The free and voluntary confession and narrative of James Holloway addressed to His Majesty written with his own hand, and delivered by himself to Mr. Secretary Jenkins ; as also the proceedings against the said James Holloway in His Majesties King-Bench Court, Westminster, and his petition to His Majesty ; together with a particular account of the discourse as passed between the sheriffs of London and the said James Holloway at the time of his execution for high-treason at Tyburn, April 30. 1684 ; with his prayer immediately before, and the true copy of the paper delivered them at the same time and place.

How far I was Concerned.

After the Dissolution of the two last Par∣liaments, I observed a great dissatisfaction in People in most parts whore I travelled, but heard nothing of any Design till July 1682. when one Mr. Joseph Tyly of Bristol came from London; I meeting with him, asked what News, he answered to this ef∣fect, all bad, and if some speedy course be not taken we shall be all undone, for by their Arbitrary, Illegal ways and by force of Arms they have got Sheriffs to their minds, Witnesses they had before, but want∣ed Jurors to believe them, now they have got Sheriffs, naming Mr. North and Mr. Rich, who will find Jurors to believe any Evi∣dence against a Protestant, and so hang up all the Kings Friends by degrees; I then told him that I thought it was impossible such things could be done, but the King must hear of it; no said he, there's none suffered to come near the King, but those who have been declared Enemies to the King and Kingdom by Parliament, naming some that were mentioned in the Printed Votes, who to save themselves do indeavor to keep all such things from the Kings knowledge, and perswade him against Parliaments, with much more such-like discourse, by which I found the same was discoursed throughout England, Scotland, and Ireland as a means to engage People. At length he told me that the Protestant Gentry, naming the Earl of Shaftsbury, Lord Howard of Estrick and others were come to a Resolution, seeing fair means would not do, but all things on the Protestants side are misrepresented to the King by such great Criminals, and none more in favor than those, to take the King from his Evil Council, and that by an Insur∣rection in several parts of England at once, viz. London, Bristol, Taunton, Exeter, Chester, New Castle, York, and some other places in the North, and that there would be a considera∣ble party ready in Scotland, and another in Ireland, therefore said he, we must consider how to manage affairs in Bristol, for if they proceed at Michaelmas in choosing Lord-Mayor as they did Sheriffs, and to swearing of North and Rich, it must begin in October or November, otherwise there will be some Sham-Plot contrived to take off most of the Stirring Men in the last Parliaments; with much other' Discourse to the same effect, adding, that Mr. Wade would come down very suddenly, by whom we might expect a full Account of all. About the end of Au∣gust as near as I can remember, Mr. Wade came down, who confirmed what Mr. Ty∣ly had said, but could say little as to any far∣ther Resolution they were come to above, either of any Time or Method agreed up∣on, but that the Design went on. and men were imployed in all parts to try how peo∣ple were inclined, who found enough ready and that there would be no want of Men, if it was once begun. Then we considered how it might be managed in Bristol, and what number of men might be needful for the first Onset; towards which he said, We might depend on 150. men from Taunton or thereabouts, and concluded that 350. might be sufficient to secure it without the Bloodshed of one man, it being our Design to shed no Blood if possible, but this we re∣solved not to acquaint any of our Friends with it, till the day and method was resol∣ved, of which he said we should have ten or fourteen days notice; and having soon considered of a Method, waited in expe∣ctation of further advice, but none came till November; then we heard that some dis∣appointment happening they were forced to delay it, tho there was more and more cause for it. The end of December or be∣ginning of January had advice that it was deferred to the beginning of March. The third of March I came to London, and meeting with Mr. Wade, asked him how things went, who answered that he could not tell what to make of it, for he could find nothing done, more than was nine Months before. The great Persons who were the Managers, having done nothing but talkt of things. But now there was some others appointed to manage it, who were men of Business, naming them to me,

viz. The Earl of Essex, the Lord Howard of Estrick, the Lord Grey, the Lord Russel, Coll. Sidney, Major Wildman, Mr. Hamp∣den the younger, and Mr. Charlton, who he did suppose would make something of it, and not do as the others had done, make a years talk to ensnare many thousands of people to no purpose; for these had already sent Messengers into Scotland and Ireland, to know their minds, naming one Aaron Smith sent into Scotland, and at the return of the Messengers would come to a resolu∣tion as to time and method, but he was confident they could not be ready before Midsomer by reason they had done so little in order to it. Mr. Wade was then design'd into the West upon the Earl of Stamford's business, and said if he could understand any thing more before he left London he would take Bristol in his way and ac∣quaint us with it. This Journey he brought me to Coll. Rumsey with whom we had lit∣tle discourse, he being going forth with his Lady. The sixth of March I left London, and went directly for Bristol; about the twelfth of March Mr. Wade came to Bristol, but then could say no more than as above, the Messengers being not come back from Scotland nor Ireland and was of his former opinion, that if any thing were done, it could not be before Midsomer, he then ex∣pected to be about two Months in the West, and said that if any thing was agreed upon sooner, one Mr. West a Councellor had promised to write to him in the name of Inglestone, and direct his Letter to be left at his Brothers in Bristol, who Wade ordered that if any such Letter came, to open it, and if any thing material in it, to send it by a Messenger to him into the West. About the 17th. of March came a Letter for him from West in the name of Inglestone, which his Brother opened, and not understanding the Stile, brought it to me, but I knew not the meaning thereof. The Contents was to desire Mr. Wade to get his Clients to∣gether the next Saturday come Fortnight, for that was the day appointed to Seal the Writings, and neither of us understanding it, his Brother sent it by a Messenger after him, who found him at Taunton, and his Answer by the Messenger was, that he knew not the meaning of it, but should be within ten miles of Bristol the next Saturday, desiring that if any other Letter came, to send it to him. About three days after came another Letter as above, de∣siring him not to call his Clients together, for the time of Sealing was put off, which Letter was also sent to him, but he under∣stood it not, saying, it was some rash busi∣ness or other and so went back again.

The fifth of April I came to London, and that evening went to Mr. West's Chamber in the Temple, where I found him, who then did not know me, but when I told him my Name, from whence I came, and mention∣ed the two Letters Mr. Wade received from him, he began to be somewhat free in Dis∣course with me. I then told him that Mr. Wade and his friends were surprised at the Letters, not knowing what he meant by them, and did desire to know, concerning which he seemed a little shy, but after little Discourse, began to tell me, saying, there was a Design to take off the King and Duke coming from New-Market, which they ex∣pected would have been that Saturday menti∣oned in his Letter, had not the Fire happen∣ed, which caused them to come sooner; nay, said he, had we known they would have stayed so long as they did, their business should have been done: I then asked him what he meant by desiring Mr. Wade to get his Clients together by that day, and what he could propose they should have done, to which he could say little, only that they might be ready. I then told him, that I thought it a very rash thing, and that few in England would approve of it, that I was sure none a∣bout us would, being a most Cowardly dis∣honourable Action, besides the basest sin of Murther; then, said he, what is designed by the General Design but to take them both off, and if it had been done that way, it would have prevented a great deal of Bloodshed in the Nation; no, said I, no such thing is design∣ed as I know of, the General Design being only to get the King off from his evil Coun∣sels, who had advised him to put a stop to Proceedings against Popish Plotters by Dis∣solving of Parliaments, &c. and to bring all Popish Offenders to Justice, and such who had betrayed the Liberty of the Subject; and this I think was all the Discourse we had at that time, being the first of my Acquain∣tance with him: that Night I went with him to a Tavern in Fleetstreet, where was Cap∣tain Norton, Richard Goodenough, and one Mr. Aylif, who, to my knowledg, I never saw before nor since; whilest I was with them there was no Discourse of any busi∣ness, but I soon left them together. The next day Mr. Roe of Bristol, brought me to Mr. Ferguson, at the House of one Mr. Bourne a Brewer, but was not admitted to see him himself, Ferguson then went by the Name of Roberts, who when I had told my Name and from whence I came, was pretty free in Discourse with me, and told me the Design

went on very well, that there were some Scottish Gentlemen come up, who were trea∣ting with the Managers, and did hope they would agree in few days, and come to a re∣solution both as to time and method, of which we should have timely notice, but by all his Discourse at that time, I could not perceive that he knew any thing of the New-Market Design.

That day I had some Discourse with Col∣lonel Rumsey at his House, who I found was privy to the New-Market business, and his Opinion was, that the General Design would come to nothing, for he did not approve of the Managers Actings, and said there was nothing like the other Design, for that would put an end to all in a little time, then I told him, that I thought none in our Parts would be for it; which I think was all the Discourse we then had; only he promised, that if any thing was agreed before Mr. Wade came up I should hear of it, so I took leave and went for Bristol the next morning. About ten days after, hearing nothing from them (Fergu∣son having told me that he thought all would be agreed in four or five days, and promi∣sed to advise) I wrote to Mr. West, desiring to know how they went on, who wrote me, that they still met with delays, and were come to no Conclusion; after that, I heard no more 'till May. About the beginning of May I came up to London again, in Compa∣ny with Mr. Wade and some other Bristol men, but when we came up, my business being in the City, and theirs about the Tem∣ple, we parted; after two or three days, I met with Mr. Wade, and asked how he found things, who told me, he doubted all would prove a Sham, for he thought there was no∣thing intended, finding nothing materially done in order to what had been so long dis∣coursed. Then we went to Mr. West, and discoursed him fully about the Contents of his Letters, who told us, they were resolved to kill the King and Duke as they came from New-Market, in order to which, he had pro∣vided Arms for fifty men, Pistols, Carbines and Blunderbusses, and that they were pro∣mised the House of one Rumbald a Maltster, which lay in the Road, and the King must come by his Door, there the men should have been Lodged. Then we asked who was to have acted it, to which he could give but a slender Answer, and could or would name but two men, who were Rumbald and his, Brother, saying, if they could have rai∣sed six or eight hundred pounds to have bought Horses, and something to encourage men, they should have had men enough; so that we found they had few men, if more than two, and no Horses, only a parcel of Arms, which afterwards he shewed us at a Gun-smiths House in a little Lane near Temple-Bar. Then we asked him what they designed if it had taken effect, to which he answered, that the men should have come up with all speed to London and dispersed themselves immediately, declaring for the Duke of Monmouth, and that the King and Duke being dead, no opposition could be made; then we asked who were for this De∣sign, he named Collonel Rumsy and Richard Goodenough, and, as far as I can remember, no more; so we found it was carried on by them contrary to the knowledg or appro∣bation of those who managed the General Design: then we declared our great dislike of it, telling him, it was a base Dishonou∣rable and Cowardly Action, and would seem odious to all the World, that any pretend∣ing themselves Protestants, should be con∣cerned in such a Bloody Action, and that we thought it was his Cowardize put him upon it, to which he said, that he could not Fight, but would be as forward with his Mo∣ny as any one of his Capacity. Then we went to Collonel Rumsy, who we found to be wholly of West's Opinion, saying, that except something be done that way, I know nothing will be done at all, for he knew the other Managers would do nothing; so we had little Discourse at that time. After this we went to Ferguson, who told us how things stood; we then found that he knew of both Designs, but was only for the Insurrection, and told us, that the Managers had been Treating with some Scotch Gentlemen; that they were almost agreed, and that the Mo∣ny they were to be supplied with, would be ready in three or four days, being ten thou∣sand pounds which was to be returned to Holland to buy Arms, &c. for Scotland. He also told us that the Scotch Gentlemen had made another Proposal to the Managers, thus, if they would supply them with thirty thousand pounds, they would begin it in Scotland first, which they could soon have, and then would Invade England, desiring the Managers only to get a Party in the North of England, ready to oppose any Force from coming out of England against them, before they had setled Scotland: but this was not approved of, the Managers chusing rather to supply them with 10000 l. and to begin it in England the same time. Then we daily expected to hear when the Mony would be paid, but still found no∣thing but delays, the Managers not agree∣ing how to raise the Mony, and that if the Mony had been ready, they were

come to no Conclusion as to any method more than they were nine months before, having done nothing but talked to ensnare people, reporting about in all parts how the Liberties of the people were daily more and more infringed, and that Arbitrary Government and Popery was coming in apace, which in∣censed people very much and made such a grumbling in all parts that we fear'd longer de∣lays would make the common people in many parts mutiny, it being as we thought so gen'rally known, except something was suddenly done, it was impossible it should remain undiscovered, so the next time we met with Rumsy and Fer∣guson (tho never together) we declared our dissatisfaction by Reason of such long delaies and spoke it so as that it might come to the managers Ears, as we suppose it did, being to this effect, That we thought they had only a designe to betray people, drawing many thousands into a snare, for their actions shew∣ed little otherwise, being so long discoursing a thing of that nature and done so little to∣wards it: few daies after meeting with Rumsy again, he told us they were of different opini∣ons concerning a method, some for beginning the Insurrection only in London and Scotland, some for it in all places at once as at first pro∣posed, others for leveral places in England and Scotland, and not in London, saying that if it was not begun in London, but in other places there would be forces raised in London to send out against them, which would take out most of their strength, and that then London might be casily secured; somtimes they were for be∣ginning it only in London and Scotland and to have people come up to London from all parts of England, to which we answered that we thought no way better than what was first proposed, (viz.) the beginning of it in many places at once, as before mentioned, for al∣though we had engaged none in or about Bristol, nor should not endeavour it till all things were concluded, yet with the assistance we were promised from Taunton, did not doubt but to get men enough to secure it, and that we knew not where to get ten men that would come for London, and supposed it might be so in other places, men might be willing to secure their own Countrey who would not be willing to leave all and come for London, Rumsy then said if he knew where to get at the head of 1000 men he would begin it presently, and desired that we might meet the next night with some others and consider of things, so the next afternoon we met at Richard's Coffee-House near Temple-Barr and from thence to a Tavern near, I think called the little or young Devil Tavern, were met eight persons, (viz.) Collonel Rumsy, Robert West, Capt. Norion, Capt. Walcot, Richard Goodenough, Francis Good∣enough, Nathaniel Wade and my self, this was the first time I knew Walcot. When we were all sit, Collonel Rumsy spoke to this effect, as near as I can remember the same words, Gentlemen; if we can raise three thousand men in and about London, there is a person of Honour will appear at the head of them and begin the business; which we supposed to be the Duke of Monmouth, and do not well remem∣ber whether he mentioned his name or not. Which proposal much surprized Mr. Wade and I, that he should then question the raising of 3000 men, whereas when it was first menti∣oned to us we thought they had been sure of many thousands in London at an hours war∣ning. Then it was considered how 3000 men might be raised and how they might do something to the purpose: then we declared what method we had concluded on for the management of Affairs in Bristol, which, was as followeth, and they could think of no better way, so it was concluded that London and the Suburbs should be divided into Twenty parts, and one man made choice of in each division who should chuse out ten in his division that he could trust, and each of those ten to find out fifteen, which would make 161 in each division, so that twenty divisions would produce 3220. in order to which a Map of London was to be bought the nex: day, and each division drawn out in a particular paper, mentioning every Street and Lane of note in it, with the North, East, South and West bounds thereof, and to be brought the next meeting two or three nights after; at the first meeting it was agreed that none should know of this Design, viz. (of the chief Managers) till all the men were secured, and that those seven (I being not to stay long in London) should meet every two or three nights till all was compleated. At this meeting Rumsy and West would be often saying, there was no∣thing like the lopping business, meaning the taking off the King and Duke, and that it might be easily done as they went to or from Windsor, or to or from the Play-House, but I never heard any agree with him in it. Next day a Map was bought and brought to West's Cham∣ber in the Temple, where some met to divide it, and draw out the divisions against the next meeting. The next place we met at I think was the Castle-Tavern in Fleet-street, where some of the divisions were brought, all being not done, and then it was consider'd how they should be distributed, being we were most strangers, and agreed that Richard Goodenough, who had been Under-Sheriff, and so had a general Acquaintance, should do it, who was willing to undertake it, the rest of the divisions

to be ready against the next meeting, which was two or three Nights after at the Green-Dragon Tavern upon Snow Hill, where when Mr. Goodenough came he told us, That he had disposed of some of them, and did hope it would take effect, and that in a week or ten days he should have fixed the twenty men; the consideration how things should be manag'd, was deferred till they were sure of the men, only some mention'd their Opinions how the Tower, White Hall, and other places might be best surprised. The Tower was thought might be best gained in the day time, White-Hall and other places in the night, with many such things in way of discourse: Rumsy was still upon the old strain of killing the King and the Duke, saying (at this the last meeting I was at, going for Bristol next morning) that it might be done in Windsor-Park, and that he would un∣dertake it, but not except every one there pre∣sent would go with him, to which not one consented, I replying that I was for no such thing, but seeing the other business had gone so far, and was known to so many, if they could bring it to bear in London and other places, I rashly said, rather than fail of Bristol we will undertake it at Noon-day with an hundred Men; to which Rumsy said I was a bold Fellow; they then promised (when they were sure of the men) to advise and take care for some Arms for us at Bristol, and that we should have some Great Person come down to head us; but I heard no more till the news of the Discovery came in publick Letters; I remember one time when Wade and I was with Firguson, he told us that the Duke of Monmouth was brought to a low Condition, all his Places being taken from him, and his Tenants in Scotland (being so severely dealt with upon account of their Religion) was not able to pay Rent, so that his Estate there, which was accounted worth Ten or Twelve Thousand Pound per An. did not yield him the last Year Two Thousand Pound, that he was not well pleased with the management of Affairs, and desired Mr. Wade to Appoint a place where he would meet the Lord Gerrard, and Sir Thomas Armstrong, to dis∣course them, to which Mr. Wade replyed, he would meet none of them, for such Great Men had betrayed the Nation already, and ensnar'd too many Thousands to no purpose.