Philip considering that the Methymnaeans suffered his Enemies to use their Citie seated in Magnesia for a refuge, and as a place convenient for carrying on the War, besieged it. They held out against him for some time, and in the siege he lost one of his eyes with a stroak of an Arrow; but at length they desired to be dismissed with one sute of Apparel apiece, and this being granted, he destroyed the Citie, and divided the grounds amongst the Macedo∣nians.

18. After this he was called into Thessaly by the Inhabitants against Ly∣cophron Tyrant of the Pheraeans, who in like manner desiring aid of the Pho∣cians, Phayllus the brother of Onomarchus was sent to assist him with 7000 men.* 1.1043 Him Philip worsted, and expelled out of Thessaly. Onomarchus then, who had already attained the Dominion of all that Countrey in his mind, with all his strength marched to the aid of Lycophron, and overmatching Phi∣lip, and the Thessalians, in number of men, overthrew them twice with great slaughter, and sorely distressed Philip, insomuch that hardly containing his Soldiers in obedience, he presently retreated into Macedonia. Onomar∣chus improving the credit this victory had got him, overthrew the Boeotians, and got Chaeronea. Philip recruited himself, and returned into Thessa••y against the Tyrant,* 1.1044 who being straightn'd sent again to Onomarchus, promising if his affairs succeeded, to do his work in the Cities of Thessaly. Onomarchus with 20000 foot, and 500 horse was ready at his call, but ingaging in battel with Philip, and the Thessalians, was utterly defeated by the power and cou∣rage of the Thessalian horse, and fled amain with such as could get away to∣wards the Sea. It hapned that Chares the Athenian hovering then about the Coasts with a Fleet, saved many that took the Sea, and swom to his ships. But of the Phocians and their assistants 6000 were slain, and as many taken, amongst whom was Onomarchus, whom Philip caused to be hanged, and the rest to be drowned in the Sea as sacrilegious persons. This battel hapned in the year wherein Mausolus the famous Prince of Caria died, and Clearchus the Tyrant of Heraclea a Citie in Pontus, was slain, to whom succeeded his son Timotheus, and reigned fifteen years. Clearchus having obtained the Tyranny, and his designs prospering imitated in all things Dionysius of Syracuse,* 1.1045 and inslaved his fellow Citizens very magnificently twelve years.

19. The year after, being the first of the 107^th Olympiad,* 1.1046 wherein Smi∣crinus of Tarentum was Victor, and Aristodemus Archon, Phayllus was made General in the room of Onomarchus his brother. He having plenty of money, therewith allured not onely obscure men, but the principal Cities of Greece to joyn with him in the War. The Lacedaemonians sent him 1000 foot,* 1.1047 the Achaeans 2000. and the Athenians 5000. besides 400 horse. Lycro∣phon and Pitholaus the Phaerean Tyrants, after the death of Onomarchus being destitute of succour, were forced to quit their power by Philip, and gather∣ing together 2000 men, lead them to the service of Phayllus. With such forces and those of his own he invaded Boeotia, but was worsted several times, first at Orchomenus where he lost many men, then at the River Cephi∣sus, and again at Chaeronea. After this he invaded the Locrians, called Epic∣nemidii, several of whose Towns he took, and received some losse from the Boeotians, who invading Phocis he came suddenly upon them and revenged himself.* 1.1048 But having conflicted long with a Consumption, not long after in great pain, as his impiety (saith Diodorus) had deserved, he ended his life. He left for his Successor Phalaecus the son of Onomarchus, who being but young, he joyned as Counsellour to him, one Mnaseas his familiar friend. The Boeotians falling by night upon them, slew 200 of the Phocians with their Captain Mnaseas, and within awhile in a fight at Chaeronea, Phaloeus himself was also worsted, and many of his followers were slain. Philip of Macedon

having restored the Thessalians to liberty by taking away the yoak of the Phe∣raean Tyrants (which bound them ever after very fast to him and his son) went towards the Pylae, or Streights, to make War upon the Phocians; but the Athenians hindring his passage, thence he returned with great honour into his own Kingdom.

20. Whilest these things were adoing, the Lacedaemonians being at En∣mity with the Inhabitants of Megalopolis, sent Archidamus their King to in∣vade them, who being too weak for them of themselves, desired aid of their friends.* 1.1049 The Argives, Sicyonians, and Messenians helped them with their whole strength, and the Thebans sent them 4000 foot and 500 horse. The Lacedaemonians had 3000 foot from the Phocians, and 150 horse from Lyco∣phron and Pitholaus, by the assistance of which forces they took Orneae, a Citie of Argolis, before their Enemies could come to relieve it. The The∣bans afterwards coming down, a battel was fought with equal successe, after which the Argives departed to their several homes, and the Lacedaemonians invading Arcadia, took, and plundred Elissus, and returned unto Sparta. After some time the Thebans had the better of it at Telphussa, and after that in two battels more, wherein they killed many of their Enemies; but then again the Lacedaemonians by a notable victory recovered their credit, and the Armies returning home, a Truce was made betwixt them and the Megalopo∣litans. This was done whilest Phalaecus in Boeotia took Cheroieda, and pre∣sently lost it again to the Thebans, who then with a numerous Army entred, and wasted Phocis, and then having taken some inconsiderable places with much booty they returned into Boeotia.

21. The next year the Thebans being spent with the Phocian War,* 1.1050 sent to Ochus the Persian King to desire a supply of money from him; who with∣out any difficulty, or delay, bestowed on them 300 Talents. No memorable thing passed betwixt the Phocians and them this year, which was spent in skir∣mishes and mutual depredations. Two years after(a) 1.1051 Philip cast out again Pitholaus the Tyrant, who had seized upon Pherae, and setting upon the Cities of Thrace which belonged to Chalcis, took by storm the Castle Zeira, which he demolished, & forced other Towns to submit to his yoak,(b) 1.1052 though, upon desire of the Chalcidians, Charidemus had been sent from the Athe∣nians to help them, then lying in the Hellespont. The(c) 1.1053 year following wherein was solemnized the 108^th Olympiad, whereof Polycles the Cyrenaean was Victor, having great designs in his mind, he hasted to get into his hands the Cities of the Hellespont, and without any stroaks got Micylerne and To∣rone by treachery to be delivered up to him. Now he quarrelled with the Olynthians (because his affairs were improved by successe) whom before he courted as fearing their power, which had been ever too much for his pre∣decessors. 'Tis said he pretended a quarrel because they received his two half brothers, whom after he had taken in the Town he murdred; all things being lawfull to him now that might any way serve his turn, all his affe∣ctions and passions being swallowed up in his ambition, which made him not stick to break faith himself, and by his Gold to tempt others to do it. He thought it to no purpose to practise the winning of Olynthus, till he had first inclosed all their power within the Walls,* 1.1054 and therefore he first overthrew them in two battels, and then besieged the Citie, which attempting with ma∣ny assaults and great losse of men, at length it was betrayed into his hands by Euthycrates and Lasthenes the chief Magistrates, whom he had corrupted with money. He sackt it, and sold the Inhabitants with the rest of the plun∣der, whereby he much enriched himself, and was enabled to buy in Cities which he dayly did, having been advised by the Oracle at the beginning of his undertaking, to make his assaults with silver spears; insomuch that he boasted that his Kingdom was more increased by Gold than Arms.

22. The Athenians being sensible of his incroachments,* 1.1055 jealous of his grow∣ing power, and warily providing for the liberty of Greece, supplied, as they might, such as he fell upon with war, and now sent up & down to the Cities to desire them to value their liberty, & punish capitally such as were treacherous

amongst them,* 1.1056 promising them their alliance and utmost assistance, in this work. And now at length by the special advice of Demosthenes (the greatest Wit and Orator of Greece) they openly declared themselves his Enemies, and undertook the quarrel. But so far were the spirits of the Greeks degene∣rated, that this endeavour of theirs could not counterwork the efficacy of his Gold, so that having a mind to take a Town that was strongly fortified, and one of the place telling him it could not be done, he asked him if he thought it not possible for his Gold to get over the walls. He had in all the Cities up and down his instruments and secret workers, who sought for a little gain to undermine the fortune of their own Country. After the taking of O••ynthus, he celebrated the Olympick Games, and feasted all Comers; and entertain∣ing them with great magnificence, by this cunning ingaged many to betray their Faith.

23. The following year the Boeotians and Phocians mutually preyed upon each other, and several Skirmishes hapned betwixt them,* 1.1057 which produced no great losse on either side. But Phalaecus the Phocian General, being accused to have stolen the sacred money, was put out of his place, and three Generals substituted in his room, Democrates, Callias, and Sophanes, who were to make inquisition about the money which was stolen, and call the Trustees who had the management thereof to account. The chief of the Trustees was Philo, who being not able to give an account, was racked, and confessed many of his fellow thieves. They had taken out of the Temple 4000 talents of gold after the rate of silver, and above 6000 talents of Silver of such presents as Croesus and others had sent: and there wanted not some who affirmed as much to have been rifled out of this Temple, as Alexander af∣terwards found in the treasures of the Persians. Phalaecus was about to search in the pavement for treasure, hinted at by Homer; but when the Soldiers came to dig near to the Tripos, such Earthquakes hapned, as deterred them from proceeding any further. The Phocians assisted with these riches caried on the War, and by this time had got into their hand three strong places in Boeotia;* 1.1058 Orchomenus, Cheronea, and Corsias. The Boeotians being much pressed herewith, having lost very many men, and wanting money, sent Am∣bassadors to the King of Macedonia for aid. Philip was very glad to find them in so weak a condition, desiring to abate that Spirit which they had got at the battel at Leuctra, yet he sent them a considerable number of men, be∣cause he would not seem to be wanting to so religious a cause, as vindicating the right of the Oracle. At this time the Phocians building a Castle near Abae, were fallen upon by the Boeotians, and shifting for themselves into the neighbouring Towns, 500 of them stepped by into a Chapel of Apollo near Abae.* 1.1059 Fire being left in their tents, seized upon some straw there, whence a great flame arising, caught hold at length of the Chapel, and there∣in burnt alive those that had fled thither, for an example (as Diodorus account∣eth it) to all sacrilegious persons.

24. Philip being now imployed in the War of Thrace, which was to the great damage of the Athenians, to lull them asleep, promised he would en∣ter into a straight league and alliance with them, and pretending fair things, so corrupted some of the chief Orators,(a) 1.1060 (Aescines accuseth Demosthenes, and(b) 1.1061 Demosthenes layeth the load upon Aeschines) that a peace was made up which continued seven years.(c) 1.1062 Demosthenes advised them to send away their Ambassadors to Philip with all speed, to ratifie the League, lest he delaying the matter according to his custom, should still proceed to in∣commodate their affaires. Accordingly five Ambassadors were dispatched away,* 1.1063 whereof one was Aeschines; but coming into Macedonia, they were there forced to stay till Philip had setled all things in Thrace, according to his own pleasure, and passed through the Pylae or Straights into Phocis. The Athenians hearing of his coming, notwithstanding the place, were in great fear, and caused all their goods to be brought into the City. The Thessali∣ans and Boeotians earnestly now desired of him that he would undertake the conduct of all Greece against the Phocians; and on the other side the Am∣bassadors

of the Phocians, Lacedaemonians, and Athenians, earnestly de∣horted him from the War. He hearing both sides, beeing accustomed to double dealing, promised them he would do as all had desired, and so ma∣king them secure hereby, seized upon the Straights of Therm••pylae.

25. The Phocians having sent to Lacedaemon for aid, procured 1000 Foot∣men of heavy Armour, which were commanded by Archidamus.* 1.1064 Philip in conjunction with the Thessalians with a strong Army went down into Locris, where finding Phalaecus restored to his Generalship, he hasted to decide the controversie by action, but the other lying at Nice, and perceiving himself too weak to fight, sent to treat with him, and they agreed that he should have freedom to depart with his men whither he pleased. Faith being given and received, he departed with his Mercenaries to the number of 8000 into Peloponnesus,* 1.1065 and the Phocians being thus deserted, were forced to yield. So the War was ended by Philip without a stroak, in the tenth year after the be∣ginning thereof, in the third year of the 108 Olympiad, according to Dio∣dorus, when Archias was Archon; but as* 1.1066 Pausanias writeth, in the first of this Olympiad, and in the government of Theophilus.

26. Philip calling a Council of the Boeotians and Thessalians,* 1.1067 it was re¦solved to remit the matter of the Phocians wholly to the judgment and sen∣tence of the Amphyctiones.* 1.1068 They decreed that Philip as a reward for his good service should be enrolled in the number of themselv••, and have the double voice which the Phocians formerly had. That the Phocians should be debarred from the Temple. That they should neither have Horse nor Arms till such time as they had repayed the money which they had stolen from Apol∣lo. All their Exiles and as many as were guilty of Sacrilege in their own persons should be accounted piacular, and it might be lawful to take them out of any place.* 1.1069 All their Cities were to be levelled with the ground, and they reduced into Villages, not exceeding the number of Fifty little Families apiece, and distant a furlong one from another. They were to pay to the Tem∣ple a yearly tribute of Sixty talents, till the money stolen was made up. But from this punishment, Pausanias telleth us the Abaeans were excepted, who alone had not contaminated themselves. The Council then took order for re∣storing of the Oracle, and for the establishment of peace in Greece; and Philip having confirmed their Decrees, imbracing them all with singular kind∣nesse, returned into his own Kingdom, flourishing with great glory both up∣on the account of Piety and Martial matters. This Expedition made not a little for the enlargment of his Empire, and the improvement of his design already laid, to procure himsef to be chosen Captain General of Greece, and to make War upon the Persians.

27. Two years after, and in the 17 of his reign, he invaded the Illyrians his old Enemies with a potent Army, took therein many Towns,* 1.1070 wasted the Country, and with rich booty returned into Macedonia. Then went he into Thessalie, where casting out the Tyrants out of the Cities, he much won up∣on the People, having a design hereby to make use of their favour, as a de∣coy to bring in the affections of the rest. And it failed not; for their neigh∣bours led by their example, very readily entred into League with him. The year after he prosecuted this design to a further advantage, for Kersobleptes the King of the Thracians much distressing the Greek Cities in Thrace,* 1.1071 he ex∣horted them to joyn together, and with a strong force going against him over∣threw the Thracians in several battels, and forced them to pay the tenths of their Lands to the Kingdom of Macedonia.* 1.1072 He built Forts in such places as were convenient for the bridling of their power, whereby the Cities being delivered now from their fear, most gladly imbraced his alliance and society. The year after this, Arymbas King of the Molossians died,* 1.1073 who left a Son named Aeacides, the Father of Pyrrhus, but Philip deprived him of the Kingdom, and gave it to Alexander the brother of his wife Olympias.* 1.1074 Ano∣ther saith, that he deprived Arymbas yet alive, and expelling him the King∣dom setled Alexander therein.

28. The next Expedition Philip undertook,* 1.1075 was against Perinthus a strong

City, situate upon the shore of the Propontis, the Inhabitants whereof in fa∣vour of the Athenians crossed his designs. With his utmost might, he fell upon it, continuing the storm without intermission, by fresh men sent in the place of the dead or wounded:* 1.1076 he built Turrets higher than theirs, and with battering rams and mines brake down a part of the wall. But the defen∣dants being relieved from Byzantium, manfully resisted, and built a stronger wall in the room of that which was thrown down. By this means the Siege being drawn on in length, and great talk being in Asia of the power of the Macedonian, Ochus the Persian King being now jealous of his power, thought it wisdom to ballance him, and for that purpse gave order to his Sa∣trapaes upon the Sea Coasts to assist the Perinthians. They uniting their For∣ces together, gave them their utmost assistance, which with the natural strength of the place inabled them to stand it out. For it was seated upon the cliff of a Peninsula about a furlong in length, the houses were thick and high, rising one rank above another, according to the ascent of the hill, so that the whole Town represented the form of a Theatre. Hereby, though the wall was batterd down, yet stopping the ends of the streets, their defence was little diminished,* 1.1077 which Philip perceiving, and how all things necessa∣ry for the War were abundantly supplied from Byzantium, he left a strong party under expert Captains to carry on the Siege, and with the rest of the Army hasted against that City, the inhabitants whereof having sent their men and arms to the Perinthians, were thereby much straightned.

29. By this time the grudges betwixt Philip and the Athenians were so heightned, that now the peace was held as broken on both sides. Phocion the Athenian was sent against Clitarchus the Tyrant of Eretria, who was made by Philip, and cast him out, being by(a) 1.1078 Plutarch called Plutarch.(b) 1.1079 They sent aid also to the Byzantians, at the perswasion of(c) 1.1080 Demosthe∣nes, contained in the fourth Oration of his Philipicks. With them joyned the Chians, Coans, Rhodians, and other Greeks, which so terrified Phi••ip, as he was glad for the present to yield to necessity, and made a peace with them. For Demosthenes having persvvaded his Citizens forgetting all committed in the Social War, to send relief to the Byzantians and Perinthians, and he himself being sent Ambassador to the Cities, vvrought so effectually with them, that besides their ordinary Militia, they raised 15000 Foot, and 2000 Horse, and liberally contributed money for their pay; at which time the As∣sociates desiring that the sum of the taxe might be set, Crobylus the Orator said, that War had no set rate of allowance. At this time(d) 1.1081 At••as King of Scythia being invaded by the Istrians, sent to Philip for aid, promising him succession in his Kingdom; which being sent when as the Istrians retreated, he also sent back the Macedonians, and recalled his promise concerning the succession. Philip hereupon demanded money to pay the men, but he also refusing it upon pretence of poverty, raised his Siege from Byzantium to go against him, and sent messengers before to let the Scythians know he had vowed to set up to Hercules a Statue upon the bank of Ister, and to de∣sire peaceable accesse and recesse for that purpose. He answered, that if he pleased to send the Statue it should be erected, but refused to give leave for him to enter his borders with an Army,* 1.1082 saying, that if he set it up by force, he would pull it down after his departure, and turn the Brasse thereof into heads of Arrows. Philip entering Scythia, a battel was fought, wherein he overcame them by craft, who in courage exceeded, and took 20000 women and children, with multitudes of cattel, but neither Gold nor Silver. Twen∣ty thousand Mares of the choicest were sent into Macedonia to breed. As Philip returned, the Triballi opposed themselves, refusing to give him passage except he would part with some of his booty. He disdaining the thing, for∣ced his passage, but received such a wound in his thigh, that through it his Horse was killed under him, and being taken up for dead, so little care was had of the prey,* 1.1083 that it was left. Isocrates the Orator taking occasion at this disaster, sought by his second Epistle to draw his mind to a peaceable inclina∣tion; but to no purpose.

30. Two years after,* 1.1084 having drawn most of the Graecians into society with him, he longed after the Empire of all Greece, in his way to which the Athenians onely seemed the main obstacle. He resolved now to daunt them, and obtain his purpose, and for that end seized first upon Elatea a Citie of Phocis, and calling his forces thither resolved speedily to make War upon them, hoping his work would be the lesse, because he should take them alto∣gether unprepared, and secure upon the account of the peace. The Athe∣nians exceedingly struck hereat for some time stood mute, after they were met together, being come of their own accord, for that the Magistrates cau∣sed an Allarm to be sounded all the night after they received the news. At length all their eyes were turned upon Demosthenes, who perswaded them to send to the Boeotians to desire their assistance in the vindication of the li∣berty of Greece, and being sent himself by his Oratory perswaded them to it, though they held themselves upon the account of the Phocian War obliged to Philip. The Athenians were incouraged by this accession of the Boeotians, which doubled their force, and dispatched their Army under the conduct of Chares and Lysicles towards Chaeronea in Boeotia, all of flourishing age wil∣lingly giving their names to the expedition, and the Boeotians admiring their readinesse hasted also themselves, and joyning to them expected the coming of the Enemy. He sent his Ambassadors to the Council, one whereof was Python an eloquent man, to withdraw them from the Athenians, but prevail∣ing not, he notwithstanding resolved to fight them both, and with an Army of 30000 foot, and 2000 horse invaded Boeotia. He overmatched his Ene∣mies as well in skill as numbers, all the Athenian Captains of note being now dead, and Chares Chief, who was nothing better for conduct than an ordinary Soldier. A cruel and bloody fight was fought with great animosity on both sides,* 1.1085 and with equal successe, till Alexander, Philip's son, first made his Enemies give ground in his Wing, and then his father had the same suc∣cesse in the other, and obtained the victory. Of the Athenians above 1000 fell, 2000 were taken, and of the Boeotians a great number.* 1.1086 Demosthenes being in the battel made his actions far disagreeable to his words, and cowardly with the first casting away his Arms (though Good fortune was ingraven upon his shield) ran away.

31. Together with this battel was lost the liberty of Greece, and in effect the antient glory thereof here had its period, being never able to recover its power, and first enslaved by one, and then another for ever after.(a) 1.1087 Isocra∣tes the Athenian Orator was so sensible of the advantage Philip had got, that being ignorant how he would improve the opportunity, and resolved not to see Athens besieged the fourth time, killed himself by abstaining from all suste∣nance four dayes, aged 98 years.(b) 1.1088 Presently after the victory, Philip carouzed for joy, and walking amongst the Captives upbraided the badnesse of their condition, when Demades the Athenian Orator took him short, asking him, if he who had obtained the fortune of Agamemnon shamed not to act the part of Thersites? with the wit of which castigation he was so struck, that he cast off the former countenance, imbraced the author of it with sin∣gular kindnesse, with him gave liberty to all the Athenian prisoners, and forgetting his pride, made a League and Alliance with that Commonwealth.(c) 1.1089 He is also reported to have appointed a Boy every morning to beat this into his Ear, that He was a man. He was a great Master of his affections in∣deed. He was never passionate to his disadvantage, and upon this account, to procure that with more ease which he had long designed, he might thus gra∣tifie the Athenians, whose interest in the other Estates being the same with the Common of all Greece, he might be unwilling to force them to the ut∣most. But he placed a Garrison of his own in Thebes; and Justin writeth, how he sold for slaves all the prisoners of that Citie, and the bodies of such as had been slain to their friends for burial: that of the chiefest of the Citi∣zens some he put to death, and confiscated the goods of the rest, being suf∣ficiently sensible of their ingratitude. After the fight, when the Athenians fortified their Citie as expecting a siege,(d) 1.1090 Demosthenes at his own charge re-edified

part of the Wall, for which service Ctesiphon thought he was to be ho∣noured with a Garland at the publick meeting of Greece; but Aeschines con∣tended it was against the Law: and so his Oration against Ctesiphon concern∣ing the Crown, or Garland, was written this year, Charonides (or Charondas) being Archon, the third of the 110th Olympiad, and the first of the reign of Arses the Persian King.

32.(a) 1.1091 Philip by his successe having utterly broken the courage of the principal Cities of Greece, now gave out that he would undertake a War against the Persian for the general commodity all the estates, and thereby, and with his great courtesie, gained much upon some sorts of people. At length he called them together at Corinth, and largely discoursing of the War, shewed the certain hope of successe, and earnestly exhorted them to undertake it;* 1.1092 to which all either out of love or fear assented. He was cho∣sen Captain General for the expedition, allowance of men and money were appointed to the several Cities, the(b) 1.1093 Lacedaemonians alone scorning both him, and the conditions of his peace, accounting that slavery, and not peace, which was imposed by the Conquerour. The Auxiliaries of Greece amounted to 200000 foot, and 15000 horse, over and above the forces of Macedonia, and the barbarous Nations thereto adjoyning. Whilest he thus prospered in his affairs abroad,(c) 1.1094 great differences arose in his own house by his putting away Olympias upon pretence of incontinency, and marrying Cleopatra the Niece of Attalus. Olympias a woman of an high spirit, and melancholick nature, took it exceedingly to heart,* 1.1095 & incensed all she could her son Alexander, who at the Wedding hearing Attalus in his Cups to exhort the Macedonians to pray for a lawfull Heir of the Kingdom from Philip and Cleopatra, calling him naughty fellow, asked him if he counted him a Bastard, and therewith threw a Cup at him. Philip hereupon with his drawn Sword made at Alex∣ander, but to the good of both, being light headed with Wine, and mad with anger, stumbled and fell. After this Alexander carried his mother in∣to Epirus, and went himself into Illyricum, whence his father shortly recal∣led him by the procurement of Demaratus the Corinthian. Not long after Pexodarus the Governour of Caria sent to offer his eldest daughter in marri∣age to Aridaeus the base son of Philip, whence great talk being raised that Philip did it on purpose to devolve the Crown upon Aridaeus, Alexander sent one Thessalus a player to Pexodarus, to perswade him to neglect a Ba∣stard and a Fool, and transfer his affinity upon himself, which was very well liked by Pexodarus. Philip smelling out the matter, checked Alex∣ander grievously, as degenerate, and unworthy of the hope of a Kingdom, be∣ing ambitious to become son-in-law to a Carian, who was no better than a slave to a barbarian King.

33. The next Spring having enquired of the Oracle concerning the suc∣cesse of the Persian War (which gave him answer as ambiguous,* 1.1096 and to the same purpose as formerly to Craesus) he sent three Captains over into Asia under pretence of setting the Greek Cities at liberty; Attalus, Parmenio, and Amyntas. He himself, whilest the forces were gathering together, made a magnificent sacrifize to the gods, and celebrated the marriage of his daugh∣ter Cleopatra with her Uncle Alexander of Epirus, to which he invited all that would, and gave large entertainment, being willing to show to the Graecians how thankfully he took their making him General of all Greece. Feasting and Musick there was in abundance, and the Feast being done for that day (but all the solemnity to be renewed on the next) whilest it was yet night all the people ran together into the Theatre. Thither were carried twelve Images of his gods in solemn procession, and his own next after in a Divine habit, as arrogating to himself a place in the Council of the gods. Then followed he himself apparelled in a white Roab in the midst of the two Alexanders, his son, and son-in-law. As he thus proceeded in the ruff of his pride,* 1.1097 the people sending up loud acclamations to the skies, and Eccho∣ing his felicity, one Pausanias met him in the straightest place of his pas∣sage, and stabbed him into the side, the wound being so mortal that he fell

down dead. This Pausanias having been invited to a Feast by Attalus, had been carnally abused by him after he was drunk, and then prostituted to the filthy lust of base fellows,* 1.1098 for which having complained to the King, partly because of their affinity, and because Philip intended to use him in the War, he could have no satisfaction, and for this cause took this revenge upon his un∣just judge; yet Alexander objected to Darius that his father was made away by his procurement.

34. The murderer having mounted on hors-back had got away whilest the tumult was about the body, but that his shooe catching hold on a Vine he was thereby pulled down, and then slain by Perdiccas and others. This end had Philip after he had reigned 24 years, and lived 46. to which Olympias is reported by some to have contributed, by incouraging Pausanias to commit the fact, and neither knew they how to clear Alexander of the matter. She put a Golden Crown upon Pausanias his head as he hung on the Crosse, and a few dayes after burnt his body upon the Reliques of her husband, and built him a Monument in the same place, and caused a yearly parentation to be made to him. After this having killed Cleopatra's young son in her bosom, she then hanged her, or as one saith, fried them both to death in a brazen Vessel, and consecrated the sword wherewith Philip was slain to Apollo, under the name of Myrtalis, by which she was called when young. The foundation of a great Empire was laid by Philip, and a great pattern left unto his son, which to make, was far more hard than what with greater glory was atchieved by Alexander.* 1.1099 The recovery of Macedon when there were two Competi∣tors that had such assistants, was a work of much prudence and dexterity. The regaining of such places as were lost to the Illyrians and Olynthians, with the overthrow of the neighbouring Kings, and the State of Olynthus, were such things as would have seemed too difficult for many ages to his predecessors. The matters atchieved by him required both Mars and Mercury for assi∣stants, and therein he bred so many choise Commanders, as for their skill and valour being worthy to wear Crowns; He seemeth most to deserve that glory which his son by the influence of his abilities afterwards at∣tained.

35. Alexander his son succeeded him, aged about twenty years,* 1.1100 in the first of the 111^th Olympiad, wherein Cleomantes was Victor, Pithodorus being Archon, in the first of the reign of Darius Codomannus, and the year of the World 3669. being by the father's side descended of Hercules,* 1.1101 * 1.1102 and the mo∣ther's from Achilles, neither of which lines he disgraced by the course of his fortunes. Of a great and lofty spirit he was from a Child, easie to be per∣swaded, but hard to be compelled. His father apprehending his wit, procured Aristotle to be his School-master, offering him very large rewards, whose Native Citie Stageira being before by him demolished, he re-edified for his sake. By such a Master he was not onely instructed in morality, but had some insight into the more abstruse Sciences, and seemed to have some skill in Physick, being wont to give directions to his friends about their health. Being sixteen years old, Philip undertaking an expedition against the Byzan∣tians, left him his Deputy in Macedonia, where improving his time, he sub∣dued the Medaeans who had revolted, and taking that Citie, planted it with new Inhabitants, and called it after himself Alexandropolis. At the battel of Chaeronea he behaved himself very stoutly, which with other his good parts drew great love upon him from his father (insomuch as he willingly suffered the Macedonians to call him King, and himself General) but Philips mind towards his later end being withdrawn from his mother and fastned upon Cleopatra, thereupon ensued great dissatisfaction on both sides, whilest his mother stirred him to great indignation, insomuch as he escaped not suspition of being privy to her designs against his father's life.

36. Yet began he his reign with justice against such as had an hand in the murther, killing them upon his Grave,* 1.1103 and blamed his mother that in his absence she had dealt so cruelly with Cleopatra. Then celebrating the fune∣ral of his father with royal Rites and Ceremonies, he began to take care of

his publick affaires,* 1.1104 and being contemned for his youth and little experience, above all expectation explicated himself out of all difficulties, by imitating his Fathers courtesie, and overcoming many by the invinciblenesse of his spirit, which through the course of his life bore down all opposition. He re∣newed the discipline of War, and gained the affections of the Army; know∣ing also that Attalus upon the account of his Niece Cleopatra, lay at all ad∣vantages to do him mischief, he sent Hecataeus with a band of men with order to attack him and send him over alive if possible, or else to kill him one way or other, which was at length effected. In the mean time Demo∣sthenes having had secret intelligence of Philip's death, went to the people, and pretending to have dreamt it, stirred up the Athenians all wayes possible to contemn the youth of Alexander, and not to suffer him to obtain the Principality of Greece, and to this purpose they sent unto Attalus, and entred into conspiracy with him, how they might best effect it. The Aetolians intended to restore the Exiles of the Acarnanians banished by Philip. The Ambraciots expelled the Garrison there,* 1.1105 and the Thebans decreed to do the same by that in Cadmea. As the Arcadians had refused to consent that the Father should be General of Greece, so were they now nothing better inclined to∣wards the Son, and the rest of the Peloponnesians, as the Argives, Eleans, and Lacedaemonians were ready to do any thing for the asserting of their own liberty and power. The Nations about Macedonia began to stir, being al∣together inclining to renounce their obedience.

37. Alexander as an earnest of his future successe easily removed those obstacles, reducing some by entreaty and good words, others by awe, and some by force of Arms. He first obtained of the Thessalians by a publick Decree to be owned as his Fathers Successor in the Generalship, and then easily bringing the neighbouring People to do the same,* 1.1106 passing the Pylae, cal∣led the Council of the Amphyctiones, and procured by their suffrages to be elected the Captain General of all Greece. Having done this, to bring over the rest by fear, he led down his Army into Boeotia, where pitching his tents by Cadmea he affrighted the Thebans and the Athenians also so much, that these getting in all their goods to the City, and fortifying it as well as they might, they sent to beg his pardon, that they had owned him no sooner. One of the Ambassadors was Demosthenes, who came not with the rest to Alexander, but returned back when he was come on his way, either fot that he stood in fear of him for the Orations made against his Father, or be∣cause he would not crack his credit with the Persian King, from whom Aes∣chines accused him to have received much money. He answered the Ambas∣sadors to their satisfaction, and then sent for the Deputies of the Estates to meet him at Corinth, where speaking very courteously to them, he vvas again declared General against the Persian, and aid decreed to him for carrying on the War; after vvhich he returned into Macedonia. Whilst he here vvas in the Isthmus, many Philosophers came to salute him;* 1.1107 onely Diogenes the Si∣nopian made no reckoning of him. The King understanding this, vvent to visit him then at Athens, and finding him sunning himself in his tub, salu∣ted him kindly, and desired him, to ask any thing of him vvhatsoever he pleased. He onely desired him to stand out of the Sun, vvhich greatnesse of mind Alexander so much admired, that vvhen his follovvers laughed and jeered at the man, he ansvvered, that If he were not Alexander, he would be Diogenes.

38. In the beginning of the Spring he made an Expedition into Thrace,* 1.1108 vvhere he subdued several People, and afterwards prospered in the same man∣ner in Poeonia and Illyria. In the mean time came intelligence, that many of the Greeks had a design to revolt, and not a few Cities, amongst which Thebes was most eminent, and had renounced his authority. Hereupon he returned into Macedonia;* 1.1109 the Thebans in the mean while besieging his Gar∣rison in Cadmea, which, being supplied with Arms by Demosthenes, they fell upon and slew many. They implored the assistance of the Argives, Ele∣ans, Arcadians, and Athenians. The Athenians were perswaded by De∣mosthenes

to send them aid, who reigning in the Assemblies by the power of his tongue, wrote also to the Kings Captains in Asia, thence to oppose Alexander, whom he called a boy and a fool. But Alexander marching with speed into Boeotia, the valour of the Athenians well abtaed, and De∣sthenes himself grew very cool. The Thebans uncertain what their allies would do, and surprised with the Kings coming, called a Council of Officers to consult what should be done, where it was resolved to fight for their li∣berty, and this was confirmed by the People, which with great alacrity pre∣pared for resistance, though they might have had good terms of Alexander. Who delayed also to do any thing, that they might have time to advise; for his mind being fully intent upon the Persian War, he would gladly have been rid of all trouble on this side of the Seas. But when he saw their wilful∣nesse,* 1.1110 he fully resolved to make this City a terror to the rest. Yet he first of∣fered indemnity to all such as would come over to him, which they to crosse, out of emulation, caused to be proclaimed from an high Tower, that if there were any who had a desire to joyn with the great King and the Thebans in vindicating the liberty of Greece, and suppressing the Tyrant thereof, they should repair unto them.

39. Then fell he with all his might and skill upon the City, which they as stoutly defended, knowing else what would follow, and encouraging them∣selves with their former successe at Leuctra and Mantinea, they made resistance to the wonder and discouragement of their Enemies; till at length Alexander perceiving a little dore to be left unguarded, sent Perdiccas thither with a party, who breaking into the City made way for the rest of the Macedonians.* 1.1111 Now were the Thebans on one side by them, and the other by the Garrison in Cadmea (which like a tempest fell upon them) cut in pie∣ces, the Law of War not being allowed them, because of that Proclamation they had made from the Tower. The Graecians also that served under Alex∣ander, as the Phocians, Thespians, Plataeans, Orchomeni••••s, and others, bearing them malice, spared them no more, so that great sl••••ghter was made, they fighting it out to the last, having no other regard to their lives than this, to sell them at as dear a rate as possible. There were slain 6000 (Aelian* 1.1112 by some mistake hath 90000) and 30000 were taken captives. Alexander ha∣ving buried all his slain (to the number of 500) assembled a Council of the Graecians, to which he referred what should be done with the Thebans. There their Enemies urged against them, that they had conspired with the Barba∣rians against the Graecians, in the time of Xerxes, had fought among•••• other allies of Persia against Greece, and since that been acknowledged and ••••war∣ded by his Successors as well deserving of them. By these things they so in∣cenced the Council, as to decree the City to be levelled with the ground, the Captives to be kild, and such as had fled to be sought for and brought to punishment. The King acquiescing in this severe sentence, executed it ac∣cordingly,* 1.1113 selling all he had taken, except the Priests and those that had en∣tertained his Father when he was young, and their kindred, with the posterity of Pindar the Poet, whose house alone he left s••••nding. This famous City then was demolished the last day of the Fleu•••••••• Solemnities then celebrated by the Athenians, the twentieth day of the moneth B••••dromion, after it had continued in a setled condition almost 800 years.

40. Alexander publishing an Edict, whereby all Graecians were forbidden to receive the Theban Exiles, the Athenians alone refused to obey it, setting open their gates to them, being then celebrating the mysteries of Ceres. Hereat he was inraged, and when they had sent to deprecate his indignation the second time,* 1.1114 forgave them onely on this condition: to give up to him the ten (Plutarch nameth but eight) Orators who had stirred them up against him, and the principal whereof were Demosthenes and Lycurg•••••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 People hereupon not knowing how to demean themselves, Phoci•••• the Good, who went ever crosse to Demosthenes in managing State affaires, made a Speech, wherein he would have perswaded the Orators to kill themselves like good Citizens, rather than to bring their Country into danger; but the People

ill resenting this, expelled him in a tumult. At length Demades the Orator being hired by Demosthenes with five talents, perswaded the People to mer∣cy, and so framed an answer to the King, that it should signifie their readi∣nesse to punish them if they should find them worthy thereof. They sent him then to Alexander, with order, not onely to take up this matter, but also to entercede for the Theban Exiles, and obtain leave for them to receive them. This he did by the power o•• his perswasions, saith Diodorus,* 1.1115 although Plu∣tarch saith it was done by Phocion, who after Alexander had cast away from him the former Decree, and rejected the messengers, was kindly received by him, after the King had understood that his Father respected him. He not onely admitted of his request but his counsel also: that if he loved an idle life he should lay aside all thoughts of War, but if he thirsted after glory he should transfer his Armies from the Greeks to the Barbarians. Justin writeth, that he gave them leave to keep their Orators, but forced them to banish their Captains, who going over to Darius much incommodated his af∣faires beyond the Seas. Arrianus onely mentioneth Charidemus to have fled to the Persians.

41. Alexander returned into Macedonia with his Army, where consul∣ting about the Persian War, Antipater and Parmenio his choicest Warriours advised him first to marry, and beget children, and then to undertake the Expedition after he was provided of Heirs. But he being of a most quick and active spirit, and impatient of delay, would not hear of any such thing, seeing as he said, he was now created General of Greece, and had such For∣ces left him by his Father. After then he had by proposing the commodities of such an undertaking, inflamed the minds of his Soldiers with a desire there∣of, he sacrifized to his gods, and solemnized the playes to Jupiter, formerly instituted by Archelaus his Predecessor. The solemnity continued nine dayes, one being allotted to each of the Muses, during which in his Royal Pavilion which had twenty beds to eat on, he feasted the officers of his Army, and the Ambassadors of the Cities.* 1.1116 In the Spring, all things being now ready, he marched with his Forces towards the Hellespont. They who account the least, saith Plutarch, reckon 30000 Foot, and 5000 Horse, and who the most 34000 of them and 4000 of these. For the maintenance of such an Army Aristobulus wrote that he had no more than 70 talents.* 1.1117 Daris said he had provision but for thirty dayes, and Onesicritus delivered, that he ought besides this 200 talents. And though he was thus slenderly furnished, yet before his journy making inspection into the estates of his friends, to one he assigned a Village, to another a piece of ground, to this a certain rent, and to that the Customs of such a port. When he had almost distributed all he had, Perdiccas asked him what he left for himself, and he answered Hope; then replyed the other. That shall be common to us with thee, and refused to receive any thing, which was followed by many; but such as would he wil∣lingly gratified, and thereby passed away most of the revenues of Macedo∣nia. He passed over his men in 60 ships to Troas, and first of all cast his Spear upon the shore, and skipping out, as it were, took possession of Asia, in the second year of his reign, and the second of Darius Codomannus, the third of the 111 Olympiad, Evaenetus being Archon, and in the third moneth be∣fore his leaving of the Office, and the succession of Ctesicles, under whose Government Diodorus placeth this Expedition, A. M. 3670.

42. To Antipater he commited the Government of his affairs in Europe, with whom he left 12000 Foot, and 11500 Horse, as Diodorus hath it, if* 1.1118 1500 be not rather to be read. The Lacedaemonians after his departure grudged his successe, and lay watching for an advantage how to begin a War, and if pos∣sible divert the course of his good fortune, which after the battel of Arbela they supposed to be fitly presented. For the issue of that battel being re∣ported in Greece, many of the Cities who where jealous of his power resol∣ved to contend for their antient liberty, before the strength of the Persians should be utterly spent, which they might have to their assistance. They were incouraged to revolt from tumults now raised in Thrace, For Memnon

being sent General thither, having Soldiers at his devotion, stirred up the Barbarians to rebel, and got together a great Army. Antipater hereupon was forced to march against him and leave Macedonia; the absence of whom the Lacedaemonians thinking a sufficient occasion of working some notable feat,* 1.1119 excited the Graecians to agree together with united force to recover their li∣berty. The Athenians conceiving themselves ingaged to Alexander, who had respected them above all others, refused to stir, but most of the Pelo∣ponnesians, and some others, gave their names willingly, and raised amongst them 20000 foot and 2000 horse, which were commanded by Agis the Spar∣tan King. Antipater hearing this composed the matters of Thrace as he might, and with an Army of 40000 men raised out of the Confederates of Greece marched against them, and joyning battel, after much opposition slew 5300 with the losse of 3500 of his own men. Agis himself fighting most va∣liantly, after he had received many wounds was to be carried out of the fight and so to be conveyed home.* 1.1120 But being incompassed with Enemies, and see∣ing there was no hope to escape, he bade his men shift for themselves, and re∣serve their lives for the further service of their Countrey: he on his knees re∣ceived his Enemies as well as he could, till having first killed some of them, at length he was slain after he had been King nine years.

43. Antipater having obtained this victory, was willing to put an end to the War out of fear of envy, by seeming to proceed further than the mode∣sty of a subject should require. For he knew the high spirit of Alexander, who rejoyced in the victory, but not in him being Victor, which he not ob∣scurely grudged at, thinking so much to be detracted from his own glory as was added to that of another.* 1.1121 The Lacedaemonians therefore being con∣strained to send to him, he remitted them for answer to the Council of Greece, which having heard what could be said on both sides, referred the whole matter to the Cognisance of Alexander. They then gave up to An∣tipater fifty Hostages, and sent into Asia to Alexander to beg pardon. Most of such learned men as were Eminent during this period have already, upon occasion, been spoken of.

CHAP. III. The affairs of Sicilie during this Empire.

SECT. I. The first Names and Inhabitants of this Island, with a relation of such things as preceded the Persian Empire.

1. SICILIE is an Island of the Mediterranean Sea, lying over against Italy at five miles distance; from which it is thought to have been seve∣red by some Earth-quake, or the violence of the Sea, being joyned formerly by an Isthmus, or neck of Land, to the Continent.

* 1.11222. It was first, from the Triangular Figure, called Trinacria, then Sicania, and afterwards obtained the name of Sicilie. The most antient Inhabitants were Cyclopes, or Gyants with one onely eye in their foreheads (as the Poets fancied) and the Laestrygones of the same Original. After them succeeded the Sicani, by some said to be indigenae, or naturals of the place; but by others a people of Iberia, or Spain, and so named from Sicanus, a River in that Countrey, whence they were expelled by the Ligyes, and coming into the

Island Trinacria changed its name into Sicania. After these,* 1.1123 the Siculi a people of Italie (so named saith Thucydides from Italus a King of Arcadia) being expelled by the Opici, passed into this Island, and overthrowing the Sica∣ni seized upon the best parts of it, and gave it the name of Sicilie, almost 300 years before the Greeks found it out. When Ilium was taken,* 1.1124 some Troians fled by ship from the Achaeans into this Countrey, and fixing them∣selves near to the Sicani, were all called Elymi, whose principal seats were Eryx and Egesta. To these were added some of the Phocensians, of those who in their return from Troy being driven by Tempest into Libya, or A∣frick, thence passed into Sicilie. The Phoenicians also inhabited all over the Island in the Maritime parts, and the little Islands near adjoyning, for the benefit of Traffick with the Siculi; But after that many Greeks arrived, they removed, and joyned themselves to the Elymi, and inhabited Motya, Soluns, and Panormus, because thence was but a little passage unto Carthage. So many Barbarians, and after this manner, inhabited Sicilie saith Thucydides,* 1.1125 with whom in the main of their relations, consent Diodorus, Strabo, Diony∣sius of Halycarnassus, Pausanias, Constantinus Porphyrogenneta and o∣thers.

3. The first Greeks that came into Sicilie (as Thucydides proceedeth) were some from Chalcis in Euboea, who under conduct of Theocles planted Naxus.* 1.1126 The year following Archias the Corinthian,* 1.1127 descended from Hercules, drove the Siculi from that place where stood the Citie afterward called Syracuse. About the same time Lamis brought a Colony from Megara, which he first placed upon the River Pantacius, in a place called Trotilus. In the 45 year after Syracuse began to be inhabited, Antiphernus from Rhodes, and Euti∣mus out of Crete, with their several Colonies planted Gela, so named from the River by which it stood, the Inhabitants whereof 108 years after erected the great and Magnificent Citie Agrigentum, or Agragas, so called also from a River of the same name. Zancla was first inhabited by some Pyrates of Cuma, a Citie belonging to Chalcis; but afterwards by a multitude that came promiscuously from Chalcis and other parts of Euboea, under the the conduct of Perieres of Cuma, and Cratamenes of Chalcis, and were hence cast out again by the Samians and other Ionians, who fled from the Medes into Sicilie. Zancle was so named by the Siculi, from a Sicle, in their language Zancla, which it resembled. Not long after Anaxilas Tyrant of Rhegium banishing the Samians filled it with a mixed multitude, and called it Messana, after the name of his own Countrey. Himera was planted by the Zanclaeans, and many Chalcidians amongst them, with whom also joyned certain Syracusians being expelled by the contrary faction, and called Myletidae. Their language was mixed betwixt the Chalcidian and Dorick tongues. These were the Co∣lonies which from several parts of Greece planted Sicilie. As for other Towns that were Colonies of these Colonies, they shall be told whose they were up∣on occasion.

4. That Gyants inhabited Sicilie (although to some it hath seemed no other than the invention of Poets, who usually speak monstrously of antient things) the discovery of the last age hath made most manifest;* 1.1128 at what time were in several places of the Island found the bones of such kind of men, and the perfect proportion of one or more within the earth, which upon touch mouldred all into dust. Cluverius in his Description of Sicilie, and Fazellus, herein give abundant satisfaction, which might be further strength∣ned from what the discoverers of America relate concerning men of such sta∣ture; but that the Testimony of Scripture alone sufficeth to make evident the being of Gyants. That they were indigenae, or first Inhabitants of Sicilie, is probable, and the very same with the Laestrygones. As for the Sicani, no credit is to be given to the Testimony of Thucydides in this point that they came out of Spain, for that Diodorus being this Countrey-man, and cer∣tainly rather more concerned in the delivery of the Antiquities of it, than other Nations, averreth the most accurate Historians to have affirmed them indigenae, which Timaus, who lived under Agathocles the Tyrant, did fully

demonstrate. Thucydides, who first obtruded this fable upon the Greeks, confesseth that they themselves were of a contrary opinion, and though they in a matter concerning their honour might not be heard,* 1.1129 yet this may satisfie, that in Spain there is no such River to be found as ever had the name of Si∣canus, which some of those who follow the opinion of Thucydides change into Sicoris (at this day Segre) and others speak of a Citie called Sicania, and one Sicanus Captain of the Colony, all which are as true as any. Nei∣ther could these Sicani be driven from their seats by the Ligures, whose ha∣bitation was not in Spain beyond the Pyrenaean Hills, but in Gaul near the River Rhodanus and the Alps. Lastly, that difficult journey which those obscure people must have taken by Land (for the use of shipping was much later in Spain) through the Countreys of the Tyrrhenians, Umbri, Ligures, Ausonae, Opici, Oenotrians, and other fierce and warlike Nations, after the passage of the Pyrenaeans, Alps, and Gaul, may justly induce as to give cre∣dit rather to the opinion of Diodorus, and of Demetrius Calatianus a most antient Writer; who, as the Scholiast of Theocritus telleth us, derived the Si∣cani from the Cyclopes or Gyants.

* 1.11305. That the Siculi came out of Italy several grave Authors relate, as a∣mongst others Diodorus and Dionysius of Halicarnassus from the credit of Hellanicus the Lesbian, Philistus, and Antiochus, both of Syracuse; but they so diversly relate the story, that it appeareth to be no other than dubious, and so intricate as nothing certainly can be pitched on. In Thucydides the Opici, in Antiochus the Oenotrians and Opici drove out the Siculi: But in Hellanicus instead of Siculi the Elymi and Ausonae were expelled, with Si∣culus their King, by the Oenotrians and Japyges. Again, according to the mind of Philistus, neither any Siculi, Ausonae, nor Elymi transported them∣selves out of Italy; but the Ligures under conduct of Siculus. Solinus and Martianus make this Siculus the son of Neptune, Isiodorus the brother of Italus, Servius Captain of the Sicani, and Antiochus will have him a Ro∣man Exile, whom Morges the Successor of Italus entertained. Further, Dio∣nysius writeth, that the Siculi were Native Inhabitants of Latium, and thence beaten by the Aborigines, which is plainly out of the road of history, the Si∣culi never having been masters of Rome. It would be too tedious to recite the several opinions concerning the time when these Siculi should make their passage out of Italy into this Island. And what Thucydides bringeth for a confirmation of his opinion, viz. that in his time some of the Siculi remained in Italy, cannot but be false, no foot-steps of them being to be found out in that Countrey by the discovery of any Geography; so that others, on the con∣trary, grant that the whole Nation passed over. These arguments drawn from the uncertainty of reports constrain us rather to acquiesce in the opinion of Bochartus, who concludeth that no other stranger came from other parts to inhabit Sicily, but all were Indigenae, except the Greeks and Phoenicians, the Siculi and Sicani not being distinguished in Nation but onely in place. From the Phoenicians (who especially lived about the Promontory of Lily∣baeum, though they were dispersed throughout the Maritime Coasts) he shew∣eth the Island it self, and every notable Town and River to have been named, in the first book of that admirable work intituled Canaan.

6. Sicily, saith Justin out of Trogus,* 1.1131 was from the beginning the Countrey of the Cyclopes,* 1.1132 which being extinct Cocalus made himself King of the Island. To him fled Daedalus for protection,* 1.1133 from the presence of Minos King of Crete.* 1.1134 This Daedalus was an Athenian, of the family of the Erechthidae, and a famous Artist in all manner of Graven and Carved works. It hapned that he had a Scholar, his own Nephew by his sister, named Talos, who going beyond him in skill, he privately murdred him, and the matter coming out, was forced to fly for his life, and went into Crete. There being courteously entertained by Minos, he wrought many rare pieces of Architecture, but at length so displeased the King in some thing which concerned Pasiphae his wife, that he also fled thence into Sicily, where he was entertained by Co∣calus King of the Sicani, then reigning at Inycus, called also Camicus. Some

thought that by the means of Pasiphae he escaped by boat, his Son Icarus ac∣companying him in another, and that having invented sails, (whereas be∣fore oars onely were in use) Icarus not managing his with skill enough, his Vessel sunk, and thereupon arose the Fable that they escaped with wings made of feathers waxed together, and of the young man's soaring so high, till the Sun melting the wax, he thereupon fell headlong into that part of the Sea which afterwards bare his name. Others thought Icarus was drowned as he took water. But Minos getting notice whither Daedalus was fled, pur∣sued him with an Army, and required Cocalus to give him up. Cocalus re∣turned him a satisfactory answer, and invited him unto his house, where he stifled him in a bath, or else his daughters, for the love they bore to Daedalus, when they came to wash him (which was the custom for women and maids to do unto guests, according to Athenaeus) instead of warm water, poured on him scalding pitch. He gave up his body to his men, pretending he had slipped by chance into hot water, and perswaded them to stay and plant in the Island, where they built Minoa and Engyum, now Gange, the two first Greek Cities founded in Sicily, as some note. The Cretans afterwards in re∣venge for their King's death, came and besieged Camicus five years to no purpose, and were shipwrackt in their return upon the Coast of Italy, where then resolving to stay and hide their disgrace, they built Hyria, betwixt Ta∣rentum and Brundusium, and from them descended the Iapyges and Messa∣pii. This passage concerning Minos the younger, happened in the dayes of Hercules the Graecian, an Age before the Trojan War.

7. After Cocalus the several Cities (because they wanted rightful and suc∣cessive Kings, as it seemeth, and lived under loose Democracy) became the prey of Tyranni, whereof no Country was ever more fertil than this Island, saith Justin. Of these,* 1.1135 Anaxilaus his Justice vied with the Cruelty of the rest, and was not unrewarded. For at his death leaving his children young, whom he committed to the trust of Micythus his faithful slave, his Subjects so prized his memory, as they chose rather to obey him, and suffer the Majesty of a Kingdom to be managed by a slave, than desert his sons. But if by these Tyranni be to be meant, such as after the setlement of the Greek Colonies, made themselves Masters of the Cities (as we have no other ground than to believe; the name of Anaxilaus sufficiently declaring it's original) then Cocalus living an Age before the Trojan War, and the first Greek Colony mentioned by Thucydides being planted in the* 1.1136 11 Olym∣piad, this after Cocalus is with great liberty used by Trogus or Justin; seve∣ral hundreds of years, (viz. five or six) intervening betwixt Cocalus and those Tyrants. For the Cities were many years after their founding gover∣ned by the People, according to the custom of Greece, till Phalaris usurped in the State of Agrigentum, which Suidas writeth to have happened in the 52 Olympiad, and Eusebius in the 54. This difference betwixt them may well be reconciled, if, with Cappellus, we believe that Phalaris coming to Agrigentum, there was kindly entertained for eight years,* 1.1137 at the end where∣of took occasion from a guest, and perhaps a Judge of Controversies, to make himself Tyrant, and the People slaves.

8. Phalaris was born at Astypalea a City in Crete; his Fathers name was Laodamus,* 1.1138 who died whilst this his son was an infant. He married Erythia, and on her begat Paurolas, a little before whose btrth being banished, and deprived of the greated part of his estate, he continued long in a desolate condition, not knowing what to do, till at length a Sedition being raised in the State of Agrigentum, he was sent for by the weaker faction, and in con∣clusion got all the power into his hands. He kept the Tyranny by the same arts he first obtained it, viz. fraud and cruelty, for which cause he was grie∣vously hated by many, and his life laid at by those of whom he had well de∣served. Erythia continued all her life with her son Paurolas at Astypalea, where though she was much importuned by many Suters, yet she remained stedfast in fidelity to her husband. The Citizens of Astypalea when they saw Phalaris had so advanced himself, either for that now their hatred was allai∣ed,

or out of fear of revenge, sent to him to intimate that they had revok∣ed what had been formerly done against him, as unjust. He despised not this late repentance, but sent them his hearty thanks, and rewarded them. Ha∣ving obtained a victory over the Leontines, his son Paurolas sent him a Crown of Gold, which he returned back unto his wife Erythia. She was at length poysoned by Python one of her Suters, inraged at a repulse; which thing Phalaris took most impatiently.

9. It hapned that one Perillus an Athenian, and an excellent Statuary, came to Agrigentum, where shewing his rare skill, he was kindly entertained by Phalaris. He taking notice of Phalaris his cruelty, framed a brazen Bull, which being heated and a man put in his belly, would by the roaring of him that was thus tormented,* 1.1139 imitate the voice of a natural one. Presenting him with this exquisite piece, as incomparable for the torturing of men, he ad∣mired his skill, but detesting his wickednesse, caused him first to make a tryal of it, and excused himself to the Athenians, who took it ill, as having done nothing but what was just and meet. If Perillus had onely made experiments, Phalaris had satisfied all reasonable men; but threatning his Enemies with this Engine, and making good his word upom them as often as he could have occasion, he thereby incurred, and slighted the hatred of mankind. At the same time flourished one Stesichorus a Poet of Himera, who died eight years before Phalaris. He wrote verses against the Tyrant, and raised an Ar∣my, animating the Inhabitants of Himera against him, with whom joyned Conon a most leud and naughty man, and divers others, all which, together with the Poet, at length fell into his hands. Conon was presently condem∣ned to the Bull. He doubted at first what to do with Stesichorus, but at length beholding his worth, he not onely dismissed him unpunished, but with large gifts; and ever after mightily reverenced him both alive and dead; in∣somuch as he desired the Himerians to build him a Temple, and Altars (of∣fering for that purpose men, money, and all necessaries) and most lovingly comforted his daughters.

10. He was so great a contemner of Popularity, and so conscious of his wickednesse and publick infamie, that he refused the honours offered him by them of Melita, not for any pride, but with a friendly admonition, that it would be to them infamous, and to him not at all advantagious. So when Stesichorus, Cleaeneta, Theano, and others, thought of writing in his praise, he seriously desired they would forbear, wishing rather that his name might be buried in oblivion, than celebrated in the Writings of Learned men, and, to no purpose, adorned with false commendations. Being grievously pro∣voked by the affronts of the Messenians, Catanians, Leontines, Zanclae∣ans, and Tauromenites, he prosecuted them to the utmost, often saying, that he most certainly knew they would fall into his hands, which accordingly came to passe. He confesseth that he had tortured in the brazen Engine 37 men, seriously wishing they might be the last; but he foresaw that Lamachus and Epiterses, though absent, would increase the number. These things are related in the Epistles that go under his name, which some Learned Men think written by Lucian. But whoever so drew to the life another's dispo∣sition as he there doth his own, insomuch as Suidas accounteth them* 1.1140 very ad∣mirable. If one consider their style, accutenesse, and invention, there are no Epistles of any Tyrant, no not of any Orator or Philosopher to be com∣pared with them. But if one look at the disposition of the man, he was a portentous thing,* 1.1141 born for the chastisement of the naughtinesse of men, of cruel hatred and unparalleld cruelty; yet of a most propense and munificent mind towards his Friends, and withall reverencing Virtue so much in his very Enemies, that for it's sake he would pardon injuries, and relinquish hatred.

11. That is scarce credible which Clearchus relateth in(a) 1.1142 Athenaeus, that he was transported with so great cruelty, as to have served up to his table sucking and new born Infants.(b) 1.1143 Aelian hath a more likely story concer∣ning Chariton and Melanippus. Chariton loved Melanippus with an ex∣travagant

and immodest Love, as appeareth from the historian.* 1.1144 Melanippus having a contest with one of Phalaris his friends, was commanded, and at length forced to desist, which taking very ill, he complained of it to his Lo∣ver, and desiring his assistance for killing the Tyrant, thought of taking in other young men into the conspiracy.* 1.1145 Chariton desired of him to trust him alone with the matter to take an opportunity to revenge him, unwilling that both of them should miscarry in it if it were discovered; and on a time made at Phalaris with his dagger, but was prevented by his Guard, which he had continually about him. Being examined concerning his Complices, he en∣dured great tortures, so long, that Melanippus more sensible of them than he himself, went to the Tyrant, and revealed the whole matter. He admir∣ing the courage and love of both, dismissed them, with this condition, that they should depart the same day out of Sicilie. This love which appeareth to have been no better than an unnatural lust, was afterwards by Apollo cal∣led divine, whence, as in other respects, these impure Spirits, the gods of Heathens, betrayed themselves what they were. And hence it is no wonder that the Philosophers of old, such as Socrates, Plato, Xenophon, Aeschi∣nes, Cebes, and the rest, might approve of this affection towards Males, which the(c) 1.1146 Romans yet abhorred in some Ages, the(d) 1.1147 Lacedaemonians held as Capital, and the Lake wherein Sodom and Gommorah were swallowed up, evinceth to have been contrary to the Law of God and Nature. But as for Phalaris, after he had tyrannized sixteen years, he perished by the fury of all the multitude of Agrigentum, which, as(e) 1.1148 Cicero writeth, fell upon him. Some thought that his subjects conspired against him, being principled there∣to by the doctrine of Pythagoras, of which opinion is also(f) 1.1149 Jamblich••s in the life of this Philosopher. But the whole relation concerning Pythagoras his entercourse with Phalaris is therefore deservedly suspected, because the Philosopher being yet young had scarce passed into Italy. The death of Phalaris hapned about the first year of the 58 Olympiad, and the twelfth year of Cy∣rus his Reign, reckoned from his first obtaining the Kingdom of Media.

SECT. II. Of such thing as were Contemporary with the Persian Empire.

1. AFter the death of Phalaris,* 1.1150 the Citizens of Agrigentum recovered their liberty, and enjoyed it till Thero again brought them under. He was the son of Aenesidamus, and boasted that he was descended from Oedipus.* 1.1151 He got the prize at the race with the Chariot in the Olympick games, and is celebrated by(a) 1.1152 Pindar the Poet, whose Scholiast teacheth us, that he was Father in Law to Gelon Tyrant of Syracuse, by his daughter Demare∣ta, and married also his brother's daughter: At this time Panatius made himself Lord of Leontium, and Cleander of Gela. Cleander, after seven years, was succeeded by his brother Hippocrates, who sore afflicted the peo∣ple of Naxus, of Zancle, or Messana, and Leontium, whom he forced to acknowledge him for their Lord. After seven years, he was also slain in a bat∣tel against the Siculi, having before this made war with the Syracusians, and by composition got from them the City of Camerina.* 1.1153 After his death Ge∣lon the son of Dinomenes (descended of the race of the Rhodians, who with the Cretans and other Greeks had seated themselves in Sicilie) that had com∣manded his Forces with great successe, and to whom he committed the trust of his Children, breaking all obligations made himself Lord of Gela. Af∣ter he was in possession of this Town, a Sedition happening in Syracuse, be∣twixt the Magistrates and People, he being called in to the assistance of the Governours that were driven out by the multitude, made himself Prince. Such being the danger and infirmity of all Governments, except rightfully suc∣cessive Monarchy. This fell out in the second year of the 72 Olympiad,

when Hybrilides was Archon at Athens, the 31th of Darius Hystaspis, and the same, as some reckon, wherein the battel at Marathon was fought. Now the comportment of Sicilian affairs constraining us to speak most con∣cerning Syracuse, so considerable a place, both as to its self, as a Citie, and as the scene of so great transactions, requireth a more accurate de∣scription.

* 1.11542. Syracuse was first inhabited by some Greeks of Aetolia, and had the name of Ortygia. These were expelled by the Siculi, who possessed them∣selves of the place, and at length were outed also by a Colony led hither out of Peloponnesus by Archias the Corinthian, in the eleventh Olympiad, Ro∣mulus then reigning at Rome, and the Mess••nian War being very hot in Pe∣loponnesus. This new Colony, because of Archias, and for that many followed him from Corinth, owned that Citie for its Metropolis, which at that time was most powerfull at Sea. But many afterwards flocked out of other parts of Peloponnesus, and by little and little the Citie of Syracuse so increased, as it became not onely the greatest, and most beautifull of all in Sicily, but of Greek Cities whatsoever, as Cicero affirmeth. It contained, as he writeth, four great Cities; the Island, Acradina, Tycha, and Neapolis. Its com∣passe was 180 furlongs, having, besides Suburbs, two Ports very commodious for shipping, being separated by the Island, and grounds about it very fertile, in some places rising into little Hills, but compassed about with Fennes. The first Inhabitants dwelt in the Island antiently called Ortygia; then as the Citie increased the other parts were added, whereof the latest was Neapolis. As for the state of the Citie, after it received a new beginning from Archias, the form of the Commonwealth was without doubt the same that then was in the Metropolis under the Government of the B••chiadae, viz. Oligarchical, bordering upon Aristocracie. Afterwards the common people waxing heady outed the better sort of the possession of the grounds, and seizing on the Government, made bad to be worse, as the sad changes and desolations will shew. The Exiles (by Herodotus called Gamori) betook themselves to Ge∣lon the Tyrannus of Gela, who coming to restore them with an Army, the peo∣ple resisted not, but received him into the Citie, whereby obtaining the whole power, he restored it not to the Nobility, but made himself master of Syracuse. This hapned at the time aforesaid, and about 244 years after the Plantation of Archias.

3. Gelon so used his power as he was loved by all, and feared by none. He every way much inlarged,* 1.1155 adorned, and inriched the Citie: out of all Con∣quered Towns he took the Noblest, and worst disposed Citizens, and brought them to Syracuse. He procured the affections of almost all that dwelt in Si∣cily, and so greatly strengthen'd himself, that he was able with a Navy of 200 Triremes, and as great an Army as all Greece could set forth against Xerxes, to help the Graecians in the Median War; and had gone to their assistance, if they would either have granted him the Command of the Land Army or the Fleet. When he could obtain neither of those, he imployed his forces a∣gainst the Carthaginians, who had been called into Sicily by the Egestans, and on the same day wherein the Greeks obtained their victory at Salamine, got so great an one over them at Himera a Maritime Town, that his glory is thought to have equalled,* 1.1156 if not exceeded, the other of Themistocles. At this time the Carthaginians were very powerfull, and become Eminent; whose affairs being by necessity to be joyned with such matters as relate to this Island of Sicily, a more convenient place cannot be had, to speak some∣thing (as this work requireth) of the Original, and progresse of their Common∣wealth.

* 1.11574. Carthage was a Colony of Tyre, and Tyre of Sidon the most antient Metropolis of Phoenicia, mentioned by Homer with commendation for inge∣nious industry (who hath not one word concerning Tyre) and built by Si∣don the eldest son of Canaan. Tyre was built about the 2747 year of the World, and 240 years before Solomons Temple, as(a) 1.1158 Josephus hath ob∣served. The Greeks thought it received its name from Tyrus the Founder:

and(b) 1.1159 some invented a fable of a Nymph, called Tyros, beloved by Her∣cules. But Tsor in the Phoenician language signifying a Rock, the situation it self sufficiently declareth the Original of the name, which upon this account was communicated to three other places, besides this eminent Citie, viz.(c) 1.1160 two in the Continent, and another in the same Island. Near the Island of this famous City stood Palaetyrus, or Old Tyre, mentioned by Joshua, and cal∣led a strong Citie even at the division of the Land of Canaan, which hapned about 200 years before the building of that whereof we speak. Now(d) 1.1161 Jo∣sephus maketh the Temple of Jerusalem to have been founded in the ele∣venth year of the reign of Hiram King of Tyre, who was son to Abebaal, by Josephus called Abibalus, and by Eusebius, Abelbalus. Hiram, or Huram according to the Hebrews, (by the Greeks called Irom and Syron (for Ho∣rom) by Eupolemus) was a great friend to David, and supplied Salomon his son with materials, and work-men for building the Temple. He also propo∣sed hard questions to Solomon to be unfolded, as Menander testified, who translated the Tyrian Annals into the Greek language: He strengthned, and inlarged the Citie of Tyre, as Dius also wrote, and reigned 34 years. After him his son Beleastartus reigned 7. and Abdastartus 9. who being slain by the four sons of his Nurse, the eldest of them reigned twelve years. Then Astartus the son of Baleastartus 12. his brother Astarimus 9. who was slain by his brother Phelles. Phelles reigned but eight moneths, being killed by Ithobalus the Priest of Astarta, who reigned 32 years; after him Badezorus his son 6. then Mettinus his son 9. and lastly, Pygmalion 40. in the se∣venth of whose reign his sister Dido built the Citie of Carthage in Africk. Therefore from the beginning of Hirams reign to the building of Carthage intervened 155 years and eight moneths; and whereas the Temple was founded at Jerusalem in the twelfth of his reign, from the building of the Temple to that of Carthage passed 143 years and eight moneths, as Jose∣phus collecteth from the Testimony of Menander the Ephesian, in his first book against Apion.

* 1.11625. But Appian in his History of the Punick Wars, writeth that Carthage was built by the Tyrians, 50 years before the destruction of Troy, which precedeth the former date 360 years. He nameth as founders Zorus and Carchedon, according to the opinion of the Greeks, who thought them the Captains of the Colony; whereas Tsor, or Zor, was the name of the Metro∣polis, and Carchedon of the new Citie, Carthada signifying a New Citie in the Phoenician language, as Solinus witnesseth.* 1.1163 Strabo again will have the Phoenicians to have led out Colonies as far as the Pillars of Hercules, and planted some, a little after the Trojan War, upon the Maritime Coasts of Africk, with which Virgil closing, feigneth Dido to have reigned at Carthage at that time; whereas she was 300 years later, according to the Testimony of the Phoenician Annals; so as Servius upon the Poet affirmeth the whole story of Aeneas and Dido to be a fiction, and utterly against the course of History. Further, Eusebius noteth that some accounted Carthage built 143 years af∣ter the destruction of Troy, about the 2966 year of the World, and the 23 of the reign of David, 164 years or more before the time assigned to Dido by Menander.* 1.1164 For the reconcilement of these several assertions it must be considered that Carthage consisted of three parts, viz. Cothon, Megara, and Byrsa, whereof the first was the Port, and the last the Citadel compassed about by the second, called Magalia and Magaria, but more truely Megara, signi∣fying properly in the Punick language, dwellings in a strange Countrey. 'Tis conceived that these might be built at several times; as that part about the Haven before the War of Troy; the other some time within 144 years after the destruction of it, which might rightly, in respect of the other, be called Carthada, or New Town; and lastly, the Byrsa by Dido 166 years after. For the Phoenicians being masters at Sea, might according to their pleasure, as they had occasion, send out Colonies, which they began to do from the time that Joshua expelled them out of the Land of Canaan. The Greeks themselves believed that Cadmus made an expedition into Africk, and

there built many Cities, as appeareth out of Nonius; and he built the Ci∣tadel at Thebes about the time of Joshua. In Procopius his age, who lived under Justinian the Emperour, about the 540 year of Christ, the two Pillars were yet standing, which those Canaanites erected that fled from the face of Joshua, in that part of Africk, called Tingitana, as the inscription testi∣fied, which we formerly mentioned, and Eusebius writeth that these same Canaanites led Colonies into Tripolis in Africk. Lastly, amongst several other Cities built by the Phoenicians, the most considerable, after Carthage, was Utica,* 1.1165 some ten miles distant from it, which Aristotle, from the Phoeni∣cian Histories reporteth to be 287 years antienter than Carthage, and Vel∣letus Paterculus to have been built by the Tyrians a few years after Gades, about the time of Codrus, who being Contemporary with Saul, this Citie ob∣tained the name of Utica or Ityca, that is (saith Bochartus) in the Phoenician language, Old or Antient.

* 1.11666. Dido was sister to Pygmalion King of Tyre, & wife to Sichaeus,* 1.1167 or Sicharbas their Uncle the Priest of Hercules. Sichaeus being murdred by Pygmalion for his Wealth, she out of hatred to, or for fear of her brother fled into Africk, with all she could take, & thereby disappointed the murderer of his prey. The story goeth, that coming into Africk, she & her Companions were repelled by Hiarbas the King of that place, till they craftily desired to buy of him so much ground as an Ox's hide would compasse. The Africans laughed at their folly, and out of desire to see what use they could make of so little ground, swore to make good the bargain. The Phoenicians then cut the Hide all into one small thong, with which they encompassed twenty furlong, and thereon built a Castle, thence, (said the Greeks) called Byrsa. But learned men explode this story of the Hide as a meer invention, and a fable raised from a false explication of the word, which in the Hebrew tongue is Bosra, and signifying a fortified place, or Castel, is changed into Byrsa for the better sound, because the Genius of the Greek language suffereth not S & R to be joyned together. Justin out of Tro∣gus relateth that Hiarbas King of Mauritania sent for ten of the principal Carthaginians, and required Dido in marriage, threatning else to make War upon them. At their return they told her he desired some one who might teach his people breeding and manners, but none could be found that was content to leave his Countrey, and joyn himself with the Barbarians, whose lives were like to those of wild beasts. She blaming them all exceedingly, that they preferred their private commodity before the good of their Coun∣trey, to which if need required they ought their very lives, they opened to her the whole matter, saying, that what she would impose upon others, she ought not her self to refuse. Being caught with this wile, she long called on the name of Sichaeus, her husband, with many tears and great lamentation, then taking three moneths time for the doing of what there was necessity for, she made a pile of wood, as though to make a Parentation to Sichaeus, and appease his Ghost before her second marriage. Having killed many beasts, she ascended the Pile with a Sword in her hand, and turning to the people said, that now she was going to her husband, and therewithall killed her self. Before the name of Dido (which some make to signifie Loved or Amiable,* 1.1168 and others more probably Wandring or Erratick) she had that of Elissa, be∣tokening a Divine Woman, or Virago. The Latin word Virago, in Greek written Ouirago, is in Eusebius corrupted into Origo, and being applied as a name to the Citie, and not to the woman, by a misunderstanding hath much perplexed Joseph Scaliger and others.

7. Carthage then being re-edified, or inlarged by Dido, and the Colony she brought thither, about the 3132 year of the World, in the dayes of Jo∣has King of Judah, and Jehu of Israel, 310 years after the destruction of Troy,* 1.1169 97 before the first Olympiad, and 120 before the building of Rome, was at first under Monarchical Government; but afterwards rejecting it, indured many hazards and hardships, which followed loose liberty, where∣of most are briefly recited by Justin in his eighteenth book, and those that follow. The(a) 1.1170 Philosopher compareth this Commonwealth with those of

the Cretans and Lacedaemonians, saying that it was mixed of Aristocracy and Policy, as he calleth it.(b) 1.1171 Polybius saith it was composed of Kingly, Aristocratical, and Democratical Governments, and(c) 1.1172 Isocrates maketh it Oligarchical at home, and in War Monarchical. As two Kings at Lace∣daemon had the first rank of Magistracie with equal power, so at Carthage two persons, by them called Suffetes, and by Aristotle, and Polybius, and Corn. Nepos, termed Kings, yet onely nominal; As the former were for life, so these were but Annual (in which respect(d) 1.1173 Livie compareth them with the Consuls of Rome) and their dignity being hereditary, those were yearly elected out of any noble Families. Such were especially preferred as were accounted most eminent for Virtue, and able to defray the charges of their place. Aristotle commendeth this above the Lacedaemonian custom, all but that concerning their wealth, imputing it as an error to the Legislator; who ought another way to have provided for Magistrates, that they might attend publick businesse without any detriment to themselves, and so be preferred meerly for their Virtue.

* 1.11748. These Suffetes were more rightly in their own Language called Sophe∣tim, the Hebrew name of those chief Judges amongst the Israelites, who from Joshua to Saul governed their Commonwealth, and the History of whose actions by us called Judges, hath the same title of Sophetim, for that interpretation which renders it Sophim (i. e. Overseers) at the first sight ap∣peareth lesse probable. Their Office was to* 1.1175 assemble the Senate, in which doubtlesse they presided and proposed. They decided causes Criminal, but their power was confined to home, nothing appearing of their medling with warlike matters, or having command of the Armies. To these Suffetes was added a Senate, which because Aristotle compareth it with that of Lacedae∣mon,* 1.1176 may be supposed elective out of the best sort and most antient men, and the Senators it's likely, injoyed the dignity all their lives. How many they were in number doth not appear; but that herein this Senate exceeded the other of Lacedaemon, is to be gathered from* 1.1177 Justin, who speaketh of 100 persons that out of it were chosen for Judges, to take account of the actions of all Generals at their return from the Wars. This Senate, as that at Rome, was the chief member, and as the Soul of the State, wherein the Suffetes propounding, as the Consuls there, all thines of moment were brought to it; especially what concerned those great things of Empire: viz. Peace, War, and Leagues. The Suffetes deliberating with the Senate, if it was unanimous, and they resolved the same thing, their Decree was Law to the whole State; but if the Senate and Suffetes disagreed, then was the mat∣ter referred to the People.

* 1.11789. In the Concio or Assembly of the People, any one of the rabble might speak his mind freely, and without danger contradict the Magistrates. The People's Decree concerning any thing referred, was taken for the ultimate de∣termination of the whole and State, and being once passed was so binding, that it was not lawful to offer any thing against it, which Aristotle repre∣hendeth (and well may he) as too Popular, and too much declining from the best form of a Commonwealth, affirming this Constitution to have no place in the best modelled States. But* 1.1179 Polybius dissenting from the Philo∣sopher, where he compareth the Carthaginian with the Laconick and Roman Commonwealths, sheweth that it was poised of the three kinds of Govern∣ment, that the Suffetes were as Kings, the Senate held the place of Opti∣mates or Nobility, and the People a convenient power. Yet he addeth, that when Hannibal made War upon the Romans, (which happened ten years af∣ter the death of Aristotle,) the State of Carthage declined from it's antient and best condition, the People having assumed more than formerly, vvhen the Roman Senate's authority was yet whole. This he thinketh to have much incommodated their affaires, and brought great advantage to the Romans.* 1.1180 But what authority the People had during the best and most ancient State, he no where in those Books and fragments that are remaining, declareth. Em∣mius thinketh that it consisted in electing Magistrates, making Laws, Leagues,

Peace, and War; in appointing and ordering Negotiations, Customs, Tri∣butes, and such like things, which concerned the generality, and respected the profit of the multitude. But some of these things seem rather to have fallen under the consideration of the Kings and Senate; however the disor∣ders that followed, as in all other such Governments, will satisfie the Reader in his opinion of the excellency of Monarchy.

* 1.118110. Besides the Senate there was a Council of 104 men, whereof Ari∣stotle onely informeth us, and which, according to the round number, from him we may call the Centumvirate. They had power to chuse five men out of their body, who had very large and great authority; Both these sorts of Ma∣gistrates retained their povver longer than any other, enjoying it both before and after they came to be of the five, vvhich thing vvas plainly Oligarchical. But in that they were not chosen by lot, but by the Suffrages of the People, and served without wages; in that they alone took cognisance of, and judg∣ed controversies, and publick actions, none being remitted to others, as the custom was at Lacedaemon, this he taketh notice to be Aristocratical. He compareth the power of the Centumvirate with that of the Ephori at Sparta, whereby he teacheth us, that the power of judging lay in it. And as the Ephori were (acording to him) Conservators of Popular liberty at Sparta, protecting the Plebeians against the power of the great ones, so it is likely, from these words of Aristotle, that those 100 men at Carthage were the Keepers of the Popularity. Herein he prefereth them before the Ephori, that they were not chosen out of the rabble, but the better sort of Citizens, wherein lay also a piece of Aristocracy; for mean persons being preferred to greatest places, do much hurt a Commonwealth, saith he, and have alrea∣dy endamaged that of the Lacedaemonians.* 1.1182 Amonst civil Officers there were some that made inspection into the manners of the Citizens, as Corn. Nepos telleth us in the life of Amilcar,* 1.1183 the Father of famous Hannibal, from whom they removed a beautiful young man called Asdrubal, because he was reported to be more familiar with him, than modesty required. There was also a Praetorship which had authority to look to the Customs and Tributes, and also to prefer Laws, as appeareth by Hannibal, who being chosen into this office, not onely reformed the Customers, but also taking notice of the corrup∣tion of Judges, procured a Law for them to be chosen every year. But whether there were more than one of these Officers, is not to be discovered from antient Writers.

11. Besides the faults before mentioned, Aristotle reprehendeth the Cu∣stom of chusing the Suffetes for their riches, which openeth a dore to avarice and indirect practices thence arising.* 1.1184 He also noteth it as a fault, that one and the same man had several Offices, which yet they esteemed as a great honour. One detestable practice they used of old, to sacrifize to their gods humane Sacrifices, when any affliction or disaster fell upon them, and even their own Sons, as Plato witnesseth, which custom they seem to have brought with them out of Palaestine, every year sending thither such kind of presents unto Hercules, as we find in Pliny. Another absurd Law they had,* 1.1185 which forbad any Citizens to learn the Greek Langage, lest they should hold intelli∣gence with the Enemy, because one Suniator had so done with Dionysius the elder,* 1.1186 as Justin writeth. This indeed was laudable, that this City abhomi∣nated Drunkennesse, and severely prohibited Wine as much as to be tasted in in the Camp, as Plato recordeth in his Laws. This also Aristotle commend∣eth, that, for an incouragement to warfare, they had a Law which gave liber∣ty to a Soldier to wear so many Rings as he had served times in the field. The People were by their natural constitution, morose and surly, obedient to their Magistrates,* 1.1187 tyrannical towards their Subjects, most dejected in time of fear, and cruel in anger, resolute in their designs, notwithstanding all force of flattery, and so infamous for their breach of faith, that the Punick faith or trust became a Proverb. As for their greatnesse and Dominion, the description thereof is to be left to it's proper place. Now must their affaires abroad in Sicily and other parts, be defined with the matters of that Island.

12. At what time, or upon what occasion the Carthaginians first came in∣to Sicilie is uncertain,(a) 1.1188 Livie will have them first called in by the Sedition of the Islanders. in the year that T. Quintius (Sirnamed Cincinnatus, as al∣so Penno) and Cn. Julius Mento were Consuls, which was in the beginning of the Peloponnesian War, the 323 year of the City, 50 years after the pas∣sage of Xerxes into Greece, and consequently as many from the Victory which Gelon got over them; a grosse mistake.(b) 1.1189 Justin out of Trogus, having first related their impious custom of pleasing their gods by humane Sa∣crifices, addeth, that the divine powers being therewith displeased or averse to them, when they had long unhappily made War in Sicilie, they translated it into Sardinia, and there losing the greatest part of their Army, received a grievous overthrow, whereupon they banished Mazaeus their General, (by whom they had conquered a great part of Sicilie,* 1.1190 and done great matters a∣gainst the Africans) with that part of the Army which remained. The Army taking this in great disdain, sent to the City to desire a repealing of the Act of banishment, and threatned by force to rescind it, in case they were thereto constrained by a denyal of their sute. Their message being despised, they be∣sieged the City, and after a few dayes took it. Mazaeus calling the People together, complained of the injury, excused the necessity of the War, and in∣veighed against the contempt of his Victories. He said he would pardon all, but such as had been authors of the injurious Exile of their fellow Citizens; and accordingly putting ten of the Senators to death, he restored the City to it's Laws. Not long after being accused of an intention to make himself absolute, he was punished both for his paricide committed against his Coun∣try, and his own Son (as Justin termeth it) whom being a Priest, he had crucified, for refusing to come to him before he had finished his superstitious rites, and when he came appeared in his purple and other ornaments, which Mazaeus thought unsuitable with the condition of him his Father. Him succeeded Mago, by whose industy the wealth, dominion, and reputation of the Carthaginians, for matters of War, increased.

* 1.119113. Mago being the first, who by ordaining military discipline,* 1.1192 had laid the foundation of Empire, and added to the strength of the City, as well by introducing Virtue as the Art of War, left two Sons behind him, Asdrubal and Amilcar, who by treading in his paths, succeeded as well to the great∣nesse as the Patrimony of their Father. Under their conduct the State made War in Sardinia, and fought against the Africans, who demanded Tribute for the ground on which Carthage stood, which also at length they constrained the Carthaginians to pay. Asdrubal died of his wounds in Sardinia, whose death was ennobled by publick mourning, eleven Dictatorships, as Justin calleth them (by which seemeth to be understood no other than so many times sending out, or commissionating as General, with full power in the field, yet so as to be under the commands of the State) and four Triumphs: and the Enemies of Carthage took heart, as if with the Captain it's force and power was also dead. The Inhabitants of Sicilie then vexed with the continual injuries of the Carthaginians, betook themselves to Leonidas the brother of the King of Sparta, and a great War insued, wherein both par∣ties long strugled with various Fortune. At this time came Ambassadors from Darius (the Son of Hystaspes) King of Persia, commanding the Cartha∣ginians to forbear offering humane Sacrifices, and eating mans flesh, requiring them to burn their dead rather than bury them,* 1.1193 and demanding assistance against the Greeks, with whom he was about to ingage in War. They deni∣ed to afford any succours because of their continual Wars with their neigh∣bours; but obeyed him in the rest, lest they should seem too stubborn, saith Justin; yet that they stood not to their word, the testimonies of Plato, Dio∣dorus, and Pliny, do certifie. Whilst these things passed, Amilcar was slain in the War of Sicilie, leaving three Sons: Amilco, Hanno, and Gisgo. Asdrubal also left so many: viz. Annibal, Asdrubal, and Sappho. Of these, Annibal is mistaken for Annibal the great, by one who hath made some short Notes upon* 1.1194 Justin, and Amilcar his Uncle, for Amilcar Bar∣chas

Father to the famous Annibal, and Mago also for another of this name, that lived* 1.1195 many years after in the dayes of Dionysius the younger, and Ti∣moleon. The Annotator wondreth what came into Justin's mind to make Annibal (the great) the son of Asdrubal, and well he might, if any such thing had been intended: he also referreth the Reader to the life of Timo∣leon, to find that Mago killed himself, and was after his death nailed to a crosse, because he fought unprosperously in Sicilie, which Plutarch intend∣eth of another person. Of this grosse mistake of one (whosoever he was) that took upon him to inform beginners, Students in History are to take no∣tice and beware.

14. For this Amilcar seemeth no other than the very same that was slain in the battel fought with Gelon of Syracuse, in the sixth year of Xerxes, Son to Darius King of Persia, from which was made a digression into the af∣faires of Carthage.* 1.1196 With Amilcar perished 150000 Carthaginians; the Captives that remained of his Army, filled all the Cities of the Island, and the State of Carthage was constrained to beg peace, having, as some say, made this War at the instance of Xerxes, that thereby the Greeks in Sicilie might be diverted from helping their Friends. After this,* 1.1197 Gelon was offered the Kingdom of Sicilie; but he generously refused it, whereby he obtained the greater glory and love. At length, having setled all things well, he died full of honour at Syracuse, after he had held the Principality about thirteen years. In the third year of the 75 Olympiad his elder brother Hieron succeeded him.* 1.1198 He rebuilded Catana, and changed it's name into Aetna, the Moun∣tain of which name about this time brake out into flames, as fifty years after it did also. In the beginning of his reign he was much unlike to his brother Gelon, being suspicious, cruel, covetous, and turbulent: then caught with a lingering disease, he was much amended by the conversation of most Learned men. After this he fought prosperously against the Carthaginians, who now again returned into Sicilie, overthrew Thrasydaeus of Agrigentum in a great battel, and drove him to desperation: at length he incurred the ha∣tred of the Syracusians, uncertain for what cause, and shortly after with∣drawing himself to Catana, there died in the second year of the 78 Olym∣piad, when he had held the Principality from the death of Gelon eleven years and eight moneths.

* 1.119915. After him his brother Thrasybulus seized upon the power,* 1.1200 whose practices stirred up the Citizens to recover their liberty with the ha∣stening of his ruine. For being set upon by them, he was overthrown, and reduced to such a straight, that he fled into Locri on the Coast of Italy, and there killed himself, having held the Soveraignty ten moneths from the death of Hieron.* 1.1201 The Syracusians now gladly resumed their liberty; yet not therewith content, that they might the more secure it, they freed also many other Cities of Sicilie, from Tyranni and forein Garrisons. But not long af∣ter they fell into a most pernicious Sedition.* 1.1202 For excluding those from ho∣nours whom Gelon had brought into Syracuse for the establishment of his own interest, they themselves bearing all Offices of Magistracy, and governing the Commonwealth, though they took not away from the other the freedom of the City, the lately made Denizons not enduring it, conspired together, being in number 7000 of 10000 which Gelon had brought in. Three years after liberty recovered, they sodainly fell upon two parts of the City: the Island and Acradina. The natural Inhabitants overpowering them in num∣bers, besieged them close, and overthrowing them in a Sea fight, at length constrained them to acquiesce in the present state of things, or else quit the City, after the Sedition and tumult had endured two years. In the mean time by the conduct of Ducetius a Sicilian, those planters that Hiero had placed in Catana, were thence ejected, and the old Inhabitants restored to the place, whom he had cast out: now also the whole Island was restored to it's antient condition, the Exiles being repossessed, and new comers driven out, who setl••d themselves at Messana, the utmost part of the Island.

* 1.120316. That form of a Commonwealth was now established at Syracuse, which Aristotle properly calleth Policie, mixed of Oligarchie and Democra∣cie; which, how dangerous it was, appeared shortly. For, after some years, the State continuing in this form, and the number of Citizens increasing, one Tyndarides, an Eminent man, and very rich, egged on by his ambition, brought it into great danger. For binding to him the indigent rabble by his gifts, and using them as a Guard, he manifestly pressed towards the soverainty, but by the Union of those who were in greatest grace with the people, he was re∣pressed, and when the beggerly sort would needs undertake his protection, killed in a tumult. When others not at all deterred by this example aspired after such power as threatned liberty, the people for to humble those that carried their heads highest, in imitation of the Athenians brought in the use of the Petalism.* 1.1204 As they by their Ostracism removed such Citizens for ten years, who for their reputation and interest were dangerous to the freedom of the Citie, so the Syracusians by the Petalism removed such like for five years. This kind of banishment, without losse of honour, or fortune, was cal∣led in Greek Pesalismos, because his name whom any one would have ba∣nished was written in a leaf of an Olive, according to* 1.1205 Diodorus, both which in the same language were signified by the word Petalos. But this constitu∣tion, as the other at Athens, could not long continue. For those Eminent persons who were most fit for State Affairs, for fear thereof bv little and little withdrew themselves from publick businesse to a private life. Hereby the Commonwealth fell into the hands of bold,* 1.1206 rash, unskilfull, and the naugh∣tiest sort of men, whence grievous incommodities and dangers followed. By these things the people were moved to abrogate the Law of Petalism, and the better sort returned to the care of the Commonwealth, after which it re∣mained in quietnesse for some time, but again relapsed, as necessarily it must, from the informity of Antimonarchical Government.

* 1.120717. Abroad the Syracusians had War with the Tuscans in Italy; with Ducetius Captain of the Siculi, as also the Agrigentines, Trinacrians, Leon∣tines, and Egestans in Sicily, wherein most commonly they had the better, and either fully brought under, or bound to them by Leagues, most of the Ci∣ties in the Island. Leontium a most flourishing Town was utterly destroyed when it now gaped after the Empire of Sicily, the principal Citizens being re∣moved to Syracuse, and the multitude driven into Exile. Out of these mo∣tions they fell into the Athenian War in the first year of the 91^th Olympiad, concerning which we have already sufficiently spoken. Syracuse was so ex∣hausted therein with expences and slaughters, that upon the brink of ruin it was meerly preserved by the wisdom and valour of Gylippus, a stranger of Sparta; and not onely preserved, but made victorious to admiration, and in∣abled to return to the Athenians so great overthrows by Land and Sea. This War which begun in the 50th year after the recovery of their liberty (by means of the Egestans, who craved aid of Athens against them and the Seli∣nuntians) lasted not fully three years, leaving a sufficient warning to all, of the vicissitude of humane affairs, and shewing, that they who gape after Do∣minion, and are busie to inlarge their bounds, being carried out by the force of ambition rather than reason, often fall into a necessity of defending their own Estate, and sometimes lose all.

18. The multitude grown exceeding high upon this successe, would not rest satisfied with its former privileges, but so ordered the matter, that the temper of this Commonwealth more and more degenerated.* 1.1208 Diocles a man of prin∣cipal note, who had perswaded them to put to death Nicias and Demosthenes the Athenian Generals, being of a most severe and rigid disposition,* 1.1209 elo∣quent tongue, and great reputation for wisdom, perswaded the people to change the Commonwealth, and elect Magistrates by lot, whereas formerly they were left to the suffrages of the people. The former way inclined to Oligarchy;* 1.1210 but, by this, admission was given to the meanest and unfittest person to Govern, which ill agreeth with the fame of Diocles his wisdom. Some think that the multitude having got a promise from the great ones in

the late danger, in case they would well demean themselves, now wrested this Law from them, that Diocles perswaded the Nobility, and the better sort to give way to the time for avoiding some greater mischief, and then he with his Collegues having power from the whole State, as Diodorus addeth, form'd this new Commonwealth with convenient Laws, whereby this liberty was bounded, and other things defined as they thought, but falsly, made for pub∣lick good. This Diocles was in punishment of vice rigid, and inexorable, and yet most just in what was deserved by any man. His Laws were so well thought of by the vulgar, that many Cities of Sicily received them on their own accord, the whole praise of the invention being given to him, though he had others joyned with him in the work, that were excellent for wisdom and prudence. In after-times one Cephalus under Timoleon, and Polydorus under Hieron, were deputed to the making of Laws, but neither of them were accounted Legislators, but both Commentators upon him, who in the form of his speech was something short and obscure.

19. Diocles amongst other Laws ordained,* 1.1211 that it should be Capital for any man to come into the Forum, or place where the people was wont to meet, with his Arms, and that neither the plea of ignorance nor any other excuse should stand him in stead that so offended. Afterwards it hapned that he himself having issued out against the Enemy who made incursions, as he re∣turned with his sword, heard of a tumult in the Forum, and so went dire∣rectly thither, not thinking what he had about him. Being for this repre∣hended by a private man as breaking his own Laws, he cried out he would do no such matter, but establish them with his blood, and therewithall killed himself. In the Commonwealth thus new modelled by him, 'tis uncertain what order there was, or what method was observed in acting. There was a Senate consisting of 600 men, as we understand from Diodorus; but the fame of it was very obscure, and the power, as may be gathered, exceeding small, which maketh it be so seldom mentioned. The multitude was sole Lord of all, and dayly meeting together created the chief Magistrates, disposed of the Militia, placing, and displacing Officers therein, decreed War, made peace, contracted Leagues and Alliances, exercised power as to life or death, granted Indemnity, banished, and recalled at their pleasure. Other things of lesser moment were left to Magistrates, which were various, as in other popular Commonwealths. They were annual, as the Generals abroad, 2. 3. 4. or more, as the people pleased, the General at home who was over the Militia of the Citie in time of peace, and had great authority. Others were chosen by lot, as Judges, Treasurers, Censors, and such like, amongst which were also those that oversaw the matters at Sea, the Citie having an excellent site for trading. But things could not thus long stand, the Government being such, and wherein the wisest sort could do least, and the foolish unexperienced rabble was most powerfull, though having no skill in State affairs they little minded what they did, and onely aimed at their private advantage. Hereby they were easily led aside by one, who cunningly, though underhand,* 1.1212 wrought his own designs. For scarce were 8 years passed over from the overthrow of the Athenians, when Dionysius the son of Her∣mocrates, a man of a subtile head, and deep dissimulation, so fooled the mul∣titude, as obtaining from it a Guard for his person, he invaded the Tyranny in the fourth year of the 93th Olympiad, the very same that the Citie of Athens was yielded up to Lysander. How this was effected must more particularly be related, to let the reader behold the danger of Antimonarchical Govern∣ment, and the happinesse of a people under that of hereditary Kings.

* 1.121320. The Citizens of Aegesta (who had entred into League with Athens against the Syracusians, and been cause of the Athenian War, by reason of the controversie betwixt the Selinuntians and them about some grounds) were in great fear after the overthrow of their friends to be called to account, quitted those grounds for which they had contested. But their adversaries not resting satisfied with the restitution of these Territories, but seizing also upon part of the adjoyning Region, they sent to Carthage for help, giving up

themselves into their protection. The Carthaginians were very desirous to be masters of this Citie, so fit for their purpose of Conquering Sicily, but on the other hand they stood in fear of the Syracusians, who had so lately grapled with, and worsted the power of Athens. Yet their ambition prevailing, they promised them aid, which they committed to the care of Hannibal, then one of their principal Magistrates, giving him Commission to make War if the case should so require. After the death of Amilcar the affairs of Carthage had been managed by his, and his brothers sons, being six in number,* 1.1214 under whose conduct War was made upon the Moors and Numidians, and the Africans were also constrained to remit the Tribute which had been for∣merly paid them for the site of the Citie. Now it was, that this great & nume∣rous family being dangerous to the liberty of the Citie, by doing, and judging all things, 100 Judges were chosen from amongst the Senators, who received an account from the Generals at their return from the War, that by this awe they might so manage affairs abroad, as having an eye upon Justice, and the Laws at home. To Amilcar in Sicily succeeded his son Amilco, who having good successe in the War, both by Land and Sea, on a sudden lost his Army by the force of Pestilence, for which disaster there was a sad mourn∣ing at Carthage (as it is largely described by Justin) and he at his return kil∣led himself. Hannibal was his brothers son, being the Grandson of Amilcar by his son Gesco, or Gisgo, as* 1.1215 Diodorus informeth us.

21. Hannibal having an inbred hatred against all Greeks,* 1.1216 and an earnest desire by his own acts to redeem the credit of his family, was glad of an op∣portunity to gratifie his Countrey, and near upon seventy years after the overthrow, and death of his Grand-father, undertook the employment. He first sent to the Syracusians, referring the matter betwixt the two Cities unto them, that the Selinuntians refusing to stand to any award, as he knew they would, a more specious pretence might be obtained for the War. They accordingly opposing it, the Syracusians decreed to hold them as Allies and Confederates, and also to be at peace with the Carthaginians; but the two concerned Cities falling upon each other, both Syracuse and Carthage was thereby drawn into the quarrel. Hannibal then having both in Spain and Africk made great preparations,* 1.1217 the next year landed at Lilybaeum the most Southern Cape of Sicily towards Africk, and setting upon the Seli∣nuntians at unawares with a vast Army, took their Citie in the 10th day of the siege, wherein he made Captive 7000 persons, 16000 being slain, and 2600 escaped to Agrigentum. He permitted Empedion and his kindred to people it anew,* 1.1218 under condition of paying Tribute to Carthage. This was the condition of Selinuns, after it had stood 242 years from its first founding by the Megarians, who being descended from Megara in Greece first came into Sicily under conduct of Lamis, and built a Town upon the River Pan∣tacius, called Trotilus. Thence Lamis departing with some of his Colony went to the Leontines and Chalcidians, with whom having lived some time he was driven out by them, and planting some Inhabitants in Thapsus, after his death they left the place, and under conduct of Hyblon the Sicilian King, who betrayed the Countrey, inhabited Megara, and were called Hyblaeans. After 245 years they were driven hence by Gelon of Syracuse, but 145 years before this, they sent out a Colony with Pammilus, which built Selinuns.

22. Hannibal from Selinus marched to Himera, having a particular grudge against that place for his Grand-father's death.* 1.1219 Falling on it with all his might, he was repulsed for a little time by the resolute valour of the Inhabi∣tants, but the Wall being beaten down with his Engines, he shortly took it. Many Women and Children had withdrawn themselves out of the Citie; of those men which he took he carried up 3000 to the Hill where his Grand∣father had been slain, and there killed them, being before used with all kinds of indignities; then rased he the Citie which had been inhabited 240 years, and dismissing his Mercenaries and Subjects of Sicily departed home, where he was received with greatest expressions of honour and affection for

having done in three moneths what other Captains would have required far larger time to effect. After his departure, Hermocrates the Syracusian (who having been sent as General to the assistance of the Lacedaemonians, was condemned to banishment in his absence, through the malice of his Ene∣mies) returned with a considerable Force into Sicilie, and to ingratiate him∣self with his Country-men, repeopled Selinus, and fell upon the tributaries of Carthage. The more still to indear himself, he took up the bones of those Syracusians that fell at Himera, and in a cariage sent them to the City,* 1.1220 well knowing, that this would procure as love to him, so envy and hatred to Dio∣cles his main adversary, who having been the Captain of the slain, had taken no care for their burial. Diocles much opposed their publick Sepulture, but the People resolutely decreed it, then banished him, and yet they re∣called not Hermocrates, being lealous lest he should improve his power and abilities to the making of himself absolute. He then being in despair of re∣turning by fair means, attempted to do it by force, and getting in to the Ci∣ty, was amongst his complices killed by the multitude.

23. In the second year of the 93 Olympiad,* 1.1221 the Syracusians sent to Car∣thage to complain of the late War, and to desire that for the time to come they would forbear all hostility, to which they returned an ambiguous an∣swer, and made all possible provision for an Army, wherewith to subdue the whole Island. Before they transported any Forces they sent a Colony thither, which at the hot waters built a City, and called it Thermae. The year follow∣ing they ordered Hannibal to go over as General, who excusing himself by reason of his Age, they joyned with him Imilco the son of Hanno, one of the same Family. These two Generals then made Levies throughout Africk,* 1.1222 hired Soldiers out of Spain, the Islands Baleares, and Italy; and got toge∣ther an Army of 120000 men according to Timaeus, but after Ephorus his reckoning 300000. As they were passing over, the Syracusians met them, and sunk fifteen of their Vessels, but with the rest Hannibal passed safe over, and fell upon the rich and stately City of Agrigentum, which contained 200000 persons. The Agrigentines wanted not assistance from their friends, all the Greek Cities being deeply concerned in their welfare, and the Syra∣cusians gave the besiegers a considerable defeat, who demolishing the Tombs and Monuments the better to get to the walls, had thereby pulled down a Pestilence upon themselves, saith Diodorus, wherein Hannibal died. But Imilco (or Imilcar) thereby not discouraged, continued the Siege, expiat∣ing the offence, as he thought, by sacrifizing a Boy to Saturn, and drowning a company of Priests in the Sea as an offering to Neptune. His Soldiers mu∣tinying for provisions, he supplied, by taking of the ships which loaded with necessaries were sent from Syracuse to the besieged. Hereby he starved them within,* 1.1223 and constrained them to quit the City, being guarded to Gela by armed men. Imilcar found extrordinary rich plunder in it, whereof some rarities he sent to Carthage, amongst which was Phalaris his Bull, though Timaeus the Historian carping at all others, by denying that there was ever any such thing, is justly censured by Diodorus. For Scipio Africanus the younger, 260 years after, having destroyed Carthage, restored this Engine to the Agrigentines, with whom it was yet remaining when Diodorus wrote his History.

24. Imilcar having, after a Siege of eight moneths, thus mastered Agrigen∣tum, a little before the Winter solstice, destroyed it not presently, that therein he might quarter his Soldiers that Winter. All the Island was struck with great fear upon report of what had happened; some of the Sicilians departed to Syracuse, and others transported their wives and children with their wealth into Italy. The Agrigentines being got safe to Syracuse, accused their Captains, as having betrayed their Country, and the Syracusians were also blamed by the rest for having chosen such Generals, as by their dishonesty had brought Sicilie into extreme danger. A meeting being had at Syracuse, and great fear of a War possessing all men's minds, none dared to speak one word, or give any advice. All sticking at the matter, at length stood up Dio∣nysius

the Son of Hermocrates, and accusing the Captains of having betrayed Agrigentum,* 1.1224 earnestly moved the People to punish them forthwith, and not stay the time prefixed by Law. For this unlawful and seditious motion, the Magistrates fined him; but one Philistus a wealthy man, who afterwards wrote his History, bade him proceed, promising to pay his fine, though it were a whole day together. Animated hereby he proceeded, urging that the Cap∣tains had been corrupted to betray the interest of Sicilie, and accusing others of the better sort of Citizens as affecting Oligarchy. He therefore moved that new Officers might be created, such as were not eminent for power, but good will towards the People, for that the other usurping dominion despi∣sed the common sort, and made their own markets out of the publick; where∣as those being of lower fortunes, by a consciousnesse of their own weaknesse could not attempt such a matter.

25. Having discoursed these things fitly to the humour of the multitude, and his own design, he made no small impression in the minds of the Vulgar, who having had the fidelity of the Captains in question before, gave credence to these slanders, and deposing them, made new, amongst which was Dionysius, ha∣ving got much credit for his valour against the Carthaginians. The foundati∣on thus laid, he beat his head all manner of waies how to accomplish his de∣vice, and resolved if possible to get his Colleagues removed. For this pur∣pose he never would meet in council with them, giving out they hatched clan∣destine designs against the State, and seeing the Citizens much affrighted at an approaching War, procured the Exiles to be called home, hoping that they being obnoxious to him, and desirous of innovation, would be fit for his purpose, taking great delight in seeing their Enemies killed, and their goods sold, their own Estates being restored to them. At this time it happened that a Sedition falling out in Gela, he had an opportunity to lead thither 2000 Foot, and 400 Horse, where procuring their principal men to be put to death, and their Estates confiscated, he thereby much ingratiated himself with the multitude and Soldiers. At his return he found the People just de∣parting from the shows of the Theatre, which asking him news, he said he knew none, but that their Governours were greater Enemies to the State than the Carthaginians, by whose flatteries they now kept holy day, and who fleecing the Commonwealth, cheated the Soldiers of their wages. Now was an innumerable Army hovering upon the borders, and ready to invade, which they not at all regarded. This he understood a little before, but now fully, having received a message from Imilco that desired his connivance. Wherefore for his part he would lay down his Office, not induring that others making merchandise of the Commonwealth, he alone should, together with the Citizens, bear the burthen, and undergo the danger; and yet also be accoun∣ted as treacherous as the rest. For this night every man in great fear went home to his house. The next day he called them together, and loading his Colleagues with great invectives,* 1.1225 so stirred the multitude, that some beginning to cry out he was to be made Dictator, for that they had formerly had experi∣ence how convenient the conduct of a single Person was, by the example of Gelon his Victory over Amilcar; the multitude out of hand created him Ge∣neral with full power. Then to bind fast the Soldiers to him, he procured a Decree for double pay, alleging it would make them more valiant in that time of danger, and bidding the People take no thought about raising money.

26. The wiser sort had all along sufficiently understood whither these acti∣ons tended, but the multitude stopped their ears against all accusations, as proceeding from the malice of the great ones. But now upon further consi∣deration they began to suspect him, and repent they had put the power out of their own hands, which he being aware of, lest the discontent should so seize upon the generality as thereby to procure him any let or hindrance in the full compleating his design, he drew out the Army to Leontium, which now was used as a Fortresse or Garrison, and there shutting himself close up, pretended a great conspiracy against his life. The day followng he called the

multitude together, and alleging many probable reasons to perswade them of the danger, obtained to have 600 men as a guard for his person, which he should chuse out where he pleased. This number he increased to 1000, picked out, and consisting of such as were desperate in fortune, and thereupon backed with stomach and resolution. He called the Mercenaries, and ingaged them to him with good words, then new modelling the Army, gave such commands therein as he knew would best serve his own turn: he gave free admission to all Exiles and malefactors, knowing such would be effectual to all his purpo∣ses. Having thus in imitation of Pisistratus got him a guard, and made him∣self Tyrant, at his return to Syracuse he openly shewed himself such, pla∣cing his Tent in the Arcenal. The People murmured in vain, being beset with strangers and mercenaries at home, and in continual fear of a War hang∣ing over them from abroad. To establish himself he took to wise the daugh∣ter of Hermocrates, who did such service against the Athenians, and was slain in attempting to seize on the City: he also gave his own Sister in mar∣riage to his wives Brother, thinking it his interest to be allied to so great a Family. Then assembling the People, by his devices he procured Daphneus and Demarchus the most potent of his Adversaries to be put to death;* 1.1226 and so from a Scribe and a man of mean condition, he became Master of the greatest Greek Citie, continuing such for 38 years, unto his end.

27. Imilcar having wintred in Agrigentum, at Spring-time razed the City, and then fell upon Gela. The Inhabitants betook themselves to Dionysius for help; but his indeavours not well succeeding, they were for∣ced to quit the Town, and leave it also to the disposal of the Enemy.* 1.1227 Diony∣sius made the Citizens of Camarina to do the same, possessing them with a fear of the Carthaginians; so that departing thence in haste, some with their Gold and Silver, others with their wives and children onely, and the wayes being full of both sexes and ages, who miserably shunned servitude by exile, the Syracusian Horse-men pitied them exceedingly, and accounting this but a fetch of their Tyrant,* 1.1228 to make himself Master of the place, conspired how they might kill him in the way, and the rather, because they had observed how remisse, or rather industriously treacherous, he had been in the relief of Gela. He keeping the Mercenaries close to him, they could not execute this design, but rode fast to Syracuse, where being easily admitted, they rifled his Pa∣lace, and used his wife very harshly that she died. Being secure of him as at a great distance from them, he conjectured the same, and in post-haste come∣ing to Syracuse, set fire on one of gates, and so got in. Then slaughtered he such of them as he could light on,* 1.1229 as also of those Citizens whom he knew to be most averse to him, some he slew, and others he expelled the Town. Scarce were things setled, when a message came from Imilcar, inviting the Syracusians, though conquered, unto Peace. Dionysius most gladly imbra∣ced the offer,* 1.1230 so that it was made upon these terms: The Carthaginians were to have subject to them, besides their old Tributaries and Colonies, the Sicani, Selinuntians, Agrigentines, and Himerians, and also the Gelaeans, and Camarinaeans, who might inhabit their Towns unwalled, but be tributary to Carthage. The Leontines, Messenians, and all Sicilians, were to be free, and the Syracusians subject to Dionysius. All ships taken on both sides were to be restored. These things confirmed, Imilcar passed over in∣to Africk, having lost half of his Army by the Plague, which so raged also in Africk, as great multitudes both of the Carthaginians and their Associates fell thereby.

28. Dionysius knowing that the Syracusians now eased of the War, would busie their heads how to recover their liberty, to prevent such a design, forti∣fied that part of the City called the Island, which he caused to be inhabited with his own confidents: he also divided the publick grounds to such as he thought fit, and admitted strangers to equal privileges with the Citizens. Having thus as he thought secured his estate, he resolved to march against such Sicilians as he thought most assisted the Carthaginians, and was about to be∣siege Erbesa, when the Citizens of Syracuse now armed, considering what

an opportunity was put into their hands, and repenting they had not assisted the Horsemen in their revoult, resolved to declare for their liberty. The at∣tempt generally took, the Citizens stood upon their defence, and the Ty∣rant was besieged,* 1.1231 for whose head a great sum of money was offered. He was much cast down, and thought to resign his power, according as some ad∣vised him; but Philistus turned his mind, and made him resolve to ven∣ture all rather than do it. Bethinking himself how he might circumvent the Citizens, he sent to them, pretending a willingnesse to quit all, if they would but permit him to carry away his goods; and at the same time he dispatched a message to the Campanians (mercenary Soldiers of Campania in Italy) of∣fering them large rewards if they would stand by him. The Syracusians con∣sented he should depart with five ships, and then, as if their liberty was fully recovered, grew secure, remisse, and idle, disbanding some of their men, neglecting their guards, and taking their pleasure in the fields: The Cam∣panians allured by his prowises broke in to him, some Troops of Mercena∣ries also came to his assistance,* 1.1232 with which he set upon the Towns-men, and easily putting them to flight recovered his power. He hindred his men from killing, and a great number flying to Aetna, he sent to them, offering them pardon, which some imbraced, and others refused to venture themselves upon it.

29. When he had well re-setled himself, he made War upon several Towns in Sicilie, some of which he took, and having an eye upon the Car∣thaginians,* 1.1233 strongly fortified his City of Syracuse. He resolved with him∣self to make War upon them, hoping that all those Towns which in time of Peace willingly submitted to their yoak, would then revolt to him. Under∣standing that in the Athenian War a line had been drawn before Syracuse, from Sea to Sea, and thereby accesse into the Country cut off, with admira∣ble celerity he raised a wall to prevent this for the time to come, labouring himself amongst the workmen, to cause them the more chearfully to under∣go the toil: Then did he make extraordinary provisions of all sorts of Arms, compleatly furnished himself with shipping, and hired Soldiers from all parts. Thus provided, he caused all the goods of the Carthaginian Marchants, and others dwelling there, to beseized by the multitude of the Syracusians,* 1.1234 to whom now he caried himself more mildly, being very ready to begin the War; especially upon so profitable terms. Other Sicilian Towns fol∣lowed his example, out of hatred to the Cathaginians for their cruelty, of whom such as were amongst them they unmercifully handled in way of requi∣tal, which taught that State to deal more favourably afterwards with such as they took, in remembrance of the vicissitude of humane affaires. Then dispatch∣ed he a messenger to Carthage, to denounce war from the people of Syra∣cuse, except they would set at liberty all the Greek Cities of Sicilie. They were much struck therewith, being exceedingly spent by Pestilence, but re∣jected the terms, and as they might, made provision for resistance. Diony∣sius besieged Motya one of their Colonies, and chief Fortresse for War; upon whose ships Imilco, as yet not sufficiently provided, made an attempt, and beating up the Camp presently retired again; so that Dionysius became Master of the Town.

30. Ere he had taken Motya he besieged Aegesta,* 1.1235 the Inhabitants where∣of would not betray their trust, and made excursions into the Territories of their Friends. But the Spring following the Carthaginians having created Imilco King, sent him over with a vast Army, wherewith he first wrosted Lep∣tines, whom Dionysius had commanded to attend his motions; then took Eryx, and presently recovered Motya. He had Panormus betrayed to him:* 1.1236 he took Lipara, and after that Messana with his ships, the Inhabitants having sent their Forces out of the Town to meet his Land-Army. When he took Motya, Dionysius brake up his Siege and retreated to Syracuse; now hearing that he intended to set upon Catana both by Sea and Land, he sent Leptines with the Fleet after Mago the Carthaginian Admiral, and he himself march∣ed by Land to meet with Imilco. Leptines according to order made after as

fast as he could, and attaching the Enemie's Fleet, at first sunk diverse Ves∣sels; but when he was now almost incompassed with Mago's ships which were in number 500. not able to fight at such disadvantage, he was forced to fly out into the main, and in his flight lost 100 Vessels. Dionysius kept on his march, intending to fight Imilco; but was stopped by the intercession of his friends, who feared lest in his absence Mago might with his whole Fleet set upon Syracuse, and take it. He therefore returned to the Citie, and dispatched away Messengers into Greece and Italy for aid.

* 1.123731. Mago by Sea with nigh 200 ships, and Imilco by Land with 300000 foot, and 3000 horse, besieged Syracuse, who for that the Citizens refused to give battel, wasted their grounds for 30 dayes, and after that took the Sub∣urbs of that part of the Citie called Acradina. His Army was taken with a sudden Pannick fear, and seized by a sore disease; yet notwithstanding he drew a line for the Fortification of his Camp, and built three Forts upon the Sea, wherein he put his provisions, and sent into Sardinia and Africk for more. Afterwards Polyxenus father-in-law to Dionysius returning out of Peloponnesus and Italy with 30 long ships, and Pharacidas the Lacedaemonian, to the assistance of the Syracusians, they took a victualling ship from the Car∣thaginians. They doing their endeavour to rescue it, the Syracusians drew out their whole Fleet, and ingaging, took the Admiral Gally, and spoyled 24 Vessels. After this the Carthaginians durst not stir abroad, and the Syracusians puffed up with this victory, thought of recovering their former liberty. Dionysius coming in at the Port, called them together, incouraged them in the War, and gave them hopes of finishing it shortly to their satisfa∣ction.* 1.1238 Here before his face, one Theodorus in many words exhorted his fel∣low Citizens to throw off the yoak, and either take the Militia into their own hands according to the Laws, or deliver it up to the Lacedaemonian General. But Pharacidas the Lacedaemonian, according to his instructions from his Su∣periours (who had now established an Oligarchy wherever they could, agreeable with their own Government and interest, or gave way to the power of a single man rather than that of the people) said openly, that he was sent to help them against the Carthaginians, and not to overthrow the power of Dionysius; so that the people were at so unexpected a thing utterly quelled, murmuring much against the Lacedaemonians, who had now twice deceived them in the recovery of their freedom.* 1.1239 Dionysius a∣frighted hereat, made shew afterwards of great humanity, to gain the affecti∣ons of the people.

32. The Carthaginians were at this time seized with a most grievous Plague, which Diodorus attributeth to their rifling the Temples of Proserpina and Ceres, as the Meritorious cause, and to the unwholesomnesse of the place beset with Fens, as the effectual means that wrought the distemper. A grievous disease had formerly falln upon the Athenians in the same place.* 1.1240 For before Sun-rise, because of a cold vapour that rose from the Fens, a cold and shaking seized on the body, then at noon a suffocating heat. So many men being gathered together into one place, the contagion first began with the Africans, who, though they died in great numbers, were at first all bu∣ried. Afterwards the number increasing, such as looked to the sick dying also shortly after them, none would venture to come near the infected. But besides want of attendance, no remedy could be had for the evil. For from the stench of the dead, and putrefaction of the Fennish aire, in the beginning of the disease a Catarrhe, and then presently an Angina, or swelling of the neck, took the patient. These were followed by a Feaver, pains in the Spina, and numnesse of the legs, which drew after them a Dysentery, and Spots over all the body. Some were taken with madnesse, and abolition of memory, who wandring up and down the Camp beat all they met. At length all the endeavours of Physicians were void, through the vehemence of the disease, and suddennesse of death, for on the fifth, or at furthest on the sixth day they died in great torment. Dionysius understanding this sad condition of the be∣siegers, thought it convenient to sally out upon them, and sent 80 ships to fall

on their Navy. The Land Army first arriving took two of their Forts, and diverted them from their ships, which as soon as they saw in danger, they again retired to them; but with little advantage. For the Syracusians boarded and slaughtered them in great numbers, and Dionysius, with his Land Army, fired 40 of their Gallies that rode at Anchor in the Haven of Dasco. The night approaching broke off the fight, and then the Carthaginians sent to Dionysius 300 Talents, begging leave to depart; which he granted (with ex∣ception to all Sicilians and other Mercenaries) being unwilling they should be quite defeated, that through fear of them his subjects might be the better contained in obedience. After the flight of the Carthaginians, the Si∣cilians departed home, and all the rest were slain or taken, except the Spaniards, who gathering themselves into a round body, sent to Dionysius to enter into Alliance with him; which he accepted.

33. Dionysius being secure of the Carthaginians for some considerable time, provided against his Mercenaries, which badly affecting him, he pre∣vented, by taking of their Leader, and bestowing on them the Citie and Ter∣ritories of Leontium. Then did he make new Leavies, and replanted Mes∣sana with its antient Inhabitants the Messenians; but seeing the Lacedaemo∣nians his friends offended with it, he removed them to another place near the Sea, which they called Tyndarides, and wherein they did thrive exceedingly,* 1.1241 Conquering, and laying several places to their demesnes. Having fortified Messana, the Inhabitants of Rhegium (who formerly jealous of his growth, had shown their bad affection to him) conceived it to proceed from some design against their Citie, which stood over against it in Italy, upon the very Crag of the Promontory, where Sicily was supposed to have been broken off from the Continent, whence it had the name of Rhegium. They sent Helo∣ris to besiege Messana, whereupon he determined to make War against them; but the Sicilians seizing upon Tauromenium, he first resolved to recover it. He continuing his siege all Winter, in a dark night got a certain Fort into his hands, and made way for all his Army into the Town; but the Inhabitants gathering together, and resisting, from the higher ground, beat back his men, whereof 600 were slain, and he himself escaped very narrowly; after which the Agrigentines and Messenians forsook him.* 1.1242 The year after,* 1.1243 he set upon Rhegium on a sudden; burnt the Gates, and set Ladders to the Walls; but was repulsed by the strong opposition of the Citizens. By this the Inhabi∣tants of these Sea-Coasts of Italy, seeing how far his covetousnesse and ambi∣tion extended, made a League amongst themselves, and appointed a common Council, both for the resistance of him and the Lucanians, who made War upon them at the same time.

* 1.124434. Mago was yet in Sicily, and was once overthrown in battel by Diony∣sius. The year following his Superiours sent over great supplies, gathered as well out of Sardinia and Italy, as Africk, to the number of 80000 men,* 1.1245 wherewith he overran the Countrey, and withdrew most of the Cities from their obedience, till he came to the Agyrinaeans, whom he could neither re∣move by fair nor foul means from their resolution. Dionysius with his Mer∣cenaries and Syracusians marched out against him, sending before to the Agyrinaeans to be in readinesse, who thereupon met him, and joyned their Forces with his Army. Mago now in an Enemie's Countrey was sore straight∣ned for provisions, which made the other resolve to draw out the War in length, and not try his fortune quickly by battel. The Syracusians being earnest for fighting, upon his refusal forsook him and departed home. This put him upon a resolution to make free and list all slaves, but even then came Ambassadors from Mago to treat of peace, which he accepted upon this con∣dition,* 1.1246 that the Sicilians should be under his authority; and so Mago returned home. After this Dionysius seized on Tauromenium, and then banished the greatest part of the Sicilians from that Town.

* 1.124735. The next year but one, being the 3615^th year of the World,* 1.1248 into which fell part of the third year of the 97^th Olympiad, wherein Rome was ta∣ken by the Gaules, as some compute, Dionysius once more undertook an expe∣dition

against Rhegium. He landed his Army, consisting of 20000 foot and 1000 horse in the Territories of Locris, wasting all with fire and sword,* 1.1249 his Navy,* 1.1250 which consisted of 120 Gallies, attending his motions all along, till at length he pitched his Camp near the Streights. The Italians inhabiting that part of Italy called Magna Graecia, hereupon dispatched away sixty ships to help them of Rhegium, upon which he fell, and had taken or destroyed them, but that the besieged issuing forth, repelled him with Darts and Arrows, and taking the opportunity of a storm, drew the ships to Land; so that in this fight he lost seven ships with 1500 men, and escaping drowning but narrowly, fled to Messena. Then Winter drawing on, he made a League with the Luca∣nians, who after his departure, for a private quarrel betwixt them, invaded the Thurians. These sending for aid to the rest of the Italian Cities, would not stay for it, which they might justly expect according to Covenant, but is∣suing out against the Enemy, pursued them into their own Territories, who then taking them at advantage cut off many thousands of them. The rest see∣ing some ships sayl by, cast themselves into the Sea to swim to them, thinking they belonged to Rhegium. But it proved Dionysius his Fleet sent under conduct of his brother Leptines to aid the Lucanians; yet Leptines took pity of them, and landed them safe; he also perswaded the Lucanians for a pound of silver a man to release their Prisoners, passing his word for the mo∣ney; and at length made them friends. But hereby he lost the favour of his brother (who hoped to devour both sides, and make himself master of Italy, when they should have sufficiently weakned one another) so that, being displaced, Thearides the other brother was made Admiral in his stead.

36. Dionysius his mind was still upon Rhegium, to which Citie he bore mortal hatred, because some years before having sent to them for a wife, they returned him answer,* 1.1251 that their Hang-man had a daughter, which if it pleased him to accept they would give to him.* 1.1252 Therefore the year following he set sayl once more against them, who then looking for no mercy in case he should take the Town, sent to him, desiring they might be moderately used. He required a Tribute of 300 Talents, all their ships, with 100 Ho∣stages, and then went against Caulonia, the Inhabitants whereof he removed to Syracuse, razed the Town, and bestowed the ground upon the Locrians. But his design was not thus accomplished against them of Rhegium; his re∣solution was not to dismisse them upon the former terms, but by taking away their ships to prevent the bringing in of provisions by Sea, that he might the more easily starve them in a siege. Bethinking himself how with any shew of credit he might break the League, at length hovering yet about the Straights, he desired a supply of provisions from them, pretending he would shortly return to Syracuse; but he put it off from day to day, excusing himself by his own indisposition, or some other pretext, so that plainly seeing his drift, at length they flatly denied to send him any more victuals. This he pretending to receive with great indignation as an afront, he laid close siege to the Town, and battered the Walls. The Inhabitans making one Phyto their General, armed all that could carry Weapons, and making many brave sal∣lies out upon him, burnt his Engins, and gave him a dangerous wound with a Lance. But the siege continuing, after eleven moneths they were driven to such want, as a Bushel of Wheat was sold for ten pounds, & at length they were forced to come out of the Walls, and there graze like Cattel, whereat he was so far from being moved with compassion, that he sent beasts thither to eat up the Grasse from them.* 1.1253 Great heaps of Carkasses lying in the Town,* 1.1254 and the visages of the living being by famine rendred like unto them, they at last de∣livered up the Town. Such as could redeem themselves with a pound of silver he released, and sold the rest. Phyto the General, after grievous torments, he drowned in the Sea, with his whole family.

* 1.125537. After the destruction of Rhegium, Dionysius lying idle at home, ap∣plied himself to Poetry, being heretofore much addicted to it.* 1.1256 Whilest he lay before Rhegium he sent his brother Thearides to the celebration of the

Olympick games, there to repeat his Verses, which by their baldnesse drew the auditors into such a distast, that they rifled the Ambassador's tents. He called together the best Poets from all quarters to judge of his skill. He also drew over to him Plato the Philosopher, whom at first he used very courte∣ously, but afterwards offended at him for his freedom of speech, he brought him into the common Cage, and there for five pounds sold him as a Slave. The Philosophers coming over on purpose redeemed him, and then sent him into Greece with this memnto in his ear, That A Philosopher must either very rarely, or very pleasantly converse with Tyrants. A year or two after this he put out to Sea with 60 Vessels, pretending an intention to clear the Coasts of Pyrates, but wanting money, according to his custome towards the Temples of Sicilie, he seized upon a Chapel near Argylla, on the Coasts of Italy, which being exceeding rich, he plundered of 1000 Talents,* 1.1257 and got much spoil from the Inhabitants of the place, who opposed him. Being now furnished with money, he resolved to renew the War against the Cartha∣ginians, and the next year drew divers of their tributary Cities from their obedience. The Carthaginians made great preparations for defense, raising a numerous Army, which they committed to the conduct of Mago.* 1.1258 He poured out a great number of men both into Sicilie and Italy. In the Island, Dionysius overthrew him in a battel near Cabala,* 1.1259 wherein were slain more than 10000 of his men, and 5000 taken: he himself with the rest retired to an hill, where fighting manfully he was slain, and his men sent to Dionysius to desire Peace.

38. Dionysius answered, that the onely way to obtain their desire, was to quit Sicilie, and pay the charges of the War. To this he seemed to assent, but alledged they had no power to deliver up the Cities, and therefore desired a truce for some time to advise about it. During the truce, Mago's son be∣ing advanced into his Father's place, trained the Soldiers, and exercised then continually, so as he brought them into a good condition for fighting, and then at the end of the Truce led them down, and gave battel in stead of receiving Peace. Now were the Sicilians so puffed up by their late Victory, as the other took advantage of their carelesnesse, and so playd the men,* 1.1260 that though Dionysius in his wing, and Leptines his brother in the o∣ther, fought most valiantly, and the former prevailed; yet the later being slain, his party was presently put to flight, in which great execution was done, the Carthaginians giving no quarter; so as 14000 Sicilians are said to have been slain. The Conquerours departed to Panormus, and thence sent to Dionysius, offering to have the quarrel taken up, which he gladly imbraced. Both sides were to retain what they already had, onely the Car∣thaginians took to themselves the City and Territories of Selinus, with so much ground belonging to Agrigentum as reached to the River Helycus, and required of Dionysius 1000 Talents. Long after this he rested from War, but still grudging the Carthaginians any footing in Sicilie.* 1.1261 This moved him at length with great preparations both by Sea and Land to invade their Territories, wherein he took some Towns, wasted the Country, and besie∣ged Lilybaum; but perceiving it very strong presently again rose up from before it. Then hearing that the Arcenal at Carthage was fired, he care∣lesly behaved himself, and sent 130 Gallies to seize on the Haven of the Ery∣cinians, commanding all the rest to return to Syracuse; but the Enemy un∣expectedly with 200 Ships well manned, fell upon them in the Haven, and took most of them; then winter coming on, they made Truce, and each departed to their own places.* 1.1262 Not long after, Dionysius died of a Surfet he got by feasting, for joy he was pronounced Victor in Poetry at Athens, after he had reigned 38 years, in the first of the 103 Olympiad, A. M. 3637. 366 before the ordinary Aera of Christ. It had been told him by an Oracle, that he should die when he overcame his betters, which he had applied to the Carthaginians.

* 1.126339. Dionysius married two wives in one day: Doris born at Locri,* 1.1264 and Aristomache daughter to Hipparinus of Syracuse, and sister to Dion. By

the former he had a son called also Dionysius; by the later no children for a long time (for which cause he put to death the mother of Doris, upon suspi∣cion of her having practised something upon Aristomache to cause her bar∣rennesse) but afterwards begot of her two sons and as many daughters.* 1.1265 When he lay sick, Dion inquired of the Physicians concerning his condition, whether he was in any danger, that if so, he might move him about the sharing of his Kingdom; for that he thought his sisters children might justly ex∣pect their part therein. The Physicians told this to young Dionysius, who found himself so concernd in it, that to prevent his Father's discoursing with Dion,* 1.1266 he compelled them to give him that which laid him so fast asleep as he never could awake, and so he solely succeeded him.

* 1.126740. Dionysius the younger at first g••ve such hopes of a pliable disposition, that Dion prevailed with Plato to return to Syracuse,* 1.1268 thinking that by his instruction he might be made a good and temperate Prince. But Dion's emu∣lators fearing he might be changed from his former course, which though bad in it self was more convenient for them, recalled Philisthus (one who was banished by the late Dionysius, and being a learned man,* 1.1269 wrote the history of his life) that they might have one to oppose to Plato. He according to what was injoyned, and his private interest, upheld him in his extravagances, as many other flattering Philosophers did; especially Aristippus of Cyrene the Scholar of Socrates, who had so great a command of his own temper, that he could apply himself* 1.1270 suitably to all times and persons. Plato, when he came, found Dion in great troubles, being for his nobility and courage both envied and feared by Dionysius, who, four moneths after, seeing the People much addicted to him, banished him to Corinth, pretending he sent him thither for the good of them both, that one might be out of fear of the other. Because he saw that this displeased all men, he sent him all his movables,* 1.1271 but kept his wife and his son, marrying her afterwards by constraint to Polycra∣tes one of his Guard. This much startled Dion's friends, and Plato amongst the rest, by whom Dionysius fearing that something might underhand be wrought against him, gave them good words, and laboured to keep Plato, who earnestly desired now that War was begun in Sicilie to be dismissed; especially seeing his mind far remote from the love of Philosophy. By his importunity he got leave to depart, upon condition that, when Peace was made, Dion should be recalled, and he return with him.

41. When the time came, Dionysius earnestly desired the return of Plato, but would have Dion discontinue a year longer, who earnestly besought Plato to return to Syracuse, for that it was reported that the Prince now was won∣derfully taken with Philosophy. He stifly refused to do it, objecting his age, with the breach of Covenants, but being again urged on all sides, a ship was sent for him, and large letters were written, wherein the Tyrant promised to deal with Dion as his friends should judge reasonable; many of the best sort also in Sicilie and his acquaintance were sent to accompany him over. Wherefore Plato once more undertook the journy, with intention to recon∣cile Dion to Dionysius, and reduce the Tyrant to a more strict and commen∣dable life. But not long after his arrival Dionysius stopped Dion's Revenues, which Plato taking ill, once prevailed to have the stoppage removed, for other∣wise he would be gone; but when the ships were departed, and Plato's pas∣sage thereby prevented, he again sequestred the Estate. After this he fell plainly out with Plato, for holding that faith was to be kept with Heraclides, who was suspected to have raised a Sedition, and put him out of his Court, so as the Philosopher was glad to take up his quarters with the mercenary Sol∣diers, amongst whom also slanders were spred concerning him, whence he signified his condition to his friends at Tarentum in Italy, who with much adoe prevailed with the Tyrant to send him home safe. Such was the enter∣tainment of Plato with Dionysius both father and son.

42. Though Dionysius had left to him an hereditary War with the Cartha∣ginians, yet giving up himself wholly to luxury and sluggishnesse,* 1.1272 he was unfit to manage publick affairs, and therefore made peace with them. But

Dion being now at Corinth, together with Megacles his brother, and Cha∣ricles the General of Dionysius, raised as many Mercenaries as he could, which not in number passing 500,* 1.1273 he transported in two ships of burthen in∣to Sicilie,* 1.1274 leaving Charicles (or rather Hercules) behind, to bring after more ships; such was his courage, that he durst venture with so inconsiderable a force upon so great a power. After his landing, mulitutdes flocked to him as he passed through the Island, and out of Syracuse it self, whom Dionysius in suspition had disarmed. To them he gave weapons, having brought many over with him for such a purpose. By the time he got unto the City he was 5000 strong, which he easily entred, notwithstanding the opposition of those Captains that Dionysius had left there, who at this time was upon the Coasts of Italy. Upon his declaring to the People that he came to restore them to their antient liberty, they made him and Megacles their chief Generals with with full power. Dionysius seven dayes after returned and got into the Castle, which standing in the Island was severed from the rest of the City, whence he sent for Ambassadors to treat of Peace, that he might gain time. The People overreached, sent their Commissioners, whom he kept with him, till seeing the Citizens negligent and carelesse by reason of their hopes, he poured out his Mercenaries upon them; but Dion with much labour repelled them, and slew 800 men. After this he sent again to desire a Treaty, but Dion an∣swered, that his onely way to obtain peace was to lay down his power, and content himself with certain honours; whereat he was much vexed, and took counsel how any way he might revenge himself.

43. Philistus whom he had made Admiral, fought with the Syracusians, now not inferiour to him in number of ships, and losing the day lost also his life; having either killed himself, because he would not be taken, or been tormented to death, after he fell into his Enemies hands, both which are said. Then did Dionysius offer half of his Kingdom to Dion,* 1.1275 and afterward was content to quit it all; but he was answered by him▪ that he must leave the Castle, and be content with certain goods and honours: and it was agreed, that with his movables and Mercenary Soldiers he should have leave to passe into Italy. The People hardly granted this, as being confident to subdue him by force; but he leaving some stout men to defend the Castel, departed in the twelfth year of his Reign, with his treasure and rich stuff into Italy, undis∣covered by Heraclides,* 1.1276 who ere this arrived out of Peloponnesus with a good force, and was set over the Navy. Heraclides being much blamed for this, that he might re-ingratiate himself, perswaded one to stir up the multitude to an equal division of the grounds, which being opposed by Dion, he out of emulation procured him ill-will, and caused the People to create 25 Praetors, whereof he himself was chosen one. Dion's Mercenaries by this new Mo∣del deprived of their pay, desired him to use their help in revenging himself upon his ingrateful Country-men. He then took upon him to be their Lea∣der,* 1.1277 and marched away to Leontium. The Syracusians pursued, and opposed them in their way; but being forced with losse to retire, the Leontines recei∣ved him with much honour, gave to the Soldiers their arrears, and made them free of their City.

44. But ere long there was an occasion for the recalling of Dion. The Soldiers whom Dionysius had left in the Castle of Syracuse,* 1.1278 being distressed by want of provisions, resolved over night, that the next day they would yield it up; but that very morning appeared a Fleet sent to their relief, over which Nipsius a Neapolitan had the command. The Syracusians issuing forth against it, had the better; but then growing secure, and giving up themselves to gormandizing and drunkennesse, Nipsius thought a good op∣portunity to be offered for the redeeming of his credit, and fell upon the Ci∣ty, sending some over the wall, who killing the sentinels, opened the gates for his Soldiers. The new Captains of the Syracusians being drunk, could take no order for resistance, so as great slaughters were made in every place, the Garrison Soldiers issuing out of the Castel, and great plunder with ma∣ny prisoners were taken away. Now the Citizens saw that no help remained

for them, but onely in Dion, to whom they sent, begging of him, that laying a∣side all thoughts of private injuries, he would now succour his distressed Coun∣try. He being armed by precepts of Philosophy against private grudges, marched for Syracuse, and was met by a number of old men, women, and children, who with lamentable cries implored his help. As the Garrison Soldiers were busie in plunder, and had set the houses near the Forum on fire, he brake in upon them, distributing his men to the several quarters of the City. They fell upon them all in disorder, and burthened with plun∣der, killed 4000; and so forcing up the rest into the Castel, cleared all.

45. Dion having atchieved much honour by this act, was made General of the Land Forces; but Heraclides his emulater still retained his Admi∣ralship.* 1.1279 This vexed him so,* 1.1280 that he gave out some words that a Common∣wealth could not be well governed by many, which procured him great envy, as if he thereby signified that he would get the Soveraignty over all. He studied not how to palliate the matter, but sought to cary on all things by an high hand, and in a way of force; and either procured Heraclides to be made away, or connived at those whom he formerly hindred from doing it; after which he seized on the goods of his Enemies, and distributed them to his Soldiers.* 1.1281 But presently again money failing him, and having none to run upon but his friends, he was constrained either to lose them or his Sol∣diers, who being also displeased for want of pay, the common People might safely revile him, affirming that the Tyrant was not to be endured. Whilst he with thoughts of these things tormented himself, came to him one Calliccrates (or Callippus) an Athenian, a most cunning dissembler and irre∣ligious person. He told him, that seeing he was in such danger, both in re∣ference to Soldiers and People, his best way was to have some friend, who counterfeiting himself his Enemy, should hold intelligence with his adver∣saries, and thereby discover all their plots and practices against him. This part, by Dion's consent, he took upon himself, and under this pretence really and indeed practised his destruction, which Dion's wife and sister hearing of, therewith acquainted him; but he regarded them not, giving too much cre∣dit to what Callicrates had promised.* 1.1282 The women neverthelesse brought Callicrates into the Temple of Proserpina, and there made him swear, that he had not at all plotted against Dion's life; but he minding no Religion, but being egged on more forward to the accomplishment of his design, sent certain young men, natives of Zachynthus, in to him, whilst he was private in his chamber, who being easily admitted, for the knowledge his family had of them, fell upon and presently bound him: but being unarmed could not kill him, till one Lyco a Syracusian reached them a Sword in at a window; his Guard hearing, but stirring not. He died in the 55 year of his age, and the fourth after his retutn out of Peloponnesus, being much lamented after his death, though before called Tyrant, and what ever else could expresse him odious.

46. Callicrates after Dion's death seized on the Principality, which he held but thirteen moneths;* 1.1283 for then Hipparinus son to Dionysius the elder, by Aristomache Dion's sister, expelled him, and placed himself in his father's Kingdom, which he enjoyed two years. Callippus (or Callicrates) with Leptines went against Rhegium, which was held by a Garriron of Dionysius his Soldiers, which taking, he was there slain by Leptines, and Polyspher∣chon, it's said, with the same 'word wherewith Dion was killed. After Hipparinus, Nasaeus obtained the Soveraignty over Syracuse, and then Dionysius recovered it in the tenth* 1.1284 year after his expulsion. In this time of his exile he made himself Lord of Locri, where his mother was born,* 1.1285 and tyrannized over the Inhabitants six years in a most cruel manner; ravishing their Virgins,* 1.1286 and playing other pranks suitable to his disposition. There he raised a Company of men, and coming over on a sodain to Syracuse,* 1.1287 where finding all men in deep security, he expelled Nasaeus, and erected his Ty∣ranny afresh. When he was gone, the Locrians expelled his Garrison, and in revenge for his ravishing their Virgins tormented his wife and two daugh∣ters

to death, by thrusting sharp Needles under their Finger Nails. The Commonwealth of these Locrians being very famous, is commended much by the antients, not onely Diodorus Siculus and Strabo,* 1.1288 but more antient than they, as Plato and Demosthenes; the former in his discourse which he maketh to have been betwixt Socrates and Timaeus a Locrian Philosopher of the Pythagorean Sect, concerning the nature of things, and Original of the World; and the later in his Oration against Timocrates, an Author of new and pernicious Laws. Something is therefore according to the nature of our design to be said of it.

* 1.128947. Zaleucus (as he was accounted) a wise, just, and honest man, born of an Eminent family at Locri, was the modeller of this Commonwealth. Eusebius thinketh he flourished about the 29th Olympiad,* 1.1290 but Diodorus and several others making him a Scholar of Pythagoras, who taught in Magna Graecia, reckon him as Contemporary with Charondas the Law-giver of the Thurians, another of Pythagoras his Scholars, and who is famous for the stri∣ctnesse and severity of his Laws, which he is said to have confirmed by his death in the same manner as Diocles did his; the same story being told of him. According to their account he must have flourished about the 80th O∣lympiad. In the beginning of his Laws, or his Preface to them, this to some appeareth to have been his design; to affect the minds of his people with piety towards God, as the Original of all Right and Justice, the Lord and Governour of Heaven and Earth, as also an hater and punisher of wicked∣nesse. Then mentioned he Laws, not very many in number, but most effectual for the defence of Justice, restraining Vice, preserving concord and tranquillity in the State, preventing innovations, and for the establishment of themselves; which as long as observed (and they were observed long) pre∣served the Commonwealth in safety. He thought a few stable and unalterable Laws well obeyed, to be more profitable for a State than an infinite multitude of weak ones, which are easily changed by those that have a mind to inno∣vate, and he concluded, that the spediest way to the ruin of a Commonwealth was by change and innovation. That his opinion was true, the example of Athens abundantly demonstrated, which erring in this point paid dearly for it, as Demosthenes often complaineth; and Rome also, which being infected with this itching distemper, at length was constrained to submit to the power of one man. It being almost impossible, but that popular Governments should totter, what ever might happen to this inconsiderable Citie. He commanded his Laws to be strictly observed, and the Magistrate to proceed according to the Letter of them, without giving his own glosse, or pronouncing sentence according to his private fancy. To this purpose is most memorable of all his Laws, that which Demosthenes and* 1.1291 Polybius relate concerning one who should afterwards prefer a new Law, abrogate any old one, alter any thing in it, or dispute concerning the meaning of it. He was to come into the Council of 1000 men with an halter about his neck, where speaking his mind, if to them he should demonstrate his opinion to be profitable for the State, then was he to be dismissed safe, and the Law admitted; but if it should appear contrary, then was he to be strangled forthwith in the sight of the Council.

* 1.129248. Zaleucus chose 1000 men out of all the people, in whom he appoint∣ed the Supream power to reside. It is not to be doubted but he ordained al∣so a Senate of a far lesse number, by which dayly and lesser matters should be dispatched: that there were also certain Magistrates and Courts of Justice, which had orders prescribed to them, we need not question; though we find one onely Magistrate in* 1.1293 Polybius, called Cosmopolis, who seemeth either to have presided in the Senate, or the greater Council. Zaleucus took care for preventing dissentions amongst Citizens, pride in the greater ones, and ei∣ther favour or hatred in Courts of Justice. For to cut off the pride and va∣nity of women, he forbad any to go abroad with more than one waiting wo∣man, except she were either drunk, went out of the Citie by night, or be∣took her self to an Adulterer; to deck her self either with costly apparel, ex∣cept

she professed the trade of a Strumpet. He forbad men in like manner to wear Gold Rings, or a Milesian Garment, under pain of being ac∣counted Whoremongers and Adulterers. Aelian* 1.1294 mentioneth a Law of his, prohibiting any one to drink strong Wine, except by the Physicians or∣der, though for health's sake, upon pain of death, and another,* 1.1295 command∣ing that an Adulterer convicted should lose both his eyes. Concerning the later a notable thing hapned to the Law-giver himself, whose son being found guilty of this Crime, all the people were willing for his sake to re∣mit the punishment, but he would not suffer his Laws to be broken, but to preserve sight to his son, commanded that one of his own, and another of the young man's should be pulled out.

49.(a) 1.1296 Demosthenes maketh mention of another Law, commanding that he who struck out his Neighbours eye should be punished with the losse of one of his own, as a Lex talionis. It hapned that a naughty man bearing a grudge to his Neighbour that had but one eye, threatned him to strike it out, though with the losse of one of his own. The poor man terrified exceeding∣ly herewith, and judging continual blindnesse worse than death, with a rope about his neck came into the Council, and asked a Law, that whosoever should strike out his e••e that had but one, or deprive him of the use of one who was pur-blind, should lose both his own, or be punished with the like calamity and losse that he should bring upon his Neighbour. This as just he easily ob∣tained, and this was the onely new Law which in 200 years time was brought in, the Insolency of innovators being repressed by the severity of the former constitution, as the Orator observeth. Another there was, that a thing con∣troverted should remain in the possession of him whose it was when the sute commenced, till such time as a definitive sentence passed; concerning which(b) 1.1297 Polybius telleth a notable story of two men that contending about a slave, the one having had him long in possession, the other got him into his hands two dayes before the tryal, and then the former went and taking him away, possessed him the second time. The Judges referred the matter as an hard case to the Cosmopolis, who determined in favour of the first and last possessor; but the other contended with him about the sense of the Law, to whom he offered that both of them should go with ropes about their necks and dispute about it. The young man told him, he was old, and expecting but three or four years longer to live, dying now would be no great losse to him, whereas he expecting a far longer time, according to the course of na∣ture, should have the far worse bargain; with which facete reply he hand∣somly ended the dispute, and the Judges confirmed the opinion of the Cos∣mopolis.(c) 1.1298 Aristotle mentioneth a Law of Zaleucus, which forbad inheri∣tances to be sold except in urgent necessity, and this was to be proved, which Law being neglected amongst the Leucadians, made their Government dege∣nerate into too much Popularity.(d) 1.1299 Heraclides mentioneth other two, whereof the one forbad mourning for the dead; it being the custom of the Locrians to feast after Funerals. The other inhibited all retaling shops, com∣manding Husband-men to sell their own Commodities. This was the form of the Commonwealth of Locri, called Epizephyrii, from the Promontory Zephyrium near adjoyning, being a Colony of Locri(e) 1.1300 Ozolae, one of the two Locri of Phocis in Greece: whereof the other was called Locri Op••••tii and Epicnemidii. Dionysius the elder having got footing in Italy, made him∣self master of this place; but yet left them to their own freedom, but Diony∣sius his son Tyrannized in the manner aforesaid.

* 1.130150. When Dionysius recovered his Principality over Syracuse, the Citi∣zens were more inclining to one Hicetas born amongst them, who at that time was Lord of Leontium;* 1.1302 yet notwithstanding all their attempts he kept his possession. But within awhile the Carthaginians from without invaded them, being thus at odds within amongst themselves, which constrained the Syracusians to send, and beg aid of Corinth their Metropolis. Hicetas with the Messengers sent some of his own, as desiring the same thing; but held secret intelligence with the Carthaginians. The Corinthians resolving to

send aid to their Colony,* 1.1303 pitched upon Timoleon for their Captain. He was the son of Timodemus or Timenaetus, of a quiet and loving disposition, but a great Enemy to such as mastered their neighbours, which he shewed effectu∣ally against his own brother, whom, having made himself Lord of Corinth by the help of some Mercenaries, he gave way to have killed, being in the room, and bursting out into tears, whilst his two companions did it. Some accounting this act as unnatural and impious, though others commended it, he thereupon abstained from all imployment for twenty years, till this charge was laid upon him. Whilst he was preparing for the Expedition, Icetas dealt underhand with the Carthaginians,* 1.1304 that he might be advanced into the place of Dionysius, wrote to Corinth to stop their proceedings, and procured the Carthaginians to send to forbid Timoleon from setting foot in Sicilie. He besieged Dionysius, but rising up upon other thoughts and returning home∣wards, the besieged followed him, and falling on his rea••, forced him to fight. Having the better in this ingagement, he killed 3000 of Dionysius his men; then pursuing the rest to Syracuse, got it all into his hands, except the Island. Timoleon being more earnestly pressed forwards by his fellow Ci∣tizens, upon discovery of Icetas his treachery, though he fell into the hands of the Carthaginians sent from him to intercept him, yet escaped, and arri∣ved in Sicilie with ten ships, and 1200 men. The several Cities in the Island being accustomed to be deceived and ill used by others, suspected him also; but finding the Inhabitants of Adran••m to be part for him and part for the Carthaginians, he using admirable expedition, fell sodainly upon the Ene∣mies Camp, which taking, he was admitted into the Town. After this diverse other places joyned with him, and with speed marching to Syracuse, he un∣expectedly also broke into the City.

51. Syracuse was now held by three several parties, Timoleon's, and that of Dionysius, and Icetas, in so many several quarters; moreover the Cartha∣ginians were in the Haven with 150 Gallies, which carried 50000 men. It troubled Timoleon to see himself overmatched, but presently things turned very well for him. Ten ships came loaden with men and money from Co∣rinth to his aid, and Mamercus Tyrant of Catana, and divers forts joyned themselves to him, which so discouraged the Carthaginians, as they weyed anchor and departed into their own dominions: Icetas being destitute of their assistance was quite discouraged, and Messana now also declared for Timo∣leon.* 1.1305 Dionysius too being terrified at this his successe, sent to him, and yielded up himself with all he had into his hands, whom he suffered upon his delivery of the Castle, and laying down his Principality, to depart Corinth,* 1.1306 some four years after the recovery of his former estate. Thenceforth, having lost all by his sluggishnesse,* 1.1307 he lived in great contempt and penurie, so as he would walk up and down in poor ragged cloathes, frequent the Stewes and drinking houses, gaze upon that meat in the shambles which he had no money in his purse to buy, and at last took upon him the office of a Paedagogue, in which he might best imitate his former cariage towards his Subjects, in tyran∣nizing over his boyes. Aelian reporteth; that Philip of Macedon meeting meeting him on a time, asked him the reason why he kept not that great and strong Principality left him by his father; to which he answered,* 1.1308 That his father left him that inheritance, but not his fortune, whereby he defended both himself and it. This was the end of the Tyranny of Dionysius father and son, 64 years after the first beginning of it, in the second year of the 109 Olympiad, A. M. 3661.

52. Icetas very unwilling to lose his hopes of preferment, procured the Carthaginians to return to Syracuse. Mago filled the Haven with his ships, and landing 60000 men, pitched his Camp in the City; Icetas then laid siege to the Castle, which the Corinthians now held from the resignment of Dionysius. Timoleon relieved them by provisions sent from Catana in little Vessels through the Carthaginian Fleet; whereupon Icetas and Mago drew out a strong party and besieged Catana; after whose departure,* 1.1309 Leon Captain of the Corinthians sallied out of the Castle, and falling upon the be∣siegers

lying in a secure and carelesse posture, killed some, and, the other flying, took Achradina the strongest quarter of the City. This the two Ge∣nerals understanding, quicky faced about and returned; but missed of both places, out of desire to possesse both. Timoleon having secured Messana, re∣turned with 4000 men towards Syracuse, whereupon Mago for fear hoised up sails and departed for Africk, having by his lazinesse and cowardize lost a fair opportunity of reducing all Sicilie into the power of his Superiours. Af∣terwards Timoleon dividing his men, set upon such places of the City as Hicetas yet retained,* 1.1310 and by force got them all into his power, without any bloodshed of his own party: then threw he down all the fortifications and monuments of the Tyrants, except Gelon's Statue, calling the People to the work by a publick Crier. Then he applied himself to the making of Laws agreeable to a Popular Government, which yet he endeavoured but to little purpose so to restrain, as to prevent the inconveniencies which formerly had their rise from too much popularity. In explaining and illustrating Diocles his Laws, he used the help of Cephalus, and Dionysius, both Corinthians. He ordained a new annual and chief Magistrate, whom he would have called the Servant of Jupiter Olympius, in memory of their recovered liberty, com∣manding that by his name the year should be signed, as by the Archons at Athens, and the Consuls at Rome. The first that bore this Office was Calli∣med••s, a man of prime note, being chosen by the Suffrages of the People. Now whereas by reason of Wars, Seditions, and Banishments, the City was even exhausted, he recalled the Exiles out of Sicilie, Greece, and Asia, which being in number 10000, he increased by a far greater, consisting of Sicilians and Italians of Greekish Original, to whom being made free of the City, he distributed Lands and possessions.

53. Icetas having retired to Leontium, Timoleon laid siege to that City; but finding it strongly manned, rose up from before it, and went about to o∣ther places, to which he restored liberty, expelling their Tyranni. In this meanwhile Icetas went against Syracuse; but was forced to retreat with great losse. Timoleon's renown was by this time so spread abroad, that many towns of the Sicanians, and others subject to the Carthaginians, sent to him, to desire they might be admitted into the social League. The Carthaginians herein were so concernd, as to prepare amain for the renewing of the War, procuring Soldiers out of Gall, Liguria, Spain, and Africk. Mago had killed himself after his shameful return, and his dead body was nailed to a crosse for the mal-administration of his Office; therefore in the third year after they sent over Asdrubal and Amilcar, with 200 long-ships, and above 1000 of burthen, wherein were so many men transported as made up those already in Sicilie 70000 Foot, and 1000 Horse, which with warlike Cha∣riots marched against Timoleon. He having composed the difference with Hicetas mustered all his forces, and judging it wisdom to transfer the War in∣to the Enemies Country, for this purpose he chose out of all 12000 men, with which he marched away in haste; but in his journy a great mutiny hap∣pened amongst his Soldiers. For one Thrasius a rash impudent fellow, who with the Phocians had rifled the Temple at Delphos, cried out, that Timoleon being mad, led them into most certain death, for that the Carthaginians in number so far exceeded them: and he advised the Mercenaries to return to Sy∣racuse, and demand the pay already due to them. Timoleon had much adoe to take up the matter, and 1000 utterly refused to follow him. But he re∣joyced that the mutineers had already fallen off, before they came to any in∣gagement, and with the rest hasted toward the Enemy.

54. By the convenience of a mist he got near to the Enemy undiscried, then lying upon the River Crimesus. Ten thousand of the Carthaginians passing the River, he fell down upon them from the hills, and made great slaughter, and their friends coming in to their relief, the fight was sharply re∣newed, and the Carthaginians by their great numbers began to incompasse the other round, when fell such a storm, as, together with the valour of the Greeks, forced them to their heels. Flying into the River by heaps, the

Foot amongst the Horse, and Chariots, multitudes perished, being either pressed, wounded to death by the swords of their Companions, drowned through the swiftnesse of the stream then increased by rain, or else killed by the Enemy on their backs:* 1.1311 the Sacred band so called, consisting of 2500 of the choicest Soldiers, fig••ting most valiantly, all died in the place. Near upon 13000 were slain, and 15000 taken, with 200 Chariots (the greatest part whereof was broken in pieces) and 1000 brigandines with 10000 shields; though most of the Arms were swallowed up in the water: Those Cartha∣ginians that remained, in great consternation escaped to Lil••baeum. Their friends at Carthage hearing of their defeat, were in no little fear, out of con∣ceit that Timoleon would now come over thither. Wherefore they recalled Gisco the brother of Hanno out of banishment, and made him General over the Army, which they raised with money out of other Nations, not thinking it meet to thrust themselves into such danger for the time to come. But Ti∣moleon returning to Syracuse, found it a convenient time to punish the mu∣tiniers, whom he banished Sicilie, commanding them to depart the City be∣fore Sun set. Passing over into Sicilie they seised on a Town amongst the Brutii, who rising and besieging them, took the place, and therein put them all to the sword.

55. Hicetas often mentioned before, and Mamercus Tyrannus of Catana, joyned with the Carthaginians against Timoleon, perswading them, for fear of losing their share in Sicilie, to send over some forces. They sent away Gisco, who hired some Greeks, the first which served that Nation. They cut off some hundreds of Timoleon's Mercenaries, and Hicetas invaded the Sy∣racusian Territories, whence getting much booty he marched into Calauria, in contempt of Timoleon, who lay there now with inconsiderable forces in comparison of his. Hicetas being pursued by Timoleon, got over the River Damyria, and then endeavoured to hinder his passage; but he pressing upon him, slew 1000 of his men, and putting him to flight, pursued him into the Territories of Leontium,* 1.1312 where he took him alive, with his son Eupolemus, and put them both to death as Traitors to their Country, together with Eu∣thymus his General of the Horse; for that in a speech to the Leontines he had scoffed at the Corinthians, saying, they needed not to be afraid, though the Corinthian women were come from home, terming Timoleon and his men no other than women.* 1.1313 After this Timoleon overthrew in battel Mamercus, killing 2000 of his men, whereof the greater number were Carthaginians, who thereupon earnestly begged peace, and had it granted on these conditi∣ons: That they still retaining all in their hands within the River Lycus, it should be yet lawful for any one to remove thence to Syracuse with his goods and family, and to renounce alliance with them, and with all the Tyranni in Sicilie, which at this time had enslaved many Cities of the Island. Mamer∣cus fled over into Italy,* 1.1314 and Catana was delivered up to Timoleon, who be∣took himself to Messana, where he besieged Hippo by Land and Sea, and ta∣king him in his flight, delivered him up to the Citizens, who put him to death. Mamercus yielded himself to Timoleon, who having promised him he would not be his accuser, he cast himself upon the People of Syracuse; but per∣ceiving them as he began to speak inraged against him, he attempted to dash out his own brains, and that not dispatching him, he was taken up and exe∣cuted as a robber.

56. Timoleon, after this, drove away Nicodemus, who ruled over the Centorippini,* 1.1315 and forced Apolloniades to lay down his power, which he exer∣cised over the Agynnaeans, whom having restored thus to liberty he made free of Syracuse. Then did he restore all the other Cities to their desired li∣berty, one after another, and received them into confederacy with Syracuse: and it was proclaimed by the voice of a publick Crier throughout Greece,* 1.1316 that The People of Syracuse offered houses and land, to all that would joyn themselves as members to their Commonwealth. Hereby it came to passe that multitudes flocked thither as to a new inheritance. Timoleon setting him∣self to the care of the State, corrected and explained the Laws of Diocles,

and acted other things necessary,* 1.1317 as he thought, to the well being thereof, till growing old he lost his sight, which calamity as he bore very moderatly, so by reason of it he intermitted not publick businesse. Not long after, he died, and was buried by the confluence of all Sicilie, the affaires whereof he had setled;* 1.1318 games being celebrated yearly in memory of him, as for an Hero. This hapned in the 58 year of his government, the last of the 110 Olympiad, and the last also of the reign of Philip of Macedon father to Alexander the Great; about the year of the World 3668,* 1.1319 the second of Arses King of Persia, and seven before the beginning of the Macedonian Empire, to the time whereof, what we have further to say concerning the affairs of Sicilie, is to be referred; which affaires will shew, that the infirmity of Popular Go∣vernment is greater than that Timoleon by his constitutions could heal the dis∣tempers thereof, and further evince the worth of Monarchy.

CHAP. IV. The affairs of the Romans contem∣porary with the second Empire.

SECT. I. From the Banishment of Tarquinius and first change of the Government, to the alteration made by the Decemvivi, the space of 57 years.

1. THe Kingly Office being banished with Tarquinius (though both rebel∣liously and impudently) that of Consuls succeeded.* 1.1320 Who were so called a Consulendo. Festus observeth out of Verrius, that the word Con∣sulas was used by the Antients, not onely for Consilium petas, and perconteris; but also for judices and statuas: Moreover the word Consulere is many times taken for providere, or prospicere. According to this Etymology vari∣ous is the opinion of Learned Men concerning this Office. Some derive it from the duty or work of consulting the Senate,* 1.1321 which was incumbent upon the Consuls. Others interpret it of judging, which, saith(a) 1.1322 Lipsius, I onely read in(b) 1.1323 Quintilian, who puts the question, whether Consul was so named from consulting, or judging, seeing that consulere was used also for the la∣ter, whence arose that phrase: Rogat boni Consulas, that is, judices; but not only Quintilian, but Festus also, in the word Consulas, giveth this Ety∣mology. Lastly, some derive it from the end of the Office, which was con∣sulere, or providere, as(c) 1.1324 Florus and Justinian's Code. But those Magi∣strates were not first of all named Consules but Praetores, which name, although it was common to others, yet stuck to them by way of excellency.(d) 1.1325 Festus saith it expresly; and so doth(e) 1.1326 Justinian in his Novellae Constitutiones. Xonaras saith the name of Praetor continued till the Decemviri, who being banished, then at length crept in the name of Consul. But he should ra∣ther have said, that then the name of Judex crept in; for it appeareth out of Livie, that they were called Judices next after Praetors, before the name of Consuls came in. The Historian in his third Book speaking of such things as happened in the first year after the writing of the twelve Tables addeth: In these times it was the custom not to call the Consul by the name of Judex, but Praetor.(f) 1.1327 Varro out of antient Commentaries confirmeth this, and(g) 1.1328 Ci∣cero giveth the Etymology of all these Offices thus, à praeeundo, judicando, consulendo, Praetores, Judices, Consules appellantur. Some upon good grounds coniecture, that after the creation of Praetors, who were peculiar Judges, the name of Judex was left, and that of Consul succeeded, which continued to the last.

* 1.13292. The power of Consuls was at first the same with that of Kings, allayed onely by plurality of persons and shortnesse of time, so that Cicero calleth it Regium Imperium, and Regia potestas, and the Greeks chose to call them Hypatoi, which signifieth those that are most excellent or chief, as Dionysius telleth us. In the beginning they might imprison and sentence at their plea∣sure, having the power of life and death over the Citizens, though scarce the authority to make peace and vvar, as Lipsius affirmeth. By degrees this great power was diminished, and that especially by two things, viz. Appeal, and Interposing, called Provocatio and Intercessio. The former was presently brought in after the banishment of the Kings, by Valerius Poplicola, who preferred a Law for taking away animadversion upon Citizens from the Con∣suls, and giving liberty of Appeal to the People as the higher Judge. But by the Interposition of the Tribunes of the people who were afterwards created, all actions of the Consuls whatsoever might be obstructed, as by the voyce of the people it self, whose power and dignity thenceforth dayly increased, and took authority over all Magistrates. Hereby was that of the Consuls much diminished; Yet not quite broken and dissolved as long as the Com∣monwealth continued; their Offices being both many and large. For first they were the head of the State, all ordinary Magistrates being subject and obnoxious to them, (except the Tribunes) in whose actions they might in∣terpose. Secondly, they had the chief Command in the War over Citizens and Associates, as also over Provinces and Subjects, whom they might punish; and Authority to appoint Officers in the Army, as appeareth out of Cicero and Polybius in several places. Thirdly, they assembled the people, con∣sulted with it, preferred Laws also, which if enacted bore their names. Fourthly, they received Letters from Governours of Provinces, from Nations and Cities: gave audience to Ambassadors, and what was to be done either by Senate or people passed through their hands as chief Ministers of State. Fifthly, as the Senate handled and executed all things in peace and vvar, so did they govern it in some sence, they assembled and dismissed it: there∣in they asked the Members their opinions, counted and divided them: and in conclusion they steered the ship of the Commonwealth. This was their power while the free State continued; but after it was subjected to the power of one person, their authority was again much impaired, few of all these privileges remaining to them; for that the Prince assumed the rights of all Magistrates, but especially those of the Consuls and Tribunes. Un∣der the Emperours they were employed in consulting the Senate, admini∣string Justice, assigning Tutors or Guardians, manumitting Slaves, letting out to farm the Customs (which Office formerly belonged to the Censors) and managing publick Games: besides, they had the honour of having the year Characterized by their names, as formerly. These things will be sufficiently evinced (at least most of them) in the sequel of this History concerning Roman affairs.

* 1.13303. There were observed certain Consular Rites, which it will rather be∣hove us in this place to relate, than scatteredly hereafter to give an account of them. First of all the time wherein the Consuls assumed their Office was not set or constant, but various, till the year of the Citie 532. when both they and other Magistrates entred on the Calends of January, having before, as* 1.1331 Simp∣son and others observe, Commenced on the Calends of Quintilis called July, as well as at other times. The first day was an high day, and very creditable to them, the Senate and people meeting at their houses, saluting, and ac∣companying them to the Capitol, where they took their Oaths and Sacri∣fized. Thence they went to the Senate house, where they were orde∣red by a Senatus Consultum to give thanks to the Prince of the Senate; then sent they gifts to their friends, and threw money to the people, which later expense was afterwards taken away by the Emperours, and ap∣propriated to the repairing of aquaeducts. They twice swore to govern ac∣cording to the Laws (as all other Magistrates did, none being to keep his Office above five dayes, except publickly sworn) when first they entred; once

in the Capitol, and then again in the Rostra, in their hands to whom they suc∣ceeded: and at the laying down of their Office again at the years end they swore in like manner, that wittingly and willingly they had done nothing, contrary to the said Laws. Another Rite there was, as Lipsius termeth it, about their power, which thereby was so increased as to become as absolute as the Kingly was. This was onely upon an extraordinary occasion, or in ex∣tream necessity, when all lay at the stake, and the Citie was in danger. Then a Decree of the Senate passed in this form: Viderint Consules nequid Resp. detrimenti accipiat, or Dent operam Consules nequid Resp. detrimenti Capiat, as* 1.1332 Sallust hath it, who addeth, that this greatest power was given by the Se∣nate to these Magistrates, to raise forces, make War, all manner of wayes to punish Citizens, and associates, to have, both at home, and abroad in War, ab∣solute command and judiciary power. Otherwise without the command of the people no Consul could do any of these things. In a word, by this Decree was restored to them that power (or rather more given) which was taken a∣way by the Appeal, and other Laws.

4. What the Ornaments and Ensigns of the Consuls were, we have for∣merly observed out of Dionysius, to which shall be added upon occasion what may be thought requisite.* 1.1333 As for the age wherin a man was capable of this Office,(a) 1.1334 Tacitus observeth, that of old it was lawfull at any age to sue for the Consulship, and the supream power of Dictator. But afterwards be∣ing taught otherwise by experience (in the 573^th year of the Citie) the Ro∣mans thought fit to set bounds to juvenile heat and ambition. This was, as(b) 1.1335 Livy writeth, by a Law which L. Julius (or Villius) Tribune of the peo∣ple preferred, whereby was limited a certain age before which it was not lawfull to stand for any place of Magistracy; but from Cicero it should ra∣ther appear that there were several Laws made for the several Offices; and at length the Lex Julia or Annaria, included, and abolished all the rest. For(c) 1.1336 he maketh them many, calling them in the plural number Leges An∣nales; and Livy, saying that then first of all a Law was preferred by Julius, in effect contradicteth himself, relating elsewhere a(d) 1.1337 passage concerning Scipio Africanus, that when he stood for the Aedileship, the Tribunes of the people opposed him, alleging that he was not yet arrived at the lawfull age which was required for that Office; and yet he was many years before Ju∣lius or his Law. Cicero(e) 1.1338 declareth the 43^th year to have been the age of Consulship, saying, that Alexander the Great having died in his 33^th year, came ten years short of the Consular age. If his words be taken strictly, the 43^th. but if more largely, the 42^th was the year, and this rather as many examples do confirm. A grave age became this most grave and weighty Office; but sometimes the people dispensed with the Law, as will be shewn, the Emperours neglected it, and Caesar Dictator before them, who made Dolabella Consul at 25.* 1.1339 Lastly, as for the Term or duration of the Consulship, it was annual, as we before hinted in Brutus his model, and so continued, till Julius Caesar made several in one year, so that afterwards Consuls were nominated for three, two, and one moneth, and others substi∣tuted one after another. Hence came it to passe that there were two sorts of Consuls, Ordinary and Substitute, the former beginning on the Calends of January, and the later at other times. This custom continued till Constan∣tine, who again made the Office Annual, and instead of the Suffecti, or Sub∣stitute, ordained a new kind, called Consulares, and Consules Honorarii, whose Office was not called Consulatus, but Consularitas, having derived its Original from the Consular Ornaments invented by Julius Caesar. Of this titular promotion,(f) 1.1340 Cassiodorus is to be consulted.

* 1.13415. But (to come to the matter in hand) the first Consuls were L. Junius Brutus, and L. Tarquinius Collatinus, who began this Office, according to(a) 1.1342 Dionysius his Computation, in the beginning of the 68^th Olympiad, wherein Ischomachus of Crotone was Victor, Isagrus being Archon at Athens. Because they could not deny that many good things had been done by Kings for the Commonwealth,* 1.1343 they would have the name preserved for ever in the

State, and therefore gave order to the Pontifies and Augurs to chuse out some one, who taking care of Superstition, and being exempted from War, should be called Rex Sacrificulus,* 1.1344 to which Office allotted unto the Patri∣tians, Manilis Papirius of that Order first attained. Next after this, fearing that the people might have, as they well might, an ill opinion of their inten∣tions, and say that for one they had got two Kings; to diminish envy, where∣as each of them had as yet twelve Axes carried before them, as the Kings used to have, they ordered that but one of them should have twelve Axes, and the other twelve Lictors with Rods alone, and each his moneth should have the Axes. This contained the people better in obedience, as other things whereby they laboured to render themselves popular. For they revived the Laws of Servius Tullius, concerning publick meetings and assemblies, with other things which conduced to the satisfaction of the common sort, who now looked upon their lawlesse liberties as recovered.

6. Tarquinius after his banishment first stayed at Gabii for some time, whither many of his party flocking to him, after he could not prevail with them of that place to make War in his behalf against the Romans, he betook himself into Toscany, or Hetr••ria, where he could claim kindred by his mo∣ther, and there winning mens minds by his munificence, and moving them with his tears, he procured Ambassadors to be sent to Rome in his behalf. First they moved that he might be received again, promising on his behalf very good demeanour for the time to come, and when this equity could not be heard, they (or others sent aferwards, as Plutarch writeth) desired he might have his goods, especially such as were descended upon him from Tarquinius Priscus his Grand-father, who had in no wise ill deserved of them. Brutus, according to his furious and malicious temper, very vehe∣mently opposed it, saying, that it would shew little forecast in them to fur∣nish him with money to imploy against themselves; but his Collegue was for restoring the goods, and prevailed to have the Decree passe on his side, by one Vote onely overpowering the contrary party, according to Dionysius. The Ambassadors having it in charge to labour with the friends of Tarqui∣nius, that they might do something effectually, drew out the time in length, pretending they wanted carriages, and must sell such things as could not be removed. They stayed so long as to draw over to them some of the two no∣table families of the Aquillii and Vitellii, viz. two persons of this, and three of that. Of all these Collatinus the Consul was Uncle, and Brutus also had married the sister of the Vitellii, by which he had several Children, whereof two youths they drew in, having convinced them of their fathers vehemency, madnesse, and folly, and given them good hopes of great things to be done for them by Tarquinius.

7. These men met in the house of the Aquillii to ripen their businesse. There in the dark, a certain slave, Vindicius by name,* 1.1345 fearing to be found in that room when they came in, and not with any intent to harken, had himself behind a Chest, and heard their whole debate concerning their purpose of killing the Consuls; about which they gave Letters then to the Ambassadors (who lodged in the house, and were present at the meeting) to be delivered to Tarquinius. The Slave in this case knew not how to carry himself; for, to go to Brutus, and to accuse his own sons to him seemed an hard and bold attempt, as also no lesse to do it unto Tarquinius their Uncle; no private person he knew to whom he might communicate so great a matter, and yet a thing of such consequence he thought was not to be buried in silence, nor yet the discovery thereof deferred. At length he betook himself to P. Valerius, who had also a great hand in casting out the King.* 1.1346 Valerius exceedingly struck with the thing, that he might proceed warily, first secured the slave to have him forth coming, then sending his brother Marcus to seize the Kings house, and watch the servants there, that they should carry away no Letters, he himself with his Clients and Friends went to the house of the Aquillii where he got into his hands what was written to Tarquinius. The Aquillii being abroad met him at the Gate, where they endeavoured to recover by force the

Letters from him; but he through the help of those about him drew them in∣to the Forum, as his brother also having seized on other Letters at the King's house, forced some of his servants thither. The tumult being appeased by the Consuls, Vindicius related the Story, and the Letters were read. The parties said nothing for themselves; all were astonished and silent; at length some to flatter Brutus mentioned banishment; Collatinus shedding tears gave the prisoners hope, and this was increased because Valerius held his peace.

8. But furious and implacable Brutus calling both his Sons by their names (Titus and Tiberius) asked them why they said nothing to what was laid to their charge, and when they answered not at the third time, he turned to the Lictors or Executioners,* 1.1347 and said, Now is it your part to perform the rest. They presently took the youths, and stripping them tied their hands behind them: then did they beat with rods, and after that beheaded them, he, whilst others could not behold so abhominable a spectactle, feeding his angry eyes with the object, till all was done. Then left he the rest to the discretion of his Colleague and departed; after which a stupidity, horrour, and amaze∣ment, as the things required, for a time possessed all. Collatinus his back∣wardnesse and delay incouraged the Aquilii to desire time to answer, and that Vindicius their Slave might be given up to them, and not continue in the hands of their accusers. The Consul was about to do both, when Vale∣rius who kept the Slave all this while in the midst of his followers, would neither deliver him, nor suffer the People to depart without censuring the accused, though Collatinus was ready to dismisse the Assembly. He laid hands upon the Aquilii, and sent for Brutus, crying out, that Collatinus did unworthily, to impose upon his Colleague a necessity of killing his sons, and think of granting the lives of the other unto women. The Consul be∣ing vexed, commanded the Lictors to take away Vindicius, so that they lay∣ing hands on him, wounded those that kept him, and Valerius his friends fighting in his behalf, the People cried out for Brutus. When he came he said, that by his full authority he had animadverted upon his own Sons, and left the other delinquents to the People, giving leave to every man to speak. There was no need of this,* 1.1348 saith Plutarch (though Dionysius relateth a great contest betwixt the two Consuls) but the rabble called to the vote, condem∣ned them by all their Suffrages, according to which sentence they were be∣headed. Collatinus now, who for being a kin to the King had been suspected, and whose name was hateful to the People, having by his carriage in this busi∣nesse offended the generality, voluntarily laid down his Office and departed from the City, seeing now to what a sad passe he had helped to bring things, and too late repenting of his rebellion. To him succeeded Valerius (the Comitia being held for an election) whom Brutus much desired to have had his Colleague at first, but that the greatnesse of Collatinus carried it from him.

* 1.13499. Valerius being with the good-will of all the multitude created Consul, thought the first fruits of his Office due to Vindicius, whom manumitted he made free of the Commonwealth, this privilege being given to him first of all Liberti or Freed-men, according to Plutarch, (which Appius long after communicated to them all) and from him a perfect and full manumission had the name of Vindicta. This done, the Consuls gave the goo•••• of the King to be rifled by the People, demolished his house,* 1.1350 and laid the Campus Mar∣tius which he had to himself, open as before, wherein lying Corn cut down already, they threw it into the River, and sending trees that grew there after it, these receiving gravel and such rubbish as came down the chanel, at last grew into an Island called Insula Sacra; though some say, this hap∣pened in after times, when Tarquinia a Vestal Nun gave the adjoyning field to the Publick, and for that obtained great honours, as these amongst the lest; of all women alone to appear as a witnesse in any cause, and liberty to marry, which she refused. But Tarquinus seeing that reason failed, betook himself to force, and brought a great Army of Tuscans against Rome.

The Consuls opposed him with another, and when they came to joyn, Aruns the son of Tarquin, and Brutus the Consul, with greater wrath and fury than discretion, singled out each other, and so carelesly demeaned themselves, as both of them lost their lives. A great and bloody battel was fought betwixt the Armies,* 1.1351 which night onely broke up, and that with such equal fortune, as neither party could boast it self, till at length either by a voice out of a grove,* 1.1352 as the story goeth, that the Etruscans had lost one man more, or some other way, the Romans were so revived, and the other discouraged, that the later forsook their tents for fear, and being fallen upon by the Enemy, were nigh 5000 taken prisoners, having lost 11300 in the fight. Valerius triumphed at his return to the City (leaving an example to posterity which was duly fol∣lowed) and then buried his Colleague with great honour, making himself a funeral Oration in his commendation, which custom Dionysius will have more ancient at Rome than in Greece; although Anaximenes wrote that Solon was the Author of it.

* 1.135310. But when the People considered how Brutus the father of their li∣berty, as they accounted him, would not govern alone without a Colleague, and yet Valerius made no haste to take a partner, they began to complain, that he had not taken to himself so much the place of Brutus (which yet not at all belonged to him) but that of Tarquinius, and were much offended with him. They confirmed themselves in their hard opinion, from his ha∣ving all the Rods and Axes caried before him, and with them, in greater state than Tarquinius used, marched from his house, which was much larger than the Palace that he demolished. His house was very fair, situate in such a place as afforded him prospect round about, and had a difficult ascent; so that the convenience of the site, considered with his Kingly port and atten∣dance, seemed to threaten their infant Commonwealth, now an Orphan by Brutus his death. His friends remonstrating to him these particulars, he con∣tended not;* 1.1354 but that very night sent for Carpenters, who demolished the house ere morning: the next day the People were presented with a new and unexpected sight, which fully altered their opinion concerning Valerius; who now wanting an house of his own, was glad to accept of the courtesie of friends, till the People gave him a place, wherein he built a mansion lesse stately than the former. Further, that he might render not onely himself, but also his Office, in stead of terrible, familiar and acceptable to all, he removed Axes from the bundle of Rods, and, the Rods themselves, vvhen he came into the Assembly, he bowed or vailed to the People, thereby inti∣mating, that in them lay the chief power; which custom his Successors fol∣lowed. Hereby, as to his own person, he lesned not himself, but cut off envy, and got so much power, as he renounced of liberty, the People wil∣lingly submitting to him, because he flattered them, out of which respect they gave him the Sirname of Poplicola, not Publicola, as Sigonius hath evinced. He gave free leave to any to sue for the Consulship; but before a Colleague should be joyned with him, being ignorant what might happen, and fearing he might either through emulation or ignorance crosse his designs, by his sole authority, he gave birth to several Popular Constitutions, which at length pro∣duced such effects as shewed the excellency of that Government which he had helped to destroy.

11. First he filled up the Senate which had been exhausted, by an addi∣tion of 164 Persons, as some delivered the number. Then made he several Laws,* 1.1355 which gave beginning to that paramount or rampant liberty, whereof the People was afterwards possessed. By one he gave leave to an accused per∣son, to appeal from the Consuls to the People. By another, he made it death for any one to take upon him an Office of Magistracy without the Peo∣ple's order. A third gave relief to poor Citizens, by taking away the pay∣ment of Tribute. Another punished disobedience towards the Consuls, and appointed the mulct to be the price of five Oxen, and two Sheep: the price of a Sheep was ten Oboli (each Obolus was worth 1 d. q.) and 100 the va∣lue of an Oxe. For at that time the use of money was but rare amongst the

Romans; wealth consisting in plenty of Cattel; whence riches were after∣wards called Peculia from Pecus, and upon the antient money an Oxe, Sheep, or Hog was stamped, which gave it the name of Pecunia: and hence they imposed upon their sons (as Plutarch observeth) the names of Suillii, Bu∣bulci, Caprarii, and Porcii. Another Law Valerius made, which gave power to any man to kill him unheard, that affected the Supreme power, if he could demonstrate the crime. The last was a Law for the creation of two Quaestors or publick Treasurers, as Plutarch writeth. For it being necessary that the People should contribute money for maintenance of Wars, he would neither undertake the keeping of it himself, nor commit the care of it to his friends, neither thought it convenient that the Publick money should be kept in a private house: therefore he made the Temple of Saturn the Aera∣rium, or Treasury, and caused the People to chuse out two young men to be Quaestors.* 1.1356 The first were P. Veturius, and M. Minucius. A great quan∣tity of money was now brought into the Aerarium. For at the Census 130000 were cessed or valued, besides Widdows and Orphans. Thus much Plutarch delivereth concerning this Office.

12. But some give a more antient beginning to the Quaestors, making theirs antienter than any Office, except that of the Kings.(a) 1.1357 Gracchanus a Lawyer wrote,* 1.1358 that both Romulus and Numa had their Quaestors, created by the consent of the People; however he saith it is certain that Tullus Hostilius had his.(b) 1.1359 Ulpian confirmeth the later, and(c) 1.1360 Tacitus seem∣eth to agree with either of them, affirming that under the Kings there were Quaestors, which the Lex curiata sheweth, that was renewed by L. Brutus. He addeth, that the Consuls had power to chuse them, till the People took that honour to it self, and first of all created Valerius Potitus, and Aemilius Mamercus, that they might follow the Army, in the 63 year after the ba∣nishment of Tarquinius. Lipsius thinketh this number should be read 23, that it might agree with(d) 1.1361 Dionysius, and also(e) 1.1362 Livie, who first mention∣eth the Quaestors in the 269 year of the City, 23 years after the banish∣ment of the King, and differeth onely in one of their names, having for Aemilius, Caeso Fabius. Concerning the antiquity of these Officers(f) 1.1363 Pom∣ponius also the Lawyer agreeth with the rest. They had their name à quaeren∣do saith(g) 1.1364 Varro, because they made inquiry after publick money, and al∣so Malefactors, or the actions of such, which later employment was after∣wards committed to the Triumviri for capital matters, so that Quaestor is written as for Quaesitor. Justus Lipsius is of opinion, that though the Kings might have these Officers for the punishment of vice, yet the Treasurers were not created till the change of the Government, when the Publick Treasure being increased there was need of such. At the beginning they were but two by consent of all;* 1.1365 and those were made for the City, retaining afterwards the name of Urbani. But afterward when they were to look to the paying of the Armies abroad, and selling plunder and booty, then were there other two made, to accompany the Consuls, as Livie saith, which hapned about the 232 year of the City.

13. This number long continued, until all Italy was brought in; then was it again doubled, no fewer than eight being thought to suffice for the Tributes of the Provinces; and this hapned when Silver money was first coined, about the 439 year of the City, as may be gathered from the Epitome of Livie's 15 Book. Not long after Sylla procured by a Law, that twenty should be made for the assistance of the Senate, as Tacitus writeth, to which he had delivered the judicial power: and for such an end did Caesar cause fourty to be created. The Quaestorship was the first step to Offices of Magistracy. Their duty, as is clear from several Authors, was to gather, lay up, and pay out the publick revenues,* 1.1366 to keep the military Ensignes of Gold and Silver (for they then used no banners) in the Treasury, to sell plunder and booty, receive, lodge, and carry out Ambassadors. They had also the government of certain places, as Ostia and Cales. They received from Augustus the privilege of keeping the Senatus consulta, which formerly belonged to the

Aediles and Tribunes. And the Emperours had a certain Quaestor of their own called Candidatus Principis, and Quaestor Principis, or Augusti, whose Office Ulpian describeth. This gave original to the Quaestor Palatii (saith Lipsius) to whom was granted great authority, as to make Laws and Decrees, subscribe Petitions, return answers, and to be as it were the keeper or Pre∣sident of the Laws, which name is now changed into Chancellour. But, to speak something of the Treasury, the Temple of Saturn was first made use of to this purpose,* 1.1367 as Plutarch telleth us. Here also were kept the Libri Elephantini, Books wherein the 35 Tribes were written, and the Decrees of the Senate; but the Libri Lintei, or the Annals, were kept by the Pontifices, who therein recorded such things as were memorable. In the Aerarium was also a more secret place, where the twentieth part of the revenues were re∣served for cases of extremity onely. The Aerarium was afterwards called Fiscus, from the Fiscella, or bags wherein the money was kept, according to Varro. The first Advocatus Fisci was instituted by Adrian the Emperour, as Spartianus witnesseth. Amongst other tributes, the People of Rome had the twentieth part of all revenues of Corn throughout Italy, besides Salt, which was the device of Livie, thence Sirnamed Salinator. Those that far∣med the Tributes or Custom were called Publicans, and the principal of them Mancipes, according to Pedianus, whom Volateranus followeth.

14. Valerius Poplicola having finished his constitutions of Setlement, held the Assembly of the People for the election of another Consul. Lucie∣tius the father of Lucretia was chosen,* 1.1368 to whom, as the elder, Poplicola granted the Fasces or bundle of Rods; which respect of age was ever after observed by their Successors, till the time of(a) 1.1369 Plutarch, as himself writ∣eth. This granting of the Fasces was yet but for the first moneth, which indeed afterwards was wont to be granted to the elder Consul; but no longer than till the Lex Julia, in the seventh Chapter whereof this privilege was given to him who had most children, either still in his own power (that is to be un∣derstood not emanicipated) or already lost in War. But if both Consuls had an equal number of children, he who at present was a maried man was pre∣ferred. If both were husbands and fathers alike, then the antient custom returned, and he who was eldest had first the Fasces. Concerning such who were both unmaried, had the same number of children, or were both maried and had no children, the Law commanded nothing. But I hear, saith(b) 1.1370 Gel∣lius, that those who were exempted, were wont to yield the Fascos of the first moneth to their Colleagues that far exceeded them in age, or in birth, or entred upon their second Consulship. In the mean time that Consul who had no Fasces, that he might be known by some note of distinction, had an Accensus (a certain Bedle or Crier, concerning whom(c) 1.1371 Varro is to be consulted) that went before him, and Lictors followed with Rods and Staves, as(d) 1.1372 Dionysius,(e) 1.1373 Livie, and(f) 1.1374 Suetonius de testifie.

15. Lucretius died also a few daies after his creation, to whom succeeded M. Horatius,* 1.1375 who continued the Colleague of Poplicola for the remaining part of the year, Novv vvas the Capitol finished vvhich had been vovved by Tarquinius Priscus, and begun by Superbus his grand-son. Poplicola had a great ambition to dedicate it, but the Nobility envied him the honour, and stirred up Horatius to stand for it, whom when the other was constrained to be absent in the War, they injoyned by a Decree to do it, and caried him up thither, knowing that in the presence of Poplicola they could not have prevailed. Some write, that by lot the War fell to Poplicola much against his will, and the Dedication to Horatius. On the Ides of September, which fell in with the full Moon of the Greek moneth Metagitnion (answering to August the 28 of the Julian year, as Jacobus Cappellus computeth) when many flocked to behold the Solemnity, Horatius having commanded silence, and finished all the usual rites, touched the door, and pronounced the words of Dedication. Then Marcus the brother of Poplicola standing near for that purpose, and watching for an opportunity, said, Thy son O Consul is dead in the Camp, whereat when all others were struck, Horatius nothing

disturbed answered onely, Then cast him out whither you please, for I admit not of mourning, and went on with the matter in hand. Neither was the story true,* 1.1376 but feigned by Marcus to deter him from the Dedication. The same fortune hapned to the Dedication of the second Temple of Jupiter Ca∣pitolinus, after this was burnt in the Civil Wars. For Sylla having rebuilt it died before the Dedication, as Tarquinius was banished, and so that ho∣nour came to Catulus. When this had perished in the sedition of Vitellius, Vespasian built the third, and was herein more fortunate than Sylla, th••t, as he died before the Dedication of his, so the Emperour lived not to see the destruction of this, which presently after his death was also burned. The fourth which stood in Plutarch's time was both built and dedicated by Domi∣tian. Tarquinius, as was reported, spent 40000 pounds of silver in founding his Temple; but the fourth was not guilded for so little as the wealth of the richest private man. The Marble Pillars Plutarch saw at Athens, being then of a thicknesse answerable to their length, but afterward when they were new cut at Rome, they got not so much splendour as they lost of proportion and beauty, being rendred too slender in bulk or substance.

16. In the* 1.1377 Consulship of Junius Brutus and M. Horatius (that is in the same year that Horatius succeeded, though not immediatly, into the place of Brutus, who with Tarquinius his Collegue governed but 4 moneths) when the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus was Consecrated, 28 years before Xerxes his expedition into Greece, the first League was made betwixt the Romans and Carthaginians.* 1.1378 Herein it was provided, that the Romans should not sayl beyond the Fair Promontory, which lay before Carthage towards the North. Polybius thinketh the cause was, for that the Carthaginians would not have them take notice of the places about Byzacium, nor the little Syr∣tis: which for the fruitfulnesse of the soyl they termed Emporia. But if it hapned that any, either by Tempest or Pirats, were forced in thither, they promised they would furnish them with all things necessary, but forbad any thing to be taken by force, and commanded all to be gone thence within five dayes. It was lawfull hereby for the Romans to Traffick to Carthage, and all that part of Africk which lieth on this side the Fair Promontory, as also Sardinia, and that part of Sicily then under the Carthaginians, who pro∣mise upon their publick faith that all Justice shall be duely executed. From this League it appeareth that the Carthaginians speak of Africk and Sardi∣nia as absolutely their own, but far otherwise concerning Sicily expresly di∣stinguishing of that part thereof which they had subdued. The Romans also include in this League onely Latium, making no mention of the rest of Italy, which was not in their power. After this another League was made, or ra∣ther this renewed, wherein the Carthaginians comprized the Tyrians, and the people of Utica. To the Fair Promontory were added Mastia and Tarseium, beyond which it was neither lawfull for the Romans to make any depreda∣tions, nor build a Town. These things Polybius observeth concerning these Leagues, which he also exemplifieth, and to which we referre Students in Hi∣story.

17. Tarquinius, after that great battel wherein he lost his son Aruns in a Combat with Brutus, betook himself to Clusium, the King whereof Porsena by name (one of great account for his power and munificence amongst the Kings of Italy) he procured to take upon him his quarrel. He first sent to Rome,* 1.1379 commanding them to receive their King according to their duty,* 1.1380 and upon refusal, both threatned, and made War upon them.* 1.1381 Now were crea∣ted Consuls Poplicola the second time being absent, and T. Lucretius Trici∣pitinus on the Calends of October, according to the Pompilian year, which answered to September 14. of the Julian in the new Moon.* 1.1382 Jacobus Cappel∣lus observeth that the Consuls Commenced at this time of the year from the first of Poplicola, till fifteen years after, in the 261^st year of the Citie. Sp. Cassius and Posthumius Cominius began their Office a moneth sooner, viz. on the Calends of October. The reason might be, for that the new Moon sell in with the Autumnal Aequinoctial on the 29^th of Julian September,

from which the Pompilian, or Numan, September seemeth to have Com∣menced that year, the Moon increasing, although without order. For the Calends of October ought rather to have been on that day; but such errors were frequent in the Pompilian year, either through the negligence, or wil∣full neglect of the Priests. After the third year the Calends (or first day) of January recovered their true place, viz. the next new Moon to the Winter Solstice; but September obtained to be the beginning of the year untill the 278th year of the Citie, wherein the Comitia for Creation of Consuls were cast back to the Calends of the moneth Sextilis (afterwards called August) at what time A. Virginius Tricostus, and Sp. Servilius Structus were made Consuls, in the Summer Solstice, as Dionysius observeth.

18. Poplicola returning to Rome, first resolved in magnanimity to out∣vy Porsena, and for that purpose, when the King was now approaching, founded the Citie Sigliucia (or rather Signia) which with great expence he fortified, and then planted it with 700 Inhabitants, making hereby a show that he could without any trouble or fear sustain the War.* 1.1383 But Porsena laying close siege to Rome, very fiercely with all his might set upon the Citie. The two Consuls with much ado repelling the Toscans, at length were both so wound∣ed as they must needs be carried off, after which the Romans fled from be∣fore their Enemies, who in their retreat into the Town followed them close, and flocked upon the bridge.* 1.1384 There Horatius sirnamed Cocles (either for that he had but one eye, having lost the other in War, or because his Nose was so depressed that both his Eyes seemed to go into one, whence intend∣ing to call him Cyclops, by ignorance of the language they pronounced it Co∣cles) together with Herminius and Lartius, opposed himself against the Tos∣cans. Cocles stood before the bridge, and repulsed the Enemy so long till it was broken down behind him, which done, he cast himself armed as he was into the River, and swom out to his friends, having received a wound with a Spear. To require him for the lamenesse he contracted by this wound, and in admiration of his valour, Poplicola caused all the Romans to give him, every one so much provision as would serve one for a day, then conferred he on him so much ground as he could plow round about in one day, and they erected to his memory a Statue in the Temple of Vulcan. But Porsena draw∣ing out the siege in length sore straitned the Citie. Poplicola now executing his third Consulship, together with his last year's Collegue M. Horatius Pulvillus, led forth his men, and giving the King battel, overthrew him, and killed 5000 of his men. Yet this little availed, the honour of finishing this War being reserved for the valour and policy of Mutius Cordus.

19. Mutius a man of excellent courage, and no lesse skill in War, resol∣ving with himself to ly in wait for the life of Porsena,* 1.1385 put on the Tuscan ha∣bit, and using that language, came into the King's Camp, where observing the place in which the King was, but being ignorant of his person,* 1.1386 he stabbed his Secretary who sate with him amongst several others. Being taken in the act, when they went about to examine him, he thrust his right hand into the fire, as intending to punish it for so great a mistake, and whilest it burned be∣held Porsena with a stedfast and angry countenance, who admiring his resolu∣tion dismissed him, and reached him back his sword from his seat. Mutius took it with his left hand (whence he had the name of Scaevola, which word signifieth one that useth his left hand, saith Plutarch) and telling the King that he was now overcome by his bravenesse of spirit whose threats he had contemned, he said in way of requital he would reveal a thing to him which no force of torment could have compelled him to discover. He affirmed there were 300 Romans now in his Camp watching an opportunity to kill him. As for his part, having been by lot destined to make the first attempt, it did not trouble him that he had failed in killing him a right good man, & one much worthier of the friendship than hatred of the Romans. Porsena hear∣ing this, inclined presently to a composure of the difference, not so much out of fear of the 300. as admiration of the Roman courage. Poplicola having notice hereof, was glad of such a friend, and content to make him Umpire

betwixt the Commonwealth and Tarquinius. He often challenged Tarqui∣nius to put the matter to arbitration, to which the King answered couragi∣ously, that he vvould not admit of any Judge, much lesse of Porsena, vvho ha∣ving promised him aid now basely falsified his word.* 1.1387 Porsena hereat dis∣pleased, especially through the solicitation of Aruns his son, made peace vvith the Romans on these conditions: that they should quit those Tuscan grounds they had got into their hands, restore all prisoners, and receive all their fugitives.

20. For the establishment of this peace the Romans gave up twenty Ho∣stages, viz. ten young youths, and as many Girles, amongst vvhich vvas Va∣leria the daughter of Poplicola. All acts of Hostility ceasing, the young Vir∣gins vvent down to the River to wash, and taking an opportunity, vvhen none vvere present to hinder them, got over the vvater, and returned home. Some reported,* 1.1388 that one amongst them named Cloelia vvent over on hors-back, and perswaded the rest to swim after. When they presented themselves to Poplicola, he neither admired their resolution, nor approved of their return, fearing it vvould be objected as a breach of faith to the Romans; so that ap∣prehending then all, he sent them back to Porsena. Tarquinius aware here∣of placed in ambush a party to entrap them and their Convoy; but Aruns the son of Porsena hearing of it, came in, and rescued them out of danger. When Porsena saw them, he demanded vvhich had been the cause of their de∣parture, and finding Cloelia the principal, bestowed on her one of his own horses sumptuously adorned. Then to give a further Testimony of his re∣spect towards the Romans, besides other things wherein he shewed his mag∣nificence, he commanded his Soldiers to depart out of the Camp onely vvith their Arms, delivering up to the besieged his Tents furnished with victuals, and all other good things. Therefore for a long time after, vvhen publick goods vvere set to sale, first of all the stuff of Porsena vvas cried, to preserve the memory of his kindnesse: And about the Court-house vvas erected his Statue in a plain and antient fashion. For the next year Dionysius nameth as Consuls, Sp. Lartius and T. Herminius, of vvhom Livie maketh honou∣rable mention, but not as executing this Office. He vvriteth that at the bridge Sp. Largius and T. Herminius both nobly descended, together vvith Horatius Cocles, sustained the first brunt of the Hetruscans. But Learned men tell us that it ought to be vvritten Lartius, not Largius.

21. The year following being the 250 of the Citie,* 1.1389 and the fifth after the banishment of Tarquinius, the first of the 99th Olympiad, saith Dionysius, wherein Ischomachus of Crotone was Victor, Acestorides being again Archon at Athens, in the 18th year of Darius Hystaspis King of Persia, A. M. 3501. M. Valerius the brother of Poplicola, and P. Postumius Tubertus were Con∣suls.* 1.1390 Now the Sabines made depredations in the Roman Territories, and proceeded so far in their injuries that it ingaged the parties in a War: Marcus by the Counsel and assistance of his brother obtained great honour in his un∣dertakings. He overthrew the Sabines twice, in the later of which battels were slain of them 13000. and not one of the Romans lost. Wherefore be∣sides triumphs this was given him as an addition of honour, to have an house built for him in the Palace on the publick cost. Besides, whereas all the doors of other houses opened inwards, they would have this of his house to open outwards toward the street, as a mark of honour in this respect, that he was ever ready to move for the publick good. Indeed all the Gates of the Greeks are said most antiently to have opened this way, and that by Testimony of the Comedies, wherein they that are going out first knock within, that such as either go by or stand near, may prevent being hurt of the door, which was c••st forward into the street. The next year, wherein Poplicola was Consul the fourth time, and his Collegue T. Lucretius Tricipitinus, the whole Na∣tion of the Sabines with the Latines conspired against Rome, which was also much disturbed by superstition, for that all the women with Child miscarried of mutilous births, and nothing came into the World perfect. When these things much dejected the minds of the Romans, another erected them, and

afforded considerable incouragement to the War.* 1.1391 Appius or Actius Clausus, an eminent man amongst the Sabines for riches, valour, virtue, and elo∣quence, being much against the War, was therefore maligned by his emula∣tors, as favouring the Romans, and designing to bring his Country under their yoak. His Enemies gaining credit with the Vulgar, he feared to put himself upon trial, and therefore raised a commotion, which retarded the War. Then did Poplicola invite him to Rome, whither he came with 5000 Families of his friends and dependents. The Families were made free of the City, and to every man assigned two Akers of Ground by the River Ani∣ene; but to Clausus himself twenty Akers, and the degree of a Senator. Having got this opportunity, he so improved it, as to become equal to the greatest, and raised his house so much, that the Clausi, afterwards called Claudii, be∣came inferiour to no one Family.

22. His revolt much more exasperated the minds of his Country-men to the War, who coming with an Army to Fidenae, placed in ambush 2000 Foot, and then sent some Horse to make incursions, commanding them to retreat, as if they fled, and so draw on the Romans into the snare. Poplicola, having notice hereof by certain fugitives, divided his Army into three parts, and taking the advantage of a mist, fell upon the Sabines on so many sides, and did such execution, as the nearnesse of Fidenae onely hindred the destru∣ction of them all. The Romans, beside the advantage of much plunder, ob∣tained that good by this Victory, to be furnished with courage for all assayes; yet imputed they the whole merit to the Consul, and sticked not to say, that he delivered into their hands their Enemies, blind and lame, onely to be dispatched with the Sword. Having triumphed, and given up the charge of the Commonwealth to the the two new Consuls, Agrippa Menenius Lanatus, and Publius Posthumius,* 1.1392 shortly after he died, finishing his life, as he had lived, in great grace with the multitude whom he had so flattered. The People, as if they had nothing at all required him when living, but ought him yet his whole reward, decreed he should be buryed at the publick charge, every one contributing a small piece of money. Some say, that he was so poor, as he left not enough to bury him. The women by universal consent mourned for him, as formerly they had done for Brutus, an whole year. He was by a special Decree buried within the City, (which honour (saith Dionysius) hath onely happened unto him to this day) and that privilege was also granted to his family. But now, (Plutarch writeth) none of them is there interred: the Funeral is onely drawn out thither, and the coffin being set down, one puts under fire, and presently again taketh it away, showing, that the deceas∣ed hath a right there to be buried, but on his own accord quitteth the privilege. This being done, the body was carried away.

23. The same year that Poplicola died, the Sabines provided of numerous Forces, invaded the Roman Territories, as far as the City walls. The Con∣suls taking the field against them, Posthumius was entrapped in an Ambush, and escaping narrowly himself, lost many of his men, which defeat struck the Citizens with great terror, who now ran to the walls, expecting the Ene∣my would fall upon the City. But nothing being attempted in this kind, they marched out, resolving to redeem their credit; and Posthumius, much more concerned in honour than the rest, so behaved himself, as he made amends fully, and both the Consuls obtained a notable victory, which had been com∣pleated by the slaughter of all the Sabines, if the darknesse of night had not interposed. The Senate ordered the Consuls to return in pomp; Menenius with full honour in triumph, sitting in a Chair, drawn in way of a Chariot, but Posthumius, because of his late defeat, in a more humble manner, which the Romans called Ovation, so named (saith Festus, or Paulus from him, as he from Verrius) from the letter O, which the Soldiers in way of joy were wont to eccho at their return from a Victory; or corruptly pronounced for the Greek word Euaste, as Dionysius conjectureth. Ovation differed herein from a Triumph properly so called,* 1.1393 that the General entred not the City in a Chariot, but on foot before his Soldiers;* 1.1394 for the Robe interwoven

with Gold, he onely wore the Praetexta toga, the ordinary habit of Consuls and Praetors; neither had he a Scepter, but onely Laurel; and on his head a wreath of Myrtle, when the War had not been denounced, or finished with∣out bloodshed.* 1.1395 The year following, wherein Sp. Cassius Viscellinus, and Opiter Virginius Tricostus were Consuls, the Sabines were overthrown in a great battel at Cures, 10300 being slain, and about 4000 taken, which de∣feat caused them to beg peace, and purchase it with Corn, Money, and part of their grounds. Whilst Sp. Cassius did this good service against the Sa∣bines, his Colleague subdued the Camarinaeans who had revolted, and having put to death the Authors of the injury, sold the rest, and razed their City.

24. The year that followed, being the first of the 70 Olympiad (wherein Nicaeas of Opus (a Town of Locri) was Victor, (Myrus executing the An∣nual Office of Archon at Athens) had for Consuls Posthumius Cominius, and T. Largius. Now all the Latines) to the number of thirty several Cities, saith Livie) conspired against Rome, by the procurement of Mamilius Octa∣vius, son in Law to Tarquinius (who at present was with him at Tusculum) though Valerius the Roman Ambassador pretended to answer to such accusa∣tions as were made, and laboured to disswade the several People of Latium. In the mean time also the Slaves at home contrived how to seize upon the Capitol, and burn the City, but were discovered, and nailed to crosses. The following year wherein Ser. Sulpitius Camerinus, and Manius Tullus Longus, were Consuls, a Faction in Fidenae, having received some men from Tarquinius, killed or expelled their adversaries, and caused the Town to re∣volt from the Romans. The Senate would not make War upon the Latines in general, knowing many amongst them were inclined to Peace, and thought it sufficient to block up Fidenae, for which they sent out Manius with a strong Army. The besieged implored assistance of the Latines, who in their gene∣rall meeting heard also the complaints of Tarquinius, and though they were much importuned by some amonst them, yet they onely ordered Ambassadors to be sent to demand the reception of the King, and the removal of the siege from Fidenae, which was done also meetly to gain time, giving the Romans a year to consider of the matter, and taking so large a space for to make prepa∣rations,* 1.1396 in case the overture were rejected. Tarquinius and Mamilius ha∣ving little hopes to prevail this way, seeing that the minds of the generality were averse from War, endeavoured to bring his right about in an easier way, by raising in Rome an unexpected and intestine difference betwixt the rich and poorer sort.

25. For at this very time, as Dionysius writeth, a great part of the com∣mon People, especially the indigent and such as were burthened by usury, did not like of the present state of affaires, which dissatisfaction was caused by the extravagant course of Creditors, who seizing upon the bodies of their Debtors, used them no better than Slaves purchased with money. Tarqui∣nius not being ignorant hereof, sent certain of his friends with Gold, who gave them some in hand, promising more after the King's restitution, and procured thereby a conspiracy of many poor Citizens, with such Slaves as had been offended with their Masters the year before, for the severity shown to∣wards their fellows. The matter was discovered to Sulpicius, who af∣ter he had returned a denyal, though very civilly, to the Latin Ambassa∣dors, by a wile drew the Conspirators into the Forum; where incompassing them about, he put them all to the Sword. The stirs being thus allaied for a time, the Consuls of this and the following year looked abroad, and,* 1.1397 in the next, Fidenae was yielded up to T. Largius Flavus. Hereat the Latins were exceedingly startled, and now all railed on their principal men, for that no order had been taken for relief of the Town. Tarquinius and Mamilius so improved this opportunity, that all the Cities (24 in number, as they are reckoned by Dionysius) decreed War against the Romans, ingaging that none should forsake their associates, nor make Peace without common con∣sent, sealing it with an oath, and direful curses against such as should break

the League, who were to be held as Enemies by all the rest. They gave li∣berty to Tarquinius and his son in Law to levie what Forces they thought convenient, and that they might have some kind of pretence, sent a message to Rome, whence the Senate returned a stout and resolute answer.

* 1.139826. Great were the preparations of the Latines; the Romans sending round about, could make no friends, and yet were not dejected, but trusting to their domestick strength alone, were thereby rendred much more resolute and couragious, as such upon whom lay a necessity of being ••aliant. But a great difficulty was found in listing Soldiers; for the poor, and those that were surcharged with debt, of which there was a great number, being cited, would not appear, saying, they had nothing to do with the Patritians, except their debts were remitted by Decree of the Senate, nay some talked of lea∣ving the City, and exhorted one another not to stay in that place, where no good thing was communicated to them. The Patritians by good words la∣boured to appease them, but all in vain; so that the Senate fell into a serious debate about so weighty a matter. Some were for a free remission of the debts, after the manner of the Athenian Sisachthea, as the onely way to remove all prejudice, and beget a fair correspondence betwixt Nobility and Commons. Others condemned this as too great a condescention, and which would encourage them to like Seditions for the time to come, thinking it the better way to list such as would give their names, and not at all value the rest, who though gratified at present, would hereafter be unserviceable. Be∣twixt these extremes several other wayes were propounded; but this at length prevailed, that nothing should now be determined, bur the War being hap∣pily finished, the Consuls should report it again to the Senate, and in the mean time all sutes and processe concerning debts were to cease, that Ma∣gistrates might make effectual provision for the matter now mainly incumbent. This expedient, though something it wrought, had not sufficient strength to end the difference; and therefore the Senate was put upon another exigent. Whereas by the Law of Valerius, power of life and death was taken away from the Consuls, and all constraint, by an appeal to the People, so that no man could be forced to the War; It seemed necessary to create a Magi∣strate, who for six moneths should rule as absolute above the Laws, and from whom should lye no appeal. Thus having renounced Monarchy in effect, they had again recourse to it, and shewed as well the necessity as excellency of it.

* 1.139927. This Supreme Officer was called Dictator, either for that he was dictus, or named, by the Consul, according to(a) 1.1400 Varro, or rather from dictating, or shewing and commanding what was to be done, which Etymology(b) 1.1401 Di∣onysius approveth. He was also called(c) 1.1402 Magister Populi, and(d) 1.1403 Praetor Maximus. Both name and thing came from the Albans, whose Dictator Metius Suffetius we have formerly mentioned. Spartianus saith, it was an ordinary Magistrate of old Latium. Dionysius bringeth the testimony of Licinius Macer for this opinion; yet he thinketh the Office first taken from the Greeks, who had their Aesymnetae or extraordinay Kings made upon some urgent occasion, with absolute power. The Dictator was created upon some urgent occasion of War or Sedition, for fixing a nail in time of a Plague, to hold the Comitia for election of Consuls, celebrate Games, make inqui∣sition, choosing Senators, or in sum, when there was need of a sodain and extraordinary command. The manner of his creation was not, as of other Magistrates, by the Suffrages of the People; but, at the command of the Senate, the Consul named some one of Consular dignity whom he pleased, in the night, and who was approved by the Auspicium, or divination from birds, a ceremony observed ever in the election of some Officers. The oc∣casion being many times sodain, they could not stay for the Suffrages of the People, and the design being to restrain, or constrain, the multitude, many times, he was not to be chosen out of their body, although sometimes these rules were not fully observed, either through the absence of the Consul, or some other respect. L. Cornelius Sylla alone was named by the Interrex, as

C. Caesar by the Praetor; both which nominations Cicero in his Epistles concei∣veth done contrary to right and order. The autority of the Dictator was exteed∣ing large.* 1.1404 He had power of Peace and War, to levie Forces, lead them forth, and disband them, and act all things according to his pleasure, without refer∣ring them to the Senate. So that not onely had he the power of both Con∣suls (whence the Greeks called him Disypatos, or Double Consul) but more also, in that upon his Creation all other Magistrates, except the Tribunes, laid down their Offices, and the whole Government was left in his hands. He could punish as he pleased, without all appeal, and for the ostentation of his power, had 24 bundles of Rods caried before him, with as many Axes, or Hatchets, as Plutarch and Polybius do testifie; although Livie dissenting from them, will have Sylla first of all others to have had 24 bundles. Hence this Office came to be so terrible, as the Edict of the Dictator was ever ob∣served as the command of a Deity.

* 1.140528. It was necessary, according to the Roman Government, that this ex∣traordinary power should be bounded by certain limits, wherein might lie re∣dresse of inconveniences thence arising. Six moneths were the time assigned for it's duration, and never was it lengthned, except for meer necessity, as might be instanced in Camillus, L. Papirius, and Fabius Maximus: for the perpetual Dictatorships of Sylla and Caesar were notorious violations of the Laws. And not onely the time but the place also was limited, it being un∣lawful for the Dictator to stir out of Italy, lest being out of sight, he should take advantage at the distance of place, to attempt some new matter; and this constitution was never violated but once whilst the old Commonwealth stood, by Attillius Collatinus. He was not to come on horse-back, but march continually on foot, to shew, saith Plutarch, that the Roman strength lay in the Legions, or rather to teach him humility. Now because in great Ex∣peditions this could scarce be observed, he formally before his departure asked leave of the People that he might ride, as Livie informeth us. But those restrictions were inconsiderable, in respect of the Appeal which after∣wards came to be made from him to the People. Festus in these words Op∣tima Lex,* 1.1406 saith, that first the power of the Magister Populi, or Dictator, was full or absolute, as that of Marcus Valerius; but afterwards an Appeal lay from this Magistrate to the People.* 1.1407 Livie seemeth also to hold out the same thing, where he bringeth M. Fabius in behalf of his son thus speak∣ing to L. Papirius the Dictator: Seeing that neither the authority of the Se∣nate, nor mine age, which thou goest about to bereave of my son, neither the virtue and Nobility of the Master of the Horse-men named by thy self, prevaileth with thee; nor yet prayers and intreaties, which are wont to appease an enemy, and the anger of the gods: I appeal to the Tribunes of the People, and the People it self which I make our Judge, (seeing thou regardest not the judgment of the Army and Senate) which alone can do more than thy Dictatorship. I shall see whether thou wilt give place to that Appeal to which the Roman King Tullus Hostilius yielded. Hereupon the People assembled, and the Tribunes were present at the meeting. Papirius denieth neither the power of the one nor the other, but continueth resolute for the punishment of the Master of the Horse-men, who had fought in his absence contrary to his command, shewing how all discipline else would be destroyed. A way was found out to preserve the honour of both Offices, the power of People, Tribunes, and Dictator, with the strength of disci∣pline. For the People betook it self to intreaties, and was seconded by the Tribunes. Whereupon the Dictator pardoned the party, granting his life to the request of those, who, as he confesseth, might have command∣ed it.

29. At what time this Appeal was brought in, or how long it continued in force, seeing that Sylla and other Dictators made use of the old and abso∣sute power, is uncertain. It is probable, that the People being overwitted in ratifying the Decree of the Senate (as Dionysius telleth us they were) grew sensible, how they had thereby given the power again out of their

hands;* 1.1408 it being lawfull for the Senate at any time when they should pretend a necessity, and that for the bridling of the People it self, to give order to the Consul to name a Dictator, and therefore resumed its antient power of Ap∣peal, without which no lawlesse freedom could be enjoyed. But in the de∣clining condition of the Commonwealth, when Dictators grew more impe∣rious, their Soldiers more dissolute, and the Tribunes of the people especial∣ly more factious, an opportunity might be wanting for it to exert that right which as yet it had not given up to any other. If what Dionysius writeth of the Dictator's being approved by the people after the Consul's nomination be true, the State stood in lesse need of the Appeal; but it being not possi∣ble for a multitude never to mistake in its opinion of a person, this defect might at length experimentally be discovered, and thence a recourse had to that remedy which was ever certain whilest it could be applied. By these cautions and restrictions, with the modesty of the Romans, this Grand Office was for 400 years managed for the publick good, as it was accounted, till Syl∣la, and afterward Caesar, converted it into a Tyranny, as the multitude counted it, and rendred the very name thereof so odious, that after Caesar's death, in the 710 year of the Citie, when M. Antonius and P. Cornelius Do∣labella were Consuls, a Law was made (from the former Consul called Lex A••tonia) whereby it was for ever banished.* 1.1409 The Dictator when he was Created made choice of one who had either been Consul or Praetor, to be Magister Equitum, who, saith Varro, had chief power over the hors-men,* 1.1410 and Adcensi (Criers, Beadles, or publick Messengers) as the Dictator had over the Roman people, whence he also was called Magister Populi. The rest, because they were of lesse value than these Magistri, were named Ma∣gistratus, as from al••us Albatus. If the Dictator was absent, the Master of the hors-men executed his place in the Army, but if he present, he commanded the horse, yet so as to be obedient to the Dictator's orders, and not to fight, either contrary to, or without his command. In the second Punick War, M. Fabius Buleo was made Dictator for filling up the Senate, without a Ma∣ster of hors-men. But he alleged, that he could not approve of two Di∣ctators to be at the same time, nor a Dictator without a Master of hors-men, and having perfected his work on the same day laid down his Of∣fice.

* 1.141130. Concerning the time of the first Dictatorship, Authors differ in the space of two years, and do not full agree about the person. Dionysius, a grave, faithfull, and wary Author (by consent of the most learned sort of men) re∣ferreth it to the 255 year of the Citie; but Livy, and most Latine Au∣thors assign it to the 253. Dionysius saith expresly, that T. Largius Flavus was the first Dictator,* 1.1412 being Consul that year. Livy saith it could not be certainly known from antient Authors who was the first, yet confesseth that the most antient mentioned Largius, and upon good grounds approveth of their opinion rather than that which maketh M. Valerius the son of Marcus yet living, and Grand-son to Volesus the first of all, which Festus seemeth to follow. Livy mentioneth no other cause of the Original than a falling out with the Sabines, and the conspiracy of the 30 Latine Cities, putting off the Sedition till after the finishing of the Latine War; but as there can little hold be taken of one who uncertainly relateth matters; so no need would there have been of an absolute Authority for the Latine War, if no stir had been made in the Citie, all giving their names with alacrity, and obeying the Consuls, as in former Wars. And if the Consuls had been suspected to fa∣vour the cause of Tarquinius (as some wrote they were) then new ones might have been made in their rooms, nothing being prevalent to alter the ordinary form of Government, but a necessity of absolute power for a time; and no ordinary accident about War could make this necessity; so that com∣pulsion must have been the end, and the taking away that help from the multi∣tude, which was unalterably given to it against the Consuls by the Valerian Law. Thus might the Nobility, if they had had that duty, have seen cause to repent in time of their Kings banishment.

* 1.141331. T. Largius, the first Dictator, having named Sp. Cassius for his Master of hors-men (who had born the Office of Consul in the 70th Olympiad) c••u∣sed Axes to be carried before him with the Rods,* 1.1414 as had been wont, till the time of Poplicola, before the chief Magistrates, both Kings and Consuls. Ha∣ving with these & other Ensigns of power terrified the Seditions, he began the Census after the Pattern of Ser. Tullius, according to the Tribes, taking the names and ages of such as were Cessed, and of Children. In a short space, fear of losing freedom of the Citie, and Estates, so prevailed, as 150700 of such as were ripe of age gave their names, which he distributed into four parts, whereof taking one to himself, he gave the rest to his Master of hors-men, and two others, one being to continue in the Citie for the defence thereof. This done, he sent some who underhand dealt with the several La∣tine Cities, and procured them to suspend the War, and make a Truce for a year, notwithstanding all that Mamilius and Sextus Tarquinius could do to the contrary. Then returned he home with the Army, and ere his 6 moneths were out, the Consuls being appointed, laid down, no Citizen being killed, banished, or otherwise chastized by any grievous punishment; which carriage was imitated by his Successors, untill the third age from that wherein we live, saith Dionysius. But in the time of our fathers, 400 years from the Dictatorship of Largius, L. Cornelius Sylla first of all others behaved himself cruelly in this Office, so that the Romans conceived then what before they had cause to be ignorant of, that the Dictatorship was a Tyrannis.

32. When the Truce betwixt the Latines and Romans was ended, both parties prepared for the War: The former were against their wills, 'tis said,* 1.1415 drawn in by the interest of Mamilius; but the later with all cheerfulnesse imbraced the opportunity. The Romans thought fit a Dictator should be Created, and accordingly Virginius the Senior Consul named A. Posthu∣mius his Collegue, who chose for Master of hors-men T. Ebutius Helva, and hasting his Levies, divided his Forces into four parts, whereof one he kept to himself, assigned the second to Virginius, the third to Ebutius, and the fourth to Sempronius,* 1.1416 who therewith was to defend the Citie. News being come that the Latines had taken the Field, the Dictator with speed marched to the Lake Regillus (at this day called Il Lago di Santa Severa) in the Countrey of Tusculum, where he fortified his Camp against the Ene∣my, who as yet had not united his forces, & expected assistance from the Volsci. The Roman Army divided into three parts incompassed the Latines, who in∣deavoured to beat off Ebutius from an Hill he had seized on betwixt them and home; but he kept his ground in despight of them, and fortified himself. The Latines hereupon being hindred from all Provisions, resolved to fight: the Dictator at first was minded to end the War without bloud, by famishing his Enemies, but understanding that the Volsci were expected within three dayes, changed his resolution. The right Wing of the Latines was led by Mamilius, the left by Sextus Tarquinius, and the middle battel by Titus Tarquinius his other son. On the other side against Mamilius stood Virgi∣nius, Ebutius was opposite in the right Wing to Sextus Tarquinius, and the Dictator led the middle battel against Titus, and the Roman Exiles. The Romans brought into the field 24000 foot & 1000 horse, but the Latines 40000 foot and 3000 horse. When they joyned, both parties missed of their expecta∣tion; for the one trusting to their numbers, and the other to their valour, thought to bear all down before them. The Dictator gave the first oppor∣tunity of victory by over-powering Titus, after which, though Mamilius and Sextus omitted nothing requisite to valiant and able Captains, yet both losing their lives, their followers were discouraged and overthrown; scarce 10000 escaping home of the whole number. Of the Romans fell M. Va∣lerius, whose dead body his two Nephews by his brother Poplicola, Publius and Marcus, endeavouring to get off, were also slain in the attempt.

33. After the fight, the Volsci, whom the Latines had expected, arrvied at the Camp, which seeing full of dead bodies, and learning the issue of the battel, some of them were for falling on the Romans now weary; but an∣other

party prevailed to send Messengers to the Dictator, to tell him they came to his assistance, thereby to ingratiate themselves with the Conque∣rours. But the Dictator convinced them of falshood by their Letters which he had intercepted, and giving leave to the Messengers to return, whom the multitude would have pulled in pieces, resolved on the morrow to fall on them; but in the night they deserted their Camp and fled. From the place of this action the Dictator obtained the sirname of Rhegillensis.

The Latines sent to deprecate the anger of the Roman State, laying all the blame upon their Nobility. The Ambassadors managed their work with such earnestnesse and humility (casting themselves at the Feet of the Senate, and making great l••mentations) that the motion of Largius prevailed in their behalf for the former League to be renewed. This was the end of the War which in behalf of the Tarquinii had been carried on for fourteen years: Tarquinius himself being onely left behind of all his stock, now almost ninety years old, for that the Latines, Hetruscans, and Sabines, refused to harbour him, as also all other neighbouring Cities which were free, went into Campania to Aristodemus the Prince of Cumae, with whom he shortly after died. Of the man we may judge charitably, because his story was onely related to po∣sterity by his bitter Enemies. However, his banishment our religion must censure as rebellion. And such were the stirs, seditions and tumults after∣wards, and so many changes and rechanges, as if the Reader seriously consider them, he will see that the Romans suffered much for want of Monarchy, and the contrary Government did not contribute to their happinesse. That this may appear, he hath here a fuller view of their changes than in any other mo∣dern Writer.

34. The Romans now freed from this War, fell into a grievous sedition in the Citie,* 1.1417 the Courts of Justice being again opened by the Senate, and the processe against debtors revived. The Plebeians alleged they were not able to pay their debts, by reason of their losses sustained in the late Wars through want of tillage, and plundring of their Cattel by the Enemy. Their Creditors replied, that these losses had also befallen them, which made the remission of the debts impossible; and so neither sort would yield at all, but many tumults were raised, wherein the parties did not abstain from blows. Posthumius the Dictator perceiving some expedition to be necessary for the quiet of the Citie, created Consuls for the following year, and laid down his Office. The Consuls were Appius Claudius the Sabine, and P. Servi∣lius Priscus, who being of the Dictators mind as to the War, resolved to go out against the Volsci, who had assisted the Latines against the State, and now were making new preparations for War; when they came to make Levies none of the Plebeians would give their names, complaining that they having already undergone the heat, and danger of the War, both for liberty and do∣minion, they were by their fellow Citizens at home kept in bondage (it be∣ing the custom then for Creditors to make use of them as Slaves bound in fet∣ters) and many times cruelly beaten, till they could pay their debts. They cried out, that the security of the common sort was more provided for in War, and amongst their Enemies, than in peace, and with their friends. The dis∣agreement of the Consuls amongst themselves added to the present distem∣per; Servilius being willing to comply something with the desire of the poor, but Appius inveighing against them with great bitternesse, and earnestly urging force and rigour to be the most suitable means for appeasing these tu∣mults.* 1.1418 The Senate was forced to betake it self to the popularitie of Ser∣vius, who with fair words drew the people out against the Sabines, and when he had by this good service deserved a Triumph▪ the honour was denied him through the suggestions of his Collegue to the Fathers, for that by bearing with the multitude he impaired the Dignity of their Order.

35. After the finishing of the War the common sort thought again of their own concernments, and expecting performance of what Servilius had promised, Appius exacted the payment of debts as rigorously as ever: This

doubled the people's rage, and made them carry on all things by force, so that they rescued their Companions out of the hands of Sargeants, and hold∣ing secret councils by night,* 1.1419 denied to the succeeding Consuls to take Arms, till they could have a relaxation of their burthens. This putting the Senate to a stand, Appius still urged that nothing was to be granted to the rabble, and procured a Dictator to be created. When most looked upon him as fittest for the time, the Consuls judged quite otherwise, and made choice of M. Valerius the brother of Publius, and son of Volesus, a popular man, be∣ing perswaded that the terror of the Office alone would do the work, and that a man of mild temper would best manage it. The Dictator promised the People, in case they would freely follow him, not onely what they justly re∣quired concerning their debts, but other rewards also, and by this means list∣ed ten Legions against the Volsci, Aequi, and Sabines, who were all up in Arms, which being brought under, he divided amongst his Soldiers some grounds taken from the Volsci, but requesting of the Senate, that his and their promise might be made good, was checked for his love to the multitude, and because he was an old man above 70, being unfit as he said to contend, he laid down his Office. The People hereat much inraged, kept private meetings, and consulted how to separate themselves from the Patritians, which when the Senate perceived, they gave order to the Consuls not to dis∣band the Armies, pretending that the Sabines and Aequi had conspired a∣gainst Rome. The Soldiers being bound by the Oath taken at their listing (called by them Sacramentum, and ever strongly observed) could not for∣sake their Standards,* 1.1420 but the Consuls having their Camps near to each other, they all went into one by the advice of one Sicinius Bellulus, and taking away the Ensignes from the Consuls, departed to the Mount called afterwards Mons Sacer, lying three miles from the City beyond the River Aniene, now called Taverone.

36. Notice hereof being brought into the City, filled all places with marvelous tumults. The Patritians were in great fear lest War should be made upon them; the Plebeians grew exceeeding high, and many flocked to the Army, though the other hindred it as much as possible. The Fathers had also great strife amongst themselves, while some pleaded for the multi∣tude, and others would hear of nothing but carrying the matter through by strong hand. But the former sort prevailed to send a message to the Armies, desiring them to return home; promising that for the future all things should be forgot, and the Senate would be ready to reward their faithfulnesse and serviceablenesse to their Country; withall, the Ambassadors had it in charge to know the utmost of their desires. To the message nothing would be returned but disdainful words, and high complaints, something mixed with threatning language, which more grievously afflicted the Fathers, not knowing what way to procure a reconcilement; and now would not such as they had by their authority and interest hitherto retained in the City, be with-holden from going to the Army. The time for creation of new Con∣suls was now at hand. The old ones appointing the Comitia, no Candidates (so called because they appeared in white garments) would stand for the Office, nor any accept of it, till at length the Consuls appointed by their sole authori∣ty Posthumius Cominius, and Sp. Cassius, who had born it before, and were equally in favour with the Nobility and Commons. They having entred on the Calends of September (sooner than usual) in the 72 Olympiad (wherein Te∣sicrates of Crotone was Victor, and Diognetes Archon) first of all consulted the Senate about the return of the Commons. Agrippa Menenius a man of great wisdom and temper, being first asked his opinion, by all means pos∣sible exhorted the Fathers to a composure. He shewed what necessity there was of it in regard of the Roman Dominion, which could not be either pre∣served or increased without the inferiour sort of People, and made it clear, that they could not expect to have any of better temper than the present were, for as much as all, whosoever they were, who by their labour and blood obtained power and Soveraignty for the City, would expect to be sharers in it's advan∣tages.

He pressed the danger they were now in from their Enemies round about, and having used other motives, concluded with his advice, that they would send messengers with full power to treat and conclude what they should find convenient, without any more consulting the Senate.

37. After Menenius spake M. Valerius, and upbraided the Senate for not giving him credit when he foretold these distempers, He advised them to cure the wound while it might be healed, shewed what reason the Com∣mons had to be concerned more of late, because of the Dictatorship, which took from them their former Appeal, as also for that the Senate had denied the honour of triumph to Servilius when they desired it for him, because he was suspected to favour them, and for that neither he, the Consul, nor he him∣self the Dictator, could at all profit them in what had been promised. He inveighed against the avarice and cruelty of creditors, and particularly fell foul upon Appius for his rigour, and raising a Faction, which if others were not wise to prevent, would utterly destroy the Commonwealth. Lastly, he com∣mended the advice of Menenius, and desired it might speedily be execu∣ted, so as whatever the Commons required might be granted. Appius a man of an high spirit, most studious of the Patritian dignity, and also of a sober and venerable cariage, being asked his opinion next, in excuse of him∣self recriminated Valerius. With great animosity he noted the ambition and senselesnesse of the multitude, admiring that any of the Fathers should be so absurd, as having denied remission of debts to them when friends, would grant it to them now Enemies, who would not* 1.1421 rest here, but require also a communication of honours,* 1.1422 and what not? so that at length the power would come into the hands of the rabble, and the Commonwealth degenerate into a Democracy. He lessened, or rather endeavoured to remove, the danger which threatned either from the Armies revolt, or the hostility of old Enemies. He endeavoured to perswade them, that they were able enough to reduce them by force, having their wives and children in the City; and alleging for further confirmation of this, that the multitude were without any persons of good conduct, whereas the Patritian order abounded with experienced commanders, concluded with this advice, neither to send any message to them, nor remit them their debts, nor do any other thing which might shew the least fear or trouble: If they would lay down their Arms and returning into the City, submit to the Senate, then moderately to determine concerning them; seeing that all fools, especially the Vulgar, are insolent against such as con∣descend, but cowardly towards those that resolutely demean themselves.

38. The wise speech of Appius so inflamed those of his party, especially the younger sort, that nothing could be determined for the heat of contention. This put the Consuls upon dismissing the Senate for that time, admonishing the younger sort to carry themselves more respectfully and modestly for the time to come, or else they would neither use them as Advisers nor Judges, but prefer a Law for limiting a certain age for Senators. The graver men they exhorted also to concord, letting them know they had a way to end the controversie, by referring the matter to the decision of the People, which had right to judge of it, as a case about Peace and War. At the next meet∣ing the ancient men were of the same opinion as formerly, but the younger modestly referred themselves to whatsoever they should determin; so that the major part by far, being wearied with the cries and sollicitations of those who had relations in the Army, rather than any reason, notwithstanding Ap∣pius stuck close to his former resolution, resolved to follow the advice of Me∣nenius, who with nine others were commissionated with full power, both by Senate and People, to compose the difference. At first the offers of the Commissioners could not be heard through the instigation of two cunning and turbulent fellows, Sicinius, and L. Junius, who conceited of his abilities, affected the name of Brutus also. Menenius, to give full satisfaction, pro∣mised that such as were unable to pay their debts, should be discharged both from obligation and imprisonment, and for the time to come matters of this nature should be ordered by the joynt consent both of People and Senate.

Then adding the Fable of the several members falling out with the belly, as consuming all which they provided, and thence the ruine and decay of the whole body, he so improved it to the present occasion, likening the Senate to the belly (which digesteth and distributeth sustenance to all the rest, though they provide it) that the whole multitude convinced of the necessitie of Union, cried out, He should lead them home without delay.

39. Little wanted of their departure without any other security than the bare word of the Commissioners. But Junius Brutus a Plebeian formerly mentioned with-held them, saying, that they were gratefully to acknowledge the kind offers of the Senate; but whereas some men of tyrannical spirits might reserve their anger to a convenient opportunity, the Commons wanted such good security for the time to come, as might defend them from the un∣reasonable malice of great ones, and he moved, that they might have certain Officers created yearly out of their own bodie, whose power should onely be to give relief to such Plebeians as were injured, and suffer none to be defrau∣ded of their right: and therefore not to resist the Consuls, as some thought. This being received by the multitude with great approbation, was insisted on to Menenius, and his fellows, who thought not good to admit of a matter of such large consequence, without leave from the Senate, and demanded time to know the pleasure thereof. The Consuls reporting the matter, Valerius thought this favour was to be granted to the Commons, and, though Appius opposed it earnestly, crying out, calling their gods to witnesse, and truly foretelling what calamities they would bring upon the Commonwealth, yet the major part inclining to Peace, it was caried for them, and the Commis∣sioners were sent back with the resolution of the house. The Commons by the advice of Menenius,* 1.1423 first sent to take from the Senate a religious confirmation of this privilege, and afterwards in the Assembly of the Curiae elected L. Junius Brutus, and C. Sicinius Bellutus,* 1.1424 to whom they afterwards joyned C. and P. Licinius, and Sp. Icilius Rugu. These five first entred this new Office on the fourth of the Ides of December, accor∣ding to the History and computation of Dionysius, sixteen years after the expulsion of Tarquin.

40. These Officers were called Tribuni Plebis, there having been from the beginning other Tribunes in the City named Tribuni Celerum, so called from the Peoples being divided into three parts at that time, from which so many were sent into the Army, as(a) 1.1425 Varro and(b) 1.1426 Pomponius derive the word; or because they were elected by the Tribes, or oversaw them, as others. Varro seemeth to hold that the Tribuni Plebis were called Tribu∣nos, because they were first made of the Tribunes or Colonels of the Sol∣diers. Livie nameth C. Licinius, and L. Albinus, for the first two, to whom were shortly after added three more, viz. Sicinius, the Author of the departure, and two others, concerning which, saith he, Authors differ. In the 297 year of the City five more were added, and this number of ten so continued.* 1.1427 As these Officers were elected by the Commons, so ever out of their body, except where we read in Livie (in his third Book) of two Pa∣tritians; Nay most commonly of the lower sort, till a Law ordained that they should be created out of the Senate; that is, out of such Plebeians as were admitted into the Senate. What time this Law was preferred, cannot certainly be discovered.(c) 1.1428 Appian saith, it is not certain whether Sylla did it. It should appear from(d) 1.1429 Gellius, that there passed a Plebiscitum or Decree of the People, for this purpose, called Plebiscitum Atinium; but what Atinius this should be is also obscure, there being one P. Atinius Tri∣bune of the Commons when Julius Caesar and Bibulus were Consuls. As concerning their power,(e) 1.1430 Cicero saith, they were opposed against the Con∣suls: but this is not true, the occasion of their making not rising from the Consuls. At the beginning their power was onely to relieve the op∣pressed,* 1.1431 as a shield to keep off evil, and not as a weapon to inflict it. They nulled the unjust (as they accounted them) Decrees, and Commands of the Senate and Magistrates; and to shew their readinesse to protect the

meanest,(f) 1.1432 their doors stood open night, and day to their complaints.(g) 1.1433 Gellius telleth us, that they could not be absent from the Citie one day; not an hour saith(h) 1.1434 Dion; and(i) 1.1435 Appian going further, confineth them within the Walls. They interposed by this one word Veto solemnly pro∣nounced. They procured themselves afterward to be accounted Sacro∣sancti,* 1.1436 so as by a Law confirmed with an Oath, none might compel a Tri∣bune to do any thing, as one of the vulgar, neither strike, nor command him to be beaten; neither kill, nor command him to be killed. If any did contra∣ry, he was to be held as Sacer, and his goods being Confiscated unto Ceres, it should be lawfull for any to kill him. And lest afterwards the people should abrogate this Law, they made all the Citizens take the most solemn Oath that could be devised, both for themselves and posterity, to preserve it for ever inviolable, as(k) 1.1437 Dionysius writeth, who hath also exemplified the Law it self. To this(l) 1.1438 Cicero addeth, that they were not onely by sacred Laws fortified against Force and Arms, but against words also, and interrup∣tion of speech.

41. But as their power of Interposing was most powerfull against Consuls and Senate,* 1.1439 so also against themselves; the dissent of one man being sufficient to hinder whatever all his Collegues designed. This appeareth to have been the onely constant effectual means for moderation of that power which af∣terwards they assumed, when the Patritians could prevail with one of the Col∣lege to interpose. By that awe which their Sacrosanct Magistracy struck into all men, improved through their prompt boldnesse (very common in men of meanest condition) they took advantage to inlarge their bounds.* 1.1440 Va∣lerius Maximus writeth, that at first it was not lawfull for them to enter into the Senate, but they had seats placed before the door, where examining the Decrees of the Fathers, such of them as they suffered to passe they signed with the letter T. But nothing in Dionysius is more common than their speak∣ing in the Senate, and their contentions with the Members thereof in that very place at the very time, and that in the infancy of their Office. However, these fellows at first presumed not to Tyrannise and disturb all, as afterwards they did, they presumed not at first to assemble the Senate, which afterward they did in the 277 year of the Citie, & in processe of time to dismisse it also, when called by another. Within a small time they assembled the people, preferred Laws,* 1.1441 executed their sawcy Decrees against the Magistrates them∣selves, commanding the Consuls to be carried to prison, (especially after the enacting of the Hortensian Law, whereby the Plebiscita obliged the whole Roman people) for that they were the chief Officers of the Com∣mons.

42. Great were the Seditions and Tumults, which turbulent spirits bac∣ked with such liberty, stirred up; so as notwithstanding their first end was to preserve right, Lucan rightly termeth them Turbantes jura. Sylla was the first that bridled their extravagancy, by depriving them of liberty to pre∣fer Laws, to make Orations, and obtain any Office of Magistracy; but after his death Aurelius Cotta by a new Law restored the later privilege to them, and all the rest they recovered when Pompey and M. Crassus were Consuls. Their power thus recovered they kept till the Emperours swallowed it up themselves, and left them little more than a name, which continued till the time of Constantine. As for the Ensigns of their Office, they wore not the Praetexta, had no Lictors or Sargeants, neither used they a Curule Chair; onely a sort of Beadle, called Viator, went before them. For want of these Ceremonies, as because they entred not at the beginning of the year, and laid not down their Office upon the Creation of a Dictator, which others did, Plutarch writeth that some held them to be no Magistrates, but rather a curb and restraint to such.* 1.1442 Lastly, besides these Tribunes, and the Tribuni Cele∣rum formerly mentioned, there were afterwards many other sorts, as Tribuni Militum, and Tribuni Aerarii, during the Commonwealth: under the Emperours are found Tribunus Voluptatum, Tribunus Matrimoniorum, Tribunus Chartariorum, Tribunus Provinciarum, Tribunus Fori, and Tri∣bunus

Scholarum, concerning which Cassiodorus in his Epistles, and Lis∣sius in his Commentary of the Magistrates of old Rome are to be con∣sulted.

43. The Commons having got from the Senate a confirmation of the Of∣fice of Tribunes, obtained further, that they might yearly chuse out of their own body two, to be as Ministers to these Officers; to Judge certain causes re∣ferred to them from the Tribunes, take care of publick buildings and pro∣visions. These were first called the Ministers and Assistants of the Tri∣bunes;* 1.1443 but afterward saith Dionysius from one of their Duties had the name of Aediles. Many things of great consequence were committed to their trust, being very much like to the Agoranomi amongst the Greeks. Festus ac∣knowledging that in the beginning Aediles was a Magistrate who took care both of publick and private buildings, yet saith he was so called, quòd facilis ad eum plebis aditus esset. Truer is the derivation which Varro giveth, a∣greeable to that of Dionysius; that they were named Aediles, from Aedes the buildings, of which they took care, or those particularly, wherein the Ple∣biscita were kept, of which they had the over-sight. This later Etymology is rendred by Pomponius, who in his second book of the Original of Law, de∣scribing the several Offices of Magistracy, maketh the end of the constitution of the Aediles to have been, that they might take care of that house where the Decrees of the people were laid up. Whence soever the word was de∣rived it came out of Latium, being a name of certain Magistrates in the Latine Towns, as was also Dictator and Duumvir, as some observe out of Spartianus. To these Aediles Plebis, who were instituted in the 271 year of the Citie, at the same time with the Tribunes, were added two more out of the Patritian order 117 years after, called for distinction Aediles Cu∣rules, because they used the Curule Chair, whereas the other onely sate on Benches, as the Tribunes and Quaestors. The occasion of creating those shall be shewn in its place, the end was onely then for celebrating of Games.

44. This number continued till the time of C. Julius Caesar, who in the 710 year of the Citie added two more, whom he would have created also, out of the Patritians. They were called(a) 1.1444 Cereales from Ceres, being ap∣pointed to take care of, and make provision for Corn. This number of six thus distinguished, continued till the time of Constantine, as is probably con∣jectured, and were as most other Offices of Magistracy taken away by him. The Aediles,* 1.1445 saith(b) 1.1446 Cicero, are the Curators of the Citie, of provisions, and of solemn Games. Of the Citie, because they looked to publick works and Tem∣ples; made provision against fires (which Augustus seemeth to have charged upon them saith Lipsius) had inspection over Funerals, and such like Rites of smaller moment; over Marriages and Adulteries, Baths, Aqueducts, Sinks, and Streets, both for repairing and cleansing of them. Of Provisions, for that they had the over-sight of all things to be sold, men, and other crea∣tures, determining, judging, and censuring by their words and edicts. Of so∣lemn Games, and onely solemn (not votive and private ones) as the Ludi Florales, Circenses, Megalenses, Romani, &c. Sometimes at their own charge they made these shews, and ever examined the Fables written before they were acted. And (whether from this inspection of Play-books it came or no is uncertain) they seem to have been Licensers and Judges of other wri∣tings, being ordered by a Decree of the Senate, as(c) 1.1447 Tacitus telleth us, to burn the Papers of Cremutius Cordus. It is further(d) 1.1448 observed, that the Generals when they returned home after some victory, delivered up the Corn and Provisions which had been made prize, to them, as the Captives to the Praetor, and the money to the Quaestor. All such Victuallers as offended against the Laws, as also Monopolizers and others that transgressed in this kind, they accused to the people, and with the Fines celebrated Games, made Presents to their gods, or some publick works. Lastly, 'tis observed, that they took care that none but Roman gods, and those after the Roman manner onely, should be vvorshipped.

* 1.144945. But, to return to the story, the rabble having obtained these Officers, willingly gave their names to the Expedition against the Volsci, under con∣duct of Posthumius Cominius the Consul.* 1.1450 He took Longula and Polustia with no great difficulty, and presently laid siege to Corioli a strongly fortified Town, and the head of the Nation. The Antiates coming to the relief of this place, he left part of the Army to continue the siege under the Com∣mand of Titus Largius, and with the other went to give them battel. Lar∣gius attempting to storm the Town, the Inhabitants sallied out, and charged the Romans so furiously, that they forced them back into their Camp: all but a few whom C. Marcius,* 1.1451 a Patritian of great Nobility, and greater Valour, kept about him. This Marcius with so small a Company received the vio∣lence of the Enemy, and doing great execution, forced him at length into the Town, and following himself rushed in with him, whereat the besieged were so afrighted, that not considering their own numbers, they fled to the contrary part of the Citie, and suffered him to let in the rest of the Army. When the Soldiers now fell to plunder, he suffered them nor, but hasted to the battel to help the Consul, and with the good news of his successe to chear the Army.

46. He desired of Cominius that he might be suffered with his men to fight against the middle battel, wherein the chief strength of the Enemies lay, which obtaining, he shewed there more valour than formerly, and was the greatest cause of the victory. The day following the Consul gave him extra∣ordinary commendations, and a good share of booty before it came to be divided amongst the Soldiers; but he would accept of nothing except an horse,* 1.1452 which gained him greater honour from the whole Army,* 1.1453 and moved Posthumius to bestow the sirname of Coriolanus upon him for his incompa∣rable valour shewn at that place. The Volsci were by this overthrow forced to submission, and made their peace. This year was the League of Amity and Confederacy renewed with the Latines with all chearfulnesse, because they had been faithfull in the late Sedition and War, and had sent to congra∣tulate for the peace made betwixt Nobility and Commons. The Senate for this Civil Union decreed supplications or thanks to their gods, a third feria, or Holy day, to be added to the other two Latine Feriae, whereof Tar∣quinius had dedicated one, when he Conquered Hetruria, and the People the other after the banishment of Tarquinius. In this Consulship died also Agrippa Menenius, whom the People out of gratitude resolved to bury at the publick charge, every man contributing something, because he died poor, and when the Senate would needs defray the charge out of the Treasury, they be∣stowed the money upon his Children. Now also the Census being celebrated above 110000 heads were Cessed.

47. The year following wherein T. Geganius Macerinus, and P. Minu∣cius were Consuls, a great dearth fell upon the Citie, the effect of the late Sedition.* 1.1454 For, the Commons having departed a little after the Autumnal Aequinoctial, about the time of sowing,* 1.1455 the Countrey was forsaken of hus∣band-men; the richer sort betaking themselves to the Patritians, and the poorer to the Army, and the division continued till a little before Mid-winter. All the middle space of time there was no tillage, though it was most pro∣per for sowing, and for some time after the agreement, it could scarce be renewed, for that Slaves had run away, and there was great scarcity of Cattels by these means for the year following they were little beforehand in Corn, either for seed or provisions. This put the Senate upon sending into several parts of Italy, and also into Sicily, to buy Corn. But notwithstanding their care, the multitude being exceedingly pinched with Famine, raised tumults, getting together by companies,* 1.1456 and laying all the fault upon the Fathers, as if by their wilfull neglect they had in this way revenged themselves. The Vol∣sci being acquainted with this new Sedition, and the weak Estate of Rome, conspired how to improve the advantage; but were diverted by a grievous plague, which so raged, as Velitrae a Noble Citie of that Countrey was almost utterly exhausted, the small remnant of the Inhabitants whereof gave up

themselves to the Romans, desiring they would send a Colony thither.

48. Of this advantage the Senate was very glad, to lessen the multitude of the City; and the poor were content to inhabit so fertil a place; but when they considered the danger of infection, they were again discouraged, and wrested this to so bad a sence, as to make it a design to destroy them. But the Senate laying a great penalty upon such as refused to go, many obeyed and went thither, as also to Norba a Latin Town. This inraged more such as staid behind, being still pinched by the famine, so that raising great mul∣titudes, they called the Tribunes into the Comitium. Great strife hapned betwixt the Consuls and them; The Tribunes affirming they had promised not to interrupt them in their discourses to the People, to which the other an∣swered, that it was onely when they called the People together, not when the Consuls themselves did it, as now they had done, to promise them all fair accommodation from the Senate.* 1.1457 Hereupon Brutus, who being so great a stickler before, was chosen one of the first Tribunes, devised a Law, which under such a penalty as the Tribunes should impose, forbad any one to con∣tradict or interrupt them, when they spoke to the People. Such as could or would not give security for the payment of the fine, were to be put to death, and their goods be sacred to Ceres. If any controversie arose about the fine, it was to be determined by the judgment of the People.

49. This Law being enacted by the Suffrages of the Tribes, caused grea∣ter disturbance; the Senate refusing to ratifie the resolves of the People, and the People the Decrees of the Senate; yet proceeded it not to any greater inconveniency than words, and some blows without weapons. For the poor broke not into the store-houses of the rich, but were content to purchase victuals at an excessive rate; and when money failed were contented with roots and herbs: neither did the rich deal harshly with the poor, but carried it towards them as indulgent fathers, so that we must say, it was the infirmity of the Government, and not any bad disposition of the People which cau∣sed the Seditions. The Consuls, to divert their minds, and ease the charge, offered to lead them out into the Enemies Country, but few or none would give their names; so that Marcius Coriolanus with some Patritians, and a few of their Clients made incursions, and returned home loaden with booty; the knowledge whereof made the poorer sort murmur against their Tribunes, who had disswaded them from the Expedition. The following Consuls M. Minucius Augurinus, and A. Sempronius Atratinus, famous for their abilities both in War and Peace, bent themselves, by making provision for Corn, to allay the present distempers; though not with wished sucesse. They procured much to be imported, and this Summer returned those that were sent into Sicilie,* 1.1458 with a great quantity of Wheat, whereof half they bought at a very cheap rate, and half was bestowed on them by Gelon, the Son of Dinomenes. Now the Patritians considering how to dispose of the Corn; some were for selling it to the poor at easie rates, thereby to win upon the multitude, but others urged they were to be harshly used and afflicted, and the Corn to be sold to them on dear rates; that by necessity they might be brought to sobriety, and become subject to the Laws.

50. Amongst these was Coriolanus the chief, being offended with the Commons,* 1.1459 as was given out, for a repulse at the last election of Consuls. He had been ever an extraordinary assertor of the power of the Nobility, which made the People afraid to chuse him; but now incensed he much more shew∣ed his inclination, openly declaiming against the innovation of the multi∣tude, and exhorting others to resist the petulant endeavours of the Tribunes and rabble. The Consuls calling together the Senate, he inlarged himself in a set speech to this purpose, and pressed that by force they should take away the Tribuneship, as the onely means for the recovery of the State; concluding with his opinion, that no favour at all should be shewed to the multitude in the sale of Corn. Some were offended with this freedom, per∣ceiving what inconvenience it would bring; but others approving of it, the Tri∣bunes who were present (say both Dionysius and Plutarch) ran forth, and

crying out, called the People together, and declared to them the effect of Marcius his speech. The multitude inraged, would have violated the Senate instantly, but that the Tribunes stayed them, laying the whole blame upon Marcius. They sent some Beadels for him to come and answer it before the People, but they returning with nothing but ill words, they went them∣selves,* 1.1460 and commanded the Aediles to apprehend him. These were Bru∣tus and Icilius the first Tribunes, who going to do what was injoyned, were repulsed and beaten by the young Patritians he had got about him. This put all into a flame, the whole City being gathered together and ready to destroy it self; but by the wisdom of the Consuls the matter was put off ill the fol∣lowing day. Then the Consuls laboured to heal the breach, confirming as from the Fathers, what was formerly granted to the Commons, and pallia∣ting as much as might be the supposed offence of Marcius. The Tribunes answering, inveighed against the Senate, as desirous to break their faith, and laying open the fault of Marcius, concluded the action with a Decree of their College, That he should be forthwith cast down headlong from the Tar∣peian Rock. For, having given him liberty to speak, he was so far from re∣canting his former speeches, that he flew out into the same invectives, as they were termed.

51. The Aediles laying hands on him, the Patritians again rescued him, the sober part even of them taking it ill he should be condemned to death without due processe, and the more understanding sort of the Commons not approving of the attempt; so as a great tumult being raised, the Tribunes nul∣led their former Decree, and set him a day wherein to answer, and stand or fall by the judgement of the People. In the mean time the Senate, by selling the Corn at moderate rates, and by intreaties, sought either to procure the tryal to be utterly laid aside, or at least to defer it till the wrath of the multitude should be appeased, which was also to be imployed in a War against Antium. When the former could not be done, and the War was blown over, the Consuls being very unwilling to let the People take so much upon themselves, as without Decree of the Senate first had (according to the an∣tient custom) to passe their judgement in any case, procured the Tribunes first to sue out such a Decree, on this condition, that they might be heard speak their minds, and each Senator before he gave his judgment, swear so∣lemnly, as was usual injudicaturie processe, to deliver what he thought most behoveful for the Publick. The Tribunes then argued much in behalf of the Commons, who they said had undergone the heat of all Wars, both in the time of Kings, in the expulsion of them, and since in the inlarging the Roman Dominion; in consideration whereof, they could not in conscience have lesser privileges than of late they had obtained. They aggravated by several circumstances the crime of Marcius, who in so high a manner had gone about to infringe them, and therefore as well for maintenance of right, as the safety of the City, they desired he might be left to the justice of the People. Appius Claudus stifly impugned the Decree, arguing that the Se∣nate would be enervated, and the Commonwealth betrayed, if they granted to the People power of judging Patritians.

52. M. Valerius, and other popular men made a better construction of the People's desire, thinking they would use this power moderately, and in opposition to Appius his politick reasons, strangely conceived it would make for the security of the Commonwealth, and particular members thereof, if the Commons were admitted to some share in the Government; that so it might neither wholly lye in the Patritians nor Plebeians, but be tempered and poised betwixt both. He urged, that they had allaied the Kingly power, by giving it to two annual Magistrates, and that therefore there was no fear of it's degenerating into Tyranny, being also awed by the oversight of 300 most prudent and worthy persons, of which the Senate consisted. But for the Senate itself, there was no curb; so that it might afterwards (though of the present members he had no cause to judge so) draw all things into ex∣tremity, and indeed ruine the State, except the People might be admitted

to have an hand in the judgment of such faults as concerned the Common∣wealth, as when any was accused of moving Sedition, affecting Tyranny, Treason, or the like crimes; because the more solemn and severe the tryal was, ambitious men would be the more terrified from such attempts. The generality inclining to give up the man, Marcius demanded of the Tribunes whereof they would accuse him. They consulting with themselves apart, knew not well how to form an impeachment out of his former words, which might passe with the Senate, and therefore answered, they would lay the affectation of Tyranny to his charge. Hereat he very chearfully put himself upon tryal, not refusing the severest punishment, if it could be proved; and a Decree of the Senate passed accordingly, time being given him till the the third Market day, to prepare for it. For a Market was kept once in nine dayes, at which time the People that lived in the Country, came either to traffick, receive justice, or give their Suffrages in such matters as either primarily concernd them, or were referred from the Senate. When the day came, a greater multitude of Country-men than ever formerly was seen, early in the morning placed it self in the Forum, and the Tribunes called the People to the Comitia Tributa, or Assemblies of the Tribes, severing each Tribe from another by cords. Now it having been the custom for the Peo∣ple to give their suffrages by Centuries in the Campus Martius in arms, and under their Centurions, the Patritians called hard for them, and protested against this innovation; but by the other way of Centuries brought in by Ser∣vius, the ordinary sort of People being excluded, (for that most commonly the two first Classes caried it from the other four) the Tribunes would in no case suffer it, and the crime of Coriolanus seeming to concern all alike, at length they obtained the consent of the Patritians to this innovation.

53. Minucius the Consul beginning the action, declared the worth of the person now to be judged, and exhorting the People to mildnesse, signified that the Senate became petitioners in his behalf.* 1.1461 Sicinius one of the Tri∣bunes said, he would neither betray the liberty of the People, nor suffer ano∣ther to do it; therefore if the Patritians would, as they pretended, subject him to their judgment, he would give forth the balls without any more to do, to which the Consul replyed, they did so, but on this condition, that he should answer to the charge of affected Tyranny, and therewith protesting, went down. Sicinius then ripping up all that ever Coriolanus did, that might any way make for his purpose, laboured to put a bad construction upon it. But when the party came to speak, he so related what particular services he had done the State, and shewed the skars received all over his body; with∣all, those that he had saved in the Wars, made such lamentation in his be∣half, that the People generally cried out he was to be discharged. Then De∣cius another of the Tribunes stepping up, said, that seeing the Senate, as the Consul alleged, had absolved Marcius from those words he had spoken in their house, and suffeted him not to be accused for them, he would wave his words, and come to actions, by which he would make good the charge. Their was a certain Law, that all booty and plunder got in War, should be appropriated to publick use, so as no General was to meddle with it, but give it up into the hands of the Quaestor. Now, whereas no man ever brake this Law, or so much as spake against it, this Marcius, saith he, hath dared to contemn it; for when in the late incursion into the Territories of Antium, we had got great plenty of Slaves, Cattel, and Provisions, he neither delivered these things up to the Quaestor, nor payed any money unto the Treasury, but divided all the booty amongst his friends, which could not but be taken as an argument that he intended to inslave his Country; it be∣ing the custom of Tyrants, this way to procure themselves instruments for their purpose. Though he had done this not with any sinister intention, but for the service of his Country, at such time as all were full of Seditions at home, and the Enemy from abroad wasted the Roman Territories; yet the multitude interpreted it in the same sence as Decius, and the whole matter was quite changed; he being abashed at so unexpected a charge, and the

Consuls and Patritians utterly to seek what to answer.* 1.1462 The Tribunes then named perpetual banishment, and gathered the suffrages of the Tribes, which being 21 in number, 9 onely absolved him, and so he stood condemned by the major part.

54. This was the first sentence passed by the people upon any Patritian, and henceforth the Tribunes were wont to set the day to whomsoever they pleased; whereby the power of the Commons was inlarged exceedingly, and the interest of the Patritians was more and more diminished; Plebeians at length being admitted into the Senate, Offices, and Priesthoods, which in former times were onely communicated to the other: the Senate partly against their wills and by constraint, partly by a wise foresight giving way to it, as will be seen in due place. Marcius being accompanied home with the lamentations and tears of many, saluted his Mother, Wise, and Children, as they made pitifull complaints, and without any appearance of trouble, bidding them bear their condition cheerfully, strait way departed out of the Citie, attended onely by a few Clients, and without any thing to bear his charges. He went to Antium,* 1.1463 and there in the habit and posture of an obnoxious suppliant betook himself to Tullus Attius, a man of royal condi∣tion amongst the Volsci, both for Nobility, Riches, and Valour, whom he knew to be his greatest Enemy in that Nation, because in battel they had often challenged each other, and out of Aemulation added a private to the publick hatred. But knowing him to be of a magnanimous mind, and most willing to catch hold of any advantage against the Romans, he cast himself at his feet, bidding him either avenge his Countrey of him, or else him against Rome, which by her unnatural carriage toward him had forfeited all duty and service that she might have expected at his hands. Tullus imbracing him with singular kindnesse, resolved to make use of his great abilities. Marcius advised that some fair pretext might first be sought for War,* 1.1464 and for that purpose sending many of the Volsci to behold the solemn Games at Rome, caused one to go to the Consuls, and accuse them of having some design against the Citie, that so they forcing them out on a sudden, might be said to have broken the peace. This accordingly succeeding (for the Consuls commanded all by Proclamation to be gone before Sun-set) Tullus so ag∣gravated the matter to his Countrey-men, that he procured them to send to Rome to demand back all the Towns and Territories which by War had been taken from them.

55. The Senate taking the message in great scorn, answered, that if the Volsci first took up Arms, the Romans would last lay them down. Tullus then perswading the Vosci to the War, procured Marcius to be joyned with him as General, with full power, who presently invading the Roman Domi∣nions, wasted all such grounds where ere he came as belonged to the Plebei∣ans, not suffering any thing to be touched which belonged to any of the No∣bility.* 1.1465 His design was accomplished; for this raised great envy and malice against the Patritians, who upbraiding the people that they had banished un∣justly so considerable a man, were accused with greater indignation, that to be revenged for former injuries they had procured Marcius to invade the Coun∣trey, seeing they were idle spectators, when others were undone, and kept their goods, being out of all danger of the War. Coriolanus leading home his men richly laden with booty, was sent out shortly after with one half of the Forces, and taking by surrender the Town of the Circeians, a Roman Colony, thence invaded the Latines, who being Confederate with Rome sent thither for relief; but the common people were averse to the War, and the Consuls being almost out of their Office were unwilling to begin any thing; so that the Messengers were dismissed without any satisfactory answer. Marcius then by storm took Tolerium, Lavici, Pes, and Bola, which he plundred, and made the Inhabitants Slaves. Such as yielded he mildly treated, but having stormed Bola, which lay within thirteen miles of Rome, he put al∣most all to the sword that were of age. The Volsci now so admired him, that such as were left to defend the Towns would not stay, but all flocked to him,

owning him onely for their General. At Rome there was nothing but con∣fusion, all being in despair, and seeking no relief any other way than by ven∣ting their spleen one against another: but when news cam•• that Lavinium was besieged, it made a marvelous, yet absurd change in their minds. The people now cried out that Coriolanus was to be restored by a repeal of the Decree for banishment; but the Senate utterly refused to assent to it, and plainly forbad it in full house; either for that they desired to oppose the peo∣ple in all things, or would not have his restitution ascribed to the Commons; or else were incensed against Marcius, who was become Enemy to all, though but injured by some, and had declared against his own Countrey, wherein he knew the greater and better sort to sympathize with him, and account his no other than a common grievance.

* 1.146656. The resolve of the Senate being published, the people could do no∣thing as to his restitution, the custom requiring that the Fathers should pro∣pound. Marcius hereupon rose from before Lavinium, and marching to∣wards Rome it self, pitch'd his Camp at the Ditches of Cloelia, five miles from the Citie. This forced Senate and people into agreement, all in common being seized with honour and amazement, so that it was agreed a message should be sent to him, offering him his restitution. The Messengers were Patritians, and such as for their love to him he had most cause to favour; but though with all advantage possible they made their addresse, yet he received them with wonderfull severity in a Council of Officers, and gave them this answer, that if they would expect peace, they should restore to the Volsci all Towns and Territories taken away in War: and make them free of the Citie as the Latines were: and he would give them 30 dayes time to consider of it. Hereat the Captains of the Volsci, especially Tullus, took occasion to malign him, though he employed this time of Truce very profita∣bly, subduing seven great and strong Towns. When the time was out, and he returned, another Message came to him, desiring that refraining himself he would draw off the Volsci, and then consult in common; for they would do nothing by constraint or fear: but if he thought the Volsci were to be grati∣fied, they would yield to him if they would lay down their Arms. He re∣plied, he carried himself not as General of the Volsci, but as a Roman Ci∣tizen, and desired, that, having a respect to justice and moderation, they would return within 3 dayes with a grant of what he had formerly demanded; else he must proceed in his enterprize. Hereupon the Senate, in so great a Tem∣pest which threatned all, betook them to their sacred Anchor as they accounted it, and ordered all the Pontifies, Priests, Governours of their superstitious houses and Augurs, in their several habits, should go & beseech him to compose the matter: But neither was Marcius moved with this Pompous train; but re∣quired they should either accept of the terms, or expect hostility to the utmost.

57. The Priests being returned, the Citizens were warned to be ready at the Walls, thence to repel the Enemy if he came, for that no other hope remained, than what time, and vicissitude of fortune might afford. The whole Citie being full of tumults, trembling, and amazement, the women flocked to the Temples, but the most, and especially the chiefest, made their supplications at the Altar of Jupiter in the Capitol. Amongst these was Va∣leria the sister of Poplicola, into whose mind came this device, that they should go to Veturia (say Dionysius and Livy) or Volumnia (saith Plutarch) the mother of Coriolanus, and procure her, with Volumnia (say they) or Vir∣gilia (saith he) her daughter-in-law, to go, and intercede for their Countrey. Veturia earnestly pressed to undertake so pious a work, answered, they had lit∣tle hopes to obtain their sute, for that her son had never sent to see them since his departure, being falln out with his own family as well as his Countrey; yet she was ready to improve that interest she had in him, and set sorth to∣wards him with her daughter-in-law, and two Nephews. Coriolanus seeing the women come, resolved fully to give them a denial; but when he perceived his mother amongst them, he descended from his Tribunal, and went to meet her. Having courteously received her with his Wife and Children, he gave

ear to her request, which she made with all the Oratory that she could com∣passe out of the impending ruin of his own Countrey, and the infamy which would necessarily follow a fruitlesse attempt. When herewith she could not prevail, she put him in mind how much nature, together with a carefull education of him in her widdowhood, had ingaged him to obedience, and in conclusion cast her self down at his feet which she imbraced and kissed.* 1.1467 He presently lifted her up,* 1.1468 and cried our, Mother, thou hast got the victory, ad∣vantageous to my Countrey, but destructive to my self, and accordingly drew off the Volsci into their own Countrey, who were variously affected. Some blamed both him and the action: others that were studious of peace did nei∣ther; and some, though they condemned the thing, yet absolved the man, who was constrained by so great necessity to do it; yet none refused to obey his orders, but followed him, more through the authority of his virtue than of his power.

58. But when he was come to Antium, Tullus, the great Aemulator of his glory, supposing he had a sufficient advantage against him, required him to lay down his Office, and give an account of his actions to the people. He re∣fused to resign his place, except commanded by the people to do it, unto which he said he was not afraid to give an account of any thing he had done, at that present. The people being called together, the principal of Tullus his faction instigated them against him, but when he arose to speak for himself, those turbulent spirits for shame gave way, and all sober and peaceable men openly declared they would hear him candidly, and judge him according to right and equity. Tullus then fearing the mans eloquence, and sufficiently apprehensive how much repute the very Crime objected would bring him (for they could not seem to be injured by him in not taking Rome, without considering that he had brought things to that passe by his incredible valour and dexterity, that they were near taking of it) would not expect the judge∣ment of the multitude, but crying out with his complices, that the betrayer of the Volsci was not to be suffered to hold the Tyranny over them by refusing to lay down his Office, rushed out, and slew him in the place. Though no man stood up in his defence, yet that this wicked act displeased most, it pre∣sently appeared.* 1.1469 For upon report of his death they came generally out of the Towns and buried him honourably, adorning his sepulchre, as of a General and a famous Warrier, with Arms and Trophies. Such was the end of the Eminentest man of that age for valour, who by his sour rigidity procured ex∣treme hazard to his Countrey, and destruction to himself, whilest he preferred private revenge before publick good, and yet would not stoop to any provision for his own safety.

59. At Rome upon Marcius his retreat was such exultation, as is suitable to the joy of those that are rescued from utter desolation. The Senate De∣creed to the women what honours they would ask, but they onely desired they might build a Chapel to Women's fortune, in the place where they had delivered their Countrey, which was done at the publick charge, and they at their own dedicated the image. When the death of Coriolanus was heard, there was neither expression of joy nor sorrow further than this, that the women were permitted to mourn for him ten moneths: the longest time al∣lowed by Numa for the nearest relations, according to Plutarch. The Con∣suls not long after took the field with a considerable Army, but had no oc∣casion to make trial of it; for the Volsci and Aequi joyning their forces to∣gether resolved to take the Romans unprovided; but in their march they fell out about a General, of whether Nation he should be, and from words to blows, in such a manner that they fought a great battel, and if night had not severed them, one party had been utterly destroyed. The year following the new Consuls, C. Aquilius and T. Sicinius, overthrew, the one the Hernici and the other the Volsci, amongst whom fell Tullus Actius, a man of perso∣nal valour, but no good conduct. Their Successors, Proculus Virginius, and Sp. Cassius took the field with the Legions; the Aequi falling to the former, as the Volsci and Hernici to the later. The Volsci presently asked

peace, having in the last battel lost the flower of their strength, and after them shortly the Hernici, refusing any more to contest for equality with the Romans. Cassius having received money and provisions, as from such as con∣fessed themselves conquered, gave them truce, and referred them for condi∣tions to the Senate.

60. After along debate, the Fathers resolved they should be received into amity, and that Cassius at his discretion might prescribe the conditions of the League, confirming whatsoever they should be. Cassius returning home, asked, and obtained a triumph, though he had neither taken any City, worsted any Enemy, nor had any Captives or spoils for ornament of the solemnity, which possessed men with an apprehension of his arrogancy, and procured him envy. After his triumph be published as conditions of peace, the very same that were granted to the Latines, which gave great distaste, it being conceived an unworthy thing to make strangers equal in privilege with their kinsmen the Latines; such as could allege no merit, with those who had exceedingly well deserved of the State: the Patritians took it also disdainfully that he would determine fully on his own head a matter of such weight, without asking any of them his advice. His three Consulships, and two Triumphs, made him seem to himself far superiour to any of the same rank, so that no lesse than the Principality would now content him.* 1.1470 Knowing that the ordinary way to it was to gain the favour of the People, by some great act of kindnesse, he resolved upon that course, and first to divide amongst them certain publick grounds, which through the neglect of the Magistrates, had been seized on, and possessed by the rich. The successe might have been dubious had he stay∣ed here; but he would also have the Latines into the lot with the Hernici his new denizons, that he might procure the favour of those Nations. The day after his Triumph, calling together the People according to the custom, he recalled to their memories the great services he had done in his several Consulships: how in the first he had subdued the Sabines, in the second re∣duced the Commons into the City, after the appeasing of the Sedition, as also received the Latines into fellowship and Communion: in the third, the Volsci of Enemies were made friends, and the Hernici, a great and pow∣erful Nation, received into close and inward confederacy. By these discouses he insinuated, as if above all others he took charge of the Commonwealth, and so would continue to do. And he concluded with a promise to do more for the Commons, than any man ever did who was most in favour, and that should presently appear.

61. The day following, he called together the Senate, which was very much troubled at his speech, and declared, that because the Common People were very useful both in procuring Dominion, and defending Liberty, it was convenient to divide to them those publick grounds, which were most impudently held from the State by some Patritians, and pay the money back out of the Treasury, that they had laid out for that Corn, which being given freely to the City by Gelon the Tyrant of Sicilie, ought to have been divi∣ded amongst the Inhabitants. The Fathers heard him with great disdain, and rejected the motion, his Colleague Virginius grievously accusing him as se∣ditious. For several daies after, Cassius discoursed of this to the People, and Virginius held the Senate consulting how to withstand him. The Tribunes of the People at length, either for that they were jealous of some designe, or were displeased that they themselves had not first proposed this thing, with∣stood it, alleging it was an unjust thing that what they had dearly purchased with their labour and blood, should be common to strangers as well as them∣selves. As this raised some dislike, so Cassius again drew them to his party, by propounding that the grounds might be divided amongst such as had most need, and by urging that it was better to have a little, than by expecting much to be frustrated of all. As the People were thus perswaded to and fro, C. Rabuleins one of the Tribunes found out a way, which for the present end∣ed the dispute. Virginius pretending that he was for a division of the grounds, but not unto foreiners, hoping that these would ever be joyned;

and Cassius being both for Citizens and strangers; he took them both at their words; for the one and the other yielding there should be a division, he bade the People accept of that, and defer that wherein they dissented to ano∣ther time.

62. For some dayes after this, Cassius kept his house, pretending sicknesse, and studied how he might cause his Law, called Lex Agraria, to passe by force. For this purpose he sent for the Latines and Hernici to be present at the Comitia, that he might carry it by greater number of voices, so as the Ci∣ty was filled with them. Virginius hereupon made Proclamation, that all such as dwelt not in the City, should depart within a short time prefixed, and Cassius caused it to be proclaimed, that all such as were free should stay till the matter were determined. No end of the contention appearing, the Fathers feared it might come to blows, or further inconvenience, and therefore assembled to make some effectual provision for the publick Peace.

After a little debate they came to this resolution, that ten men of Con∣sular dignity should be created to survey the grounds, and declare how much of them was to be let out to farm, and how much divided to the People. That it should be declared, that for as much as it was inequitable for the new associates, or denizons, to expect part in such Lands as were gained to the State before their admission, if any afterward should be got by their assistance, to each several People should be assigned it's portion, according to the League. That for the choice of the ten men, and the distribution of the ground,* 1.1471 the succeeding Consuls should make provision. This Decree be∣ing published to the People, appeased all, and frustrated the design of Cassius.

63. In the year following, being the first of the 74 Olympiad,* 1.1472 wherein Astylus of Syracuse was Victor, Leostratus executing the place of principal Archon at Athens, according to the computation of Dionysius, in the first year of Xerxes his Reign, Q. Fabius, and S. Cornelius were Consuls. Now two most noble young men, Caeso Fabius, the brother of the Consul, and L. Valerius the grand-son of Poplicola, being Quaestors, and thereby having authority to assemble the People, set a day to Cassius the late Consul to answer in the Comitia to the charge of affected tyranny. Then in full Assembly did they lay open his actions; how he had bestowed upon the Latines the third part of the plunder, who thought it happinesse sufficient to be made free of the City: then the Hernici, who could expect no lesse than to be deprived of their own Lands, he chose rather to make Friends than Subjects, and Ci∣tizens than Tributaries, whence both grounds and plunder being divided into three parts, two of these must go to Subjects, and Strangers, so that if it were found necessary afterwards to give others the same privilege of the City, the Roman Citizens being by right Lords of all, should not have remaining one third to themselves. They aggravated this with the management of the busi∣nesse, as his doing all without consulting the Fathers, and against the interpo∣sition of the Tribunes. That these things tended to the designed establish∣ment of a Tyranny, they proved from the money and arms wherewith the La∣tines and Hernici had furnished him, as also from the company of stout young men of those Nations which he had about his person. In testimony hereof they produced several credible persons, both Citizens and Associates, who averred it. To these the People giving credit, notwithstanding his preme∣ditated Orations, and his three children, who with many friends and clients ac∣companied him in mourning habit, and interceded for him; notwithstand∣ing all his services,* 1.1473 and the honour obtained by them, they would not at all pity him, but out of extreme hatred to Tyranny condemned the man, and that to death, lest being banished, he should procure the State such trouble and danger as Marcius lately had done. Therefore judgment being passed, the Quaestors presently led him to the Rock near to the Forum, and thence cast him down headlong in the sight of the People, this being the then ordinary kind of punishment. His estate was confiscated, and his house razed. Some

would have had his sons also put to death, but the Senate refused to use such severity, and at Rome the children never suffered for their Father's fault, al∣though for high Treason, till the Marsian War, wherein those that broke the custome miscaried, and he who destroyed them restored it to the State, as Dionysius observeth, who disliketh the practice of some of his Country∣men the Graecians, in killing, or condemning to perpetual banishment the sons of Tyrants themselves.

64. By the death of Cassius the Patritians were more elevated, and the Commons grieved after they saw this, and considered how serviceable a man to their interest, as they foolishly thought, they had cut off. They now called hard for the execution of the Agrarian Law, but the Senate being resolved to put it off, caused the Consuls to make provision for an Expedition. None would give their names, and the Tribunes interposing hindred the Consuls from punishing any; but it being given out that a Dictator would be created, the multitude fearing to fall into the hands of Appius, listed themselves, and so Cornelius wasted the Territories of the Veientines, as Fabius those of the Aequi. The year following, being the 270 of the City, when Nicodemus was Archon at Athens, the Patritians procured Caeso Fabius one of Cassius his accusers, and L. Aemilius, to be created Consuls, during whose Office all was quiet at home, the Volsci renewing the War upon the Romans. Fa∣bius was sent to the assistance of the Latines and Hernici whom they had in∣vaded, and Aemilius led the other part of the Forces to Antium, where he was worsted by the Volsci, and being forced to desert his Camp, had with his whole Army been cut off, but that his Colleague in good time sent some choice Companies to recruit him. For the next year M. Fabius brother to Caeso, and L. Valerius son of Marcus, who put Cassius to death, being Consuls, proposed it to the Senate to fill up the Army at Antium. A De∣cree passing for new Levies, the People refused to be listed, calling for the division of the grounds, and one of the Tribunes withstood the Consuls. This put them upon this device,* 1.1474 to sit in the Campus Martius, where whosoever was cited and did not appear, they punished him, if he had any Lands, by cutting his trees, and pulling down his houses; or if he hired grounds, by driving away his Cattel, or other wayes, the Tribune not being able to do them any good, for that the power of his Office was confined within the walls; so as it was unlawful for them to lye one night out of the City, except in the Latine feriae, where all the Magistrates for the common safety were wont to sacrifize in the Albanian Mount unto Jupiter.

65. This forced the Commons to submit, and so the Consuls making Le∣vies led out the Legions, Fabius to the defence of the associates, and Vale∣rius against the Volsci, who ingaging with him in battel, came off on equal terms; and afterwards neither party were forward to fight. It was believed in the City, that the Roman Army wilfully neglected an opportunity of vi∣ctory, out of hatred against the Consul, whom they despised as a man of no experience, and in revenge against the Fathers who had so long frustrated their hopes about the division of publick grounds. At this time one of the Vestal Nuns Opimia by name, being convicted of incontinencie, was shut up within the ground in the Forum, and her corrupters scourged and put to death. At the next election of Consuls there was great contention, the Pa∣tritians having a desire to prefer some in whom they could confide, and par∣ticularly pitching upon the son of Appius, a man of the same temper with his Father; and the Commons as much labouring the Contrary. When the Consuls held the Comitia, the Tribunes interposed, and when the Tribunes called the People together, the Consuls would not suffer any thing to be done,* 1.1475 contending that it belonged to their Office. Both parties being incom∣passed with those of their Factions, railed, and sometimes came to hand cuffs, so that worse threatning, and the Senate consulting what was to be done, some moved to have a Dictator named, who might first correct all distempers of late brought in, and then deliver the power to men of approved integrity; but a middle way pleased; to create Interreges for holding of the Assemblies.

The first was A. Sempronius, who for his five dayes governing assaires in a peaceable manner, the other Magistrates having laid down, created according to the manner Sp. Largius. He in the Centuriata Comitia made Consuls with the well liking of both sides, C. Julius a favourite of the Commons, and Q. Fabius now the second time elected, a man addicted to the power of the great ones. In their Consulship the Aequi and Veientes invaded the Roman Territories, and did much hurt. Against the later they were sent with the Legions, after some contest with the People (who were hardly drawn in by Largius, because the Senate had now deferred the execution of the Agrarian Law five years) and harrazing the Country returned home with much spoil; neither was any thing else of moment done that year.

66. The year following (which was the first of the 75 Olympiad, wherein Xerxes made his Expedition into Greece, Callias being Archon at Athens) had for Consuls Caeso Fabius again, and Sp. Furius,* 1.1476 to whom came messen∣gers from the Latines, desiring assistance against the insolence of the Aequi; and all Hetruria was reported now to be in arms at the desire of the Veientes. The Consuls were ordered to assist the one, and suppress betimes the other; but when they came to raise men, Icilius one of the Tribunes interposed upon the old pretence of the Agrarian Law. The work being hereby hindred, Appius advised the Senate to set one Tribune against another, by drawing ever some of them unto their side, as the onely way to abate the power of that Office now so sacred and inviolable. This course both at present and afterwards was effectual,* 1.1477 and the Consuls with their Armies departed each one into his Pro∣vince; Furius against the Aequi, and Fabius into Hetruria. Furius har∣razed the Enemies Country, and returned home with great booty. Fabius, though an able Warriour, was so hated by his men, that when they had in battel routed the Enemy, they refused to pursue or do any thing more, but departing against his command to their Camp, thence also marched home, lest they should procure him the honour of a Triumph. The following Consuls Ch. Manlius, and M. Fabius, again were both sent to carry on the War in Hetruria, where they held the Soldiers in the Camp so long, till the Enemy was ready to fall upon it, and for shame they desired to be led forth. Fabius taking this opportunity, upbraided them with their disobedience to the Con∣sul the last year, in that place; and shewing them how little cause he and his Colleague had to trust them, having sufficiently humbled them, led them forth. A greater and longer battel was never fought by the Romans, who were thought to be Victors onely, because the Hetruscans, the night follo∣wing, forsook their tents. Manlius was slain, and for that cause his Col∣league refused the Triumph, saying, it was not right for him to take the Lau∣rel at his funerals. Having disbanded his Army, he laid down his Office two moneths before the time, because his wounds disabled him for service; and by the second Interrex in the Comitia, were declared Consuls Caeso Fa∣bius his brother (who having extraordinarily deserved in the late battel, was now honoured with this Office the third time) and T. Virginius.

67. Virginius being sent into Hetruria against the Veientes, was over-powered by them, and had lost his whole Army, but that Fabius upon the intimation of his extream necessity came out of the Country of the Aequi, and brought him off. When the Romans were retreated, the Veientes made excursions very near the City, to the great losse and disparagement of the State. The Senate found it necessary to have a constant guard upon the bor∣ders; but the Treasury was low, the tributes of private men were not suf∣ficient for this new charge, and it seemed that none would give their names willingly to so constant a work. When they were at a stand, the whole fa∣mily of the Fabii, by the procurement of the Consul, voluntarily offered to take both the charge and trouble upon it self onely, which was gratefully ac∣cepted.* 1.1478 The Fabii then under conduct of Marcus the last year's Consul, for∣tified a Castle near the River Cremera, and not far from Veii. Their whole number was at first 4000, whereof their Clients and friends made up the grea∣ter part, and of such as bore the name of the Family there were 306: af∣terwards

another Company followed, being led by Caeso Fabius the Consul. Out of this Castle, which they named Cremera from the River, they made excursions, and much endamaged the Enemy. This caused the Veientes again to implore the aid of all Hetruria, which making preparations, news came that the Aequi and Volsci also had agreed upon an invasion. The Senate hereupon ordered their Armies to be provided, whereof L. Aemilius the next year's Consul led one against the Hetrusci, with whom joyned Caeso Fabius as Proconsul. C. Servilius the other Consul, marched with another part against the Volsci: and Ser. Furius with the third against the Aequi, having also the power of Proconsul. Furius no lesse happily than sodainly finished his work. Servilius rashly managing his affaires lost many men, and not daring to adventure all in a battel, drew out the War in length; But Aemilius giving battel to the Veientes and their Associates, overthrew them, and then storming their Camp, forced them to beg Peace.

68. Having purchased a Truce by the grant of provisions for two moneths to the Consul's Army, and six moneths pay, they had leave to send to the Senate. The Fathers upon reading of Aemilius his letters, who advised them by all means to finish the War, resolved to make Peace, and left the conditions thereof to him. He having a respect rather to equity than the profit of the Conquerours, made a League with them, neither taking from them any grounds, nor any more money, nor receiving any Hostages to se∣cure their obedience, which procured him much evil will, and deprived him of the due honour of a Triumph. They ordered him to assist his Colleague against the Volsci; but he complaining grievously of them to the People, and suggesting to the multitude that they were angry, because the War was finished, out of a desire to have the Peoples thoughts diverted from the Agrarian Law, disbanded his Army, as also that of Furius, and hereby af∣forded much matter for contention betwixt the Nobility and Commons. The year following, being the first of the 76 Olympiad, wherein Scamander of Mitylene was Victor in the course, and Phaedon Archon at Athens, the new Consuls, C. Horatius, and T. Menenius, found some obstruction in the Levies; the Commons still complaining that the Agrarian Law was not exe∣cuted. But necessity cut off the dispute, eleven several Cities of Hetruria having declared against the Veientes, for making Peace without publick con∣sent, and forced them to break it. The pretence was, for that the Fabii were not drawn off from Cremera, who sending intelligence to the Senate of this intended breach, it ordered Menenius to march into Hetruria, as Ho∣ratius against the Volsci. While Menenius loitered in his Expedition, Cre∣mera was taken, and the Fabii all cut off. Some wrote that it was by an Ambush, as they were returning to Rome, to sacrifize for the whole family, according to their custome. But others delivered more probably, that being accustomed to make depredations, they were drawn into snares by the He∣truscans (who caused herds of Cattel to be driven thither, where they had bestowed a sufficient quantity of men) and being overpowered, were all at length destroyed,* 1.1479 though with the great losse of the assaliants, except such as they had left to keep the Cattel. These were so far from being discouraged at what had befallen their fellows, that they also stood it out to the last man, enduring all extremity, and fighting when half dead, with weapons wrested from the hands of their Enemies.

69. A tradition remained to posterity, that 306 of this family being cut off, none remained except one Boy, who for his youth could not serve in the Expedition. Dionysius sheweth the vanity hereof, by these reasons. 1. All except one could not be unmaried, or without children, for an ancient Law commanded all at a legitimate age to mary, and provide for Posterity, which being diligently observed till their age, the Fabii alone would not contemn: but,* 1.1480 2. Grant this; it is not to be granted,* 1.1481 that none of those had a brother of young years. 3. If their Fathers had been so utterly deprived of their Sons, yet certainly all would not have been so old and dry, as to despair of any more issue, and consequently make no provision for it by mariage. 4. And

if they had no fathers living, yet would it be a prodigious thing to suppose that none of them left any son as yet an Infant, a Wife with Child, or a young brother. This is true, that of the three brothers, Caeso, Marcus, and Quin∣tus, in the family of whom the Consulship had continued for seven years, Marcus onely left a young son, besides whom none of this name afterwards being famous, thence the report might rise that none else was preserved. Concerning the time of this defeat Authors something differ.(a) 1.1482 Macrobius maketh the day to have been the 17^th of the Calends of Sextilis;(b) 1.1483 Plutarch after the Summer solstice, and about the full Moon in the middle of the moneth Quintuis,(c) 1.1484 Livy and(d) 1.1485 Tacitus on the fifteenth of the Calends of Sextilis, which suiteth with that of Plutarch, and(e) 1.1486 Ovid on the Ides of February.

70. The Veientes having recovered the Castle, went confidently against the Roman Legions, which lay incamped not far of, and as was thought might have relieved the Fabii, but that Menenius the Consul out of envy would not make use of the opportunity. They took the advantage of his unskilful∣nesse, and seized on an Hill near unto him, where placing a Guard, they made sallies upon the Camp, and so straightned it, that they brought him to fight upon very unequal terms, and put his Army to the worst. The Romans for∣sook their Camp, and fled in so tumultuous a manner, that had the Veientes not been too greedy of plunder, they might utterly have destroyed them. The day following they invaded the Roman Territories, and came as far as the Hill Janiculus,* 1.1487 two miles from the Citie, whereon they seized, and thence made excursions to the great disgrace of the Romans. Horatius the other Consul returning from the Volsci, overthrew them twice, and gave the people some respit from their fear. The following year two skilfull men in Mili∣tary matters, Sp. Servilius and A. Virginius, entred the Consulship after the Summer solstice in the moneth Sextilis. Now the Hetruscan Warre, though difficult enough, seemed profitable, compared with domestick affairs; for the seizing upon the Mount, and the depredations thence made had hin∣dred Tillage for the last Winter, and no Traffick having been for that time, there was such scarcity of Corn that the Citie was brought into extream want, containing 110000 men of ripe age, as appeared at the next Cen∣sus, besides Women and Children, Slaves, Merchants, and Artificers (for no Roman Citizen was allowed to keep a Victualling-house, or to exercise any sordid Trade) thrice as many. The people made great tumults, and were ready to take away violently the provisions of the rich: the Tribunes also made great disturbance.

71. The Consuls laboured to satisfie the poorest sort by buying in all they could, and causing such as had Corn to sell it, till their Levies were finished. Then led they out by night against the Enemy, and passing the River before day, unexpectedly fell upon him, and got a bloudy victory; after which the Mount was forsaken by the Garrison, which having no relief sent in, retired to Veii.* 1.1488 This War being ended, Menenius the last year's Consul was called to an account, and condemned in a pecuniary mulct for suffering the Fabii to miscarry, whom the people so gratefully esteemed, that they hated all who seemed to have been to blame as to their defeat, and placed the day thereof amongst their Nefasti, or unlucky ones, wherein no good work was to be be∣gun. The following year also, when Servilius was out of his Office, he was called before the people, for that in the last battel against the Hetruscans, he had so unadvisedly pursued the Enemy, as thereby to lose the flowr of his Army; but the man's abilities being considered, and his own defence with that of his College weighed (who desired either to stand or fall with him) he was acquitted. This year and that following, the Veientes were so overpowered, having been overthrown in battel together with their associates the Sabines, and now closely besieged, begged peace once more, and having with a whole year's pay for the Consuls Army, and money for two moneths provision purchased leave to send to the Senate, obtained a Truce for fourty years. The next year being the first of the 77^th Olympiad, wherin Dates an

Argive was Victor, and Chares Archon, L. Aemilius Mamercus the third time,* 1.1489 and Vopiscus Julius were Consuls. Their Consulship was very turbu∣lent through the attempts of Cn. Genatius Tribune of the People, who re∣quired them to divide the grounds formerly Decreed to the people by the Se∣nate. They denied it belonged to them to execute what had been Decreed in the Consulship of others, and alleged that a Senatus Consultum was not of force, but for one year. Because he could not compel his Superiors, he set the day to Manlius and Furius, the last year's Consuls, to answer before the people, why they did not divide the grounds, pretending some reasons wherefore they ought to be questioned more than others, though it was now 12 years since the passing of the Decree, and alleging, that except the present Magistrates were quickned by a sence of punishment inflicted upon others, they would never set upon the work.

72. The Patritians exceedingly startled at so bold and impudent an at∣tempt, resolved by force of Arms, if fairer means would not prevail, to pro∣tect the accused, and the Citie might have been in bloud had not Genatius died suddenly that very morning, no sign of violence appearing on the body. This allayed the fury of the multitude, and the Sedition might have been quite appeased, had the Consuls born their successe with moderation, and considered what was fitting for the time. But making new Levies, they would force one P. Volero, who had before-time been an Officer, to go in the pre∣sent expedition as a Common Soldier, and when he alleged that he ought not to be compelled so to serve, for that he had not deserved it by any of∣fence, they commanded him to be strip't and beaten. He flying to the assi∣stance of the Tribunes appealed to the People, wherewith they not being at all moved, he became a Tribune to himself, with blows repelling one or two Lictors: and when the Consuls sent all their Officers to take him, such Ple∣beians as stood by calling one upon another rescued him from their hands. This diverted mens minds from thoughts of Land, and raised a zeal for privi∣lege and liberty; the Patritians complaining that the Chief Magistrates should be so contemned, and the Plebeians alleging it was a great breach upon their right for a Roman Citizen not to be heard when he appealed to the people, but scourged like a Slave: and they demanded Justice of the Senate against the Consuls; with these stirs, without any other thing of moment, was their Con∣sulship passed over. For the following year Volero an impudent fellow, obtained, though a man of meanest condition, to be Tribune, having made himself popular by resisting that Office, which was once equal to the Kingly, and promising that he would clip the power of the great ones. He proposed a Law for holding the Assemblies of Tribes at the Election of Tribunes, in∣stead of the other of the Curiae: betwixt which there was this difference. In the Curiata Comitia were such things treated on, and confirmed by the suf∣frages of the Curiae,* 1.1490 as the Senate had first Decreed, and that with the auspi∣cia; for except the birds predicted good, the Comitia were null and fru∣strate. But the Tributa Comitia were managed without any consulting of the Senate, without the superstitious observation of birds (called Au∣spicia, and observed at the Election also of Patritian Magistrates) and all things were determined by the suffrages of the Tribes gathered apart.

73. When the day for determination of the question was come, great en∣deavours were used on both sides; the whole time consumed in speeches, for, and against the Law. The Tribunes then put it off till the Trinundinum, against which time the Patritians improving all their interest, Volero resolved by force to keep them from the Comitia, and the Consuls from diswading the thing, because they carried it mighty highly, and with their friends, and Clients, took up a great part of the Forum. He was prevented by a grievous plague, which like a Torrent carried away multitudes, so as his year being out before he could accomplish his design, by his great promises be obtained to be Tribune again, as also his two Collegues who sided with him in this enter∣prize. The Fathers to ballance him procured to be made Consul Appius

Claudius, the son of Appius, absent, against his will, and to their own preju∣dice.* 1.1491 His Collegue was T. Q. Quintius Capitolinus, of a contrary disposition. Appius was all for Wars, that by expeditions the multitude might be diverted from Seditious attempts, the effects of idlenesse; and Quintius contended that causes were not to be sought for, lest the ordinary sort being forced to unnecessary War, should break out into rage, and trample Magistracy under their feet; and the Government being his, saith Dionysius, this moneth, he prevailed. But Volero renewed his endeavour for the Law, and thereto ad∣ded, that the Aediles should be Elected by the Tributa Comitia, as also what∣soever should concern the Commons, might be transacted, and passed in them; which tended to no other than to transfer the power from the Se∣nate to the people. Appius now earnestly pressed to make Levies, and un∣dertake some expedition; but Quintius prevailed that they should rather go about to disswade the people by reasons, than to compell them by force.

74. Quintius to this purpose made a seasonable speech in the Assembly, and so far prevailed, that the Law as unjust had been laid aside, but that his Collegue used, though just and true, yet unseasonable words, speaking to the Commons, not as free Citizens, who had an hand in making, and abrogating Laws, but as a rabble of base persons. He upbraided them with unthrifti∣nesse, defrauding of their Creditors, revolting from the Consuls, and volun∣tary Exile;* 1.1492 as also perjury, and turning of the Weapons taken up in defence of their Countrey, into its bowels. He said, it was no wonder that such as they were should proceed thus from one wicked act to another, instancing in their Seditious attempts for the gaining of the just power of the Patritians. Having spared no contumelious, or afronting language, he came to that which gave most offence: that the State would never be at rest so long as the Tribu∣nitial power remained; for as much as it was impossible that what took its Original from violence, iniquity, sedition, fear of a Civil War, and other abominable things, could produce any profitable effects. He concluded with an asseveration, that as long as he was Consul, he would neither suffer this, nor any other Law to passe without approbation of the Senate, and this he would stand by both with Words and Deeds also if need should require; so that, if ne∣ver before, they should learn in his Office, of what force was the Consulship. Then stood up C. Lictorius, the principal man amongst the Tribunes, and in answer to his accusations related what labours the Commons had sustained before, and since the banishment of Tarquinius; how, for all this pain and danger, they were not made partakers of any thing which they had obtained by their bloud, till forced to separate from the Patritians. That then they got this Office of Tribuneship, as a protection for the poor, with other Laws afterwards, as of judging the Patritians, and translating the suffrages from the Centuriata to the Curiata Comitia, all which he accounted nothing. Then reproving Appius sharply, he told him he would shew him of what force that Office was upon which he had trampled, and of the people called by him sor∣did, and without House or Harbour. Having spoken this, he swore most solemnly that he would, and not live except the Law passed, and command∣ing silence,* 1.1493 when all men expected earnestly what he would do, he sawcily re∣quired Appius to depart the Assembly.

* 1.149475. Appius not obeying, but incircling himself with a Company he had brought for that purpose, having made silence to be proclaimed by a Crier, he declared that the College of Tribunes commanded the Consul to be carried to prison, and therewith sent an Officer to apprehend him. He was beaten back by the Lictors, whereat Lectorius himself exhorting the multitude to stick to him,* 1.1495 went to lay hands on him. Appius being defended with a company of stout young men, a great and unseemly Contest followed with railings and thrustings to and fro: and at length it came to blows, and throw∣ing of stones. The Consul Quintius by his intreaties throwing himself into the middle, and the more grave Senators, hindred the tumult from proceed∣ing to a further inconvenience, which was ended shortly after by the night.

Several dayes were spent with mutual recriminations; but at length the Tri∣bunes and People seized on the Capitol, and there kept watch night and day. The Senators very solicitous what to do,* 1.1496 both in respect of the danger, and the difference betwixt the Consuls; for Quintius thought the Commons de∣siring no unjust thing, were to be gratified; but Appius would rather die than yield. Quintius taking great pains, at length procured the Tribunes to refer the Law to the discretion of the Senate, which after a long disswasion of Appius,* 1.1497 and perswasion of the Tribunes, permitted it to be put to the que∣stion of the Comitia, wherein the Commons readily passed it. After this, the Consuls were sent out with the Armies; Quintius against the Aequi, whose Territories he wasted, and returned with honour, which his Soldiers were care∣ful to purchase for him; but Appius going against the Volsci, bore himself so austerely towards his men, that they would not obey him, but out of hatred, and to procure him an ignominious retreat, when they came to fight, retired to their Camp without striking a stroak,* 1.1498 and no more could he draw them forth a∣gainst the Enemy, so that he was constrained to depart homewards, and in his way put to death such Centurions and Ensignes, as had been faulty, with eve∣ry tenth man in the Army. Some were beheaded, and some knocked on the head with clubs: this decimation being an usual punishment amongst the Ro∣mans, of such as had forsaken or lost their Colours.

76. The following Consuls Q. Valerius again, and Tib. Aemilius, be∣ing both well affected towards the Commons (the former out of envy to the Patritians, for that they had denied his Father a Triumph, and the later be∣cause he would reconcile himself to the multitude, offended by him for ac∣cusing Cassius the Author of the Agrarian Law, when he was Quaestor) pro∣mised the Tribunes to promote in the Senate the division of publick grounds. The Tribunes in confidence of their assistance, came into the Senate, and spake very mildly in favour of the Law, which the Consuls would not contra∣dict, lest they should seem to seek after contention, but asked the ancienter Senators their opinions. L. Valerius Father to the Consul, pressed the divi∣sion of Lands; but Appius so severely and plainly withstood it by several in∣vincible reasons,* 1.1499 that he caried it against the other, for which the Tribunes set him a day to answer before the People for his life. The crimes were: That he gave ill advice against the Commons, raised Sedition, laid violent hands forsooth on the Sacrosanct body of the Tribune, and being General of an Army had received a defeat, and returned with ignominie. The Patriti∣an exceedingly concerned, left nothing unattempted to save him, and de∣sired him, that giving way to the time, he would take the habit agreeable to his condition; but he flatly refused to do any thing poorly, or unwor∣thy of his Ancestors, adding, that he would die a thousand deaths rather than touch the knees of any, as was the custome of Suppliants. He forbad his friends to supplicate for him, saying, his shame would be doubled, if he saw any do that in his behalf, which he himself disdained to do. Giving out ma∣ny such like speeches, he neither changed apparrel, nor his countenance, nor remitted any thing of his antient magnanimity,* 1.1500 and when he saw the whole City earnestly intent upon his tryal, a few dayes before the appointed time he killed himself. His friends gave out that he died of a natural death, and the body being bought forth into the Forum, his Son was there ready, and asked leave of the Consuls to commend him in a funeral Oration, according to the custome. The Tribunes commanded the body to be taken away with∣out any ceremony; but the People were thereat displeased, and suffered the young man to perform this last and usual Office of honour to his deceased Father.

77. For this and the two following years the Romans fought successively against the Aequi, Sabines, and Volsci. From the later was taken Antium, be∣ing surrendred to T. Quintius Capitolinus the Consul, who placed therein a Garrison. In the following year, wherein were Consuls Tib. Aemilius a∣gain, and Q. Fabius (son to one of the three brothers, that with their Friends and Clients died at Cremera) the Tribunes made new stirs about the

Agrarian, and Aemilius furthering the businesse, the Senate to gratifie the multitude, decreed that some part of the Lands lately taken from the Volsci and Antiates, should be divided. Yet not many would give their names, being unwilling to forsake their native Country, so that the Colony was made up out of the Latines and Hernici. The Consuls marched, Aemilius against the Volsci, and Fabius against the Aequi; both had successe; the la∣ter forcing the Aequi to beg Peace, the conditions whereof were left to him by the Senate. But the Aequi receiving the Fugitives of Antium, suf∣fered them to make excursions into the Territories of the Latines, and re∣fused to give them up, whereupon succeeded another War, though the Ro∣mans obtained a bloody Victory, in the third year after the making of the Peace. In the next Consulship which was executed by L. Ebutius and P. Ser∣vilius Priscus, fell a more grievous plague upon the City than ever before hapned.* 1.1501 It first consumed almost all Cattel, and from the Country came into the City, wherein it swept away an innumerable company of slaves, and a fourth part of the Senators, and amongst these the Consuls, with most of the Tribunes. Livie writeth, that the Aediles supplied the place of Con∣suls. The disease began about the Calends of September, and continued that whole year, sparing no Sexe or Age.

78. When this was known by the neighbour Nations, the Volsci and Aequi,* 1.1502 supposing the time of destroying the Roman Empire to be come, pro∣vided all things for a Siege, and to divert the Romans invaded the Latines and Hernici their associates. These sending to Rome for aid, Eubutius was already dead, and Servilius as yet alive, in small hope assembled the Sena∣tors, who were brought half dead in their Litters to the Court. They gave them liberty to defend themselves, which doing, when the Enemies had wa∣sted their grounds at their pleasures, they marched for Rome, but contrary to their expectations, they found it sufficiently guarded, though with sick and feeble men. When the next Consuls were created, L. Lucretius and T. Veturius Geminus, the Pestilence ceased; and all things being quiet at home (for the Tribunes making adoe according to the custome about the Agrarian, were commanded by the People to desist, and expect better times) they invaded those who had taken advantage at the publick calamity. They had good successe abroad, and better near home, when the Aequi in their absence came and thought to have surprized the City. For understand∣ing the walls to be furnished with armed men, and four cohorts of 600 apiece to stand before the gates, they altered their course when they came to Tusculum; but Lucretius met and gave them battel, which they were hasty to imbrace before the coming of his Colleague. For a time they fought couragiously; but seeing a band of men behind them, which came from a certain Castle, they thought it had been the other Consul, and fearing to be inclosed ran away, having lost both their Captains, and many other valiant men. After∣wards without any let, the Consuls wasted the Territories both of the Aequi and Volsci, and returned home at the time of the Comitia: Lucretius in full triumph, and Veturius in the other called Ovation, by decree of the Senate, with the like pomp in all things, except that he entred on foot, and not in a Chariot; which words conclude the ninth Book of Dionysius his Roman An∣tiquities.

79. For the year following (which was the first of the 80 Olympiad, wherein Torymbas the Thessalian was Victor, and Phrasicles Archon) P. Volumnius and Ser. Sulpitius Camerinus were created Consuls,* 1.1503 who ha∣ving nothing to do abroad, imployed themselves at home in defending the power of the Patritians against the Commons, now much instigated against it by their Tribunes. They were come so far, as to assert, that it was most agree∣able with the constitution of a free State, for the Citizens to have equal power in Government.* 1.1504 The People now would have all things done by the prescript of Laws,* 1.1505 whereof as yet there were none written, the Kings having judged according to their own discretion, and the Consuls by certain presi∣dents of those Princes formerly in power. The least part was recorded in the

Books of the Pontifies, which none could come at except the Patritians. C. Terentius, or Terentillus Arsa according to Livie, Tribune of the Commons the foregoing year, had endeavoured to circumscribe within cer∣tain limits the power of the Consulship; but left the matter unfinished, be∣cause the greater part of Citizens were imployed in the War; the Consuls on set purpose drawing it out in length, till the Comitia. Now the whole College of Tribunes renewed the attempt by the procurement of A. Virginius one of the number; the whole City being divided about it. Much conten∣tion there was in the Senate, betwixt the Tribunes and the contrary Faction; but at length, not doing any good in that place, they called the People to∣gether, and proposed a Law, that ten men might be chosen in Lawful As∣sembly, such as were most eminent for age, prudence, and dignity, and who especially respected their repute, and honour: that these men should publish Laws both concerning private and publick businesse, by which right should be prescribed, both to private persons and Annual Magistrates. The Question they put off till the Trinundinum, giving any one leave to speak freely, either for or against it.

80. The Patritians extraordinarily moved, that the Senate's authority in this matter was utterly neglected, both by fair and foul means laboured to hinder the debate; casting the meanest sort like Slaves out of the Forum, who minded their private commodity more than the publick Peace. Amongst those sticklers Caeso Quintius the son of L. Quintius Cincinnatus,* 1.1506 was principal, one of great Nobility, beautiful in person, and very stout and expert in War. Him the Tribunes resolved to make an example to all young men, and called him to answer for his life before the People. He refused to an∣swer, except at the Tribunal of the Consuls; but his Father earnestly intrea∣ted for him, recounting the several eminent services he had done for the State, and imputing this miscariage to his youth, and indiscretion. The multitude plainly declared by signs, that they were ready to gratifie him, which when Virginius perceived, knowing, that if Caeso escaped without punishment, the insolence of the young Patritians would be intolerable, he pro∣cured M. Volscius, one of his Colleagues, to tell feigned a story, how in the time of the Plague he and his brother returning from a friends house in the night, were set upon by Caeso and his drunken Companions in the Forum, who kil∣led his brother outright, and left Volscius himself half dead. He added, that both the Consuls dying of the Plague, he could have no satisfaction, and in the succeeding Consulship, whensoever he cited Caeso before the Magistrates (as several could bear witnesse) he received nothing blows. This so inraged the multitude, that they had torn him in pieces, but that the Consuls and some of the Tribunes kept them off. His tryal then was deferred, not with∣out a great controversie, whether he should lye in prison, or be out upon bail, the latter whereof at length was accepted by the interposition of the Senate, and he fled into Hetruria,* 1.1507 leaving his ten sureties to pay the money, which was exacted of them by the Tribunes, who also condemned him. His Father sold the greatest part of his estate to reinburse the sureties, and content with a small quantity of ground beyond Tiber, and a little cottage, sustained him∣self very laboriously by the help of a few slaves; for grief and poverty ab∣staining from the City and his Friends, and neglecting to divert himself with publick solaces.

81. The Tribunes were much crossed in their expectations. For the ca∣lamity of Caeso was so far from moderating the insolency of the young Patri∣tians, that they grew much higher, opposing the Question both by words and deeds; so as in this Consulship the Law could not be preferred. For the following year P. Valerius Poplicola, and C. Claucius Sabinus, were crea∣ted Consuls; and the Commans made the same Tribunes as the year before, who perceiving the Law was not by perswasion to be enacted, sought to ter∣rifie both People and Consuls.* 1.1508 They caused various rumours to be spread, that Enemies had hatched a great conspiracy against the Commons, then coming into the Senate, there affirmed it, pretending they had letters from

some friends to assure them of it. They said certain Senators were in the plot, but that the greatest part consisted of the order of the Equites, which it was not seasonable then to name; but they had designed in Conjunction with Caeso Quintius the Exile, to murder the Tribunes with others by night, and then at their leasure to rescind whatever had been granted by the Senate unto the Commons: In conclusion they desired the inquisition of so grievous a design might be committed unto themselves. The Senate being very sol∣licitous, Claudius the Consul (who was fully perswaded that what the Tri∣bunes went about was the onely conspiracy) by ripping up their designs con∣cerning the Agragrian Law, and the bad successe of their endeavours which put them upon this exploit, fully convinced the Fathers how the matter stood,* 1.1509 especially when they would neither name their friends from whom the Letter came, nor the Messenger: and though the Tribunes highly com∣plained of him, and the Senate, unto the People, yet the most sober amongst the Commons were satisfied with his reasons. Whilest the heat of this con∣tention remained, the Citie fell into such danger from outward Enemies as never before, which, saith Dionysius, had been foretold by Sibyll's books that it would arise out of intestine division, and was likewise signified by the prodi∣gies of the foregoing year, when besides strange sights and noises, it rained pieces of flesh, of which some were devoured by all sorts of birds before they fell to the ground, and the rest continued long upon the earth, without either change of colour or smell.

* 1.151082. Ap. Herdonius a Sabine with 4000 men seized upon the Capitol, the and called the Slaves to their liberty. At this time of extream of danger, the Tribunes made what disturbance they could, instigating the multitude not to fight against the Enemy, except the Patritians would ingage by Oath to Create ten men for the making of Laws, and suffer the Commons to live with them upon equal terms of privilege. Claudius would have wholely omitted them, and carried on the War by the Patritians, and their Clients onely; but Valerius thought it necessary to have a closure in the body before it should go about to defend it self from outward attempts, and therefore promised with an Oath, that if the people would chearfully carry on that War, as soon as peace was restored, he would permit the Tribunes to put the question,* 1.1511 and indeavour to satisfie the desire of the Commons. Claudius then being appointed to look to the Citie, Valerius on all sides set upon the the Capitol, which was taken by storm, though he lost his life, having omit∣ted neither the part of an able General nor valiant Soldier; For though he had received many wounds, yet he gave not over, till climbing the Walls a great stone was tumbled down upon him, which took away his life. The War being ended, the Tribunes required of Claudius to make good the promise of his Collegue; but he deferred the matter by several pretences, and at length alleged he could do nothing of himself. He appointed then the Comitia for Creation of a new Consul into the room of Valerius. The Patritians were very sollicitous to get some chosen that would defend their interest, and re∣solved upon L. Quintius Father to Caeso, lately banished, who at the day ap∣pointed was chosen by all the Centuries of the first Classis, as well Equites as the other,* 1.1512 so that the rest of the Classes were not called. They that were sent to fetch Quintius into the Citie, found him at Plow without as much as a Coat about him, onely in his Trusse, and a Cap on his head. Seeing the company make towards him, he wondred what it meant, but being told by a Viator that run before, he put on other apparel, and in a seemlier habit presented himself. Being saluted not by his own name, but by that of Consul, invested with Purple, honoured by the Fasces, and other Ensigns of Magistra∣cy, he was desired to begin his journey, whereat pausing a little he an∣swered with tears: Then for this year this little field shall be unsown, and we shall be in danger of want. After this, taking leave of his Wife, and commending his houshold affairs to her care, he departed for the Citie.

83. Quintius restrained the Tribunes from preferring the Law, by de∣nouncing, that except they were quiet, he would lead out all the Citizens

against the Volsci. When they said they would not permit him to make Levies, he called the people, and put the younger sort in mind of their Sacramentum, or Military Oath, whereby they had bound themselves to the Consuls to fol∣low whithersoever he would lead them, and not be wanting to the Majesty of the Roman people. He affirmed they were all obnoxious to him by this Oath now he was Consul, and sware he would animadvert upon Offendors accord∣ing to the Laws. Herewith he commanded the Standards to be moved out of the Aerarium, and told them that to make them know they should have no leasure for Tribunitial actions in his Consulship, he let them understand, he would not return out of the Enemie's Countrey till his Office was at an end, and bade them prepare for wintring in the Camp. The multitude terrified hereat,* 1.1513 desired him to forbear this rigour, and he did it upon this condition, that they would not molest him for his whole time, but suffer him to spend it in administring Justice. He behaved himself with such prudence, Justice, painfulnesse, and courtesie, that the Commons thought they stood not in need now of any new Laws, and the Senate was desirous to have him Consul for the following year, to oppose him to the Tribunes, who executed that Office now the third time. But as he approved it not in them, so he himself would not commit the same fault as he counted it, and in the Assembly speaking much against such as would not quit their Office when their time was finished, swore most religiously, that he would not accept the Consulship till he had laid down his present charge. Having finished a new Election, he betook himself to his little Cottage, and his former laborious course of life.

84. The year following, the Aequi surprized Tusculum, which action caused a War betwixt them and Rome, wherein they were worsted, together with their friends the Volsci, and forced to beg peace. But in the next Con∣sulship they were drawn again to revolt, and making War upon the Latines, by Gracchus Claelius their Captain, an industrious man, who had improved the power granted him by his Countrey almost to regallity.* 1.1514 He drew the Roman Army into so disadvantagious a place, that it was thought convenient to make a Dictator,* 1.1515 which was L. Quintius Cincinnatus. The Messengers found him newly dressed; for when he espied the company, suspecting they came to him, he left the Countrey-work he was in hand with, and put on his better Clothes. Seeing himself made Dictator, by the trapped Horses, the 24 Axes, the Purple, and other royal Ensigns, he was so far from being de∣lighted with this honour,* 1.1516 that he said with indignation: This year's Crop will also be lost by reason of mine imployment, and my family must be famished. When he came to the Citie he incouraged the people, and named Master of Hors-men, L. Targuinius, a man of no great esteem by reason of his poverty, but a good Soldier: Having gathered together the Forces, he gave Claelius bat∣tel, and beat him into his Camp, which having besieged some time, he forced the Aequi to give him up, with other incendiaries, to be punished with death ac∣cording to their deserts, as also to passe under the Jugum (two Spears set in the ground, and a third laid over upon them in form of a pair of Gallows) in token of servitude; and because they had the year following without any provocation plundred Tusculum, to suffer him to deal in the like manner with Corbio. The choicest part of the plunder he caused to be carried to Rome; the rest he gave to his own Soldiers, and those of T. Quintius the Quaestor, saying, that the other of Minutius the Consul; who had been be∣sieged by the Enemy, ought to be content that they fell not as a prey into his hands. Having caused Minutius to lay down his Office, he returned to the Citie with a more illustrious Triumph than any Captain before him, (the General of the Aequi, and other Eminent prisoners in Chains preceding his Chariot) having overthrown a strong Army, and plundred, and fortified a Citie of the Enemy within seventeen dayes after his Creation. That abso∣lute power which he might have kept for six moneths he presently resigned, having first given an account of his administration. And when the Senate and his private friends would have enriched him with publick Ground, Plun∣der, and Contributions, he utterly refused it, and betaking himself again to

his small Cottage, preferred a laborious life before Kingly power, for that he pleased himself more in his poverty, than others in the abundance of their wealth.

85. The year following, the Sabines, whose grounds the other Consul Nautius had wasted, as also the Aequi, were in Arms, having retaken Corbio, against whom when Levies came to be made, the Tribunes again withstood them, being all new Created the fourth time. Hereupon the Fathers with weeping eyes signified to the People, that being forsaken by them, who hi∣therto had stiled themselves their Children, they would go forth and fight against the Enemy in their own persons, wherewith the multitude being sore moved, and Virginius seeing that do he what he could they would give their names, he averred it to be the resolution of the Commons to live and die with them; onely they desired some reward for all their pains and danger, which was, that they might live in equal freedom. If this could not be grant∣ed, they waved it, and desired another thing, which he was sure would not in∣trench upon the Senate's privileges. The Consul affirming the thing should be proposed if they would but refer it to the Senate, he desired that the number of the Tribunes might be increased unto 10. The Senate debating the matter, C. Claudius, the son of Appius the Elder, spake against it, alleging, that the Commons would never be satisfied; but Quintius, who now bore the greatest sway, commended the opinion of Appius, that the* 1.1517 onely way to crosse the design of the Tribunes was to set them one against another; and if so, it would make more for the interest of the Senate to have their number in∣creased.* 1.1518 Accordingly a Senatus Consulum was drawn, that it should be law∣full for the Commons to increase their College of Tribunes to the number of 10. and it was presently confirmed by the People. After this the Sedition being appeased, the Consuls levied Forces, and managed the War succesfully against the Sabines and Aequi.

86. The ensuing year, being the second of the 81 Olympiad,* 1.1519 and the 297 year of the Citie according to Cato, as the 298 after the account of Varro, had for Consuls M. Valerius and Sp. Virginius, who having nothing to do abroad, had too much employment in the Citie. Before this time, the Tri∣bunes onely reigned in the Assemblies, neither taking upon them to call to∣gether the Senate, nor give their voices therein. But now they ventured to as∣semble the Fathers, by the procurement of Icilius principal of the College, an industrious, and eloquent man, who presumed to make a further innovation in the State, requiring the Aventine Mount for the People to build upon, which being a mile and an half in circuit, was not as yet fully inhabited, but publick,* 1.1520 and full of vvood. The Tribune moving the Consuls to procure a De∣cree of the Senate for his new project, and they deferring the matter, an Ap∣paritor was sent from the College to cite the Consuls before it. He apply∣ing himself to one of their Lictors, was beaten, and sent back, which so in∣raged the Tribunes, that apprehending the Lictor, they led him to the Tar∣peian Rock, the Consuls, though much troubled, not being able to rescue him; for that none could hinder the execution of what the whole College resolved; all they could do was to desire some of the Tribunes themselves to interpose. But this could not be effected, they having resolved at the beginning not to dissent from one another, that thereby they might preserve their Authority in∣violable. As concerning the Lictor, then they answered they were resolved, yet they put not the man to death, giving his life to the intreaties of the graver sort of Patritians, lest that order should be driven by just indignation to attempt something extraordinary. Having then assembled the Senate, the Consuls sharply reprehended them, but Icilius excused what had been done to the Lictor, by the sacred Laws, which forbade all, both publick and private, to crosse a Tribune. By a premeditated Oration he endeavoured to shew, that he had not unjustly assembled the Senate, and when he had seemed suf∣ficiently to have answered the charge of the Consuls, he mentioned the Law:* 1.1521 That what private men were possessed of, and was justly gotten, should remain unto them; what ground by force, or fraud, was already furnished

with buildings, the expence of building be•••••• considered by arbitration, should be recovered to the use of the People, and what was yet publick be di∣vided amongst them. He shewed that this Law would be exceedingly profi∣table for the suppression of all Agrarian Seditions, forasmuch as the Com∣mons would be satisfied with possessions at home. No man dissenting, except C. Claudius, a Decree of the Senate passed for it accordingly.

87. The remainder of the year was spent in building. For the next were created Consuls T. Romulius and C. Veturius; Icilius and his Colleague be∣ing continued in their Office: The civil dissentions supposed to be removed by the late Law, were again revived, and the forein Enemies of the Com∣monwealth were in Arms,* 1.1522 to the greater profit than discommodity of it. For such a vicissitude now there was, that Peace brought Sedition, and Warre procured Concord, which the chief Magistrates apprehending, wished for nothing more than external motions, and when there was Peace abroad, sought occasion for War; as understanding the growth of the Citie's pro∣sperity to be procured thereby. The present Consuls were of this mind, be∣ing jealous of the beggerly and idle multitude. And their opinion was right, that they were to be diverted; but there they failed, that wheras in so ill a crasis of the State, they ought to have proceeded gently, they admitted the excuse of none who desired exemption from the War, but severely inflicted penalties upon all; which gave occasion to the Tribunes to make disturbance, crying out, that they violated the privilege of their Office, by imprisoning such as appealed to it. From mutual revilings sometimes it came to blows, both parties being berounded with those of their faction, and the People not fully complying with the Tribunes in their demands, they went into the Se∣nate, where they required, that the Consuls might either lay down their Offices, or answer their crime against the Sacrosanct Tribunitial power be∣fore the People. The Senate determined nothing, seeing it dangerous to diminish the power either of the Consuls or Tribunes, at which the later much discontented, returned to the multitude. Some were for departing again from the Patritians; others more moderate, would expect the course of Law against those who had violated so sacred an Office; and a third (the most sober party) disliked this as well as the other, for that the Consuls were the Supreme Magistrates; and thought it meeter to punish their abettors. If the Tribunes had not at length restrained their anger against Senate and Consuls, the City that day had destroyed it self, so intent were both parties upon Arms and War. But they set the Consuls a day to answer before the People, and then were prevailed with to let the matter fall, telling the Commons, that they remitted what concerned themselves for their sakes whom they ought not to deny it, but would revenge the injury done to the whole, to prevent an ill example.

* 1.152388. This was by promulgating the Agrarian Law, which hitherto had layn dormant for thirty years, to which another was added of equal right, which the former year could not be passed. Having with an oath promised to prefer these Laws, they appointed a day for the Comitia, wherein having first themselves spoken largely, several others related what good service they had done for the Commonwealth, and laboured to shew how unworthy a thing it was for them to be defrauded of those grounds, which by their labour and danger they had gained, and admitted to no part of reward. The multitude gladly hearing such discourses, none more affected mens minds than L. Siccius Dentanus, a man of admirable shape, 58 years old, and furnished with military eloquence, for a seditious attempt. He told them, he had served his Country in the Wars forty years, and been an Officer thirty; sometimes a Centurion, afterwards a Tribune. He was raised to that honour by Sicinus the Consul, for defending the Ensign of his Cohort, when the Centurion was slain, for which he was also adorned by his fellow Soldiers with a golden crown. In another battel, wherein the Tribune of the Camp was struck to the ground, and the Eagle (or Standard) taken, fighting for the whole Legion, he recovered it and saved him, for which the

Tribune would have given him his place, but he refused it, and the Consul made him Tribune of the first Legion, which Office was then void. Having thus purchased himself honour; to maintain his credit he spared no labour, not refused any danger, being ever rewarded by the Consuls with spoils, crowns, and other rewards and honours.

89. In short; during those forty years, he had fought 120 battels, recei∣ved 45 wounds,* 1.1524 all before and none behind, whereof twelve that day where∣in in he fought against Herdonius, who seized upon the Capitol. As for re∣wards after the several battels, he had obtained fourteen Civick Crowns (which saith Gellius, were bestowed upon him who had preserved the life of a Citizen, and were made of Oake, because the most antient meat was thought to be the fruit of that tree;) three Murals (which were given by the Ge∣neral unto him who first mounted the walls, and entred a Town,* 1.1525 being adorned with an image of the batlements) and eight Golden Crown; be∣sides 83 Golden Chains, 60 Golden Bracelets, 18 pure Spears, which were Spears having no iron at the ends of them, being also called Hastae donaticae, and Hastae gramineae, and 23 Horse trappings, whereof nine were for kil∣ling Enemies that he had challenged to single Combats.* 1.1526 To this relation of Dionysius, Gellius addeth a Crown, called Obsidionalis (which was given to one who had freed the presenter from a Siege) and increaseth the number of Bracelets to above 160; that of Spears to 22, and the other of Ho••se trap∣pings to 25. He calleth him L. Sicinius Dentatus, and writeth, that for his incredible atchievements, he had the appellation of Achilles Romanus.

90. Siccius proceeded, saying, that though he had fought so many years, served in so many Expeditions, received so many wounds, and helped to gain such large Territories for the Roman People, yet neither he, nor his fellow-soldiers partakers with him in the same dangers, had received any portion of those Lands, being possessed by others, who could neither shew title nor merit for them. After this, he accused the Patritians of having put Cassius to death, for no other cause than favouring the Commons, as also of privily murdering Genutius the Tribune, eleven years after, which had terrified others since from such attempts as his were. He mentioned the affronts late∣ly made to the Tribunes, and concluded with an exhortation to the multi∣tude, to free themselves from this Tyranny of the great ones, by passing the Law without giving heed to the disswasions of any. The Assembly was so moved by his words, that they seemed impatient of any thing to be said a∣gainst it; but Icilius rising up, after he had extolled the worth of the man, said, it was neither just, nor agreeable with the custome of the City, to hinder any one from speaking against the Law, especially such an one as asserted right, and opposed violence. He adjourned then the Comitia till the next day, when he comanded all to be present, who would speak any thing against it. The Patritians meeting at the Consul's house in the evening, resolved, if they could not with words, by deeds to hinder the passing of the Law, and be∣times in the morning took up the Forum, spreading themselves all over to hinder the uniting of the Commons. The Comitia being full, those that spake could not be heard, some incouraging, and others interrupting them with great clamours.* 1.1527 The Consuls protested against this carriage, and that if any violence succeeded, the Commons were the procurers of it; and the Tribunes answered, that they had heard long such discourses as they were now making. The day being far spent, the People required the ballots; but then the young Patritians hindred them from uniting in their Tribes, and snatched away the pots and ballots, beating out of the Forum the Officers attending for the gathering of Suffrages. The Tribunes crying out, and casting them∣selves into the throng, they gave way to them, where ever they went, but hindred such as would have followed, and rendred their Office thereby un∣serviceable. At length the Patritians prevailed against the passing of the Law, by the means of three Families especially, viz. the Posthumii, Sem∣pronii, and Cloeli••, most eminent for Nobility, Riches, and Clients, who also especially hindred the confirmation of the Agrarian by a Plebiscitum.

91. The Tribunes consulting how to vindicate their cause, the most moderate opinion prevailed, that neither the Consuls, nor any other Patritians, save those of the three Families now mentioned, should be called to answer be∣fore the People; and not for their lives, but estates, for resisting the Tri∣bunes in preferring the Law. The Patritians gave way to it, and having re∣deemed the estates, restored them to the owners. Afterwards, when the Tribunes again went about to prefer the Law, news came that the Enemy was on his march to Rome, as far as Tusculum, which place onely stopped him, but could not long hold out. Levies now being to be made, according to a Decree of the Senate,* 1.1528 the Tribunes endeavoured to hinder them, but another Decree being published, that the Patritians with their Clients, and such as voluntarily came in, would undertake the War; some for shame, some for plunder, and others to gratifie the Nobility, gave their names; and amongst the rest Siccius himself, whom followed a Cohort of 800 old Soldiers to do him honour, though excused from warfare by the Laws. A strong Army be∣ing presently raised, the Enemies retired, and were followed by the Consuls to Antium, where the Armies lying incamped one against the other, the Aequi, confident of their strength, at length provoked the Romans to fight. Romulius having then the command, sent for Siccius, as the story goes, and gave him order with his Cohort to go a certain way, and fall behind upon the Enemies Camp;* 1.1529 intending either to disgrace him upon refusal, or destroy him by so impossible an undertaking. When Siccius laboured to shew him that the thing could not be done, he upbraided him with his speeches used in the Comitia concerning his own exploits, and objected to him pretended valour. Hereat he undertook the matter, and giving all to understand his case, depar∣ted with his men all weeping, to the regret of the Army, who expected of these 800 to see no man return alive. Siccius led them not the same way as the Consul thought, which being mountainous, would have brought cer∣tain destruction to them ascending,* 1.1530 but another through a Wood, by which they came upon the Camp of the Aequi, where it was forsaken of the guard, now gone to behold the fight of the two Armies, before this time joyned. Falling in with a shout, the Aequi supposing the other Consul present, for∣sook the Camp and fled, after which Siccius and his Cohort marched down towards the battel, whom the Enemy discovering on their back, and knowing their Camp to be taken, were also discouraged and fled: The Romans pur∣sued them till night, and did great execution, but none so valiantly demeaned himself as Siccius Dentatus.

92. Siccius having lodged himself and his men in the Enemies Camp, the next day set it and all the stuff therein on fire, and with haste marched for Rome, on purpose to deprive the Consuls of the honour they expected. Coming into the Forum, he related to the Tribunes and People the whole pas∣sage, how he and his old men being destined to ruine, had obtained the Vi∣ctory.* 1.1531 Hereby he not onely ingratiated himself with the People, but pro∣cured the displeasure of the Senate also against the Consuls, who were denied the honour of a Trimph. The Commons gratified Siccius in the highest mea∣sure they could, making him one of their Tribunes for the following year, wherein Sp. Tarpeius, and A. Ternius (or Thermus rather as Gellius hath it) were Consuls. The first he did relating to his Office, was to set the former Consuls a day to answer before the People, for violating the power of the Tribuneship, and devising the destruction of him and his Soldiers: and so resolved was the whole College, that the judgment passed without interrup∣tion intended by the Patritians, and they were both condemned in a pecu∣niary mulct. The present Consuls were hereby rendred more inclinable to∣wards the Commons; so that they procured a Decree of the Senate, and a Law passed in the Centuriata Comitia,* 1.1532 that All Magistrates should have li∣berty to punish such as violated their authority, which was formerly the pri∣vilege of the Consuls onely. But the mulct was not left to their discretion, provision being made, that it should not exceed the worth of two Oxen, or thirty Sheep; which Law was long observed by the Romans. After this,

the Tribunes propounded to the Senate, that Laws might be made, which the Citie should use for ever.* 1.1533 After a grave debate, the advice of Romulius the late condemned Consul prevailed, who contrary to the expectation of both parties spoke in behalf of the thing propounded. He said, he was for the interest of the Patritians as long as there was any hopes of its continuance, but finding things in such a condition, as it must necessarily decline, he thought it wis∣dom to comply with that necessity, and advised that Ambassadors might be sent to the Greek Cities in Italy, and to Athens, thence to fetch such Laws as were most excellent, and befitting the Commonwealth. After their return was to be propounded to the People the choice of Law-makers, what their power should be, for how long, and what other things should appertain to them. Siccius extraordinarily affected with the mans ingenuity, said he was how friends with him, and remitted his fine; but he refused to forbear the payment of it, because already sacred to their gods. A Senatus Con∣sultum being made, and confirmed by a Plebiscitum, Ambassadors were chosen to fetch Laws from the Greeks.* 1.1534 These were Sp. Posthumius, Ser. Sulpitius, and A. Manlius, to whose use Gallies were assigned, and fur∣nished at the publick charge, as was suitable with the Majesty of the Roman People.

92. For the following year, being the first of the 82 Olympiad, wherein Lycus a Thessalian of Larissa was Victor in the course, Charephanes exerci∣sing the Office of principal Archon, the 300th year of the Citie being now ended (as Dionysius computeth, following the account of Cato) P. Horatius and Sext. Quintilius were Consuls. Now fell a greater plague than ever had been known, upon both Citie and Countrey, which swept away Quin∣tilius the Consul, and Sp. Furius chosen in his place, with four Tribunes, and many Senators. The succeeding Consuls were L. Menenius and P. Sextius, who took care for Corn to supply the Citie, which laboured under a famine, by reason that the grounds lay untilled the former year. In their year the Am∣bassadors returned out of Greece with Laws, presently after which the Tri∣bunes required, that according to the Senates Decree, law-makers might be appointed. The Consuls knowing not how to deny them, yet unwilling to weaken the interest of the Patritians, deferred the matter, saying, that the time of the Comitia was at hand, after which they would labour, joyntly with the Consuls Elect, in the businesse. The Tribunes were content; but when the Comitia were past, wherein Appius Claudius, and T. Genutius were chosen, they grew idle, and neglected the administration of affairs, as now be∣longing unto others; and Menenius was sickly, pining away, as was thought, by melancholy; of which Sextius took advantage, pretending he could do nothing by himself. The Tribunes then betook themselves to the Consuls Elect, and though they had not yet entered upon their Magistracy, importuned them to gratifie the Commons, by proposing great honours and rewards. Ap∣pius being elevated with the hope of a new kind of Magistracy, grew popular, and perswaded his Collegue to a compliance, so that Sextius was forced to call together the Senate, and propound concerning Laws.

93. Many things were spoken, as well by those that desired a new model, as others, who thought it sufficient to rest satisfied in the customs of their Countrey. But the opinion of the designed Consuls prevailed, which Appius the principal of the two delivered, being asked his advice, according to the custom, before any other Senators. Their sense was, that ten men but of the chief of the Senate were to be Elected, whose power continuing for a year should be the same with that of the Kings and Consuls, and all other Magistracies cease till they might be renewed according to Laws: in the mean time the ten men, or Decemviri, were to administer Justice to private men, and model the Commonwealth. When the day came wherein this Senatus Consultum was to be confirmed by the People, the designed Consuls re∣signed their Office, for which they were exceedingly admired, and remembred in the choice. In the Centuriate Comitia were created App. Claudius and T. Genutius, late Consuls Elect; P. Sextius Consul for that present year, the

three Ambassadors who fetched Laws out of Greece, P. Posthumius. Ser. Sulpitius,* 1.1535 A. Manlius, and one of the former year's Consuls T. Romulius, who had been condemned by Siccius the Tribune, and afterwards was the author of this popular act: besides these, out of the Senate C. Julius. T. Vetu∣rius, and P. Horatius, all of Consular dignity. The Tribunes, Aediles, Quae∣stors, and all other Magistrates were for a time devested of all power. Instead of Horatius, Livy mentioneth P. Curiatius.

SECT. II. From the Creation of the Decemviri to the War of Privernae, which fell out the same year that Darius Codomannus died: the space of 121 years.

* 1.15361. THe second change in the Government (from Consuls to Ten men,* 1.1537 or Decemviri, as the first was from Kings to Consuls) hapned in the 302 year of the Citie, according to the account of Cato, and the 303 after the computation of Larrutius and Varro, which fell in with the 2 and 3 years of the 82 Olympiad, the 14th of the reign of Artaxerxes Longimanus, 449 be∣fore the Aera of Christ, A. M. 3554. and, as may be gathered both out of Dionysius and Livy, on the Ides of May.

* 1.15382. The Decemviri having taken upon them the Government, in reference to a new constitution, agreed that onely one of them at one time should have the Fasces and other consular Ensigns. He assembled the Senate, con∣firmed the Decrees, and did other things agreeable with chief Magistracy. The rest (for to lessen envy) differed little in habit from private men, ha∣ving onely an Accensus, or sort of Beadle, going before them, which Livy ad∣deth to the relation of Dionysius. They succeeded by turns, for a certain li∣mited time, till the year went about. The present Possessor of the Fasces onely saith Livy, but all of them as Dionysius seemeth to mean, judged private causes together with publick ones belonging to their subjects, and as∣sociates. All things they managed with such Justice and moderation, that the Commonwealth seemed most happy under them, having no need of ap∣peal. Appius above the rest grew exceeding popular by his familiarily with the ordinary sort; so as in a manner he carried away the praise from the whole College, for that he had a further design than any of the rest.

3. At length having made a model out of such Laws as were brought out of Greece, and their own Countrey's customes, they proposed it to the view of all men in ten Tables, that any one might make exceptions; liberty be∣ing given to private persons to inform the Law-makers, who consulted much with the Nobility about the work. When all approved of them; a Senatus Consultum passed, nemine contradicente, for the ratifying of these Laws, and the question being put to the People in the Centuriata Comitia, they were confirmed most religiously in presence of the Pontifies, Augurs, and Priests. Then were they ingraven in brasse, saith Dionysius and others, in Ivory saith Pomponius the Lawyer, and proposed to the publick view in the most conspicuous part of the Forum, as Minos of old, according to Plato, and long after him Solon, caused his Laws to be written in Tables by the Athe∣nian: called* 1.1539 Cyrbes and Axones. The year being almost out, the Decemviri moved the Senate about the Comitia. After a great debate it was resolved to continue this kind of Magistracy for the following year; because something seemed yet wanting to the new model, through the shortnesse of time allotted to the work; but especially for that by this Office the Tribuneship was suspen∣ded, of which the Patritians had cause to be most jealous. The commons thought they had good reason to concur with the Fathers in this choice, and the day for holding the Comitia was appointed.

The most antient and honorable of the Fathers stood for this Office, fearing that if turbulent spirits were possessed of it, they might have a great advantage against the State. Above all others was Appius extolled to the skies, the Commons labouring earnestly to retain him in his place, for that none had behaved himself better than he. He desired to be excused, pre∣tending he had rather be discharged of so troublesom and ingratefull a work. At length overcome as it were by the intreaties of the people, he professed himself amongst the Candidates,* 1.1540 and by accusing all others, as owing him ill will for his publick spirit, made way for himself and his friends. In the Centuriate Comitia he was made Decemvir the second time, and with him was joyned Q. Fabius Vibulanus, who had been Consul three times, a man hitherto of unblameable carriage: out of the other Patritians by the procure∣ment of Appius were created M. Cornelius, M. Servilius, L. Minucius, T. Antonius, and Manius Rabuleius, persons of no great Eminency, and out of the Commons Q. Petilius, Caeso Duellius, and Sp. Oppius, whom he took in, the more to ingratiate himself with the rabble, saying, it was just that the Commons should share in that Magistracy, which was to govern and com∣mand all.

4. Appius, a man more popular than any Magistrate that ever governed, either King or Consul, with his nine Collegues, entred his Office on the Ides of May, which saith Dionysius hapned in the full Moon, according to the course whereof moneths at that time were observed. The first thing the De∣cemviri did,* 1.1541 was mutually to agree and confirm by Oath to be of one mind, not to hold the Assemblies, but perpetually to retain the power in their own hands: to admit none into their number, and to be of equal power and au∣thority amongst themselves; to make use of Senatus Consultum's, and Ple∣biscitum's, but rarely, and never except in case of necessity, acting most things by virtue of their own power. On the first day (which to the Ro∣mans was ever Festival and Religious) after their superstitious Ceremo∣nies were over, they all appeared with regal Ensigns, which exceedingly terrified the people, especially the Axes added again to the Rods, which Poplicola had laid aside, and none of his Successors the Consuls used in the Citie. By this fear they sought to procure themselves security, each of them getting about him a company of stout young men, such as were most addicted to him.

Some preferring their private commodity before the publick good flat∣tered them, and even amongst the Patritians themselves were not want∣ing, who though Eminent both for birth and estate patiently bore the op∣pression of their Countrey. The Decemviri indulging their pleasures, ex∣ercised now their authority with all licentiousnesse, nothing valuing the Roman Senate and people. Being both Legislators and Judges, many Ci∣tizens they unjustly put to death, and deprived others of their Estates, whose causes were all formally judged, that they might have some shew, and pretence of Justice, accusers being suborned out of their Dependents, each one affording all assistance herein to his Collegue. Such private persons as in their sutes feared their cause were constrained to joyn themselves to the party of their Judges; so as it came to passe in a short time that most of the Citizens were also corrupted. Such as were offended with the extravigancy of the ten retired themselves, expecting the Comitia for the Creation of new Magistrates.

* 1.15425. The Decemviri added two Tables of Laws to the ten that were made the year before. Amongst these new Laws there was one which forbad marriage betwixt the Patritians and Plebeians, for no other cause as Dio∣nysius conjectureth, than lest the families being joyned together, concord should ensue betwixt the two orders. These Laws thus by accident, saith(a) 1.1543 Pomponius, came to be called the Laws of the twelve Tables, being written by the Decemviri, through the perswasion of one Hermodorus an Ephesian, as some reported, then banished into Italy, concerning which person(b) 1.1544 Cicero and others are to be consulted. These Laws being esta∣blished,

it followed,* 1.1545 that disputations and controversies of the Court should be necessary, for as much as an interpretation was to be built upon the autho∣rity of the Learned. This disputation, or this unwritten Law, composed by the Learned, is not called by any peculiar name, as all other parts, but by the common one of Jus Civile, or Civil Law onely. Besides, out of these Laws, at the same time almost, were composed certain cases, wherein men contested one with another, which cases, lest the People should make them at their pleasure, were to be certain and solemn; and this part of Law is cal∣led Actiones Juris,* 1.1546 or Cases at Law. Thus almost at the same time these three sorts of Laws arose, viz. the Laws of the twelve Tables; from these flowed the Civil Law: and from the same were composed Cases at Law. But the knowledge of expounding all these, and the Cases themselves, were kept by the College of Pontifices, who appointed yearly those that judged Private Persons, which custome the People used almost 100 years. After∣ward, when Appius Claudius had propounded, and reduced these Cases into form,(c) 1.1547 Gnaeus Flavius his Scribe, and the son of a Libertine (or of one whose father was once a Slave) stole the Book, and gave it to the People, which accepted so thankfully of the gift, that he was made Tribune of the Commons, a Senator, and Aedilis curulis. This Book was called Jus Ci∣vile Flavianum, as the other Jus Civile Papirianum. Yet Flavius ad∣ded nothing of his own to the Book. The City increasing, and there being as yet wanting certain sorts of Cases, not long after Sextus Aelius composed other Cases, and gave a Book to the People called Jus Aelianum.

* 1.15486. There being now in the City, the Lex or Law of the twelve Tables, the Jus Civile, or Civil Law, and the Cases of Law, it came to passe, that the Commons disagreeing with and separating from the Patritians, appointed Laws of their own making, called Plebiscita. After their return, there be∣ing a great controversie about these, it was thought good to receive them also for Laws, and so it was enacted by a Law preferred by* 1.1549 Hortensius the Di∣ctator; so though there was a difference in the form of making a Law (cal∣led Lex) and a Plebiscitum, yet the authority was the same. Then for that it was difficult for the People to meet, because of it's multitudes, necessity it self devolved the care of the Commonwealth upon the Senate. So the Senate began to interpose, and whatsoever it resolved was observed: and that Law was called Senatus Consultum. At the same time the Magistrates also administred Justice, and that the People might know what they would deter∣mine concerning any thing, and to fore-arm themselves, they published Edicts, which Edicts of the Praetors constituted the Jus Honorarium, so na∣med from the honour and authority of the Praetor. Lastly, as the course of affaires reduced the making of Laws to fewer fashions, at length it came to passe through several Factions (viz. of Sylla, Marius, Pompey, and Caesar) that there was necessity of the Commonwealth's being governed by a single person. For the Senate not being able to govern all the Provinces, a Prince was ordained, and what he appointed was taken for Law. So that in the Commonwealth of Rome, all Law was either so constituted by a Law called Lex, as that of the twelve Tables; or properly called Jus Civile, which being unwritten, consisted in the interpretation of the Learned; or Cases of Law, which contained the form of Pleas; or a Plebiscitum made without the au∣thority of the Fathers: or the Edict of a Magistrate, called Jus Honorarium: or a Senatus Consultum, which without a Law (Lex) was ordained by the sole authority of the Senate: or Principalis constitutio, which the Prince him∣self enacted.

7. These things are written by Pomponius in this narrative of the Origi∣nal of Law; for the better understanding whereof, it is to be noted, that the word Jus signifieth all Law or right in general, and is that genus whereof Lex is but a species, being defined by(a) 1.1550 Justinian the Emperour to be that which the People of Rome upon the quaestion put by a Senatorian Magistrate (for example a Consul) did enact. As for the twelve Tables, they were furnished with Laws, partly borrowed from the Graecians, partly added at the

discretion of the Lawmakers, and partly the same as formerly were in use.* 1.1551 Of the first sort were such especially as concerned private interests. Of the second was that which forbad mariage betwixt the Nobility and Commons. And of the third, that Law which from Dionysius we formerly mentioned to have been made by Romulus, giving power to a man to call together his wives kindred, and judge her for drinking wine, or dishonesty: this is at∣tested to have been taken into the twelve Tables by(b) 1.1552 Plinie; and(c) 1.1553 Gellius also hinteth as much. From(d) 1.1554 Ausonius is observed, that these twelve Tables were divided into three parts, whereof the first contained what be∣longed to the Religion of the Romans, the second what concerned the pub∣lick, and the third the rights of private men. Great are the commenda∣tions which many give of them, but the most eminent is Cicero's Encomium, that we name no more. Disputing under the name of Crassus, in(e) 1.1555 one place he thus speaketh: If diversity of Studies please any, in the twelve Ta∣bles there is a great image of Antiquity: because the antient use of words is known, and certain kinds of actions declare the life and custome of our An∣cestors. If any look at Polity, you shall find it all in the twelve Tables, which describe all the interests and parts of the State: or if any one be taken with this glorious Philosophy,* 1.1556 I will speak more boldly, these are the fountains of all his disputes contained in the Civil Law (Jure Civili) and Laws (Le∣gibus.) Though all be displeased, I will speak what I think: that little Book of the twelve Tables alone, in my opinion excelleth the Libraries of all the Philosophers (if one view the fountains and heads of Laws) both in weight of authority and copiousnesse of advantage. In another(f) 1.1557 place he writeth, that when he was a boy, they were wont to learn the twelve Tables as some ne∣cessary Poem. Lastly, a collection of the fragments of these Tables out of approved Authors (such especially as conduce to the explication of the Insti∣tutions, and of antient Law with deep Antiquities) hath been made by I. Cris∣pinus, to which the Reader is referred.

* 1.15588. But (to return) the Decemviri at the usual time of the Comitia bid∣ding farewel to the customs of their Country, and the new Laws, neither re∣garding the approbation of Senate nor People, continued themselves in pow∣er for the year following, which was the third of the Decemvirate, the first of the 83 Olympiad, according to Dionysius, wherein Criso of Himera was Victor, Philiscus being Archon at Athens. They so ordered the matter shortly, as even all the considerable part of the Citizens, (Patritians and others) they either killed, or forced to quit the City. This pleased them well enough, but the Sabines and Aequi thinking it a fit time to attempt some great matter against Rome, invaded the territories thereof, and of the La∣tines. The Decemviri much troubled hereat, after a consultation how to make resistance several wayes, found themselves constrained to assemble the Senate, wherein Appius with a premeditated Oration propounded the mat∣ter of the War.* 1.1559 L. Valerius Potitus, the son of him that besieged the Capi∣tol, and grandson of Poplicola, first arose, and though he was commanded by Appius to forbear, flew high against the tyranny of the present Usurpers. He being forced to silence, was seconded by Marcus Horatius Barbatus, great grandson of the Collegue of Poplicola, who having expressed great in∣dignation, the Decemviri incensed with his biting words, threatned to cast him down headlong from the Rock. All the Senators at this cried out as at a breach of their privilege, and made a tumult, whereat the Ten repented of what they had done, and excused themselves, saying, they deprived none of speaking to the matter in hand, but interrupted Seditious Orations, which they might do by their power of Consuls and Tribunes received from the People, not for a year onely, nor any limited time, but till the work of Laws were finished, untill which time they were resolved to act, and then give an account of their administration. Appius having delivered this in the name of all,* 1.1560 asked the opinion of C. Claudius his Uncle.

9. Claudius beginning his Oration with the occasion of their meeting, fitly shewed what was the occasion of it. The War he demonstrated to be

begun by no other inducements than what the present distempers of the State afforded, which were bred by the arbitrary and tyrannical carriage of his Ne∣phew, and his nine Companions. He made out what these distempers were, and by virtue of his relation to Appius, took upon him, after a sharp re∣proof, by the nearnesse of their blood, their Ancestors, and the Decemvir's Father, with all that was dear and religious to them both, to conjure him, that putting a stop to his ambitious course (destructive to himself as well as the publick) he would resign his usurped power, and restore the Common∣wealth to it's former government and liberty. Appius answered him not a word, which so moved him, that with tears he signified he would depart to Rhegillum, the seat of his Forefathers, and there continue till that fell upon the Decemvirate, which he guessed would happen in a short time; for as much as he could not endure to behold his Nephew degenerate so much from the antient worth of their Family. As concerning the War, he advised the Fathers to resolve nothing, till the accustomed Magistrates were first crea∣ted. The graver and more eminent sort of Senators that spake after, were all of this opinion, which made the Ten resolve to ask none now according to their age, as the custome was, but M. Cornelius called upon his brother Lu∣cius to deliver his opinion. He attributed all that had been said against the Decemviri to envy, saying, it was because the speakers themselves could not compasse the Office, and laboured to shew, that it was most foolish counsel to resolve upon new elections, which would require time, and defer the War that threatned ruine and desolation. By pressing the danger very close, and urging what necessity there was of committing the War to the manage∣ment of the Decemviri, he drew almost all the younger sort to his party, there being many even in the Senate from whom fear wrested compliance. After all these, the Decemviri gave Valerius leave to speak, whom first of all they had interrupted. He professed he was of Claudius his judgement as to the whole, and answered all the reasons of Cornelius by one proposal; that a Dictator might be instantly named, shewing, that if they missed of this opportunity, they could not expect again to bee assembled by the Decem∣viri.

10. Few that delivered their opinions after him remained unconvinced, and many were changed from the sense they had before delivered. He required then of the Ten, that the matter might be further considered of, and all might have liberty to recall their votes, which caused a great contest betwixt him and Cornelius, who desiring that the Decemviri might have the command in the War, cried out, that the thing was already decided in a legal manner, and desired the parties might be counted. Much heat being shewed by both, the Fathers were also divided, which advantage the Ten took to do what they pleased. Appius then formally declaring for what cause they had been assem∣bled, told them they were divided according to the three several opinions of Claudius, Cornelius, and Valerius, every one having had liberty to speak his mind freely: and seeing that most had approved of what Cornelius had pro∣pounded, he declared his partie to have overcome. Then commanded he the Clerk to draw up a Senatus Consultum, whereby power of raising Forces, and commanding them, was given to the Decimviri; and therewith the Se∣nate was dismissed. They were by this kind of victory rendred more confi∣dent, and imperious, as having now in their own thoughts established them∣selves, by having an Army at their command, which Valerius had advised the Fathers earnestly to beware.* 1.1561 Horatius and Valerius made provision for their own defence, by gathering together their Clients and dependents, and Claudius, as he had said, departed into the Country of the Sabines, whose example multitudes following, left their native seat, with their wives and chidren departing into voluntary exil. The Decemviri troubled hereat, en∣deavoured at first to hinder them by shutting the gates, but again fearing they might out of fury attempt some dangerous thing, they let them depart, but seized on such goods as they left behind, having accused them of defection. These things being added to the former miscariages, incensed much more

both Patritians and Plebeians against them. Yet had they proceeded no further in such like outrages, they might probably for a much more longer time have secured their power, through that influence which the mutual emulation of these orders afforded. For the Plebeians were glad to see the high spirits of the Patritians dejected, and the Senate void of all power: on the other side, the Nobility rejoyced that the Commons had lost their former liberty, having not the least help, because the Tribunitial power was taken away. But they neither using moderation in War, nor temperance at home, constrained all to unite for their destruction, which followed certain hainous offences committed against the Commons.

* 1.156211. They divided their Army into three parts, whereof one remained with Appius and Oppius in the Citie, the two other their Collegues led forth against the Sabines and Aequi. The later forced the Romans to forsake their Camp, and shamefully to fly, which caused great rejoycing in Rome amongst the Enemies of the Decemviri, so that Appius fearing some attempt, wrote to his Collegues in the Army, by one means or other to destroy their known adversaries, which was effected upon diverse. But at Rome, Siccius Den∣ratus, the Roman Achilles as he was named, amongst others spake much a∣gainst the Captains as Cowards and unskilfull, which Appius understanding, with good words perswaded him to go as Lieutenant or Legatus to the Army then lying at Crustumeria against the Sabines. He not suspecting what was designed, undertook the employment, for that the Office of Legatus was most sacred and honorable amongst the Romans, having the authority and power of a General, and the inviolablenesse and veneration of a Priest. When he came to the Camp he was sent out with 100 men upon service, who had order to kill him. He fought with them all, slew fifteen, and wounded twice as many,* 1.1563 so that finding it too difficult a task to kill him by hand-stroaks, they threw Darts and Stones at him, and thereby at length, and at a di∣stance, performed what was injoyned them. Though the murderers ac∣cording to agreement gave out he fell by the Enemie's hand, yet the Soldiers fetching him off to give him honorable burial, by several circumstances plainly perceived the truth, and demanding Justice against the instruments, when that was put off, and they concealed, they easily understood who were the principal cause, and thought of nothing more than how to revolt.

12. The Army lying at Crustumeria and Fidenae being thus incensed against the Decemviri, another wicked act of Appius caused the other which lay incamped at Algidum against the Aequi, not onely to think of, but fully to effect a revolt. There was one L. Virginius a Plebeian, who had a daugh∣ter the most beautifull of all Roman women. The maid being but young and at School near the Forum, Appius as he passed that way fell in love with her in such a measure as by no means could he allay his brutish passion. Marry her he could not, being a Plebeian, neither could he hope to obtain her for his Concubine: there remained then no other way for him to enjoy her, than by procuring M. Claudius one of his Clients to challenge her as his Slave, so that the matter being brought before him to judgement, he might judge her so to be. Claudius laid his claim, by affirming she was the true and natural daughter of his Slave, and that the wife of Virginius, now dead, her self being barren, procured the Child, and brought it up for her own; which though he and others knew well enough, yet being young, he had not op∣portunity till now to right himself. The pretence was so impudent, as raised the indignation of all persons no otherwise concerned than as in the publick liberty. Numitor the maid's Uncle by her mother, and Icilius the son of Icilius one of the first Tribunes of the Commons, to whom she was already contracted, sufficiently evidenced the truth; but Appius being bent upon his lustfull design, would hear no reason, and had not a tumult hapned out of the indignation of the multitude, would have given her up in the hands of Claudius, till such time as her father could be sent for from the Army to defend her cause. Being hardly drawn to put off the matter till the next day, and not giving any more time, wrote to Algidum to hinder Vir∣ginius

from coming, bidding Antonius the Commander of that Legion to confine him, lest he should hear any thing of his daughter. But Numitor, and the brother of Icilius, prevented the Letters, and Virginius pretending the death of a near relation, getting leave to depart, through by-wayes returned to the Citie, fearing a pursute after the arrival of the Letters, which accordingly hapned, but he thus evaded it.

13. Virginius then was present in the morning to the great astonishment of Appius, when his daughter was commanded to be brought forth. He proved the maid to be his own daughter, and no supposititious brood; but Ap∣pius, a man of no great natural abilities, besides the brutish, corrupted by the greatnesse of his power, and inflamed with the excesse of his passion, neither considered the defence of Virginius, nor was moved by the bitter tears of the Virgin, being angry at the pity of the standers by, who appre∣hended the case of Father and Daughter no otherwise than as their own, as if he himself were more to be pitied, enduring more for her beauties sake than she herself. Interrupting those that spake in her behalf, and command∣ing them silence, he told them, that this was not the first time he had had knowledge of this matter, for that Claudius his father being a Client to their family had committed him yet a Boy, when he died, to his protection. In the time of his Guardianship he said it had been cleared to him how Numitoria had procured the Girl of Claudius his Slave,* 1.1564 but he thought it more conve∣nient to let the matter rest till Claudius was grown up, either to take, or sell her as he should like best. Since he came into imployment he had not med∣led with his Clients affairs, but he himself it seemeth making an inventory of his goods, and having notice of this Slave, now challenged his right, and ac∣cordingly he both witnessed, and judged him to be the right Lord and owner of her. Great outcries and lamentation being made, as well by the by-stan∣ders as the Virgin's relations, Appius commanded all to depart, and gave or∣der to Claudius to take possession of his Slave. Virginius, seeing there was no way but to yield to the Tyrant's lust if his daughter lived, desired he might speak with her a little aside, as to take his last farewell, which being granted, he drew her, hanging upon him, and pitifully bewailing her condi∣tion, towards a Butchers stall, whose knife taking into his hands, he said, Daughter, I will send thee to our Ancestors, both free, and of honest repute; for the Tyrant will not suffer thee to be either here; and therewith he stabbed, and dispatch'd her.

14. With the bloudy knife in his hand he ran through the Citie, calling the People to their liberty, and coming to the Gate, rode Post to the Army; a company of 400 Plebeians following after. In the same posture he came to the Camp at Algidum, holding the knife, which together with his cloaths was all bloudy. Calling the Soldiers together, he took occasion from his own misfortune to let them see in what condition their liberty stood, and with urgent reasons perswaded them to revolt from the ten, and redeem their Countrey. They being conscientious, as to their Sacramentum, or Military Oath, whereby they had sworn not to forsake their Leaders, but fol∣low them whithersoever, he told them they were discharged from any Obligation, because the Law for the Oath supposed the Captains should be created according to the Laws, which the ten were not, having u∣surped the power ever since the last time for the Comitia. Being satis∣fied herewith, the Army departed, some few Centurious onely re∣maining, and took up its station in the Aventine Mount, and the next day fortifying the Camp chose ten Captains, whereof M. Oppius was the Chief. Presently there came a great party from Fidenae, and joyned with them, being offended with the murther of Siccius, and they chusing also ten men out of their body, to the twenty the whole matter now con∣tended for was referred. Appius in the mean while having gone by force to suppresse the tumult he had raised in the Citie, was overpowered by the faction of Valerius and Horatius formerly mentioned, and now per∣ceiving that most of the odium lay upon himself as the principal cause, he

kept himself in his house. Sp. Oppius therefore assembled the Fathers, at which time came the Captains from Fidenae, requiring that the revolters might be punished. L. Cornelius accordingly moved that they should all be remanded back to their charges, which if they obeyed, the Ring-leaders one∣ly were to be punished, but if they refused, the Senate then should consider how all those might be dealt with, who had betrayed their trust. But the Fa∣thers were too sensible of present grievances, to hear the motion of such cor∣rupt interest,* 1.1565 and were prevailed with by Valerius and Horatius, to make Peace with the Army (which by this time was departed to the Holy Mount) on condition that the same form of Government should return, as was in be∣ing before the creation of the Decemviri.

15. Valerius Potitus, and M. Horatius Barbatus, both inheritors of popu∣larity,* 1.1566 were created Consuls in the Centuriate Comitus, who (according to their promise to the Commons when they procured them to lay down Arms, that they would by all means possible procure their benefit) preferred divers Laws to the regret of the Patritians. One was, that such Laws as the Commons enacted should passe in the Comitia of the Curiae, wherein they were more prevalent than the Partitians, as those in the Centuriate, by reason of their influence upon the Equites, and the richer sort of Plebeians, were ever too strong for the multitude, by reason of the distribution of the several Classes into Centuries formerly shewn. After this the Tribunes, whereof Virginius was one, thought fit to call the Decemviri to an account. Virginius being appointed the accuser of Appius, insisted most, saith Livie, upon that Law, which commanded the defendant to have liberty till such time as his or her slavery was proved, which Appius had gone about to violate in his daughter's case. Before the trial, being committed to prison, for that no bail would be taken, he was there found dead, as some thought secretly made away by the Tribunes, but as they and others gave out, having hanged himself. After him Sp. Oppius, as next to him in guilt, was accused, and being condemned, died the same day in prison by his own hands, saith Livie. The other eight banish∣ed themselves, and Claudius the pretended Master of Virginius was driven out after them: with which justice the State was satisfied, and indemnity given to all others. Things thus seeming to be setled, the Consuls took the field against the Aequi, Volsci, and Sabines, against whom their successe was such, as deserved a Triumph, but the Senate gave them a repulse, being grie∣ved at the Laws they had made in behalf of the Commons. Claudius also the Uncle of Appius accused them of the murther of his Nephew, and other vi∣olent courses taken against the Decemviri, and their party, whereas all ought to have been (according to agreement) buried in oblivion. The Consuls appealed to the People, and complaining much of the Senate, procured by the help of the Tribunes a Law to passe for their receiving the privilege of Tri∣umph from the People.

16. The Commons by all the privileges already obtained, were but more inflamed with a desire of greater, each morsel out of the prerogative of the Patritians, adding unto their appetite. After three years they required to be made partakers of the Consulship, which hitherto the other had enjoy∣ed,* 1.1567 being elected in the Centuriate Comitia, wherein they themselves had the power. The Tribunes provided a bill for making the People free, and at their own choice, whether they would create Patritians or Plebeians at every ele∣ction, which thing the Senators bearing most hainously, as seeing their privi∣leges utterly ruined thereby, thought all things to be endured, rather than the Law should passe. The Allies of Rome now sent for aid against the Aequi, and Sabines, who invaded them, and news was brought that the Veientes and Ardeates would revolt; but the Tribunes those Popular Tyrants hindred all Levies,* 1.1568 suffering none, that refused to be listed, to receive punishment; nei∣ther could the Senate prevail with them, to defer the matter till the Warre should be ended. The Consuls in so difficult a time held a private conference of certain Senators, whereof Claudius, according to the genius of his An∣cestors, was all for resistance, urging that nothing was in this matter to be

yielded to the Commons, who went about to change the constitution of the State, and thereby were enemies to it. But T. Quintius shewed what in∣convenience force and civil War might bring, and the rather, for that their Ancestors had made the Tribunes inviolable, by a curse laid upon themselves and posterity, in case their persons were hurt, or the conditions then sworn to in their behalf should be broken. When the rest were all of his opinion, Claudius proposed an expedient as seasonable in so great necessity. He ad∣vised by no means to suffer the Consulship to come into the hands of Plebei∣ans but to create certain Governours in the room of Consuls, six, or eight, whereof an equal number at least should be Patritians; for hereby they should seem not to take too much power to themselves, and yet not give up the other Office, wherein lay the secret of their prerogative, to be managed by base and unworthy men. When this project marvailously pleased all, that nothing might seem to be designed beforehand, he advised the Consuls not to ask them the graver men their opinions first, as the custom was, when the Se∣nate should meet,* 1.1569 but the younger and most popular: and hee appointed T. Genutius the Consul's brother to propound this way of reconciliation as his private sence.

17. When the Senate was assembled, Canuleius the Tribune, who chiefly prosecuted the matter in hand, without pressing it, inveighed against the Consuls, as holding secret meetings, and hatching clandestine designes a∣gainst the State: and those Senators who had not been called took the thing in some disdain. But the Consuls protesting their innocence by an oath, said they would also by deeds declare it, and therewith gave any of the younger sort leave to speak, and when none rose up asked Valerius first of all his opi∣nion. He advised the Fathers to favour the Commons, who had deserved so well both in acquiring dominion, and in getting and preserving liberty, and urged that the City could not be free if there were not an equality of right; yet for that the War was now urgent, he desired the thing might at present be forborn till that was finished, upon promise that then the Law should be propounded. Horatius being asked next, and others, seconded him; and at length Claudius being desired to speak, that he might conceal the design, according to his own custom, and that of his Family, flew out into invectives against the Commons, and advised that the Law might never passe, neither then nor ever after. A greater tumult following, T. Genutius was asked his opinion, and as of himself propounded the expedient, that six Governours might be chosen, three out of each order, who having Consular power, when the time of their Magistracy should be expired, then the Senate and Peo∣ple meeting together, might resolve whether they would have the same Office or that of Consuls for the following year; and what was concluded by most voices, should prevail at the end of every year. This was gladly embraced, both by Senators and Tribunes, and leave given to any Plebeians to stand for the new Office.* 1.1570 But so fickle a thing is desire without reason, and so easily changing into the other extreme, especially of the multitude, that those who so earnestly before sought that the chiefest Magistracy might be communica∣ted to their body, threatning else to leave the City as formerly, and take arms, when they had their desire, were glutted with it, and changed into the other extreme. For many Plebeians standing for the Office, and using their utmost endeavours to be preferred, they thought none of them worthy of that honour, but bestowed it upon eminent Patritians onely, who appear∣ed as Candidates.

* 1.157118. This third change of the Government at Rome, hapned in the third year of the 84 Olympiad, as Dionysius computeth, Diphilus being then Ar∣chon at Athens; but as others, in the first year of that Olympiad, which fell in with the 310 year of the City, and the 21 of Artaxerxes Longimanus,* 1.1572 M. Genutius and C. Quintius according to him, but L. Papyrius and L. Sem∣pronius according to them, being Consuls. These new Magistrates called Tribuni Militum, were A. Sempronius Atratinus, L. Atilius Longus, and T. Claelius (or Caecilius, as Livie hath it) Siculus. Thus at first they

were but three in number, afterward it arose to six, and at length to eight. Pomponius the Lawyer writeth, that sometimes there were twenty,* 1.1573 and som∣times more, which seemeth incredible, no other Author agreeing with him herein, so that Budaeus with reason thinketh the place to be corrupted from Seni to Viceni. This number of Collegues, together with the mixture of Plebeians who afterwards pressed in, procured, that although they had both the power and ensignes of Consuls, yet their privilege and dignity seemed unlike, whence a Tribune in way of contempt called them a Proconsular image, and P. Manlius the Dictator, shewing that a Master of horse-men was inferior to a Consul, compareth his power to that of theirs. Having been for some years created, and for others laid aside, at length in the 388 year of the City, they were quite cast off, at what time Q. Sextius a Plebeian was admitted to the Consulship. But these first Tribunes having held their Office 73 dayes,* 1.1574 then were constrained to lay it down, for that the Augurs found some flaw in their election, and the Government returned into it's former course, the Senate naming T. Quintius Barbarus, who in the Comitia created L. Papyrius Mugillanus, and L. Sempronius Atratinus, although it be doubtful, to say truth, whether there were Tributes onely, or Tribunes and Consuls both for this year.

* 1.157519. But to be sure, for the year following the People having it in their power whether to elect Tribunes or Consuls, resolved upon the later, and created in December, the Moon being then full, M. Geganius Macerinus the second time, and T. Quintius Capitolinus the fifth. This year were the Censors made, Officers who being but contemptible at the beginning, rose to great dignity and power. Their original and power might have been more clearly discovered,* 1.1576 but that Dionysius his History is here in the beginning of this story broken off, the remaining part being lost, to the great dammage of the studious in Antiquity. For not to speak of his smooth style, and the Attick purity thereof, he hath therein delivered the Antiquities of Rome from the first Original, with such diligence, that he seemeth in this respect to have excelled all Writers, both Greek and Roman. For what Latin Authors have neglected, as vulgarly known amongst themselves, as Sacrifices, Games, Triumphs, Ensigns of Magistrates, the universal discipline of the Roman Commonwealth, the Census, Auspicia, Comitia, that difficult distribution of the whole People into Curiae, Classes, Centuries, and Tribes: further, the authority of the Senate, and Commons, with the Power of Magistrates, he of all others hath delivered most accurately. That these things may be better understood,* 1.1577 he compareth them with the customs of Greece, as where he speaketh of Clients, he occasionally maketh mention of this relation a∣mongst the Athenians and Thessalians, as Caesar also writeth it to have been ordinary amongst the Galls. He compareth the Roman Dictator with the Harmostes of the Lacedaemonians, the Archons of the Thessalians, and the Aesymnetes of the Mitylenaeans. The Laws of Romulus, Numa, and Ser∣vius, had perished but for him, as also the knowledge of the Original of Rome in a great measure: and so choice are all his Collections, that they tend, as to the instruction of the Reader in the depth of State mysteries, so also to his acquiring or retaining a religious awe of Providence. Such is his History (saith* 1.1578 one well able to judge) that if it had been kept intire (for it consisteth of twenty Books, as Photius informeth us) there would have been no cause of bewailing the losse of Varro's treasures, with whom he was very familiar, as well as Pompey the Great and Tubero; and from whom he seem∣eth to have derived his choicest Antiquities. These things render a sufficient account, why he is made use of in the History of Roman matters, rather than any other.

20. Servius Tullius the sixt King of Rome first instituted the Census, as was shewn before, and did the work himself, without any peculiar Officer, as also did the Consuls untill this time. But now in the 66th year from the banishment of Tarquinius, and the 311 of the City, there having been no Census for seventeen years, for that the Consuls were necessarily diverted

from that work by more urgent businesse, the Senate procured out of their own order two peculiar Officers to be created, who were called Censores, be∣cause according to their Censio or estimation the People was cessed, saith Var∣ro, or because every one accounted himself worth so much, quanti illi censu∣issent; as they judged, or estimated, according to Festus.

21. At the beginning they were created for five years, because according to Servius his constitution the People were to be cessed at ever Lustrum,* 1.1579 which conteined so many. But their dignity and power so increasing, that they seemed of too long a continuance, nine years after, in the 320 of the City, by a Law which Mamercus Aemilius the Dictator preferred,* 1.1580 the duration of their Office was confined within the term of one year and an half. Though their Office at first was onely to take an estimate of mens Estates, and de∣scribing all publick and private fiches, to distribute the People according to their wealth into Classes and Centuries;* 1.1581 yet within a while they came to have inspection into manners also. For they upon misdemeanour put out of the Senate, took away publick horses, and cast out of the Tribes. The former kind of punishment was inflicted upon Senators, the second upon Equites, and the last upon meer Plebeians. Their removing Se∣naters, was by passing them by at the new election. For,* 1.1582 such Senators saith Festus, as were passed by in former times, were lyable to no disgrace, because as the Kings chose and substituted whom they pleased, so after them the Consuls and Tribunes Military, such as they had greatest interest in; first Patritians, and then after Plebeians, till by the Tribunitial Law of Ovinius, it was ordained, that the Censors out of every order or rank, should (curia∣tim) elect the most worthy into the Senate, whence it came to passe, that such as were passed by or removed, were noted with ignominie. This note out of Festus hinteth to us the antient power of the Roman Kings in making Senators, one of the greatest supporters of the Throne of their Empire.

22. As for the disgrace which they put upon Equites;* 1.1583 It was the custome for every Eques at the publick Census to appear before the Censors with their Horses in their hands. If they approved of them, they bade them passe by and lead away the Horse; if they determined otherwise, they took away the Horse, and commanded him to be sold. The third note of disgrace con∣cerned the Plebeians, whom they either removed from their own Tribe into another lesse honourable, according to Livie, or made them Aerarii, and registred them in the tables of the Caerites, whereby rhey were deprived of their Centurie, and remained Citizens onely in this respect, ut pro capitibus suis tributi nomine aera solverent, as writeth Asconius Pedianus upon the Oration of Cicero against Q. Caecilius, called Divinatio, which disputeth who ought to be admitted the Accuser of Verres.* 1.1584 Gellius telleth us what was meant by the tabulae Caeritum. The Caerites (inhabitants of Caere in Tuscany, once called Agylla) we understand to have been first of all made Municipals, without any right of suffrage: and it was granted them that they might re∣ceive the honour of being free of Rome, without any trouble or burthen, for that they received the Sacra (or idols) of the Romans, and preserved them in the Gallick War; that is, when Rome was taken by the Galls, as Livie hath the story also in this fourth Book. Hence were those called Tabulae Caeritum, vice versa, wherein the Censors caused such to be registred as they depri∣ved of the right of Suffrage. Although these several sorts of punishment respected the several rancks of men,* 1.1585 yet sometimes those of higher degree tasted of all or most of them, so that Senators might not onely be passed by, and Equites deprived of their Horses, but lose their Tribes also, and be re∣duced to the condition of Aerarii.

23. This Office being committed to the prudent management of able persons,* 1.1586 became effectual to the repression of such vice, as fell not under the particular cognisance of penal Laws. Private faults, and domestick misca∣riages were by them noted, with such actions sometimes as now would not simply incur the censure of precise illegallity or indecency. Some of their

questions upon oath were such as these:(a) 1.1587 Hast thou a wife according to thy mind? to which one once making a jesting answer, was made an Aera∣rius. A certain man yawning before the Censors had been punished in that sort, but that he swore he did it unwillingly, being troubled with that disease which the Romans called Oscedo. P. Scipio Nasica and M. Pompilius be∣ing Censors, and finding a certain Knight very fat and compt, whose horse was exceeding lean and ill favoured, they asked him the reason of that dif∣ference, to which he answered: Because he looked to himself, but Statius to his horse; for which irreverent answer he was registred amongst the Aerarii according to the custom. Now Statius was a servile name, given by the an∣tients to most Slaves, whence Caecilius the famous Writer of Tragedies was called Statius, though it was afterwards as it were turned into a sirname, and he called Caecilius Statius. They were wont also to take away horses from very big and corpulent men, as unfit for service, but(b) 1.1588 Gellius ob∣serveth, that this was no punishment, as some thought, but a taking away of the employment without ignominy. This Census was managed in the Cam∣pus Martius, and it being compleated, the Lustrum was made, with prayers for the publick safety, and a sacrifice of the Suovetaurilia formerly men∣tioned. Besides these imployments, the Censors(c) 1.1589 let to farm the customes, and sent(d) 1.1590 out their constitutions throughout the Provinces, called Leges Censoriae. They erected(e) 1.1591 publick buildings, made other publick works, and took care for their repair, as also of the high-wayes, in, and about the Citie more early; and in other places afterward: they also provided for the expence of publick sacrifices. But not onely were there Censors at Rome (as the Graecians also used the Census) but the Colonies also had their Subcensors, who gave account to the other, what numbers of men, and what wealth they found in the several places, which upon information was registred in the publick Tables.

24. The power of the Censorship remained untouched (although the power of the Censors was weakned by restraining their time to a year and an half, though they were named every fifth year) untill the Tribuneship of P. Clodi••s, who by a Law which he preferred(a) 1.1592 forbad any Senator to be passed by, or any of the other Ranks to be noted with ignominy, except lawfully accused, and condemned by sentence of both the Censors. He took an advantage (as it seemeth from(b) 1.1593 Pedianus) at the hatred which had possessed the multi∣tude against the severity of the Office, which procured it to be intermitted for certain years. But afterwards (whether by reason of the corruption that was crept amongst Judges, or for other reasons) Metellu•• Scipio the Consul procured Clodius his Law to be abrogated, and so the antient Vigour of this office returned.* 1.1594 Lipsius writeth, that under the Emperours it was diminished, and lay for dead till the time of Decius. But C. Caesar the Dictator, that he might better execute the Census, went to every ones house; and because the principal part of the Office consisted in forming of manners,* 1.1595 he called him∣self Magister Morum, not Censor. Then the form of the State being changed after the victory of Actium, Augustus having the care of manners committed to him by the Senate, looked to nothing more diligently than the Census, for thrice he performed it, not onely in reference to Roman Citi∣zens, but all Subjects of the Empire, with such care and diligence as none ever before him. Under Tiberius and Caligula the Census was not observed,* 1.1596 but under Claudius the 74th Lustrum was celebrated. Being intermitted during the reign of Nero, Vespasian renewed it, and celebrated the 75 Census. Domitian named himself amongst his other titles Perpetual Censor,* 1.1597 but made no Lustrum, so that for 160 years the Census was intermitted till Decius the Emp. created Valerian Censor with unlimited power.* 1.1598 After this the Censorship was utterly omitted to the great detriment of the Roman Empire, which being at length broken into Eastern and Western,* 1.1599 the Emperours of the former (Greekish Emperours) made use of it, as others also of later times, and it appeareth that in the intermission thereof, in the dayes of Tra∣jan, particular Provinces and Towns had their Censors, who made choice of

their Senators. Lastly, the Censors during the popular Gouernment were of Consular dignity, ever after the second Punick War, though it was other∣wise sometimes before. The same persons were never created twice. And in case one of them died in his Office, his Collegue continued not therein, neither was any put into the place of the dead, because in that year wherein Rome was taken by the Galls it had so hapned;* 1.1600 whereupon it was counted ominous, and a Law made against it for the time to come. Their dignity was exceeding great, they being therein though not in power above the Consuls, and having all other Ensigns the same with them except Li∣ctors.

25. The Fathers rejoyced they had got these Officers Created out of their own body, and the Tribunes counting that power inconsiderable,* 1.1601 which at first was pretended to, gave way unto it. But the Commons egged on by the continual complaints of the later, proceeded in their grudge against the Patritians, taking it in ill part that marriage was forbidden betwixt the two orders, and breathing after no lesse than equal power in the State. This ani∣mated Sp. Maelius,* 1.1602 a rich Knight, by his large bounty towards the poorer sort in time of a great dearth, to hunt after popularity, and through it to aspire to the Soverainty. He was hereof accused by L. Minucius, to whom the care of provisions was committed, and the Senate afrighted with the strangenesse of the matter, by the advice of T. Quinctius the Consul, com∣manded a Dictator to be named. Quinctius Cincinnatus now 80 years old was the man, who chose C. Servilius Ahala for his Master of hors-men. The Dictator summoning Maelius to appear, when he would not obey, Ahala killed him in the Forum, and was justified for so doing by Quintius, who commanded his goods to be sold, and his house razed. It should seem from Livy that Ahala escaped without punishment: But Cicero and Valerius on the contrary affirm, that he was banished by the incensed multitude. This hapned in the 315^th year of the Citie after Varro's account. Valerius and Livy say, that the Area of his house for a memorial of his punishment had the name of Aequi-Melium.

26. The Tribunes inraged about the death of Maelius, procured for the year following Tribunes Military with Consular power to be created now six years after their Institution,* 1.1603 hoping that into the number of six some Ple∣beian might creep, which thing would give them an opportunity to revenge the death of Melius: But three onely were created, and their expectation unanswered thereby. This year Fidenae, a Roman Colony, gave up it self to Tolumnius King of the Veientes, and by his Instigation murdered the Ambas∣sadors sent thither. For this war Mamercus Aemilius was named Dictator, who overcame the Enemies in battel, wherein Cornelius Cossus a Tribune in the Army, slew, and spoiled Tolumnius, thereby obtaining Opima Spolia. Varro thought they were called Opima ab opibus for their riches;* 1.1604 but Plu∣tarch thinketh rather ab opere, because the consecration of them was granted to a Captain, who with his own hand slew the General of the Enemy. They were consecrated to Jupiter Feretrius, so called, because the Trophy was car∣ried in a Feretrum, or certain little carriage, as some thought, at that time there being many Greek words in use with the Latines, or a Feriendo, from Jupiter his smiting with Thunder-bolts, or else from the blows given in battel. This honour of carrying in Triumph the Opima Spolia hath onely thrice hapned to Roman Captains saith Plutarch untill our time. First to Ro∣mulus, who slew Acron King of Caenina; secondly to Cornelius Cossus, who killed Tolumnius, (the Etruscan in one place he calleth him, and the Tyrrhe∣nian in another) and thirdly to M. Marcellus, who so killed, and spoiled Britomartus (in one place, but Virdumarus in another) King of the Galls. A controversie there was of old, whether any but a General from a General could take Opima Spolia, which maketh Livy Apologize for what he writeth in honour of Cossus; but Varro wrote, as* 1.1605 Festus witnesseth, that a Mani∣pular Soldier might rightly be said to take them, so it were from a General of the Enemy.

* 1.160627. Two years after this, Fidena was taken by another Dictator, A. Ser∣vilius, through the working of a Mine. But when the Consuls had kept the power four years, they were forced again to give way to the Tribunes Mili∣tary, for the Creation whereof, though the Tribuni Plebis prevailed, yet the Chief of the Commons missing all this while of being joyned with the No∣bility in the honour, were much offended. At the end of two years the Se∣nate took occasion from the War wherewith the Aequi and Volsci threatned Rome,* 1.1607 to bring in Consuls, which also gave way to a Dictator, A. Posthu∣mius Tubero, against their wills, through the power of the Tribunes. He fi∣nishing the War succesfully, laid down his Office. And in this year wherein T. Quintius Cincinnatus the son of Lucius, and Cn. Julius Menio were Con∣suls, Livy by a grosse mistake would have the Carthaginians to have passed over into Sicily the first time, by an occasion of the disagreement of the Islan∣ders amongst themselves. After five years the Commons prevailed to have Tribunes Military created the fifth time,* 1.1608 four in number, who shewed how unprofitable the equal command of many in an Army is, and gave occasion to the making of a new Dictator. For, Fidena having now again revolted, and joyned with the Veientes, three of those Tribunes were sent against it and them, and the fourth left to Govern the Citie. When they came to ingage with the Enemy,* 1.1609 One cried fight, but another said Stay, and each one be∣ing of a several mind, matters were at length brought to that passe, that the Roman Army fled. The Citie was struck with great amazement at the report, and was in an uproar, which caused Mamercus Aemilius the third time to be named Dictator, though the Censors had removed him from his Tribe, for that in his second Office (to which he was called, because of the stirs made by the Hetruscans upon the taking of Fidena) he confined their Office to the term of one year and an half. Aemilius being named Dictator, appointed for his Master of hors-men A. Cornelius Cossus, who obtained the Opima Spo∣lia of Tolumnius King of the Veientes.

28. By the prudence & valour of these two Fidena was retaken, and sacked after the Hetruscans were overthrown; and the Dictator returning to Rome in Triumph, laid down his Office when he had held it 17 dayes. For three years the Tribunes Military continued, at the end whereof the Senate took occasion at the War which threatned from the Volsci,* 1.1610 and at their absence, to bring in the Consuls again, notwithstanding the Tribunes of the Commons opposed it. But C. Sempronius, one of the Consuls, managing this War very carelesly,* 1.1611 the Tribunes thence took advantage, and the Tribunes Military again resumed the Chief power. This was for one year, at the end whereof the Senate again procured Consuls to be made.* 1.1612 When this year was ex∣pired, there was so great contention about two Quaestors, which the Com∣mons would have created out of their body, that the State fell into an inter∣regnum. L. Papirius Mugillanus being Interrex for a Composure pro∣cured the Tribunes Military to be again admitted,* 1.1613 and four Quaestors for the following year to be created, either out of Patritians or Plebeians, as the People should think fit in their Comitia; but this satisfied not the Tribunes, nor the better sort of Plebeians, not one of this order being preferred (though some stood) either as Tribune Military or Quaestor. In the second year af∣ter this, the Slaves conspired to set fire on the Citie, and seize upon the Ca∣pitol;* 1.1614 but the plot was timely discovered. The Tribunes Military held the Government for seven years, and then another Interregnum because of the Contention following, Fabius Vibulanus the Inter ex brought in Consuls again.

* 1.161529. The Tribuni Plebis according to their custom made a bad constru∣ction hereof, and having now and then mentioned the division of publick grounds, pressed it earnestly with an extent now to all that at any time had been gotten by War. The Patritians no lesse vigorously opposed it, and the Tribunes hindred the Levies of Soldiers, so that with much ado, and upon extream necessity onely could the Consuls procure any to oppose the Aequi and Volsci, who now made incursions. In the fifth year the Com∣mons

being crossed in their intentions by the Senate, of resuming the Tribunes Military, created three of the Quaestors of their own rank, and the chief amongst them designing to be created Tribune Military for the next year,* 1.1616 sti••kled hard for that kind of government. The Senate at length was constrained to yield; else no opposition could be made against the former Enemies, who now again made inrodes into the Roman Territories, and by confederacies exceedingly strengthned themselves. For this cause also, though much against the mind of the Tribunes, a Dictator was named, who overthrowing the Enemy in one battel, wasted his Country and returned. In the third year after this, the two orders were something reconciled, by the plunder of a Town taken from the Volsci, and especially by a Decree of the Senate for the publick pay of the Armies (with brasse money) before which time every one bore his own charges in the War. But such was the contenti∣ous disposition of the Tribunes, those grand incendiaries, that they drew this into odium, as grievous to such who had formerly maintained themseves in the Wars, and now were to pay others. They effected, that for a time the pay was denied,* 1.1617 and after three years they procured one Plebeian (P. Licinius Calvus) to be chosen amongst the Tribunes Military, wherein they mighti∣ly applauded themselves, and readily permitted the pay of the Army to be gathered. Licinius caried himself so well in the Office, that for the year following all the Tribunes Military save one, were Plebeians.

30. For these several years the War abroad was carried on with the Hetrus∣cans, with various successe, and Veii the principal of their Cities was be∣sieged, no lesse in compasse than Athens, and exceeding wealthy, being within twenty miles of Rome. It's Inhabitants, called Veientes, had in be∣half of the Fidenates, waged War with Romulus, afterwards being con∣quered, had seven times rebelled, and ever perfidious in time of Peace, al∣waies wasted the Roman Territories. They compelled the Fidenates also to rebel, perswaded them to kill the Ambassadors, and the Romans thither sent to inhabit, for, they vied with the Romans themselves for power and riches. They had moreover injured the Roman Ambassadors, and not once procured Hetruria to rise against the State; wherefore the People offended with so many injuries, resolved utterly to destroy Veii. Whereas the Soldiers untill this time, were wont in Summer onely to be abroad in War, and winter at home in the City, now were they constrained both Winter and Summer to continue the Siege. The seventh year thereof drawing towards an end, the Tribunes Military were blamed of remisnesse, so that for the following year new ones were created in their rooms.* 1.1618 Amongst them was Furius Ca∣millus, who having got much credit in the battel fought with the Aequi and Volsci under Posthumius Tubertus the Dictator, was honoured other wayes, as by being created Censor; in which Office he caused the Bachellors to mary the Widdovvs of such as had lost their lives for their Country, and first of all others obliged Orphans to pay Tribute, for that the depending Wars, espe∣cially the Siege of Veii, vvere very chargable to the State. Being novv Tri∣bune Military the second time, he did nothing against Veii,* 1.1619 it having fallen to his lot to represse the Falerienses and Capenates, vvho disturbed the Romans in their enterprize.* 1.1620 At length in the tenth year of the Siege, they created him Dictator, as the most fit person they had to finish it.

31. Camillus appointed Cornelius Scipio to be his Master of Horse-men, and first overthrowing in a great battel the Falisci and Capenates, went a∣gainst Veii. Finding it full of difficulty to take a place of such strength by storm,* 1.1621 he wrought a mine up into it, through which his Soldiers issuing, he easily surprized it. Being elevated by so great an atchievement, whereby he had thus subdued the corrival of Rome, in the tenth year of the Siege, he tri∣umphed in a Chariot drawn by four white Horses, which his Country-men thinking proper onely to the King and Father of their gods, were much of∣fended at it: and indeed no man neither before nor after him (saith Plu∣tarch) assumed to himself so much honour. Being offended with this cari∣age, they found themselves as much concerned in another matter. The Tri∣bunes

of the Commons proposed a Law for dividing asunder the Senate and People, whereof the one should stay at Rome, and the other remove to Veii; this parting as they thought, being a ready means for the enrichment of both, by the possession of two such considerable Cities. The Plebeians now many and rich vehemently pressed it, and the Patricians judging it would prove the overthrow of the State, as earnestly opposed the Law, betaking themselves to Camillus,* 1.1622 who put it off by diverting the multitude into other courses. Ha∣ving contracted an alienation of mind from them upon these accounts, ano∣ther thing cast him into an absolute hatred, and that if not upon a just, yet a plausible pretence. He had made a vow, that if he took Veii, he would de∣dicate the tenth part of the plunder to Apollo, but when the City was taken, either because he was unwilling to displease the Soldiery, or forgot it, the thing was omitted. After he had laid down the Office of Dictator, he moved the People in it, and the Priests reported that the sacrifices portended the anger of their gods, which must be appeased by gifts; so that the Soldiers who had already spent what they had got upon their necessary uses, were forced upon oath to restore the tenth part, wherewith a present was made to Apollo. Be∣cause there was litle Gold in the City, the women contributed their orna∣ments, in way of requital whereof the Senate decreed, that at their burial they should also be commended by funeral Orations, which before this had not been in use.

32. The Tribunes again moving for a separation, the War with the Falisci opportunely fell out to divert the multitude, for which Camillus was chosen Tribune Military with five others. He besieging the Falerii, who inhabit∣ed a strongly fortified City, the School-master thereof drew out his boyes into his Camp, and offered to give them up into his hands, which treachery he so far detested, as to cause the Paedagogue to be stripped, and put rods in∣to the hands of his boyes, wherewith they drove him back into the Town. Herewith the Falerii were so affected as they yielded, and the Senate re∣ferring them for conditions to Camillus, he onely fined them a sum of mony, and received them with all the Falisci into friendship. But the Soldiers who hoped to have inriched themselves with the plunder of this place, inveighed grievously against him, and now the Tribunes pressing again the Law for separation, he used such freedom in opposing it, that they out of revenge accused him of having pilfred the plunder in the Hetruscan War, whereof some brazen dores had been, as they said, seen in his house, The multitude now upon several accounts exasperated against him, resolved to shew their spleen. So that not having any way to evade their displeasure, he went into exile,* 1.1623 lifting up his hands towards the Capitol, and praying, that if he was unjustly and meerly by the lust and malice of the multitude banished, they might sodainly repent it, and that it might appear to all men, how much the Romans stood in need of and desired his presence. Being gone, he was fined 15000 Aera, which sum in Silver made up 1500 Denarii. For Ae^s or brasse was then used for money, and Denarius thence had the name, for that it contained ten Asses thereof. But within a while it fell out, that Camillus was both missed any desired, according to his wish.

33. Many thousands of the Galls called Celtae, finding their own Country too narrow for them, with their wives and children left it, to seek out new seats. Some of them passing over the Sea, pierced as far as the Riphaean mountains, and placed themselves in the utmost limits of Europe, others took up their habitation betwixt the Pyrenaans and the Alps, near the Se∣nones and Celtorii. These a long time after having tasted of some Italian wine, were furiously transported with a desire of inhabiting so rare a Soil, as brought forth such fruit, and passing over the Alps, got into their power all that Country once belonging to the Etruscans, and which reached from the Alps to both the Seas: for, that the Etruscans once inhabited all this Coun∣try, Plutarch proveth thence, that the Northern Sea was named Adriatick, from Adria, one of their Towns, and the Southern, Tyrrhenian, from the Tyrrheni the same with Hetrusci. At this time the posterity of those Galli

Senones under the conduct of their King Brennus, besieged Clusium a City of Hetruria,* 1.1624 whose inhabitants sent to Rome, desiring of that State to in∣terpose, by sending Ambassadors and Letters to their unjust oppressors. The Senate performing this neighbourly part, the Galls required part of the Ter∣ritories of the Clusini, who were, as they said, unable to manage them all, and Brennus not condescending to any other conditions, the Ambassadors (all three of the Fabian family) in great anger went into Clusium, and caused the Inhabitants to make a sally out against the besiegers. It hapned, that in the fight Fabius Ambustus one of the three killing a Gall, whilst he disarmed him, was discovered; whereupon Brennus conceiving just indignation, broke up his Siege, and marched towards Rome.

34. Yet because he would not seem to proceed unjusty, he sent thither, requiring that the Ambassadors might be given up to him, as having broke the Law of Nations. But favour so far prevailed above equity, that the matter being referred from the Senate to the People, no satisfaction could be had from either:* 1.1625 nay the Ambassadors on the contrary, were with three others created Tribunes Military, for carying on the Warre. Brennus then continuing his march, and breathing revenge, was met by the Tribunes at the River Alia, eleven miles from the City, who scarce striking one stroak, quickly betook them to their heels, and their Army after them. The Galls persued them, being amazed at the flight and cowardize of those who had al∣ready obtained for their valour a great name in the World; but were astonish∣ed when they found the gates of Rome open, and none upon the walls to make resistance; for it had been resolved to quit the City and secure the Ca∣stel. The greater part of the People departed into the adjoyning Country; the rest possessed themselves of the Capitol, all but certain old men of Sena∣torian degree, who in their robes placed themselves in the Forum, resolving to take such quarter, as the disposition of the Enemy would afford them. Brennus at first fearing some stratagem,* 1.1626 after he perceived all to be clear, entred the City. His Soldiers were amazed, to see the grave Senators sit∣ting without fear in the Forum, and hurt them not, till one handling the long beard of M. Papirius, the old man struck him with his staff upon the head, whereupon the Gall slew him, and then all the rest were killed, with all of both Sexes and all ages that were found about the City, which was also now burnt to the ground, and the Capitol closely besieged.

35. While the Galls lay before the Capitol,* 1.1627 they carelesly demeaned themselves, as secure of any Enemy, and were scattered into the Country adjoyning. Camillus at this time living in exile at Ardea, procured the In∣habitants of that City to issue out upon them, and killed many; which the Romans, who lay at Veii, understanding, chose him for their General, desiring him to forget injuries, and succour his distressed Country. He objected his condition of banishment, and refused to act, except by commission from those in the Capitol, whom he considered to be the body of the Roman State yet surviving. There was one Pontius Cominius, who undertook to pro∣cure him leave from their friends in the Capitol, whither by a strange adven∣ture he got,* 1.1628 passing by the Enemy, and swimming the River till he came to the Rock, which then he made a shift to climbe, and having procured the Senate to pronounce Camillus Dictator, returned in the same manner. By this time as well the besiegers as besieged were well wearied, both parties for want of provisions, and the Galls by reason of a Plague which raged amongst them; so as (having once attempted to surprize the Castel, by climbing up the Rock, they were discovered by the crying of the Geese, consecrated to Juno, and repelled by the valour of one Manlius especially) they agreed for fifty pounds of Gold to rise and depart. Yet so covetous were they, that they took out the Gold as it was weighing, and added to the weight, which being complained of, Brennus cast in his Sword also, crying Vae victis, which afterwards became a proverb. But in the mean time came Camillus, and nul∣ling this compact, as made without his consent, who before was Dictator, and therefore alone had power of making Peace, overthrew them in fight,

and did such execution upon them in pursute,* 1.1629 as what remained of them, was overpowered and cut off by the Country. Thus Rome, which was unexpected∣ly taken by the Galls about the Ides of the moneth Quinctilis, was more un∣expectedly recovered about the Ides of February, so that as Plutarch writ∣eth, the Barbarians held it seven moneths, in the 365 year of the City, and the sixteenth of Artaxerxes Mnemon.

* 1.163036. The Tribunes now renewed their importunity about removing unto Veii, which caused the Senate to procure Camillus his holding of the Office of Dictator, though contrary to the custome, for the whole year. He with gentle language appeased the multitude, shewing them, how unworthy a thing it was to forsake the seat of their Ancestors, and of their Country rites (which were appropriate to the same place) for to inhabit a conquered and enslaved City. Then was Rome rebuilt in great haste, whereby afterwards it became rather an heap of houses than a well ordered Town, and that the wa∣tercourses formerly laid in the streets, now ran for the most part under pri∣vate houses. Camillus having laid down his Office was forced the year fol∣lowing to reassume it, because of the Volsci, who now took Armes, as also the Aequi and Etruscans, all which he overthrew,* 1.1631 and forced the Volsci to yield themselves after the War had continued with them for 70 years. In the third year after this he overcame them again, and with them the Herni∣ci and Latines, whereof the later had ever from the battel at the Rhegillan Lake been trusty and faithful until now: and from the Etruscans he reco∣covered two Towns which they had taken from the Allies of Rome. This he did being Tribune Military, though envied by M. Manlius, who having done special service in the Capitol, by repelling the Galls, obtained the Sirname of Capitolinus. Being naturally haughty and ambitious, he was herewith puffed up, so as to extenuate the deserts of Camillus, and by in∣gratiating himself with the common sort, through paying their debts, and railing against the great ones, plainly to aim at the Soveraignty. This, to∣gether with the War depending with the Volsci, which was also aggravated by the defection of the Hernici and Latines, caused the Senate to resolve that a Dictator should be created.

37. This was A. Cornelius Cossus, as Livie writeth, though Plutarch nameth Quinctius Capitolinus, whom the other reporteth to have been Ma∣ster of the Horse-men to Cossus.* 1.1632 He triumphing over the Enemies from without, called also by the help of the Tribunes Manlius to account, and shut him in prison. The multitude much afflicted hereat, took mourning garments, and made such disturbance, that after some time he was set at li∣berty. But holding private meetings in the night, and growing more bold in his design, the Senate committed it to the care of the Tribunes Military, whereof Camillus was one, (as afterward in cases of great exigency to the Consuls) to take care that the Commonwealth should receive no dammage. Being then brought to his trial again in that place, whence a view of the Capi∣tol might be had, he would ever point to it, and put the People in mind of what he had done there for them; whereupon Camillus caused his Judges to remove without the gate,* 1.1633 into the grove called Lucus Petelinus, where being no sight of the Capitol, he was condemned. He was thrown headlong from the Tarpeian Rock, the place both of his honour and infamie: and it was decreed, that none of the Manlii should afterward be called Marcus.

38. After these things the Latines rebelling, and the Volsci, were severally overthrown without, and great tumults hapned within, by reason of the debts of the Commons, now again exceedingly increased. Their Tribunes incen∣sed them against the Patritians, and the contest was sharpened by Fabius Ambustus one of this order, who having maried one daughter to a Patritian and another to a Commoner, this took such distaste at her husbands condition, being void of honour, that Fabius told her he would so order the matter, that the same dignity should be communicated to her house, as was to that of her Sister. From this time he consulted with Licinius Stolo her husband, and L. Sestius, about the preferring of a Law, for making one Consul out of

the Commons. These two being made Tribunes of the People, laboured so vigorously about it, that after long and great contention it came to that passe, that for five years they suffered no Supreme Magistrates to be created. Nine years this dispute continued,* 1.1634 those two continuing Tribunes still, and the matter had come to another separation or worse, but that Camillus re∣conciled the parties. He was made Dictator the fourth, saith Plutarch, for this purpose, but finding the multitude too stubborn, which threatned to Fine him except he complied, he again laid down his Office. The Senate then caused another Dictator to be named, under whom Licinius Stolo preferred a Law, which forbad any man to possesse above 500 Akers of ground, and after∣wards being found himself to have above, was punished by virtue of his own constitution. Whilest the Contention was on foot about the Consulship, news came that the Galls, many thousands in number, were marching from the Adriatick-Sea towards Rome, which composed the difference for the present, and made them cast their eyes upon Camillus as Dictator the fifth time.* 1.1635 He being near 80 years of age refused not the employment in this time of so great danger, and perceiving the Galls to fight with swords, stri∣king at the heads and shoulders of their Enemies without any art or dexteri∣ty, he furnished his men with light iron Helmets, and bound their Targets about with brasse, teaching them how to fence, and receive the stroaks. By this device he rendred the swords of the Galls so unserviceable, that giving them battel at the River Aniene, he easily overthrew them, in the 23^th year after he had recovered Rome from their Countrey-men.

39. After this fight the Romans despised the Galls whom before they exceedingly feared, insomuch that wheras by a Law immunity from War was granted to Priests, an exception and Proviso was added as to that with the Galls. Camillus in his retreat had Velitrae given up into his hands; but having now finished all his warlike exploits, a very considerable one re∣mained to be performed by him at home. For at his return he was re∣ceived with fierce and impatient Contests betwixt the Senate and Com∣mons about the Consulship, and retaining his power, that thereby he might serve the interest of the Nobility, an Officer was sent from the Tribunes to pull him down from his seat in the Forum, and bring him before them. His attendants repelling the man,* 1.1636 such a noise and tumult followed as never be∣fore had been known, the multitude crying out, pull him down. He laid not down his Office, but departing to the Senate-house, had a serious debate with the Fathers about the matter, and after a great and various Conten∣tion, that party prevailed which granted to the Commons that one of the Consuls might be created out of their body.* 1.1637 For this they desired, and ob∣tained of the Commons, to have a Praetor created yearly out of the Patritian order for administration of Justice in the Citie. By this agreement a good understanding being revived betwixt the parties, for as long a time as the in∣firmity of the Government could bear, a Temple was dedicated to Concord, which Camillus had vowed, moreover a fourth day was added to the Latine Feriae, and the greater sort of Games were solemnized, which when the Ae∣diles of the Commons refused to manage, the young Patritians offered them∣selves, and the Senate procured also of the People that two Patritians every year might be made Aediles, who from the Chair called Sella Curulis, had the name of Aediles Curules. What their Office was hath been shewn be∣fore. As for this Chair, Gellius writeth,* 1.1638 that antiently such Senators as had born a Curule Office, were for honour's sake wont to be drawn to the house in a Chariot, wherein was a Chair in which they sate, and which thence (from the Chariot or Currus) was called Curulis. But others think that both the Orthography of the word, and the dismension of the thing crossed this derivation,* 1.1639 and that it was called Curulis from Cures, a Town of the Sabines. The form of it upon old Coins represents that of Spanish Chairs, used by Princes as Chairs of State: It had also crooked feet, as Plutarch in the life of Marius describeth it; several ascents there were to it: it was covered with Ivory, as several Authors shew, and carved or ingraven, according to Ovid.

* 1.164040. But as for the Praetor, there were two causes of the Creation of this Officer: Aemulation and Use. The former was wrought in the Patritians by the Commons, who now had wrested into their own hands the Consulship. The later was brought about by reason that the Consuls were for the most part imployed abroad in Wars, and therefore there was a necessity of a Ma∣gistrate, whose peculiar work it should be to administer Justice in the Citie. The Praetor was so called a praeeund, as write both(a) 1.1641 Varro and(b) 1.1642 Cice o, and agreeably with this Etymology it was once the name of(c) 1.1643 Consuls also, as we shewed before, and of all, or most other Magistrates, Civil or Military. It is probable, that this name, as the other of Dictator, Aedilis, and Duumvir, might come out of Hetruria, there being such Officers there of old, as Spar∣tianus seemeth to hint, and otherwise may be gathered. There being but one created at his time, viz. in the 388 year of the Citie, afterward about the 500 year another was added, who administred Justice unto strangers, so that for distinction the one was called Praetor Urbanus, and the other Peregrinus, the former being in Dignity above the other, and his Constitutions called Jus Honorarium, as we shewed before out of Pomponius. This same Author (having shewn, that after the bringing in of this Praetor Peregrinus; the De∣cemviri for judging of Causes, the Triumviri for coyning of Brasse, Silver, and Gold, the Triumviri Capitales for keeping of Priso•• and the Quinque∣viri for both sides of Tiber for executing what belonged to Magistrates in the evenings (at which time they were not to be abroad) were created by de∣grees) writeth further, that Sardinia being made a Roman Province, after that Sicily, then Spain, and after Norbonensis; so many Praetors were made as there were Provinces, who partly governed at home, and partly abroad. Lipsius more particularly affirmeth, that, in the 520 year of the Citie, Sardi∣nia and Sicily being both made Provinces, there were two added, who as the former two assisted the Consuls in administring of Justice, so these in the go∣vernment of the Provinces. When Spain (Hispaniae in the plural number) was subdued, in the year 557. two more were added. So there were in all six Praetors, whereof two onely remained in the Citie, and the other, as soon as declared, departed into the Provinces, as they fell to them by lot: this order continued till the examinations called Quaestiones Perpetuae were appointed, at which time the Senate resolved that all the Praetors for the year of their Office should continue in the Citie, and judge some controversies, either pu∣blick or private.

41. Pomponius proceedeth, saying, that Cornelius Sulla appointed other publick Examinations or Inquisitions: As, for example, De falso, De Pari∣cidio, and de Sicariis, for which he added four Praerors more; but Lipsius saith he is mistaken in the number, proving out of Cicero that he made but two. C. Julius Caesar appointed other two, as also two Aediles called Ce∣reales, and afterward 16 Praetors, as appeareth from Dio, who also relateth the Triumviri with greater liberty to have made 64. Augustus filled up the number to 16. saith Pomponius, though first Lipsius will have him to have confined the number to 12. Claudius added two, who where to judge onely concerning Fidei Commissa, as the Law term is. Titus took one from the number: but Nerva restored and appointed him to hear and determine Causes betwixt the Exchecquer and private persons. Another was appointed by M. Antonius Philosophus, called Praetor Tutelaris. So, in all there were 18. till, as the Empire decreased, they decreased also in number, and at length were reduced to that of three by a Law of Valentinian and Marcian. As for the Office of Praetors, the Praetor Urbanus, who was also called Praefectus Urbi (though the Praefectus was afterward onely chosen for the Latine Feriae) in the absence of the Consuls executed their Office in the Senate and Comitia. But three things especially belonged to them: Games, Sacrifices, and Judi∣cature. The former onely continued to them in a manner when the Empire decayed. Their Judicature was either in publick or private matters. Pri∣vate causes concerning meum and tuum, two onely handled, viz. the Urba∣nus and Peregrinus; Publick or Criminal matters were managed by all the

rest, who yet had their several and distinct Crimes, one or two, which they judged; and yet sometimes in their Provinces they managed Civil matters also. They had the same Ornaments and Ensigns of power as the Consuls; onely but six Lictors apiece, whereas the other had twelve. In respect of their power and honour, as also because they were created by the same Auspicia, Livy calleth them the Collegues of Consuls.

42. The first Consul out of the body of the Commons was L. Sextius,* 1.1644 by whose Law the privilege was obtained; the first Praetor Sp. Furius, the son of Camillus, and the first Aediles Curules were Cn. Quintius Capitolinus, and P. Cornelius Scipio. To Sextius was given as Collegue from amongst the Patritians L. Aemylius Mamercus, and so the Consuls again returned after 23 years,* 1.1645 these being the 88 pair as they are found in Livy, and the Tribunes Military were for ever laid aside after 48 courses of that Office, and fifteen changes from the Consulship to it, and from it to the Consulship. Besides these changes of Government in Rome, there were the two Grand ones from Kings to Consuls, and from Consuls to the Decemv••ri; and to this time from the first of these alterations had intervened 20 Dictatorships, besides the several Interregnums. The first Interregnum was extraordinary, being be∣twixt the reigns of Romulus and Numa, when the Senate governed for the space of a year: the other were ordinary, and continued but for five dayes under particular men, at the end whereof another was Elected, and cal∣led Interrex, having for that time the power of Consuls. All these changes of Government, except the Interregnums betwixt the reigns of the Kings (whereof none but one is considerable) hapned to the Commonwealth of Rome within the space of 134 years, scarce so many having compleatly pas∣sed from the banishment of Tarquinius, to this alteration in the Consulship. It is not in vain to have made these observations, that the Reader may plainly see the ridiculous sicklenesse, weaknesse, and danger of the Roman Govern∣ment after that it came to be Antimonarchical.

43. In the beginning of the year, news came of the Galls their meeting together, who had before been dispersed through Apulia, and of the in∣tended revolt of the Hernici; but all preparations were deferred by the Senate, because it troubled them that any thing should be done by a Ple∣beian Consul, and there was a great silence with a general intermission of businesse as in some great Vacation. Onely the Tribunes were not silent, because that for one Plebeian Consul the Nobility had got three Patritian Magistrates, who sate as Consuls in their Curule Chairs, and their Prae∣textae: especially were they concerned about the Praetor, who administred Justice, was a Collegue of the Consuls, and created by the same Auspicia. Modesty therefore suffered not the Fathers to create both the Aediles Cu∣rules out of their own body; so that it was agreed first that every other year they should be chosen out of the Commons; but afterwards they were Ele∣cted promiscuously. The year following fell a grievous plague upon the Ci∣tie, which took away, besides great multitudes of the common sort, One Censor, one Aedilis Curulis, and three Tribunes: And who was more than all,* 1.1646 Camillus himself now died, having born the Office of Consul more than once, been five times Dictator, having Triumph four, and done such things as he deservedly was written the second founder of Rome. The plague raging both in this and the following year, gave place to no means that were used, so that all mens minds being superstitiously bent, the Stage-playes were brought up to appease their impure gods. The Actors were sent for out of Hetruria, in the language of which Countrey Hister signifying a Player, thence was derived the Roman word Histrio: these playes were very barba∣rous and antick at the first.* 1.1647 Two years after this the ground cleaving a∣sunder in the Forum, M. Curtius is said to have rode into the hole, and so being swallowed up, purchased conquest for his Countrey, according to the Declaration of their gods. After this there was action abroad with the Her∣nici and the Galls. One of these provoking any one Roman to a single Combat, T. Manlius accepted of the challenge, and killing his Enemy

took a Torques or chain from his neck,* 1.1648 whence he and his posterity obtained the Sirname of Torquatus. In this fight the Galls had the worst, so also three years after, and eight years after that, when M. Valerius a young man, and Tribune of the Soldiers, fighting with another Gall, as Manlius did, had the same successe. As he was fighting a Crow came, and sitting upon his head, with beak and wings assisted him in his combat, whence he had the Sirname of Corvinus.* 1.1649 At this time also were several Victories obtained a∣gainst the Latines and Hetruscans.

44. But, (that we may joyn domestick affairs with those of the Camp) after the Commons had enjoyed the Consulship nine years, the Patritians took it from them again,* 1.1650 out of disdain that the year before C. Martius Rutilius a Ple∣beian had been Dictator. Hereat the multitude was so inraged, that at the end of three years more, the Senate was forced to restore the Office, and because Usury was again grown exceeding burthensom to the poorer sort, they appointed five men to order the payment of debts out of the Treasury. For the following year also one of the Censors was chosen out of the Plebei∣ans. Hitherto were the Wars of the Romans as it were at their gates: now they were removed further off, and henceforth continued longer: For in the 412 year from the founding of the City, and the 46 from it's restauration, began the War with the Samnites, a People of Italy,* 1.1651* 1.1652 descended from the Sabines, from whom also they had their name, or from Saunia or Sannia, which in the Greek tongue signifie Spears;* 1.1653 or from the hill Samnium, where, as they came from the Sabines, they seated themselves, according to Festus. They had the Sabines, Peligni, and Aequi on the West, the Picentini and Apuli on the East, on the South the Campanians and Sidicini, and on the North the Marucini, Dauni, and Apuli, as is observable out of History, saith* 1.1654 Joh. Stadius. It was the custome of the Romans by helping others to espouse quarrels. The Samnites having unjustly molested the Sidicini with War, they betook themselves to the Campanians for succour. These being luxurious and effeminate, were easily worsted, and sent to Rome for aid, their Ambassadors imploring it with tears, and giving up themselves and Country into the hands of the Senate and People. The Senate was at first un∣willing to use any force, for that the Samnites were their friends in confede∣racy; but upon the importunate cries and prayers of the Ambassadors, and the scornful denial of the Samnites to abstain from the Territories of Capua and Campania, their request was granted, and the Consuls sent forth, the one to Capua, and the other into Samnium, vvhere the Samnites vvere over∣throvvn in both places, and many thousands of them slain: For, in Campa∣nia, Valerius after a bloody battel became Master of their Camp. In Sam∣nium Cornelius having unvvarily led his Army thither vvhere they lay in vvait for him, P. Decius a Tribune in the Army, possessed himself of an hill above the Enemy, vvho much vvondring thereat, applied themselves thither, and so gave liberty to the Consul to dravv forth his men into a more conveni∣ent place. Then brake he through, though besieged, vvhereat the Enemy vvas so much astonished, that the Consul falling on obtained so great a Vi∣ctory, that 30000 of the Samnites vvere slain.

45. This defeat, together with inroades made upon them the next year, drew them to make a peace, the Sidicini being left to their mercy. They desired that the Latines and Campanians might be commanded not to assist the Sidicini; but because the Senate would not deny that these Nations were under their command, and were also afraid to provoke them, so ambiguous an answer was made, as the Samnites being left but dubious, the Latines and the other thought themselves so far disobliged as to rebel. T. Manlius Tor∣quatus now Consul the third time, with Decius Mus his Collegue, was sent to chastize the Latines. Upon dreams which they both had, that one General on the one part, and the Army on the other, belonged to the Dii Manes and Tel∣lus mater, they agreed, that in what part the Roman Army should be distres∣sed, he under whose command it was should devote himself, and that strict discipline should be observed, so that all were forbidden to fight without or∣ders.

The Army being sorely put to it in Decius his wing, he devoted him∣self, and rushing into the midst of his Enemies, after great slaughter made, lost his life.* 1.1655 L. Manlius the other Consul's Son, passing with his Troop,* 1.1656 be∣fore the battel, near the Camp of the Enemy, was challenged by Geminius Metius Captain of the Tusculans, whom when he had slain and stripped, his Father for a reward caused him to be put to death; whence cruel Commands were wont to be called Manliana Dicta. Of the manner of the Com∣bat* 1.1657 Aulus Gellius, or Agellius is to be consulted. The Latines being o∣verthrown were wholly subdued, and begged Peace; which being given to them, though not with the same conditions to all, Manlius returned, and was met by antient men onely, the young ones refusing to do him that honour, who ever after both hated and cursed him in reference to his son.

46. After his return, the Antiates and Ardeates made incursions into the Roman Territories. Being by sicknesse rendred unfit for War, he named L. Papyrius Crassus for Dictator, who appointed L. Papyrius Cursor his Master of Horse-men; but nothing memorable was done. The Consuls for the following year,* 1.1658 T. Aemilius Mamercus and Q. Publius Philo, overthrew the Latines, who had rebelled because of the grounds taken from them. Pub∣lius, by whose conduct and auspicium the Victory was obtained, receiving in∣to amity such Cities as had been worsted, Aemilius led the Army against Pedus, which received supplies from several places. Though he had the bet∣ter in all skirmishes, yet the Town holding out, and he hearing that his Col∣league was returned home to his deceed Triumph, he also left the Siege, and departed to demand that honour. The Senate was offended, and denied to permit him the honour, except Pedus was either taken, or surrendred, which caused him out of revenge all the year following to joyn with the Tribunes a∣gainst the Fathers, his Collegue not opposing it, because a Plebeian. The Senate having a desire to be rid of them, commanded a Dictator to be named, but it belonging to Aemilius to name him, he whose were the Fasces for this moneth, named his Collegue, who appointed Junius Brutus his Master of Horse-men. And his Dictatorship was very grievous to the Nobility, being full of invectives against them, and the procurer of three Laws, whereof the first altered the very constitution of the State.* 1.1659 This was, that the Plebiscita should bind all the Quirites, or the whole People, comprising all rankes, and degrees. The second, that such Laws as passed in the Centuriata Comilia, should be proposed by the Fathers before the Suffrage. The third, that one of the Censors at least should be a Plebeian, whereas now it was come to that passe, that both might be such. Thus did the Government of Rome devolve fast to a Democratical temper, the interest of the Patritians being now quite broken by the force of the former Law (which proved as a Lex talionis to them, and as a punishment for their rebellion against their Kings) in they 416 year of the City, after Varro's account, which fel in with the first of Arses King of Persia, and the 23 of Philip King of Macedonia.

47. In the following year, wherein L. Furius Camillus and C. Maenius were Consuls, Pedus was taken by storm, and the Consuls in pursute of the Victory subdued all Latium,* 1.1660 for which they triumphed, and had Statues on horseback set up in the Forum; an honour but rare in those dayes. The se∣veral People of Latium, had several conditions of Peace set them. To An∣tium was sent a new Colony, and the old inhabitants were forbidden the Sea, had all their long-ships taken from them, had leave to enter themselves in the Colony, and were made free of the City. The ships were partly brought in∣to the Roman Arcenal, partly burnt, and with their Rostra or beaks was the Gallery or Pulpit for Orations adorned, which was built in the Forum; whence that Temple was afterwards called Rostra. The year following Mi∣nutia a Vestal Nun was buried quick in the Campus Sceleratus,* 1.1661 which I be∣lieve, saith Livie, had it's name from Incest; for so the fault of incontinen∣cy in those women was termed. And in this same year Q. Publius Philo was made the first Prator out of the Commons; the Senate not regarding now what hapned in this kind, because they had been overpowered in things of

greatest consequence. Now also a War arose betwixt the Aurunci and Si∣dicini, whereof the former were constrained by the other to forsake their an∣tient seat, and depart to Suessa, which was afterwards called Aurunca. The Aurunci had given up themselves to the Romans, who thereupon order∣ed them relief, but the Consuls deferring it, this fell out in the mean time. But the next year the Sidicini and the Ausones who inhabited Cales were overthrown, and Valerius Corvinus now the fourth time Consul for the fol∣lowing year, and the greatest Roman Captain of this time, took Cales also, where a Colony was placed. In the second year after the taking of Cales, the Census was solemnized, and two Tribes added, Metia and Scaptia, for the newly admitted Citizens: the Acerrani were also made free of the Ci∣ty, without the privilege of Suffrage, by a Law preferred by L. Papirius the Praetor.

48. In the year following, above 170 women were put to death for the art of poysoning, being discovered by a she Slave, whereas heretofore there had been no inquisition made after this crime, which therefore was counted such a prodigie, that a Dictator was made for fixing of a nail, which they had read in their Annals to have been a remedy for the distempers of the State, when the Commons separated from the Patritians. For the two succeeding years a War was managed against the Privernates, who were drawn into it by Vitruvius Vallus,* 1.1662 a man of principal note amongst the Fundani. In the first year they were overthrown, in the next he was either taken or delivered up, and Privernum either stormed or surrendred, both being affirmed by Writers,* 1.1663 of whom Livie is to be consulted: the principal actors were together with ••i∣truvius put to death, and the rest of the Inhabitants made free of the City. The first year of this Warre fell in with the last of Darius Codomannus, the last King of Persia, being the 424 of the City, when L. Papyrius Crassus the second time, and L. Plautius Venox (or Veuno) were Consuls.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Ezra 1.11.
• * 1.2

  The Jews re∣turn out of Captivity.
• * 1.3

  SECT. 2.
• * 1.4

  Antiqu. l. 11. c. 1.
• * 1.5

  A.M. 3474. V.C. 223. Olymp. 62. an. 2.
• * 1.6

  The second Temple built at Jerusalem.
• * 1.7

  Dan. 10.
• * 1.8

  The end of Cyrus variously reported.
• * 1.9

  Lib. 2.
• * 1.10

  SECT. 1.
• * 1.11

  Lib. 15. p. 730.
• * 1.12

  Vide Plutarch. in Alexandro.
• * 1.13

  Maleta.
• * 1.14

  Lucian in Macrobiis.
• * 1.15

  In notis ad Tab. 13.
• * 1.16

  His issue.
• * 1.17

  Cambyses ma∣keth War upon Egypt.
• * 1.18

  Lib. 3. cap. 1.
• * 1.19

  A. M. 3476. Olymp. c. 2. an. 4. V.C. 225. Cambysis 1.
• * 1.20

  Vide Polyaenum lib. 8.
• * 1.21

  Vide Herod. l. 3. cap. 4, &c.
• * 1.22

  Pass••th thro••gh the S••ndie De∣sarts.
• * 1.23

  Conquereth Aegypt.
• * 1.24

  His extrava∣gant practi∣ces.
• * 1.25

  His fruitlesse Expeditions.
• * 1.26

  He murdered his brother & sister.
• * 1.27

  The Magi usurp.
• * 1.28

  SECT. 2.
• * 1.29

  Cambyses dieth.
• * 1.30

  Lege Herod. l. 3. cap. 67., &c.
• * 1.31

  A.M. 3483. Ol. 64. an. 3. V. C. 232.
• * 1.32

  The imposture of the Magi discovered.
• * 1.33

  A conspiracy against them.
• * 1.34

  The Magi slain.
• * 1.35

  Valer. Max. lib. 9. cap. 2. Ammian. l. 23.
• * 1.36

  The Conspi∣rators consult about a setle∣ment.
• * 1.37

  Herod. l. 3. c. 80.
• * 1.38

  Capitulati∣ons.
• * 1.39

  Darius obtain∣eth the King∣dom.
• * 1.40

  Herod. l. 3. c. 85.
• * 1.41

  Valer. Max. L. 7. c. 3. Ext. Exemp. 2.
• * 1.42

  Justin lib. 1. Polyaenus Stra∣tagem. l. 7.
• * 1.43

  Sulp. Severus. Hist. Sacr. l. 2.
• * 1.44

  SECT. 1.
• * 1.45

  Herod. l. 1.
• * 1.46

  Var. Hist. lib. 12. c. 43.
• * 1.47

  Vide Usserium in Annal. Vet. Testam. pag. 157.
• * 1.48

  Esra 6.14.
• * 1.49

  Valer. Max. lib. 9. cap. 2. extern. exempl. 6.
• * 1.50

  The building of the Temple proceedeth.
• * 1.51

  Esra 4.
• * 1.52

  SECT. 2.
• * 1.53

  The Empire divided into twenty Pro∣vinces.
• * 1.54

  Intaphernes put to death.
• * 1.55

  Herod. lib. 3. cap. 118, 119.
• * 1.56

  Vide Val. Maxim. lib. 9. cap. 2. extern. exemp. 6.
• * 1.57

  All the Con∣spirators made away.
• * 1.58

  Babylon rebell∣eth,
• * 1.59

  Herod. ut prius cap. 105.
• * 1.60

  And recover∣ed.
• * 1.61

  Darius goeth against the Scythians.
• (a) 1.62

  Vide l. 1. c. 2. p. 21.
• (b) 1.63

  Lib. 4. c. 1, &c.
• (c) 1.64

  Lib. 2.
• * 1.65

  A.M. 3497. Olymp. 68. an. 1. V.C. 246. Darii 14.
• * 1.66

  His retreat.
• * 1.67

  Earth and water de∣manded of Amyntas King of Macedonia.
• * 1.68

  Herod. l. 5. c. 1. &c. Justin. lib. 7.
• * 1.69

  The Persian Ambassadors killed.
• * 1.70

  Histiaeus.
• * 1.71

  The occasion of the Ionian Rebellion.
• * 1.72

  Herod. l. 5. c. 30. &c.
• * 1.73

  A.M. 3500. Olyp. 68. An. 4. V.C. 249. Daii. 17.
• * 1.74

  Idem c. 35. Polyanus lib. 1.
• * 1.75

  Herodot. l. 5. c. 96, 97, 98.
• * 1.76

  The Athenians assist the Ioni∣ans.
• * 1.77

  Aristagoras ta∣keth Sardis.
• * 1.78

  Capp. 99. &c.
• * 1.79

  Defeated in his retreat.
• * 1.80

  Cyprus revol∣teth,
• * 1.81

  Capp. 103. &c.
• * 1.82

  Capp. 108. &c.
• * 1.83

  And is reco∣vered.
• * 1.84

  Capp. 124. &c.
• * 1.85

  Aristagoras slain.
• * 1.86

  Herodotus l. 6. adinitium.
• * 1.87

  Idem ibid. Capp. 6. &c.
• * 1.88

  Miletus be∣sieged.
• * 1.89

  It is taken.
• * 1.90

  Idem ibid. Capp. 18, &c.
• * 1.91

  Capp. 26, &c.
• * 1.92

  Histiaeus taken and put to death.
• * 1.93

  Capp. 43, 44, &c.
• * 1.94

  A. M. 3509. Ol. 71. an. 1. V.C. 258. Dar••i 26.
• * 1.95

  Capp. 46, &c.
• * 1.96

  Earth and Water de∣manded by the Graecians.
• * 1.97

  Darius sendeth forces into Greece.
• * 1.98

  Are over∣thrown at Marathon.
• * 1.99

  Lib. 2. c. 9.
• * 1.100

  Herod. l. 6. c. 119, &c.
• * 1.101

  Idem lib. 7. c. 1, &c.
• * 1.102

  Darius declar∣eth his Suc∣cessor.
• * 1.103

  Vide Justin. l. 2. c. 10. Plutarch. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Apotheg. & in Artaxerxe.
• * 1.104

  Dieth.
• * 1.105

  Herodot. lib. 7. ad initium.
• * 1.106

  Xerxes.
• * 1.107

  Recovereth Egypt.
• * 1.108

  Consulteth about renew∣ing the War with Greece.
• * 1.109

  Idem ibid. Capp. 22, 23, &c.
• * 1.110

  He wintereth at Sardis.
• * 1.111

  Ibid. Capp. 37, 38, &c.
• * 1.112

  Passeth over into Europe.
• * 1.113

  Ibid. Capp. 52, 53, &c.
• * 1.114

  A.M. 3525. Olymp. 75. an. 1. V.C. 274. Xerxis 6.
• * 1.115

  Herodotus lib. 8. cap. 60, 87. Diodorus l. 11. ad Olymp. 75. an. 1. Ctesias in ex∣cerptis. Orosius lib. 1. cap. 10. Aelian lib. 13. cap. 3. Corn. Nep. in Themistoc. Plin. lib. 33. cap. 10. Isocrat. in Pa∣ratheniaco.
• * 1.116

  The number of his men.
• * 1.117

  The prepara∣tions of the Graecians for defence.
• * 1.118

  The fight at Thermoplae.
• * 1.119

  Justin.
• * 1.120

  Laertius in vita Clemens Stro∣mat. lib. 1.
• * 1.121

  Herodotus l. 8.
• * 1.122

  A Sea fight.
• * 1.123

  Idem ibid. Plutarch in Themistoc.
• * 1.124

  A party sent by Xerxes to destroy the Temple of Delphos, con∣sumed with Thunder and Lightning.
• * 1.125

  The Athenians remove.
• * 1.126

  Plutarch ut suprà.
• * 1.127

  Herodotus & Plutarch ut priùs.
• * 1.128

  Plutarch in Themistoc.
• * 1.129

  Idem & Herod. ut priùs.
• * 1.130

  Xerxes his Fleet defeat∣ed.
• * 1.131

  Herodotus, Plu∣tarch. Diodorus ut suprà.
• * 1.132

  He flyeth.
• * 1.133

  Mardonius left behind.
• * 1.134

  Herod. lib. 9.
• * 1.135

  Burneth Athens, and goeth into Boeotia.
• (a) 1.136

  Diodorus, Justin, Orosius.
• (b) 1.137

  Aemilius Probus in Ari∣stide.
• * 1.138

  Herodotus ut suprà▪
• * 1.139

  The battel at Plataea, and Mardonius slain.
• * 1.140

  In Aristide.
• * 1.141

  The battel at Mycale.
• * 1.142

  Ionia revol∣teth.
• * 1.143

  Diodorus ad Olymp. 75. an. 2. Polyaenus str. l. 1. Front. lib. 1. cap. 11. Exemp. 7.
• * 1.144

  Herodotus ut priùs lib. 9. cap. 105. & Diodorus ut priùs.
• * 1.145

  The Median War endeth after two years.••
• (a) 1.146

  Strabo lib. 14.
• (b) 1.147

  Herodotus.
• (c) 1.148

  Diodorus.
• (d) 1.149

  Ctesias. Arrianus lib. 7. Herodotus ut priùs cap. 183. Strab. lib. 16.
• * 1.150

  Xerxes his in∣continence.
• * 1.151

  Diodorus ad Olymp. 75. an. 3. Thucid. lib. 1.
• * 1.152

  Diodorus ad Olymp. 77. an. 3.
• * 1.153

  Vide Plutarch. in Cimone.
• * 1.154

  Idem ibid. Diodorus ut prius. Polyaenus l. 1. Frontinus Stra∣tag. lib. ult. cap. ult. exempl. ultim.
• * 1.155

  Plutarch ibid.
• * 1.156

  Diodorus ad Olymp. 78. an. 4. Justin lib. 3. cap. 1. Ctesiac.
• * 1.157

  Xerxes mur∣dered.
• * 1.158

  Usher.
• * 1.159

  SECT. 3.
• * 1.160

  Diodorus ibid.
• * 1.161

  See Justin.
• * 1.162

  Artaxerxes.
• * 1.163

  In Chron.
• * 1.164

  Ctesias.
• * 1.165

  Artabanus put to death.
• * 1.166

  Bactria recove∣red.
• * 1.167

  Diodorus ad Olymp. 79 an. 2. Thucyd. lib. 1.
• * 1.168

  The Egyptians revolt.
• * 1.169

  The Persians defeated.
• * 1.170

  Lib. 7. cap. 82.
• * 1.171

  Diodorus ad Olymp. 79. an. 3. Thucyd. ut su∣prà.
• * 1.172

  Diodorus ad Olymp. 80. an. 1. Thucyd.
• * 1.173

  Ctesias.
• * 1.174

  Egypt reco∣vered.
• * 1.175

  Thucyd. lib. 1. Diod. Ibid. Ctesias.
• * 1.176

  Thucyd. ibid.
• * 1.177

  Esra 7.12.
• * 1.178

  Daniel 9.24
• * 1.179

  The beginning of Daniel's se∣venty weeks.
• * 1.180

  Vide Ludovic. Cappelli tabu∣las in Chron. Sacra.
• * 1.181

  Thucyd. lib. 1. Diodorus ad Olymp. 82. an. 3.
• * 1.182

  Plutarch. in Cimone.
• * 1.183

  Cimon dieth in Cyprus.
• * 1.184

  Diodorus ad Olymp. ejusdem ann. 4.
• * 1.185

  Herod. lib. 7. cap. 101.
• * 1.186

  Plutarch & Diodorus ut priùs.
• * 1.187

  Diod. ad Olymp. 84. 3.
• * 1.188

  Nehem. 1.11, &c.
• * 1.189

  Nehemiah ob∣taineth leave to repair Jeru∣salem.
• * 1.190

  Nehem. 7, &c.
• * 1.191

  Artaxerxes his civil War with Megaby∣sus.
• * 1.192

  Lib. 3. cap. 15.
• * 1.193

  Thucyd. l. 4.
• * 1.194

  Diodorus. ad Olymp. 84. an. 3.
• * 1.195

  Artaxerxes dieth.
• * 1.196

  Ad Olymp. 88. an. 4.
• * 1.197

  Ctesias in Ex∣cerptis Histor. Persic.
• * 1.198

  Ochus.
• * 1.199

  Idem.
• * 1.200

  Jacobus Cap∣pellus.
• * 1.201

  His Chil∣dren.
• * 1.202

  Ctesias. Stirs in his time.
• * 1.203

  Hist. sacr. lib. 2.
• * 1.204

  Josephus Scaliger, Edu. Livelaeus, Junius.
• * 1.205

  Cap. ult.
• * 1.206

  Xenoph. Hel∣lenic. 10.
• * 1.207

  Idem ibid. & Exped. Cyri lib. 1. Diodorus ad Olymp. 93. an. 1. ad O∣lymp 94 a••. 2. Justin. lib. 5.
• * 1.208

  Cyrus for his misdemea∣nors sent for.
• * 1.209

  Xenoph. ibid.
• * 1.210

  A.M. 3600. Ol. 93. an. 4. V.C. 349.
• * 1.211

  Ochus dieth.
• * 1.212

  Artaxerxes M••••mo•• suc∣ceedeth. Clesias.
• * 1.213

  Plutarch. in Artaxerx.
• * 1.214

  Cyrus at∣tempting his brothers death.
• * 1.215

  Idem & Xe∣noph. Expedit. Cyri lib. 1.
• * 1.216

  Idem & Xe∣noph. Expedit. Cyri, lib. 1.
• * 1.217

  Is pardoned but
• * 1.218

  Practizeth new matters.
• * 1.219

  Idem ibid.
• * 1.220

  Diodorus ad Olymp. 94. ann. 4.
• * 1.221

  Plutarch in Artaxerxe.
• * 1.222

  Justin. lib. 1.
• * 1.223

  Xenoph. Expe∣dit. Cyri, lib. 1.
• * 1.224

  Diodorus.
• * 1.225

  Xenoph. ibid.
• * 1.226

  Cyrus march∣eth up against his brother.
• * 1.227

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.228

  Artaxerxes and Cyrus joyn bat∣tel.
• * 1.229

  Cyrus worship∣ped as King.
• * 1.230

  Xenoph. ut su∣prà & Plu∣tarch. in Arta∣xerxe.
• * 1.231

  Cyrus slain.
• * 1.232

  A.M. 3607. V.C. 353. Xenoph. & Plutarch. ut priùs & in Pericle.
• * 1.233

  The Graecians having the better in the battel, are ignorant of Cyrus his death.
• * 1.234

  Xenoph. An. lib. 2.
• * 1.235

  They joyn with Ariaeus, and retreat.
• * 1.236

  Xenoph. Ascens. Cyri, lib. 2. & Diodorus ad ann. 4. Olymp. 94.
• * 1.237

  The King pursueth and is forced to dismisse them.
• * 1.238

  Tissaphernes in∣trappeth their officers.
• * 1.239

  Xenoph. Exped. lib. 3.
• * 1.240

  The Soldiers make a new choice, in which Xeno∣phon is one.
• * 1.241

  Idem ibid. & Diodorus ut priùs.
• * 1.242

  Xenoph. lib. 4 Diorus.
• * 1.243

  They came to Trapezond upon the Euxine Sea.
• * 1.244

  Exped. Cyri, l. 5.
• * 1.245

  Diodorus ut suprà.
• * 1.246

  Xenoph. lib. 6. Diodorus.
• * 1.247

  They part asunder at Heraclea.
• * 1.248

  Xenoph. l. 7. Diodorus.
• * 1.249

  They return home.
• * 1.250

  The Gover∣nours of the King's Pro∣vinces at their return.
• * 1.251

  Hellen. 3^o.
• * 1.252

  Plutarch in Artaxerxe.
• * 1.253

  Parysatis ra∣geth against such as had any hand in the death of her son Cyrus.
• * 1.254

  Idem ibid.
• * 1.255

  The Bird Rhyntaces, wherein Pary∣satis poyso∣neth Statira.
• * 1.256

  Diodorus ad an. 1. Olymp. 95.
• * 1.257

  Idem ibid. Xenoph. Hellen. lib. 3. Justin. lib. 6. init.
• * 1.258

  Thimbro sent to the aid of the Greek Ci∣ties, falleth on Magnesia.
• * 1.259

  Diodorus & Xenoph. ut priùs.
• * 1.260

  Dercyllidas succeedeth him.
• * 1.261

  Xenoph. ibid. Justin. lib. 6. init. Diodorus ad Olymp. 95. an. 2.
• * 1.262

  Diodorus ibid. Justia. ibid. Pausan. in At∣ticis & Iso∣crates in Eva∣gora & ad Philip.
• * 1.263

  Conon the A∣thenian is made Admi∣ral to Artax∣erxes.
• * 1.264

  Tissaphernes though im∣peached by Pharnabazus continued in his power.
• * 1.265

  Xenoph. & Diodorus ut suprà.
• * 1.266

  Dercyllidas maketh an agreement with them.
• * 1.267

  Xenoph. Hellen. lib. 3. Plutarch. & Aemilius Pro∣bus in Agesilao.
• * 1.268

  Agesilaus the Lacedaemoninn King invad∣eth Asia.
• * 1.269

  Xenoph. ibid. & in Agesilao cum Plutarcho & Aemilio Probo, sive Cor. Nepot.
• * 1.270

  Diodorus ad Olymp. 96. ann. 1.
• * 1.271

  Justin lib. 6.
• * 1.272

  Xenoph. Plutarch. & Aemilius Pro∣bus ut prius.
• * 1.273

  Diodorus & Justin ut supra. Aemil. Probus in Conone.
• * 1.274

  Xenoph. Diodorus ut prius. Plutarch. in Artaxerxe & Agesilao. Polyaenus Stra∣gem. lib. 7.
• * 1.275

  Tissaphernes put to death.
• * 1.276

  Xenoph. Hellen. 3^o.
• * 1.277

  Plutarch. in Agesilao. Pausan. in Lacon.
• * 1.278

  Xenoph. ibid. Plutarch. in Artax. & Age∣silao. Pausan. ibid.
• * 1.279

  Pharnabazus defeated.
• * 1.280

  Plutarch in Agesilao, Artax. & Apotheg. Laco∣nicis. Xenoph. Hellen. lib. 4^o.
• * 1.281

  Agesilaus cal∣led home through the device of Ti∣thraustes.
• * 1.282

  Xenoph. ibid. Plutarch in Agesilao. Xenoph. Hellen. lib. 4. Diodorus ad ann. 2. Olymp. 96. Corn. Nepos i•• Conone.
• * 1.283

  Justin lib. 6.
• * 1.284

  Conon the Athenian ob∣taineth a Vi∣ctory against the Lacedaemo∣nians.
• * 1.285

  Idem ut supra, & Plutarch in Apotheg. La∣conicis.
• * 1.286

  Idem cum Diodoro Olymp. 96. an. 3.
• * 1.287

  Antalcidas sent from the Spar∣tans to Artax∣erxes.
• * 1.288

  Isocrat. in Panegyr. Aemil. Probus in Conone. Diodorus ad Olymp. 97. ann. 3.
• * 1.289

  Xenoph. ut supra.
• * 1.290

  Diodorus ad an. 2. Olymp. 97. Isocrates ••in Evagora.
• * 1.291

  Artaxerxes looketh after Cyprus.
• * 1.292

  Xenoph. ut su∣prà.
• * 1.293

  Diodorus ad annum 2. O∣lymp. 98. Plutarch. in Artaxerxe.
• * 1.294

  Antalcidas concludeth a peace with him.
• * 1.295

  Xenoph. Hel∣len. lib. 5. Diodorus & Plutarch. ut priùs.
• * 1.296

  A. M. 3618.
• * 1.297

  Diodorus l. 16. ad Olymp. 98. ann. 3.
• * 1.298

  Artaxerxes turneth his forces from the Graecians against Cyprus.
• * 1.299

  Getteth a vi∣ctory at Sea against Evago∣ras.
• * 1.300

  Diodorus ad ann. 4. Olymp. 98.
• * 1.301

  His Captains disagree, and peace is made.
• * 1.302

  Isocrates in Evagora.
• * 1.303

  Diodorus ut suprà.
• * 1.304

  Gaus out of fear conspi∣reth with the Lacedaemonians against the King.
• * 1.305

  Plutarch. in Artax. cum Diodoro ad Olymp. 98. ann. 4.
• * 1.306

  Artaxerxes in∣vadeth the Cadusians to no purpose.
• * 1.307

  Diodorus ad Olymp. 99. ann. 2. Gaos slain.
• * 1.308

  Idem ad Olymp. 100. ann. 4.
• * 1.309

  Acoris of Egypt strengthneth himself a∣gainst Artax∣erxes.
• * 1.310

  Idem ad ann. 3. & 2. Olymp. 101.
• * 1.311

  Artaxerxes against him.
• * 1.312

  Pharnabazus and Iphicrates sent against Acoris.
• * 1.313

  Idem ad Olymp. 101. ann. 3.
• * 1.314

  The Aegypti∣ans defeated.
• * 1.315

  Emulation betwixt Phar∣nabazus and Iphicrates fru∣strateth their design.
• (a) 1.316

  Aristot. Potit. lib. 5. cap. 10.
• (b) 1.317

  Theopompus apud Photium Biblioth. num. 176.
• * 1.318

  Diodorus ad Olymp. 102. ann. 1.
• * 1.319

  Xenoph. Hellen. lib. 6. Plutarch in Artaxerxe.
• * 1.320

  Xenoph. Hellen. lib. 7. Diodorus ad Olymp 102. ann. 4.
• * 1.321

  Xenoph. ibid.
• * 1.322

  In Artax. & vide Aelian. var. Hist. lib. 1. cap. 21.
• * 1.323

  Val. Max. l. 6. c. 3. exter. exemp. 2. Xenoph. ut prius.
• * 1.324

  Idem ibid.
• * 1.325

  Diodorus ad Olymp. 103. ann. 3.
• * 1.326

  Idem ad Olymp. 104. ann. 3.
• * 1.327

  A defection from Artax∣erxes.
• * 1.328

  Xenoph. & Plutarch. & Aemilius Pro∣bus in Agesilao.
• * 1.329

  Tachos King of Egypt strength∣neth himself.
• * 1.330

  Diod. & Plu∣tarch.
• * 1.331

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.332

  Nectanebus King of E∣gypt.
• * 1.333

  Plutarch. Xe∣noph. Cornelius Nepos & Dio∣dorus ut suprà.
• * 1.334

  Agesilaus ha∣ving served him, in his return dieth.
• * 1.335

  Plutarch. in Artaxerxe, Ju∣stin. lib. 10.
• * 1.336

  Artaxerxes dieth, having before his death made Darius King, who plot∣ting against him.
• * 1.337

  Is put to death.
• * 1.338

  Ochus his wic∣ked practices for the King∣dom.
• * 1.339

  Diodorus.
• * 1.340

  Ochus succeed∣eth.
• * 1.341

  Jacobus Cap∣pellus, alii.
• * 1.342

  Esther's hus∣band.
• * 1.343

  Polyaenus Stra∣tagem, lib. 7.
• (a) 1.344

  Justin. lib. 10.
• (b) 1.345

  Valerius Max. lib. 9. cap. 2. Ext. ex. 7. Lib. 10. cap. ••.
• * 1.346

  Diodorus ad Olymp. 106. ann. 1. & 4.
• * 1.347

  Artabazus re∣volteth from him.
• * 1.348

  Idem ad Olymp. 107. ann. 2.
• * 1.349

  He invadeth Phoenicia.
• * 1.350

  SECT. 4.
• * 1.351

  Mentor the Rhodian offer∣eth to betray Sidon to him.
• * 1.352

  Tennes King of Sidon joyn∣eth with him, and yet put to death by Ochus.
• * 1.353

  Sidon taken & burnt by the Inhabitants.
• (a) 1.354

  Diodorus •• Olymp. 107. ann. 3.
• (b) 1.355

  Solinus cap. 35. Aristus de 70. Interp.
• (c) 1.356

  Diodorus ibid.
• * 1.357

  Ochus invad∣eth Aegypt.
• (a) 1.358

  Diodorus ut supra.
• * 1.359

  Nectanebus fli∣eth out of Aegypt.
• (b) 1.360

  Sulp. Se∣verus Hist. Sacr. lib. 2.
• (c) 1.361

  Aelian. var. Hist. lib. 4. c. 8. Suid. in Ocho.
• (d) 1.362

  Orosius l. 3. cap. 7. quaere Diodorus ad Olymp. 107. ann. 4.
• * 1.363

  Idem ibid. Polyaenus lib 6. Strabo lib. 13.
• * 1.364

  Diodorus ad Olymp. 109. ann. 4.
• * 1.365

  Philip King of Macedonia op∣posed by O∣chus.
• * 1.366

  Josephus An∣tiquit. lib. 11. cap. 7.
• * 1.367

  Affairs of Ju∣daea in the time of Ochus.
• * 1.368

  Diodorus ad Olymp. 106. ann. 4.
• * 1.369

  Strabo lib. 14. Gellius lib. 10. cap. 18.
• * 1.370

  Mausolus his monument.
• * 1.371

  Plinius lib. 36. cap. 5.
• * 1.372

  Pausan. in Arcadicis.
• * 1.373

  Diodorus ad Olymp. 111. ann. 2. Aelian. Var. Hist. lib. 6. cap. 8.
• * 1.374

  Bagoas killeth Ochus, and set∣ting up Arses maketh him away within a while.
• * 1.375

  Darius Codo∣mannus.
• (a) 1.376

  Diodorus. Strabo lib. 15. & Plutarch. in Alexand. alibi, Diodorus, Ar∣rianus, Curtius.
• * 1.377

  Justin. lib. 10.
• * 1.378

  Curtius lib. 6. cap. 6.
• * 1.379

  Josephus Anti∣quit. lib. 11. cap. 7.
• * 1.380

  Together with his Kingdom espouseth a quarrel with the King of Macedonia.
• * 1.381

  Vide Arrianum lib. 1. pag. 41.
• * 1.382

  Diodorus ad Olymp. 111. ann. 3. Justin. lib. 11. Arrianus lib. 1.
• * 1.383

  Alexander of Macedonia in∣vadeth Asia.
• * 1.384

  Diodorus ad Olymp. 111. ann. 2.
• (a) 1.385

  Diodorus ad Olymp. 111. ann. 3.
• (b) 1.386

  Valer. Maximus l. 7. cap. 3. Exter Exemp. 4. Pausan. Eliac. lib. 2.
• (a) 1.387

  Diodorus ibid.
• * 1.388

  The battel of Granicus.
• (b) 1.389

  Justin ex Trogo.
• (c) 1.390

  Plutarch. ex Aristobulo.
• (d) 1.391

  Arrianus lib. 1.
• * 1.392

  Diodorus ut prius.
• * 1.393

  Alexander set∣eth at liberty all Greek Ci∣ties.
• * 1.394

  Diodorus & Arrianus ut supra.
• * 1.395

  He taketh & razeth Hali∣carnassus.
• (a) 1.396

  Arrianus lib. 1.
• * 1.397

  The treason of Alexander Lyncestes.
• (b) 1.398

  Strabo lib. 14.
• (c) 1.399

  Arrianus ibid.
• * 1.400

  Curtius lib. 3. Arrianus lib. 1. & 2. Plutarch in Alexand. Justin lib. 11. Curtius l. 3. c. 2.
• * 1.401

  He cutteth in two the Gor∣dian knot.
• * 1.402

  Diodorus ad Olymp. 111. ann. 4.
• * 1.403

  Arrianus l. 2.
• * 1.404

  Memnon Darius his General dieth.
• * 1.405

  Diodorus ibid. Curtius lib. 3.
• * 1.406

  Arrianus & Curtius ut supra.
• (b) 1.407

  Aristobulus.
• (c) 1.408

  Diodorus.
• (d) 1.409

  Justin l. 11. Curtius. Plutarch. Arrianus & Val. Maximus lib. 3. cap. 8. extern. exemp. ult.
• * 1.410

  Ameus Cur∣tius ibid.
• * 1.411

  The battel of Issus.
• * 1.412

  A. M. 3672. Olymp. 111. ann. 4. Darii 4. Alexand. 4.
• * 1.413

  Curtius lib. 3.
• * 1.414

  Darius his Lieutenants revolt to A∣lexander.
• * 1.415

  Justin. lib. 11. Curtius lib. 4.
• * 1.416

  His offers scorned by Alexander.
• * 1.417

  Arrianus lib. 2. Curtius lib. 4. Justin. lib. 11.
• * 1.418

  Diodorus ad Olymp. 111. an••. 4.
• * 1.419

  Curtius lib. 4.
• * 1.420

  Justin. lib. 11.
• * 1.421

  Diodorus ad Olymp. 112. ann. 1. Plutarch. in Alexandro.
• * 1.422

  Arrianus lib. 2.
• * 1.423

  Palaetyrus.
• * 1.424

  Alexander his great attempt for the Con∣quering of Tyre.
• * 1.425

  Tyre taken.
• * 1.426

  A. M. 3673. Ol. 112. an. 1. V.C. 422. Darii 5. Alexand. 5.
• * 1.427

  Darius sendeth new proposals to Alexander, which he re∣fuseth.
• * 1.428

  Euseb. in Chroni∣co. Plin. lib. 12. cap. 25. Josephus An∣tiquit. lib. 11. cap. 8.
• * 1.429

  A Temple built by San∣ballat on mount Geri∣zim.
• * 1.430

  Jaddus the High-Priest of the Jews refu∣sing to break his Faith, Alexander in∣vadeth Judaea.
• * 1.431

  But his wrath is appeased.
• * 1.432

  Curtius lib. 4.
• * 1.433

  He besiegeth Gaza.
• * 1.434

  Diodorus, Josephus, Curtius, Arrianus, ut prius.
• * 1.435

  Diodorus ad Olymp. 112. ana. 2. Curtius lib. 4.
• * 1.436

  He marcheth for Egypt.
• * 1.437

  Strabo lib. 17.
• * 1.438

  Plutarch. in Alexandro.
• * 1.439

  Foundeth A∣lexandria.
• * 1.440

  Iidem.
• * 1.441

  Arrianus lib. 3.
• * 1.442

  Diodorus ad Olymp. 112. ann. 2.
• * 1.443

  Justin. lib. 2.
• * 1.444

  Goeth to the Temple of Jupiter Ham∣mon.
• * 1.445

  Gellius lib. 13. cap. 4.
• * 1.446

  Arrianus. Cur∣tius. Justin. Josephus de bello lib. 2. Antiquit. lib. 11. cap. ••.
• * 1.447

  Curtius.
• * 1.448

  Eusebius.
• * 1.449

  Josephus con∣tra Apionem lib. 2.
• * 1.450

  Arrianus, Cur∣tius, &c.
• * 1.451

  Alexander pas∣seth Euphrates,
• * 1.452

  And Tigris.
• * 1.453

  An Eclypse of the Moon dis∣courageth his men.
• * 1.454

  Statira the wife of Darius dieth.
• * 1.455

  Vide Plut in vita Alexand.
• * 1.456

  Justin, Curtius, Diodorus ut suprà.
• * 1.457

  Strabo lib. 16.
• * 1.458

  A Pannnick fear seizeth on the Macedo∣nians.
• * 1.459

  Plutarch in Apophthegm.
• * 1.460

  Idem in Alexand. Curtius▪ Arrianus. Diodorus.
• * 1.461

  The battel of Gaugamela.
• * 1.462

  Darius flieth.
• (a) 1.463

  Diodorus.
• * 1.464

  The number 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• (b) 1.465

  Arrianus.
• (c) 1.466

  Curtius.
• * 1.467

  A. M. 3674. Olymp. 112. an. 4. V.C. 423. Darii 6. Alexand. 6.
• * 1.468

  Alexander de∣clared King of Asia.
• * 1.469

  Entereth Ba∣bylon.
• * 1.470

  Justin lib. 11. Curtius. Diodorus.
• (a) 1.471

  Porphy••ius apud Simplici∣um de Coelo. l. 2.
• (b) 1.472

  Strabo lib. 16. pag. 738.
• (c) 1.473

  Apud Joseph. contr. Apionem lib. 1.
• * 1.474

  Cometh to Susa.
• * 1.475

  Diodorus. Curtius. Plutarch.
• * 1.476

  Arrianus. Polyaenus Stratagem. lib. 4.
• * 1.477

  He is oppo∣sed at the Straights of Persia by Ar••obarzanes.
• * 1.478

  He cometh to Perseplis,
• * 1.479

  Which he causeth to be plundered.
• * 1.480

  He harrazeth the Countrey of Persia.
• * 1.481

  Burneth in a frolick the Palace of Persepolis.
• * 1.482

  Cometh to Pasargadae.
• * 1.483

  Strabo lib. 15. pag. 730.
• * 1.484

  Gad, turma. Stephanus.
• * 1.485

  Arrianus.
• * 1.486

  He cometh to Ecbatane.
• * 1.487

  What Darius did after the battel of Gau∣gamela.
• * 1.488

  Curtius lib. 5.
• * 1.489

  Alexander pursueth him.
• * 1.490

  Bessus and o∣thers bind Darius.
• * 1.491

  Curtius.
• * 1.492

  Arrianus.
• * 1.493

  And upon Alexander's approaching mortally wounded him.
• * 1.494

  Aelian. Hist. a••••. l. ••••. 25.
• * 1.495

  Darius disco∣vered by Po∣lystratus.
• * 1.496

  Dieth.
• * 1.497

  A view of his reign.
• * 1.498

  Polycrates.
• * 1.499

  The word Ty∣rannus or Ty∣rant whence derived, and whom it sig∣nifieth.
• * 1.500

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.501

  Aeneiad. l. 7.
• * 1.502

  SECT. 1.
• * 1.503

  Vid. Strabonem l. 14.
• * 1.504

  Samus called first Parthenia, and afterward Dryusa.
• * 1.505

  Vid. Hera••li••.
• * 1.506

  Lib. 3.
• * 1.507

  Herodotus lib. 3. cap. 39.
• * 1.508

  Polycrates his exploits.
• * 1.509

  His felicity.
• * 1.510

  Endeth mise∣rably.
• * 1.511

  Maeandrius.
• * 1.512

  Syloson.
• * 1.513

  Aeaces.
• * 1.514

  Eminius de re∣bus florentis Graeciae.
• * 1.515

  A League be∣twixt the Pla∣taeans and A∣thenians.
• * 1.516

  De Politia Athen. Aelian. Var. Hist. lib. 8. cap. 2.
• * 1.517

  Thucydides lib. 6.
• * 1.518

  Stirs at A∣thens.
• * 1.519

  Hipparchus slain by Har∣modius and Aristogiton.
• * 1.520

  The behavi∣our of the Pi∣sistratidae, in the Gover∣ment of A∣thens.
• * 1.521

  Herodotus lib. 5. Capp. 62. &c.
• * 1.522

  Herodotus ut priùs cap. 64. &c.
• * 1.523

  The Pisistra∣tidae banished.
• * 1.524

  Thucydides ut suprà.
• * 1.525

  Herodotus cap. 66.
• * 1.526

  Clysthenes changeth the names of the Tribes.
• * 1.527

  Pausan. i•• At∣ticis.
• * 1.528

  Civil Wars betwixt Isago∣ras and Cly∣sthenes.
• * 1.529

  Clysthenes re∣storeth Solon's Laws.
• * 1.530

  Aelian. Var. Hist. lib. 13. cap. 24. Diodorus lib. 11. Plutarch in vita Aristid. & Periclis.
• * 1.531

  The Ostracism.
• * 1.532

  Harpocration. in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.533

  Herodotus lib 5. cap. 4. &c.
• * 1.534

  Cleomenes to no purpose inva∣deth the Athe∣nians.
• * 1.535

  The Island Aegina.
• * 1.536

  A. M. 3501. V.C. 250. Olymp. 69. an. 1. Darii 18.
• * 1.537

  Herodotus Lib. 6. c. 48, &c.
• * 1.538

  The Aegine∣tans by giving Earth and Water to Da∣rius, incense the Graecians against them.
• * 1.539

  Stirs at Sparta betwixt Cleo∣menes and De∣maratus the Kings.
• * 1.540

  Cap. 61, &c.
• * 1.541

  The birth of Demaratus.
• * 1.542

  Demaratus de∣posed, and Leutychides put in his place.
• * 1.543

  Pausan. in. Laconicis.
• * 1.544

  Cleomenes his ill end.
• * 1.545

  In Laconicis.
• * 1.546

  Leutychides punished for the injury of∣fered to Dema∣ratus.
• * 1.547

  Herodotus Lib. 6. cap. 72.
• * 1.548

  Idem cap. 87.
• * 1.549

  War betwixt the Athenians and Aeginetans.
• * 1.550

  Euseb. in Chronico.
• * 1.551

  The battel of Marathon.
• * 1.552

  Justin. lib. 2.
• * 1.553

  Miltiades
• * 1.554

  Plutarch. in Aristide.
• * 1.555

  Herod. lib. 6.
• * 1.556

  His Pedigree and Actions.
• * 1.557

  Pausan. lib. 8.
• * 1.558

  Herod. lib. 6. cap. 132. &c.
• * 1.559

  His fruitlesse expedition to Paros.
• * 1.560

  Corn. Nepos in vita Miltiadis.
• * 1.561

  He dieth in prison.
• * 1.562

  Valer. Max. lib. 5. cap. 3. ext. exempl. ult. Corn. Nepos in vita Cimonis. Plutarch. in Cimone.
• * 1.563

  Vide Janum Rutgersium Var. Lect. lib. 1. cap. 9. & Boe∣cleri notas ad Cora. Nepotem.
• * 1.564

  His son Cimon.
• * 1.565

  Xerxes inva∣deth Greece.
• * 1.566

  Vide Plutar∣chum in vita Aristidis.
• * 1.567

  Themistocles and Aristides.
• * 1.568

  Idem ibid.
• * 1.569

  Iliad. ••.
• * 1.570

  Herodotus lib. 8. cap. 111.
• * 1.571

  The acts of Themistocles immediatly after the flight of Xerxes.
• * 1.572

  Idem cap. 122. &c. & Plutarch. in Themistocle.
• * 1.573

  His glorie.
• * 1.574

  Learned Men.
• * 1.575

  Consule Dioge∣nem Laertium.
• * 1.576

  Lib. 7. cap. 7.
• * 1.577

  SECT. 2.
• * 1.578

  Diogenes. Jamblicus. Just a lib. 20. Plin. l. 2. c. 8.
• * 1.579

  Thucyd. l. 1.
• * 1.580

  Idem ibid. Plutarch & Corn. Nepos in Themistocle.
• * 1.581

  The Athenians rebuild their walls, which the Lacedaemo∣nians grudge.
• * 1.582

  But are elu∣ded by Themi∣stocle.
• * 1.583

  Plutarch in Themistocle. Val. Max. l. 6. c. 5. ext. exem. 2. Cic. Offic. l. 3.
• * 1.584

  Thucyd. lib. 1.
• * 1.585

  Diodorus l. 11. ad Olymp. 75. ann. 4.
• * 1.586

  Pausanius holdeth intel∣ligence with Xerxes.
• * 1.587

  Thucydid. & Diodorus ut prius. Plutarch & Corn. Nepos in Aristide.
• * 1.588

  The Athenians by the means of Aristid••s draw the chief power to themselves.
• * 1.589

  Thucyd.
• * 1.590

  The Naxians inslaved.
• * 1.591

  Idem. Plutarch. in Themistocl. & Aristide. Corn. Nepos in Pau∣sania. Diodorus ut suprà. Plutarch. & Corn. Nepos. Thucyd. Val. Max. lib. 5. cap. 3. extern, exempl. 3.
• * 1.592

  The ends of Pausanias and Themistocles,
• * 1.593

  And of Aristi∣des.
• (a) 1.594

  Corn. Nepos & Plutarch. in Aristide.
• * 1.595

  SECT. 1.
• * 1.596

  Thucyd. lib. 1.
• * 1.597

  The Thasians envied by the Athenians for the Mines.
• * 1.598

  The Lacedae∣monians di∣stressed.
• * 1.599

  Diodorus ad Olymp 77. ann. 4. Thucyd.
• * 1.600

  The begin∣ning of malice betwixt the Athenians and Lacedaemonians.
• * 1.601

  Vide Strah. lib. 9. pag. 427.
• * 1.602

  The begin∣ning of the hatred be∣twixt Corinth and Athens.
• * 1.603

  Diodorus ad Olymp. 78. ann. 1.
• * 1.604

  The Mycenae∣ans and Ar∣gives fall out.
• * 1.605

  SECT. 2.
• * 1.606

  Mycenae de∣stroyed.
• * 1.607

  Thucyd. lib. 1.
• * 1.608

  Diodorus ad Olymp. 80. ann. 2. & 3.
• * 1.609

  The difference betwixt the Athenians and Corinthians, about Megara renewed.
• * 1.610

  A War be∣twixt the Pho∣cians & Dores.
• * 1.611

  Idem ad ann. 4, & ad Olymp. 81. ann. 1.
• * 1.612

  Thucyd. lib. 1.
• * 1.613

  The Athenians forced by bad successe to make a Truce with the Pelo∣ponnesians.
• (b) 1.614

  Diodorus ad Olymp. 82. ann. 3.
• (c) 1.615

  Thucyd. at prius
• (d) 1.616

  Idem. Diodorus ad Olymp. 83. ann. 2.
• * 1.617

  They part with Boeotia, & Euboea revolts.
• * 1.618

  Thucyd. lib. 1. Diodorus ad Olymp. 83. ann. 3, & ann. 4.
• * 1.619

  Pericles re∣duceth Euboea, and various fortune inclin∣eth both sides to an accom∣modation.
• * 1.620

  Thucyd. Diodorus ad Olymp. 84. an. 4.
• * 1.621

  Stirs in Samus. Pericles victo∣rious there.
• * 1.622

  The City yielded to him.
• * 1.623

  A. M. 3566. Olymp. 85. an. 2. V.C. 314. Artax. Longim. 25. Thucyd. ut su∣pra Diodorus ad Olymp. 85. an. 2.
• * 1.624

  Stirs at Epi∣damnus, a Co∣lony of the Corcyraeans.
• * 1.625

  Procure a fal∣ling out be∣twixt the Cor∣cyraeans and the Corinthians their foun∣ders.
• * 1.626

  Thucyd. Dio••orus ad ••lymp. 85. ann. 3, & 4.
• * 1.627

  The Corcyraeans victorious.
• * 1.628

  Thucyd. Diodorus ad Olymp. 86. an. 1.
• * 1.629

  They enter into society with Athens.
• * 1.630

  The design of the Athenians herein.
• * 1.631

  Plutarch in Pericle.
• * 1.632

  The Corinthians overthrown in a Sea-fight.
• * 1.633

  This with o∣ther things exasperate them and the Peloponne∣sians against the Athenians.
• * 1.634

  Sirabo lib. 7. pag. 330. ••. T••a••••d. Di••d. P•••••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ad Olymp. 86 an••. 2.
• * 1.635

  Thucyd. lib. 1. Diodorus ad Olymp. 87. ann. 1.
• * 1.636

  The Athenians getting the better
• * 1.637

  Closely be∣siege Potidaea.
• * 1.638

  Thucyd.
• * 1.639

  The States of Peloponaesus accuse the A∣thenians at La∣cedaemon.
• * 1.640

  Their Am∣bassadors an∣swer in their behalf.
• * 1.641

  Archidamus, King of Lace∣daemon his prudent dis∣course.
• * 1.642

  Which is c••••ded by Sthenelaides, and War is decreed.
• * 1.643

  The Lacedae∣monians en∣quire at Del∣phos about it.
• * 1.644

  They send fri∣volous messa∣ges to Athens.
• * 1.645

  Thucyd. lib. 1. Diodorus ex Ephoro ad O∣lymp. 87. ann. 2.
• * 1.646

  The Athenians by the advice of Pericles, gave a posi∣tive answer once for all by way of denial.
• (a) 1.647

  Vide Plu∣tarch in Pericle.
• (b) 1.648

  Idem ibid. Val. Max. l. 3. c. 1. ext. exempl. Diodorus ut supra.
• * 1.649

  Alcibiades when a child, his advice to his Uncle Pe∣ricles.
• (c) 1.650

  Thucyd. in fine. lib. 1.
• (a) 1.651

  Anonymus ad Ol. 76. an. 4.
• (b) 1.652

  Steph. in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• (c) 1.653

  Plutarch in Pericle.
• (d) 1.654

  Anonym ad Olymp. 78. an. 1.
• (e) 1.655

  In Bruto.
• (f) 1.656

  Diodorus.
• (g) 1.657

  Diog. Laert. Anonymus.
• (h) 1.658

  Vossius de script. Graecis.
• (i) 1.659

  Euseb.
• (k) 1.660

  Schol. in vitam Anonym. Suidas.
• (m) 1.661

  Idem.
• * 1.662

  SECT. 3.
• (n) 1.663

  Cappellus Censorius c. 18. Aelim. var. Hist. lib. 10. c. 7. & lib. 13. c. 12.
• * 1.664

  Thucyd. lib. 2. ad ann. 1. Diodorus ad Olymp 87. an. 1. E•• X••noph. Hellenic. lib. 2.
• * 1.665

  The Pelopon∣nesian War beginneth with the sur∣prising of Pla∣taea by the Thebans. Which the Towns-men presently re∣cover.
• * 1.666

  The Lacedae∣monians and Athenians heads of the two Parties.
• * 1.667

  What Greeks stood with the Lacedaemonians,
• * 1.668

  And who with the Athenians.
• * 1.669

  Archidamus in∣vadeth Attica.
• * 1.670

  The Provision of the Ath••ni∣ans for War.
• * 1.671

  SECT. 2.
• * 1.672

  The Athenians send a Fleet into Peloponne∣sus to divert their enemies.
• * 1.673

  They eject the Inhabitants of Aegina, and plant a Colo∣ny of their own in the Island.
• * 1.674

  An Eclypse of the Sun on the third of August.
• * 1.675

  The manner of burying those who died in the Wars.
• * 1.676

  Thucyd. lib. 2. ad ann. 2.
• * 1.677

  Attica the se∣cond time in∣vaded, when it was seized with a fearfull plague.
• * 1.678

  Diodorus.
• * 1.679

  Potidaea deli∣vered up to the Athenians.
• * 1.680

  Idem lib. 2. ad ann. 3.
• * 1.681

  Archidamus be∣siegeth Plataea, which holdeth out.
• * 1.682

  Idem in Peri∣cle.
• * 1.683

  Pericles dieth.
• * 1.684

  His commen∣dation.
• * 1.685

  Thucyd. lib. 3. initio.
• * 1.686

  Archidamus the third time invadeth At∣tica.
• * 1.687

  SECT. 3.
• * 1.688

  The Athenians besiege Mity∣lene.
• * 1.689

  Attica inva∣ded the fifth time, and the Mitylenaeans yield.
• * 1.690

  A severe sen∣tence against them.
• * 1.691

  Reversed.
• * 1.692

  Plataea at length yield∣ed and de∣stroyed.
• * 1.693

  A lamentable sedition at Corcyra.
• * 1.694

  Stirs in Sicilie of which the Athenians make advan∣tage.
• * 1.695

  The sixth Summer of the War.
• * 1.696

  Aetna break∣eth out into flames.
• * 1.697

  Thucyd. lib. 4.
• * 1.698

  Attica the sixth time in∣vaded.
• * 1.699

  Pylus fortified ••y Demosthenes ••he Athenian.
• * 1.700

  Draweth the Peloponnesians out of Attica, and being sorely laid at the Peloponne∣sians are wor∣sted.
• * 1.701

  The Lacedae∣monians desire a Truce,
• * 1.702

  And send to Athens about a peace, which Cleon crosseth.
• * 1.703

  The Spartans in the Island Sphacteria yield to mer∣cy.
• * 1.704

  The Sedition of Corcyra end∣eth.
• * 1.705

  A partial E∣••••••se of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of March.
• * 1.706

  An Universal peace in Sici∣ly.
• * 1.707

  Stirs about Megara.
• * 1.708

  The Exiles re-admitted rage against their Adver∣saries, contrary to their Oath.
• * 1.709

  Several a∣mongst the Boeotians at∣tempting to bring in De∣mocracy are disappointed.
• * 1.710

  Brasidas the Spartan sent into Thrace give trouble to the Athe∣nians.
• * 1.711

  Thycydides the Historian, the Athenian Ge∣neral.
• * 1.712

  Brasidas en∣vied by his own Countrey men.
• * 1.713

  A Truce for a year.
• * 1.714

  The Temple of Juno at Athens burnt.
• * 1.715

  Thucyd. lib. 5.
• * 1.716

  Cleon sent into Thrace, is quickly puffed up.
• * 1.717

  Is slain toge∣ther with Bra∣sidas his ad∣versary.
• * 1.718

  Both the Athenians and Lacedaemonians desire peace,
• * 1.719

  Which is con∣cluded.
• * 1.720

  Several Ci∣ties dissent,
• * 1.721

  And the De∣puties of the Corinthians ap∣plication to Argos.
• * 1.722

  Those of Pe∣loponn••sus ap∣ply them∣selves to that City.
• * 1.723

  The Lacedae∣monians vindi∣cate them∣selves at Co∣rinth.
• * 1.724

  Dissatisfacti- betwixt the parties.
• * 1.725

  The designs of the Boeotar∣chae frustrated.
• * 1.726

  Panactus dis∣mantled.
• * 1.727

  The Athenians thereat, and otherwise of∣fended.
• * 1.728

  Are incensed by Alcibiades,
• * 1.729

  Who hindreth the peace by a notable stratagem.
• * 1.730

  Nicias labour∣eth for it.
• * 1.731

  The Lacedae∣monians kept from the O∣lympick exer∣cises.
• * 1.732

  Alcibiades marcheth into Peloponnesus.
• * 1.733

  Agis the Spar∣tan King in∣vadeth the Argives.
• * 1.734

  Is easily put off, and de∣servedly blamed.
• * 1.735

  Severely sen∣tenced.
• * 1.736

  According to his promise he redeemeth his credit.
• * 1.737

  Yet the Lace∣daemonians send to Argos about a peace.
• * 1.738

  Which is pro∣cured by those who af∣fected an Oli∣garchy.
• * 1.739

  On Oligar∣chy set up a Sicyon and Argos.
• * 1.740

  The Argives recover the Democracy, and renounce the League with Sparta.
• * 1.741

  The Lacedae∣monians in vain attempt to take Argos.
• * 1.742

  They will not take notice that the League is broken with Athens.
• * 1.743

  Melus taken.
• * 1.744

  Thucyd. l. 6.
• * 1.745

  The Athenians look after Si∣cilie.
• * 1.746

  Decree aid to be sent to the Aegestans, un∣der the com∣mand of Ni∣cias, Alcib••ades, and Lamachus.
• * 1.747

  The Hermae broken at Athens.
• * 1.748

  Alcibiades sus∣pected, and desirous to be tried, is yet by his Ene∣mies sent away.
• * 1.749

  Then again recalled.
• * 1.750

  The Syracusi∣ans stand on their Guard.
• * 1.751

  The Corinthi∣•••••• and Spar∣••••••s send them 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.752

  Thucyd. lib. 7.
• * 1.753

  Demosthenes and Euryme∣don joyned in Commission with Nicias.
• * 1.754

  The Athenians defeated at Syracuse.
• * 1.755

  Again at Sea.
• * 1.756

  Sorely straightned.
• * 1.757

  They fly.
• * 1.758

  Are forced to yield to mer∣cy.
• (a) 1.759

  Aelian. Var. Hist. lib. 13. cap. 12.
• (b) 1.760

  Vide Simp∣son in Chron. ad ann. M. 3590.
• * 1.761

  Thucyd. lib. 8.
• * 1.762

  Great joy in Greece.
• * 1.763

  Alcibiades his actings against his own Countrey.
• * 1.764

  He flieth from the Spartans out of fear.
• * 1.765

  He suggesteth crafty counsel to Tissaphernes.
• * 1.766

  He desireth to return to his Country.
• * 1.767

  Phrynicus standeth in fear of him, and laboureth to destroy him,
• * 1.768

  To no pur∣pose.
• * 1.769

  Commission∣ers sent to treat with Al∣cibiades, and Tissaphernes, but in vain.
• * 1.770

  Tissaphernes re∣neweth the War with the Peloponnesians.
• * 1.771

  The Govern∣ment changed to Oligarchy in Athens, and the Cities subject to it.
• * 1.772

  The Model.
• * 1.773

  Four hundred men have the executive power.
• * 1.774

  They send to Agis about a peace, who slighteth them.
• * 1.775

  Refers their second address to Sparta.
• * 1.776

  The Army at Samus inraged at them.
• * 1.777

  Takes an Oath of Combination against them,
• * 1.778

  Recalleth Alcibiades.
• * 1.779

  The Ambassa∣dors of the 400 come to Samus.
• * 1.780

  Alcib••ades gi∣veth them a crosse answer.
• * 1.781

  The Counsels of Tissaphernes in the dark.
• * 1.782

  How men in Athens stood affected to the 400.
• * 1.783

  The Traite∣rous designs of the 400.
• * 1.784

  Tumults at Athens.
• * 1.785

  The Athenians defeated are seized with great conster∣nation.
• * 1.786

  The contrary dispositions of the Athenians and Lacedae∣monians.
• * 1.787

  The power of the 400 abro∣gated, and the Government most equally poised.
• * 1.788

  The Athenians obtained a•• Victory at Sea.
• (a) 1.789

  Diodorus ad Olymp. 92. ann. 2.
• (b) 1.790

  Usserius in Annal. Vet. Test. pag. 216.
• * 1.791

  Xenoph. Hellanic. l. 1.
• * 1.792

  Plutarch in Alcibiade.
• * 1.793

  Tissaphernes secureth Alcibiades.
• * 1.794

  Alcibiades overthroweth Mindarus the Spartan.
• * 1.795

  A. M. 3594. Ol. 92. an. 2. V.C. 343. Darii Nothi 13. Belli Pelop. 21.
• * 1.796

  Diodorus ad Olymp. 92. an. 3.
• * 1.797

  The Lacedae∣monians send to Athens about Peace.
• * 1.798

  Cleophon hin∣dereth it.
• * 1.799

  Xenoph. Hellen. lib. 1.
• * 1.800

  Agis repulsed from Athens.
• * 1.801

  The acts of Thrasybulus the Athenian.
• * 1.802

  Alcibiades be∣siegeth Chalce∣don.
• * 1.803

  The Athenian Ambassadors and others sent to the Persian King never come at him.
• * 1.804

  Xenoph. ibid. Plutarch. in Alcibiade.
• * 1.805

  Alcibiades re∣turneth to A∣thens.
• * 1.806

  Lysander made Admiral by the Lacedaemo∣nians, obtain∣eth pay of Cy∣rus for his Sea∣men.
• * 1.807

  Who refuseth to meddle with the Athenians.
• * 1.808

  Alcibiades go∣ing to speak with Thrasybu∣lus, leaveth his Fleet with his Pilot, who fightng with Lysander, con∣trary to his expresse com∣mand, is de∣feated & slain.
• * 1.809

  For which Al∣cibiades is dis∣carded.
• * 1.810

  An Eclypse of the Moon.
• * 1.811

  Callicratidas succeeding Ly∣sander defeat∣eth, and be∣siegeth Conon in Mitylene.
• * 1.812

  The Athenian Generals over∣threw Callicra∣tidas.
• * 1.813

  And for that 8 are reward∣ed with a sen∣tence of death executed upon six of them there present, amongst whom Pericles, the son of Pe∣ricles.
• * 1.814

  Xenoph. lib. 2.
• * 1.815

  Lysander is sent for by the Allies to re∣sume the Go∣vernment of the Fleet▪
• * 1.816

  Idem ibid. Corn. Nepos & in Plutarch. in Lysand. & in Alcibiad.
• * 1.817

  The Athenian Fleet quite defeated at Aegosp••tamos by Lysander.
• * 1.818

  A consulta∣tion what is to be done with the pri∣soners.
• * 1.819

  All of them put to death except Adi∣mantus.
• * 1.820

  Lysander be∣siegeth Athens both by Sea and Land;
• * 1.821

  SECT. 4.
• * 1.822

  Which yield∣eth.
• * 1.823

  The walls de∣molished, and the Gallies burnt.
• * 1.824

  A. M. 3600. Ol. 93. an. 4. V. C. 349. Darii Nothi 19. Belli Pelop. 27.
• * 1.825

  Xenoph. ut prius.
• * 1.826

  The 30 Ty∣rants at Athens.
• * 1.827

  Fill all places with murders and rapine.
• * 1.828

  Theramenes one of them, for detesting their wicked∣nesse, is put to death.
• * 1.829

  Corn. Nepos in Thrasybulo.
• * 1.830

  Thrasybulus opposeth the Tyrants.
• * 1.831

  Their power is abrogated.
• * 1.832

  They send for aid from Spar∣ta.
• * 1.833

  Lysander is sent and be∣siegeth Thrasy∣bulus, and his fellows in the Piraeus,
• * 1.834

  But Pausanias the Spartan King emula∣ting Lysander taketh up the matter.
• * 1.835

  The popular Government restored.
• * 1.836

  Isocrates in Areopagit.
• * 1.837

  Plutarch in Alcibiad. & Cora. Nepos.
• * 1.838

  The thirty Tyrants pro∣cured Alcibia∣des to be made away.
• * 1.839

  Com. Nepos.
• * 1.840

  Xenoph. lib. 3.
• * 1.841

  Thimbro sent into Asia.
• * 1.842

  Idem. ibid. Corn. Nepos, & Plutarch. in Agesilao, & Lysandro. Xenoph. in Orat. de laudibus A∣gesil.
• * 1.843

  A contention betwixt Leu∣tychides and Agesilaus for the Spartan Kingdom.
• * 1.844

  Ag••silaus car∣rieth it, by the means of Ly∣sander.
• * 1.845

  He is sent into Asia by the same means.
• * 1.846

  Is Eclypsed by Lysander.
• * 1.847

  Tithraustes by Gold sent into Greece, cor∣rupteth the States to War against Lace∣daemon.
• * 1.848

  Xenoph. ut su∣pra.
• * 1.849

  Corn. Nepos & Plutarch in Ly∣sandro.
• * 1.850

  Lysander slain.
• * 1.851

  His character.
• * 1.852

  Pausanias sen∣tenced to die.
• * 1.853

  Xenoph. lib. 4. Plutarch in Agesilao, & Apothegmat. Xenoph. in Orat. de laudi∣bus Agesilai.
• * 1.854

  Agesilaus re∣called out of Asia.
• * 1.855

  The Sun Eclypsed Au∣gust 24. and Agesilaus in∣vadeth Boeotia. Where he ob∣taineth a Vi∣ctory against the Leaguers.
• * 1.856

  Stirs at Co∣rinth.
• * 1.857

  Agesilaus sent against the Argives.
• * 1.858

  Agesilaus sent to relieve the Achaeans.
• * 1.859

  Agesipolis the other King sent against the Argives.
• * 1.860

  Phar••abazus and Conon their acts against Lace∣daemon.
• * 1.861

  Antalcidas sent into Asia by the proposals of a peace to counter-work them.
• * 1.862

  Thrasybulus sent against the Lacedaemo∣nians.
• * 1.863

  Is slain.
• * 1.864

  Corn. Nepos.
• * 1.865

  Xenoph. lib. 5. Diod.
• * 1.866

  The parties desire peace.
• * 1.867

  The peace of Antalcidas.
• * 1.868

  A. M. 3618. Ol. 98. an. 2. V.C. 367. Artax. Maem. 18.
• * 1.869

  The Spartans hereupon grew high.
• * 1.870

  The practices of the Oly••∣thians.
• * 1.871

  Xenoph. ut su∣pra, Plutarch. in Agesilao.
• * 1.872

  Cadmea the Citadel of Thebes be∣trayed.
• * 1.873

  The fact is unjustly ex∣cused by Age∣silaus.
• * 1.874

  Ismenias put to death.
• * 1.875

  Teleutias sent by the Spartans against the Olynthians.
• * 1.876

  Is slain.
• * 1.877

  Agesipolis sent after him, di∣eth of a Fea∣ver.
• * 1.878

  Olynthus taken by Olybiades.
• * 1.879

  The Phliasi∣ans subdued by Agesilaus.
• * 1.880

  Xenoph. ut prius. Diodorus ad Olymp. 100. an. 3. Plutarch & Corn. Nepos in Pelopide.
• * 1.881

  Thebes reco∣vered by the Exiles.
• * 1.882

  Xenoph. & Plutarch.
• * 1.883

  Sphodrias in∣vadeth Attica by the cun∣ning of some Thebans.
• * 1.884

  Xenoph. Plutarch.
• * 1.885

  Agesilaus mo∣ved by his son Archidamus, •• procureth him indemnity, whence the Athenians joyn with the Thebans.
• * 1.886

  Diodorus ad Ol. 101. an. 1. Xenopo. Plutarch.
• * 1.887

  Agesilaus un∣dertaketh an∣other fruitless Expedition against the Boeotians.
• * 1.888

  Xenoph. lib. 6.
• * 1.889

  Diodorus.
• * 1.890

  The Lacedae∣monians bea∣ten.
• * 1.891

  Diodorus ad Olymp. 101. ann. 2.
• * 1.892

  The Thebans left out of the general peace.
• * 1.893

  The peace continueth but a short time.
• (a) 1.894

  Xenophon. Diodorus ad Olymp. 101. ann 3.
• * 1.895

  Plataea and Thespis demo∣lished.
• (b) 1.896

  In Boeoticis.
• (c) 1.897

  Diodorus ad Olymp. 101. ann. 4. Strabo lib. 9. p. 385. Pausan. in Achaicis.
• * 1.898

  Aelianus Hist. Anim. lib. 11. cap. 19.
• * 1.899

  Diodorus ad Olymp. 102. ann 1.
• * 1.900

  Xenoph. ut priùs.
• * 1.901

  Cleombrotus the Spartan King invadeth Boeo∣tia.
• * 1.902

  Diodorus ad ann. 2.
• * 1.903

  Xenoph. Plu∣tarch. in Pelo∣pida Pausan, in Boeoticis.
• * 1.904

  Ab 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Patronymice fit 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 per Syn∣copen 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.905

  Epaminondas overthroweth him in the battel of Leu∣ctra, wherein he is slain.
• * 1.906

  A.M. 3634. Olymp. 102. ann. 2. Urbis cond. 383. Artar. Mnem. 34.

  Xenoph. & Plutarch. ut suprà.
• * 1.907

  The beha∣viour of the Spartans after the battel of Leuctra.
• * 1.908

  Archidamus in∣vadeth Boeotia.
• * 1.909

  A Truce is procured by Jason Prince of Thessaly, who is presently after murdred by his bro∣thers.
• * 1.910

  Plutarch. in Pelopida.
• * 1.911

  Xenoph.
• * 1.912

  A Sedition at Tegea.
• * 1.913

  Alias Diodorus. vide.
• * 1.914

  In Arcadicis.
• * 1.915

  Megalopolis built.
• * 1.916

  Aelian var. hist. lib. 2. cap. 42.
• * 1.917

  Pausanias in Messenicis.
• * 1.918

  The Messeni∣ans recalled & re-establisht.
• * 1.919

  Diodorus ad Olymp. 102. an. 3.
• * 1.920

  An unparelled Sedition at Argos, the fruit of Antimonar∣chical Go∣vernment.
• * 1.921

  Idem ad ann. 4. Xenoph.
• * 1.922

  Epaminondas invadeth La∣conia.
• * 1.923

  Plutarch & Corn. Nepos in Agesilao.
• * 1.924

  Iphicrates sent to assist the Spartans.
• * 1.925

  His conduct is censured by Xenophon.
• * 1.926

  Diodorus ad Olymp. 102. ann. 4.
• * 1.927

  Epaminondus retutning questioned for his life.
• * 1.928

  Plutarch in Pe∣lopida & Corn. Nepos in Epa∣minonda.
• * 1.929

  Aelian. var. hist. lib. 13. cap. 42.
• * 1.930

  Pausan. in Boeo∣ticis.
• * 1.931

  Xenoph. lib. 7. Diodorus.
• * 1.932

  Epaminondas again invad∣eth Peloponne∣sus.
• * 1.933

  Xenoph. Diodorus ad Olymp. 103. ann. 1.
• * 1.934

  The Arcadi∣ans fall out with the The∣bans.
• * 1.935

  Megalopolis now built ac∣coring to Dio∣dorus.
• * 1.936

  Pelopidas sent by the The∣bans to the Persian King.
• * 1.937

  Getteth much credit by his Ambassie.
• * 1.938

  Xenoph. ut su∣prà, Diodorus ad Olymp. 103. ann. 2.
• * 1.939

  Stirs about Si∣cyon.
• * 1.940

  The Athenians enter into so∣ciety with the Arcadians,
• * 1.941

  And consult how to be∣come masters of Corinth.
• * 1.942

  Artaxerxes procureth an∣other peace.
• * 1.943

  Xenophon, Dio∣dorus ad Olymp. 104. ann. 1.
• * 1.944

  The Eleans and Arcadians at odds.
• * 1.945

  The Pisaeans put in posses∣sion of Olym∣pia are falln upon by the Eleans at the time of the so∣lemnities.
• * 1.946

  Diodorus ibid.
• * 1.947

  Epaminondas perswadeth the Thebans to look after Sea matters.
• * 1.948

  The Thebans destroy Orcho∣menus.
• * 1.949

  Pausanias in Boeoticis.
• * 1.950

  Xenoph. lib. 7.
• * 1.951

  Diodorus ad Olymp. 104. ann. 2.
• * 1.952

  Stirs betwixt the Arcadians and Mantineans.
• * 1.953

  Iidem & paulo aliter Polybius lib. 9.
• * 1.954

  Epaminondas again invad∣eth Pelopon∣nesus.
• * 1.955

  Sets upon Sparta and re∣treateth to Mantinea.
• * 1.956

  His Horse put to flight.
• * 1.957

  His case how it stood in re∣ference to his return or stay.
• * 1.958

  The battel at Mantinea wherein Epa∣minondas was mortally wounded.
• * 1.959

  A. M. 3642. Ol. 104. an. 2. V.C. 390. Ante Aeram Christi 362. Artax. Mnem. 41.
• * 1.960

  Xenophon with it endeth his History. As also Anax∣imenes and Philistus.
• * 1.961

  Vide Diodorum ut supra. Justin lib. 6.
• * 1.962

  Valerius Max. lib 3. cap 2. ext. exemp. 5.
• * 1.963

  Aelian var hist. l. 12. cap. 3.
• * 1.964

  Pausan. in Aridicis.
• * 1.965

  Ciceros. Epist. lib. 5. cap. 12.
• * 1.966

  Epaminondas his character.
• * 1.967

  Corn. Nepos in vita Epamin.
• * 1.968

  Justin.
• * 1.969

  Diodorus.
• * 1.970

  Corn. Nepos. Plutarch in Agesilao.
• * 1.971

  Agesilaus bla∣med.
• * 1.972

  His death.
• * 1.973

  Diodorus ad Olymp. 104. an. 3.
• * 1.974

  Stirs amongst the Megalopo∣litans.
• * 1.975

  Learned Men during this period.
• * 1.976

  Sordanus.
• * 1.977

  Hippocrates.
• * 1.978

  Lib. 7. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.979

  His oath.
• (a) 1.980

  Anonymus.
• (b) 1.981

  Diodorus, Laertius.
• (c) 1.982

  Laertius.
• (d) 1.983

  Suidas.
• (e) 1.984

  Diodorus.
• (f) 1.985

  Laertius.
• (g) 1.986

  Anonymus.
• (h) 1.987

  Laertius.
• (i) 1.988

  Seneca na∣tural. quaest. l. 7. c. 3.
• * 1.989

  SECT. 5.
• * 1.990

  Euseb. in Chro∣nico. Justin. l. 7. Velleius lib. 1. Solinus cap. 15.
• * 1.991

  Euripus.
• * 1.992

  Alcetas. Amyntas. Alexander.
• * 1.993

  Perdiccas.
• * 1.994

  Aristotl. Politic. lib. 5.
• * 1.995

  Vide Raleium lib. 4. cap. 1.
• * 1.996

  Archelaus.
• * 1.997

  Var. Hist. lib. 8. cap. 9.
• * 1.998

  Cratenas. Orestes.
• * 1.999

  Diodorus ad Olymp. 96. ann. 3.
• (a) 1.1000

  Idem ad ann. 4.
• * 1.1001

  Amyntas.
• (b) 1.1002

  Ad Olymp. 99. ann. 2. Xenoph.
• * 1.1003

  Alexander.
• * 1.1004

  Ptolomy Alo∣rites.
• * 1.1005

  Philip educa∣ted at Thebes.
• * 1.1006

  Diod. ad Olymp. 103. ann. 4.
• * 1.1007

  First Guar∣dian of his Nephew,
• * 1.1008

  Then King.
• * 1.1009

  Diodorus ad Olymp. 105. ann. 1. A.M. 3645. Olymp. 105. ann. 1. V.C. 394. Ochi, 2.
• * 1.1010

  He Conquer∣eth all diffi∣culties.
• * 1.1011

  Diodorus ad Olymp. 105. ann. 2.
• * 1.1012

  Idem ad ann. 3.
• * 1.1013

  Crenidae chan∣ged into Phi∣lippi.
• * 1.1014

  The Social War.
• * 1.1015

  Corn. Nepos.
• * 1.1016

  Diodorus ad Olymp. 106. an. 1.
• * 1.1017

  In vitis Timo∣thei & Iphi∣cratis.
• * 1.1018

  Diodorus.
• * 1.1019

  Alexander the Great is born.
• * 1.1020

  A. M 3649. Ol. 106. an. 1. V. C. 348. Ochi, 6. Philippi, 5.
• * 1.1021

  Vide Usserum in Annal. Vet. Testam. p. 271.
• * 1.1022

  Justin lib. 12. cap. 16.
• (a) 1.1023

  Plutarch in Alexandro.
• (b) 1.1024

  Val. Max. l. 8. c. 14. ext. exemp. 5. Gell. l. 2. c. 6.
• (c) 1.1025

  Val. ibid. Strabo l. 14. p. 640. Solin. cap. 40.
• (d) 1.1026

  Strabo idem.
• (e) 1.1027

  Cicero. l. 1. de Divinat. & 2 de natura Deorum.
• (f) 1.1028

  Plutarch.
• * 1.1029

  Diodorus ad Olymp. 106. an. 2.
• * 1.1030

  The Phocian or Sacred war.
• * 1.1031

  A. M. 3650. Ol. 106. an. 2. V. C. 399. Ochi, 7. Philippi, 6.
• (a) 1.1032

  Odyss. ••. 75. vide Stra∣bo. lib. 9. p. 417. D.
• (b) 1.1033

  Diodorus ad Olymp. 106. an. 2.
• * 1.1034

  The original of the oracle at Delphos.
• * 1.1035

  Idem ad an. 3.
• * 1.1036

  The Council of Amphyctio∣nes decreeth War against the Phocians.
• * 1.1037

  Philomelus slain.
• (a) 1.1038

  In Phocicis.
• (b) 1.1039

  Lib. 8.
• * 1.1040

  Onomarchus succeedeth him.
• * 1.1041

  Diodorus ad ann. 4.
• * 1.1042

  Philip besie∣geth Methym∣na, a Town si∣tuate in Mag∣nesia.
• * 1.1043

  Is twice de∣feated by Ono∣marchus.
• * 1.1044

  Who getteth Chaeronea, but is again utter∣ly defeated by Philip, and is hanged.
• * 1.1045

  Vide Justin. lib. 16.
• * 1.1046

  Diodorus ad Olymp. 107. ann. 1.
• * 1.1047

  Phayllus suc∣ceedeth Ono∣marchus,
• * 1.1048

  And dieth of a Consumpti∣on.
• * 1.1049

  Stirs betwixt the Lacedaemo∣nians and Me∣galopolitans.
• * 1.1050

  Idem ad ann. 2.
• (a) 1.1051

  Idem ad ann. 4.
• (b) 1.1052

  Anagraphe Olympiadum.
• (c) 1.1053

  Diodorus ad Olymp. 108. ann. 1. Justin. lib. 8.
• * 1.1054

  Philip getteth Olynthus.
• * 1.1055

  Diodorus ibid.
• * 1.1056

  The Athenians began to look to themselves.
• * 1.1057

  Idem ad an. 2.
• * 1.1058

  The Boeotians crave aid of Philip.
• * 1.1059

  A remarkable accident.
• (a) 1.1060

  Orat. con∣tra Clesiphont.
• (b) 1.1061

  Orat. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• (c) 1.1062

  Idem ibid. Justin lib. 8.
• * 1.1063

  Philip lulleth the Athenians asleep.
• * 1.1064

  Diodorus ad Olymp. 108. an. 3.
• * 1.1065

  He endeth the Phocian War.
• * 1.1066

  In Phocicis▪
• * 1.1067

  Diodorus ibid.
• * 1.1068

  Pausan. ut pri∣us.
• * 1.1069

  The Phocians how punished by the Am∣phyctiones.
• * 1.1070

  Diodorus ad Olymp. 109. an. 1.
• * 1.1071

  Idem ad an. 2.
• * 1.1072

  Philip over∣throweth the Thracians.
• * 1.1073

  Idem ad an. 3.
• * 1.1074

  Justin l 7. & 8.
• * 1.1075

  Diodorus ad an. 4.
• * 1.1076

  Besiegeth Pe∣rinthus.
• * 1.1077

  Marcheth thence to Byzantium.
• (a) 1.1078

  In Phocion.
• (b) 1.1079

  Diodorus ad Olymp. 110. an. 1.
• (c) 1.1080

  Plutarch in Demosthen.
• (d) 1.1081

  Justin l. 9.
• * 1.1082

  He invadeth the Scythians.
• * 1.1083

  At his return wounded and distressed by the Triballi.
• * 1.1084

  Diodorus ad Olymp. 110. ann. 3. Plutarch. in Demosthen.
• * 1.1085

  He obtaineth a victory over the Athenians, &c. at Chaero∣nea.
• * 1.1086

  A.M. 3667. Ol. 110. ann. 3. V. C. 416. Arsis 1. Philippi 23.
• (a) 1.1087

  Plutarch in vitis Rhetorum & Dionysius in Isocrate.
• (b) 1.1088

  Diodorus.
• (c) 1.1089

  Aelian. Var. Hist. lib. 8. cap. 15.
• (d) 1.1090

  Plutarch. in Demosthene.
• (a) 1.1091

  Diodorus ad ann. 4.
• * 1.1092

  Obtaineth to be named General at Sea for all Greece against the Persian.
• (b) 1.1093

  Justin lib. 9.
• (c) 1.1094

  Plutarch. in Alexandre.
• * 1.1095

  Differences in his house by a new mar∣riage.
• * 1.1096

  Diodorus ad Olymp. 111. ann. 1. Pausan. in Arcadicis. Justin.
• * 1.1097

  He is stabbed.
• * 1.1098

  A.M. 3668. Ol. 110. ann. 4. V.C. 417. Arsis 2. Phllippi 24.
• * 1.1099

  His great at∣chievements.
• * 1.1100

  Diodorus ibid.
• * 1.1101

  Plutarch. in Atexandro.
• * 1.1102

  Alexander suc∣ceedeth him.
• * 1.1103

  Idem ibid. Diodorus ad Olymp. 111. ann. 2.
• * 1.1104

  He beginneth his reign well.
• * 1.1105

  His difficul∣ties in Greece,
• * 1.1106

  Which he o∣vercometh.
• * 1.1107

  Diogenes Laer∣tius & Plu∣tarch, alii.
• * 1.1108

  Diodorus & Plutarch.
• * 1.1109

  But the The∣bans fall upon his Garrison in Cadmea.
• * 1.1110

  Whereupon he besiegeth Thebes.
• * 1.1111

  He taketh
• * 1.1112

  Var. hist. lib. 13. cap. 7.
• * 1.1113

  And demo∣lisheth it.
• * 1.1114

  The Athenians receive the Theban exiles which maketh a quarrel be∣twixt him and them.
• * 1.1115

  In Phocione.
• * 1.1116

  He passeth over into Asia.
• * 1.1117

  A. M. 3671. Ol. 111. an. 3. V. C. 420. Darii Codoma∣ni. 3. Alexand. 3.
• * 1.1118

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 being crept in. Diodorus ad Olymp. 112. an. 3.
• * 1.1119

  The Lacedae∣monians make stirs in his ab∣sence,
• * 1.1120

  But are van∣quished by Antipater his Lieutenant,
• * 1.1121

  And send to him into Asia to beg pardon.
• * 1.1122

  The old In∣habitants of Sicilie.
• * 1.1123

  SECT. 1.
• * 1.1124

  A.M. 2821.
• * 1.1125

  Lib. 6. ad ini∣tium.
• * 1.1126

  A.M. 3271. V. C. 20. Achazi 10.
• * 1.1127

  Greek Colo∣nies.
• * 1.1128

  Gyants in Si∣cilie.
• * 1.1129

  The Sicani came not out of Spain.
• * 1.1130

  Neither the Siculi out of Italie.
• * 1.1131

  Lib. 4.
• * 1.1132

  Cocalus.
• * 1.1133

  A.M. 2773.
• * 1.1134

  Daedalus.
• * 1.1135

  Ut supra.
• * 1.1136

  A. M. 2723.
• * 1.1137

  A. M. 3441. Olymp. 54. an. 1. V. C. 190. Evilmeroda∣chi, 2.
• * 1.1138

  Phalaris the Tyrant.
• * 1.1139

  Perillus and his brazen Bull.
• * 1.1140

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.1141

  Phalaris his disposition.
• (a) 1.1142

  Lib. 9.
• (b) 1.1143

  Lib. 2. c. 4.
• * 1.1144

  SECT. 2.
• * 1.1145

  Chariton and Melanippus.
• (c) 1.1146

  Val. Max. l. 6. c. 1. Plut. in Mar∣cello.
• (d) 1.1147

  Aelian l. 3. c. 12.
• (e) 1.1148

  Offic. l. 2.
• (f) 1.1149

  Cap. 32.
• * 1.1150

  A. M. 3525. Ol. 75. an. 1. V.C. 274. Xerxis 6.
• * 1.1151

  Thero Tyrannus of Agrigentum.
• (a) 1.1152

  Olymp. Herod. l. 7. c. 153, &c. Pausan. l. 6. Sive Eliac. l. posteriore.
• * 1.1153

  Gelon of Syra∣cuse.
• * 1.1154

  The Origi∣nal of Syra∣cuse.
• * 1.1155

  The acts and power of Ge∣lon.
• * 1.1156

  His successe against the Carthaginians.
• * 1.1157

  The Original of Carthage.
• (a) 1.1158

  Antiquit. l. 8. c. 2.
• (b) 1.1159

  Stephanus Byzantius. Pollux. lib. 1.
• (c) 1.1160

  Scylax in descriptione Phoenices vide Bocharti Ca∣naan lib. 2. cap. 17.
• (d) 1.1161

  Antiquit. lib. 8. cap. 2. & Contra Apio∣nem lib. 1.
• * 1.1162

  The several opinions con∣cerning the building of Carthage.
• * 1.1163

  Lib. 1. p. 48.
• * 1.1164

  It consisted of three parts.
• * 1.1165

  Utica.
• * 1.1166

  The story of Dido.
• * 1.1167

  Menander E∣phesius apud Josephum ut priùs. Justin lib. 18. Appian. lib. de bellis Punicis. Servius in Aeneiad. lib. 1.
• * 1.1168

  Vide Bocharti Canaan. lib. 1. c. 14. & Simson. ad A.M. 3132.
• * 1.1169

  The form of Government at Carthage.
• (a) 1.1170

  Polit. lib. 2. cap. 9.
• (b) 1.1171

  Lib. 16.
• (c) 1.1172

  In Nycocle pag. 61. tolius operis editi Genevae 1636.
• (d) 1.1173

  Lib. 10.
• * 1.1174

  The Suffetes.
• * 1.1175

  Livius ibid. Lege Ubbonem Emmium in Descr. Re••p. Carthaginiensi∣um.
• * 1.1176

  Senate.
• * 1.1177

  Lib. 19.
• * 1.1178

  Concio or As∣sembly.
• * 1.1179

  quo supra.
• * 1.1180

  Consule Poly∣bium.
• * 1.1181

  Council of 104.
• * 1.1182

  Censors.
• * 1.1183

  Pretorship.
• * 1.1184

  Faults in the Common∣wealth.
• * 1.1185

  Lib. 30. cap. 5.
• * 1.1186

  Good Laws.
• * 1.1187

  The dispositi∣on of the peo∣ple agreeable with their government.
• (a) 1.1188

  Decad. 1. lib. 4.
• (b) 1.1189

  Lib. 18.
• * 1.1190

  Mazaeus.
• * 1.1191

  Mago.
• * 1.1192

  Justin lib. 19
• * 1.1193

  Darius his message to the Carthaginians.
• * 1.1194

  Margine ad l. 19. excus. Londini, pro Felice, Kingsto∣nio. 1651.
• * 1.1195

  Vide infra paragr. 53.
• * 1.1196

  The great de∣feat of Amil∣car.
• * 1.1197

  Herold. l. 7. c. 153. Aelian var. hist. lib. 13. c. 37. A. M. 3527. Ol. 75. an. 3. V. C. 276. Xerxis 8.
• * 1.1198

  Hieron of Syra∣cuse.
• * 1.1199

  Thrasybulus.
• * 1.1200

  A. M. 3538. Ol. 78. an. 2. V. C. 287.
• * 1.1201

  The Syracusi∣ans recover their liberty.
• * 1.1202

  Arist. Polit. l. 5. c. 3.
• * 1.1203

  The form of the Syracusian Common∣wealth.
• * 1.1204

  The Petalism.
• * 1.1205

  Quom lege ad Olymp. 81. ann. 2.
• * 1.1206

  Quickly abro∣gated for weighty rea∣sons.
• * 1.1207

  The Wars of the Syracu∣sians.
• * 1.1208

  Lib. 2. cap. 4. Diod.
• * 1.1209

  A.M. 359••. Olymp. 92. ann. 1. V.C. 342. Darii Noth•• 12.
• * 1.1210

  The State new modelled by Diocles.
• * 1.1211

  Diod. ad Olymp. 91. ann. 4.
• * 1.1212

  Dionysius in∣slaveth Syra∣cuse.
• * 1.1213

  How this was effected by degrees.
• * 1.1214

  Justin. lib. 19.
• * 1.1215

  Ad Olymp. 92. ann. 3.
• * 1.1216

  A.M. 3595. Olymp. 92. ann. 3. V.C. 344. Darii Nothi 14.
• * 1.1217

  Ad ann. 4.
• * 1.1218

  Selinuns taken by the Cartha∣ginians.
• * 1.1219

  And Himera.
• * 1.1220

  Diodorus ad Olymp. 93. an. 1.
• * 1.1221

  A. M. 3598. Ol. 93. an. 3. V.C. 347. Idem ad an. 2.
• * 1.1222

  Ad an. 3.
• * 1.1223

  And Agrigen∣tum.
• * 1.1224

  Dionysius his tricks for ma∣king himself absolute.
• * 1.1225

  The misery of People desti∣tute of right∣ful and here∣ditary Prin∣ces.
• * 1.1226

  A. M. 3599. Ol. 93. an. 3. V.C. 348. Darii Nothi 18.
• * 1.1227

  Idem ad an. 4.
• * 1.1228

  A conspiracy against him
• * 1.1229

  Disappointed.
• * 1.1230

  He maketh peace with the Carthagi∣nians.
• * 1.1231

  Another de∣sign against him
• * 1.1232

  Frustrated.
• * 1.1233

  His Wars.
• * 1.1234

  Diod. ad Olymp. 95. an. 3, 4.
• * 1.1235

  Idem ad Olymp. 96. ann. 1.
• * 1.1236

  A. M. 3609. Olymp. 96. an. 1. V.C. 358. Artax. Mne∣monis, 9.
• * 1.1237

  Syracuse be∣sieged.
• * 1.1238

  Another at∣tempt against him.
• * 1.1239

  Frustrated.
• * 1.1240

  A grievous plague seizeth on the Cartha∣ginians.
• * 1.1241

  Diod. ad Olymp. 96. ann. 3.
• * 1.1242

  Dionysius set∣teth upon Rhe∣gium.
• * 1.1243

  Idem ad ann. 4.
• * 1.1244

  Mago
• * 1.1245

  Idem ad Olymp. 97. ann. 1.
• * 1.1246

  Forced to re∣turn.
• * 1.1247

  Dionysius his second expe∣dition against Rhegium.
• * 1.1248

  Ad an. 3.
• * 1.1249

  A. M. 3615. Olymp. 97. ann. 3. V.C. 364. Artax. Mnem. 15.
• * 1.1250

  Rhegium.
• * 1.1251

  His third ex∣pedition.
• * 1.1252

  Idem ad ann. 4. & Olymp. 98. ann. 1, 2.
• * 1.1253

  He taketh it.
• * 1.1254

  A.M. 3618. Ol. 98. ann. 2. V. C. 367. Artax. Mnem. 18.
• * 1.1255

  His studies.
• * 1.1256

  Idem ad ann. 3.
• * 1.1257

  Idem ad Olymp. 99. an. 1.
• * 1.1258

  Ad an. 2.
• * 1.1259

  He over∣throweth the Carthaginians.
• * 1.1260

  And receiveth an overthrow from them.
• * 1.1261

  Diodor. ad Olymp. 103. an. 1.
• * 1.1262

  He dieth.
• * 1.1263

  His wives & issue.
• * 1.1264

  Vide Aelian var. Hist. lib. 13. c. 10.
• * 1.1265

  Plutarch. & Corn. Nepos in Dione.
• * 1.1266

  Dionysius his son succeed∣eth him.
• * 1.1267

  His disposi∣tion.
• * 1.1268

  Plutarch & Nepos ibid.
• * 1.1269

  A. M. 3637. Ol. 103. an. 1. V. C. 386. Artax. Mnem. 37.
• * 1.1270

  Omnis Aristip∣pum decuit co∣lor & status & res. Horat. Vide Diog. Laertium in vita.
• * 1.1271

  Aelian var. hist. l. 12. c. 47.
• * 1.1272

  Diodor. ad Ol. 95. an. 2, &c.
• * 1.1273

  Plutarch in Dione.
• * 1.1274

  Dion invadeth Sicilie.
• * 1.1275

  A. M. 3649. Ol. 106. an. 1. V.C. 398. Ochi 6. Philip. 5.
• * 1.1276

  He expelleth Dionysius.
• * 1.1277

  Is disobliged.
• * 1.1278

  Redeemeth Syracuse.
• * 1.1279

  Envied
• * 1.1280

  Corn. Nepos in Dione.
• * 1.1281

  Plunged into great difficul∣ties.
• * 1.1282

  Circumven∣ted by Calli∣crates, and slain.
• * 1.1283

  Callicrates ex∣pelled by Hip∣parinus, and slain.
• * 1.1284

  Nasaeus.
• * 1.1285

  Justin l. 21.
• * 1.1286

  Dionysius re∣covereth Sy∣racuse.
• * 1.1287

  Aelian l. 9. c. 8.
• * 1.1288

  A.M. 3658. Ol. 108. ann 2. V.C. 407. Ochi 15. Phil. 14.
• * 1.1289

  Zaleucus mo∣delleth the Locrian Com∣monwealth.
• * 1.1290

  Lege Ubbonem Emmium de Repub. Locre••∣sium.
• * 1.1291

  Lib. 12. 7.
• * 1.1292

  The form thereof.
• * 1.1293

  Quo prius.
• * 1.1294

  Var. Hist. l. 2. c. 37.
• * 1.1295

  Lib. 13. c. 24.
• (a) 1.1296

  Contra Timara.
• (b) 1.1297

  Excerpt. 7. lib. 12.
• (c) 1.1298

  Politic. lib. 2. cap. 5.
• (d) 1.1299

  In Positiis.
• (e) 1.1300

  Lege Poly∣bium lib. 12. Excerpt. 3.
• * 1.1301

  The Syracu∣sians beg aid of the Corin∣thians.
• * 1.1302

  Plutarch. in Timoleon.
• * 1.1303

  Timolcon
• * 1.1304

  Sent to their aid.
• * 1.1305

  He expelleth Dionysius,
• * 1.1306

  A. M. 3661. Ol. 109. an. 2. V. C. 411. Ochi 19. Philippi 18. Justin ut supra.
• * 1.1307

  Who liveth in great want at Corinth.
• * 1.1308

  Var. hist. l. 12. c. 60.
• * 1.1309

  Plutarch.
• * 1.1310

  Timoleon reco∣vereth Syracu∣se, and setleth the State thereof.
• * 1.1311

  The Carthagi∣nians receive a great over∣throw.
• * 1.1312

  Timoleon ta∣keth and put∣teth to death Hicetas.
• * 1.1313

  Overthrow∣eth Mamercus.
• * 1.1314

  Hippo and Mamercus put to death.
• * 1.1315

  Nicodemus & Apolloniades put out of their power.
• * 1.1316

  A. M. 3666. Ol. 110. an. 2. V. C. 415. Ochi 23. Phil. 22.
• * 1.1317

  SECT. 1.
• * 1.1318

  Timoleon's death.
• * 1.1319

  A. M. 3668. Ol. 110. an. 4. V. C. 417. Arsis 2. Phil. 24.
• * 1.1320

  Consuls.
• * 1.1321

  Whence so called.
• (a) 1.1322

  De Magi∣strat. pop. Rom. cap. 7.
• (b) 1.1323

  Lib. 1. c. 9.
• (c) 1.1324

  Lib. 1. c. 9.
• (d) 1.1325

  In voc. Praetoria Porta.
• (e) 1.1326

  24, & 25.
• (f) 1.1327

  De Ling. Latina. lib. 5.
• (g) 1.1328

  De Legib. lib. 3.
• * 1.1329

  Their power.
• * 1.1330

  Certain Rites concerning them.
• * 1.1331

  Ad A.M. 3676.
• * 1.1332

  De bello Catalin••.
• * 1.1333

  The age ca∣pable of this Office.
• (a) 1.1334

  Annal. lib. 11.
• (b) 1.1335

  Lib. 10.
• (c) 1.1336

  Philipica 5.
• (d) 1.1337

  Lib. 25.
• (e) 1.1338

  Quo priùs.
• * 1.1339

  Its duration.
• (f) 1.1340

  Lib. 6. Epist. 21.
• * 1.1341

  The first Consuls.
• (a) 1.1342

  Lib. 5.
• * 1.1343

  Their Acts.
• * 1.1344

  A. M. 3496. Ol. 67. ann. 4. V.C. 245. Darii 13.
• * 1.1345

  Lege inter alios Dionysium l. 5. & Plutarch. in Poplicola.
• * 1.1346

  Revealed.
• * 1.1347

  Brutus putteth to death his sons.
• * 1.1348

  The rest be∣headed.
• * 1.1349

  Valerius Con∣sul in the room of Tar∣quinius Colla∣tinus.
• * 1.1350

  Dionys. lib. 5. Livius lib. 2. Val. Maxim. l. 1. c. 8. Plutar. in Po∣plicola. Plin. l. 29. c. 1. Festus in voce Insula.
• * 1.1351

  Brutus slain.
• * 1.1352

  A. M. 3497. Ol. 68. an. 1. V.C. 246. Darii 15.
• * 1.1353

  Valerius suspe∣cted
• * 1.1354

  Cleareth him∣self.
• * 1.1355

  His constitu∣tions.
• * 1.1356

  The Quaestors.
• (a) 1.1357

  Lib. de Potestatibus.
• * 1.1358

  When first made.
• (b) 1.1359

  Lib. de officio Quaesto∣ris.
• (c) 1.1360

  Annal. l. 16. 11.
• (d) 1.1361

  Lib. 8.
• (e) 1.1362

  Lib. 3.
• (f) 1.1363

  Lib. 2. ff. de Orig. Juris
• (g) 1.1364

  De Lingua Latin. lib. 4. pag. 22. ex Edit. Joseph. Scalig.
• * 1.1365

  Their num∣ber.
• * 1.1366

  Their duty.
• * 1.1367

  The Aerarium or Treasury.
• * 1.1368

  Lucretius Con∣sul.
• (a) 1.1369

  In popli∣cola.
• (b) 1.1370

  Noct. Attic. lib. 2. c. 15.
• (c) 1.1371

  De Ling. Lat. pag. 62.
• (d) 1.1372

  Lib. 5.
• (e) 1.1373

  Lib. 3.
• (f) 1.1374

  In Julio.
• * 1.1375

  Horatius.
• * 1.1376

  The Capitol dedicated.
• * 1.1377

  Polyb. lib. 3. p. 160.
• * 1.1378

  The first League be∣twixt the Ro∣mans and Car∣thaginians.
• * 1.1379

  Porsena war∣reth against Rome.
• * 1.1380

  Livius lib. 2.
• * 1.1381

  Plut. ut priùs.
• * 1.1382

  Ad A.M. 3492. & 3507.
• * 1.1383

  Plut. in Po∣plicol. Dionys. lib. 5. Livius lib. 2. Florus lib. 1. cap. 10. Aurel. Victor de viris Illustr. Val. Max. lib. 3. cap. 2, 3. Vide etiam Polyb. lib. 6.
• * 1.1384

  Horatius▪ Cocles.
• * 1.1385

  Mutius Scae∣vola.
• * 1.1386

  A.M. 3498. Ol. 68. ann. 2. V.C. 247. Darii 15.
• * 1.1387

  Peace made with Porsena.
• * 1.1388

  Cloelia.
• * 1.1389

  A.M. 3501. Ol. 99. ann. 1. V.C. 250. Darii 18.
• * 1.1390

  War with the Sabines.
• * 1.1391

  Actius Clausus.
• * 1.1392

  Poplicola di∣eth.
• * 1.1393

  Ovation what.
• * 1.1394

  Dionys.
• * 1.1395

  The Sabines beg Peace.
• * 1.1396

  Tarquinius his endeavours for the reco∣very of his Kingdom.
• * 1.1397

  A. M. 3504. Ol. 96. an. 4. V. C. 253. Darii 21. Postumus Cominius Auruncus, T. Lartius, Ruffus. Coss.
• * 1.1398

  War with the Latines in his behalf.
• * 1.1399

  The Dictaror.
• (a) 1.1400

  De Ling. Latin. l 4. p. 56.
• (b) 1.1401

  Lib. 5.
• (c) 1.1402

  Varro quo prius. Cicero de Fin. l. 3. Festus in voc. Optima Lex.
• (d) 1.1403

  Lex An∣tiqua.
• * 1.1404

  His power.
• * 1.1405

  The bounds of his Office.
• * 1.1406

  Appeal from him.
• * 1.1407

  Lib. 8.
• * 1.1408

  SECT. 2.
• * 1.1409

  The Magister Equitum.
• * 1.1410

  De Ling. Latin. lib. 4. p. 22.
• * 1.1411

  The time of the first Di∣ctatorship.
• * 1.1412

  The Person.
• * 1.1413

  SECT. 1.
• * 1.1414

  T. Largius the first Dictator.
• * 1.1415

  Dionys. lib. 6.
• * 1.1416

  The Latines overthrown at the Lake Regillus.
• * 1.1417

  Great stirs in the Citie
• * 1.1418

  Diverted by War.
• * 1.1419

  Renewed.
• * 1.1420

  The first se∣paration of the Com∣mons.
• * 1.1421

  Note.
• * 1.1422

  The Prophecy of Appius con∣cerning the lawlesse rabble.
• * 1.1423

  A composure by bringing in the Tri∣bunes.
• * 1.1424

  A. M. 3511. Ol. 71. an. 3. V. C. 260. Darii 28. A. Virginio Montano, T. Veturio Gemiao, Coss.
• (a) 1.1425

  Ling. Lat. l. 4. p. 22.
• (b) 1.1426

  De Orig. Juris par. 20.
• * 1.1427

  Their num∣ber.
• (c) 1.1428

  Bel. civil. lib. 1.
• (d) 1.1429

  Lib. 14. c. 8.
• (e) 1.1430

  De Legib. lib. 3.
• * 1.1431

  Power.
• (f) 1.1432

  Plutarch. probl. 81.
• (g) 1.1433

  Lib. 3. c. 2.
• (h) 1.1434

  Lib. 37.
• (i) 1.1435

  De bell. Civil. l. 2.
• * 1.1436

  Privilege.
• (k) 1.1437

  Lib. 6.
• (l) 1.1438

  Pro Sext.
• * 1.1439

  The ballance to their power.
• * 1.1440

  Lib. 2. cap. 2. Exemp. 7.
• * 1.1441

  The extrava∣gancy of their power.
• * 1.1442

  Several other sorts of Tri∣bunes.
• * 1.1443

  The Aediles created.
• (a) 1.1444

  Diod. lib. 43.
• * 1.1445

  Their Office.
• (b) 1.1446

  3. de Legibus.
• (c) 1.1447

  Annal. lib. 4.
• (d) 1.1448

  Janus Gulielmus.
• * 1.1449

  War with the Volsci.
• * 1.1450

  Dionys. lib. 6. Plutarch. in Coriolano.
• * 1.1451

  Marcius.
• * 1.1452

  Sirnamed Coriolamus.
• * 1.1453

  A.M. 3512. Ol. 71. ann. 4. V.C. 261. Darii 29. Sp. Cassio 2. Postumo Comi∣nio Coss.
• * 1.1454

  A dearth,
• * 1.1455

  Dionys. l. 7.
• * 1.1456

  Which cau∣seth a Sedi∣tion,
• * 1.1457

  And this a new Law in behalf of the Tribunes.
• * 1.1458

  Corn brought out of Sicilie.
• * 1.1459

  Coriolanus his counsel thereupon.
• * 1.1460

  Put all into a flame.
• * 1.1461

  He answereth before the People.
• * 1.1462

  Is banished.
• * 1.1463

  Dionysius Hali∣carnass. l. 8.
• * 1.1464

  Stirreth up the Volsci against Rome.
• * 1.1465

  Invadeth its Territories.
• * 1.1466

  He marcheth towards Rome.
• * 1.1467

  A.M. 3517. Ol. 73. an. 1. V.C. 266. Darii 34. Sp. Nautio Ser. Furio Coss.
• * 1.1468

  His mother prevaileth with him to retreat.
• * 1.1469

  He is slain.
• * 1.1470

  Cassius aimeth at the Sove∣raignty.
• * 1.1471

  His design frustrated.
• * 1.1472

  A. M. 3521. Ol. 74. an. 1. V.C. 269. vel 70. Xerxis 1, vel. 2.
• * 1.1473

  He is con∣demned, and put to death.
• * 1.1474

  The Consuls evade the in∣terposition of the Tribunes.
• * 1.1475

  Commotions in the City.
• * 1.1476

  Dionys. l. 9.
• * 1.1477

  Wars abroad.
• * 1.1478

  The family of the Fabii in∣gage against the Veientes.
• * 1.1479

  All the ad∣venturers are cut off.
• * 1.1480

  Whether on∣ly one Boy re∣mained of the family.
• * 1.1481

  A. M. 3528. Ol. 15. an. 4. V. C. 277. Xerxis 9.
• (a) 1.1482

  Lib. 1. c. 16.
• (b) 1.1483

  In Camillo & Problem.
• (c) 1.1484

  Lib. 6.
• (d) 1.1485

  Lib. 18.
• (e) 1.1486

  Fast. 2.
• * 1.1487

  The Veientes peirce within two miles of the Citie.
• * 1.1488

  Menenius fined for the mis∣carriage of the Fabii.
• * 1.1489

  Great stirs about the Agrarian.
• * 1.1490

  A Law pro∣posed for Creation of Tribunes in the Assembly of Tribes.
• * 1.1491

  Appius and Quintius Con∣suls.
• * 1.1492

  Appius spoil∣eth all.
• * 1.1493

  Is command∣ed to depart the Assembly,
• * 1.1494

  And to be sent to prison.
• * 1.1495

  Is defended.
• * 1.1496

  The People seize on the Capitol.
• * 1.1497

  The Law pas∣seth.
• * 1.1498

  Appius his Sol∣diers refuse to fight.
• * 1.1499

  He crosseth the Agrarian, for which he is called to answer for his life.
• * 1.1500

  Before the Trial he killeth him∣self.
• * 1.1501

  A most grie∣vous Plague.
• * 1.1502

  War with the Aequi and Volsci.
• * 1.1503

  Dionys. l. 10.
• * 1.1504

  A. M. 3545. Ol. 80. an. 1, V. C. 294. Artax. Longius. 5.
• * 1.1505

  Fresh stirs a∣bout new Laws.
• * 1.1506

  Caeso Quintius called to an account.
• * 1.1507

  Flieth and is condemned.
• * 1.1508

  A plot of the Tribunes.
• * 1.1509

  Discovered by the Consul.
• * 1.1510

  Ap. Herdonius seizeth on the Capitol.
• * 1.1511

  Which is re∣taken.
• * 1.1512

  Quintius made Consul.
• * 1.1513

  His carriage in his Office.
• * 1.1514

  Dionysius ut su∣pra Livius lib. 3.
• * 1.1515

  He is made Dictator.
• * 1.1516

  He over∣throweth the Aequi.
• * 1.1517

  Vide suprà Parag. 66.
• * 1.1518

  The number of Tribunes in∣creased to 10.
• * 1.1519

  A. M. 3350. Ol. 81. ann. 2. V. C. 280. Art. Longim. 10.
• * 1.1520

  Their in∣croachments.
• * 1.1521

  A Law for di∣vision of cer∣tain grounds.
• * 1.1522

  Dissentions renewed.
• * 1.1523

  The Agrarian Law after 30 years with another of equal right published.
• * 1.1524

  The atchieve∣ments of Sic∣cius Dentatus.
• * 1.1525

  Lib. 5. c. 6.
• * 1.1526

  Lib. 2. c. 11.
• * 1.1527

  Tumults a∣bout the Law.
• * 1.1528

  Diverted by War.
• * 1.1529

  A plot against Siccius.
• * 1.1530

  He escapeth as Conque∣rour.
• * 1.1531

  He revengeth himself upon the Consuls.
• * 1.1532

  A new Law.
• * 1.1533

  Romulius per∣swadeth the Senate to submit to new Laws.
• * 1.1534

  Commissio∣ners chosen fetch some out of Greece.
• * 1.1535

  The Decemviri chosen.
• * 1.1536

  The second change of Government when.
• * 1.1537

  A.M. 3554. Ol. 82. ann. 2. V.C. 302. Artax. Longim. 14.
• * 1.1538

  The acts of the Decemviri for the first year.
• * 1.1539

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.1540

  Appius obtain∣eth to be De∣cemvir the se∣cond time by cheating the credulous multitude.
• * 1.1541

  He and his Collegues la∣bour to esta∣blish them∣selves.
• * 1.1542

  They add two Tables of Laws to the ten.
• (a) 1.1543

  Lib. 2. Dig. de Ori∣gine Juris.
• (b) 1.1544

  Tusculan. lib. 5. Plin. lib. 84. & Strabo lib. 14.
• * 1.1545

  SECT. 1.
• * 1.1546

  The Original of the Civil Law.
• (c) 1.1547

  Consule Valer. Max. l. 2. c. 5. exemp. 2. A. Gellium Noct. Attic. l. 6. c. 9. & Cicero. pro Mu∣rena.
• * 1.1548

  How the parts of it came in by degrees.
• * 1.1549

  Vide Livi∣um, lib. 3. A. Gellium l. 15. c. 26.
• (a) 1.1550

  Seu Scribe∣nianus Institut. l. 1. Tit. 2.
• * 1.1551

  SECT. 2.
• (b) 1.1552

  Lib. 14. cap. 13.
• (c) 1.1553

  Lib. 10. cap. 23.
• (d) 1.1554

  Jus triplex tabulae quod ter Sanxere quaternae Sa∣crum, Priva∣tum, Populi commune quod usquam est.
• (e) 1.1555

  Lib. 1. de Oratore.
• * 1.1556

  Cicero his commenda∣tion of the 12 tables.
• (f) 1.1557

  De Legibus lib. 2.
• * 1.1558

  The Decem∣viri retain their power.
• * 1.1559

  They assem∣ble the Se∣nate about War.
• * 1.1560

  Stirs in the Senate.
• * 1.1561

  They make use of the Se∣nate to their own advan∣tage.
• * 1.1562

  They lead out an Army a∣gainst the Sa∣bines and Ae∣qui.
• * 1.1563

  Siccius Denta∣tus made a∣way by them.
• * 1.1564

  Appius his a∣bominable practices for Virginia,
• * 1.1565

  Procureth the destruction of the Decemvi∣rate.
• * 1.1566

  The next Consuls pre∣fer Popular Laws.
• * 1.1567

  Yet the mul∣titude being insatiable and restlesse de∣mand the Consulship.
• * 1.1568

  Publick busi∣nesse hereby hindred.
• * 1.1569

  An exedient found out by Claudius.
• * 1.1570

  The fickle & inconstant humour of the multitude.
• * 1.1571

  The third grand change of govern∣ment to the Tribuni Mili∣tum.
• * 1.1572

  A. M. 3561. Ol. 84. an. 1. V. C. 310. Artax. Longim. 21.
• * 1.1573

  L. 2. ff. de Orig. Juris.
• * 1.1574

  Another change after 73 dayes to Consuls again.
• * 1.1575

  Consuls.
• * 1.1576

  The Censors. and here Diony∣sius his history is broken off, the following part being lost.
• * 1.1577

  It's commen∣dation.
• * 1.1578

  Bodinus Me∣thod Histor. cap. 4.
• * 1.1579

  The duration of the Office of Censors.
• * 1.1580

  Livius lib. 3.
• * 1.1581

  Their power.
• * 1.1582

  In voce Praete∣riti.
• * 1.1583

  Vide Plutar∣chum historiam narrantem in Pompeio. Livium lib. 29. Festum in voce censio.
• * 1.1584

  Lib. 16. cap. 13.
• * 1.1585

  Livie lib. 4.
• * 1.1586

  The effects of it.
• (a) 1.1587

  Lege A. Gellium. l. 4. cap. ult.
• (b) 1.1588

  Lib. 7. c. 22.
• (c) 1.1589

  Liv. lib. 39. Cicero de Legib. l. 3.
• (d) 1.1590

  Idem ad Attic. Ep. 1. & Joti passim.
• (e) 1.1591

  Liv. lib. 42. Festus in voce Produit. ubi meminit Legis censoriae. vid.
• (a) 1.1592

  Asconius Pedianus in Orat. Ciceronis cont. L. Piso∣nem.
• (b) 1.1593

  I•• Divinat.
• * 1.1594

  The various fortune of the Censorship.
• * 1.1595

  Diod. lib. 54. pag. 527.
• * 1.1596

  Sueton. in Au∣gusto.
• * 1.1597

  Idem in Domi∣tiano.
• * 1.1598

  Trebellius.
• * 1.1599

  Consule Bodi∣num de Repub. lib. 6. cap. 1.
• * 1.1600

  Liv. l. 5.
• * 1.1601

  Lege Liv. l. 4. Val. Max. lib. 5. cap. 3. Exemp. 2. & Lib. 6. c. 3. Exemp. 1. Florum lib. 1. cap. ult. Ciceron. pro domo sua & pro Milone.
• * 1.1602

  Sp. Maelius his attempt for the Soverainty blasted.
• * 1.1603

  The Tribunes seek to re∣venge his death by bringing in Tribunes Mili∣tary again. The second Opima Spolia.
• * 1.1604

  In Romulo & Marcello.
• * 1.1605

  In Voc. Opi∣ma Spolia.
• * 1.1606

  After four courses of Consuls Tri∣bunes Military again.
• * 1.1607

  Consuls a∣gain.
• * 1.1608

  Tribunes Mili∣tary again.
• * 1.1609

  A passage shewing the excellency of Monarchy.
• * 1.1610

  Consuls.
• * 1.1611

  Tribunes Mili∣tary.
• * 1.1612

  Consuls.
• * 1.1613

  Tribunes Mili∣tary.
• * 1.1614

  Consuls.
• * 1.1615

  Disturbances made by the Tribuni Plebis, the Grand Popular Ty∣rants.
• * 1.1616

  Tribunes Mi∣litary.
• * 1.1617

  The first Ple∣beian a∣mongst the Tribunes Mili∣tary.
• * 1.1618

  Furius Camil∣lus.
• * 1.1619

  Plutarch in Camillo.
• * 1.1620

  Made Dicta∣tor.
• * 1.1621

  Surprizeth Veii.
• * 1.1622

  Incurreeth the displea∣sure of the multitude, for hindring the separation of Patritians and Plebei∣ans, and o∣therwise.
• * 1.1623

  He goeth in∣to exile.
• * 1.1624

  The Galls be∣siege Clusium.
• * 1.1625

  Defeat the Romans at Alia.
• * 1.1626

  Come to Rome which is for∣saken all but the Capitol.
• * 1.1627

  A. M. 3615. Ol. 97. an. 3. V. c. 364. Artax. Mnem•• 15.
• * 1.1628

  Camillus made Dictator.
• * 1.1629

  Overthrow∣eth them & rescueth Rome.
• * 1.1630

  Hindereth the multitude from depart∣ing to Veii.
• * 1.1631

  Livius lib. 6.
• * 1.1632

  Plutarch in Camillo.
• * 1.1633

  Manlius thrown from the Tarpeian Rock.
• * 1.1634

  Wonderfull Sedition and confusion a∣bout the Con∣sulship.
• * 1.1635

  Camillus the fifth time Di∣ctator again overthroweth the Galls at the River A∣niene.
• * 1.1636

  Unheard of Seditions.
• * 1.1637

  Procure to the Commons the Consulship, and the Offi∣ces of Praetor and Aedilis Curulis to the Patritians.
• * 1.1638

  Lib. 3. cap. 18.
• * 1.1639

  What the Cu∣rule Chair was
• * 1.1640

  What the Praetorship.
• (a) 1.1641

  Praetor di∣ctus qui praeiret jure & exercitu. A quo Lucilius, Ergo Praetorum est praeire. De Ling. Lat. lib. 4. p. 22.
• (b) 1.1642

  Vide Cap. hujus Sect. 1. Paragr. 1.
• (c) 1.1643

  Veteres enim omnem Magistratum cui pareret ex∣ercitus Praeto∣rem appellave∣runt unde & Pretorium ta∣bernaculum ejus dicitur, & in castris porta Praetoria, & hodie quoque praefectus pra∣torio.

  Asconius Pe∣dianus in Ver∣rem de Praetura urbis.
• * 1.1644

  Liv. Lib. 7.
• * 1.1645

  The many al∣terations in the Roman Government.
• * 1.1646

  Camillus with many others dieth of the plague.
• * 1.1647

  M. Curtius.
• * 1.1648

  Torquatus.
• * 1.1649

  Corvinus.
• * 1.1650

  A Plebeian Dictator made which causeth great discontent.
• * 1.1651

  Strabo l. 5. p. 228. c.
• * 1.1652

  In Florio l. 1. c. 16.
• * 1.1653

  The War with the Sam∣nites.
• * 1.1654

  In Florio l. 1. c. 16.
• * 1.1655

  Decius Mus devoteth him∣self.
• * 1.1656

  A. M. 3666. Ol. 110 an. 2. V.C. 415. Ochi 23. Philippi 22.
• * 1.1657

  Lib. 9. cap. 13.
• * 1.1658

  The Latines overthrown.
• * 1.1659

  The very con∣stitution of the State changed.
• * 1.1660

  All Latium subdued.
• * 1.1661

  The Rostra at Rome whence so called.
• * 1.1662

  War with the Privernates.
• * 1.1663

  A. M. 3675. Ol. 122. an. 3. V. C. 424. Darii 7. Alexandri 7.