Scrinia reserata a memorial offer'd to the great deservings of John Williams, D. D., who some time held the places of Ld Keeper of the Great Seal of England, Ld Bishop of Lincoln, and Ld Archbishop of York : containing a series of the most remarkable occurences and transactions of his life, in relation both to church and state / written by John Hacket ...

A MEMORIAL Offer'd to the Great Deservings OF JOHN WILLIAMS, D.D. Who sometimes Held the Places of the LORD-KEEPER of the GREAT-SEAL of England, &c. (Book 2)

PART II. (Book 2)

CAmerarius Writing the Life of Melanchthon, * 1.1 the Darling of the Champions of the Reformed Religion, divided his Work into two Parts, and gave no reason for it, but because he would make his Web of a new piece, after the Death of Luther. It is the Pattern which I set be∣fore me, to make a new Exordium, as he did, upon the Subject which I handle, after the Death of King James. Especially since I must take his Shadow, whom my Pens draws forth, no more by a Noon-tide Light, but by an Evening de∣clension. * 1.2 His Prosperity, or shall I say his Honours, and Court-Favours, were now in their Tropick, Cum lucem vincere noctes incipiunt. But Vertue is not For∣tune's Servant. He rose with great Light: and he set with as great Brightness as he rose. And as Paterculus writes of Mithridates I may refer it to him, Ali••uando fortunâ, semper animo maximus; He was once high in Fortune: but always strong in Courage, and great in Worth. 'Tis common to see a Stock ingrafted with two forts of Fruits. The Almighty Planter shews greater differences, when he pleaseth, in Moral, than in Natural Plantations. As he ordain'd the Noble Williams to become two contrary Parts, as well as any Man had perform'd them in five Ages before him, keeping the golden Mean in the Tryals of the Right∣hand, and of the Lest, being neither corrupted with the Advancements, nor the Persecutions of the Times: As Paul and Barnabas were neither transported with the Honours which the Lycaonians did intend, nor deterr'd with the Stones which they cast at them, Acts 14. But the latter is most to be remarked. For if this Lord-keeper had not drest himself with Vertue, when he was clad in Honour: nor rendred a sweet Air in every Close, when the Diapason of Peace, Wealth, and the King's Love were all in tune, he had abus'd Fortune, which had given him his pay in hand. Nec tam meruit gloriam, quàm effugit flagitium; as Pliny hath it: But to stand upright, when he was dismounted: to cross his Crosses with Generosity and Patience: to pass through a hot Furnace of Afflicti∣ons, which was heated with all kind of Malice, and no smell of Fire to remain upon him, Dan. 3. v. 27. this deserves to be Canonized, and will keep green

in the Memory of more Ages than one. From the Forty third Year of his Life to the full term of his Sixty eighth Year, trouble upon trouble, mischief af∣ter mischief had him in chase; and yet the Huntsmen, those Salvaggi could never blow the Death of this well-breath'd Hart. Fifteen Years the pursuit came from them, that made use of the Frown of the King. When they were a fault (But when were they otherwise?) One Woe was past, but there came two Woes (or rather a thousand) after it, Apoc. 9.12. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Parliament of Destruction, or of absolute Reprobation, Sine praeviso peccato, which spared none, supprest him, opprest him, and he was under that Sufferance ten Years. Was not the Ship well built? Were not the Ribs of it heart of Oak, which en∣dured a Storm of twenty five Years? and in that long time never enjoy'd a calm Sea? He was made for such a Tryal; which was sanctified by Gospel-Promises, giving unto just Men assurance of vigour to endure them. Every one pittieth him∣self: everyone covets Ease, and Prosperity: which is more Childish than Manly. And a Design that is commonly mistaken. Adversity, out of doubt, is best for us all, because we would not carve it out to our selves, but God chooseth it for us: and he chooseth better for us, than we can for ourselves. By his Providence some Mens Sorrows are greater than others: and few had a deeper Cup to drink than this Prelate. But every Man's Calamity is fittest for himself: trust the Di∣vine appointment for that. And if all Adversities of several Men were laid in seve∣ral heaps, a wise Man would take up his own, and carry them home upon his Shoulders. H••rmolaus Barbarus in an Epistle to Maximilian, King of the Romans, Polit. Epis. p. 447. distinguisheth between Happiness and Greatness: Secundae res felicem, Magnum faciunt adversae. But if he, that is beset round with distresses, bear them to the Estimation of good Men to appear great in them, then is he happy, as well as great. Which is to be demonstrated in the Subject that I write of, as followeth.

2. King Charles began his Reign Mart. 27. 1625. The next day he sent for the Lord-Keeper to his Court at St. James's: who found his Majesty and the Lord-Duke busied in many Cares. The King spake first of setling his Hous∣hold: among whom the Keeper commended two out of his own Family to be preserr'd; but it was past over without an Answer: only his Domestick Chap∣lain was taken into ordinary Service, for whom he had made no suit. But to begin the well-ordering of the new Court, he was appointed to give the Oath to the Lords of the Privy-Council, Sir Humphrey May taken into the Number, a very wise States man, and no more of a new Call. Then likewise order was given for the Funerals of the deceased King, and the Keeper chosen to Preach on the occasion: of which enough is said already by a convenient Anticipation. The Coronation was spoken of, though the time was not determin'd. Yet the King told the Keeper he must provide a Sermon for that likewise: but he that bespoke him was of another mind, before the Day of the Solemnization was ripe. That which was much insisted upon at this Consult was a Parliament. His Majesty being so forward to have it sit, that he did both propound, and dispute it, to have no Writs go forth to call a new one, but to continue the same which had met in one Session in his blessed Father's days, and prorogued to another a∣gainst that Spring. The Lord-Keeper shewed, That the old Parliament deter∣mined with his death that call'd it in his own Name, and gave it Authority to meet. Since necessity requir'd a new Choice, the King's Will was, That Writs should be dispatcht from the Chancery forthwith, and not a day to be lost. The Keeper craved to be heard, and said it was usual in times before, that the King's Servants, and trustiest Friends did deal with the Countries, Cities and Boroughs, where they were known, to procure a Promise for their Elections, before the precise time of an insequent Parliament was publisht; and that the same Fore∣cast would be good at that time: which would not speed, if the Summons were divulged, before they lookt about them. The King answer'd, It was high time to have Subsidies granted for the maintaining of a War with the King of Spain, and the Fleet must go forth for that purpose in the Summer. The Keeper said little again, lest Fidelity should endanger a Suspicion of Malice: and he little dreamt that the Almanack of the new Year, or new Reign, was so soon calculated for the Longitude of a War, and the Latitude of vast Sums of Money to pay the Ser∣vice. Yet he replied in a few words, but with so cold a consent, that the King turned away, and gave him leave to be gone. He that was not chearful to say good Luck have you with that Expedition, was not thought worthy to have an Oar in the great Barque, which was launching out, and making ready for the

King's Marriage with the sweet Lady of France. Yet who but he to treat with Embassadors of that Nation, and on that Score, in his old Master's time? A∣mong all the Cares that came into Consideration that day in the sulness of busi∣ness, this had the start, and was hastned the same Morning with Posts and Pac∣quets. Cupid's Wings could not possibly fly faster. Yet his Majesty spake no∣thing of it to this able Counsellor, although the Rumor of it in a Week was heard from Thames to Twede. And the Duke began to hold no Conference with him: neither from that day did he call for this Abiathar, and say, Bring hither the Ephod to ask Counsel of the Lord. Evident Tokens to make any Man see what would come after, that was far less than a Prophet. Which this wife Man past over, and seem'd to observe nothing that was ominous, or unfriendly. But as Lord Mornay says in his Answer about the Conference at Fountain-bleau, when Henry of France, the 4th. forbad him coming to the Louver. Specto eclipsin, & expecto intrepidus, securus quid illa secum vehat: So the Lord-Keeper was better ac∣quainted with Heaven, than to be troubled at an Eclipse, which is an accident prodigious to none but to a Fool, but familiar to a Philosopher. And he had learnt in the Morals by heart, that the way to lose Honour is, to be too careful to keep it.

3. While the great Assairs did run thus, the Keeper went close to his Book, as much as publick business would allow, to frame a Sermon against the Obse∣quies of blessed James. He did not conceive, that the Counsels which he gave to the King, on the second day of his Reign, were so ill taken, as he heard not long after. He that speaks with the trust of a Counsellor, and, which is more, with the Tongue of a Bishop, should be priviledged to be plain, and faithful without offence. As St. Ambrose mindeth Theodosius, Ep. 29. Non est imperiale libertatem dicendi negare, neque sacerdotale quid sentias non dicere. But News knockt at his Study-door two days after, that my Lord-Duke threatned before many that attended, to turn him out of his Office. And the French Ambassadors were not the last that gave him warning of it. These Rumors he lookt upon with his Eyes open, and saw the approaching of a Downfal, and so little dissembled it, that he warn'd some of his Followers secretly, who were in best account with him, to procure dependance upon some other Master, for his Service e're long would not be worthy of them. It were to small purpose to enquire, why the Duke's Grace did so hastily press the Ruine of one, that had been his old Friend and Creature. It was his game, and he lov'd it. I have seen a Manuscript of Arch-Bishop Abbots, stating the Reason of his own Relegation to Ford in Kent (the Papers were written with his own Hand to my knowledge) wherein he paints the Fickleness of the great Duke, to set up and pluck down, with these Lines. First, He wanted not Suggestors to make the worst of all Mens Actions, whom they could misreport. Secondly, He loved not that any Man should stick too long in a Place of Greatness. He hit the Nail in that. For this Keeper continued the longest in a great Office, of any that he had lifted up, and did live to use them. Which proceeded not from his Grace's Constancy, but from the good-liking of the old King. But as Symmachus said of Polemio, Lib. 2. Ep. 14. Sic amicis uti∣tur, quasi sloribus, tam diu gratis, quàm diu recentibus. So my young Lord chang'd his Friends as Men do Flowers; he lik'd a Scent no longer than it was fresh. Indeed he lookt from his Vassals for more than they could do, and hurried to make tryal of those that would do more. Thirdly, says the Arch-bishop again, He stood upon such fickle Terms, that he feared his own Shadow, and desperately ad∣ventur'd upon many things for his own Preservation. Too true, for by this time he had lost the People: in whose good Opinion he thought he stood for the space of Nine Months. Alas, he had a slight fastning in them: for he never got their Love, further than his Hatred to Spain procur'd it. And that was spent out, upon an exacter Information of his bearing at Madrid. This was the Jealousie which gave the Lord-Keeper the deadly Stoccada, who would not abuse his own Knowledge so far, to extol my Lord for his Spanish Transactions, which broke the Peace, the Credit, the Heart of his King, and his Patron, never to be re∣quited. Therefore that he was fallen in less than a Year from the abundance of a great Esteem, he thought he might thank the Keeper, whose down-right Ho∣nesty gave the Example. More may be said: but once more shall suffice; the Duke had attempted with King James, that which he threatned now: but his Majesty that then was did not allow of it: and charged them both to unite, and to work friendly together for his Service. But that mighty Lord waited the opportunity to root up the Tree, which he had gone about to unfasten. For

commonly the offended Person is an Eye-fore to him that did offend him. And such as have done great wrongs, are afraid of those, whom they have provok'd, and can never after affie in them: So it was among the Rules of Michael Hospi∣talius (the best of the Chancellors of France, and yet in a Pet cashiered from keeping the Great-Seal) as Thuanus remembers it, Anno. 1568. Principum docu∣mentum esse, ut iis nunquam serio reconcilientur, quos temerè offenderint. This, as it is related, was our Duke's Temper. And the Keeper understood that no Peace was to be had from an Adversary seeded with such Qualities. All that he could do to help himself, was not by preventing, but by retarding a Mischief. For though with the Stoick's Fate was inevitable: Yet Servius says in 8. Lib. Aen. that his great Poet thought, it might be deferr'd, though not avoided. Two things stuck to the Keeper like Sorrows, and gave him all the unrest that he had. First, He wish'd that his deposing might have come from any hand, but his Pa∣trons that raised him: before whom he would fall, rather than wrestle with him as an Enemy. Secondly, He had read much to teach him, and seen the Proof of it, that when Princes call back their Honours, more Misery ensues. But as yet he stood his ground, and did become his Place as well as ever.

4. He never made use so much of his whole stock of Worth, and Wisdom, as in matter of Religion; which appears before in the Mazes, wherein he led the Spanish Embassador, with whom he shisted so cunningly, that they could obtain nothing for the Toleration of Popish Recusants, but Delays and Ex∣pectations from time to time. Neither could the Monsieurs squeeze any more out of him, against the Ratification of the French Marriage, as appears in a bare Fort∣night before K. James died, witness the Letter written to the Duke, March 13. 1624. Cabal. p. 105. If your Grace shall hear the Embassador complain of the Judges in their Charges, of their receiving Indictments, your Grace may an∣swer, that those Charges are but Orations of course, opening all the Penal Laws: And the Indictments, being presented by the Country, cannot be refused by the Judges. But the Judges are ordered to execute nothing actually against the Recusants, nor will they do it during the Negotiation. And your Grace may put him in mind, that the Lord-Keeper doth every day, when his (the Embassa∣dors) Secretary calls upon him, grant forth Writs, to remove all the Persons In∣dicted in the Country into the Kings-Bench, out of the Power and Reaches of the Justices of Peace. And that being there the King may, and doth release them at his Pleasure. In all this there is no bar against the common Course of Law, but Mercy reserv'd to the Royal Pleasure. Now what cause had my Lord Duke to defie him by his Secretary, Cab. p. 87. That his Courses were dange∣rous to his Country, and prejudicial to the Cause of true Religion? Forsooth, because he proffer'd a Gap to be opened to the Immunities of the Papists in a desperate Plunge, to bring the Prince home safe out of Spain, where he stuck fast for want of such a Favour to be shewn to those Complainants. Which was a liberal Concession in Promise, but no Date set, nor observ'd for the Expedition of it. And so all that Indulgence which hung in nubibus, and never dropt down, is frankly granted now, and he is commanded by this Warrant that follows, to signifie to all Officers, to suspend the Laws which are grievous to the Romish Profession, dated 1 Car. May the first.

Charles Rex,

RIght Reverend, and Right Trusty, &c.

Whereas we have been moved, in Con∣templation of our Marriage with the Lady Mary, Sister of our dear Brother the most Christian King, to grant unto our Subjects, Roman Catholicks, a Cessation of all, and singular Pains, and Penalties, as well Corporal as Pecuniary, whereunto they be sub∣ject, or any way may be liable by any Laws, Statutes, Ordinances, or any thing what∣soever, for, or by reason of their Recusancy or Religion, and every matter or thing con∣cerning the same: Our Will and Pleasure is, and we do by these presents Authorize, and Require you, That immediately, upon the receipt hereof, you do give Warrant, Order and Directions, as well unto all our Commissioners, Judges and Justices of the Peace, as unto all others our Officers and Ministers, as well Spiritual as Temporal, respectively to whom it may appertain, that they, and every of them do forbear all and all manner, and cause to be sorborn all and all manner of Proceedings against our said Subjects Roman Catholicks, and every of them, as well by Information, Presentment, Indictment, Con∣viction, Process, Seisure, Distress, or Imprisonment, as also by any other ways, or means whatsoever, whereby they may be molested for the Causes aforesaid. And further also, That from time to time you take notice of, and speedily redress all Causes of Complaints, for, or by reason of any thing done contrary to this our will. And this shall be unto you, and to all to whom you shall give such Warrant, Order, and Direction, a sufficient Warrant and Dis∣charge in that behalf.

There was no scrupling of this Order, but it must be dispatch'd. For though, as a great Counsellor, the Keeper was to be watchful over the Voices and Af∣fections of the People, and that he knew this was not the Course to keep the Subject in terms of Contentment, yet he had no power to stop the Tide, as in former days. My Lord of Buckin. would not stay to hear the Arguments of his Wisdom. Altissimo orbe, & praecipuâ potentiâ stella Saturni fortur, Tacit. 1 list. lib. 5. The Planet of Saturn was in the highest Orb, and ruled all the Influence of the Court. Where was now the Cavil against the Spanish Match, that in the Treaty for it, it encroach'd too far upon Religion? Indeed my Lord of Kensington writes from Paris, Cab. p. 275. The French will not strain us to any unreasonableness in Conditions for the Catholicks. And as much again, p. 284. Their Pulse in matter of Religion beats temperately. So he told us in another Pacquet, p. 292. That the French will never abandon us in the Action for the recovering the Palatinate. Which of these Engagements were broken last? a more solid Question than to ask, Which of their Promises were kept first? They kept none. Some chop out Promises, as Nurses tell Tales to Children, to lull them asleep: As it is in the neat Phrase of Arnobius, Somno occupari ut possint, leves audiendoe sunt naenioe. The Histories of Spain, and the Netherlands, as well as of England, do not spare to touch that Noble Nation, that none have taken greater liberty to play fast and loose with Articles and Covenants. And as the French were inconstant to us, so new Symptoms, and new Apprehensions made us variable, and inconstant to our selves. Now a Letter must be sent to all Magistrates Spiritual and Tempo∣ral, to cause them to suspend the Execution of all Laws against the Papists. At the Term at Reading in November following, Divulgation is made in all Courts under the Broad-Seal, that all Officers and Judges should proceed against them according to Law. After the Second Parliament of King Charles was broken up, that is, in the Summer that followed the Term at Reading, by the Media∣tion of the French Embassador, Marshal Bassampere, new Letters come from the King to redintegrate Favours to the Recusants, and that all Pursevants must be restrained, and their Warrants to search the Houses of Papists taken from them. And this continued but till Winter. It was safe and just to return quickly again into the High-way of the Law: for the shortest Errors are the best: Especially in God's Cause. Which Vincen. Lirin. well adviseth, Nos religionem, non quo vo∣lumus ducere, sed quò illa nos ducit sequi debemus. We must take up the Train of Religion, and come after it, and not lead it after us in a String of Policy.

5. Private Men may better keep this Rule, than such as are publickly em∣ployed in the State. But though the Keeper had no remedy, but the preceding Warrant must be obeyed: Yet he tryed his Majesty how his Service would be taken; in stopping a Warrant upon another occasion, bearing date May 23. Be∣cause the sumptuous Entertainment of the Queen, and her magnificient Convoy being ready to land, would be very chargeable, he thrust in his Judgment to advise the King against disorderly Liberality. And though he knew the Secre∣tary Conway for no other than a Friend, yet he lik'd not his Encroachment upon the Royal Bounty, but signifies it in this manner.

Most dread Sovereign, and my most gracious Master,

I Received this Morning a Warrant from your most Excellent Majesty, to pass a Grant un∣der the Great-Seal of England, of the Sum of Two thousand Pounds, out of the Court of Wards, to my Lord Conway, for Twenty One Years to come. The which I durst not for fear of infringing my Duty to your Majesty, and drawing some danger upon my self, pass under the Great-Seal, before I had made unto your most Excellent Majesty this most humble Representation. First,The issuing of so great a Lease of such a vast Sum of Money is (under your Majesty's Favour and Correction) disadvantageous to your Majesty's Ser∣vice, in regard of the time, being in the face of that Parliament, from which your Majesty is to expect a main Supply. Secondly, It is (I believe) without Prsident or Example, that Pensions have been granted in Contemplation of Services for Years: But for the Party's Life only. My Lord of Middlesex his Lease of the Sugars is the only President in that kind, which hath hapned during the time of my Service in this Place. Thirdly,The Assigning of this Pension upon the Court of Wards, or any other Place, than the Receipt of the Exchequer, is directly against the Rules and Orders, taken, upon mature deliberation, by your Father of Blessed Memory. Fourthly, This great Lord (for so be is indeed) is in the Eye and the Envy of many Men, as your Majesty (I fear it) will hear e're long. As having received more great Favours within these two Years, than any Three Subjects within this Kingdom. Although I do believe (looking up to

the hands that conferred them) he may well deserve them all. Most gracious Sovereign, I am not ignorant of the danger I incur in making this Representation. But I have put on an irremoveable Resolution, that as long as you are pleased to continue me in your Ser∣vice, I will never from this time forth, out of Contemplation of mine own Safety, or any other carnal Respect, neglect voluntarily any part of my Duty to my God, or my King. Which I suppose I had greatly forgotten, without presenting your most Excellent Majesty with this Remonstrance. And having perform'd this part of my Duty, I shall most punctually obey your Majesty's Direction in this particular.

For this good Service it was well he had no check: yet he had no gra-mercy, to seem wiser than those that had prepared the business. And though the Pa∣tent for that Pension was a flat Violation of good Order, yet the Plea was, it would be unkind to revoke it. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as Plutarch in the Life of Agis observes it in some Mens Humours, Though a thing be ill undertaken, it is held a shame to go back. This Lord Secretary was the Keeper's cold Friend upon it; but he lived not long, and quitted his Office before he ceased to live: Only some deckings of empty Titles were given him, that he might not faint. The most that was disliked in the Letter was, that it warn'd the Secretary, that he was like to hear himself nam'd among the Grievances of the ensuing Parlia∣ment. Wherein he did not fail. It was no hard thing to Prognostick such a Tempest, from the hollow murmuring of the Winds abroad. There was not such a Watch-man about the Court as the Keeper was, to espy Discontents in the dark: nor any one that had so many Eyes abroad in every corner of the Realm. What hurt was it? Nay, Why was it not call'd a Courtesie, to awa∣ken a Friend, pursued by danger, out of prudent Collections? Says a wise Se∣nator, Tul. Act. 7. in Verrem, Judex esse bonus non potest, qui suspicione certâ non mo∣vetur, He is no sound judge of Rumors, that gleans not up a certain Conclusi∣on out of strong Suspicions.

6. To speak forward. After the Queen had been receiv'd with much lustre of Pomp, and Courtship (which had been more, if a very pestilentious Season in London, and far and wide, had not frown'd upon publick Resorts, and full Solem∣nities) a Parliament began. Stay a while, and hear that in a little, which con∣cerns much that followed. This is the highest and supereminent Court of our Kings. The University of the whole Realm, where the Graduates of Honour, the Learned in the Laws, and the best Practicers of Knowledge and Experience in the Land do meet. Horreum sapientiae, or the full Chorus, where the Minds of many are gather'd into one Wisdom. And yet in five Parliaments, which this King call'd, there was distance, and disorder in them all between him and his People. Amabile est praeesse civibus, sed placere difficile, as Symmachus to his Lord Theodosius. Our Sovereign had not the Art to please: or rather his Subjects had not the Will to be pleased. And we all see by the Event, that God was dis∣pleas'd upon it. If he had won them, or they had won him, neither had been losers. Pliny's Fable, or Story of the Two Goats, Lib. 8. c. 50. Suits the Case; The Two Goats met upona narrow Bridge; the one laid down his Body for the other to go over him, or both had been thrust into the River. In the Application, who had done best to have yielded is too mysterious to determine. Both, or either, had done well. But now we see, and shall feel it, I believe, it is not Love, nor Sweetness, nor Sufferance that keeps a Nation within the straits of due Obedience: it must be Power that needs not to entreat. The Scepter can no more than propound: the Sword will carry it. This Truth was once little worn: but now it is upon our backs, and we are like to wear it so long, till we are all Thread-bare. Thucyd. lib. 2. says of Theseus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Theseus govern'd Athens, being as potent as wise. His Wisdom taught the Athenians to keep a good pace: but Awe and Potency did bridle, and compel them to suffer their Rider, or else they would have thrown him. King Charles knew how to go∣vern, as well as Theseus. But he was not so stout: I am sure not so strong. His Condition in the present stood thus. When he was Prince he was the Messen∣ger, and the Mediator from the Parliament to extort a War against Spain from his Father. Of which Design he was but the Lieutenant before: is now become the Captain. He sets the Action on foot, and calls for Contribution to raise, and pay an Army. Instead of satisfaction in Subsidies (two alone granted to∣wards the charge of the great Funeral past, and the Coronation to come) they call for Reformation in Government. One lifts up a Grievance, and another a Grievance, and still the Cry continues, and multiplies. As they spake with

many Tongues, so I would they could have taken up Serpents, and felt no harm. The plain Sense of it is, those subtile Men of the lower House put the young King upon the push of Necessity, and then took advantage of the Time, and that Necessity. They had cast his Affairs into want of Money, and he must yield all that they demanded, or else get no Money, without which the War could not go on. Here was the Foundation laid of all the Discontents that follow∣ed. A capite primùm computrescit piscis, says the Proverb. If they had answer'd with that Confidence and Love, as was invited from them, England had not sat in sorrow as at this day. And I will as soon die as retract these words, that all Affairs might have been in a most flourishing Estate, if the People in that, or in any Parliament, had been as good as the King: Optimos gubernatores hand mediocriter etiam manus remigum juvat, Symmach. p. 128. The Pilot spends his breath in vain, if the Oar-men will not strike a stroke: A good Head can do no∣thing without their Hands. If I should hold yet, that this King was to be blam'd in nothing, I should speak too highly of Humane Nature. They that pass through much business, cannot choose but incur Errors, which will fall under Censure; yet it were better under Pardon. The most that aggrieved the Coun∣cil of Parliament was, that the King's Concessions for the good of the People came not off chearfully. He wanted a way indeed to give a Gift, and to make it thank-worthy in the manner of bestowing. A small Exception: when one grave Sentence from his Mouth did mean more reality, than a great deal of Volubility with sweetness and smiling: to which, I confess, they had been for∣tunately used. But when all is done, as the Poets say, The Muses sing sweeter than the Syrens; and a sullen something is better than a gracious nothing.

7. And these are instead of Contents: For the Chapter, that is the business of the Capitol, follows. The Parliament began, and the whole Assembly stood be∣fore the King: So there was a day when the Sons of God came to present themselves before the Lord, Job 1.6. but there was another thrust in among them. What his Majesty spake than is printed more then once: It was not much, but enough: it was not long, but there wanted nothing. Good Seed it was, yet it came not up well, although it was water'd with two showers of Eloquence by the Lord-Keeper, the first directed to the Lords, and Commons; the other to Sir Thomas Crew the Speaker. Which will tell the Reader more Truth, than is yet come abroad; whom I would have to remember Baronius's Caution, in his Epistle to the first Tome of his Annals, Nihil periculosius est in historiâ, quàm cuivis scribe•••• in quâcunqae re fidem habere. But hear what the King willed to be publish'd to his Parliament by the Mouth of his great Officer.

My Lords and Gentlemen all,

YOU have heard his Majesty's Speech, though short, yet Full and Princely, and rightly Imperatorious, as Tacitus said of Galbas: Neither must we account that Speaker to be short, Qui materiae immoratur, that keeps himself close unto his Theme, and Subject. For as Pliny made his censure ofHomer and Virgil, Brevis uterque est, sed facit quod instituit:Either of them seem to be short, for they do their work so succinctly, there falls not a word besides the purpose. His Majesty hath himself abundant∣ly exprest the substance, of what he offers to your Consideration at this Meeting. Some few Circumstances I shall, by his Royal Command, add thereunto, as touching the time, the manner, and the end of that loving and dutiful Expression, which his Majesty may, without any fear of Immodesty, as he conceives, promise unto himself from this first Session of his first Parliament. The main reason of his calling the Parliament at this time (beside the looking upon the Faces of his Subjects in this perfect representation, which he is resolv'd to make his most pleasant Theater under Heaven, as long as God shall give him Life) is to let you understand those deep Engagements for the recovery of the Pala∣tinate (that is for the Honour of the British Nation) by Leagues, Alliances, Diversi∣ons, Wars by Sea and by Land which his aying Father hath imposed upon the King; or peradventure the King in part upon his Father: or rather, to speak truly and histori∣cally, your selves (but upon grave and just Consideration) upon them both. For the break∣ing of both the Treaties with that potent King, that of the Alliance, and that of the Restitution, moved originally from you, mediately by the King our Sovereign, finally to the King his Father of Blessed Memory, accompanied in all the Ways, and Passages with your Promise, and Assurance, to feed the Enterprize from time to time with all fu••ing, and necessary Supplies. Hereupon our late Sovereign, that is with God, to the very time of his recovering Heaven, had no other Object of his Consultations, Resolutions, and Actions, than the recovery of the Palatinate. The Foreign Treaties and Alliances,

the Supply of the Low Countries, the Forces under the Conduct of Count Mansfield, the Reparation of the Forces in England, the Troops sent over into Ireland, lastly, this great, and (by God's Assistance) invincible Fleet, and Navy, though they shew like so many Lines scattered, and divided in the Circumference, yet do they meet and unite themselves in the Recovery of the Palatinate, as in the Center that bears, and supports them all. These great Designs the Holy Ghost, I hope, hath inspir'd into you, you to the King our Sovereign, he and you to the King his Father. He before his Death had so ri∣pened, and prepared, as the King our Master finds himself so wrapped, and engaged in the Enterprize, as it fares with his Heroical Heart, as with that Pompey, Necesse est ut eam, non ut vivam. He would more willingly go on to his Grave (which God of his Goodness will not permit) than not go onward with this brave Design. Now all your Subsidies, and Fifteens: and fully (to speak in measure and compass) as much more of the Means of the Crown being spent in the Preparation, forward the Action cannot move without a new Support, and Supply; which is the Substance of all which his Majesty hath now recommended unto you.

9. The first Circumstance remembred unto you, is that of Time. A most pressing, and important Circumstance, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as Sophocles calls it, the greatest Com∣mander of all our Actions. For as Dion Cassius observes, Lib. 11. Non rebus tem∣pora, sed res temporibus inserviunt, Actions do not govern Times, but Times govern Actions, be they never so weighty. And as Quintilian says wisely, Plaerumque sera pro nullis sunt, That Supply, which comes too late, proves many times no supply at all. His Majesty knows very well that you are wise, and provident to observes Times and Seasons. You cannot but observe, that Europe stands this day like the Pool of Be∣thesda, the Waters are stirred every where; and we hope by a good Angel. The Ho∣nour ofEngland, which hath languished for these late Years, stands at the brink, and now, or not in haste, is to be healed, and repaired. His Majesty therefore desires you to conceive, that this Meeting in this Session is but as a Meeting in a General's Tent, a Con∣sultation in the heat of an Action, which will endure no long Debate. He expects there∣fore that you will be pleased to bestow this Session upon him, or rather upon this Action, and to hasten for that Cause. And his Majesty will appoint the next as soon, and as long, as you please, for yours, and our own home Affairs. This much concerning Time: The second Circumstance is for the Manner, which looks upon the Time, as the Time doth upon the Action. For if the manner of gathering this Supply should prove heavy, and slow, Time, as Callistratus in his Statutes sets him forth, hath 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a Pair of Wings at his Feet, and will quite out-run it. If therefore, in your own Judgments, and Resolution, you shall find the usual way, and manner of Supplies by Subsidy to be too slow, and backward for these present, and undelayable Oc∣casions, his Majesty, (no friend to Innovation, Etiam cum illi necessitas lenocinetur, not now when necessity might seem to priviledge the same) doth rather desire to hear, and to receive from you, then to project, and propound unto you the manner of supplying this present Action. This is the second Circumstance: The Last is the End, and the Issue of the Action, which hath no meaner Consequence, than the Fame, and Reputation of our sweet, and gracious Sovereign, for many Years after. For as Theodoricus, that brave King of Lombardy, was wont to say, Ipsa initia plantare debent Principis nominis fa∣mam, as a King sows his Reputation in his first Actions, so shall he reap his Harvest of Glory in the Progress of his Life, And therefore I must say of our gracious Master, as the Orator said of himself, Haec actio illi aures hominum, haec famae januam pa∣tefaciet. His Majesty at this time puts his Fame, and Reputation (that is all that he hath of a King: For what is a King without these?) very much upon your Love and Affections. And this, not as Caesar upon his Army at all Adventures, with a Jacta est alea, a Mum-chance, a cast of a Dye, but with the greatest Confidence, and Assu∣rance that ever was plac'd by a loving King, on a most loving and indulgent People. Witness that Posie of his in his new stamp'd Coin, not to be engraven, as it is, in Silver or Gold, but in the solid Substance of Loyal Hearts, Amor civium regis munimen∣tum; shewing that he cares little for other Forts, being so well assured of the Love of his People. And therefore as in Nature, Rex & subditus, the King and the People are proper Relatives, and consequently simul naturâ, of one and the same Date and Ex∣istence: So doth his Majesty little doubt, that as soon as himself shall be known in Eu∣rope to be an actual King, you also shall be known by advancing his, nay your Enter∣terprize, to be a valiant, faithful, and obedient People. And now you are directed to choose your Speaker, and present him to his Majesty.

Which was Sir Thomas Crew, so well tryed for his worth in the Precedent Parliament, that he was elected again in this. To whose Oration the next day the Lord-Keeper answer'd as followeth.

Mr. Speaker,

YOU have endeavour'd to excuse yourself from this place of great Trust. But I perceive, by his most Excellent Majesty, that I was not much amiss, when I took you to be in the same Case that Evathlus was to Protagoras, as Gel∣lius reports it, Lib. 5. c. 11. That is, sure to be denied, and to lose your Cause whe∣ther you argued strongly or faintly. St. Paul was called Mercurius by the Lycao∣nians, because he was the chief Speaker, Acts 14.12. But to whom shall I liken you? Truly to nothing but to yourself; who have spoken more too learnedly, and pithily; the manner whereof hath confuted the Matter: and your Rhe∣torick hath spoil'd your Logick. For no Man that hath heard you speak, can believe your unfitness to be a Speaker. His Majesty therefore doth applaud and confirm your Election, and commands me to return an Answer to some parts of that you have delivered. Which, though it was (as all great and ex∣cellent Bodies are observ'd to be) round, and sphaerical in the Composition, without a nook, or a corner for a Man to lay hold upon, yet as some late Ma∣thematicians have born us in hand, that they can find Quadraturam circ uli, some corners in a Circle, so for Method, and Memory's sake, Aut inveniam, aut faciam, where I do not find, you must give me leave to make some parts, and to run them over briefly, distinctly, and orderly. You have said somewhat concern∣ing yourself; somewhat concerning the last Parliament, somewhat of the Pri∣mus motor, and Divine Intelligence which enliv'd the same: somewhat of his Majesty's Entrance upon his Government, and that in five several Respects. First in respect of the Way, which is by Parliament. Secondly in respect of his Blood, as the Son of Nobles, Thirdly in respect to Succession to so wor∣thy a Father. Fourthly in respect of our Hopes of a rare and religious Go∣vernment. And Lastly in respect of his great Delivery in his famous Jour∣ney by Sea and Land. Somewhat also you have said of our Religion, as much recommended unto the King, and much prosperous and profitable to the Peo∣ple: Somewhat of the ancient Common-Law: somewhat of cherishing our Friends abroad: Somewhat of abating our Foes at home: Somewhat of the Four Petitions presented to all Kings, Immunity of Persons, Liberty of Speech, readiness of Access, and benign Interpretation, the four corner Stones, which bear up the Structure of the House of Parliament. I shall from his most Ex∣cellent Majesty make answer to these things according to your Sense, and with my Method, as they lie in order.

11. First for your self you say little, but you do much in yielding thus to his Majesty's Pleasure. You offer'd a Sacrifice before, the Sacrifice of your Lips, an excuse from this Service: and that was refused. Now you offer up O∣bedience, and that is amply accepted. For Obedience is better than Sacrifice. Quod felix faustumque sit, a most happy Concatenation to open a Parliament, when the Hearts of the People are in the Hands of the King, and the Heart of the King in the Hand of God. Secondly, for the last Parliament it was happy indeed: so accompted by our late, so esteemed by our present So∣vereign, so denominated by the Effects which it produced. For therein (as you well observe) those male-sida foedera, and unfaithful Treatises were dissolv'd, the King and his People indissolubly united, the Flowers of the Crown a little pruned, but with the Love of the Subjects better scented and perfumed: Last∣ly, if not more Bills of Grace, yet surely more Bills from pure Grace passed, and were enacted, than in that Session of Magna Charta: Gratia enim non est gratia, si non sit gratis data. And surely as Pliny said of Nerva, Debebatur maxi∣mo operi haec veneratio, ut novissimum sit, autorque ejus statim consecraretur It be∣came a Prince, who was now ready to be Sainted in Heaven, to close in that manner his Government here on Earth. For I could never learn, in all my Reading, any other way for King or Subject than this one, by the King∣dom of Grace to pass along to the Kingdom of Glory. Thirdly for the part the King our Master bore in the late Parliament, surely he was Actus primus, the very proper Soul of that Politick Body, Tota in toto, & tota in quâlibet parte, now in the Committees as in the Members, by and by with the Lords as in the Heart, anon with the King his Father as in the Head of the Body, and every where the principal Author of Life, Motion, and Resolution. So that we may

say to our now Sovereign, as the Romans did by their Orator to the Emperor Trajan, that he is no stranger to our Assembly, Meminit quae optare. quae sit queri solitus, he cannot forget the Desires of the Commons, nor the ••ishes of the upper House of Parliament. Fourthly your five Circumstances (for so I number them) of his Majesty's Entrance into his Reign are very well noted, and observ'd. 1. That he begins it with a Parliament. It is a sign indeed of his Love to that way. Those Actions of Men are most pure, and sincere, Quae sin∣gendi non habent tempus, that are done in such haste, as admits no Fiction. His Majesty was scarce proclaimed, when the Writs went out: and before the So∣lemnities of his Coronation, behold him present in the midst of his People. 2. That he comes into it with the Blood of Nobles. Yes, Mr. Speaker, Deus est in utroque parente. No King in Europe, that breaths this day, can shew so fair, and so Royal a Pedigree. 3. That by his Succession he hath sweetned much our loss of his Father. A great, and a glorious Act indeed. And such an act, as I will be bold to say in his Majesty's hearing, could never have been done by any King, not by himself, had he been the Son of his Body only, and not withal of his Mind, and Vertues. Herein indeed he equals his Father, Neque enim de Caesaris actis—Ullum majus opus, quàm quòd Pater extitit hujus. 4. For our hopes they have good cause (God make us thankful to him for the same) to sore high, and to expect a King, that shall exceed Hezekias in Policy of State (for our Master, I hope, will never discover the Secrets of his Dominion to Foreigners, and Strangers) and equal him, at the least, in the Advancement of Religion. You heard his Profession the last day. His God above him, his People under him, his Heart within him, and his Kindred about him must enflame his Zeal to this true Religion, Et pater Aeneas, & avunculus excitat Hector. Lastly, for his great delivery by Sea and Land, which so filled our Mouths with Laughter, and our Tongues with Joy, it shew'd him betimes a Child of King James, and withal a Child of God, and being so, Nolite tan∣gere, no Evil might touch him. As God was with Moses, so he was, and will be with him, non deseret, aut derelinquet, he will never fail him, nor forsake him; To the which Prayer all we his representative Kingdom will never fail to say, Amen.

12. What you said of the true Religion is most apparently true, that it hath been very piously charged upon our King, and hitherto full of Blessings upon our Kingdom. For the first his Majesty well remembers (what I ill forgot in another occasion) that the last Blessing of all his Father gave him (and I think upon a Motion of mine) was with a Recommendation of his Religion, and of his People to his special Care, Love, and Protection. And I nothing doubt but that Blessing shall so bless him, that he shall see Jerusalem in Prosperity all his Life long. And for the effect of our Religion, it hath hitherto produced in this Kingdom a very Kingdom of Heaven, not only after this Life, but even in this Life, for the space of sixty Seven Years, wherein it hath been most constantly professed. All that time Peace hath been within our Walls, and plenteousness within our Palaces. Non fecit sic omni nationi, God hath not dealt so with many, nor with any Nation in Europe, that I know, or read of. Sixthly, what you recommended to the King concerning the Laws of the Land, the King hath already in private, and doth now in publick recom∣mend to his Judges, and by them to the Professors, and Students of the Laws, to wit, that they would spend their time, as their Fore-fathers did, in the an∣cient Common-Laws of the Kingdom, and not altogether, as the Complaint hath been of late, in Statutes, new Cases, and modern Abridgments. In the former Studies you meet with Reason created by God, in the latter with O∣pinion only invented by Men. Here you find peradventure some strong Con∣clusions, but upon weak Grounds, and Premises: there you learn strong Pre∣mises, that can never produce a weak Conclusion. In a word, to borrow the Si∣mile of St. Basil, there like Ulysses you Court Penelope herself; here, like the foolish Wooers, but her Hand-maids only. Seventhly, that just Resentment you express of the Dishonour of our Nation, in that hostile Acquisition, and Detension of the Palatinate, you cannot imagine, Mr. Speaker, how much it contents his most Excellent Majesty. Now he finds indeed his People to be lively Members of this Politick Body, because they sympathize so seelingly with the grievous Pains, and Troubles of their Head. And surely he is no true Part, but an Excrescency, or dead Flesh upon the outside of the State, that is not sensible of his Majesty's Sufferings in those Affairs. God forbid, a∣gainst

all these Professions, this Kingdom should prove to a People so allied, either a Meroz, as you term it, for Inhumanity, or an Aegypt for Infidelity, or a whit inferior to Caesar himself to aid, and relieve them. You heard the full Measure of the King's Resolution the last day, Ire oportet, vivere non oportet; He doth not desire to live otherwise than in Glory, and Reputation. And so he cannot live, you know it well enough, till somewhat be vigorously effected in that great business of the Palatinate. Eightly, for the abandoning of those Sons of Bichri, the Priest and Jesuits, his Majesty returns you this Answer. As he doth approve your Zeal, and Devotion herein, and acknowledgeth that of St. Ambrose to be true, Quod in religionem committitur, in omnium vertitur injuriam, that the meanest Subject in this Kingdom hath a great right, and Interest in the Religi∣on, so being appointed by, and under God, Custos utriusque tabulae, the Guardian, and Keeper of both the Tables, he desires you to trust him (whose Zeal was never yet questioned, or suspected) with the ways, and means to propagate the same, Yet in this Petition of yours his most Excellent Majesty doth absolutely grant the Effect, and the Matter, that is to be most careful of our Religion, or (which you more desire) to improve, and better the Form, and Manner. But as St. Austin saith of God himself, Non tribuit aliquando quod volumus, ut quod malimus attribuat. Lastly, for your four ordinary Petitions, for Immunity of Persons, liberty of Speech, readiness of Access, benign Interpretation, his most Excellent Majesty grants them all, and will have them limited by no other bounds, than your own Wisdom, Modesty, and good Discrietion. So his Majesty bids God Speed the Plow.

13. I look upon him that spake so well for the King two days together, as Antiquarius did upon the L. Picus Mirandula, Ratio, & oratio cum ipso ex côdem utero natae videantur, Ep. 279. Here's strong Mettle, and a keen Edge, able to cleave the hardest Knot. Here's Reason to convince Judgment, with store of Eloquence to delight the Affections. Which could not be past over with∣out this censure: for it is an ill thrift, to be parsimonious in the praise of that which is very good. The King reposed much upon the Success of this Meet∣ing, because his Mind was so well deliver'd, and so strongly put on. The Cause of the War was made the Kingdoms: The Counsel that began it was the Par∣liaments, and were they not bound to find the Succours? As our Poet Mr. Johnson says upon Prince Henry's Barriers, He doth but scourge himself his Sword that draws. Without a Purse, a Counsel, and a Cause. But the Regi∣sters of all Ages, I believe, will not shew a Man, in whom Vertue was more perpetually unfortunate, than in this King. The Influence of those ill Stars, that reigned over all his Reign, began thus soon. The Parliament was told, as if a Dictator had been nominated for this War, that all must be consulted and executed together; that the present Sacrifice must be eaten in haste, like the Lord's first Passover: for in that juncture slow help was no help. Yet in five Weeks (so long they sat at Westminster) there was not an Arrow to any purpose shot towards that Mark. These were they that thrust his Majesty upon a War, to the mortifying of his Father's part: and now his Enemies were a∣wak'd with the Alarum, they let him shift for himself. Being told enough that there must be Gold, as well as Iron to play this Game, and that a good Purse made a good Army, they gave him such discouragement, that they dropt no more than two Mites into the Corban. An incredible disproportion between what was found, and what was lookt for: and suitable to a Passage in an Ita∣lian Comedy, where a Guest complains of his ill Entertainment at a Miser's Table, that there was not enough to make a good Supper, nor scarce enough to make a good Salad.

14. Yet the hardest Remedy had been the best Patience. For by the second Week in July the Plague was in its rage about London, and Westminster. The Members of both Houses were half slunk home, and they that staid it out, wisht every hour the Session were ended. The King was in a mervellous strait: neither knew how to hold them, nor to let them go. His mind was much up∣on it, to try them, though not there, yet some where else, for an augmentati∣on of Supply. Whose excuse was the same, which the Queen of Carthage made to Aeneas, Lib. 1. Aen. Res dura, & novitas regni me talia cogunt —Moliri. His Majesty thought change of Air would do good, and proposed to some of his Council at Hampton-Court, July 10. to adjourn to Oxford against the first of August. A Proposition mainly favour'd by the Lord-Duke, so that he grinn'd at the Lord-Keeper, all the while he disswaded it. But take away liberty from Speech,

and take away Bitterness from Wormwood, nay take away Spirit from Wine. Yet he went on, and spake to these two Heads, that it was not another place, but another time that must speed the Work. First, the Infection of the Pesti∣lence had overspread the whole Land: that no Man, that travell'd from his own home, knew where to lodge in safety: that the Lords and Gentlemen would be so distasted, to be carried abroad in such a Mortal time, that it is likely, when they came together, they would Vote out of discontent, and dis∣pleasure: that his Majesty was ill counsell'd to give Offences, though small ones, in the bud of his Reign, Quae nulli magis evitandae sunt, quàm juveni & Principi, cujus gratia cum aetate debet adolescere, as Symmachus, Lib. 1. Ep. writes to his Ma∣ster Theodosius. Secondly, the Parliament hath given two Subsidies at Westmin∣ster, though they remove to Oxford it is yet the same Session: and if they al∣ledge, it is not the use of the House to give twice in a Session, (though I wish heartily they would) yet how shall we plead them out of their Custom, if they be so stiff to maintain it? It is not fit for the Reputation of the King, to fall upon a probable hazard of a denial. The Duke, who had heard this with im∣patience, said, That publick Necessity might sway more than one Man's Jealousie. Hereupon the Keeper besought that he might commit a few words to the King's Ear in private: which was granted. And he acquainted his Majesty, That the Lord-Duke had Enemies in the House of Commons, who had contrived Complaints, had made them ready to be preferr'd, and would spend the time at Oxford about them. And what folly it were to continue a Session, that had no other aim, but to bring the Duke up∣on the Stage? But if your Majesty think that this is like a Hectick, quickly known, but hardly cur'd; My humble Motion is, that this Malady, or Malice, call it which you will, may sleep till after Christmas. There is no time lost in whetting the Sythe well. For I hope to give such account by that time, by undertaking with the chief Sticklers, that they shall supersede from their Bitterness against your great Servant, and that Pas∣sage to your weighty Councils shall be made smooth, and peaceable. And why do you conceal this from Buckingham, says the King? Good Lord Sir, says the Keeper, fain I would begin at that end, but he will not hear me with moderation. Which was rightly foreseen. Erasmus in an Epistle to one Gonel asks, How a good turn can be worse bestowed than upon ungrateful Men? Yes, says he, Magis perit quod praestatur non intelligentibus. 'Tis worse placed upon them, that will not understand. Because it was the mishap of this Man to give the first notice of that Storm that was a gathering, the Duke as in defiance, bid him and his Confederates do their worst, and besought that the Parliament might be continued, to confront that Faction; though he lookt upon himself in that innocency, that he presum'd they durst not question him. Here began the Down∣fall of the Lord-Keeper; mistrusted to set that Wheel a going, whose Motion he discover'd, and offer'd to put a Spoke into it. But Truth faileth: And he that departeth from Evil maketh himself a Prey, Isa. 59.15. And here began the Troubles of mighty Buckingham: who would not gain six Months time, which might have made Mischiefs mellow, and rot. But to shew the Greatness of his Power, he made haste to destroy himself: being in one Character too like to Pope Julius the Second, Nunquam ab eo, ad quod ingenio feroci impellebatur; rece∣dendum putavit. He would never retreat from that, to which the Violence of his Passions hurried him.

16. He had his Will, and August the 1st. the Session continued at Oxford. Of which place it may be said as Cassiodor did of Athens, Aëris puritate peruncta luci∣dissimos sensus ad contemplationem felici largitate praeparavit. But it appears by ex∣perience it hath been more renown'd for good Wits, than for good Parliaments. The Commons sat in the Divinity-School, who for the most part begin with a Grievance about increase of Popery. And on the first Morning, no sooner had the Speaker taken his place, but a Western Knight enlargeth the Sense of his Sorrow, that he had seen a Pardon for six Priests, bearing Test, July 12. Whereas, but the day before it, when they were to part from Westminster, the Lord-Keeper had promis'd in the King's Name before them all, that the Rigor of the Laws against Priests should not be deluded. Many of the Members were sore offended, and veyed who should blame it most. What! their Hopes blast∣ed in one Night? What the King's Promise so early broken? Nunquam major spes est quàm in bonorum Principum sponsione, Symmachus, Ep. to Theodos. Lib. 1. But for a Lord-Keeper that brought the King's Message, and knew it best, and for a Bishop to set the Seal to such a Warrant, for him to do that wrong to Re∣ligion, it was enormous. But for his part he was secure enough. Indeed it was a Pit-fall set to crush him, but it fell upon another. God had given him Wis∣dom

to know the Violence of Winds, and the Reasonings of Men, Wisd. 7.20. The Warrant was twice brought to him, but he would not pass it. Mr. Bembo, a Servant to the Clerk of the Crown, confest before the House, that he brought the Writ to be sealed, but it was stopt. Mr. Devike, Servant to Sir Edward Conway, confest he brought it from his Master: but it could not speed. It was my Lord Buckingham's hard Hap, to move the King to command the Warrant to be Sealed in his sight at Hampton-Court the Sunday following: which being evidenced, the Vote of the Commons turn'd about to clear the Keeper, and to commend him: which did him hurt at Woodstock (the Court was there) to please the Parliament, which had not pleas'd the King. An Error like to that of Adrians in Spartianus, Non admisit Terentium Gentianum: est eò vehementiùs, quod à Senatu diligi eum videret. But the Commons, while they were in heat, ask'd a Conference with the Lords Afternoon in Christ's-Church-Hall: where Sir Edward Coke opened the Complaint sharply against Secretary Conway: and like an Ora∣tor did slide away with a short Animadversion upon the Duke. It was not so well for his Grace, that the noise of the Grievance had entred into both Houses. Arcus cum sunt duplices pluviam nuntiant, says Pliny, Lib. 2. N. H. c. 59. If our Rain-bow multiply another by its Reflection, it prognosticks a Shower. And the Storm burst out in the lower Region: when he was rather declam'd against, as I would call it, than accus'd, because the Gentlemen that did prosecute con∣tain'd themselves in generals. The most upon which insistance was made, was, that he held the most, and the most important Offices of Trust, and Ho∣nour by Sea and Land. Though it was foolish and superstitious in the Heathen Romans, to think it was not for the Majesty of their Common-wealth to serve but one God, Majestatem imperii non decuisse, ut unus tantùm Deus colatur, Tull. Orat. pro Flacco: Yet it were to be desir'd, if it might be dutifully obtain'd, that one Subject should not possess all those Places, which require the Sufficiency of many to discharge them. Much to this purpose is that of the Lord Herbert, Harry. 8. p. 318. That it was a great Error, that such a multitude of Offices was invested in Woolsey: as it drew Envy upon the Cardinal, so it derogated not a little from the Regal Authority, while one Man alone seems to compre∣hend all. The King may be satisfied, to settle the Choice of his high Pro∣motions in one Minion: so will never the People. And the Advanced is sure to be shaken for his height, and to be malign'd for over-dropping. He that sees a Stone-wall swelling, looks every day when it will fall. And one Stalk is not strong enough, to hold a cluster of Titles hanging at it. Salmasius hath a Note upon the first Book of Solinus, That if a Man grow so fast, that it exceeds the usual way of Nature, he will fall into sickness. His Instance is in the Son of Euthymenes, that grew three Cubits in three Years, Et immoderatis aegritudinum suppliciis compensasse praecipitem incrementi celeritatem. But what Grandee will believe this? Because there is more in our corrupt Nature that will obey Am∣bition, than Wisdom.

16. Yet to speak to the other side, Might not this have been forborn to be objected by the Parliament to this great Lord at this time? When his Head, and his Hands were wholly taken up to prepare that War, which was their own Creature. He was at their Plough, he was under their Yoke, if it were well remembred. Now Grotius marks well from the old Law, Deut. 21.3. That Beasts that had been put to labour, might not be sacrificed (Elisha's Act was hasty and singular) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as he quotes it out of Chaeremon: They were priviledged by the Work, in which they had been profitable. Nay, could it be objected as a Fault at any time? I say as a Fault: for I plead not for the Convenience. What Pharisee would be so corrupt to ask, Master who sinned? This Man, or his Parent, that he was made a Duke, as Lord Admiral, a Master of the Horse, &c.? No Inch of Sin is in ten Cubits of Honour, that are lawfully con∣ferr'd. But there is a Fault for which Budaeus knew no direct Name, Lib. 2. Pandec. fol. 10. Cum milites Imperatori infensi vincere nolunt. Let it be termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, says he, when Souldiers will lose a Victory wilfully, because they are discontented at their General. All was tending much this way at Oxford. The great Expedition in hand, and the Fleet ready at Plimouth lost its season, the Soul∣diers and Sailors dishearten'd for want of Pay, yet not the Supply of a Subsidy could be drawn, to give courage to the Onset, because the Generalissimo, that ma∣nag'd the Voyage, had lost their Favour. Numbers there were, some Friends, some Flatterers, that brought Fuel to the Fire to enflame the Duke against these Dealings. The Lord-Keeper was not sought to. Yet came, and offer'd himself

to confer about it. And certainly all that knew him would say, no Man could pluck the Grass better, to know where the Wind sat: no Man could spie sooner from whence a Mischief did rise. I'll begin thus:

My Lord, I come to you unsent for: and I fear to displease you: Yet because your Grace made me, I must and will serve you, though you are one that will destroy, that which you made. Let me perish: Yet I deserv'd to perish ten times, if I were not as ear∣nest, as any Friend your Grace hath, to save you from perishing. The Sword is the Cause of a Wound: but the Buckler is in fault, if it do not defend the Body, You have brought the Two Houses hither, my Lord, against my Counsel. My Suspicion is confirm'd, that your Grace would suffer for it. What's now to be done? but wind up a Session quickly. The occasion is for you; because two Colledges in the University, and eight Houses in the City are visited with the Plague. Let the Members be promis'd fairly and friendly, that they shall meet again after Christmas. Requite their Injuries done unto you with benefits, and not revenge. For no Man, that is wise, will shew himself angry with the People of England. I have more to say, but no more than I have said to your Grace above a Year past at White-hall. Confer one or two of your great Places upon your fastest Friends: so shall you go less in Envy, and not less in Power. Great Necessi∣ties will excuse hard Proposals, and horrid Counsels. St. Austin says it was a Punick Proverb in his Country; Ut habeas quietum tempus perde aliquid. At the Close of this Session declare your self to be the forwardst to serve the King and Common-wealth, and to give the Parliament satisfaction. Fear them not, when they meet again in the same Body: whose ill Affections I expect to mitigate: but if they proceed, trust me with your Cause, when it is transmitted to the House of Lords, and I will lay my Life up∣on it, to preserve you from Sentence, or the least Dishonour. This is my Advice my Lord. If you like it not, Truth in the end will find an Advocate to defend it. The Duke re∣plied no more but, I will look whom I trust to, and flung out of the Chamber with Minaces in his Countenance. Yet the other did not think he had play'd the Game ill, though he lost his Stake by it. Dangerous Faithfulness is honest∣er than cunning Silence. And once more he was bold to wrestle with this Po∣tentate in high Favour, before he fell. The Commons of this Parliament was cen∣sur'd at Woodstock for spiteful, and seditious: therefore not fit to continue, but to be dissolv'd. Which Resolution being brought to the Clerk of the Crown, to dis∣solve them on the 12th. of August; the Keeper did never so bestir him since he was born, as to turn the Tide, with Reasons, with Supplications, with Tears, imploring his Majesty to remember a time, when, in his hearing, his blessed Father had charg'd him to call Parliaments often, and continue them, though their rashness sometimes did offend him; that in his own Experience, he never got good by falling out with them. But chiefly Sir, says he, let it never be said, that you have not kept good Correspondence with your first Parliament. Do not disse∣minate so much unkindness through all the Counties, and Boroughs of your Realm. The Love of the People is the Palladium of your Crown. Continue this Assembly to another Session, and expect alteration for the better. If you do not so, the next swarm will come out of the same Hive. To this the Lords of the Council did almost all con∣cur; but it wanted Buckingham's Suffrage: who was secure that the King's Judg∣ment would follow him against all the Table. So this first Parliament was blasted, Et radicis vitium in fructibus nascentibus ostenditur. The Root fail'd, and the Fruit was unsavory in all the Branches that grew up after it. I would the Builders had laid a better corner Stone: then the Lord had not smote the great House with Breaches, and the little House with Clefts, Amos 6.11. Yet I would the King's Aequanimity had suffered it to stand, that Concord might have cemented the Hearts of all the Nation to his Government. It is a Trivial, but a dangerous Oversight, * 5.1 Initia morborum quis curat? Providence is not sensible of a little harm when it begins; and when the increase is felt, the Evil is incurable.

17. Now the time came that as the Parliament had chased the Duke, so the Duke chased the Keeper, Torva Leaena Lupum sequitur, Lupus ipse Capellam. Was it for Michaias's Crime, he doth not prophesie good concerning me but evil? 1 Kings 22.8. His Fidelity would not let him conceal it. Or did his Grace doubt him for under-dealing? He could never prove it. And he that can leave to be a Friend for Suspicion, is justly suspected that he was never a Friend. What shall we say to such Men, as would fall out, and are angry when they cannot find a justifiable occasion? This was the Misfortune: like Caelius the Ora∣tor in Seneca, Lib. 3. de irâ, c. 8. meeting with one that observ'd him in all that he said, and longing for a Quarrel, says Caelius, Dic aliquid contra me,

ut duo simus. The Keeper could not be provok'd to give the Duke the least jostle: All's one, when Power contests, there's no safety for Innocency: great Men can maintain their Violence by some colour of Right. So the Accusation broke out, that this Man had fomented Suggestions against my Lord of Buc∣kingham, among the chief Tribunes of the Parliament. Wherein the King was satisfied to the contrary, while he staid at Woodstock, by an Apology that follows, drawn up hastily in an hour, into short Heads. Yet it stuck in the Credulity of those, that were remote from the Scene, and saw not the Part act∣ed. Therefore I believe that some intelligent Man might tell so much to the Observator, p. 36. Yet he knows, that for an intelligent Man to judge upon Re∣port, is worse than to take Judgment of a sick Man's Distemper only by his Water. And as intelligent a Man as the Observator himself may have the In∣firmity which Longinus imputes to Timaeus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, p. 8. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, censorious of others, partial to himself, and insensible of his own Errors. But let truth break forth by a Paper, which the Lord-Keeper put into the King's Hand, Aug. 14. which discloseth all, Judex ipse sui totum se explorat ad unguem. Ausonius.

REASONS to satisfie your most excellent Majesty concerning my Carriage all this last Parliament.

18. First negatively, That I did nothing disserviceably to your Ma∣jesty, or the Duke. For first, I never spake at Oxford with any of the stir∣ring Men, as was untruly suggested to your Majesty, excepting once with Philips, with the Privity, and for the Service of the Duke. And with Went∣worth at his first coming to Town, and before his coming to the House. Who promised (and I do verily believe he perform'd it) to carry himself advan∣tageously to your Majesty's Service, and not to joyn with any that should sly upon my Lord Duke. The rest are all Strangers to me: and I never spake with any one of them concerning any Parliamentary matters. Secondly, I did cross the popular way, more than any of the Council; which I durst not have done, if I had intended to run along with them. 1. In advising your Ma∣jesty, knowing how you were engaged to the Queen, to reserve to yourself the Execution of the Laws against Recusants, at least-wise for a time, as at Rycott. 2. In maintaining this Advice afterward before the Council at Oxford. 3. In lingring and staying the Bill against Recusants. 4. In direct Opposition to the Lord Saye, in staying the Bill of Tonnage and Poundage, which was the Dar∣ling of the Active part in the House of Commons. Had I intended to run any way with the People, I had been a Mad-man to have appear'd in any of these. Affirmatively, I offer'd my poor Service to your Majesty, for the executing of any Directions, should be given me in private. First, I waited upon your Majesty three or four times before your Journey to Dover, to know if you would give me any private Directions, but received none. 2. I waited upon your Majesty and the Duke three several times while the Parliament sat at Westminster, and my Answer was still, you had nothing to say to me. 3. I waited to know if your Majesty had ought to command me privately at Wind∣sor, at Bissam, at Ricott towards the Oxford Sitting; and was ever answer'd as before. 4. I did the like to my Lord-Duke at Oxford, desiring his Lordship to send me his Commands by any trusty Servant, and I would serve him to the utmost of my Power from time to time. His Grace said he would send, but never sent to me. So that if I had any Power in either House (I had much the less at this time by reason of the Paucity of the Lawyers, who were in the Circuit) what use could I make of it without Directions? And to tell the plain truth, I durst do nothing for fear of offending the Duke, otherwise than by Direction. Only 'tis known, that they that were for giving of Subsidies, repaired to me as often as to any other Lord, who can witness of my Care, both in Matters of Subsidies, and the Business of my Lord-Duke. Rationally it was unsafe for me to stickle at this time without Countenance and Employ∣ment by, and from your excellent Majesty. First your Majesty knoweth, I was threatned before your Majesty to be complained of in Parliament, on the third Day of your Reign. And though your Majesty most graciously pro∣mis'd to do me Justice therein: Yet was I left under that Minacy, and the Minacer, for ought I know, left to his course against me. 2. My Lord-Duke confest he knew the Complaints, and Complainants; and gave me leave to sus∣pect his Grace (which indeed I had cause to do) if within three days, and three days he should not acquaint me with the Names of the Parties. Which I de∣sir'd

to know, not to expostulate, but to watch, and provide to defend my innocency. His Grace failed me in his promise herein. I employed Sir Charles Glemham, and Mr. Sackvile Crowe to press him for an Answer; which was such, as they durst not in modesty return unto me. 3. Sir Francis Seymore (a Knight whom I know not by sight) told many of that House, who im∣parted it unto me, that upon his first coming to Oxford, he was dealt with by a Creature of my Lord-Dukes (whom I can name) to set upon the Lord-Keep∣er, and they should be backed by the greatest Men in the Kingdom. Who gave this Answer, That he found nothing against the Lord-Keeper, but the Malice of those great Men. 4. Sir John Eliot, the only Member that began to thrust in a Complaint against me: the Lord-Viscount Saye, who took upon him to name Sir Thomas Crew to succeed in my Place: Sir William Stroud, and Sir Nathanael Rich, whom my Friends most noted to malice me, were never out of my Lord-Duke's Chamber, and Bosom. 5. Noble-men of good Place, and near your Majesty, gave me often intelligence, that his Grace's Agents stirred all their Powers to set the Commons upon me. 6. I told the Lord-Duke in my Garden, that having been much reprehended by your Majesty, and his Grace in the Earl of Middlesex's Tryal, for thanking the last King at Greenwich, for pro∣mising to protect his Servants, and great Officers against the People and Par∣liament, I durst not be so active, and stirring by my Friends in that House, as otherwise I should be, unless your Majesty, by his Grace's means, would be pleas'd to encourage me with your Royal Promise, to defend and protect me in your Service. If I might hear your Majesty say so much, I would venture then my Credit, and my Life, to manage what should be entrusted to me to the uttermost. After which he never brought me to your Majesty, nor any Message from you. Standing therefore upon these doubtful terms, unemploy'd in the Duties of my Place (which were now assign'd over to my Lord Conway, and Sir J. Cooke) and left out of all Committees among the Lords of the Council (which I know was never done by the direction of your Majesty, who ever conceiv'd of me far above my Merit) and consequently fallen much in the Power, and Reputation due to my place, I durst not at this time, with any Safety, busie my self in the House of Commons, with any other than that measure of Zeal, which was exprest by the rest of the Lords of the Privy-Council. Gracious and dread Sovereign, if this be not enough to clear me, let me perish.

19. The King was a Judge of Reason, and of Righteousness, and found so much in that Paper, that he dismist him that presented it graciously for that time, his Destiny being removed two Months further off, though it was strong∣ly urg'd, not to delay it for a day. But in St. Cyprian's words, Nemo diu tutus est periculo proximus. About a Fortnight after, at Holdbery in New-forrest, the Duke unfast'ned him utterly from the good Opinion of his Majesty, and at Pli∣mouth, in the midst of September, obtain'd an irrevocable Sentence to deprive him of his Office. If the Queen could have stopt this Anger, he had not been remov'd: with whom he had no little Favour, by the Credit he had got with the chief Servants of her Nation, and by a Speech which took her Majesty very much, which he made unto her in May, upon her coming to White-hall, and in such French as he had studied, when he presented his Brethren the Bishops, and their Homage to her Majesty. His Friends of that Nation shew'd themselves so far, that Pere Berule, the Queen's Confessor, and not long after a Cardinal, was the first that advertis'd him, how my Lord-Duke had lifted him out of his Seat. 'Tis custom to Toll a little before a Passing-bell ring out: and that shall be done in a Moral strode; as Chaucer calls it. Such as would know the true Impulsion unto this Change, shall err, if they draw it from any thing, but the Spanish Negotiation. Not as if the Lord-Keeper had done any one, much less many ill Services, to the Duke, as one mistakes. For I take the Observator to be so just, that he would have done as much himself, if he had been in place. King James was sick'till that Marriage was consummated; and died because he committed it to the Skill of an Emperick. The Keeper serv'd the King's directions, rather than the cross ways of the Duke, which was never forgiven. Though the late Par∣liament had wrought wonders to the King's Content, as it gave him none, this innocent Person had receiv'd the Blow, which was aimed at him, before the Parliament sat. He bestirr'd him in the former King's Reign, to check the encroaching of the Commons, about impeaching the great Peers, and Officers of the Realm, which the Duke fomented in the Earl of Middlesex's Case. Since

that House began to be filled with some, that were like the turbulent Athenians, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Meursius, Ath. Attic. p. 79. It grieved him at the Heart, that more time was spent by far, to pluck up an honest Magistrate, than to plant good Laws. There was no Sin, I think, that he hated more, than that Epide∣mick violence, which he saw was come about, that the People extoll'd them most, as it was once in the Days of Marius, that endeavour'd to thrust down the most noble Patricians. This is the right Abstract what was, and what was not the Cause of this Mutation.

20. There were yet other things, that did concur to precipitate his Down∣fall. First, My Lord of Buckingham's honest Servants would say, that he gave their Master constantly the best Counsel: but that he was too robustious in pres∣sing it. Vim temperatam Dii quoque provehunt in majus, Horat. lib. 3. Od. Well, I do not deny it. But the more stout in that Point, the more true, and cordial He that loses such a one, that comes to prop him up, who had rather offend him, than not save him, Navem perforat, in quâ ipse navigat, Cicer. pro Milone, he sinks the Bark, wherein himself fails. The Scythians were esteemed barba∣rous; but this is wise, and civil in them, as Lucian reports in his Toxaris, They have no wealth; but he is counted the richest Man, that hath most Friends. And that's a Friend, that will incur Anger, rather than leave his Friend to sooth himself in a Mischief. It had been well for the Duke, if his bold Friend had perswaded him to take that Counsel, which Christopher Thuanus gave to the Car∣dinal of Lorain, being in great Favour with Henry the 2d. of France, Si poten∣tiam suam diuturnam cuperet, moderatè eâ uteretur, & in politicá administratione leges regni conservaret; alioqui fore ut publicae invidiae impar, Procerum regni, & Nobilitatis contra se concitato odio, aliquando succumberet, Aug. Thua. An. 1568. Secondly, Some of the Lords of the Council were willing to spare the Keeper, for that having a mighty standing Wardrobe of Reason, likely he bore down that side which he oppos'd. Why would not Plato endure Homer in his Utopia? because he was too great a Citizen for his City. And Aristotle. lib. 3. Polit. c. 4. Says the Argonautes were weary of Hercules, and dismist him, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, his main strength at the Oar was above his Fellows, his parts were unequal in supere minence. Nor did his Majesty like it well, that he would never give over, till he was Conqueror in the Argument that he held: and he ever held him to be too nimble, and versatile in his Discourses. For the Taste of that good King's Mind was much like to his Palate, he never loved Sauce with his Meat; nor Sharpness in his Counsels. He desired to see all his way before him, and not to be led through Windings, and Allies. Another King was of that Conceit, says, Thua. lib. 11. Franciscus magna ingenia suspect a habere coepit. Thirdly, The blaff that help'd to blow down this Cedar, was the Breath of Obtreclators, and Tale bearers. Who are too much about great Men, as it may be said by Allusion from the 66 Psal. v. 3. After the vulgar Latin, For the Greatness of thy Power shall the People be found Lyars unto thee. These were too thick about the Duke, and cherish'd with his Countenance, and Liberality. For Reward not Min∣strils and you shall be sure to be rid of them. If any are loth to put Bishop Laud in this Number, I must either reform their Knowledge, or write against mine own. They are yet living that have heard it confest by the Lord Buc∣kingham's Mother. And these words are in the Manuscript remembred before, Penn'd by Arch-Bishop Abbot, That the Countess of Buckingham told the Bishop of Lincoln, that St. Davids was the Man that did undermine him with her Son, and would underwork any Man in the World, that himself might rise. St. Davids saw no Man in the prospect of likelihood but this one, to carry the highest Miter from him. Interna crevit Roma Albae ruinis, as Livy says. Fourthly, my Lord-Duke was soon satiated with their Greatness, whom he had advanc'd. It was the in∣glorious Mark of those Thirteen Years of his Power to remove Officers. Which was like a sweeping Floud, that at every Spring-tide takes from one Land, and casts it upon another. In two Years of King Charles's Reign, Williams, Lee, Conway, Suckling, Crow, Walter had their Top-sails pull'd down by him: and if Sir Henry Yelverton had liv'd, not only Sir A. Welden writes it, but common Ru∣mour nois'd it, that he had been promoted to the Place of the Lord Coventry. Which was very prejudicious to the true Discharge of those Dignities. As Theo∣phrastus complains in Tully, Men were so short liv'd, that by the time they began to know the World, Death snatch'd them out of it: So a Magistrate can yield no great Fruit, that's pluck'd up before he be well rooted. Antonnius, call'd the Philosopher, provided better for that, as Capitolinus hath it, as he was wise in all his Govern∣ment,

21. Still the Plot was busie against the Lord-Keeper, to displace him with some colour of Charge. And the King being come to Salisbury in September with a full Court, it came to a Catastrophe. He that was hunted after, was at harbour at a House of the Lord Sand's in Barkshire, five Miles from Windsor, call'd Foxly. Where he was surely inform'd, that after much sifting spent, after all that ever he did, since his high Promotion, the old Matter was renewed, how he stirred up those that lifted at the Duke at Oxford: which was urg'd with strange, and punctual Confidence; and was the weakest, and least grounded Surmise, that ever was hammer'd. Therefore it was supplied with another Ob∣jection: That at the same time and place he had abus'd the King with ill Coun∣sel, advising him to vail his absolute Sovereignty too much, to a social Com∣munication with his Subjects. Which being divulg'd, got him that was accus'd a strong Gale of popular Favour, did his Majesty no right and cast the Duke upon such a Shelf, as no High-tide could bring him off, while he liv'd. The Keeper hearing every day what Cavillations were fomented, and heard, to put him to blame and shame, found it in vain to coast the Season any longer, to have the Great-Seal tarry with him. Only resolv'd on the 21st. of September to pre∣pare his way by his Pen, before he went to Salisbury, to salute the King's Ear with softness, and to shew, that he did not despond, but that he was ready for a Justification, if he were call'd to answer. Which for all his Labour would hardly be believ'd. For all Treasure hid in the Ground is the Kings: But how will he find it? So all truth that concerns his Justice and Prosperity is his: But how will he know it? This Man is not the first that made it true, which Sidon. Apoll. observes, Lib. 3. Ep. 3. That it is dangerous serving of Kings in a near place: who are compar'd by him to fire, Qui sicut paululum à se remota illuminat, ita satis sibi admota comburit. It is a good Element or light and warmth, to those that stand aloof, but singeth that which comes too near it. Yet nothing venture, no∣thing have. One Arrow must be shot after another, though both be grast, and never found again. In aequo est amissio rei, & timor amittendi, says Seneca. Nay, he loseth more quiet of Mind, that looks every day to lose that which he loves, than in the Minute, when he is deprived of it. One says, When the Brunt is o∣ver, the Heart will recover. Time and long day will mitigate sad Accidents: 'tis a slow Medicine, but a sure one.

22. Now let the Letter to his Majesty be observ'd, which was his Harbinger.

Most gracious Sovereign, and my dear Master,

WHile I spare my self at home for a few days, to be quite rid of an Ague, which I brought from Southampton, I do humbly crave your Majesty's Pardon, to make my Address in these Lines, which I will contract to so narrow a room as the Mat∣ter will possibly give me leave. First, as touching the Information of the Access I should give at Oxford, to those dangerous Persons of the House of Commons, which your Majesly was pleas'd most graciously to intimate unto me at Woodstock (for which Goodness I am oblig'd to serve you faithfully and industriously as long as I live, and am able, and to pray for you, when I can do no more) as I remonstrated before, so I vow again to Al∣mighty God; I never spake directly or indirectly to above three of them in my Life: nor to any one of them (that one time to Philips excepted, with the Privity, and as I ho∣ped, for the Service of my Lord-Duke) during the Continuance of the Sitting at Oxford. Were it otherwise, it were impossible in a Family of Sixty Persons, as mine was, to have it conceal'd. I add farther, That if it can be proved, that I let fall the least word to any Person of the one, or other House, opposite to any known, or revealed end of your Majesties, I am content to remain guilty of whatever the Malice, or Suspicion of any Man shall suggest against me. Secondly, If I have offended your Majesty in that bumble Motion I made at Christ-Church, that your Majesty would say in your Speech unto the Parliament; that in your Actions of Importance, and in the Dispositions of what Sums of Monies your People should bestow upon you, you would take the Advice of a settled, and a constant Council, I do humbly submit my self to your Royal Judg∣ment therein, and do beg your gracious Pardon, for any thing I said amiss in matter, or manner. But I take God in Heaven to witness, I had no aim at all to draw your Majesty to asperse thereby either the times past (for that was now past all Counsel) or

the time present: for your Majesty is but entred into your Reign: Or to admonish your Majesty, for I take God to witness, I held it no ways necessary: but did, and do believe, it is your absolute Resolution to govern by Council. And much less was it to make you go less in your Power. For many Kings in Parliament have said as much, Se actumo•• majora negotia per assensum Magnatum de Conciliis, who intended not to turn Dukes of Venice, but (as they proved indeed) great and mighty Monarchs at home, and abroad. But my only aim was (as I shall answer it at the last day) to save my Lord of Buckingham from those Invectives in this kind, which I saw falling upon hi••••, and to dispose the Commons, by that Clause of your Majesty's Speech, to a short, and a giving Session. If I had not been free herein from all Sinister ends, I had never dealt so ear∣nestly with my Lord-Duke the night before, that he himself would be pleased to move it to your Majesty. Lastly, what Protestation I have made for your Majesty, I do now, before God and you, make the like for my Lord-Duke's Service, a Person so much, and so deservedly favour'd by your Majesty, that I have not run any way at all with any Person of the one, or the other House, for the stirring, fomet••ing, or countenancing of any Accusation, Aspersion, or other disservice whatsoever against his Lordship, either in the first, or the second Access of this last sitting. Nor have I ever wish'd his Grace any more hurt, than to my own Soul, from that very hour your Majesty's most blessed Father sent me unto his Grace at Royston, to this very instant. And this I avow to be true, as I desire to find Favour from God, and my King. I write unto your Majesty under these Protestations to give your Majesty only) not any Man else) all fitting satisfaction, to whose Goodness I confess my self unexpressibly bound. Les me not, I beseech your Majesty, in point of Justice lose your Favour, upon groundless Suspicious of other M••n, who may themselves hereafter be better informed: But let me stand, or fall upon year Majesty; own Knowledge derived from the Information of indifferent, and dis-interossed Persons; upon which I will most willingly, and thankfully repose my part in your Favour, and mine own Happiness. In Confidence whereof I cast my self at your Majesty's Feet, &c.

23. This came to Salisbury, and was shewn to my Lord-Duke: which put his Cabinet to meet together again. And 'twas a notable Shift which came into their Heads, and wrought upon the King's Judgment, as that which had like∣lihood of Reason. Which was thus, that as the Keeper had been complain'd of, so he should be charg'd home with his own Words; nay, with his own Let∣ters: But none durst accuse him, till he was out of his Greatness. Upon the Expiration of that, the Proofs should be brought in: who coming about the first Week in October to Salisbury, and hearing this, told such, as were desired to carry it to the King, and the great Lord, that he would not sly the Tilt, nor start from any colour of Accusation. That the World would see how prepo∣sterous it was first to punish, and then to bring to Judgment. Multis minatur, qui uni facit injuriam. The wrong that was done to one Man, would affright all others with that Oppression. What Lord, or Gentleman in England, that had Place and Means, would think himself safe upon the Example of such Pro∣ceedings? From the hour that the Keeper committed this Message to trusty Friends to deliver it, the Gorgen's Head had a Veil drawn before it, and it never confronted him either at the Council-Table, or in any Court of Justice, but was laid still for ever. Yet was not a jot the better for it. The Suspicion was smother'd, and yet liv'd, and wrought as much to his prejudice, as if he had been tried before the Court of Areopagites, and convicted by their Verdict. Only this Happiness did live with him, and doth survive him, that such as have no Interest in it, but the discovery of Truth, do see, it was Crimen sine accusa∣tore, Sententia sine Concilio, damnatio sine defensione, Tul. Act. 7. in Verrem. He that was degraded without hearing, Tryal, Proof, Witness, Judges, is over∣thrown by Calumny, not by Accusation. For Accusation admits a fair, and a legal Process: Calumny is believed without a Contestation. After this, it was not long before some quick Eye espied a way to execute the King's Resolu∣tion, for divesting the Party of his honourable Place, but with such Moderati∣on, as would load him with no impeachment of his Service, but barely recal∣ling the Great-Seal from his Custody, because it was committed to him at first upon triennial Trust, and no longer. Which was no unwonted Revocation, says the great, and learned Luminary of Records, Sir Henry Spelman in his Glossary upon the word Cancellarius, Non perpetuus olim fuit honor, sed triennalis, vel qua∣driennalis. This device struck the Tally for all Debts, and Claims: and left the loser a more light Heart, though he parted with a heavy Purse. For he

took his farewel without the least Charge of Trespass, or Miscarriage: he was cast down, but fell not in the Dirt. Sua vulnera ridet— Germanam comitata fi∣dem, as Pruden. in Psychom. upon the Persecuted Church. Yet, though nothing was alter'd in him to appearance, when he was doom'd to resign his Office with such a plausible Dismission, pruning away the Circumstances of it, I cannot see how the substance of the Act could choose but displease him. For whether it come from a white, or a black Whip, the Wound will be blew. The Trans∣actions, with which all that remain'd were wound up, were first between the Lord Conway, and the Lord-Keeper: Lastly, with his Majesty, if they belong, let him skip them, that doth not like them. He that would satisfie Posterity, knows not how to leave them out. And it will be worth the noting, to learn from a wise Man, how to manage a broken Fortune. One of the first things that Comines praises in King Lewis his Master is, Optimòrationem tenebat ex adversis rebus eluctandi. To be fallen into great disfavour, and yet to come off with no blot of Credit, proves him that could do it a great Master in State-wisdom. A Boat-swain will tell you, That a rotten Ship had need of a good Pilot.

On the 15th. of October the Lord Conway came to the Lord-Keeper's Lodg∣ings in Salisbury, and began thus:

My Lord, His Majesty, some four days ago, gave me a Command to deliver a Message unto you, the which because it was sharp, and there might be occasion for change of Councils, I forbore to deliver till this Morning. That is, That his Majesty understanding that his Father, who is with God, had taken a Resolution, that the Keepers of the Great-Seal of England should continue but from three Years to three Years, and approving very well thereof, and resolved to observe the Order during his own Reign, he expects that you should surrender up the Seal by Allhallowtide next, alledging no other cause thereof. And that withal, that having so done, you should retire your self to your Bi∣shoprick of Lincoln.

Answer.

I am his Majesty's most humble Servant and Vas∣sal, to be commanded by him in all things whatsoever: The Great-Seal is his Majesty's. And I will be ready to deliver up the same to any Man, that his Ma∣jesty shall send with his Warrant to require it. And do heartily thank God, and his Majesty, that his calling for the Seal is upon no other ground.

(No indeed, said Mr. Secretary, no other ground that I know.)

Only this last Clause seemeth strange unto me, that I should be restrained to my Bishoprick, or any place else. And I humbly appeal to his Majesty's Grace, and Favour therein. Because it is no fault in me that his Majesty or his Father, hath made such a Resolution: Nor do I dispute against it; although the King that dead is continued me in the Place after the three Years ended: and the King that now is deliver'd me the Seal without any Condition, or limitation of Time. And therefore deserving no re∣straint, I humbly desire to be left to my discretion, which I will so use, as shall be no way offensive to his Majesty.

Lord Conway.

I conceive it not to be a re∣straint, but to mount in effect, that his Majesty intends not to employ you at the Table, but leaves you free to go to your Bishoprick.

Answer.

My Lord, I desire your fa∣vourable Intercession for an Explanation of that Point. And I beseech your Lordship to move his Majesty, that I may attend upon him (considering there is no offence laid to my charge) to present unto his Majesty two humble Petiti∣ons, nothing concerning this business in hand, but in general, the one concern∣ing my Reputation, and the other my maintenance.

Lord Conway.

I shall move his Majesty in the best Fashion I can, for your content therein.

Answer.

I thank your Lordship, and I doubt not of it: and the rather because I vow before God I am not guilty of the least Offence against his Majesty, and am ready to make it good upon my Life. And I make the like Protestation for any unworthiness done against the Duke: whose Hand peradventure may be in this Business.

Lord Conway.

I am ever ready to do good Offices: and if my Lord of Middlesex had been perswaded by me, I believe I had saved him: I am the Duke's Servant, but no In∣strument of his to destroy Men. My Lord, I being latly demanded by a great Personage, if it were true, that your Lord was guilty of such unworthy Practices towards the Duke, I answer'd plainly, I knew of no such things.

For which my Lord Conway having receiv'd due Thanks from me, he repeated my Answers, and my Petition to the King in few words, that he might not be mi∣staken. At the parting, my Lord Conway spake about the time of Resignation. I said it was all one to me, if it were before Christmas, as good soon as late. Then I ask'd his Lordship if I was restrained from the Board before the delive∣ring of the Seal: His Lordship answer'd, He knew of no such Intent.

25. October 16. Waiting on his Majesty by my Duty and Place to go to Church, my Lord Conway told me, He was now for me: I thank'd him, and past on to the Church, heard the Sermon, and at the Anthem after Sermon, desir'd him to tell me my Answer. He said, Well, do you long for it? And so we went on to the upper-end of the Quire, and said to this effect. This Morning entring into our dispatches with his Majesty, I desir'd him to stay a while, that I might relate your Answer to him: I told his Majesty, that you yielded to his Command with all possible Obedience: that you said the King remanded but his own, which you were very willing, and ready to restore. That for the Condition of three Years you would not dispute against it: being a way, that once you had your self recommended to the late King his Father. But for the Clause of retiring to your Bishoprick (which seemed to be a restraint, and no cause of Offence exprest) it wounded you much: and you sent it back to his Majesty's Consideration. Then I acquainted his Majesty with your Lordship's desire, to wait upon him, and to present his Majesty, without touching upon things settled and resolv'd, two Petitions; the one concerning your Reputation, the other concerning your Estate. His Majesty said, for the first, which is your retiring, he meant no re∣straint of Place: but for some Questions that might be renewed, and for some Considerations known to himself, he intended not to use your Service at the Council-Table for a while, un∣til his Pleasure should be further known. And for your Estate, you had no Wife, and Children. You had a Bishoprick; and his Father, to help you to bear the Dignity of your Office, gave you leave to hold the Deanry. His Majesty intended not to debar you of any of these, until he should provide you of a better. But he was content to admit you to speak with him when you pleas'd, so as you endeavour'd not to unsettle the former Resolutions. I gave his Lordship hearty thanks for his friendly, and faithful Car∣riage of my Petitions, and speedy return of an Answer, and assur'd his Lord∣ship it was as much Favour from him, as I could expect, or desire. Then I took occasion to kneel afterward, and thank'd his Majesty for his gracious Message sent by my Lord, who presently told my Lord Conway of it, and my Lord told me of it again. And that the King left it to me, when between this and All∣hallowtide to deliver the Seal: which he desir'd for the manner to be done most to my Content, and Reputation: and to have some time to send for him that was to succeed. I answer'd I was ready whenever his Majesty would send his War∣rant. Which my Lord desir'd I would draw up; and so we parted.

26. I sent upon Tuesday the 18th. of October, to desire leave to speak with the King, and Mr. Tho. Cary sent me word, his Majesty would speak with me the next Morning. But after Sermon the King told my Lord Conway what I had done, and was in a long, and serious Discourse with him. Then my Lord Conway (the King being gone to dinner) followed me into the Cloyster, and told me what the King had told him: And that he conceiv'd his Majesty was afraid, that I would press him to yield Reasons of those two Acts of his, the removing me from the Seal, and my abstaining from the Board. That his Lord∣ship found the King much troubled thereat: and as a Friend, nay as a Christi∣an man, he advised me by way of Counsel, not to do so: because it would much perplex the King, and do me no good. I answer'd, That I should falsifie my Word to his Lordship, if I should speak unto his Majesty upon any other Points, than those of my Reputation, and Means. And should not come near those forbidden Rocks, unless it were in one Point, which I did intend to move, but with his Lordship's Appro∣bation: and that was to preserve as much the Honoar of the King, as mine own, that for the manner of wishing my forbearance for a time from the Council-Board, his Ma∣jesty laying nothing to my Charge, would not be pleas'd to lay it as a Command by his Secretary, but leave it to my Discretion, who would be sure to use the matter, as to give his Majesty no Offence. That the rest of the Points were matters of means, which I repeated to my Lord Conway one by one. And his Lordship said, He thought verily the King would grant them every one. And his Lordship telling me again of his fear of the King's Offence, if I should endeavour to unsettle his Resolution, and that the King might fall sharp upon me, I answer'd, That his Lordship knew I had neglected the time to wrangle with the King, which should have been done upon the first message: Against which I had two unanswerable Objections. The first, that the King that dead is, released me of the Restraint to three Years in my Office, and continued me in the Place four Years. The second, that the King my Master delivered me the Seal as absolutely, as his Predecessors did to other Keepers, and Chancellors, without reviving or mentioning any such Condition. But that I had waved of all Objections, and sub∣mitted at the first word to relinquish my Place. And for sharpness, or the like word,

which passed from his Lordship on Sunday last, or that the King wisht my ab∣sence from the Board, lest Matters might be further question'd (his Lordship said he remembred it not) I said, Nec timeo, nec opto, it was a thing I did nei∣ther fear like a guilty Man, nor rashly desire like a vain-glorious Man. But my wishes were to retire to the Country, as without a Charge, by the King's own Confession, so, as near as may be, without any punishment: which concern'd the King in Honour, I thought, as much as it did me. For God never de∣stroys his Creature, but for some Sin. And if his Majesty did think the losing of my Place did disquiet me, to give him satisfaction, I vowed, and protested it did not: which my Lord-Duke also had under my hand. And that with his Majesty's leave and favour, and some consideration had of my Fortunes, I was willing to leave the Seal. Only I expected I should remain a Councellor, tho' lest to my discretion, when to attend, and be respected by the Lords from time time, as a Member of the Board. My Lord said, He conceiv'd it no otherwise, and that I might promise my self all respect from that Table, and his Majesty in that kind. Then said I, my Lord, There remains no more, but that I shew a Letter to your Lordship written to his Majesty, if you like it, which shall speak all my mind, be∣cause I will be utterly silent, when I come at Evening before his Majesty, save in pre∣ferring my Petitions, in which your Lordship did encourage me: Which Letter in the Copy his Lordship read over, and carried the Authentick with him. And so we parted.

27. After Dinner his Majesty took the Letter, and read that which followeth:

Most gracious Sovereign,

HAving done your blessed Father the best Service I was able while he lived (I am sure such as was acceptable to him) and some good Service at his Death; and being now fitted with a great deal of Industry, to do some Service to your Majesty in your great Affairs, yet it is your Royal Pleasure to displace me, not for any Crime or Unser∣viceableness, but to satisfie the Importunity of a great Lord. But I am ready with all Submission to bow myself to the Pleasure of God and my King. It is in your Majesty's Power to say to me your Vassal, as a Greek Emperor did to an Arch-bishop, Ego te Furne condidi, ego te destruam. I cast my self down at your Majesty's Feet, and do render your Majesty my unexpressible Thanks, that it hath pleased your Majesty to dis∣charge me of this great Place, without giving me any cause at all to use an Apology. Yet being still haunted with the old Aspersions in Court (the which were they true in any part, would fret, and tear my Soul in pieces) give me leave, dread Sovereign, to make this last protestation, in the sight of that God, who must judge you, and my Accusers (if any such there be) another day, that in all my Carriage in the last Parliament I am not guilty in Thought, Word, or Deed, of any one Act, Advice, Speech, or Counsel disserviceable to your Majesty, or any way diverting that end, which your Majesty pro∣posed unto us concerning that Assembly. Upon the same protestation I likewise avow be∣fore God, and your Majesty, that I am not conscious of the least Unfaithfulness against my Lord-Duke, by way of insinuating, encouraging, or abetting any one Clamour, or Aspersion against his Grace, or by omitting any one friendly Word or Action upon any opportunity I found to do him Service. Your Majesty can tell how I put my Life into his Hand and Power above a Year since in the Business of the Spanish Embassadors. And what Plot could I have against his Grace in the Meeting at Oxford, when I oppos'd it atHampton-Court, and Ricot, and would have had it put off at Woodstock? That I am as mere a Stranger, as any Lord that serves your Majesty, to all those disaffected Persons that appear'd so opposite to your Royal ends in the House of Commons. That I never spake in all my Life with any of them (excepting one, and at one time only, and that by Order and Commission) concerning any Parliamentary-business whatsoever. That I am content, if at any time admitted to my Answer, I shall be sufficiently convicted in any of these Premises, or any other Particular included under any of these, to renounce your Majesty's Favour as long as I live, and (which is the only Hell upon Earth to me) never look on your face again. But if all these Informations against a poor Bi∣shop, that so served your Father in his Life, and at his Death, be grounded only upon Suspicion, Malice, or Misapprehension, and be cried down (as they needs must be) by all the Members of the one, and the other House, pity me, dread Sovereign, and let me retire with the comfortable Assurance of your Majesty's Favour, that I may spend my days quietly in the Service of my God, in serving whom, as I resolve to do, I shall never fail to serve your Majesty, whom God Almighty prosper with all Success in this World, and with all Happiness, and eternal Glory in that to come.

28. The Letter being read, He was call'd for to the King immediately and had access to make his Petitions. His Requests were just, modest, and suitable to his Condition: and the King's Answers Princely and Prudent. The Petitioner ask'd first for his Majesty's Grace and Favour in general. His Majesty granted it, and gave him twice his Hand to kiss. 2. The Petitioner humbly thanking his Majesty for his gracious Promise, to take away none of his Church-Prefer∣ments, till he had given better in lieu thereof, besought his Majesty to keep the same benevolent Mind towards him: The King said, It was his Intention. 3. The Petitioner besought his Majesty to remember his Father's Promise, made before all the Lords, that whensoever he took away the Seal, he would place me in as good a Bishoprick, or Arch-Bishoprick, as he could: a Promise not only seconded, but drawn from your Father first by your Majesty. The King said, There was no such Place yet void: when any fell then it would be time to make this Request unto him, 4. The Petitioner besought, that his Majesty would dismiss him freely and absolutely without any Command from the Ta∣ble, but to leave it to his discretion to forbear: The King said, He ever intend∣ed it so, and never said a word to the contrary, but expected he would not offend by vo∣luntary Intrusion. 5. The Petitioner besought that his Majesty would declare unto the Lords, that he had willingly, and readily yielded to his Majesty's Pleasure, and that I part in your Favour and good Opinion, and am still your Servant. The King said, He would, but says he, I look that no Petitions be made for you by any Man at that time, but only for my Favour in general. 6. The Petiti∣oner besought that his Majesty, in his good time would make his Atonement with my Lord-Duke, either upon, or without Examination of those Informa∣tions, which the Lord-Duke had receiv'd against him. The King said, It be∣came not him, a King, to take up the Quarrels between his Subjects: And that the Duke had never exprest any such Enmity against him before his Majesty. The Petitioner thank'd his Majesty for the last part of the Answer, which revived him not a little, as did a short Letter lately received from the Countess, his Grace's Mother, which he besought the King to read, and 'twas this.

Noble Lord,

I Must not forget my Promise to your Lordship: I have had large Conference with my Son about you. And he tells me that the King is determin'd to put another into your Place. But for his own part he 〈◊〉〈◊〉 he is in Love, and Charity with your Lordship: And that he thinks your Lordship 〈◊〉〈◊〉 leave the Place better than you found it; and that you have done the King good 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in it. For the rest I shall give you better Satisfaction when I see you next, than I 〈◊〉〈◊〉 do by Letter. In the mean time, I am sorry there should be any unkindness betwixt your Lordship, and him that is so near to me, and that wish∣eth you both so well,

Mar. Buckingham.

Burleigh, Octob. 12.

The Petitioner went on, and besought, that whereas, by the King his Father's direction, he had bought a Pension, no new one, but the fame that was paid to Viscount Wallingford, of 2000 Marks per Annum, and had disbursed 3000 l. down for it, with which his Majesty was acquainted, and lik'd it, that his Majesty would be pleased, either to buy the Pension of him for the Sum laid out, and extinguish it: or to assign it to be paid him out of the Tenths and Subsidies of the Bishoprick, as before he had appointment to receive it out of the Hamper. The King said, Assignments were naught, but he would take order with his Treasurer, either to pay it, or buy it, as should be found most convenient. 8. The Petitioner besought, that his Majesty would please to bestow the next Prebend in Westminster, that was void, upon his Library-keeper, as his Father had pro∣mis'd, or to let him resume his Books again. The King said, it was full of Reason. 9. The Petitioner besought, that his Majesty would please to ratifie a Grant made by his Father of four Advousons to St. John's Colledge in Cam∣bridge, whereof two he had bought with his Money, and two the King gave him for the good of that Society. The King said, He would ratifie the Grant, and give way to amend any Errors in the Form, or in the Passing. 10. The Petitioner be∣sought, that he might have leave to retire to a little Lodge lent to him by the Lord Sandys, where my Lord Conway may receive the Seal, when his Majesty commanded it, in his Journey towards Windsor. The King granted it. Lastly, The Petitioner besought, that the King would not be offended at him, if upon

his discharge, reports were made that he was discontented, which he protested he was not, giving over so comfortably in his Majesty's Favour. The King said, He would do him that Justice, and that he little valued Reports: And, with a sweet Countenance, gave him his Hand to kiss with a gracious Valediction.

29. Poets use to have quaint Allusions in their Fictions: as when they tell us, that Pallas struck Tiresias blind, but gave him a Staff to walk with, Quo ve∣luti duce vestigiis inoffensis graderetur, Politia. Miscel. p. 80. So the King had set the Keeper but a Week's Period to keep his Office, but gave him good words to carry him merrily home. And certainly his Majesty meant real Performance of all his Answers, both because, he limited them so warily, in all his Conces∣sions; and because, if he were left to himself, he lov'd to keep his Word. For he was observ'd in all his Reign, that he seldom trod awry, but by mistrusting his own Judgment, and falling from it for their Perswasions, that came short of him a great deal in Wit, and Honesty. It was an Error: For a King should appear in that Magnitude, that no Man should expect to deceive him, or re∣move him from his Sentence. If he be too passive, he will be counted, at the best, but in the middle Rank of Men: who should not be contented with mediocrity of Reputation. For a Prince that is not valued for great, and excellent, will be contemn'd. Yet blame not that which came not from Sin, but from Softness. And say of his Majesly, as Eudaeus did of his Master Francis the first, Vir ad omnia summa natus: dignusque qui su••e naturae magis, quàm hiantibus aliorum cupi∣ditatibus indulgeret. The forlorn Keeper felt the Heaviness of this Lightness, who thought he had obtain'd much: but (excepting the four Advousons con∣firm'd to St. John's College) he mist all that he sought for, and expected. Af∣ter he had lest Salisbury (which was the next day) he could never receive a Far∣thing of his Pension, nor bring it to an Audit, to his dying day. Was it not a Debt? True: But it must be forborn to be paid, because he did not want it. Must the Rich, if they ask their own, be sent empty away? A Rule for none but the Conscience of a Leveller. But I press it for him, that he wanted it, and more than it, to do Works of Piety and Bravery: to do Works of Splen∣dor and Bounty; which was all the Use that he knew to be made of Wealth. As all is superfluous in a burning Candle, but that which the Snuff sucks up to maintain the Light: So the Life of every Man, especially of a temperate Man, is maintain'd with little: What should he covet more, than so much as will keep his Lamp in burning? Nor was the King's Scepter after that day held out to becken to him, to come towards his Majesty. The Favour of a Prince is sel∣dom found again when it is lost; like Plautus his Captive Maid, Semel fugiendi si data est occasi••, nunquam post illam possis prendere; if she take her to her Heels, and be gone, she will run away so far, that she will never be taken. The At∣tendants about a King are in the fault for this. Who will grow Strangers, and worse of a sudden to those that were lately in their Bosom, if a King send them off with disgrace. A cashiered Courtier is an Almanack of the last Year, re∣membred by nothing but the great Eclipse. Look for gentle Strains, and Civi∣lities among them, from the No••••es to the Huishers; but he that trusts to their Faith, and Friendship may go seek. That which this dismissed Lord did most pretend for, was to be called again, after some pause of time, to the Council-board. But he was utterly forgot: and his grief must be the less, because he was no Counsellor in the Management of those Contrivances, which bred the Troubles, as 'tis thought, wherein the Kingdom miscarried: So he resolv'd not to offer his Presence, where he should be checkt for appearing. It is sagely noted by Symmachus, Ep. p. 91. Qui excludi per improbos possimus, abesse interim velut ex nostro arbitrio debemus. Let it be my own act, says he, to refrain from the Imperial Palace, and let not haughty, and churlish Men have their Wills to exclude me. But before five days were run out, this relinquish'd Lord had intelligence, how the Duke talk'd so minaciously and loudly, that it made him throw all expecta∣tion of future Kindness over-board, into the dead Sea of Despair. Since this Disaster began, he was never couragious, and in good heart till then. Now, as Plato began, he was never couragious, and in good heart till then. Now, as Plato says of Socrates his Hemlock-Cup brought to him to drink it, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, he did not sip it, but carouse it off. So much doth it profit a Man to∣wards a settled Mind, to let no false Comfort in, when he is in the darkness of Misery. Hermolaus Barbarus had many Troubles rushing in upon him, after he was made Patriarch of Aquileia: Whereupon he writes, Politia. Ep. p. 405. I am surrounded with Terrors, and Opposition: and I look for no better Times hereafter:

which is the best, and only true Valour. Non est fortis, qui fortis est in spe: qui per∣fert mala, etiam si duratura viderit, fortis est. He that looks for better times, his Hope is his Compensation: but without Question it is too slack for For∣titude.

30. The Sun is now Setting. Upon the 25th. of October Sir John Suckling brought the Warrant from the King to receive the Seal; and the good News came together, very welcome to the Resignant, that Sir Thomas Coventry should have that Honour. From whom the Kingdom look'd for much good, and found it. Between both those two Worthies in that Office, I may state the Comparison, as Quintilian hath done between Livy and Salust, Pares eos magis fuisse, quàm similes; rather Equals than altogether like in the Management of the Place. The Warrant under the Signet went thus.

Charles R.

TRusty and Well-beloved Counsellor we greet you well:

You are to deliver, upon the Receipt hereof, our Great-Seal of England, whereof you are our Keeper, unto our Trusty and Well-beloved Counsellor Sir John Suckling, Controuler of our Houshold, the Bearer hereof: And this shall be a sufficient Warrant unto you so to do.

Given under Our Signet at our Court at Salisbury, the 23d. of October, in the first Year of our Reign.

Which was instantly obey'd: And the Seal being put into a costly Cabinet, in Sir John Suckling's Presence, the Key of the Cabinet was inclosed in a Letter, closed with the Episcopal Seal of Lincoln: The Copy whereof remains in these Words.

Most gracious, and most dread Sovereign,

HAving now no other Meditations left, than how to serve God and your Majesty in the Quality of a poor Bishop, I do humbly crave your Majesty's Favour in this last Paper, which I shall present to your Majesty in this kind, that I may president my self by two grave Bishops, St. Ambrose, and St. Chrysostom. In the former I find myself dispos'd for this Civil, as St. Ambrosewas for his natural Death. Non ita vixi ut me vivere pudeat: nee mori timeo, quia bonum habemus Dominum. That as I have not liv'd in my Place so altogether unworthily, as to be asham'd to continue in the same: so am I not now perturb'd in the quitting of the same, because I know I have a good God, and a gracious Sovereign. For the other, I present this my last, and dying Request, in the very last Words of St. Chrysostom: Moriar ego, sed me mortuo vigeat ecclesia▪ Let me retire to my little Zoar, but let your Gracious Majesty be pleas'd to recommend ••••••o my most able, and deserving Successor, an especial Care of your Church, and Church-men. To call upon the Judges, who (God's Name be prais'd) are ready enough to hear such Motions, to relieve the poor sort of Church-men, publickly affronted in their Persons by factious, and insolent Justices: or judicially wrong'd in their Causes by wilful and partial Jurors. Likewise to entertain, and countenance their just Plaints in that great Court of Chancery, the which, of all the rest in Westmin∣ster-Hall, as not proceeding upon the Verdicts of Lay and Country Juries, hath been ever by those of my Coat held most equal, and indifferent. Also to mingle always some few of the Clergy of best Means, and Discretion in the Commission of the Peace: who with their very Presence, and sitting in that place, are a great Countenance to their poor Brethren. And withal to keep and preserve poor Ministers from the Oppressions of malicious Informers, in that great and chargeable Court of the Star-Chamber. Lastly, to afford all the Clergy of England that Solace and Relief, which his Lordship know∣eth well they will expect from your Majesty, such a Son of such a Father. So may God make your Majesty more victorious than David, more wise than Solomon, and every way as good a King as your Majesty's blessed Father: It shall be the continual Prayer of,

Your Majesty's poor Subject and Chaplain, JO. LINCOLN.

Foxly, Octob 25.

This is the Dirge with which that Swan expir'd: Being careful of nothing, but that his poor Brethren might not be trampled upon over his back: especi∣ally those that served in Country Cures, among bad Pay-masters, and narrow-hearted, contentious Chuffs. So I have done with the ex-authorized Lord-Keeper, not fall'n in his worth, or in himself, though fall'n from a great Place. Be it justly ascrib'd to him, which Pliny doth to M. Cato, lib. 29. c. 1. Cujus autoritati triumphus, atque censura minimum conferunt, tanto plus in ipso est. There was enough in him still, to keep him as great as King James had made him.

31. The Subject which is now under the Quill is the Bishop of Lincoln. A few late Writers, who want the Polishing of Humanity, and the Meekness of Christianity, have done him high reproach in some Occurencies. They shall answer for it to God. I will only put this little Syrup into the Reader's Mouth, to take away the ill relish of those Defamations, that the Fire of Envy would have gone out by this time, but that there is a Pile of Vertue left behind, to keep it burning Yet even those Men have scarce given him a little scratch, or no more, anent his Episcopal Administration of his Diocess: He made that Office a good Work, 1 Tim. 3.1. Neither did he hold any Preheminence of Place, without an eminence of Worth, and Prudence. For four Years after his Con∣secration, he was not in Condition, through the great Burthen of other Im∣ployments, to appear among his Clergy. But it is well known to them that lived under his Charge in those days, that both Ministry, and Laity were greatly satisfied with his Government. For his Encouragements to the Best-deserving were very kind, his Dispatches were never intermitted, and his Directions strict∣ly look'd after, to be observ'd by those that were under him, in any part of his Jurisdiction. Yet to reach no further than Truth, from this time forward his Pre∣sence wrought more, than his Substitutes in his absence: his Light shin'd clear∣er, and the Influence of it was stronger, when he was six'd, and resident in his own Orb. As Columella commends it wittily to an Owner, to live upon his own Ground, if he would thrive; says he, Fimus optimus in agro est Domini vesti∣gium: So the Vineyard of Christ in every part of it will prosper best, when the Vine-dresser himself doth walk about the Field. Or to go higher, as Moses said of the promised Land, Deut. 11.12. It is a Land which the Lord thy God cares for: the Eyes of the Lord thy God are always upon it, from the beginning of the Year, to the end: So it runs like a Verse set to the same Tune to say, that the Eye of God is all the Year long upon that Portion of his Church, where the Diocesan is not a Stranger, but a Co-habitant, or, if you will, a Companion with his Brethren. And the Bishop having now no more to do with civil Distractions, bethought him instantly of the Duty of his Pastoral Staff, made Provision for an Houshold, which attended him in a great Retinue, and removed from Bark∣shire, without touching at London, to Bugden in Hunting donshire. His Privacy at Foxly conceal'd his Double-diligence, to make haste to be gone, lest more An∣ger should shower upon him if he tarried. Wherein I espy into Salmasius his Note upon Solinus, p. 327. That a Lion never runs away fast from his Enemies, but when he hath got into a shady Wood, and cannot be seen: Ubi virgulta sylvasque penetravit, acerrimo cursu fertur, velut abscondente turpitudinem loco. Be∣side, he that felt the Frowns, or rather the Despight of the Court, by being near to it, knew it was wholsome to change Air, to be rid of that Disease, as well as Hippocrates prescribes it for the worst Symptoms of the Body, Aphor. 20. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, To go to a new Soil, is good to miti∣gate an old Sickness: No question but being lodg'd now in his Episcopal Palace, his most proper Watch-Tower, he found it best for the best Health, that of a quiet Mind, and a good Conscience. He was in the way to know himself bet∣ter, when he was more alone to himself, than in late Years. He was at rest to make use of the Verse of a judicious Heathen,

Tacitum sylvas inter reptare salubres, * 11.1 Curantem quicquid dignum sapiente, bonoque est.

He might now do, as well as know the meaning, what the Scriptures intend, when they say that Rulers go in, and out before the People. For how can they go out unto them, that are never in among them? Else they may be out, but never in. Here this History hath found him, and shall recount things most me∣morable that there concern'd him, speaking after the rate of enough, and not a jot beyond it. This many, both Friends and Strangers to him, have desired often from the Author of this Piece to be informed in. And it is a quaint Rule which fell from Pliny, Lib. 35. c. 2. N. H. Nullum majus est felicitatis specimen, quàm omnes scire cupere, qualis fucrit aliquis. He is happy that hath lived so, that many desire to know how he lived. Into which every one that looks, will like this Order to proceed by, to rank things praise-worthy on the right-hand, as it were, by themselves; and all things on the other hand, which fell upon him by malevolent, and vexatious Accidents. Many of the one sort, and the other were coincident in time, yet it is no error to part them in the Relation, because they are distinct in Condition. His Vertues were ever in motion; and so were his Crosses. For the first he was not exalted in Mind, because he knew they were the Gifts of God: For the second he was not dejected, for he knew they were the Tryals of God. Joseph's party-colour'd Coat might portend ma∣ny. Changes in his Life; but it was an Ornament; and he wo••e it with distin∣ction from his Brethren, because his Father lov'd him.

32. I open the Door now to let the Bishop in to his Exchange. He came to his Seat of Bugden at disadvantage, in the Winter. And Winter cannot be more miry in any Coast of England, than it is round about it. He found an House nothing to his content to entertain him. 'Twas large enough, but rude, waste, untrimm'd, and, in much of the outward Dress, like the grange of a Farmer. From the time of his Predecessor, Dr. Russel, that was Lord Chancellor of England, and sat there in the Days of Edward the Fourth, and laid out much upon that place, none that followed him, no not Splendian Woolsey, did give it any new Addition: but rather suffered it to be overgrown with the Decays of an ill-favour'd Antiquity. This Bishop did Wonders in a short time, with the Will of a liberal Man, and the Wit of a good Surveyor: For, in the space of one Year, with many Hands, and good Pay, he turn'd a ruinous thing in∣to a stately Mansion. The out Houses, by which all strangers past, were the greatest Eye-sore; these he pluck'd down to the Ground, and re-edified with convenient Beauty, as well for use, as uniformity. These were Stables, Barns, Granaries, Houses for Doves, Brewing, and Dairies: And the outward Courts, which were next them, he cast into fair Allies, and Grass-plats. Within Doors the Cloysters were the trimmest part of his Reparations: the Windows of the Square beautified with Stories of colour'd Glass; the Pavement laid smooth and new: and the Walls on every side hung with Pieces of exquisite Workmen in Limning, collected and provided long before. The like, and better was done for the Chappel in all these Circumstances; and with as much cost as it was ca∣pable of: For the over-sight from the beginning was, that it was the only Room in the House that was too little. He planted Woods, the Trees in many places devised by him into Ranks and Proportions: But Woods are the most needful Supplies for Posterity, and the most neglected. He fenced the Park, and sto∣red it with Deer. He provided for good Husbandry, and bought in the Leases of the Demeasnes, for them that would stock the Grounds; which improvident∣ly, and for hunger of Monies, were let out to the very Gates. And though Aristotle 4th. Eth. say of a magnificent Man, that he is not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, costly upon himself: yet here was one of that Quality, that laid out much for his own Delight, and Satisfaction. He loved stirring and walking, which he used two hours or more, every day in the open Air, if the Weather serv'd: Espe∣cially if he might go to and fro, where good Scents, and Works of well-form'd Shape were about him. But that this was his innocent Recreation, it would a∣mount to an Error, that he should bury so much Money in Gardens, Arbors, Orchards, Pools for Water-fowls, and for Fish of all variety, with a Walk raised three Foot from the Ground, of about a Mile in compass, shaded and co∣vered on each side with Trees, and Pales. He that reports this knows best, that all the Nurseries about London for fair Flowers, and choice Fruits were ran∣sack'd to furnish him. Alcinous, if he had lived at Bugden, could not have liv'd better. And all this, take it together, might have stood to become five Ages after his Reparation. But what is there that appears now; or what remains of all this Cost and Beauty? All is dissipated, defaced, pluck'd to pieces to pay

it, I mean for them that sing with grace in their hearts to the Lord, Colos. 3.16. First, Well-tuned Musick was intermingled in the Liturgy of Prayers, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, says Basil; Notions of Piety will sink further into the Mind, through delightful warbling; and a Lesson so pleasantly deliver'd, lodgeth surer in the Memory. Therefore the Agathyrsians, in Plato's days, put their Laws into Songs, to prevent it in every Plebeian, that he might not forget them. Secondly, It must be very profitable to sing some part of holy Service, Quia cantans diutius super còdem moratur, says Aquinas, 2.2. Qu. 91. Art. 2. the Understanding dwells the longer upon all that it pronounceth, and knows that best, which it rehear∣seth with leisure and distinction. Nihil in transeursu oportet à Dris petere. It is one of Numas's Laws in Plutarch, and none of the worst of them; not to run over Prayers in haste, as a Bowl tumbles down a Hill, but with pause, and sober deliberation. Thirdly, all that love to have Church-work done with some of those holy Carols, appeal to experience, that they feel them now with a full Tide into their Heart sooner than plain reading. Aristotle in his 19 Probl. gives the Cause, why there is no Impression from Odours upon the Passions of the Mind, and but little from Colours, because the Objects of those Senses are con∣veyed into the Fancy without stirring, or agitation: but there is a great Con∣sent between the Musick, and the Spirits, because so much Motion concurs with the Harmony: how then shall the Affections be unstirr'd, when God is praised by Asaph, and the Quire? Will not the Heart be more passionate, when it ap∣plies it self to God in such tunable Solemnity, than by that which is utter'd in the vulgar Mode of Elocution? Fourthly, David requires it of the Saints, to make a chearful Noise to the God of Jacob. This is the use of Anthems, to make us merry, and joyful before the Lord. Can Flutes and Trumpets inspire a Resolution into the Breast of Souldiers? Or why do they carry them to Bat∣tel? Did Cornets, and other Wind-instruments animate the robustious Greeks, to stand out their Games with a Courage more than Manly? 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Arist. lib. 8. Polit. c. 5. It cannot be denied, says that Philosopher, but such Musick comforted them in their Conflicts, as if it had been an Enthusiasm. Turn it into a Church-way among good Christians, and will it not have alike Operation there? Will not a skilful Hymn made to God, enliven and penetrate as far to a Heavenly end, as other Minstrilsie had its effect in civil Applications? But this Seraphical Devotion is shut out of doors, and more than this, (O Lord thou seest it) until he open the Way again, who hath the Key of David.

34. Some will not be brought to like this, and some of later growth cannot easily be brought to understand it; it being hard for them to miss that, which they never knew. But in those days, when God was so worshipp'd, the Con∣course was great that came to the Bishop's Chappel for Devotions. So he had more Guests at his Table of generous and noble Extraction, than any Prelate in a long Memory before; for the Musick of his great Chamber, which did feed, and relieve the Ear, was sought unto, more than the Cheer which was prepared for the Belly. A Bishop, say the Scriptures, must be a Lover of Hos∣pitality: and so said Melito, the ancient Bishop of Sardis, who wrote a Book, Entituled, For Episcopal Hospitality, Euseb. lib. 4. c. 25. To which there was no need to exhort our Bishop. Mr. IV. S. that gives him not a good word beside in his History; allows him to be laudable in this. Bugden is a Thorough-fare in∣to the great Counties of Lincoln, and York; whose Nobles and Gentry, with their Retinues, call'd in at that Palace in their Passage, and found a sumptuous Table, and a Cellar free, if not too open. The House, as great as it was, was likely well sill'd. The Master of it delighted not in Solitude: for he loved not to save Charges. Beside such Passengers, he seldom sat to Meat without some of the Clergy, commonly a Coovy. The very Yeamanry of Fashion of the adjacent Towns were welcome, not only to his Hall, but to his Board. And though the Resort was such, yet he liv'd in that Order and Method, that his more serious thoughts were seldom interrupted with Domestick Affairs. The Poor were sharers in this Hospitality, more than any for their number, with whom he desired to divide the Goods of the Earth, that he might divide with them the Joys of Heaven. Aequè pauperibus prodest, locupletibus aequè, Horat. He hath been heard to say, that he would spend his own, while he had it: for he thought his Rivals would not always let him enjoy it. As the Athenians making merry with their Story, when Xerxes led his Army against them, would talk in a Frolick, that the Medes should not eat up this. Many thought

a great Debt would grow upon him for his wasting. But he was too wise to need another to audit his Estate for him. The Spaniard hath a pretty Refrain, Mas save el loco en su casa, que el guerdo in casa axeno: A Fool knows more in his own House, than a wise Man in anothers. But here was one whose Provi∣dence held up his Bounty. He run out far: but he knew where to stop; as he that takes a strong Purge, repairs it with a Cordial. Circumstances in some things are as much as Substance: every whit as much, nay more than the half of Hospitality. Some will have the Praise of the Entertainer to begin from the Chearfulness of the Countenance. Ante omnia v••ltus—Accessere boni, Lib. 8. Metamor. of Philemon and Baucis, wherein the Bishop had as singular Grace: A 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in his Person, a grave and a smiling Garb compounded together, to being Strangers into liking of their Welcome. The Honourable and the Mean had that share of Courtesie which belong'd unto them. Well exprest by Aemilius Probus, in the Character of Pom. Atticus, Hic Athenis sic se gerebat, ut communis infimis, par principibus videretur. Chearfulness at the Threshold must continue with pleasantness to the parting, or else a Guest doth penance: Wherein the Bishop won greatly upon all that he receiv'd. He demonstrated that his Mind was the lighter, because his Friends were about him: and his faceti∣ous Wit was true to him at those Seasons, because his Heart was true to his Com∣pany. If neat Apophthegms, and sallies of Ingenuity deserv'd to be book'd, his would have made an elegant Cluster. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, says Eunapius in his Proem: the Sports that drop from Vertue are observable.

35. These are Conditions look'd for in every discreet Man. A great deal more is requir'd in the Hospitality of a Bishop. Possidonius says of St. Austin, A∣nagnosten admensam adhibuit. So at this Table a Chorister read a Chapter in the English Translation at Dinner, and one of his Gentlemen another in the Latin Translation at Supper. For there was none of them but was bred at least to so much Learning. After that, Discourse took up the time: which was the Bi∣shop's delight, and the Hearer's profit. It is the chief end of repast with Friends. Propter Sermonis de lectationem tempestivis convivits delector. Cicer. de Senect. Let dumb Beasts hold their Heads in the Crib: But Man, that is a rational Crea∣ture, should be a rational Feeder: Herein the Bishop excell'd himself. For none could give better content in Discourse to all that sat with him at Meat. As Symmachus said of the like, coming from a learned Man's Mouth, Lib. 2. Ep. 6. Nihil quod non meum vellem, nibil quod non admirarer audivi. The old Fa∣thers said the same things, or that which was like the same things in their Col∣loquies. He could make himself all things to all Men, and close with all sorts, according to their Argument, and Capacity. If a Barly-corn were fitter for some than a Pearl, he would scrape it out for them. Where it was vain to sound the shallowness of some with a deep Line, he instructed them with Per∣spicuity, after their own measure. But when he had the Society of them, that were of good Reading, and strong Notions, he would propose, and hear, and reply, and canvass a Question with that Reason, and Instances of Antiquity, yet with such a Gust of Hilarity, that he contented all with his Judgment, and endeared them to him with his Civility. Far more might be said than this to his praise: but it is better to supply it with Admiration. And because his Breasts were full, and had need to be drawn: the choicest, and most able of both Universities came thick unto him; as Erasmus in an Epistle to Sixtinus, p. 140. writes of some learned Men, that invited themselves to a Meal with him, Ejusmodi homines, qui Academiam possint facere, non modò convivium: So such company was often about the Bishop, as made Bugden look like an Academy, and the Cheer like a Commencement. None could reach himself out with more Humanity to please them all, unless any thought it troublesome, as I think they did not, that he continued Discourse till Midnight, or after. From Cambridge, that being so near, and he so hospital, he was daily visited. But when Dr. Ward, and Dr. Brownrigg (now the Right Reverend Bishop of Exon) came to do him Ho∣nour with their observance, it was an high Feast with him. These were Saints of the red Letter in the Calendar of his Acquaintance. Occurrunt animae, quales neque candidiores—Terra tulit, Horat. This noble Pair were both most Godly, most Learned, most Humble; fit to make Friends with the most vertuous, and chiefly, (for so it was) between themselves. The first was of a sad Temper: the second more chearful. The first slow, and profound: the second quick, and acute. Dr. Ward in the Chair a rare Determiner: Dr. Brownrigg in the Schools an un∣parallel'd Disputant, and in the Pulpit a most divine Preacher: As Tully said of Crassus and Scevola, In aliquibus dissimiles erant inter se, statuere tamen ut non possis,

cujus te malles esse similiorem. So these two in some things were Matches, in some things unlike, in all things excellent: and happy were he that could be like to either. He that received such as these under his Roof, might be comforted, not that he received Angels unawares, but Christ himself in his Disciples. This Matter might have broken off here, but that Mr. W. S. who likes the Gallantry of the Bishop's House-keeping, adds that which was very true, that Watches were set to note, and espy him. Warning was given by some, that were ap∣pointed to it. The Court is not always the closest Cabinet to keep Secrets: As Budaeus observes it, Lib. 3. de Asse. fol. 105. Aius ille Locutius arcanum nihil sinit esse eorum, quae in Aulâ geruntur. But the Bishop would take no knowledge, that such a Snare was laid; esteeming of it as Physicians do of Cancer Occultus, that it is more safe to let it alone, than to go about to cure it: nor was it easie for him to keep in his Freedom: Which yet many times had subtlety mixt with it; such as Fulgentius says was in Padre Paulo, That he would seem open in his Talk, out of an admirable Dexterity to make others speak freely. But more often custom did make his Words run from him, without regard to those that might be suspected: As Camerarius writes of Melanchthon, Oratio ejus erat libera, etiam sine circumspectione, & consideratione eorum, coram quibus illa haberetur. Where much Knowledge, and a sweet Nature meet with intelligent Company, Dis∣course will flow without an over-anxious advertency upon the Hearers. Yet Offence could never be grounded upon his Words, if a candid Interpretation judg'd them. Doubtless he that had lost one Eye, would be more tender to keep the other. As for those Spies, and State-rats that are set to run, and scent in every corner; Budaeus, a great Courtier as well as a Scholar, in his Work cited before, Fol. 188. Accounts them to be most ignoble Instruments, bred at first under the ragged Princes of Asia. But he that did most employ them was Midas, King of Phrygia, which gave occasion to the Fable, that he had Asses Ears. Quem narrant asininas aures habuisse, quod multos otacoustas, auricularios, & sermonum captatores haberet. Thistles were fitter for such Asses to feed on, than the sumptuous provision of a most bountiful Lord.

36. Though the good Fare remembred was much seen, and much talk'd of, yet there were Issues of Liberality from the same Purse no less, or more, to be approved. The Lordly Senators of Rome sed the Bellies of their Clients, that came officiously to salute them; Fructus amicitiae magnae cibus, Juven. Sat. 5. And that was all the good they did. But as this Bishop's Table was free and open, so was his Hand: Except Bishop Andrews, who was sublime in all Ver∣tue, there was not so great a Giver of his Order, to the Supply of the Learned, and of Gentlemen of hard Fortune: whom he gratified with no small Sums. Beside some poor Scholars of eminent Hopes in both Universities, whom he cherish'd with sufficient Pensions to maintain them modestly. A Servant of a worthy Family that look'd to his Disbursements, Mr. John Mostyn, will avouch it, that in such charitable Out-lets, he spent a Thousand Pounds every Year at the least, sometime Twelve Hundred. Whatsoever Colours you lay upon the praise of a great Man, certainly such Works are the best Mettal of his Coat. Titulis & fascibus olim—Major habebatur donandi gloria, Juven. ut supra. And that's Truth in Ar. Will. History p. 196. That this Bishop was of a bountiful Mind to Men in want, being a great Patron to support them, when there was Merit that wanted supply. The same Author hath instanced in one of the best, to whom he did minister out of his store, the Man whose Renown will ever be fresh, Dr. Peter Moulin, the Elder; Who flying from the mortal Threatnings of his Enemies at the time of the Siege of Mount-Alban, and finding harbour in England, was not only furnish'd for his present use by this compassionate Providor, but he sent also for his Son Dr. Peter the younger out of France, or∣dain'd him a Deacon, to make him capable of his Patronage, instituted him into a Donative, one of the best in North Wales, and caused him to engage, that Provision should be made out of it for his Mother-in-Law, as it were in the way of a Joynture, if the survived his Father. A Benefit which the Father, that great Pillar of the Reformed Churches in France, neither sought, nor ex∣pected. For he had never seen his face that conferr'd it: and came so welcome to discharge him from all further care of laying up for his Family, that among his other rate Gifts, he proved the most acknowledging, true-hearted, and con∣stant Friend, that ever the Bishop had to do with. From whom he was pre∣sented every Month with all those Rarities, which the Gallican Church, and State set forth. Neither were the Moulins, the Father and Son, the All, and the

only ones among the Worthies of the Transmarine Churches, that were Debtors to his Courtesie. But, as our holy Fathers Grindal, Whitgift, and Abbot had done before him, many in the Universities of France, and the Netherlands, that were 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Men of Fame and Industry, were greeted from him with ample Tokens of Benevolence. For though the Government, and comely Order of our Church is far better contrived than theirs, through the good Hand of God upon us, yet he was not pufft up, like some, that think their Imperfections make them unworthy of Communion with us. Is there but one Tree of Knowledge in all the Paradice of the Church of God? Or must all be despised that are not reformed ad amussim? The good God pardon every one, that prepareth his heart to seek the Lord God of his Fathers, though he be not cleansed according to the purifica∣tion of the Sanctuary, 2 Chron. 30.19. Alas, yet many of these, or their Col∣leagues, since they were filled with good things from our Right Reverend Fa∣thers, have turned against us, and have brought fuel to kindle the fire, which hath burnt up the houses of God in our Land. Lord lay not this sin to their charge. They have received good things from us: and we have received evil from them. The white stone is on our side: the blot is on theirs. But our Bishop's End was good, the Coag∣mentation of the parts of the Building of God's House, and to oblige the Ma∣ster-builders; His Prudence, and Humanity went far to close up Breaches, and to advance Unity. And as the Showers of the Clouds drop upon Thistles, as well as Wheat, so a frank Spirit will not be over-curious to examine, into whose hands it puts a little Dust. Let it fall on the right-side, or on the left, let God look to that, who knows the Heart. This the Bishop believed, and knew that what he receiv'd from the Church, was not given for the Interest of one Man to lay it up for himself. St. Ambrose tells us so, Ep. 2. ad Valen∣tini. Nihil ecclesia sibi nisi fidem possidet: possessio ecclesiae sumptus est egenorum.

37. Let me proceed a little further, and the Readers will wonder, out of what Mine the Bishop digg'd the Wealth to expend so much. It was never ob∣serv'd by those about him, that he gather'd much in his great Office. He was provident indeed, and let nothing run waste: and honest Thrist will help to save a few Spoonfuls, but not so much as to fill a Cistern. I can refer it no better, I am certain, than to the unknown Blessing of God, who multiplied his Substance the more, because he gave it chearfully. For in the midst of his Profuseness he fell upon Works of great Munificence, which could not come into a narrow Mind, nor be finish'd by a narrow Fortune. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, says Plutarch out of Menander, Happy is he that hath a good Inheri∣tance, and a good Will to use it. He look'd first upon the Palace at Lincoln, built for none but the ancient Bishops of the See, that had Four and Thirty rich Mannors belonging to them, which were alienated in Dr. Holbech his time, though not by his fault, and were never recover'd: beside a vast Jurisdiction of great Profit, derived into other Channels. This Palace, fit for the Pomp of those great Potentates, was formidable to their poor Successors, that could not keep it warm, with the Rents that remain'd. But it was come into the Possession of one, that did not stick at such Considerations. For although it did seem irreparable in the Dilapidations; and Workmen did ask so much, as the Neighbours of the Close did think it would deter the Master of it, yet in three Years he brought it on, and up, to as much strength and comliness, as when it was first inhabited. And because he found a decay of Learning in those remore Parts, for want of good Books, he design'd it among his good Deeds to provide a Remedy, another Store-house for Authors of all Arts and Sciences, like those of Westminster, and St. John's in Cambridge, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as Athenaeus calls the Alexandrian Biblotheque, Lib. 1. c. 9. The Flasket, or coffer to put in the Jewels of the Muses. Presently he bought the Library, and caus'd it to be con∣veighed to Lincoln, belonging to Dr. Day, sometimes Rector of St. Faith's in London, whom the Stationers, his Parishioners, had furnish'd with a full Study, fitting for such a Scholar, that knew how to use so great a Magazine. Timber was hewn out, and dispos'd in the Yard, to make a capacious Room to hold these Books. Other Benefactors were ready to garnish it with their Oblations. But unkind Troubles, that came thick upon the main Founder, stopp'd the ad∣vance of it so long, that the Timber came into the Hands of Souldiers, to make Fortifications; and the Books became a Prey to every Vultur that could catch them. A Work of better success shall compleat this Paragraph. A great Wit, and one that made this Bishop his Executor in his last Will, the Lord Bacon, says well in his Essay of Parents, That none have such care of Po∣sterity,

as they that have no Posterity: Which appears in this Prelate; who added to the rest of his famous Deeds, the repairing of one side of Lincoln Colledge in Oxford, especially the Building of a most elegant Chappel, which it had not be∣fore. The Form of it was Costly, Reverend, and Church-wise. The sacred Acts, and Mysteries of our Saviour, while he was on Earth, neatly colour'd in the Glass-windows. The Traverse, and lining of the Walls was of Cedar-Wood. The Copes, the Plate, the Books, and all sort of Furniture for the Holy Table, rich and suitable. All which he did with the greater Willingness, because the Society flourish'd at that time with Men of rare, and extraordinary Learning. These so many costly pieces of Charity and Magnificence, are not Opuscula, but Opera, great Matters to be perform'd by one Man, in the compass of Seven Years: And it being, as I may say in the Words of Amos, Cap. 7.1. the latter growth of his Estate, after the King's Mowing. Such Works a Bishop should aim at, because therefore God gave him his high degree, says St. Jerom, Lib. 1. Con. Jovin. In majore ordine conslitutus, possit, si velit, occasionem exercen∣darum habere virtutum. Let our Bishops of old times have their due praise, they were great Benefactors to Churches, and Colleges. I say more, they did well, and left a Pattern to their younger Brethren, that rose up in their places, to do well by their Copy: And as Symmachus says, p. 205. Autor est bonorum sequenti∣um qui reliquit exemplum. They are a kind of Co-founders with the good Men of after Ages, that gave them an Example to imitate their Fore fathers. But be it consider'd, without disparagement to their Piety, that their Wealth was great; they were at Cost upon the Houses of God, when their Wings were cover'd with Silver, and their Feathers were of Gold. But this Man had but a Scan••ling of their ample Fortunes. Others we know larded all over with the Fat of the Earth, who are not Competitors, with the Bishop in this Glory. Such as by Profession of the Law, or Traffick by Seas have gather'd up Gold like the Stones of the Streets, and leave it all to their own House; Qui usque ad cen∣tesimum nepotem se animi obstinatione propagant, as Budaeus tells them de Ass. p. 105. Who reckon that all they have is little enough, to bequeath to their Seeds seed, for an hundred Generations. And yet are no better than Persian Eunuchs, full of Honour and Riches, and leave no Memory behind them. And if they give one Sheaf out of a full Barn, they have not the Heart to do it with their own Hand, and see it well employ'd with their own Eyes; but commend it by their Will to the Execution of their Survivors. Whereas one Sacrifice of Alms, done for God's sake, offer'd up in our own Life, paid down in our own Person, and not by Proxy, is more acceptable, than five Legacies of posthumous Liberality. But I will stop, and will say no more of the Bishop's pious Benignity, than a Word out of Tertullian's Apology, Quantiscunque sumptibus constet, lucrum est, quicquid pietatis nomine fit. He shall receive more than he gave; for Godliness is great Gain.

38. It was free for him to do what he would with his own, to be or not be a great Benefactor, or a great Giver: but it was his Duty to be a good Govern∣our. Put him then into that Scale, and weigh him, and begin from his own Family: Wherein very effectual and imprinting Passages are not wanting. A Bishop should be blameless, and of good Report. Good Reason then for a Batchelor to walk very strictly, to shun the Defamation of his Chastity: Therefore this Man would suffer no Woman-kind to do any Service within his Gates. Tho' they are siner-handed than Men for Cleanliness, yet better to endure a little Dust in the Rooms, than that a single Man should have their Company. This was his Order, more for his Follower's sake, than for himself. Who was pri∣viledged from his Childhood from suspicion of Incontinency: and needed no Compurgation, but such as Methodius had, says Baroni. Anno. 843. c. 3. Metho∣dius de fornicatione accusatus, prodidit seipsum eviratum esse. This will stop the Mouth of Slander, unless his Credit came before such as had rather hear the worst of Men, than the Truth. Fame is too hard for Innocency. If it get abroad, it will never stand still, till Age have made it weary. For whose pre∣vention the Heathen knew no other way, but to set up an Altar to it, that it might befriend them. So Aschines in his Oration against Timarchus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Their Fore∣fathers did those divine Honours to same, as to the mighty Goddess, that car∣ried all before her. Not insisting to a Word more in the Negative, what they were, whom a discreet Governour could well want in his House: In the Af∣firmative it was taken up to be the School, or Academy of young Nobles. Such

was the Fatherly respect that our ancient Prelates had, to the Sons of our great∣est Peers, that their Palaces were the Nurseries of their Children: where they were bred to serve God, and the King; and to shun the Stains of Honour, Vice and Ignorance. The two, and only Male Branches of Charles Duke of Suffolk were brought up with Dr. Holbech, in this Mansion of Bugden, and died there both in one day of the Sweating-sickness, greatly lamented, as it is engraven up∣on their Tomb in the Chancel of the Church adjoyning. So Pope Adrian the Sixth, says Onuphrius, carried the Sons of some great Princes of Germany to Rome, when he was elected to the Papacy, and kept them under his own Eyes, till the Italians, guilty of their own Filthiness, made Pasquins of the Pope, who meant well alla Todesea, and never dream'd of the odious Lust of that Nation. Which good Custom was revived among us by this honourable Person who lived in manner and order of the good Bishops, as Mr. W. S. confesseth, and made an Academy of his House, receiving into it many hopeful Branches of Honour, the Sons of Marquis Hartford, of the Earls of Pembroke, Salisbury, and Leicester, with many others of the Gentry, of the same tender Age, to bear them com∣pany, whereof some were of his own Blood and Country. These had Pre∣ceptors, who accounted often to the Bishop, how their Charges were season'd with Piety, and prosper'd in Learning. To such as grew ripe to be removed to the Universities, he read himself a brief System of Logick, and sent them from him, beside the Verbal Art of Grammar, tinctur'd with the Syllogisms of Reason. His own Servants resorted to the Exercises of this Education, as they were capable.

39. Chiefly his Care was Great and Godly, to ground them throughly in the Principles of Religion. Whom he committed not to a Chaplain, to oversee them in a point of that Consequence, which concern'd the Life of their Souls, but proved them one by one himself, from the most honourable, to the mean∣est in the Kitchin and Stables, what Answers they could make to the Funda∣mental Questions of the Catechism. A most Christian Exercise for young and old: but the sweetest Milk that Youth can suck in. Sic lacte relicto —Virtutem gens tota bibit, as Sidonius hath it in his Panegyrick. Good things that are soonest learnt, are longest remembred: As the Figure will continue, which the Seal imprints upon soft Wax. And it was thought of old, that the Catechist, wa∣ving this Offering of first Fruits before the Lord, did derive as much Benefit to himself, as to his Disciples, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that of Clemens is very elegant 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Lib. 1. If he be a sound, and sincere Man, he doth best learn the Doctrine of his own Questions, and is the best Hearer of his own Ex∣hortations. The opportunity which this Bishop did observe, constantly to in∣struct his Domesticks in their Catechism was Lent. He that is a Lover of An∣tiquity, will the better love Piety. Look back Fifteen Hundred Years, which within one Century is at the top of the Primitive Church, and we find, that the best Practicers of Mortification, that liv'd in those blessed Times, made a more solemn use of Lent, than of any part of the Year, for Austerity of Tem∣perance and Repentance, for Catechising and Preparation to keep the great Feast of Easter, with the unleavened Bread of Sincerity. Whom should we imitate? or if you will, whom should we emulate, rather than those whom Basil calls (and he was one of them) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the live Images of holy Profession? Which way do we walk, if we shun their Foot∣steps? Were not Men of the best times, best to set out the choicest times for Devotion, and remembrance of Christ's mighty Works? Suppose we did not appeal to those Examples: yet our modern Turn-abouts cannot evince us, but that we feel we are best affected, when the great Mysteries of Christ are cele∣brated upon Anniversary Festivals. He that will make no use of their Practice, that were famous above all, that liv'd in a most sanctified Generation, is very proud. But he that will check Experience, and will not trust to the Testi∣mony, which millions of good Christians will protest that they feel in the in∣ward Sense of their Hearts, is refractory: I must speak roughly, is impudently contumacious. Whom I will encounter with the Words of Paraeus in 14 Cap. ad Roman. p. 372. Utile est praecipuas Dei patefactiones, & beneficia in ecclesiam collata, stato tempore publicè repetere, & populo inculcare,—Ut sint notissima, & in perpetuâ memoriâ. Magis enim movent, & haerent in memorià juventutis & populi, quae solenniter, anniversarie, simul, ab omnibus, & uno consensu fiunt, quàm quae alias ab aliis fiunt, & dicuntur. See more there. But see, and say what you will, Novelists had

rather be talk'd of, that they began a Fashion, and set a Copy for others, than to keep within the Imitation of most excellent Presidents.

40. I have not done with the Governance of this Family. Which was the worse thought of by some strict Censurers, because the Bishop admitted in his publick Hall a Comedy once or twice to be presented before him, exhibited by his own Servants for an Evening Recreation. Some, that liv'd in nothing but Pleasure in the Court, objected, that such Pleasure did not befit him, that was under a Cloud. But he that had cast all Hopes and Fears aside, did an∣swer, What have I done to live the worse, for their sakes, that do not love me? Others did condemn all Stage-plays, and him that did allow them. These are small Quarrels, that cannot blemish so much desert. Atomi in sole natantes non augent pondus bilancis, says one. No Scale is the heavier for Atoms that fly about it. Nor will I put his Worthiness to a Compromise, for such a triffle. Young Men must have their Delights: and old Men must countenance them. Pliny the younger wrote but that which was equal to his Father, Lib. 9. Ep. Demus alienis oblectationibus veniam, ut nostris impetremus. There are divers ways of So∣lace, according to the taste of Sanguine, or Phlegmatick Complexions: of fine, or obtuse Wits. Allow others their acceptable Mirth; and then presume to be allow'd your own. But it comes home to the Person, what Erasmus sent to Arch-Bishop Warham, Lib. Ep. p. 386. Cur vitio detur Summatibus viris, si quando curis delassatum animum risu resiciant? He that will not permit the gravest Se∣nators to refresh themselves, and to laugh at Toys, deserves to be laught at. No Man more wise, or more serious than Arch-Bishop Bancroft, the Atlas of our Clergy in his time: and he that writes this hath seen an Enterlude, well present∣ed before him at Lambeth, by his own Gentlemen, when I was one of the youngest Spectators. But it was imputed to this Bishop, what Matchiavel notes in Scipio Affricanus, That he knew better how to keep himself from Faults, than to correct the Faults of those whom he commanded. Or, at the best, that the Bishop was more vigilant to prevent disorders in his House, than to punish them. The Exception is material: for those two things, Thou hast loved Righteousness, and hated Iniquity, Psal. 45.7. are conjunctive, and not to be separated. Yet consider, his Retinue was great. The Sons of no mean Men were preferr'd to wait upon him, not for Wages, but to learn Fashions, as the Stile runs: who did not look to be bridled in with such attendance, and strictness, as their Fel∣lows. Suppose some Trespass should fall out among them; commonly the Ma∣ster of the House is the last that knows it. Dedecus ille domûs sciet ultimus, Ju∣ven. sat. 10. Yet this Pen shall not spare him: but will Vote with them, that think he did exceed in Oeconomical Clemency. As Camerarius would not ex∣cuse Melanchthon for it, p. 37. Qui conniveret ad familiarium suorum nimiam ali∣quando licentiam. This Bishop could not put off a charitable Propension, and Patience, to hope for their return at length, that had wandred. He could chide, and aloud, but he could not easily put away a Delinquent. The Gen∣tleness of the Parable stuck close to him, These three Years have I come, and found no Fruit, but let the Tree stand one Year more, and it may prove better. He that proceeds impartially against Vice, is a righteous Phineas, Uni aequus vir∣tuti, atque ejus amicis, Horat. Lib. 2. Ser. 1. And he that forgives much, is a meek Moses. Mercy, as I may say, is the Parelius that shines out of the Light of Sanctity. A difference is to be made of the size of Sins. Such as Hophni and his Brother committed, are not be slubber'd over with their Father Heli's Daubing; Nay my Sons, I hear of your evil dealing, it is not a good report, 1 Sam. 2.24. Or as Pope Paul the Third carried himself to his ungracious By∣slips (an Incubus could not have begot worse) who made no further Inquisition after their horrid Facts, but to say, They learnt it not of him: This were to take part with Sinners against Heaven and Earth. But if the Offence be no worse than Negligence, or Rashness, it is not Mercy, but Justice to pass it o∣ver. A small Cut in the Finger will heal of it self. If a Misdemeanour were done, that had apparent Corruption in it, and with Recidivation, which made it far worse, the Bishop was very eager, and full of Minacy in his Repre∣hension. Yet a little Submission, perhaps too little, would mitigate him. If the Offender did blush, which is the colour of Vertue; much more if he wept, which is the Syrup of Vertue, he was restor'd to his Place, and too soon to Fa∣vour. A dry Eye in a Delinquent he could not well brook: it is a sign of a dead Heart. Therefore some say, that Witches neither upon Examination, or Torture, were ever seen to shed a Tear. The most that wrought upon him

(his Discourse discover'd it) was, that there is somewhat that is good in the worst Men: and he look'd, and hoped that in time it would eat out the Rotten∣ness of the bad part. As one should say, take a Brand's end, not by that part which is burnt, but by that which hath not taken fire, and you may hold it safely. This, the Impunity of lewd Ones, is not held out to be excused, but to be avoided. He that us'd it, I am certain, got no good by it. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, says the Orator, ad Daemon. Employ no wicked Man in your Affairs; for some Judgment will retort upon you. Not to leave the Bishop altogether at blame for his Remisness, he cashier'd one or two that were incorrigible in their Riot, and one for Treachery. I would as bad had not come in his room. It was Mr. N. T. a Musician, and a Divine: one that could make better Musick upon an Organ, than upon a Text. He had leave to use the whole House, to go in∣to the Bishop's Bed-Chamber, or Study. Our Naturalists say a Lion suspects no fraud. Unawares the Organist transcrib'd some Letters which he found, and sent them to an Enemy, who compass'd this Bishop about with such Toils, Saltusque indagine cingit, Virgil. The Romans thought it was possible by Incan∣tation to draw the Tutelary Gods out of a City, which they besieged, Plin. lib. 28. c. 2. So this Inchanter thought it feasible, to draw Intelligence out of Clo∣sets, and Cabinets, by such as wanted a Fortune: and that he could force open any thing with the Petard of Preferment. He miss'd not his aim in this false Brother, upon whom he caus'd a Prebend to be conferr'd in the Church of Wo∣ster. Wherein the Corruptor was worse than the Corrupted: as Malice is worse than Covetousness. I will say for N. T. as Isocrates doth for Euthynus in his Ora∣tion call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Nec Euthynus Niciam laesisset, si alium quempiam tantá fraudare pecuniâ potuisset. So this Musician would not have abus'd so kind a Master, if he could have got a Prebend by an honester Course. The Coronis to this Matter is thus: Some bad ones in this Family were punish'd strictly, all rebuk'd, not all amended. Curam exigeris, non curationem. The Bishop was not wanting in Care, but the Cure was in the Power of God.

41. Government the more publick, and the further it extends, it gives the greater Lustre: Whereof the Candle put upon the Hill that could not be hid, was his own Example, directing his Clergy to their Duty by his own often Preaching. Injunctions, Articles, Orders, Advertisements, and the like. I have heard wise Men say, expire with the Prince's Life, that appointed them: saving that their Prudence and Equity do never expire. But Canons oblige till they be lawfully repeal'd. The first Canon among us, that I know, past by Convocation, and confirm'd by Royal Authority, is that of 1571. That all Bi∣shops should diligently teach the Gospel, not only in their Cathedral Churches, which they govern, but also in all the Churches of their Diocess, where they shall think it most needful. And principally they shall exhort their People, to the Reading, and Hearing of the Holy Scripture, &c. Which Canon this Bishop did awake in his frequent Practice. He had good Gifts to preach withal, and good Gifts are given to pro∣sit others. None of God's Talents must be hid in a Napkin, nor in a Rochet. And who doth hide them? Qui percepto dono sub otio torporis abscondit, says Gregory, Past. cu. Lib. 1. c. 9. Which Sin had been the greater in this great Divine, who was so apt to teach, so able by found Doctrine to exhort, and to convince Gain∣sayers. Who excell'd his Brethren in that Faculty, as much as he did transcend them in Dignity: It is not to set him forth at an Hyperbolical rate; but that this Testimony may be given him, that the best, that were famous in the Pul∣pit, might learn Method, and Perspicuity from him. He had not his fellow in that Point of Art. And he spake as one that deliver'd the Oracles of God, 1 Pet. 4.11. His Notions were not vulgar, but found and weighty, smelling of Pains, and of Piety. Many a Sabbath-days Journey he took to the adjacent Towns, to let them see, and hear their Diocesan: not omitting the Punctilio of the Canon, to stir them up to the Reading, and Hearing of Holy Scriptures, but taught it with much variety from Luk. 16. v. 31. If they hear not Moses and the Prophets, neither will they be perswaded though one rose from the dead. The sound of Aaron's bells were to be heard when he went into the holy place, and when he came out, that he died not, Exod. 28.35. Iram judicii exigit, si sine sonitu praedicationis incedit, says Gregory again, Lib. 2. c. 3. Be it that place be eminently meant of Christ our High Priest, who was heard of God in his Mediation, and of the Peo∣ple in his Instruction. Yet it belongs, by way of Pattern, to all them, whom Christ hath sent, as his Father sent him. Sweet is the Sound of their Golden Bells. Gold doth not give a shrill noise, like sounding Brass, or tinkling Cym∣bals:

but it is rich, and precious. The Multitude, by ill custom, look for Clamour, strong Lungs, and weak Doctrine. But happy are those Auditors, that can try which is a golden Bell, upon the Touch-stone of their Under∣standing; and run not giddy after them, whose words are hot in the Mouth, and cold in digestion. Those Ages did afford the best Disciples, that learnt their Principles from the gravest Fathers. And the People did profit most, where the Bishops preacht most. As St. Austin says, that so long as he staid at Millain, every Sunday he heard the great Doctor, St. Ambrose. Millain, or any other City; Bethany, or any Hamlet, would forsake others to hear them. It was so with us in England, to the brink of our great Change. High and low, of all sorts and degrees came with their greatest Attention to hear the Sermon of a Bishop. Their very Habit, which set them forth with Comeliness, did affect some: the Au∣thority of their high Calling did move others: the Contemplation of their Learning and Wisdom, which had advanc'd them, did work more: their painfulness in their Duty did please all. Upon which of these hinges the Delight of the People did turn, I dispute not. It is enough that it was apparent, that the Message of God was heard with most reverence, when it was deliver'd by one that look'd like an extraordinary Embassador. Above all, those chief Pastors were the best Trumpets to sound a Retreat from Innovations. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; As I take it from Longinus, p. 10. New-fangledness makes us giddy at first, and in time mad: and none were so powerful as the good Prelates, to warn the People of them. Experience, and Age, and Know∣ledge did plead on their side, that they best knew the Tradition of the Fathers.

42. Nor could it but have sped well, if it had been consider'd, that constant, or at least frequent Preaching, would have made our Bishops been rightly un∣derstood, that their Judgments adhered to the Doctrine of the Church of Eng∣land, as it is settled in opposition to Popery. Some of our Reverend Fathers, that stated our Controversies moderately, and with no more than due distance (which is an infinite advantage to a Disputant) were had in Jealousie for almost Apostates, by those that shot wider from the Mark, which both aimed to hit. A Jealou••ie which some Diligence in the Pulpit had prevented. For when did you hear of a Lecturer suspected for it? But this is the Imperfection of mortal Affairs, that when one inconvenience is removed, another will rise up in the room. For the good Office of Preaching, perform'd often by a Bishop, was call'd Puritanism by some in those times, that fomented such a Faction, that made the Name of Puritan the very Inquisition of England. Not using it, as formerly, to preserve the good Order, and Discipline of the Church; but to cast any Man out of Favour, that was so innocent, as not to be able to be char∣ged with any thing else. Thrust a worthy Man between the first and second Censure, and how hard did we make it, by such uncharitable Traducings, to live evenly in the indivisible Point of Protestantism? This Bishop being not in∣diligent to preach the Gospel, for which St. Paul, and our own Canons had provided, was decipher'd to the King for an upholder of Non-conformitants. Neque sapere Principi potest, quod his praegustatoribus non ante placitum sit, & proba∣tum, Bud. Pand. Lib. 2. c. 14. The King's Tasters had disrelish'd him to his Majesty with that unsavory report, that he could not be believ'd, with proof sufficient made against the prejudice. Which made no alteration in him, but that he would follow the Plough, to which he had put his Hand. Like the Resolution of Alexander, Curt. Lib. 9. that would not be deterr'd with Rumors, from finishing his Expedition in Asia, for says he, Fugissemus ex Asiâ, si nos fabulae debellare potuissent—So stout Lincoln would give no ground to Scandals, taken, but mistaken. No Discouragements could remove him from great Designs: from two especially. The former, that he began, and purpos'd to go on, to write a Comment in Latia upon the whole Bible. Are there some that will not believe it? stay, and take the Proof, and it will be the better it was not be∣liev'd: As St. Austin says, de Vit. Cler. Serm. 2. Beatus homo qui tam bonum opus fecit, ut non crederetur. Happy is the Man that did so good a Work, that the World would not imagine it. And wherefore should it be thought that he would not go in hand with a Work of so great Learning, and Labour? Even for that reason, which Tully gives, Hoc usu plerumque venit, ut in rebus diversis eundem praecellere nolint homines. It is the Malignancy of Men, that will not conceive it possible for one Man to excel in many Endowments, because themselves fall short of all. But for satisfaction not to be controul'd, he did not only dis∣course

sometimes, that he would dedicate his Industry, and his Wealth to com∣pile so excellent, and voluminous a Piece, but he left much of the Materials behind him. Much of the Wool was ready, yet not spun out, for the Gar∣ment intended, because his Loom was broken. To speak it out distinctly; Mr. Richard Gouland, Keeper of the Library of the College of Westminster, (till Men of good Parts in all kinds, himself not the least, were deprived) he hath in his Custody the Bible in three Parts in a large Folio, with the Translation of Jun. and Tremell. bound together, wherein are Notes upon all the Scriptures (except the Apocaclyps which is untouch'd) written with the Bishop's own Hand: in which are drawn out of all kind of Authors, of the first, middle, and chiefly the latter Age, and out of all Languages, as the prime of Hebrew, Greek, and Latin, with the modern of Italian, Spanish, and French, whatsoever is the Choice and Flower of their Commentations. All this I have seen, and turn'd over, and observ'd so much Judgment in the Extraction, so much Industry in the Mass of it, that I admir'd one Man could compass so much: but more asto∣nish'd, that he could find leisure for any business, or time for any Study beside. All is not barren Land that lies fallow. Nor all Scholars idle, that have not dis∣cover'd their precious Treasures in Print. But the increase of this Knowledge increas'd his Sorrow, with the great Declension of his Health; As the Poet says,

Attenuant juvenum vigilatae corpora noctes. * 11.2

His Lamp burnt many Nights till Morning (the constant time of his Study) before he had gather'd in this rich Harvest. Yet neither Colick, nor Catarrhs, nor the Stone, the sharpest of Pains, could stay him from his main purpose. The Count Mirandulan in Politian writes of Marianus, a Divine whom he va∣lued above all, Corpus habet invictum, infatigabile, ut non aliunde magis reparare vires, quàm de laboribus ipsis videatur. So the more feeble the Bishop was, the more he toil'd; as if he thought to repair his Strength by Watching, and assi∣duity of Labour. Yet he knew, that to expound the whole Scripture learned∣ly, was above the Powers, and Parts of one Man. Therefore he reserv'd both the filling, and finishing of it, to the assistance of Twelve, or more, of the ablest Scholars in the Land, whom he had in his Eye, and Thoughts, and pur∣pos'd the Recompence of a great Stipend. For he hath said it to his Friends, that he would not stick at the Sum of Twelve, no, nor of Twenty thousand Pounds to perfect that Master-piece of Divinity. But this young Feature, like an imperfect Embryo, was mortified in the Womb by Star-Chamber Vexations. A Letter from King Ataxerxes caused Ezra, and the Builders with him, to cease from working. Yet so much of the Stuff, as was made ready with his own Pen in Three Volumes, if it be not deposited in the Library at Westminster, the Author will be wrong'd in his Fame, and Posterity in the Profit. His invincible Mind was not satisfied with this Task alone. But as Pliny spake to Trajan; Paneg. p. 57. Inter refectiones existimas mutationem laboris. So to pass from one Study to another, was not a new Labour, but the Bishop's Recreation. There∣fore he laid out for the Works of his Predecessor, Robert Grost head; made Scru∣tiny for them in all Libraries of England, and in France, where he had Credit, and his Friends could furnish him. Bishop Grost head living in the Reign of Henry the Third, was a good Linguist, a famous Philosopher, a Divinity reader, an assiduous Preacher, a painful Writer of Two Hundred Books, says, Bale, wherein the Ambition, and Covetousness of the Church of Rome were his chief Subject. These being in Manuscript, and many obscur'd in blind Corners, this Bishop collected, digested them, had wrote Arguments upon divers parts of them, which others have read, as well as my self: expected daily more and more of the same Author, that all that could be got, might be printed fairly together. And as Symmachus writes, Lib. 2. Ep. Quodam modo societatem laudis affectat, qui aliena benè gesta primus enuntiat. He that is the first that publisheth the worthy Acts of another Man, is a Sharer in his Praise. But by his Eclipse Bishop Grost head's Works remain'd in darkness. The Success was unfortunate, but he that set it on, had a publick Soul, and a studious Head. There is not a better Pattern of a noble and industrious Spirit, or of worse proof in the Up-shot. Fortunam ex aliis, says Aeneas in Virgil. Whose Fault was that?

43. Such, of whom, as a Bishop, he had most right to say, they were his Work in the Lord, 1 Cor. 9.1. were they, upon whom he conferr'd Holy Orders by Imposition of Hands. Those blessed days did not last long, when the A∣postles themselves appointed some over the Houshold of Christ, to give them their Portion of Meat in due season. They could discern, by the Gifts of the Spirit, who were sit for that high Calling. Such as Timothy, that was set apart, according to the prophesies that went before upon him, 1 Tim. 1.18. And Mich. Syncellus follow'd the Tradition, that Dionysius was made Bishop of Athens, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: Lookt into by the Eyes of St. Paul, who could see him through and through. After which tryal by Illumination, it was fit that the want of that Spirit should be supplied by the testimony of many, and by as much heed, and diligence as could reasonably be taken, by those that laid their Hands upon them, that were vouchsafed to be Stewards of the mani∣fold Graces of Christ. Wherein (I rejoyce in the truth) he that is before us was as strict an examiner of Novices, as any of his Order. Some that were not admitted by him in his first Ordinations, because they were found Light upon the Weight, saved him much work afterward. Divinity is a deep, and a copious Science; wherein he that fear'd he could not answer his expecta∣tion, would not venture upon his repulse. For he was so constant, and regular, that they knew what to trust to, before they came to him. Whether the 34th. Canon, Anno. 1604. ambiguously penn'd, will allow one to be made a Deacon, or Priest, that can yield an account of his Faith in Latin, according to the Articles of the Convocation 1562, though bred in no University, is disputable. He that had not been bred in one of them; or in those of Scotland, and Ireland, and a Graduate to boot, could not be accepted of him. His Answer was, It was not his Custom. To which the Churches of Germany held close, as Camera∣rius hath publisht it, Vit. Melanch. p. 161. Testatur consuetudo literarum publicarum, quas formatas vocant, & aliquae Synodi decreverunt, ne sine progressu in Scholis, & Collegiis reciperentur ulli sacerdotes. I think our Canon intended no others, except in case of Chanters, and Vicars Choral, ministring in Cathedral Churches, who yet had no License given them to preach. And certain it is best to admit none, but such as have walk'd before the Learnedst of the Kingdom in their Education. It is a Resolution which will fall on its feet, and stand sure. It pieces well with that of the Prophet, Hos. 4.6. Because thou hast rejected Know∣ledge, I will also reject thee, that thou shalt be no Priest unto me. It discountenanceth Mechanicks, and the lowest of the People, that they intrude not to teach more than they had ever learnt. Barricadoes of empty Barrels, whose sound is the louder, because they have no Liquor. Let me bestow a good Story upon them, who never read Arts, or Stories. Thessalus, a meer Quack, told Galen, that he would teach Men in a Month or two to become good Physicians, that had not the Elements of Philosophy. Oil-men, Butchers, some of the Gentle-crast left their Trades to learn this compendious way of Thessalus, to administer Physick, Sed in perniciem generis humani, says Galen. The Empyricks got Money, but their Patients got their death. 'Tis far worse when such Thessalians Practise upon the Soul, that never came out of the Schools of the Prophets: and amuse poor People with Confidence, and Boldness. And great Boldness was never without great Absurdity. Now every one that is a Candidate of Holy Orders, brings a Testimony with him to the Bishop, for the Commendation of his honest Life: often Subscrib'd formally, and with little Advice, and when Men are prevail'd upon in their Weakness, I mean when they are over entreated. Yet he that receives it can hear with no other Ears. Then why should he be pro∣tested against, if other Names have broken with him? If some are so easie to pass their Names under such Letters of Commendation, as if a Libertine in Life were like to be transform'd, nay tranfigur'd, by that sacred Calling, he is greatly out: allbeit those words were pronounced, when Hands were imposed, re∣ceive ye the Holy Ghost. Which is not spoken of the Grace, which makes Men gracious with God, but of the Office of Grace. Isocrates in Areopag. Oration says, That a loose Man, chosen to be a Judge in the Court of Mars-hill, incontinently became strict and temperate. Which was a Flattery that Budaeus flouts at, Pr. pars Pandec. p. 283. Tanquam loci genio afflatus ex ingenio suo migrasset. I would not believe but a Wolf would be a Wolf still, if he were chosen a Shepherd, though all the Beasts in the Wilderness should Vote the contrary in his behalf. This is the blind side on which the Bishop could not see so perfectly himself, whether he that came to be adopted into the Ministry, were unblamable in his Life.

He might discover whether he were sound, and orthodox, especially not a Babe in Knowledge. Wherein he expected such a Talent, that one that was a Mi∣nister, a Master of Arts, a Wit, a Resident, presented to a Cure of good value in Bedfordshire, could not obtain Institution of him, for his slenderness in Learn∣ing, till he had respited him for Three Months, to read an whole Systeme of Divinity (the Scholar might name which he would) who, at the time expired, was apposed by the Bishop, and had accompassed such Knowledge in a Quar∣ter of a Year, that he gave satisfaction, and lik'd his Book so well, that from thenceforth he was taken for a Scholar. Here is the Collection of this Theme. The Ordinations of this Bishop past thirty Years ago, are famous in the Dis∣course of divers yet alive, who call to mind with what Judgment they were prepar'd, and examin'd: how the Bishop preach'd himself sometimes at that Solemnity: with what due Ceremony it was done: with what Grace and Gra∣vity: with what bounty he feasted them: with what civility he took the most into his acquaintance: That I may truly say of him as Dr. Saravia doth of Samuel, de Christian. Obed. p. 11. Samuel, deposito magistratu, prophaterum princeps, & rector erat, dum vix••••. He had to be the great Magistrate, the Lord-Keeper, but he was like Samuel, when he had acquitted his Government, he liv'd in Estimation like the chief of the Prophets, and most belov'd of the Sons of the Prophets.

44. And if he would ordain none that were unlearned, what manner of Men were they like to be, whom he presented to Dignities and Cures upon his own Collation? It is a mighty Trust to be a Church-Patron, no less than to be a Feo••ee for Christ. Which this Bishop executed with that Conscience, that neither Friend, nor Favour, nor Consanguinity sway'd him: I east of all Lucre; for he was so clear from Simony, and so well understood, that I think he was never tempted to it. Caslus quem nemo rogavit. Commonly he found out such to take his Patronage, as never sought him. Such whose Worth was great, but Humility had obscur'd them, Quantum eruditorum aut modestia ipsorum, aut quies operit, & subtrahit: As Pliny noted, Ep. Lib. 7. His, whom he made his, were such as commended him that gave: for they were among the best that could receive. Such as deserv'd to sit at the Helm, yet some of them that survive, in these days have scarce a Room in the Pump. Let no more be na∣med but a Handful, whom the Bishop gather'd out of one Society, Trinity Col∣ledge in Cambridge, and guess at all by their proportion. Dr. Simson, the Au∣thor of the great Chronology, Dr. Warr, Mr. G. Herbert, Dr. Meredith, Mr. H. Thorn••dick, Dr. Creic••on, Dr. Fearn, Mr. J. Duport, Mr. A. Scattergood, Mr. C. Williamson. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Here are Ten Nestors in one Militia, according to Aga••••••••'s Wish. These, and far more that might be rank'd in the same File, were his Donees, such as God might reap Glory by them. In the begin∣ning of King Charles's Reign, an Opposition in Doctrine began to shew it self among the Fathers of our Tribe, and others of great Learning, some approving, some disproving the Conclusions of the Synod of Dort. Which had not ex∣ceeded to that Heart-burning, and open Emulation (as may be thought) if the disaffected to the Synod had not stickled to prefer them only who were of the same Judgment with themselves, and quite neglected others, who were seldom gratified by their means but with driblets. If a great Dignity fell void, Virro sibi, & reliquis Virronibus illa jub••bit poma dari, Juven. sat. 5. It had been better not to commit Affairs to the Sway of small Moments, as they might seem, which insensibly breed great Mutations. Our great Prelates were great obser∣vers of Unity; Whitgift, Bancroft, Harsnet, Andrews, Barlow, Overal, who pleas'd all sides indifferently, because as touching Opinions about Predestinati∣on, Converting Grace, &c. they made no discrimination, which, or which Propugners should be gratified in their Advancements. Whose Foot-steps our Bishop followed; who thought it the best Divinity to offend neither; and the most Christian Charity to indulge his Favours, and Preferments to both; as it was open to the World. He had read as much as most Men in those Con∣troversies: he discern'd Reasons Pro and Con to tilt one at another, and each to stagger the other to the Ground. He thought them worthy of Study, but not of Faction: worthy of crashing in the Schools, but not in the Church, and State: in no wise to make as thick as a Wall of Partition between the Cham∣pions, as between Piramus and Thisbe. Give the Protestants their due, on both sides they hold themselves within the Channel of the Scriptures in their Pro∣blems: but the Dominicans and Jesuits, tossing the same Argument too and fro,

have cut a Thousand Ditches out of the great River, wherein there is more Mud by far, than clear Water. Such as Erasmus Scoffs in an Epist. to one of the noble Family of the Greys, p. 250. Quid 'tu Epimenidem somniasse reris: quid aliud, quàm subtilitates quibus se jactitant sophistae? Let Epimenides dream of them Fifty Years, and think of them as long when he was waking, he should never find out the Abstruseness of that, which God would not suffer to be compre∣hended. Because both Parts appeal to Melanchthon, let them imitate Melanch∣thon, of whom thus in Thuanus's Hist. Anno. 1568. Cui maximum tranquillitatis, & quietis studium, ut nisi de necessariis minimè contendendum putaret. Many that think the Bishop not the worse Patron for this Neutrality, blame him that he gave Hospitality, shew'd equanimity, afforded kindness, and sufferance to Puri∣tans. That's ever the burden of the Satyr made against him, by them that think it a Sin, to speak well of any Faction, but their own. For certain St. Paul might be follow'd in a good Sense, who was made all things to all Men, that by all means he might save some, 1 Cor. 9.22. There is a way to comply with the weak, and with the strong. Our Bishop was very communicable, I have seen it, with dissentient Brethren, that did not conform; whom he gain'd first with kindness, and then brought over with Argument. Antisthenes was cavil'd at for using to visit some Men that were not lik'd, he defended it thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Laert. p. 368. I go like a Physician to the Sick, and catch not a Feaver of them. If the Favours be grudg'd that the Anti-disciplina∣rians receiv'd, let it stick upon his good nature: for he could do no otherwise. If a ••••rk, or a Scyth•••• had tryed his Gentleness, he would not have been unci∣villy received: As Carull•• said of old Men, whose Heads shake with the Palsie, Omnibus omnia annuunt—So a Suitor had mostly some nod from the Bishop, with which he went away pleas'd. But whatsoever he did for those of that part, it was not much that came to their share: for if a Vessel be suspect∣ed to leak, the Cooper will pour in Water, and not Wine, to make experi∣ence. Yet it was his Judgment, and he reveal'd it to the King, to allure some of the chief in Name, and Worth among the Non-conformitants, with some of the Dignities of the Church conferr'd upon them, that it might draw more than themselves into a good Opinion of the Hierarchy. 'Tis wisely noted by Isocrates, in his Oration for Peace, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. All will wish that Polity to subsist, wherein themselves are honour'd. And he that will consider how circumspect the Nicen Fathers were, to indulge Titles of Dignity to the Novatians, or Cathari, Can. 8. And how the African Fathers provided the like for the Donatists (except the Bedlam Circumcellios) Can. 68. Ut etiam ipsorum infirmitas leniùs excepta, intus sanabilis fieret, says St. Austin, Epist. 162. will not dislike such Meekness and Wisdom, to allow the Chair of Government, and some Pre-eminence to them, that have been stubborn, that we may obtain their Fellowship, and Labour, and addulce their Sourness. And after Examples cast an Eye to a Simile, that no Man ever lost by keeping a Coy-duck.

45. The Seam of a slight Objection is sowed up; but will unrip again: be∣cause the Bishop is now to be brought into his Court of Jurisdiction. He that had the common Laws and Statutes at his Fingers end: he that was a great Ca∣nonist: a learned Civilian: a Master of Reason: a dextrous Wit at dispatch: that knew the fair and foul Dealings of the Spiritual Courts, was as sit a Man, as ever our Church had, to be President of a Consistory. In that Circle he was like Onias the High Priest, as a morning Star in the midst of a Cloud, Ecclus. 50.6. For Clouds there were, and dark ones; as no place of Judicature is without them. The Bishop loved the Profession of the Civil Laws, as Valentine to Di∣vinity: and pitied the Advocates, that were shut up to meddle with so few Causes, that they could neither shew their Learning, nor thrive by their Studies. Yet he did often tell them (all are not dead that heard him) that unless they pro∣ceeded in their Courts with Incorruption and Integrity: with Impartiality in Causes, and making choice of such Quarrels to come before them, as vertuous Men thought fittest to be redrest, a little would come to nothing. Himself would not let Church-wardens be cited, for the placing of the Holy Table: nor the People for not coming to the Rail, at the receiving of the Elements of the Lord's Supper. It is a good Proviso which an Heathen gave Symm. Ep. p. 14. Si adjiciantur insolita, forsan consueta cessabunt. By thrusting in new Ordinances, old Obedience might be shaken. Nor indeed are they, or the like, among those notorious things in the 109 Canon, for which Offenders should not be admitted

to the Communion, till they were reform'd. And such Injunctions are so ob∣scurely, and deducted so far off out of our known and establish'd Rules, that they were to be offer'd, and perswaded, rather than commanded. Constraint, and Violence are not means to bring such things to uniformity. More often by Sufferance, Obedience will break in between their Wishes. Likewise it was Vox populi, and therefore not to be contemn'd, that Officers Ecclesiastical did prosecute Presentments, rather against Non-conformitancy of Ministers and People, than for Debaucheries of an evil Life, mention'd in the 109 Canon. Wherein the Bishop did not commend the Proceedings of his deputed Judges. Though it might be said in favour of them, that Humane Laws are strictest against them that act contrary to publick Peace. Or that Crimes are punish∣able by Statutes, and are fitter for Tryal at a Quarter Sessions. Some spied in∣to another Reason, that Proctors and Registers wanted not those Scandals themselves, for which, in the Eye of the World, they were fit to be presented. Yet when all is said, it were more laudable in Courts Christian, to be more severe against Evils which the Light of Nature had made Evils, than against Evils, which were made Evils by the Laws of Holy Church. Both were to be corrected: but rather Works of Commission against known Light, than Tres∣passes of Omission for want of Light of Understanding. The hardest Task which the Bishop had, was to perswade his Officers to live by honest Gains: to moderate their Fees: to wash their Hands from bribes, and filthy Lucre: the only way to live in clear Fame, that Men might speak well of them, and of their Authority. Covetousness is not a Branch, but a Root of Evil, says St. Paul: all that grows may be seen in a Plant, but not the Root. Whose Example is more fit to shew it than Tribonius, who digested the Code of the Civil Law? of whom Suidas says, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: He was most sub∣tle to shadow and cover the Disease of Covetousness. From thence proceed the Delays, that consume the Substance of Appellant, and Defendant, and make them curse such expectative Proceedings. Whose Clamors incited the Bishop to Passion sometimes, and to call upon them instantly for dispatch. For how long will an Horse-leach suck, if it be not pull'd off? A little is taken to enter a Cause: but the Price increaseth at every turn, when it is brought to Exami∣nation. Like German Toss-pots, that drink small Cups at first: and quaff down great Bowls when they are drunk. Similer says of the Cantons, where he liv'd, that the People lik'd Expedition in their Causes, as much as Justice. Quod si in judiciis nostris error aliquis committitur,—in causis implicicis, & obscuris; nequa∣quam tantum damni inde datur, quantum ex litium diuturna prorogatione accipitur, Res. ••••el. p. 140.

46. If a Curse were of moment, as when a whole Parish were in a Broil a∣bout it, the bishop appointed a Consistory to rule it with his own Presence, and Judgment. He trusted not his Chancellor and Commissaries upon old Ex∣perience, but, like a wise Governour, he look'd upon them with a new Proba∣tion in every great Cause, as if he had never known them. What greater Praise could Symmachus have given to Theodosius in point of using his Counsel∣lors than this? Solenne est ei singulos ut novos semper expendere, nec consuetudini con∣donare judicium, Ep. p. 124. A Magistrate that will not research his Deputies, but leaves them to their Work, with an indefinite Confidence in their Honesties, doth as absurdly, as Tanner the Jesuite, spake absurdly in the Colloquy at Reins∣berg, That the Pope might err, unless he did use all due, and ordinary means, but with∣out all doubt and question he did ever use those means. The Bishop had a deeper in∣sight into Man: and never fail'd to be Rector Chori, in Causes that requir'd a more special Audience. Wherein he spared himself so little, and gave so much ease to the People, that he did often ride to the parts of his Diocess remotest from his ordinary home, as Leicester, Buckinghamshire, Wellen in Hartfordshire, &c. and kept his Courts, where all the Complainants were at hand to attend them. A way of great content, and much neglected. Yet the 125 Canon provides, That all Officials should appoint meet places for the keeping of their Courts, as should be expedient for entertainment of those that made their appearance, and most indifferent for their Travail,—and that they may return homewards in as due season as may be. But these Courts, which kept Peace among the Sons of the Church, and super-intended over Delinquents are quite ex-autho∣rized: taken in pieces as musty Vessels, wherein nothing kept sweet, that was put into them. The Fault was in the Demolishers, that had no better Scent: they had Noses and smelt not. For whereas the Grievance pretended was, that they

had too much Power; the Truth is on the contrary, that they could not do their work as they ought, to satisfie the People, and to beat down Sin, because they had too little. Take their highest, and in a manner their only censure, Excommunication (terrible in it self) What doth a profane Person care for it? Prosecute them with Writs de Excommunicatis capiendis, and all the Grist that came to their Mill would not pay the cost of it. What a Coil hath been made, to set up Consistories of Ministers, and ruling Elders, that should proceed a∣gainst Scandals with rebukes, suspension from the Sacrament, open penance, and lastly, as they expound it, let him be unto thee as an Heathen, and a Pub∣lican? Make the Sinner liable to Imprisonment, to destraining, to a Forfeiture, to some loss in his profit, and he will be sure to feel it, and sly from the occasi∣on. Confess the Truth: will not many look better to outward Honesty, if you discipline them in their Purse? Bucer fell upon this in an Epistle to Luther. Scrip. Anglic. p. 657. Excommunicationis loco egregiam in multis civitatibus discipli∣nam, & poenas sceleribus dignas sancitas esse. And Erastus writes like a wise Man, that noted other ways, than Presbyterian Censures, to rectifie the common Dis∣orders of Christians: as to straiten them in Priviledges of Reputation, and Matters of Gain, which none should communicate in, but the obedient. Sim∣ler says, Helv. Hist. p. 148. There was not a Minister admitted into the Con∣sistory of Scaphuse; but the most Judicious of the Laity exercis'd that Authori¦ty; because their Punishments did chiefly extend against the Body, or the For∣tunes of the Peccant. What little good hath the Stool of Repentance wrought, among the fierce natur'd Scots? They have sat so long upon it, that they know not how to blush at it. We should be shame-fac'd: Nay, which is better, we should be innocent: but we are neither. Plato says in his Protagoras, that, lest Men should fall into the Confusion of all Sin, God had given them two Blessings to restrain them, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Shame, and Justice. But since we have lost Shame, Justice must take another course, and let us blood in that Vein, which may most probably cure us. Ploratur lacrymis amissa pecunia veris, Juven. Sat. 13. Set a Fine upon their Heads that deserve it; and it will vex their Hearts. But no more of Jurisdiction dissolv'd. Rosa hyeme non est rosa. It was yet to be re∣membred for his sake, that was the Honour of it, whilst it stood.

47. For it was murmur'd a good while, before the Authority of the Pastoral Staff was broken, that the Tribunals of Bishops stretch'd themselves beyond their measure: that many were troubled for not obeying new Articles. In the Third Parliament of King, Charles, in a Petition of Grievances two Bishops were nam'd for offering at Innovations: and others escap'd the Imputation by Luck. But all, that loved not Asperity, took it well, that none of this blustering was heard of in the Diocess of Lincoln. Which was malign'd then, and observ'd lately to disparage the Bishop, by such as feed on him, and his corrupt part like Worms now he is dead. It was never in his Thoughts to sooth the Humour of the People, but to please them for their good. He had no word more com∣mon in his Mouth, That it was not sit for a Subject, but only for a King to be po∣pular. That was not the Reason why he gave no countenance to the new Wine, which other Prelates broach'd: or call it their Pregnancy to revive old things, which had long lain still. But because he saw, that Bancrost, Abbot, Mathew, King, Bilson, Andrews, Morton, Overal, Lake, Felton, Davenant, and many such, gave great content, and receiv'd great content from their Colleges and Bishopricks, which they govern'd respectively, by keeping them in that Obedience, wherein they found them. Says Augustus in Dion, Things that have continued well, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. That which is settled by Custom, though it be not so good, it is fitter than that which would alter it into another mode: and to try experience upon the Body of a Church, which was crazy, was Mala 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a dangerous Endeavour. For the rest of the Charge the Bill is confest, the Bishop was a very slack Punisher, using the Power which God had given him to edification, and not to destruction, 2 Cor. 13.10. God says his Covenant with Levi was to walk in Peace and Equity, and to turn many from iniquity, Mal. 2.6. And every High Priest must 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Hebr. 5.2. Be moderately affected toward the ignorant, and them that are out of the way. So did this worthy Person, who would chide aloud like Thunder against Malefactors, but without the Bolt of Censure, which tears the Tree, and rends the Stock in pieces. The Spirit of Humanity hath its angry Sallies and Emotions, and he was, to his dispraise, in that very obnoxious to them. Huic uni forsan poterat suc∣cumbere culpae, Aen. Lib. 4. But Heat, and a great Wit were never parted. And

though Man have most reason of any living thing, yet Choler abounds in him, because he hath most Fancy, and most Will. Water is a common Element to all Beasts, none strike fire, and use it, but Man: That's a Priviledge belonging to the noblest Creature. Herein the Bishop's Anger was as pardonable, as an∣ger could be, that it left no more impression, against the Person that moved him, than if he had never been angry. As Budaeus says of Guido Rochfort, Chan∣cellor of France, Lib. 3. de as. Fol. 105. Minimè omnium iracundorum malitiosam ha∣buit iracundiam. Cursed be their Wrath which is cruel, Gen. 49.7. Cursed be the Anger that is malicious. For Anger is a Mote, Malice is a Beam in the Eye. They are the Plagues of Mankind, who, once heated with Displeasure, will never cool, neither with the sweet Air fann'd out of the Lord's Prayer, en∣gaging them so deeply to forgive: nor with the Blood in his Sacrament; which quencheth not the Fire of a revengeful Mind, and yet is able to quench the Fire of Hell. What shall be given them but hot Coals of Juniper? Psal. 120.4. Prunae juniperi per annum integrum ignem servant, modo cinere cooperiantur, says Pliny, Lib. 13. c. 22. Juniper Coals will keep Fire a Year, if they be cover'd with Ashes. Therefore they that cover Wrath, and keep it warm with long and profound dissembling, shall be rewarded with Fire, like Coals of Juniper, that never goes out. Clemens in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. 5. hath divinely resolv'd one of the Riddles of Pythagoras, That when a Pot is taken off the Fire, no print of it must be seen in the Ashes. So meaning, says Clemens, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: To let no print of Anger remain; to blot out the Characters of it, that Revenge may never read them. So the Bishop's Anger would sometimes break out too fast: but Words were Wind, and Clemency blew away his Threatnings beyond the River of Oblivion. If one of the Extreams should be laid to his charge, it must be that of too much Mercy. Which Camerarius could not deny to be in Melanchthon, p. 109. Facility, Remisness in correction of Faults, a Spirit promiscuously indifferent to gratifie deserving, and undeserving. But as St. Chrysos. says upon that of the High Priest, Hebr. 5. apt to pass over the Ig∣norance, and Errors of others, Non ne satius est propter misericordiam rationem red∣dere, quàm propter severitatem? Is it not more comfortable to the Conscience, to answer unto God for a dram too much of Mercy, than for a Stone weight too much of Rigour, and Severity? Yet I have heard it said, and read it, If Dis∣cipline had been observ'd by all the Bishops as strictly, and without connivance to any, as it was by some, the Contumacy of that Faction had not got the Head, which opprest us all. The smart of the Wound may incline them to that Judgment: Yet o∣thers have consider'd, that the Opposition of the disorderly part was in an ap∣pearance so little, that their Contradiction was rather in their Heart, than in their Practice: suspected for no fast Friends to our Weal, and Ceremonies, but not declar'd for Enemies. Who should understand them better than King Charles, in his last, and heavenly Letter to the Prince? The Presbyterian Faction was great neither in Church or State to Mens Judgments, says he. There was e∣nough beheld in them to make our Rulers vigilant, but not violent. For no∣thing is worse than to take too high a strain, to trample upon that, which is not yet exalted. The Lord is angry at Priests that are too hard, and imperious, Ezek. 34.4. With force and cruelty have ye ruled them. And St. Hierom applied it to some rigid Overseers of his own Age, by this Note upon it, Quod propriè ad supercilium Episcoporum pertinet. Charity suffereth long, and is kind, 1 Cor. 13.4. Suffering of those that err is but a part of Duty: the disaffected must be won with kindness. To suffer is praise-worthy before Men: to be kind also is praise-worthy before God. It is a Point that may be argued plausibly on both sides. Justice will say, Dum immoderatè custoditur virtus humanitatis, solvuntur jura regi∣minis, Greg. Past. Cu. Lib. 2. c. 6. A Bit must be put into the Mouth of the Head-strong. Superiors shall have less trouble with Schismaticks, if they hold a strait hand over them. And he that sheweth them too much Favour, teach∣eth Innocents to offend. Mildness will say, Woe to them that turn aside the way of the Meek, Amos 2.7. They that are compell'd may cease to be contu∣macious, and will begin to be Hypocrites. Terror may make them stoop, but gentleness will sooner make them yield. Says Seneca, Iracundus Dominus quos∣dam ad fugam cogit, quosdam ad mortem. A cruel Lord makes them desperate that are under him: but another shall gain their Persons, if not their Con∣sciences, by the benefit of Facility. Certainly God directs the Magistrate that keeps the golden Mean. Qualem nequeo monstare & sentio tantùm, Juven. Sat. 7.

48. Episcopal vigilance hath the Object best before it in Visitations. Which were chargeable indeed to the poor Parsons and Vicars, in Linwood's days, as appears in his Provincial, by such a sweeping Train as quarter'd upon them for Hospitality. But our Bishops in their Triennials, taking but a slight and incon∣siderable Procuration for Homage, eas'd them of the Burthen, and continued the Benefit. They came to visit, and to water the Earth, Psal. 65.9. not to dry up, but to moisten the Furrows with the River of God: or as Symmachus translates it, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to bring all to Maturity, which was sown by the Labours of their Brethren. The like unto it was very ancient. For such were the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the oldest Canons; as the Word is taken for Cir∣cumspection, not for Circumvention: Such as were commissioned to perambu∣late the Countries, where Churches were gather'd together, to behold their Order and stedfastness of Faith, Coloss. 2.5. Upon that Head I will give account what Bishop Williams did in particular Cases, two, and no more: Then his Discharge in the general Meetings shall bound, and shut it up. The former was the Discovery of a Mischief; and the killing of it in the Birth, in April, 1629. with which Jane Hawkins teemed, a Prophetess (for she would go for no less) in the Parish of St. Ives in Hunting donshire: Who took her Bed for a Sickness, and was in perfect Health: and in that sickness had her Extasies, as it was bruited: and in those Extasies utter'd Verses in Rythm, full of Detraction and Injury to the Authority of the Bishops, to the Church-way of England in the Liturgy, and not sparing some Occurrences of the Civil Government. This was a Cheat, like that of Mr. R. Hadocks in Oxford, in the beginning of King James's Reign Who was a learned Impostor, preaching Latin Sermons of a very elegant Stile in his sleep, as the cunning Man would have it believ'd, as if those Enthusiasms were vented by his Tongue, but he had no Sense of them in his Mind. And this tended to make his Auditors conceive, that God caused him, like Balaam's dumb Beast, to teach another Discipline, than that which was establish'd. But this Woman, though taught her Lesson by some more know∣ing than her self, utter'd such Brainless Verses, as might justifie the common Ballads of the City; and was as bad at an English Verse, as the old Monks were at a Latin, stufft with such frigid Jests, as were able to cool the Bath. Ut pro∣priùs spectes lacrymosa poemata Puppi, Horat. Ep. 1. Yet the more vile and plain, they lik'd the better with the rural Hobs: and would have spread into Fairs, and Markets, and been sung by Fidlers Boys, if it had not been prevented. The Extasie, or Inspiration, believ'd by some, was the offence like to do harm. Which the Bishop perceiving to be a devised Villany, disguised himself in his Face, and Habit, and obtain'd to thrust in, with two more, among the Crew, at such a time, as they came to watch for Oracles from the Mouth of this Poetress. Blind Guides are fittest for them that would wander. When the Fit was upon her, one of her Intimates took her Vapourings, as they came from her, Et jungere carmina curat, Virgil. Aen. lest they should be lost like those of Virgil's Beldame. Which the Bishop taking out of his Hand, found them alter'd for the better, and at that juncture reveal'd himself to their Amazement, and made it evident to them, that were present, that all their Feats were stark Juggling: that they took God's Name in vain, as if those Notions came from God, which came from Fraud, and from Satan: false, in much bitter without Charity: bold and rude, not savouring of the Stile of God, nor of any wise Man, but Mr. Wise the Curate. And although their Conditions would excuse all that could be done to them in Severity, yet the Bishop required no more, but that Mr. Tooky the Vicar, upon pain of Suspension should read the Contents of a Paper sent to him, the next Sunday, April 29. after the first Lesson in the Pa∣rish Church; then his Suspension to be staid, otherwise to be declar'd. Which Contents are these: In those Sayings uttered by Jane Hawkins of this Parish, ei∣ther of late, or heretofore in her Sickness, which seemed for the Manner strange and extraordinary, and expressed in Verse or Rhyme, I do not conceive any Miracle at all: or for that manner in Verse or Rhyme any Inspiration of the Holy Ghost, added over and above the Gifts, and Parts of Nature: Nor would I have any Man or Woman of this Parish, to have a higher Opinion, or Conceit of any Saying so utter'd by the said Jane Hawkins. And whereas my self, Mr. Wise my Curate, and my Son have taken and excerpted many of these Sayings in Verse from the Mouth of the said Jane, in the Presence of ma∣ny Men, and Women in this Parish, and put the same in Writing, which is conceiv'd to be an Act that may prove scandalous to the Church, and State, I

do promise not to do so again, and am truly sorry that this Act of mine is any way liable to such Construction, and will be grieved at the Heart, if by occa∣sion of the same the least Scandal, or Aspersion may fall upon this flourishing Church or State, wherein I live: which I voluntarily profess in this open As∣sembly. This was read, and the Offence was past over with this gentleness. But the Vicar fell either into this Error again, or some other Contumacy. For in fine he was deprived, as I find it in the Bishop's Papers. Their own tatling, and venting their Malice by a talkative Woman, brought all this shame upon them. They might have been as wise as the wild Geese that fly over the Mountain Taurus, who carry a Stone in their Bills, to keep them from gag∣gling, lest the Eagle should hear them, and seize upon them.

49. It is a slight occasion, yet an occasion to consider in a little the Sibylls, and their Predictions from hence, because I have started a Feminine Versifier, and a Prophetess (yea, what else?) among her Copes-mates. To come to a short Tryal, I lay nothing forth of the Fatidical Books, which Tarquin bought of his resolute Chap-woman. They were consum'd to Ashes in the Social War, and not a Fragment saved. Nor of those Pieces which Tully quotes, Lib. 2. de Divin. and Virgil, Ecl. 4. the two great Masters of the Roman Learning. It is not certain whither they be extant in the Remains that are publish'd, and to be seen at this day. I meddle with nothing which their Messengers collected in Asia and Greece, to furnish their Capitol with new Oracles. I look on no other than those eight Books of Sibylline Prophesies, with the Fragments annexed, set out by Opsopaeus, and others, and stand first in the Third Volume of the Greek Bibliotheca Patrum. I look I say upon no more: and move no more than one Question upon them. Whether all that is in them, nay whether any part of them, was penned by Prophetesses living among the Gentiles, and living before the coming of Christ Jesus in the Flesh? What I resolve in it I branch into seven Conclusions. First, That some part of these Oracles, which we have in our Use and Possession, were endited before the Incarnation of our Lord; and in some Verses where Christ is foretold, that he should come, and reign up∣on the Earth, together with the Dissipation of Idolatry, and other Heathenish Rites. For albeit in those Passages they had not Credit with some in Eusebius's time: and in St. Austin's time, the Prophesies of others, that were not Jews, concerning Christ, were thought to be forg'd by Christians, Ci. Dei, Lib. 18. c. 47. Yet I cannot incline to that Diffidence for this reason. Eusebius says they were quoted by Clemens, known to Peter and Paul, either in an Epistle lost, or lost out of that Epistle which is now come to light: Likewise by Justin Martyr, bordering upon the Times of the Apostles. And they quoted them, as attest∣ing to the Honour of our Christian Cause. Therefore somewhat of the Evan∣gelical relish was in them, ante-nated, and in being before the Gospels were written. Secondly, Antiquity hath voiced it, that Women were the Authors of them; which none hath contradicted: The Wits of that Sex have excell'd in Odes and Madrigals. In holy Hymns also. As Deborah and Barac are named, Jud. 5. but first Deborah, for chanting that Triumphal Song, which hath as much Art, and Dithyrambical Loftiness in it, as is in any Syrick Poetry, Greek or Latin. And if we had more of Miriam's Song, Exod. 15.21. it would not come behind them. And God did open great Secrets by such Instruments, as his Hand-maids; who ever did his wonders by weakest means: and provok'd the World to attend to such Conveyance, as was strange, and to which they were not wonted. Thirdly, They were Gentiles: the Jews never owned them; and it is already proved, that they lived before the Disciples were call'd Christi∣ans at Antioch. The very learned Bishop Montague should have look'd to it in his 3 Cap. of Acts and Monuments, how he disputed, that they were all Gentiles; and casts about that the first and chief lived in the Days of Abraham, * 11.3 to have received her Instructions from Sem, when as there was no distinction of Jew and Gentile. I would bring them nearer to the times of Grace, upon this thought; that as some note of the Jews, that after their return from Babylon, about Five Hundred Years before Christ's Nativity, they were in Limine Ecclesiae, as it were in the Porch of the Church, and saw into the Mystery of Salvation, more clearly for the generality of the People, than before: yet no Prophet was among them: So the nearer the time drew, that the day spring from on high did visit us, the more did Divinations abound among the Heathens, to prepare them for that Blessing: as it may be enlarged from the Magi of the East, that came to visit our Saviour. Fourthly, I leave these Prophetesses to God that

knows the Heart, whether they had the Spirit of Belief, and of the Knowledge of that they utter'd; That is, whether they were impulled like Balaam, Saul, and Caiaphas to vent that which they could not keep in; or whether they were inspired like Esaias, and the Prophets of the Lord. There is no History how she, or more shees lived, or what end they made, which were the means, and none else, to decide it. Fifthly, Take the Sibylline Oracles in a lump, so as now they are deliver'd to us, and they have a great of deal of Addition, and Fraudulency in them: The Interlinings of a Christian Pen are as manifest as the Sun at Noon-day. Quò apertiora sunt, cò mihi suspectiora, I consent to Ca∣saubon, Num. 17. Exercit. Is this Prophetical, or the Paraphrase of the Gospel, that Christ should be baptized in Jordan, and a Dove descend upon him? that he should feed Five Thousand with Five Loaves and Two Fishes, and Twelve Baskets of the Fragments should remain? The very Words of St. John put into Hexameters. What Prophet in the O.T. did ever collate Types, and Anti∣types together? Yet in these Poems ye may find that Moses lifting up his Hands; when the People fought with Amaleck, did figure the Arms of Christ stretch'd out upon the Cross. What a World of open, and direct Passages? Gabriel by name saluting the Blessed Virgin: the Star appearing: the Shepherds greeted by An∣gels, as they kept watch over their Flocks by Night. A very Breviate of some Chapters in the N.T. Nor could they be of any other Profession than Chri∣stian, that betray themselves, that Nero would persecute 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, our part, which contends with the Heathen. But in the Fragments all is disco∣ver'd, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; We of the holy, and heavenly Off-spring of Christ. The learned Bishop thinks to bear this down with a fieri Potest. God might make one, or more of these, speak clearer than Moses, or any Prophet. But, with favour, he hath not done his Work, that makes a Conjecture possible, but that makes it probable. Which the best Wit alive is not able to do in this case. Sixthly, The time when these additional Verses were thrust into the Sibylline writings, appears to me to be about the Year 170. For Lib. 5. Every one of the Caesars is describ'd by a Numeral Letter, the first of his Name, from Julius the Dictator to Adrian, whose Name is opened from the Adria∣tick Sea. Some small Intimation of each, Antoninus follows. But then all that comes after, is shuffled up, nothing clear, nothing particular, not a glance made at a succeeding Emperor, I have heard good Antiquaries discourse, that our British Prophecies ascribed to Merlin, were the Fruit of some Writer in the Days of Henry the Second. Merlin the Fay, supposed to be a Wizard con∣temporary to King Arthur, lived Seven Hundred Years before. But this Pseudo-Merlin handles many great Occurrences punctually, and explicitely to the days of Henry the Second. In all that follows are Tragelaphi, Satyrs and Griffins, Cocks and Bulls. The Fortune-teller casts Figures; but names no Person in the Sequel. So these interloping Verses discover themselves to be the ……e of some that crouded them in about the Reign of an Antoninus, where he had spent his Powder, and vented all that he had seen with the Fore-face of Janus: but Posticâ caecus: he was no Prophet, and could not see behind him. Seventhly, Far be it from my thoughts, to have a Jealousie of the Holy Fathers, that lived about that time, for dressing up the Sibylline Oracles with new Ornaments of their own patching. They were full of Faith, and never fear'd, that Christ's Kingdom did need a Lye to advance it. I have read of Stratagems military, and political: but Martyrs, and Saints would never give countenance to Stratagems Theological. But who looks most suspiciously, of all that lived in that Age, to bear the blame of such a Forgery? It is an hard thing to find a Father for a Bastard. But, Reader, What think you of Montanus, and his Baggages about him, Maximilla, Prisca, Quintilla, call'd Cata-Phrygians from the place of their wont? These put forth to be known, says Eusebius in his Chronicle, under M. Antoninus, Anno. 1••••. That's well for the time. Though Hereticks, they were Christians, and which is more, divulg'd for Prophetesses: and which is more than that, famed for being great dablers in Verse. They bemoan the Phrygians thrice in Sixteen Verses, Lib. 3. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The Phrygians will miserably perish. And further they have not reveal'd themselves, that I find, in any thing that favour'd of Montanus his Paraclete, or the Cata-Phrygian Heresie. I am only dubious therefore in this last Conclusion. Perhaps I have not the Door by the Ring. He that likes it not, let him bite a Bay-leaf, and make a better Divination. I am not peremptory, that I have found out such Sibyls, as I look'd for in Phrygia. But I am sure our prudent Bishop discover'd that Sibyl, that he look'd for in St. Ives.

50. His second and particular Visitation made amends for the former, at Little Giding in the same County: where he found a Congregation of Saints, not walk∣ing after the Flesh, but after the Spirit. Let this History give Glory to God in their behalf: shewing in a Touch, o•• what religious Grounds their Polity was sounded: and how uncharitably suspected, and how unhappily dissolv'd. A Family of the Farrars, the Mother, with Sons and Daughters of both Sexes in the plural Number, other Branches of the Kindred, with Servants fit to be about them, were col∣lected into a House of their own at Giding aforesaid, purposing, and covenant∣ing between themselves to live in as strict a way, according to the Gospel of Christ, as good Rules could chalk out, and humane Infirmity undergo. This pious Design was proposed, and perswaded to them by the eldest Son, in Holy Orders, bred in Clare Hall in Cambridge, an humble, diligent, devout Servant of God, learned in the Theory, more in the Practice of Divinity. Their House, fit for their Contemplation, stood alone. All were single Persons in it, to the best I could learn. The Church was so near, that it was next to the Pale of their Yard: the easier for them that frequented it so often. The whole Village of Giding had been depopulated: or I am misinform'd: the House which contained them remaining for an whole Parish. The Tythes had been impropriated: but were restored back again by the Mother, to the use of the Rector then, her own Son; and to the succeeding Rectors, by a firm Deed, as Law could make, which in its time shall be declared. They kept much at home: their turns of Prayer, and Watching, which they observ'd, requir'd it. Yet Visits, perhaps once a Month, they made abroad: but shunning such Di∣versions, as much as they could, which rob us of a great part of the Employ∣ment of our Life. Non horam tecum esse potes: non otia rectè—Ponere: as an Hea∣then complained, Horat. Serm. 7. Strangers that came to them were fairly re∣ceiv'd: all the Tribe was meek and courteous, and did let none depart, before they gave them an account of their Conversation, if they ask'd it. And with∣all offer'd to read to them, what was written in a Table hanging up in their Parlour, as followeth:

He that by report of our Endeavours, will remonstrate that which is more perfect, and seek to make us better, is welcome as an Angel of God. He that by chearful par∣ticipating, and approbation of that which is good, confirms us in the same, is welcome as a Christian friend. He that any way goes about to divert, or disturb us in that which is, as it ought to be among Christians (though it be not usual in the World) is a Burthen while he stays, and shall bear his Judgment whosoever he be. He that faults us in ab∣sence, for that which in presence he made shew to approve, shall by a double guilt of Flattery and Slander, violate the Bands both of Friendship, and Christianity.

Subscribed,
Mary Farrar, Widow, Mother of this Family, aged about Fourscore Years: who bids adieu to all Hopes and Fears of this World, and only desires to serve God.

Their Apparel had nothing in it of Fashion, but that which was common: yet plain: and much of it for Linnen and Woollen spun at home; such as mo∣dest Christians thought to be the best Habit. Fateor vobis de pretiosâ veste erubesco, says St. Austin. Inter serm. de diver. They gave no Entertainment but to the Poor, whom they instructed first, and then relieved, not with Fragments, but with the best they had: and having sufficiency did abound to every good work, 2 Cor. 11.8. Their business was, either they were at Prayer, or at work; no∣thing came between: the Devil had the less Power to tempt them, that he ne∣ver found them idle. They had the more leisure for work, because they fasted so much: and their diet at their meals was soon drest; beside, their daily tem∣perance was such, as they fat not long at them. It was not by fits, but by con∣stancy, that they subdued their Bodies by Sobriety. Their Bread was course, their Drink small, and of ill relish to the Taste: that it was sure they strived for nothing, that a dainty Appetite might long for: As Alms and Fasting were frequent with them, so Prayers and Watching, with Reading and Singing Psalms, were continually in their Practice. Note, The Word continually: For there was no Intermission, day, nor night. Four times every day they offer'd up their Supplications to God, twice in the Words of the Common-Prayer in

the Church: twice in their Family, with several Petitions for their own needs, and for such as desired, upon some special occasions, to be remembred by them to God. At all times one, or more, by their Constitutions were drawn aside to some private Holy Exercise. By night they kept watch in the House of the Lord, and two by turns did supply the Office for the rest, from whence they departed not till the Morning. Their Scope was to be ready like wise Virgins with Oil in their Lamps, when the Bridegroom came. This was the hardest part of their Discipline, that they kept Centinel at all Hours, and Seasons to expect the second coming of the Lord Jesus. Arch-bishop Spotswood tells us of the like, Anno. 510. p. 11. That St. Mungo founded a Monastery in Wales, and took order that the Monks had day and night divided among them, one Com∣pany succeeding another: so that there were some always in the Church pray∣ing, and praising God. In which, and in all the rest, What was there offen∣sive? Nay, What not to be admir'd? To leave it off, or to lessen it for the Girds of lavish Tongues, were like the Man in the Dutch Epigram, That would eat nothing but Spoon-meat, for fear of wearing out his Teeth. God be glorified for such, whose Prayers were powerful and uncessant to pierce the Heavens. The whole Land was the better for their Sanctity. They fasted, that Famine might not be inflicted upon our common Gluttony. They abridg'd themselves of all Plea∣sures, that Vengeance might not come down upon the Voluptuousness of this riotous Age. They kept their Vigils all Night, that the Day of the Lord might not come upon us like a Thief unawares, that sleep in security. The whole World was the better for their Contempt of the World. As Philostratus says of the Hilobii, Lib. 3. vit. Apollonii, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. They were in the World, not of the World. All their Practice was heavenly; a great deal of it had some Singularity, by the Custom of our corrupt ways, who do not strive to enter in at the strait Gate, to come to Blessedness.

51. The Fame of the Dispensations of this worthy Family, the further it was heard abroad, the more it sounded like Popery. Envy or Ignorance could guess no better at it, but that it was a Casa Professa, a Convent pack'd together of some Superstitious Order beyond Seas, or a Nunnery, and that the Sufferance of it look'd towards a change in Religion. After the Sentence of Salust, Boni quàm mali sus••ectiores sunt: semperque aliena virtus formidolosa est. A Crew of Bawds, and Gamesters might have set up a Standing with less prejudice than these De∣votionaries. But God help us, if the best Protestants (for these may be called so) do look like Papists. Had they been hired with Gold, that so mistook them, they could not have done more Credit, and Honour to our Adversaries. Speak Sir Cenjur••r, we the true Children of the Church of England, were we not, without departing from our own Station, capable of Mortification? of vow∣ing our selves to God? of renouncing the World? of Fasting? of Vigils? of Prayer limited to Canons, and Hours, as any that say, and do not, that call themselves from St. Basil, St. Bennet, or such other Institution? Not our Refor∣mation, but our Slothfulness doth indispose us, that we let others run faster than we, in Temperance, in Chastity, in Scleragogy, as it was call'd. The Diocesan, and their Neighbour to this Family in a few Miles, was asham'd at these Scandals, which he knew to be spiteful and temerarious. He knew the Occur∣rences of his Precinct; as Apelles was wont to fit behind the Pictures hung up in his Shop, to hear what Passengers that went to and fro did approve, or discommend. These were known to the Bishop by right Information, from the time that they sealed a Charter among themselves, as it were, to be constant and regular in their Spiritual Discipline. But their Heavenly mindedness was best discover'd to him, when two Sons of Mrs. Farrar, the Mother and Matron of the Houshold, treated with the Bishop, to endow the Church with the Tythes, which had been impropriated: this was in Sept. 1633. as appears by a Smack of that which fell from the Pen of the Donor, as followeth:

Right Reverend Father in God,

THE Expectation of Opportunities, having some Years whealed me off from the Performance of this Business, I now think it necessary to break through all Impedi∣ments, and humbly to present to your Lordship the Desires, and the Intentions of my Heart. Beseeching you on God's behalf, to take them into your Fatherly Consideration, and to give a speedy Accomplishment to them, by the Direction of your Wisdom, and the Assistance of your Authority.

The rest is too much to be rehearsed, save a little of her Prayer to God in the end of the Papers.

BE graciously pleased, Lord, now to accept from thy Hand-maid the Restitution of that, which hath been unduely heretofore taken from thy Ministers. And as an earnest, and pledge of the total Resignation of her self, and hers to thy Service, vouch∣safe to receive to the use of thy Church this small Portion of that large Estate, which thou hast bestowed upon her, the unworthiest of thy Servants. Lord redeem thy Right whereof thou hast been too long disseized by the World, both in the Possessions, and in the Person of thy Hand-maid. And let this outward Seizure of Earth be accompanied with an inward Surprizal of the Heart, and Spirit into thine own Hands: So that the Restorer, as well as that which is restored, may become, and be confirm'd thine Inheritance, &c.

The Bishop pray'd to God that many such Customers might come to him: so commended her free-will Offering to God, and confirm'd it. To make them some amends for their Liberality to the Church, he devised how to give them Reputation, against ad Detraction. Therefore in the Spring that came after, he gave them warning on what Sunday he would Preach in their Church: whither an extreme Press of People resorted from all the Towns that heard of it. In his Sermon he insisted most, what it was to die unto the World: that the Righteous should scarce be saved: that our right Eye, and our right Hand, and all our fleshly Contentments must be cut off, that we may enter into Life. All tended to approve the dutiful, and severe Life of the Farrars, and of the Church that was in their House. After Sermon the Bishop took their Invitation to Dine with them. But they were so strict to keep that day holy, that they left not a Servant at home to provide for the Table. Yet it was handsomely furnish'd with that which was boil'd, and bak'd, that requir'd no Attendance, to stay any one from Church to look to it. By this visit the Bishop had the Means to see their way of serving God; to know the Soundness of Doctrine which they maintain'd, to read their Rules which they had drawn up for Fasts, and Vigils, and large Distributions of Alms: In which he bad them proceed in the Name of God, and gave them his Blessing at his departing. From thenceforth these faithful ones flourish'd in good opinion. For it is certain what Quintilian hath stated in Gratory, Lib. 5. Nulla sunt firmiora, quàm quae ex dubiis facta sunt corta. The more a Case was doubted, the clearer it is, when the Doubt is resolv'd.

52. Yet nothing is so sound, but in time it will run into Corruption. For I must not hold it in, that some Persons in Little Giding had run into excess, and incurr'd offence, if the Bishop had not broken the Snare, which they were preparing for their own feet. For after he had spoken well of the Family in the Pulpit, and privately to divers, some of them could not see when they were well, but aspir'd to be Transcendants above their measure. For two Daughters of the Stock came to the Bishop, and offer'd themselves to be vailed Virgins, to take upon them the Vow of perpetual Chastity, with the Solemnity of the Episcopal Blessing, and Ratification. Whom he admonish'd very Fa∣therly, that they knew not what they went about. That they had no promise to confirm that Grace unto them; that this readiness, which they had in the present, should be in their will, without Repentance, to their Lifes end. Let the younger Women marry, was the best Advice, that they might not be led into Temptation And that they might not forget what he taught them, he drew up his Judgment in Three Sheets of Paper, and sent it them home, that they might dress themselves by that Glass, and learn not to think of Humane Nature, above that which it is, a Sea of Flowings, and Ebbings, and of all man∣ner of Inconstancy. The Direction of God was in this Council: For one of the Gentlewomen afterwards took a liking to a good Husband, and was well be∣stowed. Nothing is more suiting to this Passage, than a Story out of Gregory the Great, concerning his Three Ants, Homil. 38. Uno omnes ardore, côdemque tempore Sacratae—In domo propriâ socialem vitam ducebant; and a little after he re∣ports, that after this admission into State of Virginity, one of them became a Wife. There are some says Christ, that have made themselves Eunuchs for the Kingdom of Heaven's sake, Mat. 19.12. with caution as they are able to receive it. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as Eusebius hath it: Virginity with free, and vo∣luntary Destination, and Continuation. A single Life, and grant it with a State

of Prosession, is a noble Course to serve God in: but limited to that time, as it serves for a Help, and not turns to a Wound in the Conscience. God will not be cheated with a Vow, to let one of his great Commandements be broken for it. St. Ambrose, who knew the Heathen Customs of the Romans, writes to Va∣lentinian. Vestales habuerunt praescripta pudicu••••e tempora. The Vestals attended in their Maiden Service but to a prescribed time. Baronius Appar. An. Par. 10. testifies for the Pharisees, out of Epiphanius, Pharisaei determinatum castitatus, aut continentiae tempus habebant. They devoted themselves to Chastity, or Continen∣cy, not for ever, but to a determinate day. Grotius, in voto Pacis, tells me more than I knew before. Optimum mihi viderur institutum patrum Oratorii, & quorun∣dam caetuum virginalium, ut libertas ducendi maneat. Grant them but that liberty; or as the Council of Gangra calls it, Humanity from their Governors, and the Scandal ceaseth. Sir Roger Twisd••n, a noble Scholar, goes further in his Apology against the Imputation of Schism, p. 97. That the Kings of England reserved to themselves to dispense with Nuns, that they might marry. They that yield to that Dispensation are on our side. As old as the Widow Anna was, who depart∣ed not from the Temple, but served God with Fastings and Prayers night and day, Luk. 2.37. She was no Votary, that appears. Non clarè indicat sequesirationem, says Bishop Montague, Orig. Eccl. P. 2. pag. 163. But she left the World: that is, she used it, as if she used it not. Here let the Danghters of Giding stay: and so they did. But nor they, nor the rest staid many Years after, in that Godly repose. Otia bona frustra disseruntur, ubi quiescere non licet, says Grotius, Belg. Hist. p. 314. It was out of season to confine themselves to Holy rest, when Civil Dissentions began to flame, and there was no rest in the Land. In those days there was no peace to him that went out, nor to him that came in, but great vexations were upon all the Inhabitants of the Countries, 2 Chron. 15.5. Religion, and Loyalty were such Eye-sores, that all the Farrars fled away, and dispers'd, and tock joyfully the spotling of their goods, Hebr. 10.34. All that they had restored to the Church, all that they had bestowed upon sacred Comeliness, all that they had gather'd for their own Livelihood, and for Alms, was seized upon as a lawful Prey, taken from superstitious Persons. Procrin habe, dixit. Quod si mihi provida mens est, Non habuisse voles, Metamor. Lib. 7. What will the Cruel, and the Covetous say, when God shall require it at their hands?

53. With these Businesses at St. Ives, and at Little Giding; the Relation of two particular Visitations is dispatch'd. Others were of things nothing strange, nor of such moment and use. And for the Visitations general to the whole Dio∣cess, held according to triennial Spaces, a Collation, made by the Bishop at one sitting, shall supply enough for all the rest. It was deliver'd at Bedford, in the end of the Year, 1634. Which is so wise, and weighty, so learned and pious, that the Maker himself could searce have mended it. No excuse is offer'd that there is so much of it, because it is so good. The City, which Ascanius built in Latium, was call'd Alba longa, says Livy, Lib. 1. So this Speech is long, but so pure and white, that the beauty will plead for the Bigness: or rather Bigness, and Beauty will make two several Praises: So he begins. I must not tax the learn∣ed Preacher, as Alexander did his Father Philip, that his Father had conquer'd and engrossed so much, that he had left him but little to do. But I do really and heartily thank him for it. And conceiving that part of our Duty, concern∣ing the Preaching of God's Word, to be gravely and sufficiently discharged by him, I must frame my Speech upon other Heads, which would hardly, with∣out much forcing be bidden, or invited into one Text, and yet have been sel∣dom omitted by Prelates of former times, when they have held their Visitati∣ons. Not that I mean to trouble you with the Bead-roul of Particulars cogni∣zable by Bishops on such an occasion: for this is the Work of Chancellors and Commissaries, who are also wearied with these Recitations. But as the an∣cient Aristotelians were want to keep off their 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, their Singularities from the Knowledge of the Understanding, and to leave them wholly to the Survey of the Senses: So it is the Fashion of modern Visitors to digest their 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Singularities into a Book of Articles, to be perused by the Eyes and Ears of such, as may be concerned so to do, without drawing these particular Points to any further Discourse, or settled Oration. What therefore I shall insist upon, shall be some few Generals, which reflect either upon the Visitation it self (the Act we have in hand) or the Persons visited, and subjected to this Visi∣tation. And those are either my Brethren of the Clergy, or my good Friends, and Neighbours of the Laity. When I have spoken somewhat to either of these

in general, and recommended to the Clergy a particular I have in charge, I shall trouble you no longer, but go on to the business of the day.

54. The Visitation of Bishops is no Jonas gourd, no filia noct••s, started up in a Night of Popery: but a Tree set by the Apostles themselves, and water'd from time to time by the Canons of general Councils, in the fairest Springs of the Primitive Church. For so I find Protestants of no mean Esteem, to wit, the Four Writers of the Centuries, to retrieve the Root hereof from Acts, cap. 14. And if you will observe the Place, there is scarce one particular prescrib'd by the Canon Law, as essential to a Visitation, but you shall find it put in Execution in that Chapter, you have them first 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, v. 22. they that confirm'd the Souls of all the Disciples, must among them confirm Children. Secondly, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, laying hands on Priests and Deacons, v. 23. Thirdly, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, v. 24. Peragrantes, saith Beza, a Word used for a Bishop's Visitation in the Council of Chalons, un∣der Charles the Great. Fourthly, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, v. 25. making their Sermons, or Collations. And Lastly, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, returning back to Antioch from whence they came, v. 26. Nor are we now forced to such a leap, as Dr. Mocket out of Gratian would put upon us, for the Visitations of Bishops: To wit, from these Acts of the Apostles, to the Synodus Tarraconensis, or the fourth Council of Toledo, which is a 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a huge wide Gulf of more than Five Hundred Years, but are able to trace them all along in that interim of time, in most Au∣thentical Authors, and Histories. For, to say nothing of those Books of Cle∣mons Romanus, call'd by the Ancients 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Circuits of St. Peter, be∣cause they were abused by old Hereticks, as Epiphanius, and Athanasius often tell us, that is most certain, that many Years after the Epocha of the Acts of the A∣postles St. Peter 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (where you have the Word of art used to this day) did often visit Pontus and Bithynia, says Epiphan. in his 27 Heresie, which is that of the Carpocratians. And about the Year One hun∣dred, after the Death of the Emperor Domitian, Eusebius reports out of Clemens Romanus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a Tale and no Tale, but an unquestion'd History, that St. John leaving Pathmos, went up and down Asia, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, setting Churches in order, Lib. 3. Hist. c. 23. From hence indeed I must transport you to the 57 Canon of the 3 Counc. of Carthage, that you may hear Aurelius, and his Brethren excuse themselves, for not visiting Maurita∣nia, and those other Provinces. But you must not dwell upon this Council, being by the Canon it self turn'd back again for four, or five Years, to that famous Council of Hippo, which opened to St. Austin, as yet a Priest, Famae januam, the first Gate, and Entrance, as it were, to his Fame, and Glory. For in this great Council at Hippo, saith that other Council of Carthage, it had been expresly determin'd, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that every Province, or Diocess should be visited, in the very time of holding the Synod. Which Words are to be well observ'd: For the Canon doth not say, they were to be visited at the Synod, or the Synod sitting. For the Law doth not admit of that. Quia multùm operatur persona—The Person of the Prelate bears a special part in this kind of Visitation. But a general Synod was first call'd, and there∣in the manner of the Reformation was settled, and agreed upon. Presently af∣ter that the Fathers did 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, sever themselves (as Zonaras writes upon that Ca∣non) and fall in hand with their peculiar Visitations. And here I have brought you, without all question, to the Fountain and Well head of our Canon Law, which requires according to this Revisement of the Council of Hippo, that a Synod of the Diocess, or Province be first called before they begin the Episco∣pal Visitation. And however the Synods themselves be much out of use (in this Kingdom especially, where none can be held, but by leave of the Prince) yet may you still find upon your Accompts some few Splinters, and Remainders of the same, when you do not pay your Procurations only, but your Cathe∣draticals, and Synodals also. From this Third Council of Carthage, the right∣ing of these Visitation, was taken up by the Synodus Tarraconensis, by the Coun∣cil of Bracara, by the Fourth Council of Toledo, and divers others in their Ages. From these Councils they were fetch'd by Gratian into his Decrees: from the Decrees by the Popes into their Epistles, and Decretals; and so con∣tinue to this day our Jus Commune, our ordinary Law in that behalf. Nor were these Visitations of Bishops sooner enjoyn'd by the several Popes in their Laws, and Decretals, but as things of sovereign, and principal use, they were taken up, and incorporated into the Municipal Laws, of all our chief and best or∣der'd Monarchies. Hence we find them commanded the Prelates of Spain in

the first Partida of King of Alfonso's Laws, Title 22. Hence likewise enjoyn'd the Bishops of France, by Charles the Ninth, Henry the Third, and Fourth, in those general Estates of Orleance, Bloise, and Paris. Hence also Visitations were to have been erected here in England, by our Statute Laws, if those Thirty two Persons had ever met, as appears by those preparations made by Arch-bishop Cranmer, and others, Titulo de Visitationibus. Lastly, Upon the beginning of the Reformation in Saxony, they kept a Visitation by the Super-intendents, An. 1527. much approved of by the Lutherans of those times Osiander, and Bucholzerus. And therefore we may not conceive of these Visitations, as of some imperfect and equivocal Creatures, begotten but the other day ex fimo & limo, out of the Dregs and Corruptions of the Church of Rome: but as of things of a more no∣ble, and ancient Descent, begun by Paul and Barnabas when they were Apostles, continued by St. Peter and St. John as great Bishops: settled and righted in the Council at Hippo, Anno. 393. From thence transcrib'd into the Third Council of Carthage, Anno. 397. From thence revived at Tarraco under Hormisda, An. 517 From thence received into the Council of Braccara, Anno. 602. From thence into the Fourth of Toledo, Anno. 633. From those Councils they were taken in by Gratian into his Decrees. So into the Decretals: and from the Decre∣tals, and their Glosses, infused into the municipal, or common Laws of all the chiefest Christian Monarchies. So much of a Visitation in general.

55. In the second place I am to make a short Exhortation unto you, my Brethren of the Clergy. The Effect whereof shall be no more than what St. Hierom wrote long ago in his Epistle to Nepotian, Qui servit ecclesiae, interprete∣tur primò nomen suum. We that are received into any Place of Office in God's Church, must before all other Lessons, be sure to understand aright the Titles of those Offices, whereunto we are received. And that being once apprehend∣ed, Niti esse quod dicimur: To endeavour with all might and main to be no o∣ther than we are said to be. We Bishops are said to be Visitatores, the Temporary Visitors: You, the Incumbents of Churches, to be Visores, the perpetual Seers of Christ's Flock. Our Visitation is a frequentative Word. Frequentatio autem non est unius actus continuatio, sed actus intercisi multiplicata repetitio, saith Grosthead, (once a famous Bishop of this See) in one of his Epistles. Frequentation doth not import any whole frame, or thread as it were of a continued Act, but the Repetition, and often taking up of a broken, and interrupted Act. And there∣fore in this spiritual Flock of Christ, being in their nature individua vaga, Cattle of a scattering, and wandring Condition, there must be some to have an eye upon them continually, some to attend from day to day, beside those Over-lookers from year to year: Or where the Sheep are many, and the Pa∣stures of a large extent, from three years to three years, there must be Visitores, saith Grosthead, as well as Visitatores; continual Seers, as well as triennial Over∣seers. And these are you, my Brethren of the Clergy, as by your Institutions, Inductions, and Licenses may appear. Remember therefore in the Fear of God, the Titles of your Offices, that you are those Videntes in Israele, those con∣tinual, and immediate Seers of Israel. You are those that are to see to the pray∣ing, to see to the Hearing, to see to the reverend and awful Receiving, to see to the Manners and Living, to see to the Peace, and good Agreeing, and, if you would see the Comfort of any thing you set, to see throughly to the cate∣chising of your People.

56. Primùm omnium fieri orationes, saith St. Paul, Above all other Duties of a Christian Man, bring your People as much as you can, to delight in praying. When all is well, and throughly weighed, you shall find it the only Duty, whereby a Christian doth most resemble an Angel on Earth, and most ascertain himself of being hereafter a Saint in Heav'n. Say what you can (and you can∣not over-reach or say too much) in the Commendations of Faith; yet must you confess it is the Gift of the Holy Ghost. And behold Christ tells you plainly the Holy Ghost it self is the Gift of Devotion, and Praying. And when we have read, and studied, and heard never so much, yet tantum scimus, quantum oramus (as Luther was wont to say) we may have more Notions, and Ginglings in the Head: but we have no more, true feeling, and pricking Divinity at the Heart, than we have Inclination to Devotion, and Prayer. And of all Prayers none so fit for Devotion, as the Prayers of the Liturgy, understood by all, and known of all, and therefore putting the poor People to no straining of the Under∣standing, but to an intuitive Discourse, as it were of their Wills and Affections to Almighty God. Whereas the long and tedious Prayer of a Preacher (especi∣ally

where it is crude and extemporary) sets the Mind of a Country-man on hunting so fast after the unconth Words, which are the Body, that it loseth all the Mellowness, as it were the Ardency, and Devotion, which is the Spirit and Soul of true Prayer. And the Laws do call upon us, to call upon you, to cause your Parishioners to conn by heart these Prayers of the Liturgy, especially the Confession, and Collects. That when they are assembled in the Church mili∣tant, a Type and Representation of the Church Triumphant, they may not be musing, and studying (for you do not read that the Saints and Angels do so in Heaven) but sympathizing, and uniting their best Affections, with the Devo∣tion of their Minister. Secondly, You that are daily Seers of Christ's Flock must see to their Pasture, that is their Hearing. For it is a fond and novel Conceit, to cry up Praying, and with the same breath to cry down Preach∣ing. That most excellent Form of Prayer, How was it taught but in an ex∣cellent Sermon? Lord teach us to pray: teaching is a necessary Fore-runner of Praying. It is a kind of new Monster, not heard of in former times, that Preachers should preach against Preaching. And yet I must correct this Assertion. I confess it was heard of long ago in the middle Ages, in the time of ignorant and stu∣pid Popery. Jo. Gerson preaching a Visitation Sermon before the Arch-bishop of Rhemes, in the Year, 1408. saith, that the Clergy of his times bent all their Studies to enable themselves for Ruling, and Governing, leaving the Mendicants, and the Curates only to supply their Preaching. But, as I told you before, this was in the time of the gross and dull, not of the refined, and quintessential Popery. The Dominicans of Spain, the Minors of Italy, the Oratorions of France, and the Jesuites over all the World are more than sufficient Preachers: So that this is no Age for us to preach against Preaching. I will conclude this Point with a Say∣ing, not out of Calvin, or Beza, who may be thought partial, but out of a Prosne or Homily, made on purpose to be read before the Clergy and Laity in all Visitations, as I find it in a Book of this Subject written by one Jo. Fran∣ciscus Pavinus two hundred Years ago. Saith he, Fides sine operibus vana, sine verbis nulla. Faith without doing will prove little: but without Preaching it will prove nothing at all. Thirdly, You that are the Seers of God's People must see to their due, and awful receiving of the high Mysteries. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as Damascen calls them, those pure and hallowed things of God. Especially that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as St. Chrysost. terms it, that Super-coelestial Food in the Lord's Supper, which a Christian ought not once to think of, without a sacred kind of Horror, and Reverence. Here is an Action, I confess, wherein you can hardly exceed, either by expressing in your selves, or by exacting from others, any Circumstance of Awe and Reverence. I know it is safest for a Child of the Church, to hold him still to the Canons of the Church. But if in any one thing, surely in this, the Canons are rather to be out-bidden, and exceeded, than any way neglected or abated. The Fear, or rather the Experi∣ence, of the Peoples falling from extremity to extremity in this case, from an extremity of Superstition (which the six Articles had bred in the Hearts, or at leastwise in the outward Gestures of Men) to an extremity of Profanation, did much trouble the Magistrates in the beginning of the Reformation: You may see it clearly in the Letters of the Lord Protector, and the rest of the Council, which are printed in the Book of Martyrs: In the Injunctions of King Edward: in the Injunctions of Queen Elizabeth: And especially in that Act of Parlia∣ment still in force, which enables the King from time to time, to add what Ceremonies, and Decencies he shall hold sitting, for the awful and reverend, as well administring, as receiving of this heavenly Sacrament. And be not afraid to be accounted herein too too diligent and ceremonious. For we know, that in Mysteries of this high Nature, Ceremonies wait close upon the Substances. They may as well say (and peradventure will ere long) that an Action of this kind may be done without a Priest, as without a troublesome solemn Cere∣mony. Gerson in his Sermon de Coenâ Domini saith, Spiritualia sine temporalibus diu esse non posse, that things Spiritual would wax cold without things temporal, was a Proverb cried up by the worst of the Prelates: but I am sure that in these high Mysteries, Spiritualia sine temporalibus esse non posse: that the Spiritual Graces (not essentially for want of any Vertue in them, but accidentally, by reason of such Weakness, and Imperfection in us) will fail of their Operations, with∣out temporal Ceremonies, is the Doctrine, not of the worst, but of the best both of the Greek, and Latin Fathers.

57. Fourthly, You that are the Seers of Israel must see into the Lives, and Man∣ners of your People. Which is the sooner done, if you look well to your own. For it is most true on this case, what Gerson saith, Vox operum fortiùs sonat, quàm vox verborum: the sound of your Sermon strikes nothing so shrill in the Ears of your Parish, as the sound of your Life and Conversation. Take heed there∣fore you do not Linguâ struere, & manu destruere, as St. Bern. speaks, build with the Tongue, and pull down with the Hand. For the Woman's Frump, which Gerson, often cited, writes of, runs as well in English, as in other Languages; who being demanded, Si sermo factus esset, if the Sermon was done, answered, the Sermon was ended, but it was not done. Dictus quidem est sermo, sed non factus, It was said by rote, but it was not done. Dicunt emm hic sacerdotes, & non faciunt: For the Priests with them us'd only to say, but seldom to do, or to perform their Sermons. Fifthly, If you be those Seers the Canons require, you must see to your Peoples peace, quietness, and good agreeing: That your Neighbours do not spend their Bodies, their Minds, their Estates, and Chil∣drens Bread in brabbles, quarrelling, and Law-suiting. Truly I am afraid, that Church-men in England have much to answer, for the Calamities of the Laity in this kind. Yet have you one by one, by the Pole as it were, in the Presence of God, and your Mother the Church, promised the Bishop better things at your Ordinations, to wit, that you would, as much as lay in you maintain Peace, and Quietness among all Christian People, and especially among those, that were committed to your Charge, your Friends and Neighbours of the Parish. And I shall not need to strain my Logick to let you see, how properly and essen∣tially this civil part of a Justice of Peace, is woven into the Duty of every Pa∣stour, and Minister. For without this Peace-making, you may preach indeed, but in effect to no Parish, or Congregation. Because Country-men, distract∣ed with Law-suits, receive little good by you. And being sometime in the midst of the Church, are as though they were not there. Let them say what they will, it is too true, that in saying the Lord's Prayer after you, they pray for Forgiveness without forgiving: and too often, God knows, hear your Ser∣mons with little heed, or listning. For the poor Souls, all that while the Hour∣glass runs, have Manum in Aetolis, animum in Cleopidis, as it is said of one in Plutarch: they have their Eye, it may be, upon the Preacher, but their Mind upon their Attorney, Proctor, or Sollicitor. Yea but you are most of you learned Men, and can undeceive your People from these Phantasies. You can shew them out of School-men, Quodlibets, and Casuists, that Men may go to Law, and yet be in charity. And I must be bold to tell you back again, that People will be People for all your distinctions, and unless you can perswade them to be in Charity without Law, for all your School-men, Quodlibets, and Casuists, the poor Swains will be as they were, in Law without charity. To conclude this Point, where Brother goes to Law with Brother, and Neighbour with Neigh∣bour about Matters of small moment, I dare not say as St. Paul doth, that there is not a wise Man, but I will be so bold as to suspect, that in that unhappy Town, there is scarce a wise and conscientious Minister. Lastly, If you be Seers of Christ's Flock, do as Jacob did, that thriving Shepherd, look well to your Sheep, when they are in conceiving. What Colour and Tincture you give them in that hint, you shall know them by it for many Years after. Ne∣ver look that that Man should profit at a Sermon, whom you never season'd in his Principles of Christianity. A Sermon (saith St. Cyril) is a good thing, but not so condition'd as a Catechism. Some Lessons, forgotten in the one, are but loose Stones in a Wall, which may be fasten'd again upon a second opportuni∣ty: but Ignorance in those Principles is a certain great Stone mis-lay'd in the Foundation, which hazards the ruine of the whole Building. And again says that Father, the erecting of a Christian, is like the planting of a Tree; if you give it not Earth, and rooting at the first, you can never repair it with water∣ing, and pruning. Catechism, as St. Basil calls it, is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the preparing Colours, wherein you must dip the People, without the which, for all your Sermons, you shall never find them Purple in grain: but pale and wan as long as they live: as ill-grounded Colours use to do, ever and anon staining, fading, and decaying I will conclude this Point with an Observa∣tion of that grave Divine Jo. Gerson, in a Sermon of his, which I find also in a little Book of Peter de Aliaco, De reformatione ecclesiae. Ecclesiae reformatio debet inchoari à parvulis: If ever you will reform this Church of Men, you must begin with that Church of Children. And

this is all that I shall say unto you in general, my good Brethren of the Clergy.

58. For you my honest Friends and Neighbours of the Laity, I shall say no∣thing to you of any Particulars, whereunto you are to answer by reason of your Offices, but transfer you wholly in that respect to those Articles, which you have already receiv'd. But by way of general Exhortation, I am by the ancient Forms of Visitations in this kind, to recommend unto you, for your Souls good, two principal Instructions, the one in point of Belief, the other in point of Practice. In point of Belief, I must require your assent, without wavering or hesitation, and to continue the remembrance of that Article of your Creed, the Resurrection to Judgment at the last day. And for your Practice, I shall desire you for your own great good, as well in this, as in the Life to come, to meditate day and night upon that Sentence of our Saviours, Mat. 7.12. All things whatsoever you would that Men should do to you, do ye even so to them. For the Resurrection to Judgment, it was an Article decried by the Heathen, from the first hour it came to be preached: it was mock'd at in St. Paul's time; Risus gentium, the Flout of the Nations in Tertullian's time; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, an universal Laughter in St. Basil's time: and the Point of Christianity least brook'd in St. Austin's time. And therefore, peradventure, enjoyned the Bishops to be in∣culcated thus into the People, ever since the Braccaran Council. But however you may conceive it, perhaps, unnecessary at this time, or in this Auditory. For, God be praised, you are all good Christians, can say your Creed, and use to repeat it orderly after your Minister. That's well done. Yet must you know further, that it is not enough to say this Article with the Priest, unless you remember to practise it with all the People. This is an Article, not penned for the Tongue alone, but for the Hands also of a true Christian. It is not enough to say it in Confession, if you act it not in Life and Conversation. Do you therefore continually mind that dismal sound, that St. Hierom speaks of, Arise you Dead, be changed you Living, and come to Judgment. If you all do so, I shall confess my Exhortation needless, and shall believe, that you believe indeed the Resurrection to Judgment. But on the other side, if upon every slight Mo∣tion and Temptation, you surrender up the Members of those Bodies of yours, that shall rise to Judgment, as Servants to Sin, your Tongues for Lying, your Hands for Stealing, your Brains for Cheating, your Hearts for Malicing, your Feet for running to shed Blood: if you make the Members of Christ the Mem∣bers of an Harlot: if you have all the reason in the World, upon the sounding of that Trump, to call for the Mountains to fall upon you, and the Hills to cover you, that you may not come to Judgment, I must tell you, that shewing your Faith no better by your Works (as St. James bids you) I may believe that you can rehearse; but I cannot believe, that you do mind or believe (at least∣wise while you are in flagranti crimine, in the heighth, and meridian of your Sins) the Resurrection to Judgment. It is not enough for you to believe, but also with all your might and power to live the Resurrection to Judg∣ment.

59. And were you but once past this first, you would quickly take out your second Lesson, whatsoever you would that Men should do unto you, so to do unto them, it being impossible for a Christian Soul to do otherwise, that were actu∣ally and throughly season'd, with a practical Belief of the Resurrection to Judg∣ment. This Sentence, and Rule of Justice, and Charity, found out of purpose by our Saviour Christ for plain and simple Men, that are able to bear away no longer discourse, to direct them to live peaceably in this Life, and happily in that to come, if you can remember, and put in use that one Sentence, it is e∣nough, Do as you would be done unto. Why then, will some say to me, you are come to this Visitation to bring us nothing, or almost nothing, a short Sentence to make a Posie in a Ring. O for all that do not disrespect the Littleness. It is Sententia bracteata, a Sentence to be written in Plates of Gold. And heretofore it hath been written in the Palaces of Kings and Emperors. It is a Sentence that procur'd ease with Anton. Pius, and respect to the Christians with the Em∣peror Severus, as Historians report. Julius Capitolinus indeed makes some que∣stion, whether that Emperor learn'd this Sentence from the Jews, or from the Christians. But we make no question at all, but he suck'd it with his Milk from his Mother Mammaea, the Scholar of that great Origen, as Casaubon notes upon that Author. I tell you (dearly Beloved) Do as you would be done unto, is a Sen∣tence, which once put in practice, would make an end of a World of Sen∣tences:

nay of all the Sentence; in this World, and peradventure of those we fear in the World to come. You are many of you afraid of the Ecclesiastical, and many more (as you have more reason) of the Temporal Courts. Your Purses may suffer in the one: and your Persons, beside your Purses in the other. And yet do all the bitter Sentences of either Court issue from this Spring, from this only Spring, that either the Plaintiff, or the Defendant, or the Witness, or the Advocate, or the Proctor, or at the furthest the Judge himself hath quite forgotten this little Sentence, to do as he would be done unto. Yea, but is not this University Learning, and above the apprehension of a plain Man? No; St. Chrys. says you need not repair to any Man to learn it. You have it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, at home in your own breast. It is a Flower that grows in your own Garden. It is a Notion, or Apprehension planted by the Finger of Nature in your own Bosom. As for Example, Would you know whether you may not, parle droict de bien-seance, as the Trench Masters use to say, by a certain Point of Law, which I may call your better fitting and accommodation, make bold with your Neighbours Goods in such a case, with his Lands in such a case, his Fame in such a case, his Wise in such a case, or any thing that is his, as you will make the case? And yet do all these Feats cleanly and handsomely, with a colour at the least of some Law, or Equity? You need not study Ulpian, Bartolus, or Bal∣dus in this Point. You need not turn over the Reports of the Law; or the Year-books of the Judges. Unclasp only the Book in your own Bosom, in your own Conscience, and mark well what is written therein. You have your De∣murrer argued there without Judge, or Counsellor. Do you find it there regi∣stred, that upon the putting of the like case, your self would be content to have your own Goods, your own Lands, your own Fame, your own Wise, or any thing that is yours taken from you? and withal to make the Matter a little worse, and more picquant, to have a flourish of Law or Equity cast upon the Case, to bereave you of that poor, and last Comfort, the Pity, and Compas∣sion of the Beholders? If you find there no such case reported from yourselves, moot it not upon any other: but listen unto Christ's little Sentence, and do as you would be done to. Yea, but perhaps I would be done to in my Tempta∣tions, what you will not admit, I should do to another as in the Case of Forni∣cation, or Adultery; shall I do in that case, what I desire to be done to me? And therefore the Rule is not so safe as it is represented. Yea, but then if you will any thing, as this Rule would have you to will, you must will voluntate rationali & discretà, saith Alexander Ales, with a rational and discreet will, and then you shall not miscarry. Or you must do as you would have Men do, ho∣mines, non bruta, as you would have Men, and not Beasts do unto you, saith Albertus magnus. But those that will do unto you any such filthiness, as you speak of, are as St. Paul calls them, Men after the manner of Beasts. And there∣fore in all your Actions whatsoever, remember still this little Sentence, as you desire to avoid those other Sentences, some in this Life, and some in the Life to come. Which is all I shall say unto you my good Friends, and Neigh∣bours of the Laity.

60. Now that particular thing, which I am to recommend to you, my Bre∣thren of the Clergy, not falling properly within the Limits of a Visitation, but put off by my self for a Year or two, in hope of this, or the like opportunity, is Subsidium charitativum: which, so as it tend to a publick, and no private end, Bishops by Law may move unto their Clergy. It is a charitable Benevolence, or Contribution for St. Paul's Cathedral Church, seated in London, which, as you know, is our 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as he said he of Athens, our England of England, and our Landskip and Representation of the whole Island. For here strangers no sooner arrive, but they first take unto themselves, and then vent abroad un∣to others, a Scantling and Platform of the British Government, as well in Matters concerning the Church, as in those that touch upon the State, and Commonwealth. Here if God's worship be decently perform'd, his Word learnedly Preach'd, his Sacraments reverently administred, his material Houses polish'd, and repaired, especially this great and huge Fabrick, the City, as it were of the City it self, and a place of continual resort both to our own and other Nations, then presently omnes omnia bona dicere, the Mouth of Detraction is quite stopped, the Priests and Jesuites are blank and silenc'd, the Government in Church and State is generally approved: And (which is more considerable than all the rest) God himself is magnified and glorified, for giving a Nation Eighty years of Peace and Plenty, which had the Heart to return some little

Share, somewhat at the least, unto him again. But should this Minster still re∣main (as of late it did) a great heap of mouldering Stones, or rather a little Mountain of Dust and Rubbish; were our Churches in the inner places of this Isle never so repaired, as I doubt it much, yet would Strangers, out of Error, and Seminaries, out of Rancour, possess the World, That since the Reformation God's Houses in England are become the Habitations of Dragons, and a Court for Owls; that Satyrs do dance in them, and Beasts of the Field do roar in them. Lastly, That when Pater Noster had reared them up to touch the Hea∣vens, Our Father hath pull'd them down to the Dust of the Earth. And is it nothing thus to become a Reproach and Proverb in all places? Nothing that God's Glory should be thus impaired? Nothing that his Gospel should be thus blasphemed? God forbid, but we should all be sensible of it. And thus it must needs be, unless these great Fabricks, reared at the first, for the main of the Work, by Indulgences and Superstition, be repaired again by the bountiful De∣votion of King and People. But the Misery of it is this; that People in all Ages are sound to be People, that is far more easily noosed and cheated, than taught, enlighten'd, or perswaded. Whereas the Case, God be thanked, is otherwise, with you, my Brethren of the Clergy, whose advantage of Breeding makes you better understand a Motion from your King, so vigilant and atten∣tive to any Motion of yours, especially when it comes upon you as this doth, backed and accompanied with all the Reasons and Demonstrations of Piety and Policy. Beside that, the Care of our Metropolitan hath been such, that your Contribution may, without offence, be so minced and distributed to Years and Half-years, as that it shall become very easie and portable, doing good abroad, without hurting at home, or impairing in any sensible measure your private States or Fortunes. I will leave it thus unto your own Considerations, without accumulating more Reasons or Motives, left I might seem to doubt of your Affe∣ctions to any reasonable Proposition, whom I have found for these Fourteen years, as loving a Clergy to any Motion of mine, as I have been unto you, by reason of some Misfortunes, an unuseful and unprofitable, yet a most affectionate, Bishop.

61. Thus he ended; and thus was the Visitation perfumed with the sweet Gums of his Eloquence: Perhaps the Smell is too strong for them that lov'd him not, and whose contumelious Writings and bitter Words eat into his Credit like Quicksilver. They will be wiser when Truth and Charity meet together in them, which Graces they had need to pray for. Envy, like a Kite, sits upon the top of the tallest Tree in the Wood. A drowsie Bishop, that had bestirred himself in nothing to be known to Posterity, no better than a silly Consul, that served for nothing but to know the Fasti by his Name, this man should have scap'd the Lash, it may be, had the good word of our common Jeerers; but offer another unto them that hath lived in Action and Renown, as our Prelate did, they will pull him out of his Grave, as one Pope served another, to censure him. How ready have they been either to raise or take up Reports to wound him? Reports spread far and wide by the King's unfortunate Regiments, that re∣veli'd it with all kind of Insolency round about him in Wales, whose ungovern'd looseness the Bishop could not endure, but oppos'd them stifly; wherein, it may be, he lost his Judgment, considering their Strength and Rudeness. He loved the King's Cause, but not his Army, whose debauched Carriage and little Hope of Success, methinks I read in Tully's Epistles, lib. 7. epist. 3. to M. Marius, concerning Pompey's Sword-men, Extra Ducem, paucos{que} praeterea (de Principibus lo∣quor) reliqui primùm in bello rapaces: deinde in oratione it a crudeles, ut ipsam victoriam horrerem. Maximum aes alienum amplissimorum virorum: Quid quaeris? nihil boni praeter causam. These are they that brought up Tales and Tidings of the Bishop in their Knapsacks, to London; and on such Stuff our History-men, Ecclesiastical and Civil, are pleas'd to insist. Why did they pretermit the noble parts of his Episcopal Government, digested in this Work in so many Paragraphs? which are so unquestionable, that they were seen and known to Thousands. Nam lux altissima fati-occultum nihil essesinit, Claud. Paneg. 4. Honor. What Spight is this, to be silent in that which was certainly so, and to engrave with a Pen of Steel that which was ignominous, uncertain, nay, a falsity which hath travelled hither out of the Mountains, 200 Miles? So Jos. Scaliger revealed his Disdain against some Criticks, in his Notes upon Manil. p. 175. Ubi reprehendendi sumus, tunc no∣minis nostri frequens mentio; aliàs mirum silentium. I need no Pardon, that I could not hold in to leave this Admonition behind, at the last Stage of his Episcopal

Work, his general Visitation, which was applauded much by all, except two sorts of men. Some that had not done their Duty, and were mulcted, Quid tristes querimoniae, si non supplicio culpa reciditur, Horat. Od. 24. lib. 3. such could not escape Censure, who suffer'd with moderation, by one that appeared in his temperate Judicature rather to be above the Faults than above the Men. Two others, and of the Ministry, were sullen, because they did not speed in their Presentments according to their mind; the reason was, the Complainants were found to be rugged and contentious, not giving good Example of Yielding and Peace.

62. Let me cast in a small handful of other things fit to be remark'd: In adject is mensura non quaeritur. The Bishop of Lincoln is a Visitor of some Colleges by their local Statutes in both Universities: This Bishop visited Kings-College in Cambridge, upon the Petition of the Fellows thereof, anno 1628. when he shew'd himself to be a great Civilian and Canonist, before those learned Hearers; but the Cause went for the right worthy Provost Dr. Collins, in whose Govern∣ment the Bishop could perceive neither Carelesness nor Covetousness. The most that appeared was, That the Doctor had pelted some of the active Fel∣lows with Slings of Wit: At which the Visitor laugh'd heartily, and past them by, knowing that the Provost's Tongue could never be worm'd to spare his Jests, who was the readiest alive to gird whom he would with innocent and facetious Urbanity. The Provost of Orial-College in Oxford, Dr. T••lson, with others of his Society, visited the Bishop at his Palace of Bugd••, with a Signifi∣cation to the Bishop, that they might eject one of the Members of their Founda∣tion, Mr. Tailour. The Bishop saw there was small reason to raise such a Dust out of a few indiscreet words; yet he satisfied Dr. Tol••on, that Mr. Ta••our should depart, so it were with a farewel of Credit; and he liked Mr. Tadour so well, that he took him into his own House, till he had provided the Living of Hemp∣sted for him. As 〈◊〉〈◊〉 said of his own Brother in Erasm. Epist. p. 417. Illius mores tales sunt, ut omnibus possint congruere. A benevolent Nature will agree with all men, and please the Adversaries of both sides. Those of young and tender years were much in his Care, as appeared, that he seldom travelled, but Notice being given before, he staid at some Town or Village, to confirm such as were but even past children, to lay his Hands on them, and to bless them, and did it ostener than the 60 Canon requires: An ancient and an admirable Order, when such were presented as were before made ready by being exactly catechized. And for Childrens sakes he listen'd much, what good Schoolmasters he had in his Diocess, that bare the irksome and tedious Burden, to rear up a good Semi∣nary for Church and State; such he valued, and thought their Place was bet∣ter than is usually given them in the World. They are the tertia that make up a happy Corporation, as Charles the Fifth thought, who entring into any Imperial City or Burough, was wont to ask the Recorder that did congraturate him, Have you a good Magistrate? Have you a good Pastor? Have you a good Schoolmaster? If he said Yes; Then all must be well among you, said the Emperor. Our Bishop had the opportunity to consecrate Churches new re-edisied, and Chappels erected, which he perform'd with much Magnificence and Ceremony, that the Houses of God, his Houses of Prayer, might be had in a venerable regard. Nothing was more observ'd in that Performance, than that at the hal∣lowing of a Chappel, belonging to the Mansion-place of Sir Gostwick in Bed∣fordshire, the Knight's Son and Heir being born deaf and dumb, and continuing in that defect, no sooner did the Bishop alight, and come into the House, but the young Gentleman kneeled down, and made signs to the Bishop, that he craved his Blessing, and had it with a passionate Embrace of Love. A sweet Creature he was, and is, of rare Perspicacity of Nature, rather of rare Illumina∣tion from God, whose Behaviour, Gestures, and zealous Signs have procur'd and allow'd him admittance to Sermons, to Prayers, to the Lord's Supper, and to the Marriage of a Lady of a great and prudent Family, his Understanding spea∣king as much in all his motions, as if his Tongue could articulately deliver his Mind. Nor was any of the Prelacy of England more frequented than this Lord, for two things: First, by such as made Suit unto him, to compound their Dif∣ferences, that they might not come to the chargeable and irksome attendance of the Courts of Law. Aversos solitus componere amicos, Horat. Serm. 5. And so many Causes were referred to him, and by no mean ones, that he continued, like a petty Chancellor, to arbitrate Contentions. Secondly, Sundry did ap∣peal to his Judgment for Resolution of Cases of Consciences (and most in Matri∣monial

Scruples) and of intricate Points of Faith, as about Justisication and Predestination; in which, when he thought the doubting Person would not be contented with Discourse, he gave them his Resolutions very long and la∣borious, in Writing; which gathered together, and as I have seen them dige∣sted, would have made an handsome Tractate, but the worst Visitor that ever came to a Bishop's House seized on them, and never restored them. This was Kilvert, a vexatious Prosecutor of many in the Court of Star-chamber, for the King, whose Lineaments are drawn out in the Ninth Book of Apul. Metam. Omnia prorsus, ut in quandam comorum latrinam, in ejus animum vitia consluxerunt. Every Beast hath some ill Property; this Beastly Fellow had all. He stands too near so good a Subject as is in hand, for this is the lively Image of a renowned Bishop, the Image but of one, though the good Parts of many may be concen∣tred in this one; as the Agrigentine Painter made Juno, by the Pattern of five well-favour'd Virgins. All that I have drawn up of his Pastoral Behaviour was seen in the Day-light; therefore, as St. Paul said of the Corinthians, whom he had commended, so I may with Modesty apply it to my Subject; If I have boasted any thing of him to you, I am not ashamed, 2 Cor. 7.14. Nor is this all of him in that Holy Charge, not by a great deal, but so much as is preserved in Script and Memory after the ransacking of his Papers: Therefore, as Tully writes, lib. 3. de Orat. Majus quiddam de Socrate quàm quantum Platonis libri prae se ferunt, cog••andum: That Socrates was a braver man than Plato had made him in his Dialogues. So I have not made Dr. Williams so compleat a Bishop as he was; he was more than I have describ'd him, and would have been far more than himself had attain'd to, if the Messenger of Satan had not been sent to bus∣set him in many Troubles and Trials, lest he should have been exalted above measure.

63. After much that hath been dilated in this Book, pleasing for Peace and Honour, Praise-worthy for Merit and Vertue, I must make room for Grief; it will thrust in into every Registry and Chronicle, into the remembrance of any man's Life, which is continued from the beginning to the end. Says ••lato in his Phaedon (after his way of a Fable-frame of Philosophy) when Jupiter could not make Joy and Sorrow agree, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. He yoked their Heads together, that they could never be parted: Therefore those things which God's Providence hath joyn'd inseparably, no Pen can put asunder; so that the Current of this History, hitherto clear, must fall into a dead Sea-like Jordan. The Good which this famous Bishop did, must be continued with the Evil which he suffer'd: As Polusiote writes of Jeremias, that he was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the most passive, the most persecuted of all the Prophets: So of all that this Church had preferr'd to the like Dignity, (except them that resisted to Blood) none was wounded with so many Darts of Despight as this man, or aviled with so many Censures, or stood so long in chase before his Enemies. Having delivered up the Great Seal, from the first day that he removed to Bugden, all Promises were broken, which gave him Assurance of Countenance and Safety; and the place to which he was bidden to go, as to a Sanctuary, assorded him no more shelter, than an Arbour in the Winter against a Shower of Rain. Therefore to keep off Mistakes, be it noted, as to the time, it was the same, wherein he lived so like a Bishop, and wherein he suffer'd so like a Confessor. But Method di∣stinguisheth those Troubles by themselves, like Tares gathered from the good Wheat, and bound in their own Bundles. Some are greater, practis'd upon no Subject before, nor fit to be done hereafter. Some are lesser matters, yet not unworthy my Hand: When they are disposed Limb by Limb, and in order as they were done, there will be much of them (I would they had been less) and be known to be enforced, without Shame of the World) with so much Wrong and Rancour that an indifferent Reader will depose, there needs no Fiction nor Colour, to make them worse than they were. Those that were outdone in the first place, were outgone by them that came after: Quid prima querar? Quid summa gemam? Pariter cuncla deslere juvat. Sene. Her. Oet. What the last and greatest should have been is unknown, because they came not to that Birth: It was decreed by Men, but undecreed by GOD, who sent his Judgments upon all, and brought both Actors and Sufferers to utter Ruin by that Parliament, which held us as long as the issue of Blood held the Woman in the Gospel, Twelve years, Mat. 9.20. It was no thanks to his Foes to give over then: It was strange they would not give over till then, when one black day, like a Dooms-day, blended the whole Hierarchy, and (with their

Lordships Leave) the Nobility in one mass of Destruction. Those underfatiga∣ble Enemies that pursued him, knew that he could never fall so low while he was alive, but that there was Worth, which was like to get up, and rise again: He had never felt such Sorrow if he had been contemn'd. It was his ill luck to be feared, because of the great Powers of his Mind, whom none had cause to fear, since he never fought Revenge. Then they saw he would stand upright, and never stoop, after they had loaded his Back with so many Burthens, which made them obstinate to proceed, and labour in vain to crush out that which was not Wind, but Spirit. The Mountainous Coun∣try of Wales, wherein he was born, breeds hardy men, but sew his Equals, which Courage is no more to be forgotten, than the twelve Labours of Hercu∣les. Let Xenophon speak for Socrates, so must I for this Hero: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Apolog. in sine. Observing the Wisdom and Generosity of the Man, I cannot but remember him; and when I remember him. I cannot but praise him. Neither were it useful (I will subscribe to it) to bring up his Sufferings from the Dead, now he is gone, unless the People that come after may be made the wiser and the stronger by them, if they fall into the like: But noble Examples are like the best Porcellan Dishes of China, which are made in one Age, laid up in the Earth, and are brought forth to be used in another. That's the Goal I drive to: And those Circuitions which are brought in for those Applications sake, will make that, which might be shut up in a little, swell into a Volume. Casaubon gives us this Warning of Polybius, in his rare Preface before him: Ita narrat ut moneat: Personam historici cum assump∣sit Polybius, non in totum exuit philosophi. Folybius was a Philosopher in his Hi∣story; so would I be, and more, a Teacher of Christ, and the Laws of his Church, as I am by Ordination.

64. For an entrance, I take my method from a wise Artist, concerning the long and dangerous Adventures of his Aeneas, to search into the Cause, Quo numine laeso, which way it came about, since there was no man living, whose Harm this Bishop wish'd, that he could never find his Peace and Prosperity again, when once he had lost them? Why, principally I cast it upon his Sins; What Man is without them? And his were not many, but those some were great ones; a lofty Spirit, whose motion tended upward, restless to climb to Fower and Honour; And not one among an hundred of great Aspirers that live to see quiet days. And this was joyn'd with too much Fire in the pas∣sion of his Anger, in which Mood indeed, which is strange, he would reason excellently, and continue it in the very Euro-clydon of his Choler; as the Low Germans are most cunning at a Bargain, when they are more than half tippled. But in such an evil extasie of the Mind, words would fall from him, or from any, which pleased not Men, and were hateful to GOD: Let these stand for the Fore-singer, that points to the cause of his bitter Encounters. Every man's evil Genius, that haunts him, is his own Sin, which wipes not out any paat of the Good which hath been written of him before. The same man appears not the same, but another in some miscarriages. Polybius, lib. 16. com∣mends Philip the Son of Demetrius very much, and anon dispraises him, but re∣conciles it thus: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. It is ne∣cessary for a true Reporter, one while to extol, in another case to discommend the same person. Take one Advice beside; No man that hath read God's own Judgment upon the Trial of Job, will censure him for the greatest Sinner, that hath been the greatest Sufferer. To take up the Cross had not been an insepa∣rable Accident with receiving the Faith of the Gospel, unless it were rather a Badge of Favour than of Punishment. He is happy, if he knows it, whose Faults enter their Action against him in this Life; he is a Prisoner of Hope, Zech. 9.11. and his Heart is blind, if he do not seek Mercy, and sind it: Afflictions are Fetters for a Fool, and Bracelets for them that know how to wear them. And it is finely said in the Essay, That the good things belonging to Prosperity are to be wish'd, but the good things belonging to Adversity are to be admi∣red. This being a true and a divine Sentence, That Sin, and nothing else, makes the Stock of every man's Comfort to dye in the Ground, as Job loves to speak, it hangs well together, that God knows best in what manner to punish every man's Sin; who gave this Prelate great Favour with King James, but took King Charles's Affection from him. The Lord H. Howard, in his Book against Judicious Astrology, turns these Turnings into this use: Change of Princes

breeds change of Favourites; but they that are once dear to God, are ever dear to him. I protest to the Reader, that Bishop Williams could not be brought to believe, that the King bad any Willingness in his own Heart to afflict and bruise him, but that such things came from the Infusion of those that had too much of His Majesty's Ear, and by Importunity transported him from the lenity of his own Judgment. And when the greatest Sorrows compass'd him about, he desired only to be brought to the King, with the advantage of half an hour, to declare his Injuries and Innocency, so much he perswaded himself that he was right in his gracious Opinion. He knew him to be a Prince Pious and Just: He presum'd his Noble Soul would never for∣get with what Success his Counsel and Contrivance removed all Obstructions, to bring him as safe out of Spain as he desir'd: He had received a Promise of everlasting Love and Kindness, for tracing the Jugglings of Inoihosa, and bring∣ing them to light, whereby the dangerous Jealousies of the old King were re∣moved, and His Highness received sweetly into his Father's Bosom. An honest man could not be suspicious, that the memory of such faithful Service was lost. But standers-by thought they saw more than the Bishop did, who might soonest be mistaken in the Crisis of his own Disease, because flattering Hope is but a waking Dream. If the King had not been pleased in his Sufferings, why did he let them swell so far? As his Royal Name was used in all, so his Good liking went to all, or after so many Bruisings, Gentleness had not been forgot∣ten. The Instruments next to be nam'd were most guilty of the Violence; yet the highest Power did more than permit and look on. As it is the Sun that scorcheth in July, and not the Dog-Star; it is a popular Error, which con∣ceives as if that Star, when it rose, did cause the heat of the Weather: Yet still the Bishop would not think his Case was in that extremity, that the King's Anger was in it: For as it is spoken of Padre-Paulo, in his Life, That he was less sensible of Fear than ordinarily men use to be; so this man would af∣fright himself with nothing, least of all, with that which was close and uncer∣tain, and would often say in a Frolick, That Miseries are like the Plague, if you fear them, you draw them to you. But, which will give great light to the Subject now handled, once he was startled at a word which fell suddenly from the King, in a few weeks after the death of his Father; one told him, that came from the French Court, as it is in the Cabal, p. 203. That the Spanish Ambassador spake openly there, when the Marriage with the Princess Mary was to be finish'd, That he could not have two Wives, for their Infanta was surely his: To which the King replied, There are some English, as well as Spaniards, that are of that Opinion. Which being carried from the King's Mouth to this Bishop, he said with a low Voice, I know no such; but if he mean me, it will be the worse for me while I live. From which let a wise man find out what he can, so he find no more than he should. Either this, or some such hard Conceit, lay hid in the King's Stomach, against a most deserving Church-man. And every Age had some such Exam∣ple, at which it was astonish'd. No History speaks any ill of the Empress Eudoxia, but that she could not agree with Chrysostom. Harry the Seventh, one of our best Kings, was very iniquous to Lord Stanly, one of his best Subjects: Not a better Lady than Q. Elizabeth, nor a better Peer than the Duke of Nor∣folk, yet Statesmen thought that neither were safe while the other lived. The Hand of the Just may be heavy against the Just, by woful Experience: The greatest Claw-backs of the Pope confess, Though he cannot err, say they, in an Opinion of Faith, he may err in the mistake of a Person; as to canonize a wrong Saint, and excommunicate a right one. Which shews, that my Conscience is in no such streight, to derogate from the Glory of a most blessed King, because his Dis∣pleasure, darken'd by human Error, lighted upon a Mephibosheth, a faultless person.

65. The Duke of Buck. (Who knows it not?) was the Bishop's strong and protested Enemy, who vowed, that of all he had given him, (but with as much good liking of K. James as of his Lordship) he would leave him nothing; who when he threatned an ill turn, had Power to do it, and did not often forget it: Which made the Bishop shelter himself under the King's Grace and Benevo∣lence, of which he did never cease to have a strong Perswasion, begging, as it is Cabal. p. 109, for God's sake, and for his blessed Father's sake, that His Majesty would allay the Duke's causeless Displeasure, who was so little satisfied with any thing that he could do or suffer, that he had no means left to appease his An∣ger, but Prayers to God, and his Sacred Majesty. In the mean time that one

Foe made the distressed Party get many Friends; like Rabirius's Fortune in Tully, Nihil aeque ac judicis accrbitas profurt; who had nothing to help him so much, as that Caesar did hunt after his Ruin with so much violence. Now that which made the Duke's Defiances grow fiercer day by day, was not the Bishop's stoutness, (to which he was sufficiently prone) for he had sought him with all Submission, which was on this side of despicable Baseness: But be∣cause being sent to for his Opinion, both by his Grace's Mother, and his most∣sollicitous Friends, he had faithfully express, That he did not like the ways wherein he magnified himself to serve the King: Who did not foresee the Envy that his Magniloquence bred, ranting it sometimes, That he would make His Ma∣jesty the greatest Monarch in Europe. I doubt not but his Head did work about it, and was so noble, that he would have died to effect it: And some that faw∣ned upon him with all obsequiousness, did seem to admire him in it; as the Earl of Holland, among others; such are the Contents of his Letters, Cab. p. 297. I hope nothing shall light upon your Lordship, but what you deserve, the which, to my knowledge, is of more Value and Esteem, than any man in the World could, or ever can merit from this Kingdom. The Bishop, that would not concur to de∣stroy him, by misguidance of Flattery, who had been Copartner with King James in his Preferments, sung quite to another Tune: He liked not his Pre∣parations against Cales, but presaged a dishonourable Return; and prest that Maxim home to divert him from it, That a King must make himself sure in the Love of his own People at home, before he bid War abroad to such a rich and mighty Nation. Next, the second Parliament being summoned, and this Bishop deman∣ded what was best for the Duke's abearing in it, he resolv'd it to those Friends that ask'd it, His best way will be, not to come near it; for it will be impossible for him to close with this Parliament, who, contrary to my Advice, offended the former, and broke it up: Let him remove himself, by some great Embassage, till the first Session be ended, into Germany if he will, as far as Vienna, if he dare trust the King of Spain's greatest Friend and nearest Ally. This was disrelish'd, for they of E. Buck. Counsel, rather than send him so far from the King, would hazard him in the Parliament, in which they thought they were strong enough, by the Party they had made, to keep him from all Offence, as well in his Honour as in his Person. The Bishop persisted to remove them from their Confidence; for no∣thing is more fallacious than such Expectation. Many that are bespoken, and promise fair, are quite alter'd when they are mingled with their fellow-Judges in the House. As Matchiavel says it was a Florentine Proverb, Populus alurm animum in foro, alium in Senatu habet, De Rep. lib. 1. c. 47. All that he said fol∣lowed as right as ever Lucas Guaricus drew up a Scheme of Predictions; for, that Parliament discharged such a Volley of Complaints against his Lordship, that the Votes of the Declinators could not be heard for the noise. And his Grace pluck'd hard for Peace and Popularity with the Commons, but could not encounter them. But, what a struggling he kept with his hard Destiny, to be enflamed the more against the much abused Bishop, because his Predi∣ctions were so prophetical! A good Chaplain would have told him, that God's Wisdom is seen by his Fore-warnings, and his Goodness in giving them. Nor was it Justice to account him a Foe, because he was wiser than an ordinary Friend: But, who had the worst of it in the end? Or rather, who had the worst of it from the very beginning? Miserior est qui suscipit in se scelus, quàm qui alterius facinus subire cogitur, Tul. Phil. II. He is more miserable that doth a Wrong, than he that suffers it. Yet, by the Mediation of wise men, the Duke continued not full two years more in this Uncharitableness; for he promised, at a secret Meeting, two months before he died, to repossess the Bishop in Favour, and design'd a time for the open profession of it; so that the Sun of his Life did not go down in Wrath: And God did appear in it, who will not always chide, neither will he keep his anger for ever, Psal. 103. v 9.

66. Of all men, Bishop Laud was the Party whose Enmity was most tedious, and most spightful against his great Benefactor Lincoln. He batter'd him with old and new Contrivances fifteen years: His very Dreams were not without them, as they are enrolled in his Memorials, drawn out with his own Hand: I will touch that Fault, that great Fault, with a gentle Hand, because of that Good which was in him; because in other things, I believe, for my part, he was better than he was commonly thought; because his Death did extinguish a great deal of Envy. I meet with him in his worst Action that ever he did, and cannot shun it: If I should draw him in purposely to defame him, now

he is at rest, I were more sacrilegious than if I rob'd his Tomb. Qui cineres at{que} ossa perempti insequitur, Virg. Let it be the Character of a Miscreant: But his Part is in every Act and Scene of a Tragical Persecution of 15 years: Hoc etiam ipsi culpabunt mali, Plautus in Bacchid. Perhaps it began from an Emu∣lation to keep him back, who was only like to be Bishop Laud's Competitor, for the greatest Place of our Church. Had it gone no further, it might be cen∣fur'd moderately, for a common Temptation. No wonder if the Seal and the Sword-fish never swim quietly in the same Channel. But, to discontinue Bro∣therly Love upon that score, to throw it aside, to further all pernicious means, tending to the Infamy and Ruin of his imagin'd Rival, it is past Excuse, and can bear no Apology. O how many are in Safety of Conscience, that should not be so! For he that loveth not his Brother, much more he that hateth him, abideth in death, 1 Joh. 3.14. That opinion which my self and many have of his Since∣rity, appearing not in a little, and the Proofs of his Bitterness being so evi∣dent in this Cause, it deserves a little Direction, to take away suspense of Judgment. Experience, one of the plainest Teachers, doth demonstrate, that some Drift, or Delight, may creep so far into the Heart of him that fears God, that he will not look upon the Deformity of it as he should, to think it a Sin: Which I take to be the reason of Polygamy in the Patriarchs, and the best Kings of Juda. Most of all, an evil thing may soon be attempted, when we think we may do it without hazarding our Salvation; and we dare yet do more, when we have no Fear to be answerable to the Justice of Men. Spalat. says, lib. 4. Ecc. Reip, c. 7. par. 13. That John Bishop of Constantinople, that assu∣med to himself the Title of Universal Bishop, or Patriarch, was a good man, gi∣ven greatly to Alms, and Fasting, but too much addicted to advance the Ti∣tle of his See; which made a plausible Prelate seem to be Antichrist to Gregory the Great. Pick out of this to the present Subject, what a Provocation it was to the ambitious Spirit of Bishop Laud, a man of many Good Works, to blow out his Light, that in common Opinion did outshine him: Which I may al∣lude to, in way of Parody, from the Apostle, 2 Cor. 3.10. He that was made glorious, had no glory in this respect, by reason of the glory that excelleth. And what a Temptation it was to follow his Thrust, when he was perswaded, that the re∣moving of one suspected would be the bottom of his Safety? Therefore accor∣ding to the Prudence and Charity that God hath given me, I will neither alto∣gether shake off the good Esteem I had of him, nor think too highly and absolutely of human Infirmity. And this is inserted, to do him Justice, who was the chiefest cause, under God's Providence and Permission, of all the In∣justice and Troubles that did light upon Lincoln. It is an old Rule in Gregorius Thaumat. in Orat. Paneg. ad Originem, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. I think it not fit to praise one man, with the reproach of others; for it implies a Contradiction, to think to do Right to one, by doing Wrong to another: Which is enough to bring off the mention of the Causes, that dealt not well with an innocent man: And though, for all he suffer'd, he had no reason to thank his Enemies, I may chearfully write it, he had reason to thank God for his Enemies.

67. The Particulars at which the person aggrieved took Unkindness, are now to be remembred, keeping near to the Shore at first, before we launch into the Deep: And had the Bishop's humble Petition been heard, which he made to His Majesty, Cabal. p. 118. that deep had never been sounded.

I Beseech your Majesty, for Christ Jesus sake, not to believe News or Accusations against me, concerning my Carriage past, present, or to come, while I stand thus enjoyned from your Royal Presence, before you shall have heard my Answer and Defence to the Particulars. They that inform your Majesty, may, God knoweth, be oftentimes misinformed.

It was time for him to supplicate for this Justice, for he knew that his Name was abused in the King's Bed-chamber, with continual Scandals; Lyes that were untraceable in their ground and original. And he had reason to suspect, that of such Stuff there was more than came to his Knowledge: But Jealousies had better sigh themselves away, than crave Redress from Princes; against such secret Stingings there's no prevention, but great Fear; for they that go a Batt-fowling in the dark, to seek matter of Crimination, and inject mistrustful and uncharitable Reports day by day, to undermine the man they aim at, fetch

that about by many Fly-blowings, which they cannot do at once: As a little Sand gathers into a body by many Tydes, and in time becomes a Shelf, and at last a Bar, or Quick-sand, able to drown the best Frigat. It is fit that Kings should have Intelligence, but upon the Peril of him that brings not a Truth. It is fit they should know their Subjects, but not in a false Glass. He that abuseth a Kings Ears, robs not from the Sheaf, or from the Stack, but from the Seed-corn, which is treble Thievery. A man that spreads Libels corrupts the People: A Delator that whispers invented Tales into his Soveraign, is worse, for he cor∣rupts him that is worth Ten thousand of the People. Bishop Hall's sweet Passage is worth the learning; That it is good to be Led, not to be Carried by the Ears: That is, it is good to use the Ear, not to trust to it. These Blob-tales, when they could find no other News to keep their Tongues in motion, laid open our Bishop for a Malignant, because he gave Entertainment at his Board, to such as carried a Grudge to the Lord Duke's Prosperity; who, if such, came in their course to his House upon old acquaintance, but upon no factious design, that ever was proved. Hard was the Condition of Archbishop Abbot, as he com∣plains in his Manuscript, That he was accused for Sir Tho. Wentworth's resorting to him, who had been with him but once in three quarters of a Year, and then to consult about Sir George Savile's Son and Heir, to whom jointly they were both Guardians. This Superintendency to watch every man that goes in and out in a great Family, is too mean for the Care, and too base for the Fear of a Generous Ruler. Listen to Caesar's Mind, as Mutius reports it to Cicero, in the familiar Epistles; Caesar nunquam interpellavit, quin quibus vellem, at{que} etiam quos ipse non diligebat, tamen uterer. Admit there was no Harm, for there was none, in the Society that this Bishop kept, yet the Case is alter'd when a man is de∣spighted, and when Grievances are blown out to their utmost wideness, by the Hatred carried against him. Yet well-fare Circumspection, and Innocency, that these privy Suggestions went out one by one, like Sparks that fall upon dank and unprepared matter. More Harm was expected to come from a Commission of Thirteen, who had Order from the Duke to meet together, to sift into every part and passage of the Bishop's Transactions, and to collect what was culpable, and would bear Censure in the Kings-bench, Star-chamber, or High Court of Parliament. The chiefest of the Thirteen in Place, was Sir Rob. Heath Attorny-General, but an honest man, and a fair dealer. This was car∣ried with that little noise, that for a good space the vigilant Bishop was not awaked with it, till some of his old Officers broke it to him, who were called, and interrogated upon some of his Decrees and Dispatches. Sir Anth. Welden (I borrow the Testimony of an Enemy) expresseth it thus, p. 174. His Rum was determin'd, not upon any known Crime, but upon Circumstances and Examinations, to pick out Faults committed in his whole Life-time. And, as it were to confront the Tribunal of this unusual Inquisition, the Bishop writes to His Majesty, just at the time when it sate, That no use might be made of his Sacred Name, to wound him; but that he craved no Protection against any other Accuser or Accusation whatsoever, Cab. p. 118. See the stoutness of a clear Conscience: He knew how the Bushes were beaten, and how the Beagle ranged the Field for Game. He heard the Cry of the Blood-hounds, that nosed the Ground where he trod. Qui si non cecidit, potuit cecidisse videri, Metam. lib. 2. But all was well; that Commissi∣on ended at Labour in vain; not as the old Emblem is, to go about to make a Black-moor white, but to make him that was White to appear like a Black-moor. That Inquisition could find no Fault in him, but it is easie to find Fault with that Inquisition. A Magistrate must try him that is accused for a Delinquent, be∣cause he is a Judge; but he must not try how he may make a Delinquent, because he is a Father. There was nothing good in that privy Search, but that the Patient was no Patient; and, that his Enemies lookt far into him, and found nothing which they fought for. Like them that delve into the bottom of the Sea, and fetch up Sponges; so The Righteous shall hold on his way; and he that hath clean hands shall be stronger and stronger, Job 17.9.

68. Neither did it deject the Bishop to be made a Gazing-stock by Dispa∣ragements. The King's Coronation, and his second Parliament, began together at Candlemas; and he was warned by Letter to serve at neither. A Coronation being usually accompanied with a General Pardon, should have cast a Frown upon none: Yet his Place was not granted him, to do his Homage among the Spiritual Lords, nor to assist the Archbishop, at the Sacred Parts of that high Solemnity, as Dean of Westminster. It is arbitrary, and at the King's Pleasure,

to range that Royal Ceremony as he likes best; to follow former Presidents, or wave them; to intrust what Ministers he likes, in the Management, except some Tenure or old Charter give admittance to some persons without exception. Otherwise in the very principal performance, says venerable Saravia, De Christ. Obed. p. 139. Ab Episcopo traditur corona, quod potest furi à proceribus. But the Dean of the Collegiate Church of Westminster did attend, as a specal Officer at the Coronation of K. James, after the manner of Deacon to the Archbishop of Can∣terbury, (it was Dr. Andrews) which could not be granted him by Prescription; for there was no Dean, nor any such Dignity in the Church, at the Corona∣tion of Q. Elizabeth. But upon the new Foundation, Anno 3. of that Queen, the Dean was intrusted with the Custody of K. Edward's Crown, and the other Rega∣lia, and Decorum was kept thereupon, to give him a great Employment of As∣sistance on that day. Yet the Regalia were kept in a strong place of that Church long before: For, I find in Baron. anno 1060. par. II. That Pope Nicho∣las the Second gave a Charter to that Abby, Ut sit repositorium regalium insignium. What a busie Fisher was this, that would have an Oar, or a Net rather, in every Boat? Could not the Kings of England, without him, appoint the fit∣test place for the Custody of the Ornaments of their Imperial Majesties? He that was so kind to dispose who should keep the Crown, did mean, That the King should not wear it without his Leave and Courtesie. And let it be his Fault to be impertinent, and to meddle with the keeping of Royal Trea∣sure, that did not concern him: What is their Crime, that have carried them quite away, both Crown, and Scepter, and Robes, from their ancient Sacrary? (I would that had been all.) This was wont to be the Mark of him that op∣poseth and exalts himself above all that is called GOD, Dixi Dii est is, 2 Thess. 2.4. But, what's the matter that I have almost lost my self in this Loss? I was about to tell, that Bishop Williams must not wait in the Honourable Place of the Dean, at the Coronation, but in a Complement he was sent to Name one of the Twelve Prebendaries, to serve in his room. This was devised to fret him, and to catch a Wasp in a Water-trap. Bishop Laud was a Prebendary at this time, and the Substitute intended at Court, to act in the Coronation. If Lincoln should Name him, he had been laugh'd at, for preferring the man that thrust himself by;—And if he did not Name him, and no other, he had been check'd for inscribing one of a lesser Order in the Church, before a Bi∣shop, to so great a Service. But his Wit saved him from either Inconvenience: He sent the Names of his Twelve Brethren to the King, resigning it up to His Majesty to elect whom he pleased. A Submission which Climacus would call Sepulchrum voluntatis, a dead Obedience, without a sensible Concurrence. And he stirred no more, either by Challenge or Petition, to do that eminent Office of the Deanery in his own Person, but says in his Letter to the King, That he submitted to that Sequestration; for so he calls it. It is wise to sit down when a man can trouble no Body but himself, if he moves. Especially I affect the Lesson which Erasmus gives in an Epistle, p. 222. Pulchrius est aliquando mode∣stia, quam cansâ superare. It is handsomer sometimes to excel in Modesty, than to win a Cause.

69. Other Reasons sway'd this circumspect man, to carry it with no such In∣differency, that he was not called to the Parliament: But to do Honour to the King, and to save his own Right (nay, the common Right of Peers) he took a middle way between Crouching and Contumacy. He call'd it His Majesty's Gracious Pleasure, (and was in earnest, that he esteem'd it so) to spare his Pre∣sence at the Parliament; but he expostulated to have a Writ of Summons (de∣nied to no Prisoners, no, nor condemned Peers, in the late Reign of his blessed Father, Cab. p. 118.) that accordingly he might make a Proxy; which he could not do, the Writ not receiv'd. And he struggled, till he had it in his own way, and entrusted it with the Lord Andrews, Bishop of Winchester, it being the last Parliament wherein that famous Servant of God sate, and the last year of his Life. But the — Mr. W. Sanders tells us, p. 143. of his Annals of King Charles, That Lincoln, at this time, continued not a Peer, but a Prelate in Par∣liament. Res memoranda novis Annalibus, at{que} recenti—historiâ, Juven. Sat. 2. This is a pitiful matter; for, what Bishop of Lincoln could be a Prelate in those days, and not a Peer? Is it his meaning, that he did not sit among the Peers? Nor did he sit among the Prelates in Convocation; but by Proxy he sate in both places as Peer and Prelate. A Letter sent from him to the King, and dated March 12. will clear this matter, and greater things, or else it had not

been publish'd. 'Tis large and confident, searing the Duke's Greatness no more than the Statuary Work of a vast Colossus. But as Portius Latro says in Sallust, Gravissimi sunt morsus irritatae necessitat is; 'Tis no marvel if Necessity break good Manners; which will break through Stone Walls, says the Proverb: And much Provocations attends not much whom it displeaseth. The Letter follows.

Most Mighty and Dread Soveraign,

IT becometh me, of all the rest of your Subjects, having been so infinitely obliged to Your Majesty, to cast my self down at your Feet, and oppose no Interpretation Your Majesty shall be pleased to make of any of my Actions whatsoever: Howbeit, before the receipt of my Lord Keeper's Letter, that I had carried my absence from the Parliament with as much Humility and Respect to Your Majesty, as ever Subject of England did to∣wards his Soveraign. The delivery of my Proxy to the first Bishop Your Majesty na∣med, I excused mannerly to Your Majesty, but with a private Reason to my Lord Keeper, not to be replied against. The second Lord Bishop is directly uncapable of that part of my Proxy, which concerneth the House of Convocation. These two Lords, now named by Your Majesty, are without exception: Were it not divulged in the Upper House, that I am to have a Proctor thrust upon me, against all Presidents; and that I dare not re∣fuse him, because I am guilty of (I know not what) Crimes? When I wrote unto Your Majesty humbly, as became me, my Letter, deliver'd by Your Majesty to the Duke, was publish'd by him, as an Effect of a dejected and guilty Conscience. When I shall obey your Majesty in the disposal of my Proxy, my L. Duke may use that Act also, not only to serve himself (which I desire he should with all my Heart) but principally to wound and deprave me. Displeasures of Favourites, which are without Ground, are also with∣out End. Hoc habent animi magnâ fortunâ insolentes, quos laeserunt, & oderunt. His Grace hath told Your Majesty, that I call'd the Chapter at Westminster, against the12th of May,to have a Colour to come to the Parliament; whereas the Chapter is appointed to be held at that day, by the Statutes of the College. He hath told Your Ma∣jesty, that I held correspondence with the Earl of Bristol; from whom I have received neither Letter or Message these two years, as I will answer it with my Head. He hath told Your Majesty (and all the World beside) that I stirred the Lower House at Oxford, and have my secret Instruments against his Grace even in this Parliament. If he be able to prove either of these Charges, I will lose not only my Bishoprick (which his Grace hath threatned, against the fundamental Laws of the Kingdom, to take away from me) but withal my Life also. My Case (Dread Soveraign) is miserable, and the more, be∣cause it is not mine alone. Your Commands come immediately in your own Name, and therefore must be readily obeyed. Your Graces are streined through the Hands of another, and therefore are either not at all, (as in my Case) or not so purely, and sincerely recei∣ved. And when Your Majesty punisheth, (pardon a Truth plainly deliver'd, which you were wont to love, Dread Soveraign) you do it not like your self, because you do it not your self. A King, be he never so severe, when he chasteneth his Subjects, doth punish them with Justice, because they are his Subjects; but yet with Mercy, because they are his own. An angry Lord, that makes bold with the King's Authority, lays on Load, as upon Men, and that without Mercy, as upon the Subjects of another. It was a Com∣plaint of Vinius Galba's Favourite, and it is most worthy Your Majesties remembrance, Minore licentiâ grassatus esset T. Vinius, si ipse imperasset: Nunc & subjectos nos habuit, tanquam suos; & viles, ut alienos. And in my case for the present, if I should stand upon my Right, and refuse Your Majesty, I must expect all Severity, because another hath your Rod. If I shall yield and obey, I must hope for no acceptation, because another holds the Garland. And for this other, if I seek him, my Letters are shew'd, and I am made foul and guilty: If I let him alone, I am deprived of the Sun and the Rain, the ordinary Graces and Influences of Your Majesty. Lastly, When I know, and all the World beside, that I sink only under the causeless Malice of a Subject, yet doth that great man wash his Hands, and publish (to the vexation of my honest Soul) That I lye buried under the immediate Hatred of my Soveraign. And therefore, with an humble Protestation against Fear of Punishment, which cannot fall upon my Innocency, or Hope of Favour, sure to be kept back by the Greatness of my Adversary; I do, out of religious Duty, and mere Obedience to Your Sacred Majesty, and no other Respect what∣soever, send this Proxy for my L. ofWinchester, which I humbly beseech Your Sacred Majesty to direct not to be sent to his Lordship, until such time as there shall be Use there∣of, &c.

70. Such as knew the Duke of Buck. Metal, will say, that this was like to be answer'd with a Mischief. But it may be his Grace gave the other the more Liberty to write what he would, because he had stopt his Mouth from spea∣king in Parliament. Which was a Benefit: For Athenagoras was not deprived of Athens, but Athens was deprived of Athenagoras. There is much Weight in the worth of one man: And much might have been expected from one that was so active, and well versed to stop the Breaches of Contentions, if he had been used and sought to. The Duke was ill advis'd, to keep them out of the House by threes and fours, of whose Opposition he was jealous, and could not tye up their Tongues, that fell upon him by hundreds. Sir Edward Cook, Sir T. Wentworth, Sir Robert Philips, were prick'd to be High-Sheriffs of Bucking∣ham, York, Somerset Shires, to put them into Incapacity to be Members of the Commons-House. What said our Bishop to it, being in a merry Pin, when one told him, For certain he should be restrain'd from his Place in the House of Peers? What then? Am I made High-Sheriff of Huntington-shire? Such minute Policies are frivolous, and may serve among Huntsmen, to save the life of a Hare, when a sew of the old Dogs are tied up, and not brought into the Field. But were there now enow able men in both Houses, though half a score were spar'd, to fol∣low their Game without changing? This was that Parliament, that spent the best part of 18 Weeks in drawing up a Charge, and prosecuting it against the L. Duke. What should this Bishop have done there, being neither fit for the offensive nor defensive part? How far he was from intending to offend, he exprest in a Passage about his Proxy, that he desired the Duke should serve him∣self by it with all his Heart. And I heard him my self dispute it with one of the sharpest Antagonists of his Grace, in the time of the Session, and stagger him, That it was the safest way for the Publick Good, to desist from that vexatious Charge with this subtle Similitude; That if a Beast were got into a Field of Wheat, if the Neighbors ran in, and hunted it about with their Dogs, they would tread down more Corn than five Beasts could devour, if they were let alone. So, to spend so much Time and Pains upon a Charge against one Peer, did let Opportunity run by, wherein many good Laws might be made, and lost the Common-wealth more than it could gain by this Impeachment. Neither would he displease the King, to appear against a Lord that was unto him in a manner his whole Court. Una fuit nemus arbor, Ovid. And as Illustrius the Py∣thagorean records it, that Tyberius the Emperor wrote his Letter thus for Polemo the Philosopher, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. He that will do Polemo wrong, let him consider if he can give me Battel. So His Majesty had wrapt up the Lord Duke, as it were, in his own Royal Robe, to preserve him: Yet if the Bishop had been in the Parliament, and had stood up to defend him, where there was openly such defiance of Enmity between them, he had been censur'd by all Judgment for double-mindedness, or sawning. And as Lanfrank charged one of his Predecessors, Remigius Bishop of Lincoln, Quod officio emerat Episcopatum: So the World would have censur'd this Prelate, that he kept his Place by Service; Simony, as Mr. Fuller calls it. And with what Safety and Li∣berty he could appear, let one Passage demonstrate: The Duke demanded, that the Attorney-General might plead for him, in the House of Peers, against the Charge transmitted by the Commons; which was opposed, because the At∣torney was one of the King's Learned Council, and sworn to plead in Causes concerning the King, and not against them: And the King is supposed to be ever present in the noble Senate of the Lords. It was rejoyn'd, That His Ma∣jesty would dispense with the Attorney's Oath: It came to be a Case of Con∣science, and was referr'd to the Bishop's Learning. Some of them judged for the Duke, that this was not an Assertory-Oath, which admits no alteration, but a Promissory-Oath, from which Promise the King, if he pleas'd, might release his Learned Counsel. Bishop Felton, a devout man, and one that feared God, very learned, and a most Apostolical Overseer of the Clergy whom he gover∣ned, argued, That some Promissory-Oaths indeed might be relaxed, if great cause did occur; yet not without great cause, lest the Obligation of so sacred a thing as an Oath should be wantonly slighted. And in this Oath, which the Attorney had taken, it was dangerous to absolve him from it, lest bad Example should be given to dispense with any Subject, that had sworn faithful Service to the Crown; for which plain Honesty he was wounded with a sharp Rebuke: And the reverend Author told me this with Tears: Yet the Archb. Abbot said as

much, and went farther, for whom Budaeus would stand up, a great Scholar, and a Statesman, De Asse lib. 3. fol. 102. Ne{que} turpe esse credo cos homines observare, quibus apud Principem gratiâ slagrare contigit, si non cosdem apud populum & ordines infamiâ & invidiâ slagrare videamus: As who would say, it is Duty to love a Favourite for the King's sake; and, it is Duty to desert him when he becomes a publick Scandal; For, no man will be happy to stick to him, who is so un∣happy to become a common Hatred. All that Parliament was a long Discon∣tent of eighteen weeks, and brought forth nothing but a Tympany of swelling Faction, and abrupt Dissolution; whereby the King saved that great Lord, who lost His Majesty in some expeditions Honour abroad, and the love of his People at home. This was another Fire-brand kindled, after the former at Oxford, to burn down the Royal House, and the most piously composed Church of England. For a wife Oratour says, it is Isocr. Orat. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. p. 243. The cause of an Evil must not be ascribed to things that concur just at the breaking out, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; but to the forerunning Mischiefs, which were soaking long to ripen the Distempers. Well was it for Lincoln that he had no hand in this Fray; for as the Voyagers to Greenland say, When the Whale-fishing begins, it is better to be on the Shore, and look on. E terrâ magnum alterius spectare laborem, than to be employed in the Ships to strike them, and hale them to Land.

71. Say then, that he neither did harm, nor receive any, by being shut out of this turbulent Parliament: Yet his Advice had been worth the asking, because of the Plunges that His Majesty was put to upon the Dissolution; but he heard of no Call to such a purpose: For no man looks on a Dyal in a cloudy day, when the Sun shines not on it. God's Mercy was in it; for he sate safer at home, than he could have done at the Council-Board at this time, where much Wisdom was tryed, to help the King's Necessities out of the Peoples Purses, by a Commandatory Loan, and with the least Scandal that might be; for not to run into some Offence was unavoidable. Pindar the Poet was call'd out of his House, to speak with some Friend in the Street, (Castor and Pollux, says the Tale∣teller) searce was his Foot over the Threshold when the Building sunk, and all that were within perish'd. Thus, upon a time, the least Shelter gave the most Safety; as did the lesser Honour procure this man the more Peace. But as Ca∣millus in Livy thrust out of Rome, and retired to Ardea, prayed that they that had cashier'd him might have no need of him, so this forlorn Statesman would have been satisfied to have his place at the Council-Table supplied by others, if the King's Affairs had not wanted him at this instant, when he suddenly slid down from his former value in the love of this People. The Bishops (most likely it came from them) advised His Majesty first to fly to God, and to bid a publick Fast first at Court, then over all the Land about the fifth of July. Bish. Laud, whose Sermon was printed, preach'd before the King upon the 21st Verse of the 17th Chapter of St. Matthew, This kind goeth not out but by Prayer and Fasting. The Preface of the Book, and the Exhortation publish'd to the observing that solemn Fast, stirred up all good Christians to entreat God, not to take Vengeance on the Murmurings of the People; to keep their Spirits in Unity; to divert the plague of immoderate Rain, like to corrupt the Fruits of the Harvest; and chie∣fly, to preserve us from the Bloody Wars that Spain intended against us. Intended, says the Book; for depredation of Merchants Ships was the worst they had done us. Let the Reader gather this by the way, That a publick Fast had not been indicted before by the Supreme Authority, upon the Alarums of our Enemies Preparations. In Eighty eight an Order came out, call'd, A Form of Prayer, ne∣cessary for the present Time and State, to be used on Wednesdays and Fridays; that is, certain Collects to be added to the Common Prayer. Yet no Fast was bid∣den, saving thus far, That Preachers, in their Sermons and Exhortations, should move the People to Abstinence, and Moderation in their Dyet, to the end they might be more able to relieve the Poor, &c. The first Form to be used in Com∣mon Prayer, with an Order of publick Fast for every Wednesday in the week, for a time, was set out by Queen Elizabeths special Command, in Aug. 1563. when the Plague, called The Plague of New-haven, was rise in London. In which Book is a passage to illustrate our Common-Prayer-Book, for the first Rubrick prefixt to the Order for the Holy Communion; That so many as intend to be Parta∣kers of the Holy Communion, should signifie their Names to the Curate over night, or else in the morning, either before the beginning of Common Prayer, or immediately after. That (immediately after) means, that in the first settling

of our Church in the Queens days, Morning Prayer stopt at the end of the three Collects after the Apostle's Creed; then the People had leisure, before the Li∣tany began, either to retire, or to betake them to private Prayers. In this Inter∣space some Communicants had time to give in their Names to the Curate; this is plain in that first Order for a publick Fast, anno 5 Eliz. the words are,

After the Morning Prayer ended, the Minister shall exhort the People assembled, to give themselves in their private Prayers and Meditations; for which purpose a Pause shall be made of one quarter of an hour and more, by the discretion of the Cu∣rate, during which time as good silence shall be kept as may be. That done, the L••tany is to be read, &c.

Now, after the pause of scarce a minute, made by this digression, let the main scope of the King's Fast, indicted in July, be remembred, that great Humilia∣tion, with Fasting and extraordinary Prayer, should be joyn'd together, to avert the Peril of a Spanish Invasion; therefore, that we, on the defensive, should be ready, with our Bodies and Purses, to avert the Fury of our Enemies. Though the Land was admonish'd of this in a religious way, yet they conde∣scended to part with Money very hardly. They did only hear of an Enemy, but they saw their Coyn collected from them. Well did Tully write, lib. 3. Ep. 24. Nulla remedia tam saciunt dolorem, quae vulneribus adhibentur, quàm quae maxi∣mè salutarta. Say it was a Wound to our great Charter to call for Contribution without a Parliamentary way; yet it was not the worse for the Wound, that the Injection was sharp that cur'd it. What we lost in the Privilege of Liberty, it was presum'd we got in Safety.

72. But the most did want that charitable Presumption, and paid the irre∣gular Levy with their Hand, and not with their Heart. A Prince that grieves his Subjects with a sconcing Tribute, takes up Moneys at a dear Interest; who should not live extempore, but upon premeditation to act to day what shall be safe and honourable for ever. Grotius is very political in a Passage to be found in his Proleg. De jure belli & pacis. Qui jus civile pervertit utilitatis praesentis causâ, id convellit, quo ipsius, & posteritatis suae perpetuae utilitates continentur. The People are unpleas'd upon this Levy, and the Ink of a Remonstrance could not kill the Tettar. A third Parliament is called, to justifie the King's Act from Necessity, in the face of the Kingdom. It was determin'd by some about His Majesty, that our Bishop should not sit in it: The great Favourite knew his Discontents were encreased; the Bishoprick of Winchester had been void, and conferr'd upon another. Archbishop Abbot, removed for some months to Ford in Kent, is brought to Lambeth, to the Court, to the Parliament. Lincoln not only wanted these Sweetnings, but was tir'd with defailance of Promises, and defied with Threatnings; so it was thought best to keep him out of the Parliament, against all Right, rather than suffer one, with the Powers of his Parts, to argue and vote against exorbitant Persons and Causes. The Bishop stood upon his Place as a Spiritual Lord, and resolv'd to let his Right be infring'd no longer. Utrumne est tempus aliquod, quo in Senatum venire turpe sit? says Cicero, pro domo ad Pontif. It can be no shame to come into the Senate; it is a Disgrace to be kept out. There∣fore yielding all Obedience to Soveraignty, unto the utmost of that which was due, he disputed the Right of his Order so stoutly, that he came to the House and continued in it to the last; which he obtained the more resolutely, because he look'd upon the King's Affairs with a desire to help him. The L. K. Coventry had order to stop him by a Letter, if he could, which the other answered in these words.

R. H. and my very good Lord,

I Have received your Lordships Letter of the 17. of February but this day, being the 25. of the same; and although I could not desire more comfortable News from your Lordship, than Leave of Absence from that Parliament, in which my presence may be su∣specled, either by the King (which my Innocency will not suffer me to believe) or by any other near unto His Majesty; yet being the Right of a Peer in this Kingdom, that never convicled, imprison'd, or question'd for any Offence, is not withstanding now, against a se∣cond Parliament, kept from his lawful and indubitable Right of sitting in that House, and may be (for any Comfort he doth receive from your Lordship) intended to be debarr'd for ever from the same. I must crave some time to resolve, by the best Counsels God shall give me, whether I shall obey your Lordship's Letter, though mentioning His Majesty's Pleasure,

before mine own Right, which, by the Law of GOD and Man, I may in all Humility maintain. Especially His Majesty's Writ and Royal Proclamation of a far later date, do either of them imply, as your Lordship best knoweth, an authentical Command. I do know that of my Obedience to my Gracious Soveraign, as of late I have found small ac∣ceptance, so could I never find any limit or bottom: And therefore I beseech your Lord∣ship to make this no Question of the Act, but of this Object only of my Duty and Sub∣mission: But if I find I may without prejudice absent my self, I will deal clearly with you, my noble Lord, in the second point, I do refuse, with all humble Duty and Vassalage unto His Majesty reserv'd, to appoint for my Proctor the Bishop proposed. And so I humbly take my leave.

The Courtiers knew not what would follow upon this Answer; but a Course was follow'd by the Bishop, as in the like Case before, to cut a way between two Extreams; Inter abruptam contumaciam, & deforme obsequium: For the Parliament newly sitting, the L. Keeper being demanded by John Earl of Clare, whether this Bishop had a Writ sent to him, and that being affirm'd, the Peers call'd for his Assistance, and without more ado, the Parliament beginning March 17. he came to it before the end of that Month, breaking the Restraint upon him, not by at∣tempt of his own Will, but because it was the Pleasure of the Lords; and as soon as he came, he was quickly set a work; for the upper House appointing to meet together at the Holy Communion, Apr. 6. 1628. he preach'd the Sermon at that Solemn Occasion, the Text being Gal. 6.14. and at the next Session he preacht again, by their Lordship's order, at a Fast kept on Ash-Wednesday, Feb. 18. 1628. in the same Church, upon Job 42.12. entituled, Perseverantia Sanctorum. Both these Sermons were printed by their Lordships direction; two pieces so full of Learning and Piety, that they were fitter for a longer perusal, than for the short time wherein they were utter'd.

73. At this great and high Assembly our Bishop is censured for over-doing his part in Popularity, yet only by such as will calumniate all, that act not ac∣cording to their mind. Some things were offer'd at him, which might have transported him to that excess; for, the Van-curriers of my L. Duke's Militia had prepar'd Petitions to disorder him in a light Skirmish, but were never pre∣ferr'd. Since no Fault could be charg'd upon him, when he delivered up the Seal to the King, Malignants had small encouragement to slander his Footsteps before a Parliament. To borrow Pliny's Similitude, lib. 28. c. 2. A scorpione ali∣quando percussi, nunquam postea à crabronibus, vespis, apibus{que} feriuntur. He that hap∣pens to be stung of a Scorpion, and escapes it, the smaller Insecta of Hornets, Wasps, and Bees will never trouble him. Beside, in Equity they could not have blamed him to be sure to himself, since that Lord that preferr'd him, and that Bishop whom himself had preferr'd, did push with all their Violence against him: Yet his Good bearing between the King's Power and the Subjects Rights (the great Transaction of the high Court at this time) needed no such Answers. Though he was earnest, yet he was advised in all his Actions, and constant, as any man living, to his general Maxims. Tua omnia gest a inter se congruunt, omnia sunt uná forma percussa, says Casaubon to K. Henry the Fourth, before his Edition of Poly∣bius. So the Bishop never varied, whether in favour, or out of favour, in his Coun∣sels to the King, to hang the Quarrel even upon the Beam of Justice between him and the Common-wealth: As it was his Saying to K. James, so he went on with the like to K. Charles; Rule by your Laws, and you are a Compleat Monarch; your People are both sensibly and willingly beneath you: If you start aside from your Laws, they will be as sawcy with your Actions, as if they were above you. The Fence of the great Charter was lately thrown down, by taking a Loan by Commissioners, with∣out a Statute to authorize it. And says the Remonstrance of Decemb. 15, 1641. Di∣vers Gentlemen were imprisoned, for refusing to pay it, whereby many of them contracted such Sicknesses, as cost them their Lives, p. 10. When the Body of the Lords and Commons were at work, to redintegrate the empailment of the Laws, if the Bishop had not appeared, that the King would return, to walk upon the known and trodden Cawsey of the Laws, he had forsaken himself, and left the nearest way to do him Service. His care was, that no Dishonour should be cast upon His Majesty's Government, nor Censure upon the Commissioners of the Loan, his Ministers, and yet to remove the publick Evils of the State: To mend them, would bring a Reformation to be blush'd at; not to mend them, a continued Confusion to be griev'd at. The Bishop had the Praise from the Wi∣sest that his Dexterity was eminent above any of the Peers, to please all parties that

would be pleas'd with Reason. He distinguish'd the Marches of the two great Claims, the Prerogatives of the Crown, and the Liberties of the People; and pleaded for the King, to make him gracious to all; as it is in his Sermon on the Fast, p. 55. That he was a man as like Vertue it self, as could be pattern'd in Flesh and Blood; and justified him for good Intentions in all his Proceedings. The Errors that were to come to pass, he named them to be Errors; for what Government was ever so streight, that had no crookedness? With this Cunning Demetrius appeared for his Father Philip of Macedon, before the Roman Senate, Justin. lib. 32. The Senate accused his Father for violation of the last Articles of Peace; to which Demetrius said nothing, but blush'd. Et veniam patri Philippo, non jure defensionis, sed patrocinio pudoris obtinuit. And how unreasonable was it, that the emulous Bishop, who did upon all occasions derogate from this man, bla∣med this person to the King, for doing no more good to his Cause, whereas him∣self did him no good at all? Like to Critias in Xenophon, and his Dealings against Theramenes, lib. 2. Hist. says Theramenes, I labour to reconcile divided Factions, and he calls me a Slipper to fit the right Foot, and the left, because I set my self to please all sides. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: What shall I call him that pleaseth no side, that can do a pleasure to no side? They that were present at all Debates, did discern, that no Service could be done to the Crown, without a mixture of Mo∣deration. A dram of such Wisdom was worth a pound of Flattery: For, as one says wittily, A besmeared Dog doth but dirty him upon whom he fawns.

74. When the Commons fell roundly to sist the exacting of the Loan, the Ill∣will gotten by it touch'd none so near as the Clergy: So ill was it taken, that their Pulpits had advanc'd it, and that some had preach'd a great deal of Crown Divinity, as they call'd it: And they were not long to seek for one that should be made an Example for it. But to make that, which was like to be by conse∣quent less offensive, they unanimously voted a Gist of five Subsidies, before the King's Servants had spoke a word unto it. A Taste of Loyalty and Generosity, that willing Supplies should rather come from a sense of the King's Wants, than be begged. Straitway they called Dr. Maynwaring the King's Chaplain before them, for preaching (but rather for printing) two Sermons deliver'd before the King, the one at Oatland's, the other at Alderton, in the Progress in July; neither of them at St. Giles in the Fields, as Mr. W. S. might have found in the Title Page of them both. These being in print, no Witnesses needed to be de∣posed, the Doctrine was above the Deck, sufficiently discover'd. The Sermons both preach'd upon one Text, Eccles. 8.2. are confessedly learned, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, wherein Art and Wit have gone about to make true Principles beget false Conclusions. It was not well done, to hazard the dange∣rous Doctrine in them, for the Learning sake, to the view of the World; for not the Seeds of a good Melon, but the good Seeds of a Melon should be preser∣ved to be planted. No notice was taken of the King's Special Command to pub∣lish these Tractates, but severing the Author by himself, he is design'd to be censur'd; as Keepers beat Whelps before their Lions, to make them gentler: And the Charge is brought up to the Lords, That the Sermons were scandalous, feditious, and against the good Government of this Kingdom. The Reverend Bishops, one and all, left him undefended. Yet that was not enough to correct the Envy which the Clergy did undergo upon it; so the Bishop of Lincoln stood up, and gave reprehension to some Points of both his Sermons, in this manner: In the former of these Sermons, pag. 2. Dr. Maynwaring begins his Work upon the Loom with these Threads;

That of all Relations, the first and original is be∣tween the Creator and the Creature, the next between Husband and Wife, the third between Parents and Children, the fourth between Lord and Servants. From all which forenamed respects there did arise that most high, sacred, and transcendent Relation between King and Subjects.

A strange Expression! which calls the last a transcendent Relation arising out of all the former, when the first of the four was between the Creator and the Creature. God is a great God, a King above all Gods. A good King indeed is a petty God, as a Tyrant is a great Devil; but far be it from us, to call the King's relation to his People transcendental, the Maker of all things, and his Workmanship being brought in before. Yet let that go not for a wilful Fault, but for an unwary Expression. In the 19th Page he breaks out thus into a transcendent Error:

If any King shall command that which stands not in opposition to the Original Laws of God, Nature, Nations, and the Gospel (though it be not correspondent in every Circumstance to Laws National and Municipal) no Subject may, with∣out

hazard of his own Damnation, in rebelling against God, question or diso∣bey the Will and Pleasure of his Soveraign; for as a Father of the Country, he commands what his Pleasure is, and out of Counsel and Judgment.

So on to the end of that Leaf. The first words, If any King have a great failance, as if all Kings, all alike, had the same Command over their Subjects, without distin∣ction of Government, meer and absolute from mixt and restrained. The body of the Doctrin is worst of all, that it concerns us upon our Loyalty, nay, upon our Salvation, (for else Damnation is threatned) to yield not only Passive Obe∣dience (which is due) but Active also, if the King's Will and Pleasure be noti∣fied in any thing not opposite to the Law of God and Nature: Wherein if he had insisted upon those same things, that do not appear to be yet determin'd, and have no evil Sequel, it might be allow'd him: But, that we are bound to act whatsoever a King requires, where the Law and his Will are diametrically oppo∣site, and be damn'd if we draw back or question it, is as corrupt as it 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ble. Under the same Monarchy in Spain an Arragonian will not believe that he is obliged to those Edicts of his King, which are directed to a Castilian; the Laws have differenc'd them in the mode of their Duties. What Privilege is it to be born Free, and not a Bond-man, but that the Free-man knows how far he is to serve, and a Bond-man doth not? If Subjection is due as much to the King's Pleasure as to his Laws, there is no bottom in Obedience. Says Stamford the learned Lawyer, Misera servitus est ubi jus est vagum & incognitum. And is it but a Complement that a King swears at his Coronation, to govern by his Laws? Nay sure, if Contracts and Promises bind GOD to Man, much more they bind the King to his People. The Anchor at which Obedience rides is the Law; it is good Divinity, Where there is no Law, there is no Transgression: And it is good Morality, Vir bonus est quis? Qui consulta patrum, qui leges, jura{que} servat. This Dr. tells us again, pag. 26. That this Sacred and Honourable Assembly is not or∣dain'd to contribute any Right to Kings to receive Tribute, which is due to them by natural and original Law and Justice: That our meeting is only for the more equal imposing and exacting of Subsidies: If the supreme Magistrate, upon Ne∣cessity extream and urgent, require Levies of Moneys, beside the Circumstances which the Municipal Laws require, he that doth not satisfie such Demands, re∣sists the Ordinance of God, and receives Damnation to himself. The Founda∣tion is well laid, but his Superstructure is crazy; for where it were Sin to say, that Reliess and Aids were not due to some persons, it is no Sin to say they should not be their own Carvers. Testatus a great Bishop, a great Counsellor, a great Scholar, writes upon the noted place, De jure regio, 1 Sam. c. 8. That Tri∣bute is due to a Prince by his original Right, but with moderation for the quan∣tity, and with the Consent of the Subjects for the manner, time, and other cir∣cumstances. Says St. Paul, Who goes a warfare at his own charges? 1 Cor. 9.7. yet as well the General, as the Rout of the Army, must not prescribe their Pay, but be contented with their Wages, as John Baptist told them, Luk. 3.14. A Son doth not honour his Father, if he do not succour him in his Poverty; but the Son is not bound to let him take what he will in purveyance for himself. The Author whom this Dr. quotes, Saravia hath instanc'd in Samoisius, in the Poets Iliads; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. He was slain a young man, and liv'd not long, because he did not cherish his Parents. A Passage to make us think, that Homer had read the first Command of the second Table. Those 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, fostering Allowances were due to Parents, because they were Parents, yet by free apportionating them according to the Duty and Wisdom of the Chil∣dren, as they might provide for their own Posterity.

75. More of this is ingeminated in the second Sermon, from pag. 24, to 26. as in these words: Religion doth often associate God and the King; First, from the communion of Names; Secondly, from the near bordering of Offences that reflect upon God and the King; Thirdly, from the parity of Beneficence, which men enjoy from God and sacred Kings. Upon this last he doth expatiate in three points: 1. That as Men cannot, in way of Justice, recompence God, nor Children their Parents, so nor Subjects their Kings for legal Providence. 2. Ju∣stice, so properly call'd, intercedes not between GOD and Man, nor between the Prince, being a Father, and the People as Children: It cannot be a Rule or Medium to give God and the King his Right. 3. Justice is only between Equals. To begin at the last, this Position, Justice is only between Equals, is a mi∣staking of Arist. lib. 5. Eth. c. 6. Who there makes them Equals, which are not under one man, for that he denieth totidem verbis, but under one Law, to the

which he doth subject the Magistrate, as all the School-men do the King; that is, to the direction of it, not to the penal coaction. And if Justice be not, but between Equals, how can there be any Justice at the Kings-bench, Exchequer, Star∣chamber, Court of Wards, &c? To go back now to his other two Positions, min∣gling them together, observe two things; First, All that he speaks of God, and his being unrecompensable by ordinary way of Justice, he borrows it out of Suarez, as his Margin confesseth, lib. 3. de Relig. c. 4. and of his own Head ap∣plieth to the King without Suarez, or any other Writer. Nor can Suarez Rea∣son be applied to the King, which is this:

Man, for his weak Condition, in comparison of God, and because all that he is and hath is God's, cannot ren∣der what he owes unto God, in equality of Justice.

And all that he speaks of a Father, in regard of his Children, between whom Justice in one Acception doth not intercede, he borrows out of Suarez, Suarez out of Cajetan, Cajetan out of Aquinas, 2 vol. qu. 57. art. 4. not art. 8. as he misquotes him. But he adds,

The King, out of his own Brain, (who is but a metaphorical Father, Benevolen∣tiâ & animo pater est, naturâ rex pater non est,

says Saravia, lib. 2. c. 12.) without the Authority of his Authors, nay, flatly contrary to Aquinas in that place; for he allows, that Justice and Law may be stated between Father and Son. Says he, As the Son is somewhat of the Father, and the Servant of the Master, Justum non est inter illos per commensurationem ad Alterum: sed in quantum uter{que} est homo, aliquo modo est inter eos justitia. He goes on, That beside Father and Son, Master and Servant, there are other degrees and diversities of Persons to be sound in an Estate, as Priests, Citizens, Souldiers, &c. that have an immediate relation to the Common-wealth, and Prince thereof, and therefore towards these, Justum est secundum perfectam rationem justitiae. So Suarez, lib. 5. de leg. c. 18. Some will say, that Tribute is not due by way of Justice, but by way of Obedience: Hoc planè falsum est, & contra omnes Doctores, qui satentur hanc obligationem solvendi tributa, ubi intervenit, esse justuiám. And which is more than the Judgment of meer Man, it is St. Paul's, Rom. 13.7. For this cause pay your tribute, render therefore to every man that which is his due. Redditio sui cui{que} is the very definition of Justice. And he makes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Justice to intercede between Fathers and their Children, Ephes. 6.1. Children obey your Parents in the Lord, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, for this is just. This is the first Observation how he falsifieth his Learning. The next is this, That his end to bring us to the case of Creatures, and Children towards the King, is to take away all Propriety; as it appears clearly, by what he must draw out of his own Authors. Suarez, ubi supra, Man cannot render to God his due by way of Justice; Quia quicquid est, vel habet, totum est Dei. Apply it with Dr. Maynwa∣ring to the King; Whatsoever the Subject is, or hath, is all the King's by way of Property. Aquinas in the place before, Quod est filii est patris, ideo non est pro∣priè justitia patris ad filium. Apply it to the King, Justice doth not interceed be∣tween the King and his People, because what is the Peoples is the King's. This is the Venom of this new Doctrine, that by making us the King's Creatures, and in the state of Minors, or Children, to take away all our Propriety: Which would leave us nothing of our own, and lead us (but that God hath given us just and gracious Princes) into Slavery. As, when the Jews were under a meer Vassalage, their Levites, their Churchmen, complain to God, The Kings of Assy∣ria have dominion over our bodies, and over our cattel at their pleasure, Nehem. 9.37. Thus far the Bishop making very even parts between all that were concern'd in the Question. And because the Chaplain's Doctrine had drawn up a Flood-gate, through which a Deluge of Anger and Mischief gush'd out, His Majesty left him to the Censure of his Judges. No Wonder if one of the best of Kings did that Honour to his Senate, which one of the worst of Emperors did to that at Rome; Magistratibus liberam jurisdictionem, & sine interpellatione concessit, says Suetonius of Cali∣gula. Neither had it been Wisdom to save one Delinquent, with the loss of a Parliament: Lurentius Medices gave better Counsel than so to his Son Peter, Magis universitatis quàm seorsùm cujus{que} rationem habeto, Polit. lib. 4. Ep. p. 162. Yet Dr. Maynwaring lost nothing at this lift; his Liberty was presently granted him by the King, his Fine remitted, the Income of one Benefice, sequestred for three years, put all into his own Purse, and was received in all his ordinary attendance again at Court, with the Preferments of the Deanry of Worcester, and after of the Bishoprick of St. Davids; so willing was the King to forget that Clause in his Sentence past by the Lords, which did forbid it.

76. No man else suffering for so common a Grievance, it made a glad Court at Whitehall. The Parliament used their best Counsels and Discretions at the same time to secure their Lives, Livelihoods, and Liberties from such arbitrary Thraldom thereafter, Nunquam fida est potentia ubi nimia est. We must live un∣der the Powers which God hath set over us, but are loth that any man should have too much Power. Sir Ed. Coke made the motion (which will keep his no∣ble Memory alive) to sue to the King by Petition, the most ancient and hum∣ble Address of Parliaments, that His Majesty would give his People Assurance of their Rights by Assent in Parliament, as he useth to pass other Acts, viz. That none should be compell'd to any charge of Tax or Benevolence, without agree∣ment of Lords and Commons; nor any Freeman be imprison'd, but by the Law of the Land; with some such other-like, which are enter'd into many Authors. The Duke of Buck. was forward to stop this Petition in the House where he sate; for which the Commons, having not yet meddled with him, resolved to give him an ill Farewel before their parting. Neither did he recover his old Lustre, nor carry any great sway among the Peers, since his dishonourable Expedition to Rhe; for evil Successes are not easily forgotten, though prosperous ones vanish in the warmth of their Fruition. And not only that Duke, and the Lord Privy-Seal, with other great and able Officers, did repulse this motion with all main, but the King's learned Council were admitted to plead their Exceptions against it. Six weeks were spent in these Delays, and Hope deserred made their hearts sick, Prov. 13.12. and their Heads jealous, who follow'd the cause, that there was no good meaning to relieve their Oppressions. At last the difficulty was overcome; the Petitioners had one Answer from the King, and look'd for a fuller, and had it in the end: So much sooner had been so much better; as our Poet Johnson writes to Sir E. Sackvile, of some mens Good-turns, They are so long a coming, and so hard. When any Deed is forc'd, the Grace is marr'd. The Subjects ask'd for nothing now which was not their own, but for Assurance to keep their own; which had it been done with a Smile, benignly and cheerfully, and without any casting about to evade it, it had been done Princely. It is not impossible to find an honest Rule in Matchiavel, for this is his: Beneficia illa, quibus conciliatur plebis animus cò us{que} ne differantur, donec ea praestare cogi videantur. Passing right is Sir J. Haward's Hist. of H. IV. p. 4. says he, The Multitude are more strongly drawn by unprofitable Courtesies than by churlish Benefits. Among those that argued for this Petition de Droit, I shall remember what past from two eminent Prelates: Archbishop Abbot offer'd his own Case to be consider'd, banish'd from his own Houses of Croydon and Lambeth, confin'd to a moorish Mansion-place of Foord, to kill him, debarr'd from the management of his Jurisdiction, and no cause given for it to that time; harder measure than ever was done to him in his Pedagogy, for no Scholar was ever corrected till his Fault was told him. But he had fuller'd the Lash in a Message brought by the Secretary, and no cause pretended for it: And what Light of Safety could be seen under such dark Ju∣stice? The Bishop of Lincoln likewise promoted the Petition, but he was a great Stickler for an Addition, that it might come to the King's Hands with a man∣nerly Clause, That as they desir'd to preserve their own Liberties, so they had regard to leave entire that Power wherewith His Majesty was entrusted for the Protection of his People (which the Commons disrelish'd, and caused to be can∣cell'd). This caused the Bishop to be suspected at first, as if he had been sprin∣kled with some Court-holy-water, which was nothing so, but a due Considera∣tion, flowing from his own Breast, that somewhat might be inserted, to bear wit∣ness to the Grandeur of Majesty. A Passage in Xenophon commends such unbe∣spoken Service, lib. 8. Cyrip. says he, Hystaspus would do all that Cyrus bade, but Chrysantus would do all which he thought was good for Cyrus before he bade him.

77. In the Debate of this great matter among the Lords, this Bishop hath left under his own Pen what he deliver'd; partly in glossing upon a Letter which His Majesty under the Signet sent to the House May the 12th, partly in contesting with the chief Speakers, that quarrel'd at the Petition. As to the former; First the King says, That his Predecessors had never given Leave to the free Debates of the highest Points of Prerogative Royal. The Bishop an∣swered, The Prerogative Royal should not be debated at all, otherwise than it is every Term in Westminster-hall. Secondly, the Letter objects, What if some Dis∣covery nearly concerning Matters of State and Government, be made? May not the King and his Council commit the Party in question, without cause shewn?

For then Detection will dangerously come forth before due time. Resp. No matter of State or Government would be destroyed or defeated, if the Cause be exprest in general terms: And no danger can likely ensue, if in three Terms the Matter be prepared to be brought to Trial. Ob. 3. May not some Cause be such as the Judges have no Capacity of Judicature, or Rules of Law to direct or guide their Judgment? Resp. What can those things be, which neither the Kings-bench nor Star-chamber can meet them? Obj. 4. Is it not enough, that we declare our Royal Will and Resolution to be (which, God willing, we will constantly keep) not to go beyond a just Rule and Moderation in any thing, which shall be con∣trary to our Laws and Customs? And that neither we nor our Council shall, or will, at any time hereafter, commit or command to Prison, for any other cause than doth concern the State, the Publick Good, and Safety of our People? Resp. Not the Council-Table, but the appointed Judges, must determine what are Laws and Customs, and what is contrary to them. And this gracious Con∣cession is too indefinite, to make us depend upon that broad Expression of Just Rule and Moderation. Especially be it mark'd, That all the Causes in the Kingdom may be said to concern either the State, the Publick Good, or the Safe∣ty of the King and People. This, under Favour, is abundantly irresolute, and sig∣nifies nothing obtain'd. Obj. 5. In all Causes hereafter of this nature, which shall happen, we shall, upon the humble Petition of the Party, or Signification of our Judges unto us, readily and really express the true cause of the Commit∣ment, so as with Conveniency and Safety it be fit to be disolosed: And that in all Causes of ordinary Jurisdiction, our Judges shall proceed to the delivery or bailment of the Prisoner, according to the known and ordinary Rules of this Land, and according to the Statutes of Magna Charta, and those six Statutes in∣sisted on, which we intend not to abrogate or weaken, according to the true in∣tention thereof. Resp. To disclose the cause of Imprisonment, except Conve∣niency and Safety do hinder, are ambiguous words, and may suffice to hold a man fast for coming forth. And if all Causes be not of ordinary Jurisdiction, (as I hope they are) who shall judge which be the extraordinary Causes? We are lost again in that Uncertainty. So likewise for the Intention of Magna Charta, and the six Statutes, who shall judge of the true Intention of them? That being arbitrary, we are still in nubibus for any assurance of legal Liberty. So the Concessions of His Majesty's Letter were waved as unsatisfactory.

78. And the Bishop went on to shew, that the Contents of the Petition were suitable to the ancient Laws of the Realm, ever claimed and pleaded, expedient for the Subject, and no less honourable for the King, which made him a King of Men, and not of Beasts; of brave-spirited Freemen, and not of broken∣hearted Peasants. The Statute in 28 Edw. 3. is as clear for it, as the day at Noon-tide; That no man, of what state or condition soever, shall be put out of his Lands or Tenements, nor taken, nor imprison'd, nor disinherited, nor put to death, without being brought to answer by due process of Law. I know one Lord replied to this lately, That the Law was wholsom, for the good of private men, and sometime it might be as wholsom for the Publick Weal, that the So∣veraign Power should commit to Custody some private man, the cause not being shew'd in Law, upon more beneficial occasion than a private man's legal Liber∣ty: And though the Hand of Power should seem to be hard upon that one per∣son, a Benefit might redound to many. First, be it consider'd, if no Law shall be fixt and inviolable, but that which will prevent all Inconveniencies, we must take Laws from God alone, and not from men. Then be it observ'd, that to bring the exception of a Soveraign Power beside the Laws, in Cases determi∣ned in the Laws, takes away all Laws, when the King is pleas'd to use and put forth this Soveraign Power, wherewith he is trusted, and makes the Government purely arbitrary, and at the Will of the King: So shall this Reason of State eat up and devour the Reason of Laws. Shew me, he that can, how the affir∣mation of a Soveraign Power, working beside the Law insisted upon, shall not bring our Goods and our Lives to be liable and disposable by this Soveraign Power, and not turn England into the case of Turky. And if you affirm, that a man may be taken and imprison'd by a Soveraign Power, wherewith a King is trusted, beside the Law exprest in the Statute; why should you not grant as well, the Law being one and the same, that a man may be put out of his Lands and Tenements, disinherited, and put to death by this Soveraign Power, with∣out being brought to answer by due process of Law? I conceive this Reason may be more fortified, but will never be answer'd and satisfied: Bore one hole

into this Law, and all the good thereof will run out of it. Next I shew, that nothing was ever attempted against the Magna Charta, without great Envy and Grudging. Now, since a man's Liberty is a thing that Nature most desires, and which the Law doth exceedingly favour, the 29th Chapter of that Charter says, Nullus liber homo imprisonetur nisi per legem terrae. What word can there be against these words? Why, it was said here with Resolution and Confidence, That Lex terrae is to be expounded of Actions of the King's Privy Council, done at the Council-Table without further Process of Law. But did ever any Judge of this Land give that interpretation of Lex terrae in Magnâ Chartâ? Indeed, a great learned Lord in this House did openly say, That all Courts of Jurisdiction in this Land establish'd, and authorised by the King, may be said to be Lex terrae. Which is granted by me, although it was denied by implication, by the resolu∣tion of the House of Commons. But then the Question still remains, whether the Council-Table at Whitehall be a forum contentiosum, a Court of Jurisdiction? I ever granted, they may commit to Prison juxta legem terrae, as they are Justi∣ces of Peace, and of other legal Capacities. And I grant it also, that they may do it praeter legem terrae, as they are great Counsellors of State, and so to provide where the Laws are defective, ne quid detrimenti respub. capiat. Secondly, It was much prest, that my L. Egerton did expound this Lex terrae to be Lex regis, which must mean somewhat, in his Post-nati, pag. 33. I have read the Book, and it is palpably mistaken: That great Lord saith only this; That the Com∣mon-Law hath many Names secundùm subjectam materiam, according to the varie∣ty of Objects it handles. When it respects the Church, it is called, Lex Ecclesiae Anglicanae: When it respects the Crown, Lex Coronae, and sometime Lex Regia: When it respects the common Subject, it is called Lex Terrae. Is not this his plain meaning? It must be so, by his instance p. 36. That the cases of the Crown are, the Female to inherit, the eldest Son to be preferr'd, no respect of Half-blood, no disability of the King's Person by Infancy. If his Lordship should mean otherwise, his Authorities would fail him. Regist. fol. 61. the word Lex Regia is not nam'd, that's my Lord's Inference, but the Title is, Ad jura Regia; that is, certain Briefs concerning the King's Kights, opposite to Jura Papalia, or Canonica, all of them in matters ecclesiastical, as Advousons, Presen∣tations, Quare-impedits, &c. all pleaded in Westminster-hall, things never heard of in the King's dwelling Court, since the fixing of the Courts of Justice. Thus much for the Authorities. Now the reason offer'd out of them, which will ne∣ver be answer'd, is this: By the Lex Terrae in Magna Charta, a man may be not only imprison'd, but withal outlaw'd, destroy'd, try'd, and condemn'd; but a man cannot be outlaw'd, destroy'd, try'd, and condemn'd by any Order of the Lords of the Council; therefore the Orders of the Lords of the Council are not Lex Terrae. At this, and upon other occasions the Bishop spake to this matter, (till the Petition was most graciously consented to by the King in all the Branches of it) and was more attended to upon the Experience of his Know∣ledge and Wisdom, than at least any of his Order. And as Theocritus says of his principal Shepherd, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. From that day Daph∣nis was accounted the Chief of his Calling, which filled the Court with the Report. But some men are in danger to be traduced with too much Praise.

79. One thing struck in unhappily, which made this Session rise without a good close in the shutting up; it was a Remonstrance presented to the King by the House of Commons, of many Complaints; the most offensive being those that were personal, against two Bishops that were about the King, and against the L. Duke, That his excessive Power, and abuse of that Power, was the cause of all Evils and Dangers among us. Though this came very cross to the King's Affections, yet the worst word that he gave to the Remonstrance was, That no wise man would justifie it. How many Kings of England had treated both Houses more sharply upon less provocation? Yet now the chief Tribunes spake their Discontents aloud, That they had given a bountiful Levy of five Subsidies, and were called Fools for their labour. The Gift was large, the Man∣ner, the Allegiance, the Willingness were better than the Gift; yet might not His Majesty touch mildly upon a Fault, without such a scandalous Paraphrase? The Galatians would have pulled out their own Eyes to do Paul good, yet he spared them not for it, but upon Errors crept into the Doctrine of their Faith, he called them foolish Galatians. The sowrest Leaven, not seen in the Remon∣strance, but hid in the House, was, That some seditious Tongues did blab their meaning, to cut off the payment of Tonnage and Poundage, by the concession of

the Petition of Right; against which His Majesty spake, and declar'd, That his Predecessors had quietly enjoy'd those Payments by the Royal Prerogative, which both Houses did protest to leave inviolable; That the Grant of the Pe∣tition did meet with Grievances, said to entrench upon the Liberty and Pro∣perty of the People, to give them assurance of quiet from paying Taxes or Loans without Order of Parliament. To go further it was not his Meaning nor their Demand. The Bishop of Lincoln appeared very much to concur with the King's Interpretation, and was very zealous to have had an Act past for it before the Parliament was prorogued: Nay, he forbore not to chide his Friends in the lower House, whose Metal he found to be churlish, and hard to be wrought upon. Ut erat generosae indolis nihil frigidè, nihil languidè agebat; as Clementius says of renowned Salmasius, in his Life, p. 61. But the Bishop's Mo∣tion was laid by, and with no good meaning: Yet since it was seen, that his Endeavours were real, to have wound up the Bottom at that time, without that scurvy knot in it, he had the Favour to kiss the King's Hand, and to have Words both with His Majesty and with the Duke in private. O hard De∣stiny! this he had long sought, and now the Words which past between the King and him in Conference, were the Seed of all his Troubles in the Star-Chamber; for the King conjuring him to deliver his Opinion, how he might win the Love of the Commons, and be popular among them, the Bishop an∣swered readily, That the Puritans were many, and main Sticklers; if His Ma∣jesty would please to direct his Ministers, by his secret Appointment, to shew some Connivance and Indulgence to their Party, he might possibly mollifie them, and bend their Stubbornness; though he did not promise that they would be trusty very long to any Government. The King said. He must needs like the Counsel, for he had thought of it before, and would use it. Two months after the Bishop regulated his own Courts at Leicester, with some such Conde∣scentions, and told Sir J. Lamb and Dr. Sibthorp the reason, that it was not only his own, but the Royal Pleasure. These two Pick-thanks carried these words to Bishop Laud, and he to the King, being then at Bisham. The Resolution was, That upon the Depositions of these two, (no Saints in my Almanack) a Bill should be drawn up in the Star-chamber, against the Bishop, for revealing the King's Counsels, being a sworn Counsellor. But that he was sentenc'd, because his Tongue betrayed him into Speeches that entrencht upon Loyalty, as the Hi∣storian H. L. says, p. 152. (upon whose Trust W. S. writes the same) is utterly mistaken, upon the word of Holy Faith; and let all Ear-witnesses of the Cause, and Eye-witnesses of the Records, judge between us. Nor do I say, that the Bill of disclosing the King's Counsels held Water, for it was laid aside: There the Troubles began, and did run through Motions, Meanders, and Alterations, till ending at last in tampering with Witnesses, as will be shewn in due place.

80. To make this seem a Jubilee to our Bishop, wherein all Bonds of Malevo∣lence should be cancell'd, he had a very courteous Interview with the L. Duke, nothing of Unkindness repeated between them, his Grace had the Bishop's Con∣sent with a little asking, that he would be his Grace's faithful Servant in the next Session of Parliament, and was allow'd to hold up a seeming Enmity, and his own Popular Estimation, that he might the sooner do the Work. Blessed be God, that they parted then in perfect Charity, for they never met again; the horrid Assassine J. Felton, frustrated whatever might have followed; a mean, despicable, unsuspected Enemy: Sed nihil tam firmum est, cui non sit periculum ab invalido, says Curtius, lib. 7. What Strength is there in a Cedar, since every weak Arm can cut it down? And though I am perswaded none but the De∣vil and this melancholy Miscreant were in the Plot, yet in foro Dei, many were guilty of this Blood, that rejoiced it was spilt. Tully confest of himself, that he was as much a Murderer of Caesar as Brutus and Cassius, 2 Philip. Quid interest utrum voluerim fieri, an gaudeam factum? So did God see that Thousands were guilty of this Sin, which made the whole Land Nocent, for the violent death of an Innocent; for every one is innocent in right of his Life, till the Law hath tryed him. Felton's Impulsive was impious, from the allegation of the late Re∣monstrance, that the Duke was the principal cause of our Evils and Dangers. As the Commons had no power to take his life away, so they never intended it, but to remove him from the King, if it were possible. I will be bold to cen∣sure the Romans, that many things were uncivil in their Laws, barbarous in their Valour, and odious in their Justice. Let this be the Instance out of

Budaeus, lib. 2. Pandec. c. 28. Si quis eum qui plebiscito sacer sit occiderit, homicida non est. As if every man had the power of a Magistrate, to cut off him whom the People had devoved: A Maxim for the Sons of Cadmus, or for the Sons of Ro∣mulus, not for the Sons of God. Be they Jesuites, Anabaptists, or of whatso∣ever Race of new Zealots, they have not learnt so much good Divinity as is in Aristotle, 3 Erh. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. No Pretence can justifie Man∣slaughter, no End or Intention can excuse it. Was it so lately enacted in Par∣liament, that no Freeman should be imprison'd without due course of Law, and did Hell break loose at the other end, to make it meritorious, or popular, to kill without Law? For such another Outrage had pass'd but two months before, upon the Body of one Lamb, in the day-light, and in the Skirts of the City beaten cruelly to Death by a scum of Vagabonds, being no Conjurer for certain, (though the Fry fell upon him for that suspicion) but a notorious Impostor, a Fortune-teller, and an employ'd Bawd, (two Qualities that com∣monly make up one pair of Scissors to cut Purses) as was evident by his Books, Papers, Schemes, Pictures, Figures, Glasses, the Utensils of his Trade, found in his Lodgings near the Horse-ferry in Westminster: But, that he was a Creature of the Duke's, and commended to him by Bishop Williams, the Historian is strangely out again. It is possible an Ear-dropper might hear such things talk'd at Cock-pits and Dancing-schools, miserable Intelligence to thrust into an Hi∣story. This Lamb living in the Verge of the Deanry, was once admitted to speak with this Bishop, and as soon as he began to impeach some of the Bi∣shop's Acquaintance for Falshood, he was bidden be gone, for a meddling Knave, and a Sower of Dissentions, and had Warning to come near him no more. And for the Duke, his domestick Creatures have avowed to me, that Lamb was so little their Lord's Creature, that they were ready to take an Oath of Credulity, that the Duke never saw him. I would all the Tales that got his Grace Ill will had been as false as this: That which did undo him, was chiefly that which made him, the immoderate Favour of two Kings, and not mode∣rately used; as many a Ship is lost, that's overset with too much Sail. After Thirteen years triumphing in Grace and Gallantry, one Stab dispatch'd him. So Symmachus speaks of the sad Catastrophe of such a mighty man, Fortunae diu lenocinantis perfidus finis, quem ultimâ sui parte ut scorpius percussit, lib. 2. ep. 13. Great Felicities not seldom go out suddenly in a Flash, like a Silk-worm, that dyes in three months after it is quicken'd. God would have us look after better things, when we behold the sudden and prodigious Eclipses of Human Glory, and brought to pass, like Buckingham's, by vile and wicked Instruments. A foreign Writer gives very hard words to our whole Nation upon it, that we are savage and frentick in our Fury: And will he say as ill of the Kingdom of Israel, for Joab's sake, that murder'd Abner? It might be replied to him, That the Loy∣alty of his Nation is besmeared with the Blood of two Kings of France, deadly wounded with a Knife. But that we have worse to answer for, I will depart with this mournful matter, adding only, that the Duke being taken away, our Bishop never desisted to do Observance, and such Help as he could, to his desolate Kindred and Family; which the Countess of Denby his Sister would often con∣fess to me, and speak of it to his great honour. At this time, presently upon the dis∣mal Tydings, he dispatch'd a most melting Letter to the Countess, his Grace's Mother, whose Answer to his begins thus:

My Lord,

IT is true Nobleness that makes you remember so distressed a Creature as I am, and to continue a true Friend in harder Fortunes. You give me many Reasons of Comfort, for which I kindly thank you, for I have need of them all.

The rest is long, and very choicely endited under her own Hand, which I pass over more willingly, because her Ladiships revolting to the Romish Reli∣gion was none of the least causes, that brought her Unfortunate Son into the distaste of the People. Pace tuâ fari haec liceat Rhamnusia Diva, Catullus.

81. The Duke being now at rest in his Grave, it was conceived this Good at least would come of it, that the next Session of Parliament would be very quiet, which began on the 20th of January: Yet they that thought the Ship was lightned of Jonas, saw the Storm encreased: Let them that will know the oc∣casion of a wide Breach, read it in the Histories and Life of King Charles, espe∣cially in His Majesty's Declaration to all his loving Subjects, printed 1628.

wherein the intelligent shall find, that the Commons were rather stubborn than stiff, rather violent than eager against the King's Affairs; and that the King was so provok'd with the heat of one morning, that he would not allow a day, nor an hour, to let them cool again, but dismist them with Menaces, and thrust them away from him with such displeasure, that in twelve years he sent out no Writs to call another Parliament. It is too late to wish it had been better then, it is not too late to give Warning that it may be better hereafter. Who did best or worst many will take the liberty to determine, as their addictions carry them to loyal Duty or popular Liberty. I judge neither so high above me in their potential Orbs, but relate what the Prudent did observe upon their Passages: This was the Bishop of Lincoln's Opinion, who wept the ruine of the State, and was able to see through the present to the future, that it was ill in the People to offend so good a King, and unhappy for the King to close again no sooner with a bad People. The open face of both these shall be seen. The Com∣mons were no sooner come together, but like Ajax's Rhetorick in the Poet, Proh Jupiter inquit, they were as hot as an Oven in their exordium, and spake loudly, That the Petition of Right was not maintain'd, because Tonnage and Poundage were taken, and Merchants Goods distrein'd for non-payment, a Revenue not due to the Crown till pass'd by Bill. The King's Council shew'd Presidents, that it had been taken in a provisional way before the Parliament had granted it; but that His Majesty did desire to receive it by the Grant of his People, and pray'd a Bill might confirm it, to remove this Block out of the way, in which all Controversies would be sopited. Hereupon it was promis'd it should be con∣sidered, and the framing of a Bill be referr'd to a Committee; yet they drew back their Hand, till they had gather'd a Particular of things distasted in the Ecclesiastical and Civil Government: An Affectation which Appius Claudius dis∣cover'd in the Tribunes, Liv. dec. 1. lib. 5. Qui semper aegri aliquid in Rep. esse vo∣lunt, ut sit ad cujus curationem à vobis adhibeantur: Which the King hath put into English, Declar. p. 25. Like Empericks, that strive to make new Work, and to have some Diseases on foot, to keep themselves in request. Their Inspections about Reli∣gion were not only troublesome, to make the Bill stick in the Committee, the only means to keep all quiet, but so inauspicious, that I fear God was not near. Arminianism was complained of, that it was openly maintain'd, not suiting with the Articles of the Churches of England and Ireland: A strange Spell, which rai∣sed up the Spirit that it would conjure down. As they that mark the encrease of Nile can tell at what day it will begin to overflow, so they that watcht the encrease of Arminianism, say considently, that from this year the Tyde of it be∣gan to come in. Then they complain'd, that the Bishops of London and Winton, prevail'd to advance those to great Preferments that spread those Errors, while the orthodox part was deprest, and under inglorious disdain. Never was this verified by a clear and notorious distinction, till this Challenge was made, That all Preferments were cast on that side. Then it began to be palpable, that there was no other way to fly over other mens Heads in the Church, but with those Wings: And here the forlorn part might say to the Parliament as Balak said to Balaam, What hast then done unto me? I took thee to curse mine Enemies, and behold, thou hast blest them all together, Numb. 23.11. Thirdly, They did regret at the obtruding of some Ceremonies, which waxed in more request and authority upon that opposition; as some Flowers open the more, when the Wind blows strongest upon them. I believe such Remorse as was in Joseph's Brethren would make some of them say, We saw the arguish of the King, when he besought us, and would not hear, therefore this Distress is come upon us, that all our Counsels are improspe∣rous. The prosecution of Civil Grievances miscarried as much, and as wise men guess'd, because Sir John Ellict stood up to manage them. Few lead on to re∣move the publick Evils of a State, without some special feelings and ends of their own. Nor was it any better now, so far as an action may be known by vulgar passes, and every bodies Discourse. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, says Menander. High Probability is the second degree of Truth. Sir J. Elliot of the West, and Sir Tho. Wentworth of the North, both in the prime of their Age and Wits, both conspicu∣ous for able Speakers, clasht so often in the House, and cudgel'd one another with such strong Contradictions, that it grew from an Emulation between them to an Enmity. The L. Treasurer Weston pick'd out the Northern Cock Sir Tho∣mas, to make him the King's Creature, and set him upon the first step of his rising; which was Wormwood in the taste of Elliot, who revenged himself upon the King in the Bill of Tonnage, and then fell upon the Treasurer, and declai∣med

against him, That he was the Author of all the Evils under which the Kingdom was opprest. Some body must bear that Burden as the Duke had done; yet this Lord was not like to be the man, who had been in his great Place but about six months, unless he could conjure, and work Miracles in a trice. The Bishop of Lincoln, who had Spies abroad in many private Confe∣rences, inform'd the L. Weston before, who was his Adversary, what Coals he was blowing at the Forge, and proffer'd himself to bring Sir J. Elliot to him, to be reconciled, and to be his Servant; for which Sir T. Wentworth spleen'd the Bishop, for offering to bring his Rival into favour; but L. Weston took it as a Courtesie as long as he lived, and bade the Bishop look for more Favour from the King than it was his luck to find; for the Treasurer was noted to be a Servant to his Master of great use and diligence, but a Friend to his Friends of small assistance. Now, when great Affairs did run upon the Wheels of these private Grudges, what was like to become of the Publick Weal? To be over∣turn'd in the hurry.

82. For such a Dust was rais'd about the Bill of Tonnage, &c. that the way could not be seen for that Cloud, to come to a quiet end. Long Speeches, full of hydropical swellings, took up the time to delay it. Of which Aristotle gives warning to all Political Governments, Polit. lib. 5. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that nothing overthrows them so soon, as the petulancy of their Orators. Let impartial Posterity sit in the Chair of Judgment, and examine these things. The Lords unanimously dissented from the Commons: lookt sad∣ly at the slowing of the Bill, at the quarrels against the Accomptants of the Cu∣stom-house. Insomuch that the King told their Lordships, That he took as much content in their dutiful demeanour, as he was justly distasted with the proceeding of the others. And what bred all this Anger? was it a new Project? alas no; but an ancient Supply of some hundred years old, never grudg'd at, but cheerfully granted for the Safety of the narrow Seas. Quod à principio beneficium suit, usu atque aetate fit debitum, says Sym. ep. p. 58. That which was free Gift at first, be∣ing constantly given, Custom makes it a Debt. The King's Actions were strong∣ly warranted with the wisdom of former Ages: for the Subsidy of Tonnage and Poundage was not granted to Edward the Fourth by Parliament, till the end of the third year of his Reign, yet answer'd to him from the first year. And, to say more, all Kings and Queens enjoy'd it from the day of the precedent Prin∣ces Death, before ever a Parliament sat: and the legitimate receiving it was ne∣ver question'd. And yet now the Commons pleaded, That until the King would put himself out of all the Right of it, the Subject stood not in sit case to grant it; Decl. p. 28. That is, shut himself out of Doors, and stay till, God knows when, they let him in again. And wherefore was the Petition objected? which was granted to secure all men in their Property for the Subject's Right, not for the King's wrong. They that were reasonable and thankful men will allow him to interpret his own meaning, which was not to take from his Liege people what he should not, but not to give from himself what he would not. As eloquent Lysias says, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The mind of them that judge by a Law, must be the same with his mind that made the Law. 'Tis all the right in the World. His Majesty was willing to take this Payment as the Gift of the Parliament, would thankfully embrace it with that Formali∣ty. But it were folly to let them polish his Revenue, and file away the best part of it. They knew he could not want this Stock, as well to guard the Kingdom, as to support his own Dignity. Take heed they thrust not upon that Necessity, which loving Compliance might avoid. Omnia quae reipub. salutaria sunt, legitima & justa habentur, Tull. Philip. 12. To render good for evil, and to bring them all within one Circle of Love and Clemency, a gracious and gene∣ral Pardon was appointed by the King to be drawn up, which past the House of Lords; but the Gentlemen beneath did not so much as read it. Yet no In∣nocency is so safe, which may not desire to be lookt upon with the Eye of Mer∣cy. Some of the Members did want it after their Dissolution. Which straight∣way follow'd upon shutting their Door against the King's Messengers, and hold∣ing the Speaker by violence from obeying his Majesty's Order to leave the House. So dying Lamps expire with enlarged Flames. This was unwonted, and no ho∣nour to so wise a Senate, if the Rule of the Orators be true: Quae potest esse homini major poena à Diis immortalibus furore & dementiâ? Dehosparus. Our Bishop was wont to say, That Queen Elizabeth's Parliaments were most tractable, which sate but a short time, ended before they were acquainted with one another Interests, and had not

learned to Combine. Which makes me allude it to Theophrastus Date Tree, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The young Trees bare Dates with∣out Stones, but the older they grow, so much the harder is the Stone that is in them. Wo is to us, this Rupture was not a Date-stone, but a Mill-stone, whose Consequences have grounded us to Dust. Which the King's troubled Spirit did divine. Will you hear the Swan sing his own Dirge, Cantator funeris ipse su••? Declar. p. 41. All this is done to abate the powers of our Crown, and to bring our Go∣vernment to obloquy, that in the end all things may be over-whelmed with Anarchy and Confusion. Prophetical, or rather Oraculous, for Miseries are sometimes foreseen, never prevented by the Dictates of Oracles.

83. Look now in the procedure upon the way that the King chose to go in, with an Eye of Reverence, but with an Eye of Reason. The Bishop of Lincoln moved the Lord Weston to carry his mind to the King, much after this sort: That the Parliament might meet again for all this, and that there might be a Conference be∣tween them and the Lords, to debate upon Differences. He hoped that their own House would give a check, if not a censure to some that had exceeded in such a rude and un∣parliamentary uprore: that they would in no long space of time be ashamed of their own work, and make amends with submission. Neat that run about, as if they were mad in the Pastures, stroke them, and they will come of themselves to the Milk pale. Fury wasteth as Patience lasteth. He would not pray for them if their sin were a sin unto death, whereof they could not repent. Pliny can tell us of an Image in Chios, Cuyus vultum intrantes tristem, exeuntes exhilaratum vident, Lib. 3. Nat. Hist. cap. 5. It seem'd to frown on those that came in to behold it, and to smile upon them when they departed. To shew what variety may fall out in the first and last Experiment of Human Affairs. God alone knows what the event of this Coun∣sel might have been. The King would not know it, for he would not use it. Kings have another Sentiment of Wrongs then common People. Yet one Rulo is as good for them, as for their Vassals, to let Counsels mellow, and to grow un∣to a taste by leisure: waiting for time and opportunity are such advantages, as tire out the spirits of others, till we have melted their metal. As every sweet thing mixt with Oil will keep its odour the longer, so Deliberations, the longer they are compounded with Patience, in the end they will be the sweeter. The King says for himself, Declar. p. 40. He would have expected longer, if there had been any hope in them to return to their duty. It is as the Spanish Proverb says, A crooked Cucumber will never grow straight. But are all crooked? What was in his he∣roick Mind to think, that no Parliament would be right for ever after? which appeared because he summoned none in twelve years; nor then, but when ex∣tremity forc't him. When did he expect a better Generation, that despaired of all for so many years? This was to fall out with a whole Nation. But says Cy∣rus to Cyaxares in the Cipher of an absolute King, Lib. 5. Cyr. P. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. It is a great fault in a Ruler to be at odds with all his Subjects. He may have his will by taking all Empire into his own hands, but with no good will of others. The last Tarquin rob'd the Senate of their power: omnia in domo regiâ privatim tractabantur, Mach. Resp. lib. 3. cap. 5. for which Brutus and his party take up Arms, till they pros∣per'd in their sin. In more recent memory H. Grotius writes, Hist. Belg. lib. 1. p. 7. That the disusing of the Assemblies of the States by Philip the Second, was the begin∣ning of the Revolt of the Netherlands. Discontents that fell in should not abolish Courts fundamental for the Maintainance of Justice. We have had most corrupt general Councils for some Ages in the Church; therefore shall we never hope to obtain a good one? Well did Warsovius speak in his Oration to Stephen King of Polonia, Millies licet homo defraudetur ab homine, utique hominem cum homine vivere debere: Though we have been cheated over and over, we must trade again with men. It is to be prais'd and admir'd that while Parliaments were laid asleep so long, we could not say that we wanted Justice, Peace, and Plenty, much less the true worship of God. But for want of that politick Court, the People thought they were under a new shaped Monarchy, like to an Arbitrary Govern∣ment, which lost the King their Affections, more then he could lose them by a seditious Parliament. For better to endure frowardness then hatred. As Sueto∣tonius says of Caesar, De ampliando imperio plura & majora indies cogitabat: so great Ones, both Male and Female, carried such Tales out of the Bed-chamber, that a more absolute Empire was intended then England had known since the Norman Line. All that the King's incomparable Vertues could plead for him, would not satisfie for that Suspicion. Men love themselves, and like a good Governour

better then a Godly. Our Bolton writes, That not a year of Nero's Reign but was stained with some foul fact of manners; but the Senators finding content in his Govern∣ment, he was redeem'd into their sufferance, and the tolerable Opinion of the People. Faults of an impious Life oppress not the Subjects, but oblique ways of Government gall them. Holy King Charles was full of constant and great Vertues, all of them Pearls of a clear water, but he did not study to oblige the Generality, to grati∣fie, to insinuate, nay to go down so low as to slatter them: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Arist. Eth. lib. 5. cap. 3. That is, some are of rare worth, take them single and alone, that fall short of that per∣section in those things which they do, that relate to others. Our King would not buy Applause so cheap, as with Blandishments and Courtesie. He would not dissemble with the Nobles that had offended him, and win them in with Art to recover them. He would not purchase the People with fineness of words, but purpos'd a more real satisfaction. Yea, a few drops of water infused into Wine makes it not cease to be Wine, nor do a few drops of Cunning ••••er the Essence of Honesty. A King of a most nice Conscience shall still ••••••••in the Servant of God, and yet, by the verdict of wise men, he should be the Servant of the People. The Duke of Millain, the King of Naples about our Grand∣fathers days, lost their Principalities for not woing their Citizens, and espousing their hearts strongly to them. The Scepter of the old Latin Princes was a Li∣tuus, an Ensign of Majesty crooked at the stronger end, because a little bend∣ing Policy is necessary in a Magistrate. Which Xenophon makes to be the Opi∣nion of his exact Cyrus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, lib. 8. That sometime he must couzin the Multitude into good frame, and quiet obedience. So might our Josiah have done with good success, and sincerity of heart preserv'd. Such as saw to what he was inclin'd, made him abhorrent the more from Parliaments, by remembring them with all disadvantage of flirts and contumelies. And what did they in it, but piss into the common Well, from whence all the Neighbour∣hood drew water? John Major pleading for the Authority of a General Council breaks off, and says, he knew that many more would plead very stiffly for the Pope, Quia Concilium rarò congregatur, nec dat dignitates Ecclesiasticas: Councils met sel∣dom, and gave no Preferments as the Pope did. So Flatterers and Ambitious Persons stuck to the surer side, and desired the King would forget Parliaments, and act all himself: for the King could promote them, so could not a Parliament. But in fine, to say a very little upon the whole case; as St. Austin is quoted by Gratian for this Sentence, That it is too great an attempt for Church Discipline to ex∣communicate a Nation of People; so it was no fit Punishment to exterminate, or lay aside the Parliaments of a Nation. No Parliament for twelve years, and too much Parliament for twelve years put all out of order.

84. Which Court, formidable to Opposers, being like a Bow so long unbent, some eminent ones, that abused the greatness of their power, and some ignoble ones that lived upon the impurity of secure Times, seared not the Arrows of its Jurisdiction, nor to come under account for their Actions at that Tribunal. Says Quintilian lib 12. Quaedam animalia, in angustiis mobilia, in campo deprehendun∣tur: Some Creatures can shift in their own holes, but are snapt up easily in the open Fields. So such as could do mischief in their Court, had no hope to escape in so publick Examination. The Bishop of Lincoln felt it, who fell into troubles, not for want of Innocence, but for want of a Parliament to keep him from Ma∣lef;icence. The cause of his uncessant Molestations for twelve years would dis∣cover himself, though I should conceal him, by an open affectation to be known his Enemy, I mean Bishop Laud. Could he so soon forget him that first made him a Bishop? and in twelve years could he not forget an Injury (I know of none) if the other had trespass'd against him? The undoing of his Brother and Colleague in dignity did so run in his mind, that it was never out of his dreams, to be seen in the Notes drawn with his own hand in Mr. Prinn's Breviate. He dream't the Lord Keeper was dead Octob. 23. 1623. that is, being interpreted, in the Duke's Affections. June 14. 1626. He dream't the Bishop of Lincoln came, he knew not with whom, with Iron Chains, but, returning freed from them, he leapt upon an Horse, and departed, neither could he overtake him. March 17. 1627. Sir G. Wright whisper'd in his Ear in his sleep, that he was the cause that Lincoln was not admitted again into Favour in the Court. Jul. 13. 1633. He dreamt at Anderwick that this Bishop came and offer'd to sit above him at the Council Table, * 16.1 (Quae Deus in melius ••rudelia somnia vertat) that the Earl of Hol∣land came and placed him there. Some hearken to Dreams which themselves

caused to be dream't, says the Prophet Jeremiah, cap. 29. v. 8. Sabini quod volunt solent somntare, says the Adagy: The Sabines dream what they would have. But for this Vision at Anwick, it was not what my Lord wish't, but what he feared. Let Babie; be frighted with such Visors, Ecquid, ait, vani terremur imagine visus? says the Preacher Eccl. 5.3. A Dream cometh through the multitude of Business. That which the Fancy is troubled with most in the Day, it rencounters in the Night, yet without any deliberation of Reason; and therefore must be most groundless to collect an observation from it, of any act that hath an intellectual touch in it. I except the infusions of Prophetical Inspiration, which common∣ly who can suppose he hath attained without Enthusiastical Presumption? Jug∣gling Astrologers, that will fly at any game for profit and credit, held the Peo∣ple in a Dream, how they could interpret Dreams, which would hit, and which not by the Planet; as Salm••sius says Clymact. p. 789. that it was Hephestions pro∣session to unfold, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in what nights of e∣very Moon they will happen to be true. But he that records his Dreams, as if he weigh'd a thing so light in the Balance of Observation, his Wits are built upon Fairy Ground, and needs no other Astrology to deceive him, but his own Superstition. Isaiah says, That which shall come to nothing, shall be as the dream of a night vision, c. 29.7. Ens siclum, a Toy of no Entity, that hath no place in a Predicament. The greater is their Sin, that make it some part of a Quarrel, if they dream that another was ominous to their Life or Honour: As Plutarch relates in Dion's Life, how Dionysius the elder dreamt, that one Marsyas had kil∣led him, which made him take opportunity to kill Marsyas to prevent it. I am certain it was for no Good-will, that the Bishop of Lincoln was notch'd so often upon the Tally of ill-boding Dreams: God did promise, that old men should dream Dreams of holy revelation, Act. 2.17. But these came from the old man, which is corrupt, Eph. 4.22. who had Art and Part, as the Scottish Indictment runs, in all our Bishops Persecutions. After my L. Bishop Laud had begun to go a sharer with the Duke to suppress him, he knew not how to sound a Retreat and desist; like to Pope Julius the Second in his Character, Nunquam ab eo, ad quod ingenio feroci impellebatur, recedendum putavit, Match. Prin. c. 26. Whatsoever he set himself about, though unpleasing and dangerous, he never look'd back to Re∣pentance; and it was beyond his Sufferance to let a parallel Line side with him, but he saw, if he did not cut this man down, he was like to grow to as much heighth of Glory as himself: Beside, being dazled with too much Light of Royal Favour, he did not see that he needed to make Friends, least of all to fear an Enemy. Whether he had little or sufficient insight into Government, is disputable, but he knew how to govern the King: Like Anaximander the Sooth∣sayer to Alexander the Great, Cui credulitatem suam rex addixerat. Alexander be∣liev'd any thing that Anaximander told him, Curt. lib. 7. Mediators were not wanting, that endeavour'd a renewing of Friendship between these two Prelates; which the Haughtiness, or perhaps the Dissidence, of Bishop Laud would not accept; a Symptom of Policy more than of Christian Grace, not to trust a reconciled Enemy: Which is not approved by a good Heathen, Tul. Ep. lib. 3. Ep. 37. Si quis est qui neminem in gratiam putat redire posse, non is nostram per∣sidiam arguit, sed indicat suam. He that will not trust, is not to be trusted.

85. Many did suspect that there was small hope to unite these, because the one was hard Wax, the other soft: Bishop Laud would not connive at the Pu∣ritans, nor seek them with fair Entreaties, but went on to suppress the Ring∣leaders, or to make them fly the Kingdom. Bishop Williams perceived that this made the Faction grow more violent, to triumph against Justice, as if it were Persecution, that the cutting of some great Boughs made the Under woods grow the faster. His way to mitigate them, was to turn them about with the fallacy of Meekness: If they came to him, they had courteous Hospitality; if they ask'd his Counsel in Suits of Law, he gave them all assistance; if some Ceremo∣nies would go down with them, he waited till their queasie Stomachs would digest the rest; he thought it no dishonest thing, if he might win his weak Bre∣thren, to shift a Point of the Compass, when the Winds blew overthwart, and to fetch them in, not always by a streight course, but sometimes by Obliquity. Ano∣ther Disunison was this: Bishop Laud was not only a great Patron of them that maintain Arminius, or, as they would have it, Melancthon's Doctrin, but a great discountenancer of the opposite part. And since he shook the Box, they were but Duices and Trays in all Church-Preferments. The Indraught of this Partiality wax'd into a new Faction, never known before he sate at the Stern: The King's

Declaration, pag. 21. speaks not a little to it, that Bishop Montague's Book did open the way to those Schisms and Divisions, which since have ensued in the Church. Some, both then and at this day, are so alien'd from the Followers of Calvin, as they call them, that the Samaritans were not more strange to the Jews; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. They will not shake Hands with a dissenting Dogmatist. This our prudent Bishop did both dislike and despise, as a very causeless Breach maintain'd by them, Qui eruditionem discordiâ metiuntur, as Aventine says of the Schoolmen, Annal. lib. 6. And therefore he says in his Ser∣mon at the Fast, p. 56. We have a knowing, learned, and right venerable Clergy, the busie Meddling of some few in matters of no moment excepted; for though it is not about so small a thing as a strife of Words, yet it is so great a thing, as no Words could ever determine. Even Knot the Jesuite writes so to Dr. Potter, upon those Que∣stions eagerly contended in, between the Dominicans and his Order, Who hath assured you, that the Point wherein these learned men differ is Revealed Truth, and capable of a decision? Or, is it not rather by plain Scripture indeter∣minable? Or by any Rule of Faith? There came out an Order from the King, (and every one knew who suggested it) to suppress all Preaching, or Reading in the Universities, upon the Questions decided at Dort, which was straightway parallel'd with an History in Baronius, A. 648. N. 12. That Paul, Pa∣triarch of Constantinople, seeing his Opinion of a Monothelite decried every where, he perswaded the Emperor to set out an Edict, to silence the disputing on either side. This Direction of His Majesty's our Bishop obeyed, but with a foresight, that such a Restraint would make Zealots of each Opinion be more importunate to advance their Doctrin, and that every Spark would kindle another, and spread apace to a general Combustion. We are told by Camerarius, Mel. 6. p. 270. that Charles the First had Melancthon most in Jealousie, for declining his Interim, though he said nothing. So my L. of Lincoln was most suspected for a Gain-sayer of the King's Order, though none did keep it with stricter Duty: Neither did it make him innocent to sit quiet, since he did not appear to favour it: He that did not tune his Mind, as well as his outward Carriage, to the present Harmony, was censur'd to be out of Tune, and not fit for the Quire. So it was contriv'd, that this Prelate, no meddler that way, must be knock'd down, as the Supporter of the Adherents to the Dort Synod, and others for fear would veil their Top-fails. Like to Agelaeus's Speech in Homer, to his Fellows the Suitors of Penelope, Let us throw all our Darts together at Ulysses, and kill him: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Odyss. X. No matter for the rest, if he were fallen. Whereas the way to keep him from all opposition, had been to grant him his Peace as a Top goes down of it self when it is no longer scourged: Or as Charmides said in Plau∣tus, Nunquam aedipol temerò tinniit tintinnabulum: nisi quos illud tractat, aut movet, mutum est, & tacet. If you will not hear the sound of a Bell, let it alone, and do not pull the Rope. These are the true Disclosures wherefore Bishop Laud took the other Bishop not to be a man after his own Heart, and thrust him out of Favour, out of Power, out of House and Home, and out of all he had. I find more pag. 10. of Mr. Prinn's Breviate, that the potent Bishop shew'd Reasons to the King for printing the Papers of Bishop Andrews (Cujus memoriâ recreor) concer∣ning, that Bishops are jure divino, contrary to that which the Bishop of Lincoln miserably, and to the great detriment of the Church, signified to the King Which is a great mistake; for Lincoln ever defended the divine Right of his Order, that it was necessary in a Church rightly constituted, that it was a main defect in them that had not that Presidency among them, but the less, if they did desire it, and could not enjoy it: Yet he would not unchurch those Christians, but wisht them a better Mind, that had set up another Discipline. If Bishop Laud was more ri∣gid, he did worthily incur the Rebuke of Dr. Holland, in Oxford, anno 1604. for maintaining, there could be no true Church (vera, non verax) without Diocesan Bishops. These being all the Incentives of his displeasure against this Brother and Advances, what little Grains they be! what small Occasions! and the Evil he brought upon him being so great, and prosecuted so many years, how indefen∣sible is such Anger? His ablest and best Friends did wish it had never been: If among many whom he preferred and obliged, some will dress it with Exte∣nuations and Excuses, I do not condemn their Ingenuity; for, as Xenophon writes lib. 7. hist. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: Commonly men would have those appear to be good, who were their Patrons and Benefactors. But I conclude it as Seneca did upon the Praises of Alexander the Great, when you have said all you can for him, Calisthenem intersccit.

86. After our Bishop was cut off from all Place in the State, and wither'd away in a happy Retirement, he that watch'd him a••l the harm he could, assisted many (and they were many) to pelt him with slight and bald Complaints, like the Clowns about Virgil's Ash-tree, Crebris{que} bipennibus instant certatim eruere agricolae: With all their hewing they got not a Chip from the Defendant, but had their Wages from him that was the Setter; as Fulgentius says in the Life of Fryar Paul, Many shewed Hatred against the innocent Father, looking to get Favour for it from the Court of Rome. It was hard, and yet not strange, for ours, that being vext with many Suits, he could not obtain Orders, or not so full as his Causes did merit; for Archbishop Abbot, his Copartner in Sufferings, cries out in his Manuscript, That his own Suit for the Privileges of his Church, against the Townsmen of Canterbury, was slopt, and wanted that Justice which was not to be denied to any Subject. Had he, good man, such a Sentiment of one Wrong? How then did Lincoln take so many? The Heathens say, That Constancy in Suffering wears out the Cruelty of the Gods. I will not compare a polisht Statue, that hath no life, with a living Man; yet the Heathen presum'd of better things from their Image∣gods, than he could find among the living gods, that sit in the Congregation of Princes, Psal. 82. Is it worth it, to take his Wrongs in a general sum? Expect them. He could not censure a Misdemeanour in his Ecclesiastical Courts, but he was called in question for it by Reference, Petition, or Appeal; and yet the Appellants very Rake-hells upon Fame and Proof: But, as we say of ill Cloaths, they are good enough for the Dirt; so these could not be too bad to be taken into the Service for which they were used. And yet Xenophon did esteem it a Baseness in the Athenians, lib. Abb. Resp. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; because they would cherish those that were sit and helpful to them, though they were Knaves. He could not institute a Clerk to a Benefice of va∣lue, but a Quarrel was raised by one Scholar, or more, that pretended to it, knowing it would be well lookt upon by no little body. What an Unease it was to be troubled with the humming of so many Gnatts? Pliny relates it for a marvellous Story, That Cato major answer'd against Indictments four and forty times, lib. 7. c. 21. Compare him with this Lord, and he escaped well; whose Suits hung upon him like Fruits on the Citron Tree, as Servius says upon Virgil's Ec∣loges, Omni tempore plena est pomis, quae in eâ partim matura, partim acerba, partim in store sunt. It bore some ripe ones, and some sour ones, some in the Knot, and some in the Blossom altogether. No matter though the Bishop came off without a Scratch in Credit, it was enough that he was impoverish'd, for Costs he could get none. And it was held to be a Shred of Policy, to make him spend away his Sub∣stance; for, by taking away as much Earth as they could about the Tree, it would cool the Root. The Bishop looking into the Throng, and variety of such bad Humors and Dispositions, was ashamed to see so many in holy Calling brought up in Faction and Flattery: Qui pro hierophant is sycophantae, esse decreverunt, as Erasmus writes to Bovillus, Ep. p. 61. Yet further, he could let no Lease, chiefly if it were devolved to him, by expiration of Years or Lives, but that the Tenants, or their Heirs, sought to enforce him to their own Conditions, before His Majesty and Privy Council. Who ever saw such a thing in the face of for∣mer times? A Gentlewoman, by the Interest of a Daughter, match'd to one of a mean Place in the Presence-Chamber, pursued him many years, to enforce his agreement to her own asking, and never prevailing, had leave to take out her Penniworths in ill words: Like the Poet's Frogs, lib. 6. Metamor. Quamvis sint sub aquâ, sub aquâ maledicere tentant: But of all Attempts, those Suspicions plied him on the weak side, that chased him upon the wrong scent of Corruption, and taking Rewards. He had undergone as strict an Inquisition as ever was, of Thirteen Commissioners, to search if he had taken but one Bribe, while he kept the Seal, and they broke up with a Non-inventus, yet is now impeach'd for taking the Gratuity of a Saddle, a piddling Trifle; for all that, the Enquiry about it cost more than a good Stable of Horses, with all their Furniture; and when all came to all, it was found the Prosecutor importun'd the Steward of the House to receive it, who laid it by, and never presented it to his Lordship, because it was too gaudy for his use. The Complainant was a Doctor, prefer∣red by this Patron to a good Parsonage, thro' the intercession of Sir W. Powel the Bishop's Brother-in-Law. For the rest, I leave the man in Obscurity, with∣out a Name, as St. Hierom said to Heliodor, Grown into note by defending an Heresie; Quis te oro, ante hanc blasphemiam noverat? So let this Party sink in Forgetfulness,

that his Memory may not be preserv'd by the advantage of his Vice. If Homer had spared a few Verses, Thersites had never been known. Any one may gather now out of the Premisses, that when one single person was beset on every side, it was not an ordinary Fortitude, nor an ordinary Wisdom, that broke all their Ranks: But was it not a craven Spirit that turned loose so many Mirmy∣dons against him? Honour is least where Odds appear the most, says our great Poet Spencer, Lib. 2. Cant. 8. He had no Favour, but Innocency to bear him out; as those places under the Poles have no Light in Winter, but from the whiteness of the Snow upon their own Ground, not the least ••eam of the Sun shining upon them. And which is eminent, charitable, and generous, he never shew'd himself offended against any of these Adversaries when the Brunt was over. An Observator, as he calls himself, the Wolf that howls against this Bishop both li∣ving and dead, remembers what pleasant and courteous words he had with him, anon after he came out of the Tower. Upon which I will compare him once again with Melancthon, according to Camerarius, p. 57. Nullum dictum aut factum alicujus tam duriter unquam accepit, ut ab illius benevolentia, ac familiar itate recederet. And my L. Bacon tells us well what a Gallantry it is; For in taking Revenge a man is but even with his Enemies; in passing them over he is superiour. Had this Example been follow'd by Churchmen, and by Theophilus Churchman, our Foes had not enter'd in upon us at those Gaps, which our selves did cause. Bishops driving out Bishops was that which the Devil watch'd for, says Euseb. lib. 8. Praep. Evan. cap. 1. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. By the Jars, and Jostlings, and ambitious Contentions of the chief Fathers among themselves, their Inheritance was given to Strangers.

87. Our Bishop being Storm-beaten without intermission, he requested the Lord Cottington to inform him what he should do to get his Peace, and such or∣dinary Favours as other Bishops had from His Majesty; this noble Lord retur∣ned him answer in two Points: First, the Lustre wherein he lived, the great Company that resorted to him, and his profuse Hospitality were objected; that it was not the King's Meaning, that one whom he had pluck'd down should live so high. Secondly, His Majesty did not like that he should be so near a Neighbour to Whitehall, but would be better contented if he would part with his Deanry. In the first he took him out a Lesson, which he would never learn, to live in a dark and Miser-like fashion. The Italians have had a meeting of Aca∣demicks at Rome, called Compagna della Lesina, the thrifty Congregation, of which Profession he could never have been a Member. Nor did he abate from living in Decorum and Liberality in the worst Times; as Mr. A. Cowly writes to him in his Miscellanies, p. 13.

You put Ill Fortune in so good a Dress, That it out-shines other mens Happiness.

Yet this was no ill Counsel if it had been follow'd; for Princes will dislike (it must not be call'd Envy) if any live fortunately under their Punishment: As both Dion. lib. 58. and Tacitus, An. lib. 6. have made it known in the Case of Junius Gallio, that being banish'd, he was brought back to Rome, and confin'd, Quia incusabatur facilè toleraturus exilium, delectâ insulâ Lesbo nobili & amaenâ. As to the other touch, to relinquish his Deanry, he was utterly deaf unto it; who∣soever ask'd it was a hard Chapman, but he did not stand so much in need of his Ware, to grant him his Price. St. Austin, it may be, would teach him other∣wise, out of a Punick Proverb, which was used, he says, where he lived, Ut ha∣beas quietum tempus perde aliquid. And they tell us from the Caravans that travel in Arabia, if they meet a Lion, they leave him one living Creature for a Prey, and then they may go on their Journey without Fear. But this man thought otherwise of a most wakeful Eye, and able Observation: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Oduss. w. Mnestorides, that saw behind him and before him: For, says he, what Health can come from such a Remedy? Am I like to be beholden to them for a setled Tranquility, that practise upon the ruine of my Estate, and the thrall of my Honour? If I forfeit one Preferment for fear, will it not encourage them to tear me piecemeal hereafter? Memet ipse non deseram, was well resolv'd of Philotus in Cur∣tius: Nor will I set so great a Mulct upon mine own Head. What hurt can my Neighbourhood do to the Court, and being so seldom in Town? No greatness of Power, when it would extreamly abuse it self, which is not glad to think of Means how to avoid the note of Injustice. In this there is not one syllable to

accuse me, much less to make me guilty. It is not my case alone, but every mans, even his that is the prompter, and puts it into the King's Head to ask it: If the Law cannot maintain my Right, it can maintain no mans. This was his Constancy: Nor did he let go his fast-hold in this Deanry, till the King received it from him in Oxford, anno 1644. As Livy says of Spain, Hispania pri∣mò tentata est à Romanis, sed postremò subacta; It was the first Kingdom the Romans invaded, and the last they conquered: So this was the first of Lincoln's Preferment set upon, and the last which he delivered up. Since he would not be forced out of it, it was carried with a Stratagem to keep him from it; for in four years he was not admitted to preach a Sermon in Lent before the King, the course for his Place being usually on Good-Friday; and three years together, when he came to the Chapters, or to the Election, to see it fairly carried for the choice of the best Scholars, he could not rest above a day in the College, but Secretary Coke, either viva voce, or by his Letters, which are yet saved, commanded him from the King, to return to his Bishoprick: As terrible a Prophet as Elisha was to the Noble-man of Samaria, upon the Plenty of Corn predicted, Thou shalt see it with thine eyes, but thou shalt not eat of it, 2 Kin. 7.2. This might fret the Bishop, but not affright him. And he ask'd the Secretary so stoutly, what Law he brought with him to command him from his Freehold; that the good old man was sensible that he had done an Injury. In fine, the chief Agitant saw, that this Tryal, upon so firm a Courage, was uneffectual and ridi∣culous: Neither was it a little Breath that could shake him from his Stalk, like a Douny Blow-ball.

88. Yet the more he did thrust off this Importunity, the more it did follow him, and a finer shift was thought of to esloign him from Westminster. Archbi∣shop Abbot had Directions from the King to press him to Residency upon his Bishoprick by the Statute; the Archbishop of the Province having the oversight of the said Statute, to see it put in execution. And some words were dropt in the Archbishop's Letter, to signifie, that it was presumed, that being in the Place of Lord Keeper, he had pass'd a Dispensation under the Great Seal for him∣self, to enjoy the Commenda of the Deanry, for his better accommodation in that Office. His Answer hereunto, as followeth, is his own in every word.

Most Reverend, &c.

TO that Apostyle touching my Dispensation to reside upon the Deanry of Westmin∣ster, the said Deanry being, as all Commenda's are in the Eye of the Law, uni∣ted for the time of my Incumbency upon this poor Bishoprick, I can say no more than what your Grace knoweth as well as I, that I use the said Dispensation very modestly and sparingly, and that I am resolved in this, and every thing else, to give His Majesty all Satisfaction, in a due and reasonable order to his Royal Orders; which no Bishop doth yield more exactly than myself. He breaks no Law who pleads a Privilege; nor doth that Subject transgress in Order, who produceth a just and lawful Dispensation to exempt him from the same, as your Grace by daily experience well knoweth. For other matters, that proceed from wrong and sinister Informations, I do intend to procure one or other of my good Lords of the Council, to let His Majesty understand how these things are mis∣concerved, as soon as I can: As first, to represent unto His Majesty, that no L. Keeper can issue forth a Dispensation of this nature, nor any other person whosoever, but either His Majesty, immediately by his Regal Right, and Eminency of Power, or your Grace by the Act of Parliament: So as my being Lord Keeper did contribute no more to this Pa∣tent, than it did to all others; that is to say, Wax and Impression. Your Grace may call to mind, we were four Governours of several Colleges made Bishops at one time, and two of these had their Colleges put into their Commenda's, as well as myself. And in your Graces Memory also, in the most exact times of Ecclesiastical Government, when those Promotions were manag'd with the Advice of that great and wise Prelate the Lord Bancroft, a Bishop of Bristol kept the Deanry of York together, and a Bishop of Ro∣chester this of Westminster, during his Incumbency, with many others the like. Neither did the then L. Keeper procure the Faculty to hold this Deanry; for the late King, my dear Master, of Blessed Memory, was not about London, but at Rutford in Notting∣ham-shire, when he granted me this gracious Favour. Nor, to deal ingenuously with your Grace, was it gained by mine own Power, or Interest with His Majesty, but by the Mediation of His Majesty now reigning, and by the Duke of Buck. together with some inducement of the deceased King, not unknown to some yet living; and howbeit my Faculty is without distinction of Time, yet am I no chaser of mine own Time, but do con∣fine

my self to those particular seasons, which the local Statutes of the Colledge, and my express Oath to perform the said Statutes, do enjoyn me: That is to say, the two Chap∣ters, and the great Festivals. All which space of time doth not, being taken in the dis∣junct spaces, make a Bishop a Non-resident by any Law I know of, nor consequently in∣fringe his Majesties Instructions, though a man had no Dispensation; which Instructions require only that Bishops should reside: but we presume that it is no part of his Majesties gracious intention, that they should be confined, or as it were imprisoned in their Bishop∣ricks. I hope to procure a fair representation of these particulars to his Majesty, and thereby to obtain his gracious approbation, of as much residence as I intend to make in the Deanry. Where (as your Grace knoweth as well as I) in regard of Jurisdiction Ecclesiastical and Temporal, of preventing Ruins and Dilapidations, of Hospitality, of Suits in Law, of the Church, the School, the Colledge, and the like, I have no less ne∣cessity of abiding sometimes then upon my Bishoprick, and somewhat more, because of my Oath.

So most humbly, &c.

This was enough to satisfie both Statute and Rea∣son. Unto which it may be said, as Politian wrote to Herm. Barbarus of a Que∣stion wherein he had pleaded for himself, Ita argutum ut defendendi, ita defensum ut arguendi non sit locus, Ep. p. 260.

89. Can he that hath run over these Passages imagine, but that such as en∣camped against the Bishop would beat up his Quarters no more to make him fly his Deanery? It is the worst of Miseries to be incurable, the heighth of Malice to be implacable. The stubborn Spartans had a Proverb, says Plutarch Vit. Agis & Cleom. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Though they were in a wrong pursuit, it was base to give Ground. For this work was never like to be given over, but was shifted after a few years into new hands. These were a few of the Preben∣daries of the later Instalment. Volucres ad jussa paratae, winged Posts that would fly as far as they were sent, who may as well be known by Character, as by their Names. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as Aeschylus would say no more of a Fool, but that he was his self-undoing. Another, whom I have heard call'd General Wrangler, the Challenger that undertakes all Modern Writers, of as much ingenuity as Tertullian's Hermogenes, Maledicere singulis officium bonae conscientiae judicat. These prefer'd Articles to his Majesty, and the Lords of the Council, against their Dean for 〈◊〉〈◊〉 government, three dozen of Articles (yet none to the vantage) that their number might supply the nothingness of their weight; a few Auger-holes are of too small a bore for a Nest of Wasps to breed in; add these Alledgments, though Archbishop Laud did manage them at the hearing, were of no tack to hold, yet sharpned against all Modesty with Insultations and Revilings. Some of great magnanimity have been heart-broken, that they were drawn to contest for their Honour with a Faction of Grooms, or a Conspiracy of more honoura∣ble Impeachers. To begin with Scipio; says Quintil. lib. 11. Prior Affricanus Pa∣trià cedere, quàm cum tribuno plebis humillimo contendere de innocentiâ suâ malluit: He would retire, and leave his Country, rather than contend with a Plebeian. L. Philip Chabot Admiral of France, took such grief, says Thuanus, at the unkindness of Francis the First, to let his Chancellor Poet sift him for Trespasses committed in his Office, who had ever been most noble and faithful, that he sickned and died. It is no longer since than the Twentieth of King James, says Archbishop Spotswood, Hist. p. 541. that Information being put on by the Lord Ochiltry a∣gainst Sir Gideon Murray, Treasurer-Deputy, and remitted to the Trial of certain Counsellors, Sir Gideon having ever given great proof of his Integrity, contract∣ed so deep a Melancholy, as neither Comfort nor Counsel could reclaim him, and in a few days he departed this Life, the King sorrowing that ever he had given ear to such Delations. Aemilius Scaurus sped better with his Judges in the Roman Senate, that let him say nothing, but cast a Scorn upon his Adversary Varius, and acquitted him. Varii Sucronensis atrocissimam calumniam Aem. Scaurus summâ gravitate contempsit, solo contemptu refutavit; which Jo. Camero opposeth in his own behalf against one Elias an Advocate of Paris, Oper. p. 855. Our Bi∣shop did not look for the Priviledge of Scaurus, but was held to his Answer, which did no more disquiet his Spirit, then to say the Pater-noster, nor one grey hair grew on his head the sooner; but made himself merry with the Conceit, how easie it was to stride over such Urchin Articles. No Man would find lei∣sure to read the whole 36, they are so frivolous. Taste them all in these. First, They complain that he came not always in his Habit, and came late to Divine Service. (Answer, sometimes both, not always.) 2. He stays Singing-men with him at Bugden. (He did not invite them, and they came with the Sub-deans leave.) 4. He is not resident often. (The Charge in former days was, that he resided there

too much.) 5. He did not preach in propria personá; (because he was frown'd at if he were there in propriá personâ). The 15th, The Dean and Treasurer did not ride progress to keep Courts; (who was not to ride otherwise by Statute, than si velit.) 23. He made Dr. Hacket his Vicar in the Election 1632. (The three Electors may choose their Vicar, whom they will at their own pleasure.) 24. Verses were not hung up in the Hall upon the King's day, Anno 1634. (The Scholars were correct∣ed for the Fault.) 26. He calls the Schoolmaster often away, keeps him many weeks in the Country, and imploys him in his great Affairs, to the neglect of his Scholars. (He never staid with the Bishop above two nights at a time: his great business he doth is to buy a Book, or to convey a Letter; and the School by his At∣tendance is in an excellent case.) The daring Courage of Mr. Osbalston troubled the Bishops ill-willers, more then all his Friends beside that did negotiate for him. For, as my Lord Bacon observes, A bold person may serve for great use at the dire∣ction of a wiser man. All the rest of the Articles were goll-sheaves, that went out in a suddain blaze, and the Bishops triumph was, Adversis rerum immersabilis un∣dis, Hoart ep. l. 1. But because there is nothing new under the Sun, I will pluck for a parallel to this in the Life of Padre Paulo: Soto and Archangelo his profest Enemies objected against him to Cardinal Severino the Grand Inquisitor: First, That sometime he kept Company with Hereticks. 2. That he wore a Cap upon his head. 3. That he wore Slippers after the French fashion 4. That he did not recite Salve Re∣gina at the end of the Mass. Flea-bites, like the former, of which you can see no mark in an hour. But says St. Austin Serm. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 de diver. Quid refert utrum te plum∣bum premat, an aren••? Nay, with good leave, it is not all one. The Lead will not be removed so soon, as the Wind may blow the Sind into their faces that laid it. To stay no more upon this; the Articles flew away over the Abby, like a flock of Wild-geese, if you cast but one stone among them: yet the Pro∣moters were not one whit dismaid; they had laid their Betrs so sure, that they would get, whether the Game were won or lost. If their Articles succeeded, they got the day: if otherwise, it would be worth a Hen and her Chickens to bid defiance to their Dean. For every one of his Adversaries had a Recom∣pence given them, like a Coral to rub their Gums, and make their Teeth come the faster.

90. Readers impartial must judge of these things, and will be tried at the great Assize of common Discretion, whether he that had been so liberal to the structure of the Church and Library, had erected some Scholarships, their num∣ber being a great deal short of the Foundations of Eaton and Winchester, whe∣ther he deserv'd that they should fly at his Throat to worry him, who had as much relation to the place as himself, where these good Deeds were done. But there is a Writer, (and not one year scapes him, but that he publisheth some∣what to bespatter the Bishop of Lincoln's good Name; Odimus accipitrem quia sem∣per vivit in armis, Ovid. Art. Amand.) he it is that would cover all the Monu∣ments of his Bounty with one Blot, if he could find Readers, such as he wish't, that would take all that he vents without examination. Mr. Fuller in his Church History of Britain, after he had given some unhandsome Scratches to this Bishop, parts with him thus; Envy it self could not deny, but that whit hersoever he went, he might be traced by the foot-steps of his Benefaction—That he expended much in the repair of the Abby-Church of Westminster, and that the Library was the effect of his Bounty. This is truth, and praise-worthy in the Historian; and yet I say not the Bishop is beholding to him for it, because it is truth. That's Politian's judg∣ment in an Epistle to Baptista, p. 197. Pro v••ris laudibus, hoc est pro suis, nemo cui∣quam debet. Quis enim pro suo debeat? But what says one of the Swallows to it, that built under the roof of the Abby? Just like a Swallow, carried all the filth he could pick up to his Nest. But worse then a miry Swallow, he resembles those obscene Birds that use to flutter about the Sepulchres of the Dead, and insults extreamly over the Grave of the Deceased in his Animadversions upon the Church History, p. 273. That Lincoln received so much out of the Rents of the Colledge, in the time when he was Lord Keeper, four years and more, that the Surplusage of all that he paid out in several sums respectively, amounted to more then he laid out upon the Church and Library. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, says Demost. orat. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. about the end; The very Enemies of the dead cease to hate them when they are dead. But as Anabaptists and Quakers say they are above Ordinances, so it seems the Conscience of some Divines is above moral Niceties. As to the Calumny, squeeze it, and in round Russian Language you shall wring out a great lye. First, before the Dean was Lord Keeper, or dreamt of that honour, that is, before the Chap∣ter

had committed the Rents to his management, he had repaired the great Ruins of the south side of the Church, abutting upon the stately Chappel of Henry the Seventh. If the Animadverter knew this, why did he not separate it from that which was expended in those four years wherein he lays his Challenge•• If he did not know it (for it was done ten years before he was hatcht into a Prebend) then when blind men throw stones, whose head is not like to be bro∣ken? For that which was laid out by the Lord Keeper to strengthen and beau∣tifie the north side of the Abby, to the end that the right Pay-master may be known, and the mouth of all Detraction stopt, the Chapter shall testifie in their Act, as followeth: Whereas there hath lately been divulged, as we have heard, an un∣just report, that the Right Honourable and Right Reverend Father in God, the Lord-Bi∣shop of Lincoln our Dean, should have repair'd and new-built our Church on the north side of the same, and south side of the Chappels belonging to it, out of the Diet and Bel∣lies of the Prebendaries, and Revenues of our said Church, and not out of his own Re∣venues; We therefore the Prebendaries of the same, with one consent do affirm, That we verily believe the same to be a false and injurious Report. And for our selves we do te∣stifie every man under his own Protestation, that we are neither the Authors nor Abettors of any such injurious Report, untruly uttered by any mean man with intention to reflect upon his Lordship. And this we do voluntarily record and witness by our Chapter Act, dated this present Chapter Decemb. 8. 1628. Theo. Price Sub-Deacon, Christopher Sutton, George Darrel, Gabriel Grant, Jo. King, Rob. Newell, John H••lt, Gr. Williams. Whether will we believe eight men in their right minds, or one in his rage?—To slight the Bishops erecting such a beautiful Pile, the Library of St. John's Colledge (and put that of Westminster with it) he is as froward as a Child that hath worms in his Stomach, and tells us that it possibly cost him more Wit than Money, many Books being daily sent unto him; Vis dicam tibi veriora ve∣ris; Martial. It was not only possible, but very true. For what Library, no not the Bodleian, the choicest of England, but grew up, and doth grow by contributo∣ry Oblations? as Athenaeus says Lib. 8. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The Symbols or Portions that many Friends bring in to furnish a publick work, have good influence into it, but the Founder is the Lord of the Ascendant. A great deal of the like the Author hath crowded into a few Leaves: I do not ac∣cuse it for want of Salt, it is a whole Hogshead of Brine. Wisely and mildly Melanchthou was wont to say, Answer not Slanders, but let them vanish; Et si quid adhuc in hujus saeculi levitate quasi innat at, brevi interiturum est cum autorum no∣minibus, Camer. p. 79. The worthy Works of the Bishop's excessive cost at Westminster, and in both Universities, will stand, when Pamphlets shall be con∣sum'd with moths. The liberal deviseth liberal things, and by liberal things he shall stand, Isai. 32.8. A fair Walnut-tree the more it bears, the more it is beaten, as it complains in the Greek Epigram, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. But such as yield the fruits of good works in this world, shall become Trees of Life here∣after: as I have read it from some good Pen, He is well that is the better for others, but he shall be happy for whom others are the better.

91. Method hath digested the troubles about the Deanry altogether, which is the reason why this Paragraph recoils five years back, that is, to 1630 to make a transition into the next disturbance. A Commission was directed this year to very honourable and knowing persons, the Lord Privy Seal, Earl of Arundel, Vicount Wimbleton, Lord Wentworth, Sir Hugh Middleton, Sir W. Slingsby, Sir Hen. Spelman, Ed. Ascough, Th. Brett, Th. Bridgman, to question the oppression of exacted Fees in all Courts and Offices, Civil and Ecclesiastical, throughout all England. A noble Examination, and full of Justice, if due and convenient Fees thereupon had been straitned and appointed; which was frustrated two ways: First by indigent and craving Courtiers, who enquired after such as were suspect∣ed for Delinquency, and of great Wealth, with whom they compounded to get them Indempnity, though not a Doit of a Fee were abated. Secondly, By vex∣atious Prosecutions of abundance, that were Innocent, before Sub-committees, where Promoters got a great livelyhood to themselves, to redeem them from chargeable Attendance; which deserves such a Complaint as Budaeus makes of his Master's Court. That it was a Divine Priviledge of the Kings of France, that they had the gift of healing, and could cure the Stromosi by the touch of their hand; Si dedisset providentia ut consilia publica auspicatò inirentur, and if they could thrust away flattery and false clamours with their hand, it would be the happiest Government in Europe, Lib. 2. Pandec. fol. 36. This Commission sitting, the Bishop of Lincoln's Adversaries thought they had him sure, and had found his Laire, presuming

they could ripen some Trespasses of his in that kind for a Sentence in the Star-Chamber. Jungant ur tum gryphes equis, &c. that had been strange to catch him in an over-sight about the Mammon of Iniquity: For the Elogy which Grotius gives, Lib. 1. Hist. Belg. to William of Nassau, was as much this Bishop's, as it was that great Prince's, Crudelitas, & avaritia nullo ab ingenio longiùs abfuere. But what cannot great Men bring about, when there are no Parliaments to overlook them? As Tully says of Brutus, Philip. 12. Multis in rebus ipse sibi Senatus suit; All must be as Brutus will, if Brutus will be as absolute, as if himself were a Par∣liament. Who but Mr. Ratcliff the King's Attorney for York (and we know the Orestes to whom this Pylades was so dear) was instructed to prepare a Bill to be put into the Star-Chamber against the Bishop, who had laid his ear to the ground to hark after the digging of the Mine, and knew the Substance of it, before the Draught was fully penn'd. Such, as are so fortunate in their Discoveries, and have intelligence of all Practices against them, are the Moral of those fabulous People that are called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the Greek Tongue, some of a strange plan∣tation, that could cover all their body with their Ears. The charges upon which mr. Ratcliff was devising an Information, were two; the one about the Fees of the Clerk of the Hamper, (which is, according to Sir H. Spelman's Glossary, Sport a grandior cui inferuntur pecuniae è sigillatione diplomatum, brevium, chartarum regiarum proveni••ntes, which were as good as fixt before he came to be Lord Keeper The other was about Fees in the Episcopal Registry at Lincoln, presented for undue in the persons of some Officers, but without reflection on the Bishop, whom one thing puzzled; for he knew not whether there were a My∣stery▪ or Madness in it. A Prelate or twain were consulted about this Bill of extorted Fees, and they bid it good speed; which was no less than to pull an old House upon their own heads; for the Sums, according to the Tables of their own Registries, were the same or greater. Did they think he would not plead it? Communis culpae cur reus unus agor? Proper. l. 2. el. 10. Did they con∣ceive but he would declare his Cause was theirs, and theirs was his? Or would they blow up themselves upon their own Deck to blow up him? As Justin shews how desperate the Boeotians were in their malice against the Phocians, lib. 8. Baeotii tanto odio Phocensium ardentes, ut perire ipsi, quàm non perdere eos praeoptarent. Better had it been for the Reverend Fathers of Holy Orders, rather to strengthen, than to weaken one another; for the Kite might come (O holy Lord he came to soon) who would make but one Morsel of them altogether.

92. But before any Suit could begin, the Bishop represented the Case in a Letter to the King:

May it please your most excellent Majesty;

BEing much wounded by a pinching and uneven Report drawn up by some Officer of your Majesties Commissioners for the Fees, and presented unto your Majesty; Jul. 1630. though but very lately come to my knowledge, without any touch of the full and satisfying Answer, which I had given some three weeks before unto the Lords Commis∣sioners, and to others in that behalf. Although I am content, as Men of My Calling ought to be, to pass with the rest of the World through good report and bad, yet I am not able to endure that impression which the said Relation may peradventure have wrought in your Majesties breast against me; a Bishop that hath serv'd your Father in so near a place while be lived, and closed his Eyes when he died, and remains still in the number of your poor Chaplains, free from the least suspicion of such sordid Avarice, as might cause him to spot his Roche••, with the exaction of so mean a Sum as 20 l. a year, which is the utmost of that pretended Extorsion. The Charges prest upon me with many Words, but no Matter at all, are two: The first concerning an Order for Increasing the Clerk of the Hamper's Fees, 19 Jac. The second about Fees for Institutions, and Resignations taken by the Bishop of Lincoln. My Answer for the Clerk of the Hampers Fees consists of these Heads: 1. That the King may justly and legally increase the Fees of all Offices in his own immediate donation, not limited by Act of Parliament, and hath ever been done so; which was granted by all the Lords. 2. His late Majesty, before my coming to the Seal, had referr'd the suggestions of the Clerk of the Hamper for this in∣crease of Fees unto those four great Lords, who had the Seal in their custody, and that their Lordships by their report did allow the same, and returned a Certificate unto his Ma∣jesty of all the Species wherein the Fees were to be increased; which was confessed by two of their Lordships then present. 3. This Certificate was recommended to me both by word of mouth from his Majesty, and by direction upon a Petition, subscribed, to my

Remembrance, by the Secretary of State, which Petition the Commissioners might call for from the Clerk of the Hamper, who had it for the instructing of his Council, and fortify∣ing his Evidence. 4. Upon my doubting of the form, how this might be done by Law and President, the King's Council learned, to wit, the Attorny and Sergeant, did, not in the Clerk of the Hanpers only, but in the King's behalf, satisfie the Court fully in both those particulars, which is express in the Order. 5. That thereupon the Court being assisted with one or two Judges, without examining the Suggestions, (which the Court supposed to be sufficiently done by the former Referrees) the Order was made; which Order for the ease of the Subjects, doth retrench and cut short very much of the Fees allowed by the for∣mer Certificate. 6. For Orders made in the High Court of Chancery, the Judge for that time being, doth not conceive that he is responsable to any Power under Heaven, beside the King himself. And this was the effect of my Answer concerning that Order for encrea∣sing the Fees of the Clerk of the Hanper. My Answer concerning the Fees in the Diocess of Lincolnis wholly omitted in the Report, as though I had been only called before the Commissioners, but for form; and it was to this effect, 1.That the Certificate from the Country layeth nothing to my charge. 2. That I never gave Direction for receiving of any Fees, but took those only which were deliver'd to me by the Register. 3. That I conceived the Fees of Lincoln Diocess to be much lower than of any other in England, which the L. Wentworth seemed to confess to be so. 4. That if the Register did receive 23 s. 4 d. of every Clerk instituted for the Bishop's Fee, it was no more than the Table allow'd. 5. That the Fees question'd were received by my four immediate Predecessors, Bishops Mountain, Neale, Barlow, Chaderton, Which four Bishops take up a space of time, which extends beyond the Table of Fees. And the L. Wentworth said, he belie∣ved as much, and promised to report it. 6. My L. of Winchester is able to assure as much, that these are the ancient Fees of the Diocess; and that I believe my •••• of London, who was beneficed and dignified in this Diocess, and hath twice or thrice paid the said Fees in his own person, can, and I doubt not, will be ready to testifie as much. 7. That for mine own part, and mine own time, I was ready to lay all my Fees (being, God wot, a most contemptible Sum) at your Majesties Feet, to be disposed of as your Majesty pleased. Nor had I ever in my Life toucht one Penny of the same, but given it away from time to time to mend my Servants Entertainment. 8. That the 135th Canon mentioned by the Commissioners, refers the examination of all Fees in question, not settled by Acts of Parlia∣ment, to the Archbishop only, and the Cognizance ecclesiastical, who is the only proper Judge of these Questions: Therefore I humbly beseech your Majesty, that I may not be drawn to contest with my Soveraign, in a Suit of Law of so mean and miserable a Charge as this is, but rather, if those two reverend Prelates shall not be able to satisfie your Ma∣jesty, you will be pleased to hear me your self, or transmit the Cause to the Lords of the Council, or where it is only proper to be heard, to the Archbishop of the Province, and that Mr. Attorny-General may stay the Prosecution elsewhere; which I shall embrace with all humble Duty and Thankfulness, &c.

Which reference to the Archbishop was granted, who did authorize the recei∣ving of those Fees for the present De benè esse only. And after Sir H. Martin and others had examin'd the Tables, Registries, and Witnesses of Credit and Expe∣rience, for the Antiquity of the same, upon their Report the several Fees were ascertain'd by his Grace's Subscription, for the time to come. So true is that of Euripides, in Supplic. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. He that was low in Favour got the better of him that was great in Power, in a good Cause.

93. Remember that in this petitionary Letter the Bishop calls himself the King's Chaplain, but not his Counsellor; for about a year by-gone the King had commanded that his Name should be expunged, and not remain in the Ca∣talogue of those honourable persons: And who is so faithful among all thy servants as David? 1 Sam. 22.24. Yet so it was decreed, he must not challenge the Pri∣vilege, nor keep the Ceremony of the Name; and more he had not in four years before. No worse an Author than Sir E. Coke tells us, in Jurisd. of Courts, p. 54.

By force of his Oath, and Custom of the Realm, he that is a Privy Councillor is still so, without any Patent or Grant, during the life of the King that made choice of him.

But before whom can this be tryed? And, who shall decide it? It will scarce come within the Law; and when a King will hold the Conclusion, he will be too hard for any man in Logick. Let the Masters of the Republick contend about it, whose Counsellors have changed as fast as the quar∣ters of the year. Surely His Majesty shewed himself much offended in this action, yet it is better for a King not to give, than to take away; which Xenophon put into Cyrus's Mouth, lib. 7. C. Paid. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. It imprints more Offence in a man's Mind, to be de∣prived of that he had, than to be pretermitted in some Kindness which he ne∣ver had. Since it was no better, the Bishop thought he might ask a noble Friend in Good-manners (it was the Earl of Holland) what had kindled the King's Anger, that he would not allow him the empty Title of a Counsellor? The Earl answer'd him home and ingenuously, That he must expect worse than this, because he was such a Champion for the Petition of Right; and, that there was no room at the Table for those that would abide it. Which was like the Fortune o•• Poplicola, Honoris sui culmen insregit, ut libertatem civitatis crigeret, Symma. p. 3. He forfeited his Honour to maintain the Laws, which being not maintained, the People are not only Losers, but a Kingdom will look like a Tabernacle taken down, whose Pins are unfastened, and the Cords of it broken. To gall our Bi∣shop with assiduous recurrent Umbrages (for Pismires wear out Flints with pas∣sing to and fro upon them) the Christening of Prince Charles being celebrated in the Chappel of St. James's House, Jun. 27. 1630. and all the Lords Spiritual and Temporal about London being invited thither, to make the Splendour emi∣nent, the Bishop of Lincoln only was left out, and not admitted to joyn in Prayer and Joy with that Noble Congregation. The more sharp Diseases suffer not the lesser to be perceived; yet this Omission, light as it might seem, did twinge him, even to outward demonstrance of Dejectedness, that in so good a day, wherein the Clemency of the King should have run at waste to all men, that then he should be separated from his Countenance and this Solemnity. But, says he, in one respect it was well, for I would not have said Amen to Bishop Laud's Prayer (which he conceived for the Royal Infant, and was commended to all Parish-Churches) in that passage, Double his Father's Graces, O Lord, upon him, if it be possible. No Supplication could be better, than to crave encrease of Grace for that Noble Branch; for when a Prince is very good, God is a Guest in a human Body: But to put in a Supposal, whether the Holy Ghost could double those Gifts to the Child, which he had given to his Father, and to confine the Goodness and Almightiness of the Lord, it was three-piled Flattery, and loathsome Divinity. Let Cartwright and all his Part shew such an Exception against any line in our Common-Prayer, and I will confess they have some Ex∣cuse for their Non-subscription. To carry on mine own Work: When it was known what small esteem His Majesty had of this Bishop, it raised him up the more Adversaries, who catcht at every thing that was next, and turn'd it to a Weapon to strike him; of which Sir Robert Osborn High-Sheriff of Huntington∣shire was aware. It was upon a nice point, the Levy of Ship-money, wherein the L. of Lincoln was very provident, to do nothing to displease; for the Adagy could tell him, Verendum est dormienti in ripâ ne cadat; He that sits upon the Cliff of the Sea, had best take heed he do not nodd and tumble down. The King's Streights did compel him to levy this Impost of Ship-money, for the defence of the nar∣row Seas, being startled with a Motto newly devised by Cardinal Richilieu, Florebunt lilia ponto. The Exchequer would not supply the rigging of a Navy, though never better husbanded than at that time, by Dr. Juxon Bishop of Lon∣don, held by all to be a good man; wherefore I cannot pass him by without a word out of Sidon. Apol. lib. 4. ep. 4. Cum vir bonus ab omnibus censeatur, non est homo pejor si non sit optimus. The French Hangers on in the Court devoured so much, that all his Thrift, which ammassed much, was gulp'd down by those in∣satiable Sharks: None but they made K. Charles a poor King: These are the Gallants that disdain every thing that is English, but our Gold and Silver. Ale∣xander, Ad Alex. lib. 3. c. 23. tells us a Wonder, (But shall we believe him?)

That from P. Aemylius's Triumph to the Consulship of Hirtius and Pansa, a full 130 years, the People of Rome paid no Tribute.

What a Revenue Parsimony can both preserve and gather! But if that frugal Senate had maintained a French Court, the Quaestors would soon have found a vacuum in their Coffers. Now see what Sir R. O. did hammer out, to despight his Bishop upon this Impost: He laid a very unequal Levy upon the Hundred wherein Bugden stood; the Bishop wrote courteously to him to review and rectifie the Levy, and he and his Neigh∣bors were ready to see it collected and paid. Sir Robert rides up to the Court, and complains bitterly, that the Bishop had utterly refused the Payment of Ship∣money, and animated the Hundred to follow him. Being easily convinced be∣fore the Lords of the Council, that the Bishop had carried himself dutifully and discreetly in the matter, yet Sir R. O. had no Check, the Bishop no Reparation, the Levy no Reformation. Why, the worst Men the worst of Infidels, the worst of our Enemies, have a Communion of Natural Right with others, to receive no

Injury, to be satisfied upon them that do them wrong and damage. What a pickle was a poor Prelate in that was not so considered, that was laid naked to every Slander and Oppression! still he look'd for better, and would never lay aside his Privy-Coat of Trust and Confidence in God. He that will learn that san∣ctified Art from an Emblem, which is a Riddle in a Picture, let him take it out of Pliny, lib. II. Nat. Hist. c. 24. Incremento omnium futuro telas suas araneae al∣tius tollunt. The Spiders, that have made their Webs in Trees, upon a Bank side, remove them higher when the Spring-Tydes come in: That is, lift up the Soul, and advance it higher to God and his Protection, when the Floods of Op∣pression rage, and threaten to overwhelm us.

94. One Quarrel, commenc'd upon no ground, continued to this day, by the Animadverter on the Church-History of Britain, and elder than the Trou∣bles with Sir R. O. was thus:

Anno 1632. in the declining of November, Dr. Theodore Price, Sub-dean of Westminster College, was cut to be cured of the Torment of the Stone; his Wound growing dry, his Present-death was presa∣ged: Mr. James Molins, his Chyrurgion, gave intelligence, that his Patient did discover to some Visitants of the Romish Faction, when he thought Mr. Molins did not hear him, his Affection and Devotion to their Church: That a Table was prepared, covered, Plate set on, with a Wax Light, and a piece of Gold laid by it, (this is his punctual Relation) all being dismist, and none re∣maining in the Room but Dr. Floyd, a very skilful Physician and a Papist, who is yet living) and a little old man, seen there but once before, who continued together about an hour.

The Bishop being at Bugden, informed of all this, came in the depth of Winter in all haste to Town, and when he had lighted, before he would go to his own Lodgings, he went to the Sub-dean, whom he found in sad plight, not like to continue; so without more ado he offer'd to pray with him at the Bed's-side, and was spoken to by the Doctor to forbear. Says the Bishop, Cousin, you have need of holy Assistance, will you entertain any of the Prebendaries, or some other Church-man, to do this Godly Office for you belonging to the Sick? He stifly refused them all. The Bishop propounded, that his weak state might be remembred to God at the Evening Prayers in the Abby. No, says the other, I do not desire them. Will you have no communion with us of the Church of England, says the Bishop? Not any, says the Sub-dean. God give you a better mind, says the Bishop. But, Cousin, will you have any thing with me before we part? Only, my Lord, says he, that you will be no more a Trouble to me; and that you will take my poor Servant, being unprovided, into your Care and Family. Which was not forgot, for the Bish. received his Servant, whom afterward he preferr'd in Means and Mar∣riage in the City of Lincoln; for he was more careful of the Children, Alliances, and Relations of his Friends, when they were dead, than of themselves when they were living. The E. of Pembrook, L. Chamb. to the King, being Steward of the College and City of Westm. the Bishop made him acquainted with every word that had pass'd between him and Dr. Price, how at his last gasp he had disclaimed the Church of England; and the L. Steward related it to the King; which was then interpreted, and the Scandal is lately renewed, as if the Bishop had feigned all this (yet it pass'd before Witnesses) to wound Bishop Laud, who endeavour'd to make the Revolter Bishop of Asaph. There had been little Salt in that Stratagem, for Lincoln himself had sent this Price, Commissioner for the King into Ireland, moved to obtain for him the same Dignity of Asaph in the former vacancy, when Dr. Hanmer stept in before him, sticked passionately to advance him be∣fore renowned Usher, to the Primacy of Armagh, upon the death of Dr. Hamp∣ton. Reader, you will say the Bishop was much deceived in his Cousin; nei∣ther do I defend him; he did more than once miss in his Judgment in some whom he preferr'd, Humanum est. And it was a ranting Speech which Salma∣sius ascribes to Asclepiades, in his Preface to Solinus, That he would not be held a Phy∣sician if he were ever sick. To deliver thus much in the behalf of both the Bishops, Dr. Price's Patrons that would have been, the man was of untainted Life, lear∣ned in Scholastical Controversies, of a reverend Presence, liberal, courteous, and prudent above many, and seemed very fit to make a Governour. But as our Cambridge term is, he was staid with Nescio's: He was not known in Court nor City, for he had not shewn himself in a Pulpit in 20 years. He that says no credit is to be given to the Information that he died a Papist, I would he had proved it; for, as Cortesius writes to Politian, p. 242. Plus de invento vero gaudeo, quàm de victoriâ; I had rather it were true, than get the Victory: But Wishes will

not bring it about. Nemo facit optando ut verum sit quod verum non est, says St. Au∣stin, Ep. 28. By what colour or appearance can he be vindicated to dye a Pro∣testant? May we not as soon light a Candle by a Glow-worm? In what did he seem to be a Son of our Reformed Church? I do not mean as an Ape is like to a Man, but as a Child is like to his Mother. Hypocrisie dwells next door to Orthodox Doctrine, but it never comes in to her Neighbour. So the Upshot will bear it, that the Bishop of Lincoln did justly discover his Kinsinan and Friend's Apostacy, though his own blame did depend upon it: Which will leave him the Praise that Erasmus gives to a L. Montjoy, Ep. p. 162. Haec est tua n obilit as ut mentiri nescias si velis, nec velis si scias.

95. There would be no end to repeat with how many Quarrels this unfor∣tunate Bishop was provok'd, yet his Adversaries did but dry-ditch their matters, and digged in vain, though they still cast up Earth, who were no better than the Arrians, of whom Athanasius writes, Lib. ad Sol. Vit. Agen. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. They fretted if they had spent a day wherein they could not do a Mischief. And it will do the Sufferer no right, to tell how he threw all day, and cast not one good Chance, but was worsted in all his just Appeals: Quis enim suâ praelia victus—Commemorare velit? Metam. l. 9. Yet I will insist in that noble Contest he had with the Archbishop of Canterbury, about his metropolitical Visitation, that hereafter, when God shall send the like occa∣sion, (as I trust he will) the Diocesans of Lincoln may know what their stout Predecessor did alledge for their exemption. This may come to pass. But as the unknown Oratour said to Constantine in his Panegyrick, p. 246. Ista felicitas viderit utrum adhuc meae aetati debeatur. Archbishop Land enterprizing to visit his whole Province, found opposition only from the Universities, from Cambridge I am sure, and from the Bishop of Lincoln, whom, next to the substance of the Cause, one circumstance displeased, that Sir John Lamb was commissioned to be the metropolitan Vicar, to visit his Diocess: Sir John had been very officious about him for many years: I let it go with that of Tully to Atticus, Pompeius Scauro studet, sed utrum fronte an mente dubitatur. And the Bishop had done as much for Sir John as he could have done for the Worthiest of all his Profession. 'Tis amplified enough before, and makes another instance, That so wise a man was not always circumspect in his Patronage. Lamb was crafty, and of much experience, but in the running of some years, he was hated of all men, and much complained of, that he was ravenous in taking Fees: Like as one says of the Pope's drawing in Moneys from all Parties, That he was a Participle that took from Clergy and Laity. When he perceived these things distasted Bishop Williams, and that he had not Encouragement from him as before, and dreaming of Golden Mountains from another hand, he turn'd the falsest man, and the greatest Enemy to him in the World: Archbishop Laud he'd worm him quite from adhering to Lincoln; and much good do him with him. Whereupon I remember what Plutarch tells merrily, of a goutish man that had his Slippers stolen from him; says the man full of Pain, I wish the Thief no more harm, but that my Slippers were fit for him. Well, the Visitation being design'd, and to be car∣ried on by Lieutenant Lamb, our Bishop wrote to my Lord of Canterbury, as followeth.

96.

Most Reverend, &c.

UPon the Message which I received from Mr. Sherman, of your Graces intention to visit my Diocess this year, being the year of mine own Triennial Visitation; and the certain News I heard of Sir J. Lamb's collecting of Presidents, to induce your Officers to stir up your Grace thereunto, I have, both by my self and others, made some enquiry in∣to the Records, and several Registries of the Diocess, and do find clearly, that in Grost∣head's time, anno 1235. this Diocess had never been metropolitically visited, and that ever since that time, until now, no Archbishop of Canterbury did visit this Diocess (otherwise than in vacancy of the See) but by the vertue and power of some particular Bull procured from the Pope, or Letter of Assistance from the King's Majesty, since the Supremacy was reassumed in this Realm. And I find the several Bishops in these several Ages to have assented to these Visitations, as they were Papal and Regal only, not forbea∣ring notwithstanding to exercise all manner of Act or Acts belonging to their Jurisdiction Episcopal, not only in the times, but in and on the very days of these Archiepiscopal Visita∣tions, and refusing to pay any Procurations or other Fees, by vertue of a special exemption

granted unto this See, and some others, by Pope Innocent the Fourth, by the procurement of Bishop Grosthead, deposited in this Registry, and never waved by the Bishops of this See, however, some other of your Graces Suffragans have omitted peradventure (as having not the custody thereof) to implead the same: Yet do I differ (may it please your Grace) in this particular from all my Predecessors in this See, that I do believe your Grace may visit, even by your own metropolitical Power, all this Diocess, (unless this great Prescri∣ption of an hundred years may debarr the same) but truly I do, under Favour, conceive, that your Grace ought not to inhibit my ordinary Jurisdiction, nor do any acts to im∣peach the same. Nor can I find any word sounding that way, in any one of all the Visita∣tions kept, as before is rehearsed, by your Grace's Predecessors, excepting only in Archbi∣shop Cranmer's, the last Archbishop, who above one hundred years since visited this Dio∣cess; and yet Longland, then Bishop of Lincoln, did not only execute all parts of his Jurisdiction, pendente visitatione metropoliticâ, but the Dean of the Arches, Arch∣bishop Cranmers, and the King's chief Commissioner for that Service, did freely and vo∣luntarily of himself set all the Bishop's Officers at full liberty, to exercise all their Ju∣risdictions, after the first day of his Visitation, reserving his Detections only to his own cognizance. Now, since this Visitation of Archbishop Cranmer, (which was more Re∣gal than Metropolitical, as appears by the Instructions given to the Commissioners at that time) no Archbishop of Canterbury hath ever offer'd to visit this Diocess, as well for the Reasons premised, as because all the means of Livelihood belonging to this See, being taken away by the Duke of Somerset, 2 Ed. 61. and a new, airy, and phantastical Corps being framed for the miserable Bishoprick, consisting in great part of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, if your Grace should inhibit the exercise thereof, and divert the Profits assigned therefrom for the Bishop's Maintenance, he should not be able to eat or drink, much less to pay unto his Majesty First-fruits, Tenths, and Subsidies, charged upon this Bisho∣prick, with relation to this last Endowment: In the which last Difference this Bishoprick is, for ought I know, miserably distinguish'd from all others. Thus I conceive the case to stand, my gracious Lord; and I hope, (unless your Grace will be pleased to permit me to go on with my Visitation for this year, and take further time to consider thereof) by our Lady-Eve, to procure all those several pieces, which confirm these Premisses, to be tran∣scribed out of our Records and Registries, and sent by my Officers to attend your Grace's further Good-will and Pleasure, &c.

How reasonable the Propositions of this Letter are I know not; I know they did not prevail: Sed ne querelae tum quidem gratae fuere, cum forsitan erant necessariae, says Livy in his Preface. His Complaints were not well taken, though they were necessary, and good to stand upon Record, to shew what was alledg'd for the benefit of his own See, and the emolument of smaller Bishopricks. In the end our Bishop let it go on the Archbishop's side, without more contradiction, having not forgotten that Philosophy in Seneca, Acerbissimam partem servitutis effugit, qui imperium libens excipit.

97. All this, and so many Quarrels piled one upon another, were too little to bow the straightness of his Spirit, yet there was enough to make his Foes au∣dacious, because a heavy Charge in Star chamber depended Seven years against him, prosecuted for the King by the Attorny-General, concurrent all along with the rehearsed Troubles; Omne tulit secum Caesaris ira malum, Ov. 3. Trist. el. 12. God complains of the Rigour of the Heathen against Jerusalem, I was but a little displeased, and they helped forward the affliction, Zech. 1.15. Beware to help Affliction forward, Revenge is fierce when Misery cannot mitigate it: It may be a Court-lesson, it is not a Christian, to thrust him down that is a falling: Mark Reader, that the Actors herein came into the hands of a Power, or rather of a Tyranny, that had no compassion of any. Optima vindex insolentiae variet as hu∣manae conditionis, Valer. lib. 4. c. 7. The Wheel of Vicissitude turning many Sticklers that were at the top to the bottom, is the Act and Motion of Provi∣dence, to be the Scourge of Insolency. Among all Devices to thrust him under Water, that was sinking already, none was hatcht of more Despight and Indig∣nity, than a Book publish'd by a Bluster-master, ann. 1636. call'd, A Coal from the Altar, to defame a Letter sent nine years before by the Bishop, to some Di∣vines of the Neighbourhood of Grantham in Lincolnshire, to resolve a Doubt upon the Site of the Communion-Table, or Altar, as the Vicar of Grantham call'd it, from whose Indiscretion the Contention began. If ever any had a Wolf by the Ear, the Bishop was in that quandary upon this provocation. Gladly he would have made his Peace with the King, to which he came near twice or thrice, but at last utterly lost the sight of it: It behoved him, for his Safety, not to make

them his Enemies, who were like to be his Judges; chiefly not to trespass against the Likings of Archbishop Laud, who could draw the King with one Hand far∣ther than all the Lords in the Court with their whole Arm. From anno 1627, when the Letter was written in the Case of the Vicar of Grantham, to anno 1636, there had been much done in Preaching and Practice, to introduce some come∣linesses in the Worship of God, as they were stiled, which had not been before. The Archbishop set his Mind upon it, which a late Writer calls his Pregnancy to revive ancient Ceremonies; and another Book, Antid. Lincol. p. 85.

No Metropolitan of this Church, that more seriously endeavour'd to promote the Uniformity of Publick Order, than his Grace now being:

—The Cla∣mours raised upon him are an Evidence of it. The Compliance; of many to curry Favour, did out-run the Archbishop's Intentions, if my Opinion de∣ceive me not, and made the Clamour the greater; which meeting with other Discontents, might have warned Wisdom to stop, or go on slowly. So well it is known to be dangerous to run against the Stream, and Unwillingness of the People; and no good Physician will try Experiments upon an accrased Pody. An honest Mind is not enough to patronize that which is much condem••••••. I would have none to suspect the Archbishop, that he meant any Change in the Doctrine of our Church; I would have none to tax his Reformation for Su∣perstition; but I will say as Polybius did, in defence of the nice Observations of the old Roman Religion, that it was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, an Excess of Piety: Yet be not too bold against causeless Jealousies. Grant it, (but I do not give it) that the Clamours did rise from weak Judgments; and pass over that Rule, That the strong ought to bear the infirmities of the weak, and not to please our solves, Rom. 15.1. Policy ought to listen abroad to the Talk of the Streets, and the Market∣places, (for secular Policy is no prophane thing, well used in the Service of God) and not to despise Rumours, when they are sharpened against the innovating of any Discipline. These things appeared but Straws to stumble at to a resolved Sto∣mach; and a Champion comes out in print, to gagg all popular murmuring against the placing of the Holy Table Altar-wise; Ambustum Torr••m Corinaeus ab arâ corripit, Aen. 12. one that would vent more, I believe, than the Masters of the Game would have done, that put him into the Lists. Athlet••e suts ineitato∣ribus fortiores sunt, says St. Hicrom, in an Epistle to Julianus. Yet the common Vogue was, that this Author, though learned, was not the fittest to defend the Cause, being not fortunate in the good opinion of the Times. It was remem∣bred, that the Spartans would not pass that into a Decree, which was good in it self, which a scandalous Fellow oster'd to their Council, but turned him by, and set up a plain honest man to prefer it: Sic bona sententia mansit, turpis autor mu∣tatus est, Gel. lib. 18. c. 3. But if the Press must be set awork, as the Pulpits, Schools, and Consistories had been, to maintain this matter, of no great mo∣ment, God wot, why must this Bishop and his Letter be the Block to fashion their Wit upon? He was one that would carry no Coals, they knew it: A ju∣dicious Reply from him would make the Shadow return ten degrees backward upon their Dyal, they knew it: That Abner gave good Counsel to Asahel, not to pursue a valianter man than himself, and a Captain of the Host, but lay hold on one of the young men, and take his Armour, 2 Sam. 2.21. they knew it: Yet they had shuffled the Cards, that they knew they should win somewhat by the Hand; for, if the Bishop gave no Answer to this Challenger, he was baffled, and posted upon every Gate about London for a Dastard. If he return'd them their own again, then pull him to the Stake, and worry him in the Star-cham∣ber, where he was struggling for Life at this time; in which fatal juncture the King must be told, that he was an Enemy to the Piety of the Times, and the Good Work in hand: So that this Spaniel was to put up the Fowl, that the Eagle might fall upon the Quarry. But it was soon decided; for rather than forsake a good Cause, and a good Name, Lincoln chose to use his Pen to maintain his innocent Letter, though malicious Subtlety had made it manifest, that nothing could fall so moderately from him in that cause, which would not be subject to perverse exposition. The Athenians had deserted their old Philosophy, Cum im∣minente periculo major salutis quàm dignitatis cura fuit, Justin. lib. 5. Therefore a Mind that was not degenerous, had rather provide for Dignity than Safety. None writes better than Budaeus upon such a case, de Asse, lib. 1. fol. 10. Tanta fuit vis numinis ad stylum manum urgentis, ut periclitari malis, quàm rumpi degeneri patientiâ. Some divine Spirit did so strongly stir him up to write, that he had rather run any hazard, than smother such an Injury with cowardly Patience.

98. I have cleared the rise of the Controversie which follows, That a Letter of the Bishop's was sent to some few persons, nine years before, to stop a Debate in a private Parish, and to make Peace in the place. This was published by Dr. Heylin, with a Confutation, and censur'd for Popular Affectation, Disaffe∣ction to the Church, Sedition, and for no better than No Learning: And the Plot was, as Concurrencies will not let it be denied, to pop out this Pamphlet, when the Bishop's Cause in Star-chamber was now ripe for hearing: And this was the Pack-needle to draw the Whip-cord of the Censure after it. But what was this about? Take the Substance, or rather the Shadow, that was conten∣ded for, out of the Letter, in an Abstract: The Vicar of Grantham, P. T. of his own Head, and never consulting the Ordinary, had removed the Commu∣nion-Table to that upper part of the Chancel, which he called the Altar-place, where he would officiate when there was a Communion, and read that part of Service belonging to the Communion, when there was none. And when the People shewed much dislike at it, because it was impossible, as they alledg'd, that the 24th part of the Parish should see or hear him, if he officiated in that place, he persisted in his way, and told them he would build an Altar of Stone upon his own cost at the upper end of the Quire, and set it with the ends North and South, Altar-wise, and six it there, that it might not be removed upon any occasion. A Complaint being made against this, by the Alderman, and a multitude of the Town, the Bishop contented himself at first to send a Message to the Magistrate, and the Vicar, that they should not presume either the one or the other of them, to move or remove that Table any more, other∣wise than by special direction of him and his Chancellor; that in his Journey that way he would view the place, and accommodate the matter according to the Rubrick and Canons. There being no certain day set when the Bishop would come, the Inhabitants of Grantham prevented him, and came with open cry to Bugden against the Vicar, who was among them at the Hearing. Some Heat, and sharp Impeachments against each other being over, the Bishop did his best to make them Friends, and supp'd them together in his great Hall, while himself retired to his Study, and bade them expect that he would frame some∣what, in a thing so indifferent to him, to give them content against the Mor∣ning. So he bestowed that night in writing, and made his Papers ready by day: As the Panegyrist said to Constantine of such Celerity, Quorum igneae & im∣mortales mentes, mint••••e sentiunt corporis moras, p. 303. The Secretary gave a short Letter to the Alderman, in which that which concerns the case in hand, is this little:

That his Lordship conceived that the Communion-Table, when it is not used, should stand in the upper end of the Chancel, not Altar-wise, but Table-wise: But when it is used, either in or out of the time of Communion, it should continue in the place it took up before, or be carried to any other place of Church or Chancel, where the Minister might be most audibly heard of the whole Congregation.

What can a Critick in Ceremonies carp at herein? What else, but that the end, and not the side of the Table should stand toward the Minister when he perform'd his Liturgy? Is this all? And must a Controversie as big as a Camel be drawn through the Eye of this Nee∣dle? But more of the same comes after in a larger Script, which the Bishop at the same time willed to be delivered to the Divines of the Lecture of Grantham, to be examined by them upon their next meeting-day, that their Vicar being one of their company, might read the Contents, and take a Copy for his own use, if he would, but to divulge it no further. Herein the Bishop derives his Conceptions from the Injunctions, Articles, and Orders of the Queen, from the Homilies and Canons, from Reports out of the Book of Acts and Monu∣ments, and from the Rubricks of the Liturgy; and shews out of these, that the Utensil on which the Holy Communion is celebrated, ought not to be an Altar, but a joyned Table; that the Name of Table is retained by the Church of England, and the other of Altar laid aside; that the Table (without some new Canon) is not to stand Altar-wise in Parish-Churches, and the Minister be at the North end thereof, but Table-wise, and he must officiate at the North side of the same; that this Table, when holy Duties are not in performing at it, must be laid up in the Chancel, but in the time of Service, to be removed to such a place of Church or Chancel, the over-sight of Authority appointing it, wherein he that officiates may be most conveniently seen and heard of all. They that would peruse the whole Letter are referred to it in Print, but the sum of it is already laid before them. And the Author was so little over-weening, tho'

in a frivolous case, that he prays the Divines to whom he sent it, that if they found mistakings in his Quotations, or had met with any Canons or Consti∣tutions differing from the alledg'd, or did vary in their Judgment, that they would send their Reasons, and they should be kindly and thankfully accepted. How could a Prelate carry himself with more Moderation? or a Scholar write with more Modesty? or a Variance be more suddenly composed (as it was) with more Indifferency? Did this Letter deserve to be ript up nine years after, and torn into Raggs by an angry Censure? 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Odyss. w. It will be a dishonour to the Times, that Posterity should hear of it. I see, if the Dr. had been in the place of the Bishop, he would have led the Parish of Grantham another Dance, to their cost and vexation. Many that are in low condition, are best where they are: As Livy says, lib. 1. dec. 5. Quidnam illi Con∣sules, Dictatoresve facturi erant, qui proconsularem imaginem tam trucem saevímque fece∣rint? If such had been the Consuls and Dictators of the Church, what would they have done, who flew so high when they had no Authority?

99. Scan this now, both for the Form and Matter, before equal Judges in some Moral and Prudential Rules: The Letter or private Monition, as he calls it that drew it up, Hol. Tab. p. 82. was written nine years before, and in all that time had gained this Praise, that it savour'd of Fatherly Sweetness, to satisfie the Scrupulous by Learning in matter of Ceremony, rather than to strike the case dead with Will and Command. The Contents of it had been quoted in a Par∣liament, with well done good and faithful Servant, thou hast been faithful in a little. A Divinity-Professor in his Chair, Dr. Pr. had spoken reverendly of it by the re∣lation of many; it was punctually read, or opened fully to the King at the hea∣ring of the Cause of St. Gregory's Church, Ho. Tab. p. 58. and no Counsellor did inform that it was disparaged. A Litter of blind Whelps will see by that time they are nine days old; and was the Answerer blind, that could not see the re∣putation this Paper had got, by that time it was nine years old? Let a Presbyter, for me, dispute the truth with him that is of the greatest Order in the Church, yet what Canons will suffer him to taunt and revile a Bishop, whose whole Book was but a Libel against a Diocesan, p. 58. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Clem. Const. lib. 2. c. 31. Which Canon will not allow a Clerk of a lower degree to raise an evil Murmur against a Bishop. Much of the like is an Antiquity from Ignatius downward. Their supereminent Order is not to be exposed to petulant Scoffings by their own Tribe; Sed servanda est uniuscujus{que} Episcopi reverentia, says Gregory, Ep. 65. Ind. 2. since the Age grew learned, and Knowledge puffed men up, Ministers are more malapart among us, and in every state with the Fathers of the Church; but from the beginning it was not so. If the like to this had been done upon the Person of another Bishop, he would have been taught better Manners that had presum'd it. The Example is the same where∣soever it lighted, and might have taught them, that where Reverence is forgot∣ten to any of the chief Order, that he that abuseth one, doth threaten many. It is a sad Presage to my Heart, to apply that of Baronius to them that did not main∣tain the Honour of their Brother, Quod Praesides ecclesiarum alter alterius vires in∣fringebant, Deus tranquilla tempora in persecutiones convertebat, an. 312. p. 6. These Annals prevent me not to forget, that for a better colour to make licentious Invectives, the Respondent takes no notice that a Bishop wrote the Letter: For, why not rather some Minorite among the Clergy? Indeed it had not the Name, but the Style tells him all the way, that it could come from none but the Diocesan of Grantham: Therefore I will give him his Match out of Baronius, anno 520. p. 22. Maxentius contra epistolam Hormisdae scripsit: sed ut liberam sibi dicendi com∣pararet facultatem, Hormisdae esse negavit, sed ab adversariis ejus nomine scriptam esse affirmans. This is a stale Trick to bait a Pope or a Prelate, in the name of one that was much beneath them; Sternitur infoelix alieno vulnere, Aen. lib. 10. but he that wilfully makes these mistakes, I take him for what he is. I pass to the main Question, What did this Letter prescribe, that it should be torn with the Thorns of the Wilderness? It pared away no Ceremony enjoyned; O none further from it; but it moderated a doubtful case, upon the Mode and Practice of a Ceremo∣ny, how the Communion-Board should stand, and how the Vicar in that Church should pray and read at it for best edification of his Flock. He must give me time to study upon it, that would demand me to start him a Question belonging to God's Service of less moment: Had the Gensdarmery of our great Writers no other Enemy to fight with? Nothing to grind in their Brain-mill but Orts? This the Colleges of Rome would have, to see us warm in petty

Wranglings, and remiss in great Causes; as Laertius says of one Xenophon, of the Privy-Purse to Alexander the Great, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, p. 632 He would quiver for cold in the hot Sun, and sweat in the Shade. It was a Task most laudably perform'd by Whitgift, Bridges, Hooker, Morton, Burgess, to maintain the use of innocent Ceremonies, with whom Bishop Williams did ever jump; and, as Fulgentius says in P. Paulo's Life, would defend and observe all Ordinan∣ces, the least considerable, and no whit essential. But this was a great deal below it, to litigate not about the continuance, but about the placing of a Cere∣mony; an evil beginning, to distract Conformists, who were at unity before, and to make them sight like Cocks, which are all of a Feather, and yet never at peace with themselves. Wo be to the Authors of such Cadmaean Wars, Quibus semper praelia clade pari. Propertius. A most unnecessary Gap made in the Vine. yard, through which both the wild Boar, our foreign Enemy, and the little Foxes at home may enter in to spoil the Grapes. Plutarch, lib. de Is. & Osyr. tells me of a Contention between the Oxyndrites and Cynopolites, who went to War for the killing of a Fish, which one of the Factions accounted to be a sacred Creature; and when they were weaken'd with slaughter on both sides, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in sine, the Romans over-run them, and made them their Slaves. Let the Story be to them that hates us, and the Interpretation fall upon our Enemies.

100. Yet will some of the stiffer Faction say, it was time to clip the Wings of this Letter, or if it could be done, to make it odious abroad; for the Mc∣tropolitan intending one common decency in all Churches of his Province, about the Table of Christ's Holy Supper, this Paper (six years older than his translation to the See of Canterbury) where it was spread, made it difficult to be obey'd. One about that time would have replied thus: Hold your Hands for all that, is ye be Good-fellows, for your hour is not yet come: The Stream is against you: Both they that have read this Letter, and they that never heard of it, wonder why you are so double-diligent about Accessories, more than about the Work it self. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. says Aristoph. in Acharn. and are not pliable for this Alteration. He that seeks a thing in the wrong way, goes so far backward. The sage Prelates that ruled for 80 years before, did overlook this matter; and they neither wanted Will nor Care to advance Decency with God's Glory. If you think that he hath more Power that now sits in chief, than the best of his Order before him, that's true: Yet let him rein in a galloping For∣tune, and he will sit the surer: Beside, he must have more than Power, he must have the Hearts of Men, that will form them to a new Model; this the Metropolitan wants; if he had that, he might easily command them; if he have not, he must slatter them, or he will do worse: And it is well known, how he that will bring a People from a Custom in God's Worship, with which they have been inured, to a Change, must be more than wise; that is, he must be thought to be wise: Look you to that. Can you say there is any harm in that which you are so busie to correct? Then what good can you hope to bring in, which is more valuable than Constancy? I think Plato was a prudent Mora∣list, from whom this came, 7. de Leg. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. 'Tis hazardous to tamper with that, which hath continued long, to mend it, unless it be evil: But list Sirs, and tell me what Bell it is that rouls in your Ears; Do you not hear that Great and Small are not only froward, but sull of Threatning against the Grandeur of the Church? As yet we have lost nothing, all our care should be to keep that which we have; else, as good Bishop Hall wrote, while we plead for a higher strain of Prosperity, we bring our selves into a necessity of Ruin. Archbishop Abbot said often, Parta tueri; Play for no more, lest you lose your Stake. It is an Epitaph for the Grave-stone of a Fool, I was well, and would be better; I took Physick, and dyed. Can you be insensible of this impendent Ruin? Are you so intent upon your Altars, that you know not how the Nation bears a grudge at you? Are you only Strangers in Jerusalem? As Budaeus said of the Troubles that broke in while he lived, de Asse l. 4. p. 110. France wanted Eyes and Ears, and which is strange, it wanted a Nose. Qui tantam cladem odorari ante non potuimus, quàm ab eâ oppressi. You do not smell the Vultures, but while you are chopping and changing, the Vultures smell after you, to prey upon the Carcass of your Patrimony. You cannot say that there is any thing in it of Conscience to God, why you should not forbear to provoke the Discontents of the Kingdom any further: Lege fidei manente coetera jam disciplinae & conversatio∣nis admittunt novitatem correctionis, Tertul. de Vel. Virg. c. 1. Keep the Old Faith, God is the Judge of that; Order and Discipline may vary, according to the liking of the Times, Discretion is the Judge of that. In a word, we do not see but the Swarms of God's Servants work well in all Parishes, if you will let them alone; if you remove

their Hives, or stir them, take heed they do not sting you. It may be a Coal-kindler would think such Counsel as this not worth the hearing, Fore-cast and Fear with him are phlegmatick things; the Piety of the Times, and a rigid prosecution of a comely Uni∣formity, must not stoop unto them. Then do I say no more, but that I do not altogether dislike what a wise man hath taught me, That warm Devotion quiet and innocent, is less hurtful than ardent Zeal which is turbulent and misdirected.

101. So much advisedly thought of might have conduced not to meddle in that Cause at this time; but this Bishop and his Estimation was shot at, and he must be tempted what he would do by a Provocation in Print. They were none of the Bishop's worst Friends, that wish'd him, when he read the Coal, to look no more after it. It is a small thing, but a pretty, which Camerarius tells of Melancthon, p. 79. His Daughter had gadded from home till it was late, What will you say to your Mother, if she chide you, says he? Nothing, says the Girl. 'Tis well resolved, says her Father. The Bishop had more reason to take that course, because the Rulers of the time frowned on him; and he that Answers a Calum∣ny keeps it alive, he that will not, starves it: A Reproach is warm when it is fresh, but no longer: As Astronomers say of the Dog-star, Cunicula calore oritur, frigore occidit; It riseth in a hot Month, it sets in a cold. 'Tis much he did not listen to this, and if it were but for another reason, that he thought Learning did surfeit of too many Books, and that the most of our late Authors were more troublesome than profitable: To which Sir H. Wootton's Motto comes near, That the Itch of Writing makes a Scabby Church. And what else made so great a Wit as Fryar Paul profess, (it is in his Life) That he would never write any thing with intention to print it, unless Necessity constrain'd him? It may be the Bishop fancied somewhat like Necessity in this case; or it was because every one hath not both the Qualities of the brave General Decebalus in Dion, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; He knew how to charge on, and how to retreat upon occasion: Therefore he publish'd a little Tractate, called, The Holy Table, under the name of a Lincolnshire Minister. The Analyse of it may be spared, since it is in many hands; it insists chiefly upon two Heads, the Name Altar, and the Posture of Christ's Table Altar-wise; a mean Subject for the Pen of so good a Scholar, but Art is con∣fin'd to small things sometimes, as well as Nature: And Pliny teacheth us, lib. 29. c. 1. Non puduit naturam gignere muscam, cum gignat hominem. Nature is not ashamed to be the Parent of a Fly, as well as to be the Parent of a Man. That the name of Altar might pass with more allowance, the Vicar of Grantham decla∣red, that he would set up a Fabrick of Stone, to support the Elements of the Holy Sacrament: Quite cross to the Advertisements 17 of Q. Eliz. That the Parish provide a decent Table standing on a frame for the Communion; and cross to the Canons Anno 1571. Title Church-wardens, They shall see there be a joined handsom Table, which may serve for the administration of the Holy Communion; in the Latin, Curabunt mensam ex asseribus compositè junctam. This is irrefragable, unless one be refractory, that he will not learn; as Erasmus says of Poggius in his Epistles, p. 262. Poggius hôc erat animo, ut doctissimus haberi mallet, quàm reddi doctior: For if these were only Orders of Sufferance, they were nothing, but Canons are Church-Laws: Convocations meet not to make Permissions, but binding Canons to be obeyed by the Subjects, and by all the Ordinaries of the Kingdom, Hol. Tab. p. 205. Yet it was so forgotten by some, that while this Bishop was in the Tower, one of his own Clergy in Bedford-shire, Dr. Jas. Fisher, a fair Marble Stone being digged up in his Chancel, he set Workmen to smooth it, and to erect it for an Altar, till Troubles marr'd the Work, and Impeachments of Ar∣ticles broke the Heart of a modest able man: He and the Vicar, that would be Altar-builders, might have spared their Stone, for the Altar of Incense was made of Shittim-wood, Exod. 30.1. or of Cedar, 1 Kin. 6.20. and over-laid with Gold, that the Wood might not catch Fire. Or, what if a Stone were set up? It were not the further for that from being a Table. H. T. p. 115. cites out of learned Gerard, Cessante sacrificio altaria illa nihil sunt aliud quàm men∣sae lapideae. Allowing no Sacrifice, those Altars are nothing but Stone Tables. Of Judea I can say nothing, but in Rome, about Christ's days on Earth, the People did eat upon Tables, not only of Limon and Maple wood, but of Stone. We have added, and Decency commends it, a fair white Linnen-Cloth, to cover God's Board, and our own at Meal-times, which was not in use when our Saviour instituted the Sacrament, as far as I can see into the convival Cu∣stoms of those days; for since the Waiters did wipe away, at the end of Supper, the Liquors which were spilt from Cups or Dishes with Sponges, it will not

hold, that they had a Cloth spread upon the Table. What will Novelists say to this, that think we break the Second Command, if we vary from Christ in any circumstance in the ordaining of the Holy Supper? Some of them may, perhaps, be ready hereupon to take away the Linnen Cloth: Why not? since one Faction of them hath taken away the Table: For, says Bayly in his Disswasive of Errors, p. 121. The Brownists at this day, at Amsterdam, have no Table at all, but send the Elements from the Pulpit, where the Minister preacheth, and celebrateth the Sacrament, by the Hands of the Deacon; and adds, that some Indepen∣dents at London affect the like. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Nothing so dan∣gerous to do all kind of Evil as an ignorant Rabble. They that will not grant a Table to Christ's Servants, to come to his Feast, will not, if they can prevail, grant a Church or Chancel to place it in. From which Madness and Sacri∣lege God deliver us. Manil. lib. 5. Si forte accesser it impetus ausis,—Improbitas fiet virtus.

102. From the matter of Stone, the Dispute leads us into a Strise about the Name. In the first Liturgy of Edw. 6. Altar is most in use: In the second, and from that day forward, the word Table is altogether read. In a year or two af∣ter the first of King Charles, the word Altar, per postliminium, was much in the mouth of many Divines, when it had been laid aside. Observe Peace and Truth, and call it either, or both, and it is all one: But charge them before the Lord, that they strive not about words to no profit, says St. Paul, 2 Tim. 2.4. For vanity, and things wherein there is no profit, are all one, Jer. 2.23. Scholars will understand me by this Instance; Altar for Table, or Table put for Altar, make no change in the sence with knowing men; the Council at Syrmium turn'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the Nicene Creed into 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, with no small Injury to our Lord Christ: But a Bishop in Nicephorus, instead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a Couch, as it is Jo. c. 4. read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which is a Synonymum; yet Spiridion, a morose man, rose up, and spake against the Novelty. Vitiosum est propter nominum mutationem contentionem intendere, says the Author to Herennius. They are as near as can be to be Friends, that have nothing but two words of the same signification to part them. Yet two things were to be cleared to stop mistakings; First, It must be yielded, that our Mother-language, our Church-canonical word is Table, Altar is arbitrary at large. Secondly, for the right insight into the nature of the Sacrament, Table is the proper word, and Altar metaphorical. The Bi∣shop comprehends them both very well in these words. H. T. p. 75 He doth not deny but the name Altar hath been long in the Church in a metaphorical usurpation; nor would he have blamed the Vicar, if he had, in a Quotation from the Fathers, or a Discourse in the Pulpit, named it an Altar in this bor∣rowed sence; but to give the usual call of an Altar (he says usual) unto the Utensil, which the Law, that always speaks properly, never calls otherwise than by the name of a Table, is justly by him disliked. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. And again in that Page; Where we have a Law and Canon to direct us how to call a thing, we ought not to hunt after Reasons and Conceits, to give it another Appellation. It is apparent how the Liturgy confirmed Anno 1549. chooseth the word Altar, which Liturgy is agreeable to God's Word, and the Primitive Church; yet since the alteration came in by the next Liturgy three years after, the first Book doth not allow you to call it an Altar for the present; your Tongue ought to speak as the present Book and Law speaks it to you; and when men in their nomination of things do vary from the Law, which is the quin∣tessence of Reason, they do it in a Humor, which is the quintessence of Fancy. Thus far he again, p. 142. And it is truly said in Antid. Lin. p. 96. Another Liturgy confirm'd by Act of Parliament, made void the old: Neither is it pre∣tended out of any Law or Canon to be called Altar more than once. Statute 1 Ed. 6. c. 1. The most comfortable Sacrament of the Body and Blood of our Saviour Jesus Christ, commonly called the Sacrament of the Altar, and in Scri∣pture the Supper and Table of the Lord, the Communion and Partaking of the Body and Blood of Christ. Says the Bishop to this, H. T. p. 94. The holy Scripture should carry it quite away for the Name—and Sacrament of the Al∣tar is not the Name, but the Nick-name,—and a Penal Statute, as this is, was to take notice of every Appellation it was at that time known by, and discerned. The last Reformation, which is orderly, as ours was, is the best: As St. Ambrose writing how Christianity came in after other Religions, dis∣courseth thus, Ep. 32. Quis reprehendit vindemiam, quia in occasu anni est? Aut ••livam quia postremus est fructus? Suppose some Antiquity be alledged from the

Fathers, it shall have its due reverence, and will help a little, and but little in this matter: For, says Bishop Montague, Orig. Eccles. Tom. 1. P. 2. pag. 314. Aram habemus, seu potius altare, quibus nominibus vetusti proceres locum illum, in quo erant 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 vocabant, sed mensam saepius. The Bishop quotes the words of C. Bellarm. lib. 1. de missâ, c. 27. That the New Testament, by the special instinct of the Holy Ghost, did purposely forbear to insert into their Writings the name of an Altar. This is p. 116. Joyn to this what you find p. 147. That in the Romish Reformation of the Canon of the Mass, they never use in Rubrick or Prayer, literally, nor so much as by allusion, the name of Table. And is it not time to keep the proper, and Scri∣pture Word, in authority, when the Papalines, with an ill mind, had quite shoulder'd it out? If there were any reasons, as I know none, to think the name Altar as pertinent as Table, yet our Rubrick and Canons will be above them; for it is a prudent Maxim in Baron. anno 542. p. 205. Deseratur reve∣rentiae Synodorum, ut in his, quae minus intelliguntur, earum cedatur authori∣tati.

103. Which Rubrick and Canons have rejected the name Altar, and substi∣tuted the other of Table, as being conjunct with the Sacrament, ordained for eating and drinking from the Table. So out of Bishop Morton, p. 130. H. T. Tell us, where was it ever known, that any Altar was ordained for eating and drinking? Out of C. Peron. p. 102. It is ever called a Table when it points to a Communion Sup∣per, and an Altar when it points to the Sacrifice. Out of Bishop Andrews Strictures, p. 131. Christ was given to us per modum victimae on the Cross, per modum epuli in the Sacrament. Out of the Act of K. Edward's Privy Council, p. 132. If we come to feed on Christ spiritually, and spiritually to drink his Blood, which is the use of the Lord's Supper, then no man can deny, but the form of a Table is more meet for the Lord's Board, than the form of an Altar. The alteration of Words came in then (as, who doth not see it?) partly because we would be beholden to the Scri∣pture for our terms, rather than to the wisest men in the World; partly to give in this Evidence among others, that we had renounced the Sacrifice of the Mass, the very offering up our Saviour in an unbloody Oblation, not again, but by one and the same Act with which he offered up himself on the Cross; a Chymaera which is not intelligible to any mortal man. This was never dreamt of by those holy men, who freely called this Sacrament a Sacrifice and Obla∣tion. Honesta quidem, sed ex quibus deterrima orirentur, Tac. An. lib. 1. They are excellent Notes which our Bishop quotes out of Bishop Bilson, p. 116. Christ and his Apostles did forbear the term of Sacrifice, therefore our Faith may stand without it. The Speeches of the Fathers in this kind are dark and obscure, and conse∣quently unuseful for the edifying of the People. Lastly, We find by experi∣ence, that the very Expression hath been a great fomenter of Superstition and Popery: Therefore this is an Exception at the word Altar, that it is a Relative to a Sacrifice. Dr. Heylin, Antid. p. 79. pleads for the Vicar, that in that name he aimed at no propitiatory Sacrifice. I believe him: And the like for many other of the noble Army of our Hierarchical Church; for when that Sacrifice was exploded, yet for a while Christ's Board was called an Altar. This was our Bishop's mind; and, I take it, the same was and is in all our learned men, That in that Holy Sacrament there is a Spectacle of the Sacrifice of Christ's Body, as it suffer'd on the Cross, represented by breaking the Bread, and pou∣ring out the Wine, by eating the one and drinking the other; that there is a commemoration of that Sacrifice in the repetition of the words of Institution; that there is an application of that Sacrifice to their Souls, that partake by Faith; and that all this makes properly a Sacrament, improperly and figura∣tively a Sacrifice. Hereupon, lest the notion of a Sacrifice, in this improper and secondary acception, should be forgotten, some are willing blamelesly to refresh it in their Memory, by calling the place of the representation of it an Altar. Nec cuiquam sunt injucunda quae cantant sibi, says Quintil. lib. II. But stay there, and step no further, because Lauds and Thanksgivings, the sweet odour of the Oblation of Alms, the Calves of our Lips, a broken and contrite Heart, a mortified Body, are spiritual Victims before and after the Sacrament, as well as in it. Sed non ibi consistunt exempla ubi caeperunt, Pater. lib. 2. It is good Counsel to be sparing in the use of those words, whose elegancy and innocency cannot countervail the Errors that have encroached from them. There are some, I have heard it from their own Lips, who say, that they call this Utensil an Al∣tar, without any reference to a Sacrifice: Thus they explain themselves; That what is set apart to God should be differenc'd in its Name from common things,

that Religion might have a Dialect proper to it self, as Paten, Chalice, Corporal, Albe, Paraphront, Suffront, for the Hangings above and beneath the Table: Instances are innumerous, and Church-men were ever pleased with Terms of Art peculiar to their own Mysteries, which are not common and familiar with secular occasions. But if this Project breed confusion, it is against edifying; if it give Offence, it is against Charity. And if I may not offend my Bro∣ther with my Meat, when I am free, that is, when my Superiors have made no Ordinance upon it; then, if I walk conscionably, I must not offend him in usurpation of words, when I am free, and shall not break the Command∣ment of Authority. I see not then but the word Table was to prevail, for the Gospel brought it forch, the Church among us did more generally like it, the Canons and Rubrick score it to be used; and if you will ascend as high as to the Figures of the Old Testament, says the Bishop, p. 126. not the great Altar for Sacrifice, but the Table of the Inner Temple, on which the Shew-bread was set, was the true Type and Presiguration of the Communion-Table, as di∣vers Jesuits yield it. Now, in the end of this 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Word-strife, I profess it had never been inserted into this Memorial of the Bishop of Lincoln, if the Doctor had not revived it in some late pieces, which he hath printed: For who hath leisure to cast his Thoughts upon such small Contentions, when we are overwhelmed with Heresies and Schisms that pluck up our Foundations? Praesentia hobetantur incommoda, si cui dolor major accesserit, as Sidonius setcheth it out of Hippocrates, p. 163. When such Wounds are made in our Body, little Scratches should be insensible.

104. The same Author hath listed up the Quarrel again, which was fallen, about the Place of the Holy Table: I would it stood in any place of the House of God, so it might be used, but it is extreamly disused. Was there ever such a negligence among Christians before? Sometimes the Pope hath in∣terdicted the Churches of a Nation for a year or more; the greater was his Sin: But I will make Affidavit, that some Parishes among us have been interdicted from the Lord's Supper, by the Hirelings that teach them, from anno 1642. to anno 1659. and this Famine of the holy Bread is like to continue among them. Is this a Season to renew what past anno 1637. between the Bishop and him, how the Table should stand? Deficilis est exitus veterum jurgio∣rum, Sym. Ep. p. 17. I speak, as well assured, that the Dr. hath been often since that time prostrate at that sacred Banquet; why then doth he break out into old Grudges for their Quidlibets? First, the Bishop did desire to satisfie his Reader where the holy Table should stand, when the Communion Service was cele∣brated. Secondly, where it should continue when that pious work was over. For the first, he durst not decide it, but as the Liturgy hath it, To stand in the body of the Church or Chancel, in the Communion-time, where Morning and Even∣ing-Prayer be appointed to be said. And as the Advertisements state it, That Com∣mon-Prayer (the Communion being the supereminent part) be said or sung decently and distinctly in such place as the Ordinary shall think meet, for the largeness and straight∣ness of the Church and Quire, so that the People may be most edisied. And as Canon 82 doth enjoyn, When the Holy Communion is to be administred, it shall be placed in so good sort within the Church or Chancel, as thereby the Minister may be more convenient∣ly heard of the Communicants, in his Prayer and Ministration, and that they may con∣veniently, and in more number, communicate with the Minister. And therefore the Bishop sums it up, Ep. p. 59. That this Liberty for a convenient place of Church or Chancel, is left to the Judgment of the Ordinary, and that the King, in his Princely Order about St. Gregory's Church, did leave it to the Law, to the Com∣munion book, to the Canon and Diocesan. The Law refers to Salus populi, to the edifying of the People; which was never respected under Popery, for their Mass was mutter'd at high Altars, far remote from the Auditory: Which Har∣ding maintains, H. T. p. 204. That they never meant the People should understand any more than what they could guess by dumb Shews, and outward Ceremonies. In old Liturgies it appears, that not only the Clerks, but where a Church had no more than one Clerk to officiate, the People made answer in Versicles and Suffrages; an excellent way to keep them in godly action; of which Privi∣lege and Comfort they have been robb'd in corrupt times, Erasmus says, p. 216. of his Ep. That King Harry 8. defended, that no Prayer was to be expected from the People; Praeteream quae ment is cogitatione Deum alloquitur. And that is it which is intended in Cardinal Pool's Articles of his Visitation, anno 1556. Whether the People be contemplative in holy Prayer? But we have not so learned

Christ, whose Communion is so order'd, that all that are present may hear and be edisied, every one say the Confession of Sins after him that pronounceth it, every one professes, as he is invited, to lift up his Heart unto the Lord. Let the Table stand so commodiously for the benesit of Receivers, when it is em∣ploy'd, and it is not here or there, whether the Minister stand at the North side, as the Church in terminis directs it, or at the North end, as Altar-contrivers contend for it. So we are told that the Table stands, and unremovably under the East Window in the King's Chappel. And says the Doctor, Antid. p. 41. That which is wisely and religiously done in the Chappel-Royal, why should it not give Law to Parish-Churches? The King's Chappel (I should say was, but my Heart will not let me) is a sacred Oratory of great regard, and ancient mention. Constantine the Great had one portable with him in his Camp. In Charles the Great's time the Chappel of his Palace is samous. Luitprandus King of the Lom∣bards had one in his Palace; Baron. anno 744. p. 23. And in the Reign of our William Conquestor, we read out of his Mouth, Mea Dominica Capella, Selden. Eadm. p. 165. Such Chapels, if like to our King's in all his Courts, were of no great dimension; the holy Board could not stand no where inconveniently in them, but that all might hear; therefore one constant site was most decent for it, where it deserv'd the highest Room, it being the Fabrick on which the principal Service Evangelical is solemniz'd. The Bishop, p. 182. remembers out of Suarez, that Altars in Oratories and Chappels, among them who are the Mint-masters of Ceremonies, are not agreeable in situation to the Altars in Chur∣ches: Therefore private Chappels, nay, even the Kings, cannot be the Directories for all places, because very often Parish Chancels being but a few strides broad and long, cannot contain the multitude of all the People that come to take the Holy Mysteries. And when the Belfrey is between the Chancel and the Nave of the Church, as at Carshalton in Surrey, the Minister can neither be heard, nor seen, unless he officiate in the Church, where all may enjoy the Exhortations, behold the Consecration, and joyn in Prayer. Therefore the Bishop answers prudently, H. T. p. 34. It is not His Majesty's Chappel, but his Laws, Rubricks, Ca∣nons, Proclamations, which we are to follow in outward Ceremonies.

105. Neither can the Opponent appeal to Rubrick and Canons, but he be∣takes him to an Order, wherein the King's Majesty was present at the Coun∣cil-Table, Nov. 3. 1633. This is quoted at length, Antid. p. 62. and in some of his latter Works, for approving the Table to be removed from the middle of the Chancel to the upper end, and there to be placed Altar-wise. If the King had intended that the like should be observed in all Parochial Churches, the Questi∣on had been decided against the Bishop's Letter. Nec turpe est ab eo vinci, quem vincere esset nefas, as Tigranes says of Pompey, Velle. lib. 1. The Bishop subscribes, p. 163. That the addition of any more Ceremonies than are prescribed in our Book, is referred to the person of the King by Act of Parliament. The Contention remains, whether that Order of His Majesty with his Council hath influence upon other places, beside the particular of St. Gregory, which occasion'd it. The Dr. himself says no such matter directly, but, Antid. p. 36. The King did not com∣mand, but hath given encouragement to the Metropolitan, and Bishops, and other Or∣dinaries, to require the like in all Churches committed to them. The Bishop says, He hath left all to the Law, to the Communion-book, to the Canons and Diocesan, p. 59. And which is much they two should agree, the Doctor says so too, Ant. p. 64. That it is left to the Judgment of the Ordinary, for the thing, for the time (N. B.) when, and how long he may find cause. The Bishop says more, That after this Order he had heard of no Bishop that had exacted of his Diocess the placing of the Holy Table Altar-wise, p. 69. And in the year following, 1634. the Archbishop holding a Metro∣political Visitation, keeps him to the ancient form in this Interrogatory, Doth the Table stand in a convenient place of Chancel or Church? If one Prelate was sin∣gular in his Visitation of Norwich Diocess, which the Dr. would seem not to speak out, but to intimate, our Bishop hath a Passage to meet it, p. 85. out of Archbishop Whitgift; There is no manner of reason, that the Orders of the Church should depend upon one or two mens liking or disliking, Where now appears, I say not the Command, but the Encouragement, that the Order made for St. Gregory's Church should be observed in all Parishes? It will conduce to this Cause, to borrow one Quotation out of the Bishop, and two out of the Doctor; the Bishop's is taken from an Act of Council made for reformation, 1 Edw. 6. That the form of a Table shall never move the simple from the superstitious Opinions of the Popish Mass; and that this superstitious Opinion is more held in the minds of the simple and ig∣norant,

by the form of an Altar, than of a Table. The Dr. p. 105. out of a Sermon of Bishop Hooper's, preach'd before K. Edward, It were well it might please the Magistrates to turn the Altars into Tables, according to the first Institution of Christ, to take away the false Perswasion of the People, which they have of Sacrifices to be done upon the Altars; for as long as the Altars remain, both the ignorant People, and the ignorant evil-perswaded Priest will dream always of Sacrifice. Then p. 129. Bishop Ridley took down Altars, and appointed the form of a right Table to be used in all his Diocess, Duo Scipiadae. These two Bishops were very learned, and very Martyrs. A little remains to shut up this Controversie, or rather to shut it out: For to set the Table under the East Window of the Chancel, the ends running North and South, is this to set it Altar-wise? Verily it is a meer En∣glish Phrase, or rather an English Error, because Altars beyond the Seas are placed promiscuously, either at the top, or in the midst of the Chancel; as the Bishop notes p. 218. and commonly so far from the Wall, that the Priests and Deacons might stand round about them: As in Cardinal Borromaeo's Reforma∣tion, a space of eight cubits was to be left between the Altar and the Wall. Altare in medio Ecclesiae situm, says Baron. anno 451. p. 62. Josephus Vicecomes, a skilful man in these punctilio's, Altaria in medio Ecclesiae allocata fuisse. But to fasten it sure, I refer it to Marcellus Corcyrensis, lib. 3. Sacr. Cerem. p. 215. he says, The Pope never preacheth, but when he celebrates the Mass himself; he goes not up into a Pulpit, but sits in his Chair. Sedet ante altare super faldistorium, si altare est apud Pa∣rietem.—Si autem sedes Papae non infra, sed supra altare est, ut in Ecclesiâ S. Petri, & similibus, tune Papa vertit faciem ad chorum sedens in praedictâ sede. Here's the Altar, in the chief Mother-Church of Rome, in the midst of the Quire; which falls into this conclusion, that these local Differences among us, about the Holy Table, are not in imitation of any Church, but forms taken up at home; so that upon the final Sentence, Maxima de nihilo nascitur historia, as Propertius says fitly.

106. Here you have the Book of the Holy Table epitomiz'd, and you see the Bishop broke not the Peace of the Church, but was upon the defence. His Ad∣versary tells us lately, that it was a Book cried up every where with great ap∣plause, when it came first to light. What would it have been if it had been stu∣died any long time, and lick'd over with a second or third examination? But one month in the Autumn began it, and ended it, as not only the Author, but the Amanuensis testified. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, says; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; that is, when one is swift in doing a good thing, God and he were joyn'd to∣gether. But this Praise belongs to the Dr. as well as to him who is a swift Dromedary traversing her ways, Jer. 2.23. There are Passages between them with some bitterness on both sides; I like it in neither; they that spit upon one another are both defiled: I cite nothing faln in that kind, for every Dung∣hill smells ill, but not till you stir it. To excuse such things, Non contumelias, sed argutias vocamus, says Seneca; It may be sharpness of Wit, but it is bluntness of Wis∣dom. One thing the Criticks noted beside, That in some Passages the Holy Table is too light and merry; and no Merriment is worse than the Laughter of Anger; Subridens mistâ Mezentius irâ. Virg. It was not publish'd in the person of a Bishop. And to me it seems that a joculary Style was not amiss for a fri∣volous Cause: Nor would the Author seem to be damp'd or troubled, but full of sanguine Alacrity for all the Provocation. And if Mirth keep decorum, it is a good Rule of Theages the Pythagorean, Laert. p. 847. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: It is the office of Virtue to act with pleasure, and not with sadness: Or as Solomon much better, A merry heart doth good like a medicine, Prov. 17.22. But if any the least thing were amiss, he heard of it on both Ears, in the Antidotum Lincolniense, which I pass over, because no Reply was made unto it: Not that the Author had won the Field, but as Livy said, Dec. 1. lib. 3. when the People of Rome retired to the Aventine Mountain, for the Injury done to Virginia, and the Senators ask'd them what they would have, Non defuit quid re∣sponderetur, defuit qui responsum daret. The Bishop, I know, was making his Notes ready to vindicate his Book, and was resolved, as the Italian Proverb runs, to give his Adversary Cake for Bread; for he was like to Bishop Fisher in Erasmus's Character of him, Ep. p. 396. Roffensis vir pius cum primis, ac eruditus: sed eo ingenio, ut non facilè desinat, ubi semel incaluit in certamine. He was preven∣ted by his Cause in Star-chamber, which was brought to hearing in the same month that the Antidotum came abroad; a Censure pass'd upon him, which was executed with that rigour, that all that he had, even his Books, were seized,

and he deprived of his Library: He could not fight without his Arms; or how could the Bell ring out, when they had stoln away the Clapper? Baronius pitties Photius, whom he could not abide, for sustaining that hard usage, an. 871. p. 14. and brings him in complaining to his unkind Lord Basilius, of whom he had deserved better, Libris privati sumus, novâ in nos excogitatâ poenâ,—librorum amissio non est poena in corpus sed in animam. But hear himself speak, Epist. 97. of Bishop Montague's Edition, that Constantine had censur'd some Bishops, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Yet he spoiled them not of their Goods, nor deprived them of their Books. But the Bishop of Lincoln found not that mercy, because he might be indefensible, and bear the Reproaches that fell thick upon him: Even sorry Clerks came into the Lists, when they knew they should not meet the Champion. Children talk most when they can speak least sence. Among these was a Doctor, like Theophrastus's 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Ardelio, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that will be a Guide to Travellers, when he knew not a foot of the way. He thrust out his Altare Christianum, to revile his Master, and his Patron; for the Bishop in his great Office had protected him against a Justice of Peace, who had served this Doctor with a Warrant for some Misde∣meanors; the then L. Keeper put the Justice out of Commission for it, and made this Doctor a Justice in his place, took him to be his Chaplain, kept him often by some months together in his House, bestowed on him a Prebend in Lin∣coln Church, commended him to the L. Chamberlain, to swear him the King's Chaplain in ordinary, and prevailed. Indeed the Dr. lost some favour with the Bishop at last, because he was a Tell-tale, and made needless Complaints against his Brethren. In those black days, when the Bishop was over-clouded, this man strikes at him with all the force of his no-great Learning: Want makes men busie and industrious; the man wanted Preferment, for he would not have been so fierce if he had been full. The Puritans might sit still, and look on, when the King's Chaplains were allowed and preferred for their forwardness to do disgrace against a Bishop. There was a time when those factious Romans were most extolled, that cried down their honourable Patricians, Quae res & Marii potentiam peperit, & reip. ruinam, Match. Resp. lib. 1. c. 5. Now if these two Doctors think they got the Garland, because no Answer was made to their Books, let them wear it; if they desired work to write more, and to get Mony by the Press, like the diurnal Scribler, they were disappointed. And well did Camerarius content himself, not to defend Melancthon against the Flaccians, because it was in vain to meddle with them; they had no Forehead to be ashamed, if they were convicted; Et ad unum probrum statim erant quae adjicerentur decem. So far, if not too far, upon the Bishop's Letter, and his Book The Holy Table, to set some Ceremonies in order in the Church of Grantham; and I will listen to Sido∣nius, lib. 8. c. 1. Post mortem non opuscula, sed opeea pensanda. We are to consider, after a good man's Death, his Works of Bounty and Mercy, rather than his Books of Controversie.

107. It was not Art, but Power; it was not a Book, but a Bill, that crush'd our stout Prelate: All other Billows, even to the Rage of his Enemies, lifted him up, but this sunk him. Now I must bring his Boat to the Tower-wharf, the worst landing-place in all the River: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Court and Court-luck, for Company, from that day forward farewel, he never more lookt for good from you. Here's as much occasion to open a wide Gate to let in Complaint and Sorrow, as any case will afford, upon the oppression and down∣fal of the most compleat Bishop that the Age afforded, take him in the latitude of all his Abilities: Yet Thankfulness was not sensible of the Good-turns he had done, nor Honour of his Affronts, nor Justice of his Wrongs, nor Wrath of his Sufferings, nor Charity of his Undoing. If the Prosecution against him were fair, and the Sentence righteous, let him not be pitied, nor the Blot wiped out from his Memory: Se quisque ut vivit & effert; As he lived, so let him hear well or ill, being dead. But he was so secure, so ready to represent his Cause to the Judgment of the whole Kingdom, that against a Parliament was call'd in April 1640. he drew up the whole matter of his Suits and Troubles, in twenty sheets of Paper, to offer it to that Honourable House, for their severest Review: And if his Remonstrance were a Clamour, and not a just Complaint, he invited his Judges to lay a new and a severer Censure upon him. And it is fit that every Complainant should be devoved to that Court of Justice wherein he begins a Quarrel, to suffer as much Penalty, if he make not good his Bill, as he would have those to undergo, whom he challenged for his pretended Injuries: Which

was Roman Law in Symmachus's days, Ep. p. 67. Provisum est ne quis temerè in alieni capitis crimen irrueret, nisi se idem priùs poenae sponsione vinciret. But it came not to that dint, for this Parliament was bespoken four months before, and was dissol∣ved when it had met but three weeks: A Duck could not hatch an Egg, if she had sate no longer. The opportunity therefore was prevented for the Plaintiff to make use of his Papers, which were prepared for this Parliament: Fortune had mock'd him, if he had tryed her Courtesie at that time, who is a true Handmaid to no Mistriss but Good-occasion: Yet this Memorial of his Case, which came not to their Hands, but to mine, so large, so exact, so fairly copied, without expunction of a word, without interlining, or the least correction in the Margin, is fortunately kept till now, (when so many noble Registries have been torn, and embezzled in these consuming times) to content both itching Curiosities and staid Judgments, that would know the Truth; out of which I will glean up faithfully a few handfuls, and no more, for these reasons: First, For the length it may pass for a Book, and I affect not to make this Book swell with the incorporation of another. Secondly, The Press at London, by hook or crook, lights upon every man's Papers, and doth license it self to publish them; the more shame for them that are in power, and do not mend it: And to save me the pains, Lincoln's Star-chamber-Trial will come ere long into the Fingers of some sharking Broker of Stationers-hall, and be entred in there for his own Chattel, as well as the Author's Prayers and Meditations, made Anno 1621. for the use of L. M. B. which I glanced at in their due place, which a bold fellow hath filed up in his Hall, to be printed, to which he hath no more Right than Sir Ro. H— had to Charing-cross. Thirdly, My Breviate shall only tell you, and no more, who they were in great Place, that trod this man down by oppression and false ways, whose Pictures are drawn out at length in the larger Frame. 'Tis too much the Recreation of the common man, to stick longest in that Page wherein he reads Invectives. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Demosth. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. So engrafted it is in us to listen unto Contumelies, as unto Musick. But I will not feed my Guests with such Acorns: It is enough for a Warning to others, that God did quickly bring the day which he had called, and they were made like him, Lam. 1.21. Or worse, that opprest the Bishop, for the abuse of Fiduciary Power will never pass long un∣punish'd.

108. Every Effect is best known in its Cause, that's the best ground for a be∣ginning. It is apparent, that much Anger was seeded, and thrust out of one bitter Root. The chief Counsellors of K. James, and of his Cabinet, that de∣vised with their Master how to compass the Spanish Match, and took no joy in the Failing, pleased their old Master, but lost the Prince his Son, alienated from them by Buckingham, after he had returned home. Richmond, Hamilton, Belfast lived not long after: Middlesex and Bristol, the first blown down, the other shaken by Impeachments in Parliament, and both laid aside: Arundel sent to the Tower, and there had continued, but for the clamour of the Peers in the Upper House, for nothing but for marrying his eldest Son to a Daughter of the House of Lenox: How then could Lincoln escape, who was K. James's right hand in all Dispatches about that Treaty? Nothing was unassay'd to scourge him, because he knew more Secrets than any man, and shewed most Stomach to de∣fend himself. Sir A. Wel. beyond his wont, tells Truth in this, p. 174. That his Ruine was determined, not upon any known Crime, but upon Circumstances, and upon Examinations, to pick out Faults committed in his whole life-time. And the blow was given, after nine years had been spent upon one matter, to frame a Censure out of it. Majora animalia diutiùs visceribus parentum continentur, Quint. lib. II. The Whelps and Cubbs of great Beasts are long in the Womb before they be brought forth. It came about anno 1628. that the Bishop had suspended Burden and Allen, the one a Surrogate to Sir J. Lamb, the other a Proctor in his Court, both of Lei∣cestershire, for doing Injustice, and being vexatious both to Clergy and Laity. Ut non—Compositus meliùs cum Bytho Baccius. They petition'd and clamour'd to be restored, but as Budaeus says proverbially of a Land-leaper, that makes him∣self a Cripple, and cries out for help, Tolleeum qui non novit, De Asse p. 104. Let him pity him that doth not know him. So Burden and Allen were too well known to get any Favour. At last Sir J. Lamb, a Creature of dark Practices, and Dr. Sibthorp, undertook for them, and propounded it to the Bishop at his Table, when their Hand was with him in the Dish. But when they would ingratiate them for their good Parts, as Mr. Hooker said of Ithacius, that there was nothing

commendable in him, but his Zeal against the Priscillianists; so these had no∣thing to brag of in their Brace of Greyhounds, but that they were the swiftest of their kind to chase the Puritans. The Bishop told them, (Dr. Morrison and Mr. Pregian Register of Lincoln and Leicester, being present)

That men of erro∣neous, but tender Consciences, would never be reduced by such as were scanda∣lous for Bribes and Taverns, and other bad haunts; how that Severity against that Party was not seasonable at that time, for he had lately conferred with the King, and that His Majesty had condescended to give them some forbea∣rance, though not openly profess'd, to get his ends out of some Members of Parliament, who were leading men, and more easie to be brought about, by holding a gentle hand over the Ministers of their Faction.

Here's the sum of all: This was the King's mind; And how could it be follow'd, but by being revealed to some that were in Office? If there be any blame in this, let him that said it cry out as Philotas did, Curt. lib. 6. Fides veri consilii, periculosa libertas, vos me decepistis, vos quae sentiebam ne reticerem impulistis. Patt to the Bishop's case to a word. This was carried to Bissham in the Progress, where Bishop Laud at∣tended, and by him exaggerated to the King, that his secret Counsels were abu∣sed. The Historian Sanderson taking it out of another, I suppose, who wrote the Reign of K. Charles, hath fancied an Accusation that was never dreamt of, p. 220. That the Bishop's Wit and Will tempted him to talk disloyally of the King, and a Bill put in against him for it. A Woodcock's Bill; but no such Bill was put in Star-chamber. Nullum decuit haec scribere, nisi quem constat optasse, Sym. Ep. p. 129. He that wrote so would have had it so. Piety forbid that a Bishop should vio∣late the sacred Honour of his Prince with a disloyal word. Yet how moderate∣ly did Q. Elizabeth speak of Sir J. Perrott's Offence in that kind (Camden, anno 1592.) quoting the Saying of Theodosius, Si quis Imperatori maledixerit, si ex levi∣tate contemnendum, si ex insaniá miserandum, si ab injuriâ remittendum. But Aure∣lian went further, that he might not hear of such Complaints. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 sanxit ne audirentur, qui deferebant malè locutos de principibus, Carion. l. 3. c. 61. It was a ge∣nerosity in those heroical men, which Shimei and Railers at Kings did not de∣serve; but Lincoln was not touch'd with the lightest suspicion of this Fault. O but His Majesty's Counsels were revealed, and expiable Crime in the adverse Bi∣shop's Construction! Kings Counsels may be of that reach and choice, that to blab them abroad may touch his Life that did it. Upon such great points of State Bodin moves a Question, De Repub. p. 386. An poena capitis statuenda sit iis, qui principis arcana divulgant? Augustus told a Secret to one of the ••abii, that he would bring Agrippa home again from Mitylene: Fabius told this to his Wife, and she to Livia, who disaffected Agrippa, and it cost Fabius his Life; as Salma∣sius enlargeth it in his Preface to Solinus. Plutarch hath wrote more upon it, Lib. de Cur. Aud. how dangerous it is to know the Privacies of Potentates, lest they should be vented in rashness: So that Philippides asking Lysimachus what he should give him; says Lysimachus, any thing but a Secret. But the thing communica∣ted to our Bishop was but petty in comparison, and no Secret neither, not im∣parted at the Council-Table, but in Conference, in the time of Parliament, as to a Peer of the House, lock'd up with no Seal of Silence, but to be opened to such persons as might make use of it in their Notice. He could not say less than he did to express the King's sence, nor at a better time for advantage: It can be cal∣led by no ill Name; but if you will call it Rashness, weigh it how light the matter was, and I will not refer it to Honour and Mercy, but to Justice to pass it by: Quae minora & vulgaria sunt delicta oportet dissimulari, non vindicari. Which is Grotius Maxim. de Ju. B. & P. p. 311. Petty Faults should be overseen with Magnanimity, and not revenged.

109. And that prevailed to the expiration of about three years, as in the next place will be cleared, when a few lines are first spent, what the Censure of un∣derstanding men was upon this Treachery of the two Delators. Lamb was the most hated of all that trod on the Earth in the County of Northampton, where he dwelt; yet as Tally said of Asinius Pollio, lib. 3. ep. 31. Quem nequaquam, perinde ut dignus est, oderunt homines. He was branded with the charge of many Crimes, under the Hands of all the Justices and Gentry, in a manner, in the Shire, and in two several Bills to be presented to the Parliaments, anno 1621. anno 1624. This Person, whose Throat he went about to cut, brought him off from his Troubles, dubb'd him a Doctor and a Knight, settled him in his former Offices, and got him more; for which, I confess, he got no good name to himself. Lamb mark'd the Revolution of the Times, saw the Bishop discarded, and observ'd, that

he might pluck himself into a better Fortune, sooner by being his Enemy than his Friend: Then what ensues, but as a shifter says in Plautus, Ut sursum in alto ventus est, exin velum vortitur; Veer the Sail as the Wind blows? So he watcheth a day to cast off his Patron, and, to make it more meritorious, to cast him down. Cum secum servilis animus praemia perfidiae reputaret, cessit fas, & salus patro∣ni: As if we had found this Wretch foretold by Tacitus, lib. 15. Annal. An un∣grateful Creature in the old times was held a Monster, now adays none shall be sooner taken into play, to be a State-Minister. Like Tobacco, every man stopt his Nose at it, when Sir W. Raleigh brought it first into England; now the Pipe is in every man's Mouth. But how easie was it for the Bishop to trust this fel∣low with as much as he durst utter to any man? He had redeem'd him, he had bought him for his own, and every false Knave doth not smell like a Pole-Cat. They are subtler in their Generation than the Children of Light. The best skill'd in the Greek Tongue say, that the Devout in the New Testament are called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, quia facilè possunt capi; because they are charitable, and less suspicious of others, so they are easily taken: Aditum nocendi perfido praest at fides, Sen. Oed. The Credit that is given to a perfidious man furnisheth him with ad∣vantage to do a Mischief. He can hurt none but such as he is beholden to for their good Opinion. Et perditissimi est hominis fallere eum, qui non laesus esset, nisi credidisset, Cic. lib. 2. off. And of all Hypocrites, take heed of him that gropes into a man's Heart, to pluck out his Secrets. Which is well set forth in a Proverbial Si∣militude, Venti sunt molestissimi qui abstrahunt nobis pallia. 'Tis ill travelling when the Wind blows a mans Cloak abroad, and will not let him keep it close about him. Meaning, that it is ill conversing with an Ensnarer, delving into the bottom of your Mind, to know what is hid in it. I would ask a Casuist, if it were not lawful for me not only to hide my Mind, but to cast somewhat which is not true before such a Pocher? I mean it tentativè, not with intention to deceive him, but to try if he would deceive me; and I mean it of no other, but of such a one as Ben Syrach sets out, and this Bishop found to his cost: Ecclus. 13. v. 11, 12. With much communication will he tempt thee, and smiling upon thee will he get out thy secrets, but cruelly he will lay up thy words, and will not spare to do thee hurt, and to put thee in prison. Ingratitude is Sir J. Lamb's Badge, Perfidiousness both his and Sibthorp's: And that's not all. Quisquam hominum est quem tu contentum videris uno—Flagitio? Juven. These were such as durst do more than one Unseemliness, and deserv'd to be baffl'd for breaking the Laws of Hospitality. They did eat at the Bishop's Board, gathered that Discourse, which they carried away to kin∣dle Coals of Fire to consume him, and deposed what they heard, and more than they heard; Unde illud apud Graecos, da mihi testimonium. Cicero pro Flacco. Fair Conversation should keep up Table-talk: As Plutarch says of the Spartans in his Licurgus, That being frollick at Meat, they were wont to say, Not a word goes out of doors. They that brake that Order, should dine alone, like the Hangmen of Germany. But seriously the ancient Tragedy-Writers, in their Buskin Scenes, exclaim mightily against those who betray'd them that had feasted them; as Hecuba inveighs against Polymestor, that murther'd her Son Polydor, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: What a Fiend was Polymestor, to do such an Act, that had been her Guest so often? The very Emblem of the Wolf, that had eaten the Sheep, and would eat the Shepherd, if he could get him. Thus far of the Crime, and the Criminators, or rather the Tale and the Tale-bearers, that so little, they so bad: Qui ad notitiam posterorum per odia virtutum decurrerunt. Sidon. lib. 8. c. 1.

110. I have dealt with the Pick-thanks as they deserv'd, who travelling from Bugden to Higham-Ferrers, conferr'd their Notes, as they depos'd, and lost not a day, but sent Burden and Allen to the Court, as soon as they could be found, with an Accusation against the Bishop. As Fr. Junius gives his reason in cap. 3. Gen. why he thought the Devil tempted Eve not long after she was made: Maleficus non potest feriari, ex quo est maleficus: So in this Instance we see, that Malice is Lead in weight, and Fire in swiftness. The King is moved to acquaint the Lords of the Council with it, where it gasp'd in the first Hearing, and dyed. Allen the Proctor Petitions for it again, for B. L. upheld his Spirit in his Wickedness: The examining is referred to the L. Treasurer Weston, the Earl of Penbrock, the Earl of Montgomery, the Earl of Holland, who with one consent cast it away, as not worthy a Debate, that no Blame could stick upon Lincoln, that Allen was as good as frentick, for he had drawn up one Petition in Rhime. This the Bishop alledgeth in his Address prepared for the Parliament, while the third

and fourth of the Lords-Referrees were living: But though they are all under Earth, Faith forbid that their Names should be abused to a wrong Report. To keep History uncorrupt from such baseness, 'tis daintily observ'd out of the Poets by Salmasius Clymac. p. 819. Apud orcum defunctae animae jurare dicuntur, ne quid suos, quos in vitâ reliquerint, contra fas adjuvent. The Souls departed take an Oath, not to help their surviving Friends against Justice: But no such Prote∣station needs in this Cause. There is a Petition to be produced, written with the Hand of Dr. Walker, a Gentleman living, and well known, wherein His Majesty is minded, that he had cancell'd this Complaint, and had given his Royal Hand to confirm it. What could be more sure? Yet it turn'd to no∣thing; the Wound was never suffer'd to heal by the daily Whispering of Bishop Laud, diligent in the King's Ear. You may read of one in Suetonius's Caligula, Cui ad insaniam Caius favebat: So the King suffer'd this Prelate, in excess of Power, to turn and return Causes as he would, and was obnoxious, by the be∣witching of his Tongue, to facility of Perswasions, to grant and retract as he pos∣sest him: Which was seen too late in this excellent Passage of His Majesty, in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I wish I had not suffer'd mine own Judgment to be overborn in some things, more by others Importunities than their Arguments. As Erasmus wrote honestly to a mighty Monarch Harry the Eighth, Ep. p. 74. Eximia quae∣dam inter mortales res est Monarcha, sed homo tamen. And with much liberty our Poet Johnson, in his Forrest, p. 815.

—I am at feud With that is ill, tho' with a Throne endu'd.

The Faults of the Blessed Charles were small, yet some he had; who having assured Lincoln he should never be question'd again about the matter brought against him by Lamb and Sibthorp, yet remitted it to the Star-chamber: The De∣fendant conceived it would spend like a Snail, or the untimely Fruit of a Wo∣man, but when he found himself deceiv'd, and that the Cause was glowing hot in Prosecution, he sought the King's Clemency, Quaedam enim meliùs fugiuntur quàm superantur; it is in Erasm. Ep. p. 18. He thought it better to fly the Trial, than to get the Cause, and he put up this which follows into the Hands of His Majesty.

The Humble Petition and Submission of John Bishop of Lincoln, &c.

THAT although he is innocent from any Crime committed against your Majesty, in thought, word, or deed, yet abhorring (as he finds by Presidents, all other Bishops of this Realm have done) Placitare cum Domino rege, to have any Suit with his Sovereign Lord, Master, and Patron; he casts himself in all humility at Your Majesties Feet, and implores your Royal Mercy and Clemency, Non intrare in judicium cum servo tuo, coveting to ascribe his Deliverance to Your Majesties Clemency: And whereas your most Excellent Majesty having, in the fourth year of your happy Reign, received the Opi∣nion of the four Lords Committees, concerning these very self-same Charges, did in your Majesties Gallery at Whitehall admit this Defendant, brought in by the Right Honou∣rable the Lord Treasurer, one of the said Committees, to kiss your Majesties Hand, and did use unto him this Defendant, in the presence and hearing of the said Right Honou∣rable Lord, these gracious words: That your Majesty was pleased to forgive all that was past, and would esteem of this Defendant according as he should de∣serve by his Service for the time to come. He most humbly beseecheth your most Excellent Majesty, that according to that so gracious Remission and Absolution, no fur∣ther Prosecution at your Majesties Suit may be used against him, concerning the said Charges; all which he doth the rather hope for from your Majesty, because he is a Bishop that hath endeavoured not to live scandalously in his Calling, and hath formerly had the Favour from Almighty God, with his own Hands, to close your Majesties Father's Eyes, and to have written and drawn up that Commission and Contract for your Majesties Marriage, whereupon ensued to this Kingdom a most unvaluable Blessing; and heartily prayeth, that God, who hath delivered your Majesty from your late Sickness, may bless you in all Health, Happiness, and Prosperity.

So far the Petition: I will not teach the Reader what Sallads to pick out of it, but only the Herb of Grace, that the Bishop kist the King's Hand upon the assurance of his Peace; that the Offence which was taken was buried, and should never rise up in Judgment more: Nihil periculi Soloni à Pisistrato, Diog. Laert. Now, who ever liked Julian the Cardinal, that made Ladislaus K. of Polonia break his League with the Turk? And who will defend B. L. that made his Soveraign break his word with his Subject? It was he, and none else, that put in an unseasonable Bar to hinder Lincoln the fulness of the Benefit. I know none that had the nearest part in B. L's Favour, that can deny it: And let them turn it about as they will, is it possible they should excuse it? 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. It is Theodoret's Ep. 2. Children see no uncomeliness in their Parents. But although they will see no ill in the Person, they must in the Fact: For, what a Trespass is this in Justice, to punish that which was forgiven? Let the King do Righteous Judgment like God, in whose Throne he sits; before whom this holds inviolable, Peccata dimissa nunquam redeunt: No, not original Sin, when remitted in Baptism, it shall not be imputed to them any more, that are dam∣ned for actual Crimes, whereof they did not repent. So Grotius cites it out of Prosper in Matth. c. 18. v. 34. Extinctam semel obligationem non reviviscere, sed propter postrema crimina affici. The most that seems to be against this Rule, but falls in with it, is this; That when former Sins are forgiven, and new ones are su∣peradded, the latter shall be punish'd the more for the ungratefulness of the Sin∣ner. Non quod jam remissa puniantur, sed quod sequens peccatum minùs graviter pun••∣retur, si priora remissa non fuissent; says Maldonat. My Sentence is at the last of all with Syracides, c. 29.3. Keep thy word, and deal faithfully; revoke not your Kind∣ness; pluck not up the Seeds of a Benefit, which you had sown with your own Hand: It is worse to turn Mercy than Justice into Wormwood.

111. Destiny is unavoidable. A Bill is filed in the Star-Chamber, and prose∣cuted for the King, for Revealing his Councils. The Defendant made him ready for his Answer, and plyed the King with Petitions together; in Parody like Virgil's Aeneas, Et se collegit in arma—Poplite subsidens. At first he tried Bishop Laud, if he would be so generous as to heal the Wound that he had made, and anointed him with the Weapon-Salve of remembrance of Friendship past, and protestation of the like for ever; he courted him to mediate for him. And was it not likely he would think, who had procured him his first Rochet, well fring∣ed with good Commendums? But what Suspicion, to find a thankful Man did bring Lincoln into this Error? 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, says Pindar; Old kindness is fast asleep, and Men are forgetful. This Hand return'd him no∣thing from his Majesty but Denials and Despairs; as if he had lighted upon one of the Genethliaci, or Figure-Casters, that never portend a good Horoscope to any; or as I may better set it down in Gassendus's Complaint, De Pareliis p. 309. Ita praeposteri sumus, ut nunquam captemus bona omina. A good word from so gra∣cious an Agent would have cleared any man, who made Lincoln's Fidelity more suspected to his Royal Master. Bishop Laud knew him, how strong he was in his Intellectuals, how fit to manage Civil and Church Affairs, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as Tully translates it out of Aratus, Huic non una modo caput ornans stella relucet. He thought it a disparagement to have a Parage with any of his Rank; and out of Emulation did dry his Substance, that it might not flow so fast into Charitable Works. Therefore as the Oratour wrote to Atticus, Qui mi∣hi pennas inciderunt, nolunt easdem renasci, so he kept the Feathers of the other short, that they might not grow again, to fly before him. Lincoln took it not a whit to heart, because he foresaw it. I have heard him say, Though I did as much for him as I could, when he wanted me; yet I knew he would fail, if ever I wanted him. What remedy but the Cause, which had rotted three years in the Dung, must now be made ripe? a Mischief which had lyen like a Match kind∣led to give fire to a Train of Powder long after. So it came to be sifted by the great Abilities of Mr. William Noy Attorney General, a Man of Cynical beha∣viour, but of an honest heart to his Friends and Clients, and both together did become him. This famous Lawyer profest a great averseness from dealing in this Cause: for he wanted a Ground to plead upon. The Defendant maintains that he had opened no Counsels of the Kings; but what he spake to Lamb and Sib∣thorp was Parliamentary Communication. Let the Peers and Commons look to it; it concerns them all that their Priviledges be maintain'd, to be unquestion∣able for those things which past from one to another at that season; who, by

the Writ that Summons them, do meet as Counsellors for great Affairs concern∣ing the Church and Commonwealth. And by this very Demurrer Mr. Selden, about two years before, had quash't a Bill which was preferr'd in the Star-Cham∣ber against him in a like Accusation. Neither contemn the Inconvenience, be∣cause the storm fell upon one Bishop, and no more. The whole Tree was as good as unfastned, when one Bough was shaken. It is a good Caution in Arist. 5. Polit. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, It is all assumed to say, The Danger is not great that lights upon one or two Particulars, when by that En∣trance it will break in upon the whole Kind. Be it known therefore, that this Bill was kept under Hatches, and never came to hearing: For which way could the Council stir to plead upon it? As great a Pleader as ever lived, Demosthenes, gives us this Rule, Olynth.. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. As the Foundation of an House, and the Keel of a Ship must be laid strong and firm, so should the Foundations of all Actions. But in this charge let Wit and Learning turn it self every way, there was no Bottom to build upon. Therefore Mr. Noy, after two years, grew weary of it, and slackned the Prosecution. He died untimely for our Bishop's good, who acknowledgeth it under his Hand, That he dealt fairly with him: not reckoning by his Maundings and rough Language, which came from him to please the supervising Prelate. But Lincoln never felt harm from him, whose Finger he cut but with the back of his Knife. Therefore I pronounce him innocent of this Man's ru∣in, upon the reason that Ulysses spared Terpiades, Odyss. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, He sung such Songs, as the riotous Suitors of Penelope would have him, by constraint and necessity.

112. Who have we next to play this Game but notorious Kilvert? and for the same reason that God gave, why Phocas was made Emperour of the World, because there was not a worse. Hem! Si quid rectè curatum velis, huic mandes oportet. A Man branded long before in a Parliament for Perjury; a Knight of the Post, as we call it. A Name which some learned Scholar gave at first to such Catives: For Casaubon in his Theophrastus shews out of Pausanias in his At∣ticks, that perjur'd Men were called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that usually stood about the Pana∣thenaick Race-posts, called Adrettum, to be hired to give a Testimony, whe∣ther it were right or wrong. Here's one that wore that Badge: and our Bishop writes more, and Truth in all, That in scorn of Justice, for many years, he lived from his own Wife, a vertuous and well-born Gentlewoman, whom he had stol'n away from her Parents, and lived in open Adultery with another Man's Wife, one Mr. Bines, hard by White-hall, and begot divers Bastards upon her Body, besides his other Debau∣cheries and Infamies of all kinds. This Man, as himself avouched, was found out, and employed by Archbishop Laud (by this time he is in that Throne) by Se∣cretary Windebank and Sir J. Lamb, to prosecute the Cause against the Bishop, without entring him as a Prosecutor upon Record, as he ought to have done; and was assured he should advance his Fortunes thereby; which was truly per∣form'd. This Fellow interloping into the Prosecution of the Cause, disturb'd it in every point of the due Proceeding, left not one Rule or Practice of the Court unbroken, menacing, and intimidating Witnesses, Clerks, Registers, Ex∣aminers, Judges, and the Lord keeper himself. One that would undertake any Office to serve Greatness, and would preserve their Favour that kept him upon any Conditions: who lack't not such Wisdom as St. James abhors, c. 3. v. 15. which is earthly, sensual, devillish; whose Description I cut off with that which Cutzen the Jesuit said of Illyricus, from his own Opinion about Original Sin, Cujus vel substantia peccatum est, a vitiated Leper in his whole Substance. O evil World! that the Vices of such a Creature should make free way for him to be gracious, instead of Vertues! how much do Powers and Dominions disho∣nour themselves, when it is not close, but openly seen, that such Instruments have their Countenance, nay their Recompence. Budaeus lib. 1. de As. f. 15. spared not a great one in France for that Error; Immemor personae quam gerebat, quod virtuti debebatur, illiberali obsequio dandum esse censuit. While Kilvert ranted it, and bore down all Justice before him, there was not an honest Man, either that acted in this matter, or only look't on, whose silent consent the Bishop had not to awaken the King, that he would look upon these Courses, that cried abroad to the amazement of his Subjects. All wish it done, and the Bishop did not fear to do it. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. It is Theodorets stout Divinity, Ep. 21. Under the hand of God there is no re∣medy but patience; suffering under the hand of Man the best Remedy is Cou∣rage.

So he stept forward to his Majesty, with the confidence of this Pe∣tition.

To the King's most Excellent Majesty, &c.

THat if your Majesty be not pleased to accept as yet of his humble Submission for his Peace, your Majesty would graciously vouchsafe not to interrupt, but to permit the Petitioner to proceed, according to the ordinary Rules and Course of the Court of Star-Chamber, against Kilvert the Sollicitor, for his manifold Falshoods and Injuries in the Prosecution of this Cause; particularly first, for menacing and frighting your Petitioners Witnesses. 2. For publickly defaming this Petitioner to be your Enemy; a∣verring that neither he, nor any of his, did know what the name of a King meant. 3. For offering to sell the Prosecution of your Majesties Cause against this Petitioner for Money: and because this Petitioner refused to tamper with him in that kind, for pro∣curing base People to make false and aspersing Affidavits, to incense your Majesty, and that Court against your Petitioner. 4. For menacing the Judges that should report and certifie any thing for your Petitioner. 5. For not sparing to tax most falsly your most Sacred Majesty, with pressing upon the Lords the Sentencing of your Petitioner: All which the Petitioner will clearly prove, and pray to God, &c.

So strong an Accusation, upon such foul Heads, was fit to be sifted, especially upon the last Branch: For grant it was a lye; here's a false Report raised against the King's Honour. If it were true, what more criminal than to impart such Secrets of his Majesty's to his Gossips at a Tavern, where they flew abroad? But some may more safely steal a Horse, than others look over the Hedge. The Bishop could get no leave to call this shameless Mate to an answer. From that day Kilvert was free from Righteousness, and might do any thing. Ipse sibi Lex est, & quà fert cunque voluntas—Praecipitat vires, Manil. lib. 5. He that hath no Conscience, and need to fear nothing, will turn a Monster. So true is that of Livy, Dec. 1. lib. 4. Hominem improbum non accusari tutius est quàm absolvi: 'Tis safer to have a nocent Person never accus'd, than to have him discharg'd for an Innocent.

113. For all this the Defendant thought he had said so much against the Pro∣secutor, that he should never appear in Court again: But as Calvin said of Bucer, Ep. 30. Qui sibi est optimè conscius, securior est quam utile sit. Yet he proved a∣gainst him as foul a prank as ever was committed; That he got Warren the Ex∣aminer to the Fountain Tavern near to Shoe-Lane (Kilvert's daily Rendezvouz, from whence the Bishop got continual and sure intelligence) and fetch't out of him, contrary to his express Oath, the Depositions which the Defendants Witnesses had made; an heinous wrong to be done before Publication: which coming to light, Warren fled away from his Office, and never appeared more. But whether could he run from God's Vengeance? Omnia quidem Deo plena sunt, nec ullus per∣fidis tutus est locus, Sym. p. 54. Kilvert stood to it, as if the sin were not his, that drew the Examiner to Perjury; and no notice was taken of that constant Rule, which the Casuists took from Tertullian de Bapt. c. 11. Semper is dicitur fa∣cere, cui praemmistratur; The Sin was Ahab's that purchast a Field of Blood by the Oath of the Sons of Belial. Let Religion look to this, for that Court would not; nothing would lace it in, it was so wide in the waste. From this exorbitancy, from this, and nothing else, sprung the Iliad of wrongs which the Bishop endured: for Kilvert finding, by Warren's disclosures, that the De∣positions for the Defendant were material, and some of the Witnesses to be Learned men, that had deposed upon Notes and Remembrances, he turned himself into all shapes to crack their Credit. At first he made an Affidavit of slight pretended Abuses, which were over-ruled against him. Whereupon he vapour'd in the hearing of the Register, and divers others, That he cared not what Orders the Lords made in Court, for he would go to Greenwich, and cause them all to be changed. It was the most scornful Defiance that ever was given to the Honour and Justice of the Star-Chamber, as the Bishop's Counsel prest it home. Every one expected the Ruin of the Prosecutor: yet the Lords perceiving, up∣upon the Archbishop's Motion, that it was not safe to punish him, it past over with a slight Submission. One presaged the Ruin of the Athenian State, because Rats had eaten up the Books of Plato's Commonwealth. And might not a man that had no more Prophecy than Prudence, foresee the Ruin of this Court,

when such a Rat-catcher did despise their Authority, telling them he could fetch Orders to sweep away theirs from such Powers: Quae nec tutò narrantur, nec tutò audiuntur, Seneca de Tranquil. Sir Robert Heath, Lord Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, was but one of the Lords Assessors, yet as just and suf∣ficient as any of his order; and the Indignity done to him, was as if done to all: Who made his own Complaint, That Kilvert threatned to procure him to be turn'd out of his place for his forwardness. Yet this also was slubber'd over with a little acknowledgment of Rashness. So much were those honourable Persons now no longer themselves, fearing that Severity which they perceived impend∣ing upon them. As Pliny bewails the Roman Senate in his Panegyrick, Vidi∣mus curiam, sed curiam trepidam, & elinguem: cum dicere quid velles periculosum, quod nolles miserum esset. It was become like Ezekiel's Vine-tree, c. 15. v. 3. you could not make a Pin out of it to hang a good Order upon it, that was equal and generous. Beshrew the Varlet, that kept his word (which he was not wont to do) for Sir Robert Heath was displaced, and for no Misdemeanour proved. But it was to bring in a Successor, who was more forward to undo Lincoln, than ever the Lord Heath was to preserve him. A man of choice parts, which yet he shewed not in this Cause, which cannot be smother'd without defacing the truth, which Posterity must not want; Desipiunt qui faeces ob v••ni nobilitatem absorbent. The Dregs of the best Wine are but Dregs, and must be spit out as distastful; his Lordship's part cannot be spared in this Tragedy; yet it shall be short, be∣cause I will leave him to those Figures that live in the House of Memory.

114. The main Bill against the Defendant being not like to hold, the quarrel broke out into a collateral Point, the weighing of the Credit of Jo. Pregion, a man that had enjoyed two O••lices of great account for divers years, and was never questioned before this time in his Reputation. So the Siege of Troy was forgot, and the Battel was drawn out on both sides, to get, or to recover the Body of Patroclus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Il. ρ. The Bishop could not de∣fend his first Cause without the Testimony of Pregion, which made him dili∣gent to keep his good Name from being stained; and the Adversaries were as resolute to Impeach him, looking to spring up a new Information from the Defence of the old Matter. This tugg held eighteen Months, to the Bishop's Vexation and Cost, having spent as much upon it, as would have founded an Hospital to keep twenty poor People. The Archbishop took occasion, upon the spinning out of so much time, to blame the Defendant for Traverses and De∣lays: (a Course which the wisdom of Treasurer Weston had put into him) and if it were bad to fly, with his Grace's leave, was it not worse to Persecute? Baronius justifies the Christians that made escape from Heathen Tyrants with a good reason, An. 205. p. 12. Qui non fugit, cum potest, adjuvat ejus iniquitatem qui persequitur. The Exceptions against Pregion were referred to the Lord Chief Justice Richardson, and Lord Chief Baron Damport, which charged Pregion that he endeavour'd to lay a Bastard-Child of his own begetting upon another. The two Judge, having heard all that could be alledged pro and con, disallowed the Exception; and an order being drawn up for it, when the Lord Richardson was about to sign it, Kilvert most imperiously charg'd him not to do it, till he had heard from the King. The Judge, whose Coat had been sing'd at the Court before, stopt his Hand, but delivered a Copy of the Certificate to the Bishop's Sollicitor, and avowing he would maintain it, that is to say, if he durst: but fear shook his Conscience out of him. The Lord Damport would not vary from himself, and charg'd his Brother Richardson freely with Inconstancy. Of which Disagreement the Star-Chamber having notice, added to these three more, the Lord Chief Justice of the Common-Pleas, Judge Jones, and Judge Vernon. These sitting together in the Lord Richardson's Lodgings, Kilvert brought in Secretary Windebank among them, (though neither Referree, nor Witness, nor Party in the Cause) who argued the Business an hour and half against the Bi∣shop's Witness, and perform'd it weakly; for all men are not call'd to know∣ledge with their places; as Is••crates would have us believe in his Areopag. Orati∣on, that the Office of an Areopagite transform'd a man, Ut tanquam loci genio af∣flatus, ex ingenio suo migraret. Budaeus in 1. lib. Pand. p. 283. The Secretary having done his part, and shewn what was expected from White-hall, departed. The five Judges drew up a Certificate, signed it, and assured the Bishop all in general, and one by one, it should not be changed. So said the L. F. among the rest; but he sup't a Promise into his mouth, and spit it out again. This predominant Judge, like a Falcon upon her stretches, took home the Certificate

with him, and the Bishop with him, who staid at his House till almost mid∣night, because the Lord F. would not give him the Order, till Kilvert had car∣ried it to the Court to shew it to some body. This was not fair; for to be just and honest is so forcible, that it should be done extempore; not an hour should be borrowed to advise upon it. Yet the Judge solemnly protested, That he would dye rather than recede from it, it being the sense, and under the Hand of all his Bre∣thren. The Bishop being in a withdrawing Chamber, read over the Order so often, that by the benefit of a good memory he got it by heart verbatim, and so departed to Bugden against Christmas-day. About the midst of the Holy-days, he heard by a good Hand that the Certificate was alter'd, and all that Matter in∣serted which had been rejected by the Judges. He came up in all haste to Lon∣don, and finding Judge Jones, ask't him if these things were so. Yes, says he, 'tis true, all is chang'd from white to black, and your Friend the L. F. hath done all this. A Friend he might call him, if merit might have purchast him, for whom the Bishop had done more than for any pleader in England, when he was in great place; Quae potest esse jucunditas sublatis amicitiis! quae porrò amicitia potest esse inter ingratos? The Bishop charging this Alteration upon the Judge to his Face, he replyed, Quod scripsi, scripsi, and would not hear Mr. Herbert, the Defendant's Counsel, who told the Judge with some passion, That there was more matter for Examination of Witnesses couched in the new Certificate, than was in all the Cause. But the Bishop demanded calmly of that Lord that had alter'd all, What he meant to use an old Acquaintance in that unheard of manner? He answer'd, (and said the same to others) He had been soundly chidden by his Majesty, and would not destroy himself for any man's sake. This Judge was worthy of greater Honours, and did affect them. Haud sanè aequo animo in secundo se sustinens gradu, Curt. lib. 4. and not long after he got the Garland, by being the most active of all his Rank to bring about the King's Undertakings, chiefly against this forlorn Defendant; but held not the place one full year. From whence a Scholar may Contemplate upon those two Verses of Homer, Il. ρ.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Whom God doth honour, if with him you war, The quarrel's Gods, your ruin is not far.

115. By this time, Kilvert put in Courage with these Stratagems, is ready to proceed to examination—of Witnesses. Let me shew how he is armed, like Pliny's Ichneumon, lib. 8. Nat. Hist. Mergit se limo saepiùs, siccat{que} sole, mox ubi plurimis eodem modo se coriis loricavit, in dimicationem pergit. He dips himself often in Mudd, and every time crusts it hard in the Sun, and being covered with this dirty Harnass, he falls to fight with his Enemy. All will run even in the application. The Bishop is forced, at an intolerable expence, to tumble in person with his Lawyers and Sollicitors from place to place, over six or seven Counties of the Kingdom. The first Abuse done unto him in this course, was to deny him se∣veral Commissions to dispatch his Troubles about the Witnesses, which was ne∣ver denied to any Subject before, and to force him to take an Examiner of the Court whether he would or no. 2ly, Every Defendant being allow'd to chuse which Examiner he likes best, by the practice of that Court, the Bishop pitch'd upon an ancient and experienc'd Clerk, yet could not enjoy him; for in conference with Kilvert he had said, That in this Service he must be an indifferent man: Whereupon Secretary Windebank commands the Clerk of the Court, by a Letter under the Signet, to stay the Commission so order'd, and to appoint another Examiner whom Kilvert did nominate. Thirdly, The same Secretary directed one Peachy, a Messenger of the Chamber, (start not at it Reader, for 'tis true) to attend Kilvert in his Coat of Arms, all along with the Commission, to appre∣hend and close imprison such as Kilvert should appoint, pretending Matters of State, and of deep consequence against them. And Peachy did apprehend and close imprison, in the face of the Commission, Philip Pregion, George Walker, and Thomas Lund, Witnesses for the Bishop, and chased away most of the rest, that durst not be seen for fear. Those three Prisoners were brought to London, to the Secretary, who told them he had nothing against them, but bade them give Satisfaction to Kilvert; who could get no Liberty by his Masterships Leave, till they had confessed Crimes against the Bishop and themselves, which after∣ward

they revok'd upon Oath. Nor would he permit George Walker's Wife to see her Husband, close kept by the Messenger, but for a base Courtesie, not to be named. Is not the Wand of Mercury like to charm Witnesses to say and swear what they would have them, when such Snakes as Kilvert and Peachy are twined about it? If all this be not true, though incomparably vile, Aut Thetidi, aut Veneris largire marito, either wash the Book away, or throw it into the Fire. I meet with a mighty Concussion of Justice in Sidon. Apol. lib. 5. c. 7. yet no∣thing so bad as this; yet take it, because it is the nearest to it upon Record: De∣putant arbitros, judicanda dictant, dictata convellunt, attrahunt litigaturos, protrahunt audiendos. The French Mercury hath related strange Presidents from the Par∣liament of Grenoble, let him match this if he can. But the Bishop coming home from his Progress with Kilvert, and the Examiner having sped his Commission, in all haste Publication must be granted, and the Bishop is served for a Hearing; so he came prepared with excellent Counsel to defend a Cause which he feared the more, because neither he nor his Counsel could see, in a matter so vio∣lently pursued, any thing to be feared. But the King's Counsel having perused the Books, spied more than Kilvert could see, and found that the imaginary false News, and blazing the King's Counsels, were the damnable Invention and Conspiracy of Lamb, Sibthorp, All••n, and Burden. Much was urged to expunge all on the Bishop's part, that laid a Combination of Villany to their charge, be∣cause it did impeach the Credit of the King's Witnesses. The L. F. prest it over and over, which was but once, and that fairly and modestly offer'd by the King's Counsel. After a long Argument of five hours at the least, the Court did all vote, (except the Archbishop, and the L. F.) that the Defence should remain undispunged, for else an unavoidable Mischief would follow to all the King's Subjects, that being accused by two desperate Witnesses, they were re∣mediless in that high Court, if they may not be called in question by the Defen∣dant for their Acts and Honesties. The L. Coventry having gathered the Votes of the Court, and being ready to pronounce the Order, so much conducing to the good of all men, the L. Finch desired their Lordships to take notice, that his Opinion continued contrary to them all. Quibusdam evenit ut quaedam scire se nesciant, Sen. Ep. 7. Nay, such Spleen was conceived at this just Order, that though the L. Keeper had pronounced it, the Register had drawn it up, a Copy of it given to the Defendant, yet so precious a Rule for the common Safety of all honest men, durst never be enter'd into the Book to this day. Yet this Order, though smother'd and buried, made an end of this first Cause; for the Combination of the four Contrivers was not held meet to come abroad into pleading, who would have fallen to pieces with a little shaking, that thought to lay the dead Child in the Bishop's Bosom, while he slept; but their Patron had a care to keep them from Scandal, and that they knew. As Hegesippus says of Mariamne the Wife of Herod the Great, Secura quod nihil ab eo exitii perpeti possit, qui supra modum dilexit. So these were the bolder to come off untouch'd, under the shelter of that Favour that did never forsake them.

116. Of a sudden, by the perswasion of some noble Lords, the King began to grow milder to the Bishop. Et reserata viget vegetabilis aura Favoni. Lucret. His Majesty hearkened to some Conditions, to have all Bills against the Bishop cast out, and to let him purchase his Peace with his Purse. Some would dis∣swade Lincoln from it, because to buy a Pardon was to confess a Guiltiness: A Nicety, says Xenophon, that cost Socrates his Life, Apol. pro. Socr. who would pay no Fine to the Court of Athens, nor suffer any to be paid in his Name. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. He said, To be acquit with a Ransom, was to confess a Crime. The like was told me by the Lady Eliz. Hotton, That the Lord Cook was offered his Place in the Kings-bench, from which he had been removed, if he would bind himself in again with a Golden Chain: But he stood upon a Rule made by his own Wisdom, That a Judge must not take a Bribe, nor pay a Bribe. Our Bishop's Resolution stuck not in those Briers, who saw that this Offer proceeded out of the streights of his Occasions: Though no Evil were found in him, yet if the King's Power contest, who can stand upright? And if Malice will take no satisfaction but Ruin, the most innocent must fall: The L. Keeper, a good man, was over-balanc'd; the Star-chamber was become like the Tribunal of L. Cassius, Scopulus reorum, Tacit. Annal. l. 13. a Rock that split all Causes, that lately came into it, in pieces. The Archbishop thought not him∣self absolute, till this man was unprelated, and cared not what he cast at him, so he might hit him home: As Grotius accuseth the Spaniards, that they are so

set upon Revenge, Ut in hostem nihil turpe sit, nihil illicitum, An. Belg. p. 5. He feared the L. F. as much as any, who in his private Chambers slasht and cut out from his Defences that which was most material to his Safety. Et stylus non mi∣nùs agit cum delet, says Quintilian. He that puts out the Marrow of Defence, is worse than he that puts in the Venom of an Accusation. The Secretary was prepared for any Execution, yet the Bishop gives him this Praise in his Notes, That he was a modest and a virtuous Gentleman, but in this Cause set on by his Maker. Therefore the Bishop is content to satisfie the King's Demands, that is, to pitch and pay. The first Condition brought to him by the L. Cottington, was to part with 4000 l. with his Deanry, and two inconsiderable Commenda's. For the Money, says the Bishop, I am low in Cash, but will make a shift to pay it: To part with the Deanry will make an open Scar, and no fair one: Beside, the Money is useful for the King's Revenue, the Deanry is no Profit to His Majesty, to take it from my hand, and to put it into another; and what the World hath given me, I am willing to give it back again; but what His Majesty's Father did give me, and by the Mediation of His Majesty, being Prince, I can take no comfort in my Life, if I be stript of it. That Lord return'd again with a Message to leave him his Deanry and Commenda's, but to raise up the Sum of Composition to 8000 l. The Bishop held up his Hands to Heaven in amazement at it: But you will lift your Hands at a greater Wonder, says L. Cottington, if you do not pay it. Well, I will satisfie the King, says Lincoln, and I will sell some Land for it. The Match is struck, done 'tis, and the Bishop as good as undone by it. He delighted to do charitable Works, but this would sear the Vein, that it could run no more. It was a sweet Apophthegm, which I heard come from him when all was exhausted: I care not for Poverty, but I shall not be able to requite a Benefit; God grant every good King a better way than this was, to enrich him. Fiscus bonorum Principum non sacerdotum damnis, sed hostium spoliis angeatur I commend thee Symmachus for it, p. 56. But on goes the Game; the Bishop is dealing in London to take up a Cart-load of Money, and that right worthy Attorney Sir J. Blanks was sedulous to draw up a full Pardon, so absolute, that it included more than the Bishop desired; as this Let∣ter to the L. Keeper will declare.

My very good Lord,

MR. Attorney hath once or twice sent unto me, by my Man, some imperfect Proposi∣tions, about the manner of a Pardon, which His Most Excellent Majesty should grant unto me, which Propositions (not speaking with Mr. Attorney himself) I do not well understand; for as it is delivered to me, His Majesty's Offer's more than ever I de∣sired, by naming a general Pardon, to wit, to pardon all Offences contained in the two Informations, and any other Offence or Misdemeanor I should desire particularly to be freedfrom; which, if it be so, is as gracious a Favour from His Majesty as any reasonable man can expect. But, my good Lord, I know nothing by my self that should of necessity be so so∣lemnly pardon'd: Yet hearing His Majesty's Inclinations to grant unto others in the condi∣tion that I stand, general Abolitions, and being not so wise as the last Parliament, to refuse the benefit of a general Pardon, I confess I fell, in my Parley with your Lordship, upon that way propounded unto me by my Counsel Learned: But hearing of late it is con∣strued by others as a kind of Capitulation with my Soveraign, I beseech your Lordship I may wave it altogether; and that your Lordship would represent me kneeling at His Ma∣jesty's Feet, craving that his Goodness and Mercy only (without any thing in Writing) together with my Industry in his Service for the time to come, may be the substance and extent of all my Pardon; and this but for such things, as by Informations or Petiti∣ons I have been (though undeservedly) presented as an Offender against His Most Excel∣lent Majesty, and desir'd to be proceeded against by His Majesty's immediate Directions. If any other private Subject hath ought to say against me, for any Trespass or Misdemeanour committed against himself, (and not His Majesty) I desire no Protection, but those of His Majesty's Courts of Justice, against any such person whosoever, &c.

December 11th 1635.

From December it hung as it were between Heaven and Earth, it will, and it will not be done, till the King had occasion to go to Windsor, and the Bishop had order to lye at Eaton, expecting to be sent for to kiss the King's Hand; But who comes thither that was not look'd for, it being the middle of the week, but the Archbishop, who malleated the King's Gentleness into stronger Metal? When Lincoln had laboured for Peace, from thenceforth it was as far set back,

as if it had never been in Treaty. How was his good Soul toss'd about be∣tween Friends and Foes, between Mercy and Frowns, and now in the last At∣tempt put to Job's note, c. 16. v. 11. God hath deliver'd me to the ungodly, and turn'd me over to the hands of the wicked: I was at ease, but he hath broken me asunder, and shaken me to pieces, and set me up for a mark! Intempestiva benevolentia nihil à simultate differt, Polit. Ep. p. 26. A constant Enmity is more generous than to interrupt it with Offers of never-intended, or never-composed Agreements. Now the Archbishop look'd for the day when he should trample upon this Bi∣shop, in a Censure: Azorius the Jesuite shall apply it for me, Moral. tom. 1. lib. 13. c. 6. When the Order of the Knights Templars was plotted to be over∣thrown in a Council at Vienna in Dauphine, says Pope Clement V. Etsi non per viam justitiae potest destrui, destruatur per viam expedientiae, ne scandalizetur filius noster rex Franciae. If they cannot fall by Justice, they must fall for convenience sake: But here's the difference in the Story; There a Bishop did gratifie the King, here the King did gratifie a Bishop.

117. Proceed then to another Information, since it must be so. The first Cause being mortified, a new one took life from it; as Gorgias Leontinus his Mo∣ther was deliver'd of him when she was dead. Viva fuit sterilis, mortua facta pa∣rens, as Dr. Alabaster writes in his Epigram upon it. They are but ill Exam∣ples in the New Testament, when an Accusation is turn'd into a new Species. The Jews impleaded our Saviour at first, that he said he would destroy the Temple, &c. and chang'd it before Pilate into another Charge, that he made himself a King. Paul was Indicted by the same Nation, that he brought a Greek into the Temple to pollute it; but it was turn'd into another matter, Revilest thou God's High-Priest? They that will not stand to their own Bill, are more set upon Destruction than Justice. Kilvert onerated the Bishop with Ten Charges together; the use of the Court being, as Judge Popham had regulated it, to admit but Four at once. But chiefly he was active to grime the Defendant with one foul fault, Subornation of Witness, that is, to foment Perjury. But the King's Counsel perusing the Depositions, waved it, and gave it another form, Seducing of Witnesses, a ma∣nifest injury to the attestation of Truth, and for contraction in a new phrase, Tampering with Witnesses, as my Lord of Canterbury called it in his Sentence, Perhaps it is not Subornation of Perjury, but it is Tampering. The Defen∣dant thought to help himself with a Demur upon four Heads: First, That it was utterly against the Practice of the Court, from the Foundation of it, to fall upon a new Charge, started out of a former, before the first had been heard. 2. That advantage was taken to undo any man living, to gather new Impeach∣ments out of the Books, after the publication of the precedent Cause. 3. That for all that was offer'd to the Court, complaint had been openly made by Coun∣sel, and not disproved, That it rose from the Prosecutors mis-leading and mena∣cing of Witnesses, whom Terrour and Imprisonment would not suffer to be constant to themselves. Like as Eusebius reports, lib. 6. Praepar. Ervang. c. 1. that when one importun'd the Oracle for an Answer, and threatned if he staid any longer; the Oracle told him, Retine vim istam, falsa enim dicam si coges; Use no violence, for I must tell a lye, if you do. Lastly, The Bishop pleaded with Animosity (quid enim loqueretur Achilles? Ovid. Met. 13.) that their Lordships ought to take such a Charge into Cognisance, for Tampering had never been noted for Criminal Action before any Judgment in the Land; which is not a Colour, but a Maxime of Law, which appears by that which is since publish't by the Lord Cook in Jurisdiction of Courts, c. 5. How that Court dealeth not with any offence, which is not Malum in se, against the Common Law; or Malum prohibitum, against some Statute. And that Novelties without warrant of Praesi∣dents, are not to be allowed. Assume now out of the Premises, that no Exam∣ple could be found, that the censorious magnificence of the Star-Chamber had ever tamper'd with such a peccatulum as tampering. Alteration in the forms of a Court beget the Corruption of the Substance. Who ever read, that a Bench of Honourable Judges came into hatred, so long as it kept close to the ways of their wise and venerable Predecessors? But says Symmachus in Ep. p. 14. Si adjici∣antur insolita, forsan consueta cessabunt. When the People are over-lay'd with new Discipline, perhaps the old Seats of Justice may crack in pieces. The Lord Keeper knew Justice, and loved it; and did not obscurely signifie, that he thought the Demur was reasonable: which had almost removed him. And he found by one occurrence, that the Bishop's Case was to be severed from other mens: For whereas a Proclamation came forth in October 1636. that because a Plague was

begun in London and Westminster, therefore all Pleas and Suits in Law should be suspended till Hillary Term was opened, and the Bishop claimed the Privi∣ledge, that all things might be respited about his Cause, branched out into ten Heads, till that season. The Proclamation indeed is full and clear on your side, says the Lord Keeper, but I have special directions, that you shall have no benefit thereof. And I tell you as a Friend, if you rely upon the Proclamation, your imprisonment is aimed at. As if there were one Rule of Justice for all the Subjects in the Land, and another for this Bishop; who took his qu. from this Caveat to attend his Business; and he did it with the more confidence, that in seven years his Adver∣saries had got no ground of him; as Grotius writes of the Spaniards siege at Ha••r∣lem, being seven months about it; Annal. Belg. p. 42. Visi sunt vinci posse, qui tam lentè vicerant.

118. Of which none that look't into the Cause despair'd, till the Scale was o∣verturn'd by the weight of a most rigorous Censure. The Charge in debate, without any favour to the Defendant, is thus comprised: Anno 1634. when Kil∣vert wanted Water to turn his Mill, Sir John Mounson, and Dr. Farmery, Chan∣cellour of Lincoln, offer'd themselves to debauch the Credit of Pregion, the Bi∣shop's Witness; who both expected to have gained, and did gain almost as much as Kilvert by the Avenues of the Cause. To bring their Contrivance a∣bout, a Bastard is laid to Pregion, to be begotten of the Body of Elizabeth Hodg∣son, and that he bribed her to lay it upon another Father. The Bishop was to defend the Credit of his Witness, and had to do with Matters and Persons in this Point, wherein himself was altogether a Stranger. He suspected ill deal∣ing from Sir J. Mounson, the great Stickler, because he knew he hated Pre∣gion, for casting a Scandal upon his Lady, as vertuous a Gentlewoman as the Country had; in which Cause the Bishop had caused Pregion to give Satisfaction long before. Then he had more assurance of Pregions Innocency, because he was clear'd of this Bastard in a Sessions held at Lincoln in May, Car. 9. and whereas it came again into debate at the Sessions 3 Octob. following, and it was given out that an Order was past to find Pregion guilty, the Bishop was certifi∣ed that the Order was not drawn up in open Court, and that it was inserted in many places with Farmeries hand. And Thomas Lund being present at the Sessi∣ons, asserted, That it was not consented to by the Justices, but drawn out of Sir J. Mounson's pocket. He had Letters from Knights of far greater Estates than Sir John, who likewise testified the same; and from Mr. Richardson the Clerk of the Peace, who refused to enter that Order; and that it was excepted against in open Sessions by Mr. Sanderson, a Counsellor of the Laws, and by the greater part of the Bench, as utterly illegal. So that afterward being tried at the King's Bench for the illegality of it, it was damned by all the four Judges. Yet more to detect the Corruption of that Order, at the next Sessions held in May, the Ju∣stices discharged Pregion, and laid the base Child upon one Booth a Recusant, a Kinsman of Sir J. Mounson's; which Judgment was so inerrable, that it was proved by three Witnesses, That upon the very day that the Bishop was sentenced, Booth himself confest, in the hearing of those Witnesses, that Pregion had nothing to do with that baggage Woman, but that he, the said Booth, at such a time and place, did get her with Child, and that Kilvert, whom he cursed bitterly, had promised him half the Fine to charge the Child upon Pregion, and had not performed it; and did vainly brag, that Kilvert had brought him to kiss the King's hand. This was detect∣ed when the sad day was over. Et instaurant dolorem sera solatia, Sym. p. 86. But the Objection lay not only upon the getting of the Child, but how that Pre∣gion, or rather the Bishop, had carried themselves, to entangle the Witnesses that had sworn against Pregion, which was the main Charge of the Informati∣on, and the colour for the heavy Sentence. The Bishop being authorized from the Star-Chamber to uphold the Credit of his Witness, he found the Depositions of Lund, Wetheral, Alice Smith, and Anne Tubb to press upon Pregion. Grande do∣loris—Ingenium est, miserisque venit solertia rebus. Metam. lib. 6. So he did light upon a course which was inoffensive, to extricate Pregion for his own safety. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Xeno. Ath. Resp. 'Tis pardonable for every man to help himself. Nor was it an indirect way, no not a jot; for there was neither Perjury nor Contradiction found between the first and second Depositions of the Parties: And what the Bishop did was by the advice of the best Counsel in England, to draw up some few Interrogatories to be put to the four Witnesses, on∣ly to interpret, and not to vary from, or to substract, or contradict what they had deposed before: For the words being ambiguous in themselves, might be

taken in one sense to Defame, in another fence not at all to touch upon the credit of Pregion. It was agreed that Pregion offer'd money to A. Tubb, and Alice Smith to procure Eliz. Hodgson to lay the base Child upon another man; this they had sworn: this the Bishop never endeavoured to impeach. But an interrogatory is drawn up, and offer'd to them, whether El. Hodgson was dealt with to lay it upon the right Father, (which was a just and lawful motion) or upon some other, whether he had been the Father or no. They both answer, That Pregion sollicited her to lay it upon another, that was the true Father. And this variation is all the Offence, that is, none at all, in that particular. And in that right meaning Sir J. Wray, Sir J. Bolls, and Richardson the Clerk of the Peace, did receive it in the Sessions. This Practice, so little as it is, is the grand Objection, all beside comes not to so much as a filip on the Forehead: For in∣stance, one Ward swears, that he heard a Servant of the Bishop, C. Powel, offer Alice Smith Monies to take an Oath of his framing; but Alice swears directly it was not so. Powel swears he offer'd and paid her Money to bear her Charges, as a Witness, which is fit and lawful. Nec ist a benignitas adimenda est, quae libera∣litatem magis significat, quàm largitionem, Cic. pro Murenâ. T. Lund takes his Oath, That Pregion told him, that he never had touch'd El Hodgson but twice: Being demanded hereof more strictly in his examination in the Star-chamber, he swears, That Pregion did not say to him, that he touch'd her carnally, nor did he know what he meant by touching. Is there either substraction or contradiction in this? or any more than a plain interpretation? Lastly, Wetheral had deposed, That he was entreated by Pregion not to be at the Sessions: He stands to it, but adds, that he was not bound to be there, nor summoned: He had deposed, That Pregion spake to him to swear to no more, than the Court should ask him. What harm was there in that Caution? Being examined in Star-chamber, he swears, That Pregion tempted him to nothing by Bribes or Reward, but that he told him, if he were sworn to tell the whole Truth, he would not conceal it. Only one Witness, George Walker, layeth it on the Bishop, how Powel and Richard Owen entreated him in the Bishop's Name to speak with Witheral upon these matters; which though it include no ill, yet Owen and Powel depose, They were never employed by the Bishop to deal with G. Walker upon such an Er∣rand. So the Bishop is cleared in every Information by sufficient Oaths of such, against whose Faith there was no exception. How easie a Province had the Defendant's Counsel to crumble these Impeachments into Dust, and to blow them into the Eyes of the Impeachers? Verba innocenti reperire facilè est, Curt. lib. 6. Yet the Oratory of the Court, by pre-instructions, did turn them into filthy Crimes. As Irenaeus says in the beginning of his Work, That out of the same Jewels, which being handsomly put together make the Image of a Prince, being ta∣ken asunder, you may contrive them into the Shape of a Monster.

119. Could it be expected that such Driblets, or rather Phantoms of Under-dealing with Witnesses, should hold the Court ten days hearing, in the long Vacation after Trinity-Term? What leisure was taken to bolt out, to exag∣gerate, to wrack, to distort, to make an Elephant of a Fly! which I may just∣ly pour forth in the words of Tully for his Client, Quintius de fortunis omnibus de∣turbandus est. Potentes, diserti, nobiles, omnes advocandi. Adhibenda vis est verita∣ti, minae intentantur, pericula intenduntur, formidines opponuntur. But here were worse things, which the Oratour had never cause to complain of under the Roman Laws. All the Depositions of the main Witnesses for the Bishop were deleted, not fairly by a Hearing in open Court, where their Lordships might every one have consider'd of it, but were spunged out by that Judge in his pri∣vate Chamber, who was the bane of the Cause from the beginning to the end; and forsooth, because they were impertinent Scandals against Kilvert, and others that had deposed for the King: Only the Bishop was allowed to put in a cross Bill when it was too late, after he was first ruin'd in his Honour, Fortunes, and Liberty, and then lest to seek a Remedy against a Companion not worth a Groat. And who was ever used like this Defendant since the Star-chamber sate? that when his Cause was so far proceeded, as to be heard in three sittings, that two new Affidavits should be brought in by Kilvert, which struck to the very substance of the Cause, to which no Answer could be given, because they were new matters, quite out of the Books, obtruded long after publication, yet from thenceforth produced every day, which seduced divers of the noble Lords, and no doubt many of the Hearers, as though they had been Depositions in that Cause, which were not so, but Materials of another information, and in their

due time were fully cleared and disproved. When was it known before, that in every of the ten days that the Cause was in debate, a Closet-meeting was held at Greenwich, the Lords sent for to it one by one, the Proofs there repeated to them, and their Votes bespoken? Which was no better than when Junius Marius, in Tacitus, bespake the Emperor Claudius to impart his private Com∣mentaries unto him, Per quos nosceret quisque quem accusandum poposcisset. And be∣tween the full hearing and sentencing the Cause, the Lords were well told a Pas∣sage, That a noble Personage had offered Ten thousand pounds to compound for the Bishop's Peace, (which is true, that the Duke of Richmond did it, when he saw how the Game went in the Cabinet.) Which was the very reason that induced their Lordships to lay such an immense Fine upon a Fault conceiv'd, that was never sentenc'd in any Kingdom or State before. Yet all this did not suffice, but in that morning of the day, when the Cause was sentenc'd, it was first debated in an inner Chamber, so long till many hundreds waited for their coming forth till high noon, wherein Agreement was concluded by all Parties before they sate. There, and then it was, that the Archbishop press'd for the degradation of his Brother Bishop, and his deportation, God knows whither. Now, to decline that Extremity, the most of the Lords, who endeavour'd to do all the Favour that they durst shew, concluded upon a Fine of 10000 l. Im∣prisonment in the Tower during Pleasure, (which had been but short, as they were assured before, if the King had been but left to his own gracious Gentle∣ness) and to be suspended during Pleasure, in the High-Commission-Court, from all his Jurisdiction: Which Suspension pass'd in that Commission July 23. And it would not be pass'd over, that Sir Ed. Littleton, then L. Chief-Justice of the Common-Pleas, Anno 1640. in the Month of July, brought Lincoln to Lambeth face to face, with the L. of Canterbury, when Lincoln told his Grace, That the Com∣mission under the Great Seal had not a word in it to enable him to suspend either Bishop or Priest by direction from a Sentence of Star-chamber, but only for Offences specified in the Commission; and that the Fact which His Grace had done, had brought him and the Commissioners into a Praemunire. To which the Archbishop answered, That he had never read the Commission. A learned Satisfaction; Was it not? when he had censur'd so many by the Power of that Commission, which he confest he had never read. But consider now, as Isocrates pleaded it well, ad Plat. p. 456. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Whether it be right to inflict such unjust and grievous Penalties upon such petty pretended Misdemeanors. Or did not the Latin Orator provide better against it? Cic. 1. de Off. Cavendum ne major poena, quàm culpa sit; & ne iisdem de causis alii plectantur, alii ne appellentur quidem. And let those who meet with this Narration be ac∣quainted, that albeit the Compact was in the Inner Chamber, that the Lords should speak all the same in their Judgment, yet a little Vanity slipt from some few to ease their Stomach: The L. Finch said, That if it had liked others, he would have laid some Ignominy on the Bishop's person. Promptum ad asperura ingenium, Tac. An. lib. 1. So this Lord look'd on the Bishop's Cause not only with a blear'd but with a blood-shotten Eye; for it was conceived he meant the cutting off his Ears, who had never sate a Judge, in all likelihood, if this Bishop, being then L. Keeper, had not prevented him from leaving his Calling, and travel∣ling beyond Seas; from which courses he kept him, by fair Promises to provide for him, and he made them good: I will name the time and place, Aug. 1621, and the Earl of Exeter's House in St. John's Close. Mr. Secretary Winnebanke said, It was his desire, if it might have seemed good to others, to have the Bishop degraded. Hold, Sir Francis, and learn the Canons of the Church; it is not in the Power of Laymen to degrade Bishops at their discretion; and as little can a Knight depose a Peer of the upper House of Parliament; for he that can thrust a Bi∣shop out of that House, why not as well an Earl or a Duke? But Sir Francis shewed his Good will, as the Athenians did to Philip the Son of Demetrius, in Livy: Additum est decreto ut si quid postea, quod ad noxam ignominiam{que} Philippi pertine∣ret, adderetur, id omne populum Atheniensium jussurum, Dec. 4. lib. 1. Then comes in the Archbishop with a Trick, to hoise up the Bishop with some Praise, that it might push him in pieces with a greater Censure, That when he thought up∣on this Delinquent's Learning, Wisdom, Agility in Dispatch, Memory, and Experience, that accompanied him with all these Endowments, he wondred at his Follies and Sins in this Cause. O Sins by all means! for by dioptrical Glasses some find Blemishes in the Sun: Telescopia fabri facimus ut in sole maculas quaeramus, says Alex. More, in his Preface to Strangius's learned Book. So upon

this matter his Grace took up no less than a full Hour to declaim against the horrid Sin of Perjury; and in this Cause he might as well have spoken against the horrid Sin of Piracy: So he lays all his Censure upon that Charge. Spirat inexhaustum flagranti pectore sulphur, as Claudian of Enceladus. The Auditors thought he would never have made an end, till at last he pleaded for more Right to be done Sir J. Mounson. The Lords (let me say it freely and truly) had overshot themselves to fine the Bishop to pay Sir John a Thousand Marks, for saying that his Charge against Pregion was a Pocket-Order. It is confess'd the Bishop said so, and said the Truth. But beside, the Bishop pleaded, that he heard it of T. Lund; Lund stands to it, that he told it the Bishop, yet the Bishop is censur'd, and Lund, that took it upon himself, is not question'd. But the L. of Canterbury, who did ever mount highest in all Censures, said, He was sorry the Fine was not a Thousand pounds.

120. This is the shutting up of the Censure, grievous to the Bishop's Purse and Liberty, but not a whit to his Honour and Good Name; which was so esteem'd by almost all that heard the actings of that day, and shook their Heads at them. As Cicero says in pro Plancio, Opimii calamitas turpitudo Po. Ro. non judicium putandum est. I that write this was chosen to bring the relation of this Censure to the Bishop, then hard at his Study; which he received with no change at all of his Countenance or Voice, but only said, Now the Work is over my Heart is at rest, so is not many of theirs that have censured me. And here began the way to Episcopal Disgrace and Declension. It was his turn now, it was Canterbury's not long after. Howl Fir-tree, for the Cedar is fallen, Zech. 11.3. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; as Salmasius of the Elephant and Dragon in So∣linum, p. 307. The Vanquish'd was cast down, and the Conqueror fell likewise. When such a Pillar of the Church was demolish'd with Prosecutions, so uncover'd to every Eye, so transparent, that you might see the Blush of Injustice quite through them, how ominous was it to the higher and lower Dignities of the Clergy! As Mr. Morice says in his Coena 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, p. 354. Perhaps it may be with them as with Stad∣dels in a Wood, which scarce ever prosper when their fellows are cut down, and them∣selves left naked. And what became in three years, or little more, of that Ho∣nourable Court of Star-chamber? of which the L. Coke says, That in the right in∣stitution, and the ancient Orders of it being observ'd, it keeps all England in quiet. But in some late Causes it grew distasteful even to wonder; as in that of the Soap-boilers, and that of London Derry, that of Mr. Osbolston, nay, in that of Prynn, Bastwick, and Burton, men not to be favour'd in the matter of their seditious Writings, but for their Qualities and Places sake, to be pitied for the Indignity done to their Persons; which I receive from a wise Hand, Bodin de Rep. l. 6. c. 6. Legibus Francorum ac Saliorum quamplurimae pro cujusque statu ac conditione poenae in∣fliguntur—Quin & barbarissimi Indi, qui ad occasum positi sunt, cum de sceleribus conviclum nobilem ac plebeium tenerent, nobili capillos aut brachialia truncabant, plebeio nares & auriculas praecidebant. But I said, that after the Censure of the forenamed Causes, and that of this Bishop, all much against the popular Judgment, many great men did presage, and the Commonalty did wish the extinction of that noble Court; and it was overthrown by Vote in the first five months of the Long Parliament, before the King had carried away his most considerable Friends to York. This is the condition of mortal things, says Pliny, Ut à necessariis primùm cuncta venerint ad nimium, Nat. Hist. l. 26. Many Tribunals were of necessary institution at first, and of necessary destruction when they run into Excess. Indeed it is not the primitive Court that is pulled down, but another, when it waxeth quite unlike it self. Non est eadem harmonia, ubi è Phrygio in Do∣ricum transit, says Aristotle, 5 Pol. The Musick is not the same, which is altered from a shrill to a grave Note. Yet better terms, I hope, may set it up in a better Con∣stitution. A Pot that boils over may be taken from the Fire, and set on again: Howsoever, I am not so bold with holy Providences, to determine why God caused or permitted this great Court to be shut up like an unclean place; or why Divine Judgment was so severe against their persons especially, that infla∣med the Censure against our Bishop. But I will cover his Case with St. Au∣stin's Eloquence, touching the Doom pass'd upon St. Cyprian, Alia est Sella ter∣rena (aut Stella terrena) aliud tribunal coelorum, ab inferiore accepit sententiam, à supe∣riore coronam, Ps. 36. Conc. 3. And certainly Christ doth feel the Injuries done to an Innocent, who was sentenc'd by unrighteous Judgment.

121. My Pen must not now go with the Bishop, my good Master, to his Lodgings in the Tower, whither in my Person I resorted to him weekly, and if

I said daily, a lesser Figure than an Hyperbole would salve it; excepting when he was confined to close Imprisonment, which was not wont, but upon the Discoveries or Jealousies of dangerous Treasons. The Christians that were committed by idolatrous Emperors, were in liberâ custodiâ, their Deacons and Relievers of their Wants might resort unto them. I have the Authority of Photius for it, Ep. 97. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. They that put the Martyrs to death hindered not their Friends to come and administer unto them: But Christian Magistrates should be more observant of that Clemency, else the Praise which our Saviour gives to the Charitable would be prevented; I was in prison, and ye came unto me, Mat. 25.36. He that hath no more than the freedom of a Prison, much more he that hath not so much, is in a strait Captivity. The Rabbins have a Saying, That if Sea were Ink, and the World Parchment, it would never serve enough to contain the praises of Liberty. But so good a Disciple as I write of did not believe the Jews, that there was so much sweetness as they dreamt of, in any temporal Prosperi∣ty. And finding that the People on this side Tweed, and beyond, were provo∣ked to Discontents, and more discontented than they were provoked; and hea∣ring Presages of ill to come, both from the Judicious, and from every Mecha∣nick's Mouth, things were so bad without-doors, that he saw no reason, but to think, that Malice had withered him away into no unhappy Retirement. Up∣on which subject he made some Latin Poems, especially when he took no good Rest. I am of opinion it was so with Job, c 35.10. God my maker giveth Songs in the night; and after the vulgar Latin, Qui dedit carmina in nocte. To which Moral Gregory says, Carmen in nocte est felicitas in tribulatione. With such Diver∣sions our Job compounded with his Sorrows, to pay them not the half he owed them: And whatsoever Face thy Fate puts on, shrink not, nor start not, but be always one; as Laureat Johnson sings it in his Underwoods. Briefly, Impri∣sonment to him was no worse than it is to a Flower put into an Earthen Pot, streightned for spreading, but every whit as sweet as in the open Beds of the Garden. Yet he wanted not Tentatious to break his Heart, if God had not kept it. He lookt for Mercy from His Majesty, now he had pluckt him down, after a long chase, with a Censure: Ne{que} Caesari quicquam ex victoriis ejus laetius fuit, quàm servasse Corvinum, as Vellicus hath immortalized the memory of Caesar. Whereas three new Bills were allowed to be entred against this Bishop, as I shall relate, when I come again into that rugged way; which was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as Photius calls Basilius's Usage, an unspeakable pickling a man in the Brine of Misery. He lookt for some of the Nobles to mediate for his Enlargement, (as there were not a few that did lend him help before, while there was Hope that he might recover) but Kings like not that any should pity them whom they have undone. So there was not one Ebedmelech in the Court, that would tye a few Rags toge∣ther, to draw Jeremiah out of Prison. How few there be that will co-part with any in their ruin'd Fortunes! Miserorum non secus ac desunctorum obliviscuntur, Plin. Ep. lib. 9. which we may translate into English out of the Psalm. 31.12. I am a fear to mine acquaintance, I am forgotten, as a dead man out of mind. The same measure that David found in Jury, Thuanus confesseth, was to be seen in France, Hist. lib. 23. That among all that Diana Valentina had preferred, when she was their King's Mistress, Nemo unus repertus, qui fortunam jacentis, & à suis relictae suble∣varet. With the same Neglect Velleius chargeth the Aegyptians, when Pompey their great Benefactor fled unto them, and was deserted, Quis in adversis beneficio∣rum servat memoriam? Aut quis ullam calamitosis deberi putat gratiam? Even they, whose Spiritual Father Paul was, whom he had begotten at Rome, in Christ's Gospel, they all forsook him, and none stood to him when he was convented, 2 Tim. 4.16. Some few also of this bountiful Lord's Servants stood afar off now, and came not near him: They were so well provided under him, that they did not need him; and they were so heartless and timorous, that he did not need them. Hirundines Thebas, quod i.lius moenia saepiùs capta sint, negantur subire, Plin. N. H. lib. 10. c. 24. Thebes was so often sackt and taken, that no Swallows would nest within it; a Summer-bird, and a subtle, that will endure Winter and hard Sea∣sons with no body. Yet, to give his honest Followers their due, the greatest part of them shrunk not, but did their best Service that they could afford to their forlorn Master; like Sear Leaves, that hang upon an Oak in January; tho' the Tree can give them no Sap, they are loth to leave it.

122. Another thing came so cross to the Bishop, as nothing could be worse to a magnificent sumptuous mind; and if he had been covetous, it had done the Work which his Enemy lookt for, it had killed him. All that ever he had was seized, nay rifled, stormed, plunder'd; and what Enemy was ever so mad, to batter a Town when they had taken it? It was time for him to save some∣what, if he could, to keep him in a competency of Livelihood. He was in Debt some Thousand pounds deep, and he heard that the King was resolved not to abate a Denier of his Fine. No man was more willing to unlatch the Door, and to let out Wealth and Fortune if it would not stay. Si celeres quatit pennas, resigno quae dedit, & meâ virtute me involvo, Hor. Od. lib. 3. penult. Yet that he might not be stuck on Ground, he petition'd, that His Majesty would stall his Fine, and take it up as his Estate would bear it, by a Thousand Pounds a year; which was never denied to any Subject, and was granted, till the Archbishop overcame to have it revok'd. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Hom. Odyss. How much better had it been to do a good turn than a bad? But an Order is dispatch'd, to gather up all that could be found, and to import it into the Exchequer, without any respite of Time. Kilvert is commission'd to be the Publican, to go down to Bugden and Lincoln, with an Extent: And the Devil could do no worse to Job, when he was put into his Hands; he seizeth upon all the Books he found, Movables, Goods, Plate, Furniture, to the value of Ten thousand pounds, of which he never made account but of Eight hun∣dred pounds, for the Thousand Marks allowed to Sir J. Mounson, which Kil∣vert's Man told the Bishop, that Sir John and his Master shared it between them. He felled the Timber, which our new Purchasers of Bishops Lands lear∣ned of that honest man: He killed up the Deer of the Park; settles in Bugden-House for three Summers, with a Seraglia of Quaedam; fells an Organ that cost 120 l. at 10 l. Pictures that cost 400 l. at 5 l. Books he filcht what he would; and for four Cellars of Wine, Syder, Ale, Beer, with Wood, Hay, Corn, and the like, stored up for a year or two, he gave not account of Six-pence, but spent it upon Baggage, and loose Franions, as prodigally as if he had kept a Shrie∣valty. Thus a brave Personal Estate flew away into Atoms, and not a Tally struck to pay His Majesty, though enough to have paid all, if it had been just∣ly husbanded. The worst is behind. The Bishop's Benefices, Lands, and Leases are offer'd to be rented at 4500 l. per annum, with sufficient Security to pay the King: This had satisfied the Fine in two years, within a little. But Kilvert brings a Letter with him from Secretary Windebank, to direct, or rather force, the Juries to receive no Evidence against the King's Profit, but to find the Par∣ticulars at half the rate, and less; which the Varlet enjoy'd at those Penniworths, and made Benefit of the Overplus, to waste it in Luxury. Well might they al∣low the Bishop, at this rate, 500 l. per annum, out of his own, for his subsistence; and yet of that the Fees of the Prison suck'd up a considerable proportion: But Kilvert was a long-tongu'd fellow, and if he were alive, he would speak out, and tell us, That there were Sharers with him in these Prizes, he had not all. He and Powel were Sequestrators indeed, to collect the Rents of Huntington shire, but Farmery had those of Lincoln, Sir J. Lamb the Parsonage of Walgrave, the first Dog that lodg'd the Deer; the Prebendaries of Westminster had his Deanry, that breathed him so well in the Royal Visitation; the Archbishop had the Jurisdi∣ction of the Bishoprick, against the Canon-Law, which in vacancy or suspention was to be executed by a Custos Spiritualitatis, who was to be one of the Residen∣tiaries of the Minster. But thus he was given up to be devoured, as a Carrion, by his Promoters and Accusers. And what Conscience was there in the nomi∣nation of such partial Sequestrators? Nor were they ashamed that the Eyes of the whole Land were open, to see their Extortions: Tanta dulcedo est ex alienis fortunis praedandi, Liv. l. 1. dec. 6. Neither did they consider, that if they shall be cast upon God's left hand, that did not give charitably of their own, that their Condemnation shall be far greater, that did rob from others: Multi in hâc vitâ manducant, quod apud inferos digerunt, Aug. in Ps. 49. But to return to the much injur'd Prisoner, his Bark was pilled round about, the Stock then must needs die: Yet he kept honourable Hospitality in the Tower, and maintain'd a Table fur∣nisht for the Noon Meal (no Cloth was spread again that day) with as much Plenty and Decorum as any of the Prelates kept, that had all their Rents and Incomes to themselves; and yet this little Solace, to draw Friends about him, was repined at by the Archbishop; for Sir Richard Winn, the Bishop's Kinsman, knowing that he did sensibly decay by the Sums of Moneys which he had lent

him, spake to Archbishop Laud, That some Order might be taken for a better admi∣nistration of his Estate, that he might be fed and maintain'd like a Gentleman out of his own. His Grace gave him this snappish Answer, That he did not hear that his Kinsman lived like one that wanted. That's it then he would have heard. There were very good things to be found in the L. Archbishop, but his implacable spight against a Bishop, his Raiser, and now become a Spectacle of Pity, was unpar∣donable. Let him that weaves the Webb of his Life and Actions, untangle this Knot in the silken Skeen of his Memory, if he can. But I think, as Zenobius makes it an Adagy, Cent. 4. Prov. 28. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, That to draw the Picture of Butas truly, the best way was not to paint him from Head to Foot.

123. Malevolence did impotently break forth, and had no Vizard to hide its Face, that the Archbishop was not satisfied to have his Fellow Bishop suspend∣ed in the High-Commission Court, but he advanced to deprive him for the Book called The Holy Table. Gregory the Ninth in his Epistles blames the English Cler∣gy above any, that they studied to undo one another: O Angli! hominum estis miserrimi: quilibet vestrum alium corrodit, ac studet depauperare. He saw too much into the nature of our insulary Severity, and not holding close together. Uniti muniti. They of the same Tribe, if they be wise, should not make a rent in their own piece, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, says the Emperour Antoninus, be∣cause they are woven into the same Loom, and are supporters of the same Building. Where should we look for kindness, but in the Rulers of the Church, the noblest part of Christ's Family? And kindness is nobleness, says St. Chrysostom; and mercy is a generous thing. The Beraeans were more noble than the Thessa∣lonians, Acts 17. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, says he. It doth not signifie nobleness of blood, but gentleness of pity. Now for the Book, the Stone of Scandal, at which his Grace stumbled so much, it was known unto him, that some things got into practice in the Church under his Government, and by his Authority, were disrelisht by a considerable part in his Province, and they of the best con∣formity; whose averseness he thought would be the stiffer, by the contents of that Book. His remedy was to bring the Author into question, and to crush all that sided with him in his Person; as the State Maxim goes, Compendium est victoriae devincendorum hostium duces sustulisse, Paneg. to Constantine p. 339. But which way shall the Book be brought into Disgrace? with bad Interpretations? It will do no good. Forced Earth in time will fall to its own level. First then (besides some Answers publisht to decry it) he incensed his Majesty with a re∣lation of it; in whose Ecclesiastical Rights it was mainly written: for what he had collected, and offered in a Paper to his Majesty, Lincoln got a sight of it by the Duke of Lennox, and proved that all the Matters of Fact set down against him were false, and not to be found in the Book, but that it strongly maintain'd the contrary Positions: which when his Majesty saw, he seem'd to take it ill from the Informer. So these flitting Clouds were blown over, before they could pour down the Storm they were big with. His Grace sent the Book to the At∣torney Gener••, to thrust it into an Information, who return'd it back, that it would not bear it. Here again was Tencer's luck in Homer. Il. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, He had a good will to hit Hector with an Arrow, but he mist him. Then in his Speech made against Burton, Prin, and Bastwick, which he printed with a Dedication to the King, he fell upon this Book, reading out of his Notes, that he that gave allowance to thrust it at that time into the Press, did countenance thoseth••ee Libellers, and did as much as in him lay to fire the Church and State. Now under colour to Censure others, to fall upon a man that was neither Plaintiff, Defendant, nor Witness in their Cause, would amount to a Li∣bel in anothers mouth, against whom Justice had been open. But as Demosthenes says against Aristogiton, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a Sword is useless, if it have not an edg to cut; so this bitter flam was but a leaden Dagger, and did not wound. What remained next but, take him Bull-begger, fetch him into the High-Commission Court, where his Grace was President Judge, and might be Advocate, Proctor, Promotor, or what he would. And he was so hot up∣on it, that three Letters were written by Secretary Windebank, in his Majesties Name, to hasten the Cause. Whereas honest and learned Dr. Rive, the King's Advocate, knew not where to act his part upon it. Lincoln is now in his Coup in the Tower; whither four Bishops, and three Doctors of the Civil Laws came to take his Answer to a Book of Articles of four and twenty sheets of Paper on both sides. The Defendant refuseth to take an Oath on the Bible, claiming

the Priviledge of a Peer; but his Exception was not admitted. He stood up∣on it, that himself was a Commissioner, that they had no power over him, more than he had over them; which did not suffice him. Then they come to the Articles; whose Proem in usual form was, That he must acknowledge, and sub∣mit to the power of that high Court; which he did grant no otherwise, than in such things, and over such persons, as were specified in their Commission. The se∣cond Article contain'd, That all Books licensed by his Grace's Chaplains, are presumed to be Orthodox, and agreeable to sound and true Religion; which he denied, and won∣dred at the Impudency that had put such an Article upon him. The third, That he had licensed a Book, when none but the Archbishops, and Bishop of London had such power. Nay, says Lincoln, my self, and all Bishops as learned as they, have as much power as they; not only by the Council of Lateran under Leo the Tenth, and the Re∣formatio Cleri under Cardinal Pool, but by Queen Elizabeth's Injunctions, and a Decree in Star-Chamber. The fourth, That he named a Book, called A Coal from the Altar, a Pamphlet. The fifth, That he said all Flesh in England had corrupted their ways. The sixth, That in a jear he said he had heard of a Mother Church, but never of a Mother Chappel. The seventh, That again in a scoff he derived the word Chappel from St. Martin's Hood. The eighth, That he said the people were not to be lasht by every mans whip. The ninth, That he maintain'd the people were God's peo∣ple, and the King's people, but not the Priest's People. The tenth, That be flouted at the prety of the Times, and the good work in hand. The rest of the Cluster were like these, and these as sharp as any of the seven and twenty Articles, and one and thirty Additionals. This was the untemper'd Mortar that crumbled away; or as the Vulgar Latin reads it, Ezech. 13.10. Liniebant parietem luto absque paleis. So here was dirt enough; but not so much as a little straw, or chaff, to make it stick together: But such as they were, the Bishop had the favour to read them all over once before he was examined; a favour indeed, not shew'n to every body. After the Examination past over, he required a Copy of it, which the three Civilians voted to be granted: but his Grace, and Sir J. Lamb would first have him re-examined again upon the same Interrogatories, to try the steadiness of his memory, and to catch him in a Snare, if he did vary. An Error that may easily be slipt into, by the tediousness of the Matter, and the intricate Forms of the Clerk's Pen, wherein an aged or illiterate man will scarce avoid the dan∣ger of Perjury. But the Bishop, being of a prodigious memory, had every word by heart which he had deposed before against two subsequent Examinati∣ons; which laid this Cause asleep, till God shall awaken it, and hear it on both sides at the last day.

124. No worse could be lookt for, than that their frivolous Articles should go out, as they did, in a Cracker. And less was expected from that which follow∣ed, whose steam, when it came abroad, was laught at in good Company; but it cost the unfortunate Bishop some thousands in good earnest, for Cyphers, for Riddles, for Quibbles, for Nothing: It made a third Information in Star-Chamber; for like Herulus in Virgil, Aen. 8. Ter letho sternendus erat. The driver on, and the dealer in it was the Archbishop; and if all that read it, do not con∣demn it, I am not in my Senses. For I will Appeal in those words of Job, c. 17. v. 8. Upright men shall be astonied at this, and the innocent shall stir up himself against the hypocrite. Mark how the Game was plaid by a black Bishop and two Rooks, and how the white Bishop was taken by discovery. Dr. Walker, our Bishop's Secretary, hardly escap'd in the second Bill, and Kilvert's anger did still hang over him. Cadwallader Powel his Steward was then fined at 300 l. and Impri∣sonment, yet was never toucht in his person, nor a peny of the Fine exacted of him. For which Favours he is dealt with to espy what he could, to crush his Lord with some fresh Oppression. Who raking in every Corner to find out some∣what that might answer his Undertaking, he produceth two Letters of Mr. Os∣bolstons, the head School-master of the King's School at Westminster. The Bi∣shop, to whom they are written, will not own them, that he did ever receive them. Powel says he found them in his Chamber. And it is possible there was such heedlessness; for I knew the House well, and have seen some careless over∣sights in that kind. A fault incident to Melanctthon, says Camerarius in vit. p. 37. Litterae quae afferebantur, quotidie omnium oculis & manibus expositae, ex quibus sub∣tractum plurimum esse constat. A negligence not to be cover'd with the excuse of the greatest and gravest studies. But it was made highly probable, that these Letters were neither found, scatter'd at random, nor pick't out of a Desk or Hamper of Papers, (both which for certain Powel broke open) but Powel recei∣ved

them immediately from the Carrier, and never deliver'd them to his Lord and Master. So it was confirm'd by many Oaths in Court; nay, confest by Powel, That when his Lord was in remoter parts, he had order to open all Letters di∣rected to his Lordship, to look into them if they had any matter concerning the Suits so hotly prosecuted against him, and to send them, as he thought fit, to the Secretary to London. The Contents of these two Letters being glost upon by Powel to be dangerous to the Archbishop, and lap'd up in dark folds to give a greater af∣fright, it founds likely that he reserved them to himself, and kept them in laven∣der for such a day wherein they might stand him in stead. For more confirma∣tion, the Bishop takes his Oath, He did not remember that ever he received such Letters: and Osbolston swears point blank, He never had an answer to them; which makes a strong presumption, that this trusty Steward did pocket them up. Of whom Kilvert received them; which is not denied. And he presents them to his Grace: and if his Grace had been the Master of a brave Spirit, we would have thrown them into the sire. That had been generous to abhor a Servant that be∣tray'd his Master, and to borrow no Office of Villany from him. That had been noble, not to rake for Secrets and Advantages in the Letters of his Adver∣sary. So did Caesar when Scipio's Cabinet was brought to him, found at Thap∣sus; so he did with Pompey's Papers seized on at Pharsalia, which he would not look into, but burnt them. Illa suit vera & incomparabilis animi sublimitas, captis apud Pharsaliam Pompeii magni sertniis Epistolarum, concremasse eas optima 〈◊〉〈◊〉, a••que non legisse. Plin. lib. 7. Nat. Hist. c. 15. Such Gallantry had better become a Primate of all England, than the Dictator of Rome, and all the World. This had been: way to have got him a great Name, to give Lincoln such an Eslay of his Civility. Nihil laudabilius, nihil magno & praeclaro viro dignius 〈◊〉〈◊〉 & clem••ntiâ, Tul. 2. l. Of. But to look for such things from a revengful mind, is as unlikely as to make the bris••ly skin of a Hedghog smooth. And when all the Stuff in the Letters are scann'd, what Fadoodles are brought to light? First, Os∣bolston is charg'd to write libellous matter against his Grace, in That he call'd him Vermin, little Urchin, medling Hocas Pocas; and the Lord Treasurer deceased, Great Leviathan. 2. To contain false News and tales in this passage, That the little Urchin, and great Leviathan, are become at great distance in earnest. 3. To contain a Conspi∣racy to destroy his Grace, because one Letter enquires, when Lincoln would come to Westminster to look after this Gear. On the Bishop's part, a Note scribled hasti∣ly, but no Letter, is produced, sent to Walker in these Words:

MR. Osbolston importunes me, to contribute to my Lord Treasurer some Charges up∣on the little Great man, and assures me they are mortally out: I have utterly re∣fused to meddle in this Business. And I pray you learn from Mr.Selden and Mr. Her∣bert, if any such falling out be. And keep it to your self, what I write unto you. If my Lord Treasurer would be served by me, he must use a more solid and sufficient Mes∣senger, and free me from the Bonds of the Star Chamber? Else let them fight it out for me.

What a Spider's Thread is here to pull a Man into the Star Chamber by it•• So Fulgentius tells us of Padre Paulo, that he wrote a Letter in Cypher to Gabriel Collison, touching at the Court of Rome, as if some came to Dignities by evil Services; which Collison revealed to St. Severmo, Cardinal, and Head of the Office of Inquisition, for which Paul was trounced with continual distur∣bance. And our Inquisitor St. Severo, did now make use of the like, or rather less opportunity.

125. To slide this Cause with the most sly advantage into a hearing, Lincoln is kept in close Imprisonment from All-hollantide till the end of Christmas (for what Cause will appear in order) that he might be surprized, and neither trou∣ble the King with Petitions, nor the Court of Star-Chamber with motions. He chaft at it extreamly, and could do no less. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, says Aristotle Eth. 4. c. 5. They that are not angry upon meet occasion, are Foo's. But the day is set, and come, without any respect had to his due preparation, according to Rules and Customs. At the hearing Mr. Osbolston pleads, That the great Prelate had no reason to take those nick-names to himself; that he neither named him nor thought of him. He swears it, and proves it strongly, That the Hocas Pocas was one Dr. Spicer, who was vulgarly abused with that by-word, and that Judge Richardson was the great Leviathan, who had committed Spicer at that time, no less than five years before, to Newgate. What reason was there but he

should expound his own Riddle? Now here's a forked Dilemma, let the Bishop, or any man living, escape one horn of it, if it be possible. For if he receive such Letters, and not complain of them, if it come to light, distortions of Phrases shall endanger him to be guilty of smothering a Libel. If he take the other course, and reveal them to a Justice of Peace, and say he takes the Arch-bishop to be meant by Vermin, Urchin, Hocas Pocas, since the Writer did swear the contrary, he had evidently made himself the Author of a libellous Exposi∣tion. But the Bishop pleads he never received such Letters to his remembrance; and to make it likely, Osbolston swears he never had an Answer of them. Powel will not swear, but says he found them in a Band-box in the Bishop's Chamber. They were like the Cup in Benjamin's Sack, no body but Joseph and the Steward that plotted it, could tell how it came there. Dr. Walker believes, but dares not swear, that his Lordship receiv'd them; yet adds, he could not be assured that he un∣derstood them: for upon his knowledge the Bishop was often to seek to understand Mr. Osbalston's gibrish, and was fain to send to him for his Cypher, which in this matter he did not. That which the King's Counsel urged was from the Papers that Dr. Walker brought in under his Lords hand, which tuned somewhat like to a Replication to the two Letters. The Secretary was pelted with many hard words that day from divers Lords, for doing that ill O••lice to his Master. I have heard Dr. Walker protest deeply, so have many besides, That he would not have done it for all the world, but that he knew it was a main witness of his Lord's Innocency, and enough to clear him, howsoever the Court did strangely misunderstand it. I am boun∣tiful to him, if I think he did it for that good end; and I will think so, because I never saw any immorality or vice in the course of his life. And he was right, that the Paper is very candid, and did deserve from the Archbishop that he should have cast away at least some unprofitable courtesies upon the Bishop for it. And the proof was clear, even ex parte Reg is in the Court, that he refused to consent or agree to make one in a quarrel against the Archbishop: but he holds close to his main Plea, That the Letters excepted at did never come to his hands. If the mat∣ter of them be worthy of a censure, let it light upon his Steward, and his Se∣cretary, who confess to have seen those Papers some years before, and to know the ironical meaning, and did conceal them. He appeals also to the Laws of the Land, that if such Letters had come to him, like Merlin's Rhimes, and Rosi∣crusian bumbast, that no Law or Practice directs the Subject to bring such Gryphes and Oracles, but plain, litteral, grammatical Notions of Libels to a Justice of Peace, against a known and clearly decipher'd Magistrate. That no∣thing were more ridiculous, than to prefer a Complaint for canting, and unin∣telligible Expressions. It cannot be but so many wise Lords, as sat in Judgment, understood this. Well might the Bishop say, that all flesh had corrupted their way. The Court in those days was rolled about with fear, and were steered by impe∣rious directions. As Syncsius said of Athens in his days, Ep. 235. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, There was nothing but the Hide left, to shew what a fair Creature it was in times of Yore. Let it not be thought rash to write thus of so noble a Senate How did a Commission of Lords use Queen Ann of Bullen? and a greater Commission than that use Mary Queen of Scot∣land? But Mr. Osbalston is sentenc'd out of all his Freehold, was doom'd to an opprobrious branding, who escap't it by concealing himself from the cruelty of the Tyger; only the Earl of Holland voted, that he saw no proof to bear a Sen∣tence; but cleared both Osbolston and the Bishop; so did not the Lord Finch, and Sir Fr. Windebank, who listed up the Bishop's Fine to Ten thousand pounds: Such as these made that Honourable Court insupportable to the Subject, odious to the Parliament: For whose sake I will change a word in a passage of Tullies Philip. 13. Ist is locus si in hâc Curiâ fuerit, ipsi Curiae non erit locus. Sir J. Brampston, Lord Chief Justice, led the most Voices for 8000 l. Fine and Damages, for receiving Libellous Letters. Yet was so judicious not to call the Script, sent privately to Dr. Walker, a divulging of them, as some others did; nor did he tax him for not blaming the Indiscretions of Osbolston: yet those were the Heads to which the most did refer the Contents of their dislike. For all this the Bishop rested in peace of mind, and piously wish't his Judges Mercy from God; which Pray∣er I hope was heard for their persons; but God was offended at the Court, which over-drip't so many with its too far spreading Branches of Arbitrary and Irregular Power. If the Excrescencies had been pruned away, the rest might have serv'd for wholsome use. When the Romans found the Carriage of their Censors to be insolent, Mucronem sensorium mustis remediis retuderant, Alex••ab Alex.

lib. 3. c. 23. They blunted the Edge, but still kept the Sword in the Magistrates hand. But God spared not to dig up this burdensome Tree by the root; as Au∣son. in Paneg. Quae mala adimis, prospicis ne esse possint rediviva; yet it may be the Stump is in the Earth, though fetter'd to be kept under with a band of Iron and Brass, Dan. 4.15. and may spring again in due season. But this guilt, among a hundred more upon it, is, that this Bishop being mulcted in eight thousand pounds, for a pretence thinner than a Vapour, a Trespass to mean for one Chri∣stian to ask forgiveness of it from another, and never clap't upon him by the E∣vidence of any Proof, yet not a doit was remitted of that vast Sum. And yet I look upon our Bishop as one that had a better hold in present comfort, hope hereafter, and glory for ever. For it is better by far to suffer, than to do an In∣jury. Miserior est qui suscepit in se scelus, quàm qui alterius facinus subire cogitur. Cic. Philip. 11.

126. Lucilius a Centurion in Tacitus Annal. lib. 1. had a scornful name given him by the Military Dicacity of his own Company, Cedo alteram. Quta fractâ vite in terga militis alteram, & rursus alteram poscebat; when he had broken a Ba∣stonada of a tough Vine upon a Souldiers shouldiers, he call'd for another, and another after that. Such an inde••inent Cruelty was exercised upon the person of this suffering Bishop: when one Bill was heard and censur'd, Cedo alteram, & rursus alteram, was all the pity that he sound. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Hesiod. lib. 5. Fortune is not content with some mens miseries, unless they be all over miserable. A new Information is brought on with as much fury, as if Jehu had march't with it; and that the Desendant might be utterly igno∣rant of a Conspiracy that was hatching abroad, he was shut up close, upon co∣lour that he was obstinate, and had not answer'd to some Interrogatories as was expected. They were Eighty in all. To which the Bishop doth thus remon∣strate for himself. That when a Defendant is examin'd upon Interrogatories in the Court, and certified by a Judge to have answer'd insufficiently, he is to pay twenty shillings costs the first time, and to be re-examin'd. If he be report∣ed to fail the second time, to pay forty shillings Costs. The third time to be imprisoned; but never in close Imprisonment. These were ever the constant Rules of the ancient Lords that sate upon those Causes. The Bishop being cal∣led to answer to these Eighty Interrogatories, his Answers are certified to be imperfect to forty of them. But the Judges did not point out wherein the Im∣perfection lay, as it ought to be done. But the Defendant is left in a mist, and knows not how to direct his course to please them Yet goes them over again, and answers so fully the second time, that the Examiner thought his part was done; and himself protests, if he failed in any thing, it was for want of directi∣on from the Judges. All that he had done, and he had done to his best, is not allow'd; his Answers are again return'd to be insufficient, yet not challeng'd in a word for such and such Omissions, or Tergiversations: for which an A∣mercement of 40 s. was the most that could be exacted by Rule. That's all one; he is committed close Prisoner to his Chamber, with order that neither Counsellor or Sollicitor should come near him, or send to him. The first night of his close restraint he perfected his Answer the third time, to his best Abili∣ties. The Judges, Jones and Berkeley are so awed, that they refuse to certifie the sufficiency of this Answer, till Kilvert will acknowledge it to be compleat. So he continued in a melancholy Retirement from Allhollantide till the end of Christmas; and then he finds a new Charge, or rather no new one, but the After-birth of the second Cause, heard and censur'd before about Tampering: A Course against the Fundamentals of Justice, as Budaeus Tom. 2. in Pandec. fol. 17. Senatus censuit ne quis ob idem crimen pluribus legibus reus fieret. But in this latter Bill the Mystery of Mischief broke out by God's wondrous work, and the detecti∣on of some Friends, whom the Bishop had never sollicited to look after it. Thus it runs; Cad. Powel, George Walker, T. Lund, W. Wetherall in this new Charge are made Co-defendants with the Bishop: these all were partly sentenced, partly in durance before, and must do some Service for their Freedom and Indempnity, also with expectation of Reward: that is, they must couragiously accuse them∣selves in their Examination, that they may be more forcible Witnesses against the Bishop; but shall be as so many Coy-duks, to cry a little in the ears of the World, until the great Mallard be catch't in the Coy; themselves then to be set free, and to be fed with good Corn. The particulars of this Bill are branch't into Ten Heads: For the greatest part, they consisted of old matter, That he had dictated Answers to Witnesses, taught them cunning Evasions, sent some

Witnesses out of the way; with addition, that he had made Conveyances of his Lands and Leases, to prevent the levying of the King's Fine. Nay lastly, to sill it up, that he did not allow competent Means to a Vicar, from the Prebend of Asgaby. I would their Lordships had sat upon such Reformations for seven years together, if it did belong to their cognisance. What a Task had the poor Bishop to fence with his Adversaries at all these Weapons? As Isocrates extolls Evagoras, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, He was Master but of one City, and no more, when he waged War with all Asia: But our forlorn Defendant had no shelter left un∣der Heav'n but a Prison, wherein he was mured, to encounter Perjuries, Con∣spiracies, Malice, Kilvert, with all his Party, and all the Rulers in high places that back't him: only that promise of Christ remained good, Matth. 10.19. Da∣bitur in illa horâ: It shall be given you in that same hour what to speak. And it did not fail him.

127. First he demurs, and pleads, That five Charges chained together in this In∣formation had been heard before, and censur'd in the Charge upon Tampering with Wit∣nesses. To bring the same Fault again to trial, that had been once punish't, is contrary to the Justice of God, and exceeds the cruelty of the worst men. The Lord Popham's Rules were famous, and registred in the Court, That bounds should be set to the process of Causes, that they might not be infinite. If a fourth Bill be admitted to survey the management of a former Defence, then a fifth may start up in the management of the fourth, a sixth upon the fifth, and prosecutions will be endless. Then he produceth his main defence, That he could prove that T. Lund and W. Wetherall were drawn by Kilvert, with divers indirect means of Terrors and Promises, to accuse themselves, to have had under hand dealings with the Defendant, to teach them to shift direct Answers, and to evade Interrogatories with Collusions: That they had assurance given them, when the Bishop was wounded through their sides, their wounds should be healed, their fines remit∣ed, and their good service gratified. The Bishop had this Confession of Lund and Wetherall, under the hands of credible Gentlemen, who smelling that Villany, had conferred with them, and galled them with suspicions, that they might thrust themselves into the Briars, and be forsaken by Kilvert, who was very false. And what if he should drop away? which might be look't for from a man of his daily Surfeits. And let him do his best, when they had confest Perjury a∣gainst themselves with their own mouth, he could never soder up their crack't Credit, but the disgrace would cleave to them, and render them despicable as long as they liv'd. Which Terrours being spread before these Men, they exclaim that they were circumvented, and undone for ever. This being inferred into the Bishop's Defence, his Counsel came twice to the Bar to move for a Hearing, and were put off. His well willers, which droopt before, had a strong opi∣nion of a good Issue. So often we see, there is life in an Apoplectick, though he seem to be dead. Kilvert curseth his Fortune, that his Spells are disinchanted: Et fragil•• quaer••ns illidere dentem—Insreg•• solido. Horace. The Bishop's Inno∣cency was not so brittle, as he thought to be torn in sunder: but the Solidity of it did break his Teeth. Howsoever Kilvert is grown gracious, for his good parts I wiss, and must not be forsaken in this plung••. But upon a reference, all this matter about Lund and Witherall is expung'd, as scandalous to Kilvert's good name. Scandalous to his good name! Non entis nulla sunt attributa. Nay, but give us andience, says the Bishop's Counsel; Is not all this necessary to our Clients Defence? That cannot be denied, say the Judges Brampston and Berkeley; it is the very body of his defence; but reproachful to the Man that prosecutes for the King: and so it was appointed to be taken out. When this expunging was confirm'd, and the Attorney General had made his Replication upon the Demur, the Bishop knowing not how to wear the Yoke of a base Spirit any longer, and full of the Courage that God had inspired into him, Appeals from these intolerable Grie∣vances to the High Court of Parliament in this Rejoynder: That the Defendant doth and will 〈◊〉〈◊〉, maintain, and justifie his Answers, and all the matters and things therein contained to be true, and certain, and sufficient in the Law. And that nothing thereof ought to be expunged, which is necessary and pertinent to his Defence. And in case any part so pertinent and necessary for his Defence, under colour of scandal to a third person (who may clear his Credit if he be innocent, and be repaired with Costs) be expunged, and he and all others in the like case be left remediless in the Law; The Defendant having no other Remedy left in a Defence against a Suit commenced against him in the King's Name, doth humbly Appeal unto the High Court of Parliament, when it shall be next Assembled, humbly protesting against any Sentence, as void and null, which shall pass against him in the mean time, for

and because of the want of his just and necessary defence so taken away and expunged. Much was added in this Appeal to defie Kilvert, who had boasted to prosecute the Bishop to his degradation; and the Bishop in the said Appeal disavows, that the Court of Star-chamber had ever degraded, or appointed to be degraded, or ever will degrade, or appoint to be degraded, any Bishop, or other Lord and Peer of the Parliament, or take away their Freehold in point of Means, Profit, or Honour, &c. This Appeal was filed in the Office, enter'd in the Clerks Books, and Copies thereof were signed by the usual Officer; although Sir William Pennyman, Clerk of the Star-chamber, took it off the File, and blotted it out of the Books. Sir William was ever of a laudable behaviour, but durst not say them nay that thrust him upon this Rashness. Who did not gaze at this Ap∣peal, as if it had been a Blazing-star? Who did not discourse of it? How did they, who club together for News and trial of their Wits, spend their Judgments upon it? Some thought, that excess of Wrongs done to the Bishop had distem∣per'd him, to fall upon a course of Confusion to himself. In plain words, being bitten by so many mad Dogs, they thought he bit again, as if he had been mad: Whereas he never did any thing with a more sober mind. Insanire me ••iunt, ultro cum ipsi insaniant, Plaut. in Menaech. Some replied, Let the danger be what it will, the President tended to a Publick Good: Audendum est aliquid singulis, aut pereundum universis: For are we not all Passengers, as well as he, in the same bottom? And may we not be swallowed up in the same Shipwrack, if our Pilots look no bet∣ter to their Duty? They that were acquainted with the best Pleaders, thought to have most Light from them, and askt if the Act did not exceed the Duty of a Subject. And would it not leave the Author to the fury of the Court, to be torn in pieces with a Censure? Nay surely, said the Gown-men, there is no vio∣lation of Duty to His Majesty, in appealing to his Parliament, for he submits to the King, who is the Head of the Body. Or, at the most, it is Provocatio à Philippo dormiente ad Philippum vigilantem, from K. Charles, misinformed in Star-chamber, to K. Charles, among his best Assistants, the three States of the Nation: And for the minacy of a Censure, do if they dare. A Parliament will repair him, when it sits, and canonize their own Martyr. Both they that lik'd and dislik'd the Appeal, confest, that the corruption of his Judges compell'd him to it. Should Kilvert, notoriously detected, be suffer'd to escape, by cancelling all that brought his Conspiracies to light? Infixo aculeo fugere, in the Adagy? Strike in his Sting, and fly away like a Wasp! Suffer this, and at this one dea∣ling of the Game the Bishop's whole state had been lost, of Fortunes, Liberty, and Honour: Ne{que} enim levia aut ludicra petuntur—Praemia, sed Turni de vitâ & sanguine certant. Discretion was to give place to Courage in this case: Baronius tells us of Theodoret. ann. 446. n. 27. That being incensed at the Tyranny of a Shark in Office, that had seized upon all he had, Uranius Bishop of Emesa, advised him to make no words of it, but to sit still by the loss: Theodoret answers him bravely, Non solùm prudentia, sed & fortitudo virtus est; Fortitude is a Virtue as well as Prudence, and is as laudable in her own turn and occasion. Put the case to a Physician, when he thinks there is no hope of a Patient, what will he do? The ancient Rule was, Nescio an in extremis aliquid tentare medicina sit: certè ni∣hil tentare perditio est. To give the sick man Physic is against Art, but to give him nothing is to cast him away wilfully. Here is Lincoln's condition, who being denied the Justice of that Court, had nothing to fly to in that Extremity, but this Ap∣peal, with which he did so hough the Sinews of the Bill, that from that day for∣ward it never hopt after him.

128. Because some did not stick to say, that the Bishop might thank himself for his incessant Troubles, that he did not take Conditions of Peace, that were offered to him, it must be presented here, that Conditions indeed were tender'd, such as Naash offer'd the Israelites, to thrust out their right Eyes, 1 Sam. 11.2. or as the Samnites released Sp. Posthumious, and a Roman Legion overthrown at Caudis. with slavish Ignominy. But these were worse: Ultra Caudinas speravit vulnera furcas, Luca. lib. 2. The Bishop lying in Prison, and sustaining the heavy weight of the first Censure, July 11. 1637. he press'd the L. Coventry to move His Ma∣jesty for some mitigation of the Fine, and to stop the violent levying of it, since it stood in no proportion with the Charges of the Bill, or the Presidents of the Court. Hereupon His Majesty tells the L. Keeper, he would admit of no such motion, but by the Mediation of the Queen. The Bishop is glad of the News, and could call to mind, that in greater matters than this, Princely Ladies had

the Honour to make the Accord, which the greatest Statesmen had attempted in vain; as Madam Lovise, Mother of K. Francis the First, and Madam Margaret, Aunt to Charles the Fifth, Regent of the Low Countries, made up that Peace between the Emperor and the King, which other Mediators had given over for desperate. Our Queen endeavour'd a Message of Clemency, but that Honour was denied her. The Earl of Dorset writes in her Name to the Bishop, That all she could obtain of the King, was, that if he would be bandied no more in Star-chamber, 1. He must leave his Bishoprick and Deanry, and all his Commendams, and take a Bishoprick in Ireland or Wales, as His Majesty pleased. 2. He must recant his Book. 3. Secure all his Fine. 4. Never question any that had been employed by His Majesty against him. Strange Physick as ever was pre∣scribed, for it was a Pill as big as a Pumpion; and whose Throat could swallow it down? Non est pax, sed servitutis pactio, Tul. Philip. 12. The worst that all the Courts in England could do, could not impose such Terms upon him: Be∣side, to yield thus far were to fly the Field, and to receive an inglorious wound in his Back. Then he falls upon other Thoughts, that he would please the King, by making an unparallel'd Submission to him: And were it not best to be content with half a Ruine, to prevent a whole? He must be a loser; yet a man spends nothing, that buys that he hath need of. So he wrote back to the same Earl, that he would lay his Bishoprick and Deanry at His Majesty's Feet, but excused his going into Ireland. To the second, That he could not recant his Book, which contain'd no Doctrine that he was not ready to justifie. To the third, He would pay his Fine as he was able. To the fourth he submitted. Not this, not all this was accepted: The very L. Drusus, in Paterculus, Meliore in omnia ingenio animo{que} quàm fortunà usus; His noble Wit, and good Parts were still destituted by Fortune. He received this Return from the Earl; That His Maje∣sty was not contented to receive his Bishoprick and Deanry from him, his Re∣sidency in Lincoln, and Rectory of Walgrave, are requir'd to be voided, and to Ireland, or no Peace. To the second, No Doctrin should be recanted, but Mat∣ters of Fact, &c. The Bishop wonders at this, who look'd for Praise, that he had stoop'd so low; yet rather than contest with his Soveraign, he resolves with David, Adhuc ero vilior: And the common Rule of Polybius was observ'd by all men, lib. 5. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Of two good things, chuse the greatest; of two Evils, chuse the least. He offers to resign all he hath in the Church of England, but still will live in England; for the Book he pleaded so well for it, that the King was satisfied with a conditional submission, as, If any thing contained in it offended His Majesty, he was sorry. But to the third, about the Fine, he found very imperfect and unsolid Proposals, and No Ground that's good is hollow. Since he must be stript of all that he had in the Church, he would know how much should be left him of his Lands and Leases to live upon, that the King's Fine-gatherers might not snatch up all: And he craves an Answer, whether that Pension of 2000 Marks per ann. bought of the E. of Banbury, by His Majesty's Direction, and for his Service and Profit, being then Prince of Wales, and 24000 l. in Ar••ears for the same, should be consider'd towards the King's Payment. The Rejoynder began at the latter Clause, That Pensions are not paid to men in disfavour, the E. of Bristol being the Example for it. For the Proportion what he should have to live upon rising out of his own Estate, he must know nothing, till he had wholly submitted. From that hour the false Glass, wherein the Bishop saw a shadow of Peace, was broken: And he writes to the Earl in the Stile of a man, That it were a tempting of God to part with all he had willingly, and leave himself no assurance of a Livelihood: That his Debts, if he came out of the Prison of the Tower, would cast him into another Pri∣son, no better provision being made for them, than he saw appearance for: That he would never hazard himself into a condition to beg his Bread. Truly he had cause to look for better Offers, and since they came not, he would lay his Head upon the Pillow of Hope, till he had slept his last: He had not suffer'd as an Evil man, his Conscience bore him witness, whereby he was not obnoxious to Infamy: Majore poenâ affectus quàm legibus statutum est, non est infamis; a Maxim of Reason and of Law in our Kingdom. To surrender up all he had, were to suffer as a Fool. Plato is made the Author of the Saying, That he had rather leave somewhat to his Enemies when he died, than stand in need of his Friends, who might prove no Friends while he lived. But this is surely Plato's in Apol. pro Socr. That when Socrates was ask'd, how he felt himself affected, when he was wrongfully condemn'd, he said,

he could give no Answer till he met with Palamedes and Ajax; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : till he had ask'd them how they took the Sentence of un∣righteous Judges, he was not fully provided to satisfie them. Our bishop con∣sulted day and night at his Study with Histories of Saints in by-past Ages, and knew they had suffer'd more than he had done, and was sorry for his human frailty, if they could bear it better. Now, I am confident that the Pru∣dent will collect, that this Bishop was never deaf to Conditions of Agreement, and that no man living could offer a greater Sacrifice than he did for a Peace-Offering, unless he would have stript himself of all, and not have left off his own two Mites, in all the World, to cast into the Corban.

129. But if the Parly for Peace were nothing but Thunder and Thunder-bolt, how will the Bishop endure it, when it comes to strokes? God be praised, his Warfare in these Causes was at an end: Flebile principium melior fortuna secuta est, Metam. lib. 7. The Chamber of Horror, and its Star, did not shine malignantly upon him again; A time, and times, and half a time, had pass'd over, and these things were finisht, Dan. 12.7. For three year and half he continued in the Tower, and in that space lived as if he had drank of Homer's Cup, Odyss. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; as if he had represented and not felt the part he acted: For except that so many Suits interrupted his Studies, he lack'd nothing that could be perceived, of Health, Solace, and Alacrity: Benè dormit qui non sentit quàm malè dormiat, a Fragment of Publius Mimus. He wanted not good Society, for I must ever praise his constant Friend Dr. Alabaster, who took up a Lodging in one of the Mint-master's Houses, to be with him continually. While he was so many months shut up from the action of the World, he began to hear of some Occurrences abroad, which made him not dread his chief Ene∣my at Lambeth at all. The Archbishop had entangled himself in his own Webb, nay, the King, and all England and Scotland with him. In illa liturgiâ infelicissi∣mè ad Scotos missâ, says wise Mr. Selden, de Syn. Jud. par. 2. His Majesty's Expe∣dition into the North gave our Bishop a breathing time from his Troubles: And when the Articles of Pacification, made at Berwick, were burnt in London, (true or uncorrupted, I dispute not) I that report this, was the first that car∣ried the Tidings to the Tower, and I call God to witness, the Bishop presently broke out into these words: I am right sorry for the King, who is like to be forsa∣ken by his Subjects at home, but far more by all Kings and Princes abroad, who do not love him: But for the Archbishop, says he, he had best not meddle with me, for all the Friends he can make, will be too few to save himself. A fatal fore-sight of all impen∣ding and ensuing Mischiefs! But do you not hope, Sir, said I, that such Concussions as you fear to come to pass will give you your Peace and Liberty? Possibly they will, says he. But no honest man shall be the better for a Scotch Reformation, wherein the Hare-brains among us are engaged with them. Which is like that of Rutilius deported in Banishment to Mytelene; one comforted him with hope of Civil Wars, and then all that were banish'd should return to Rome; says Rutilius, Quid tibi mali feci, ut mibi pejorem reditum quàm exitum sperares? That which did precipitate the common Fortune, and made all things worse and worse, was the King's very sudden dissolving the Parliament met in Apr. 1640. His Majesty had been forewarned by a worthy Counsellor, and a dying man, against that Error in the Christmas before, Cujus mortem, dolor omnium celebrem fecit, Sym. Ep. p. 11. It was L. Keeper Coventry, who made but one Request with his last Breath to the King, and sent it by Mr. James Maxwel, of the Bed-Chamber, That His Majesty would take all Distasts from the Parliament summoned against April, with patience, and suffer it to sit without an unkind dissolution. But the Barking of the living Dogs was sooner heard than the Groaning of a dying Lyon; for that Parliament ended in a few days, in its Infancy, and in its Inno∣cency, but the Grief for it will never end. The next came on Novemb. 3. with all Animosities that could be infused out of Scotch and English Distempers. The Bishop of Lincoln Petitions the King, by the Queens Mediation, that he might be set at liberty, and have his Writ, as a Peer, to sit in Parliament; which was opposed by the L. Finch, then Custos sigilli magni, and Archbishop Laud, as appears by a Letter written to Sir Richard Winn, Octob. 3. in these words.

130.

Good Cousin,

WITH my hearty Thanks remembred for all your great, however unfortunate, care of me, and my Affairs: Though you would not let me know any thing that might be any Grief or Discomfort to me yet I hear it of other Hands; That I am eter∣nally bound to the Queens Majesty, and bound to remain her Vassal as long as I live; And that I owe much to some other great Lords of His Maj••••ty's Council; And that his Grace, by my Lord Keeper's bold and much-mistaken Information to His Majesty, that the Parliament cannot examine Errors and Oppressions in such an arbitrary Court as the Star-chamber is, doth keep off His Majesty from using his Clemency towards me, or permitting me to employ my best Endeavours to serve him. My Lords,Grace and Se∣cretary Windebank, have good reason to wish me out of the Parliament, and out of the World too, if they conceive I have no other business there, than to complain against them: And so hath the Lord Keeper, and Sir J. Lamb. If her gracious Majesty (whom than willingly offend I will rather dye) will be pleased to set aside the Relations those two Per∣sonages have towards Her Majesty, and set her poor Servant at liberty, to take his course for Redress for those intolerable Concussions they have used against him. And that I do not speak herein beside my Books, I pray you and your Friends to peruse the bundle of Papers I send you, which I desire you to return to me, &c.

Through the Perswasion of those about the King, whom the Letter discovers, Lincoln was like to lye by it, and to be shut out of Mercy by an irreversible Decree. But the Lords of the Upper House, after they had look'd about them a while, on Nov. 16. sent to the Lieutenant of the Tower, to deliver him to then Officer of the Black Rod, who conducted him to the Parliament, and their Lordships gave him his Place among his Brethren in the Bishops-Bench. The King did soon hear of his Carriage, that he neither complain'd, nor so much as glanced at his Persecutors: As a true Lover of his Country said, Cic. Ep. Fam. lib. 10. Non me impedient privatae offensiones, quò minùs pro Reip salute etiam cura inimicis consentiam. His Majesty heard more, That he was his faithful Minister, and Stable to stand for him in all motions, and did not refrain to fall sharply upon those Lords, to whom he owed his Releasement, for not speaking dutifully of His Majesty, and of his Actions, with Re∣verence. Upon it the King sent for him, and had conference with him alone till after midnight, and made him some amends for the Evils past, by com∣manding all Orders filed, and kept in any Court or Registry, upon the former Hearings and Dependencies against him, to be slighted, cancell'd crazed, that no Monument or Memorial of them might remain. So A••m. Probus tells us what Reparation was made to Alcibiades, after he was brought home to Athens from his Exile, Pilae, in quibus devotio scripta fuit contra Alcibiadem, in mare praeci∣pitatae, post quàm à Spartá revocatus est? To quote a nearer Example; When Constantine let Athanasius return again to his See at Alexandria, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Athan. ad Solit. Vit. p. 823. All that was engross'd against Athanasius, he commanded the Memory of it to be rid out of the way, and all of it to be blotted out. Look for such another Instance in Symmachus Ep. p. 127. of him that was thrice honour'd, in being re∣invested in those Honours, from which he was degraded, Majus quiddam est ho∣norem restituere, quam dedisse, &c. For, Fortune may confer, but only Judgment restores to Honour. I am come to the end of those Suits with which our Bi∣shop was overwhelmed, and still made Defendant against the King: Let Poste∣rity observe how he was censur'd, and grievously, but for two things, tampering with Witnesses, (never known before to be a fault in the Realm of England) and for being suspected to have received two Letters in Cyphers, of a mystical sence, and as slight regard. Being accused for divulging the King's Counsels, and for Subornation of Witnesses, he broke the neck of those Bills: Being questio∣ned for his Book, in the High-Commission Court, he wound himself out of the Labyrinth of all their Articles: From an Hodg-potch of new Informations in Star-chamber he deliver'd himself, by adventuring to appeal from that Court to the Parliament; and in that Parliament to which he appealed, he sits a Member and Peer, and sees all Papers of Record against him torn, and burnt to Ashes. Ut advertas feliciter faclum reum, quem sic videas absolutum, Sym. Ep. 87. Be the Conclusion those words of Ezek. c. 17. v. 24. All the trees of the field shall know, that I the Lord have brought down the high tree, have exalted the low true: have dried up the green tree, and have made the dry tree to flourish. Which the great Poet had ra∣ther

ascribe to a blind Goddess, in his Poetical License, Aen. 12. Multos alterna revisens—Lusit, & in solidum rursus fortuna locavit.

131. A Prisoner, whose Liberty I much long'd for, is released, but out of Limbo into Hell. Can the worst word be had enough for those fatal days? Now being come with him as far as the Door of the Parliament, into which he entred upon the Call of the Lords, I turned away for no little time, and inter∣rupted my self for above two years from writing any more, not out of Sloth, but Disdain. To part with him till his last day, was against my purpose; and to keep him company in those boisterous times, wherein a Senate of rigid men was dangerous. I was at such a stay as Alexander in the dry Country of the Susi∣tans, Pigebat & consistere & progredi, Curt. lib. 7. It was contrary to the Project of my Work to stop, and as contrary to my Mind to go forward in the Hurri∣cane of an intemperate Rebellion: But it is resolved to look over somewhat of one of the most bloody Tragedies that ever was performed on the Earth, rather than omit his part, who was so loyal in his Actings, and so magnanimous in his Sufferings: And this may be done with the less unwillingness, from one Passage that will recreate the Writer, and the Reader, that the chief Engineers, that wrought the Thunderbolts at the Forge, and laid the foundation of all ensuing Mischief, lived to see themselves thrust out of their Den by a Brewers Drayman, with his tatter'd Regiment; a Passage to be kept for ever upon the Engravings of Memory, and would not be pleasant, but burdensome to know it and not to publish it: As Archytas of Tarentum said, If a man were lifted up among the Stars, to know their order and motion, the knowledge of it, so admirable, would be ingrate unto him, unless he met with some, to whom he might relate it. So I am full of this, to tell it to Posterity, That the pittiful handful of Lords Temporal (and now Tempo∣rary) that adhered not to the King, and cashiered the Lords Spiritual out of their Society, for their immovable Fidelity, were dismounted for ever from their own Privilege and Honour, and might pawn their Parliament-Robes if they pleased. And the remainder of the Commons, after Pride's Purge, was so de∣spicable, that every Tongue was so audacious to give them the nick-name of the Posteriors of a Beast; and they put it up, lest angry Wits should paste a greater Scorn upon them. As Cas. Severus satisfied himself with the Downfal of his Ad∣versary, Vivo, & quo vivere libeat Asprenatem reum video, Quintil. lib. II. So this one Scene hath a good Catastrophe in the cruel Interlude, That the small, but most spightful part of this continuing Parliament, held up their Tail, though not their Hand, at the Bar, and went out it self in such a stink in the Snuff, that all cry sie at it, that have their Nostrils opened. So my Mind is collected again, and my Heart at some Peace in it self, to see the Honour of Heavenly Justice settled so far.

132. And to Preface no more, and no less could be said; A Parliament was sitting when our Bishop had his Liberty, which held in its Fragments twelve years and six months: Nay, when the stub of the Members were baffled, and spurn'd out of the House by the Russian Cromwell, these Bankrupts opened their Shop once again, and by a post limintum recover'd their places; so that we rec∣kon nineteen years from their first Call to their last Suppression. Umbra serotina; A shadow is longest at Evening, when the Sun is ready to set. And our Sun went down quickly, when this shadow was so far extended. But there is a bet∣ter similitude for it in Pliny Nat. Hist. lib. 2. cap. 14. A Serpent was taken at the River Bagrada of 120 foot long, and the skin, says he, was hung up in the Ca∣pitol, as long as such stuff could endure. Mark this; a Serpent, the longest that ever was heard of, the skin kept when it was mortified, and preserved in the Senate-house. Who can miss to apply it? A Serpentine brood of Men; none ever lasting so long in that High Court: withered away to a skin, or Skeleton: all were right, if they had been hung up in the Capitol. This Ser∣pent was young and the worst it could do was to hiss, when Lincoln was brought in to sit with his fellow Bishops. He had not been many hours there, when he was amazed to see divers composed of new and strong Passions; instigated to boldness by Scotch Confederacy; heightned up by the Petitions and Mutinies of City and Country; and preach't into disorder by Presbyterian Divines: For a muffled Zeal for Religion hath a finger in all Combustions. And as one says, Multitudo vana superstitione capta meliùs vatibus, quàm ducibus suis paret, Curt. lib. 3. Church-men are the most dangerous Instruments to turn Male-contents into Sword-men, who being prepossest with an ill opinion of the Times, will quick∣ly humble their Judgment under the Conscience of their Ministers. But what

Credit can it be to our Bishop, for such Peers to take him into their number by their peremptory Vote? None, if he had answer'd their expectation. Yet his chief Friends were as faithful and noble-hearted as ever sate upon the Benches of the House. And it is no good thrist to cast out Gold-filings with the dust, as if all were dust. These must be sever'd from the rest, to their immortal praise. It is as true, that he was sought for by some of the rest, who had only an eye to the North-Star of their own Anti-monarchical Interest: For he that was or∣dinarily read in man might know, this able Prelate was to be left out, that had so general an insight into all Affairs and Motions of State. As Zeno prais'd Is∣menias his Musick, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that he could play well upon all Instruments. But when the disloyal Part hoped, that a Man of a great Spirit, and so much injur'd, would revenge himself upon the Causes of his Troubles, and Pipe after their Tune, they were overshot to imagine it. Though he is bound to be most true that is most trusted, yet no man was bound to be true to them, whom his Majesty, as appears by his Writ, trusted with his most concerning and weighty Counsels, and were false to him that gave them Capacity to treat upon them. They that did intend to imploy him in their Faction, did repent in one day, that ever he came among them. For it was in so little time that one of them said aloud, We have conjur'd up a Spirit, I would we could lay him down again. No harm will come to his Honour, that some in printed Books have lifted at him, as A. Wil. p. 197. gibe, him for closing again with the King, and shuggling, when he saw the Ax laid to the Root of Episcopacy. For he staid not to long to declare himself, till the Hare was started out of the Bush. But S. A. W. goes further, p. 175. for thus he Censures: We may observe the Judgment of God on him, for flying from the Parliament his Protector, to give wicked Counsel to to the King his former Prosecutor. Those Temporary Judgments and Ruins were probably foreseen; but woe be to him that looks not further to the Judgment of the great Day. Those that troubled the Land like him not, as he was truly him∣self, but in such a Character as they had framed of him to themselves. Thou thoughtest that I was altogether such an one as they self, Psal. 50.21. It was St. Au∣stine's Fortune to be so misconstrued, and he defends himself wittily, Ep. 7. ad Marcel. Non me diligunt, si non quod sum, sed quod non sum diligunt. They love not me, but another for me that mistake me. It is not strange if those Members of Parliament were weary of him, I am sure he was more out of taste with them. As who could choose, when he met with all fort of Brain-sick Factions com∣bined in one Couplement? It was better for him after thirteen months to be cast out, and lock't up again in Imprisonment, than to continue in the gather∣ing together of the Froward, and insurrection of wicked Doers. In hoc res de∣voluta erat, ut nisi quis malus fuerit, salvus esse non possit, Salvi. l. 5. No Safety for any within those Walls, nor scarce without, but to run Horse and Man to Hell, with Decius, not to save their Country, but to ruin it.

133. What a giddy Pin man's life is turn'd upon? Here's a Prisoner and a Freeman; in the Peoples favour, and out with them: repulsed from the Court, and brought to the King's Presence, and to kiss his Hand; and all this variety in two days. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Diod. Sic. lib. 18. The rowlings and recipro∣cations of Fortune were strong on both sides. Though his Restraint was over, his Liberty was still dangerous, as Salmasius says of Ambustius Valerius p. 840. in Solm. Quem condemnatio non perdidit, nec absolutio liberavit. Misfortune exercised him as Original Sin doth the Just: The Condemnation of it was taken away, but not the Malignity. The outcry was among the revolted Lords, That he was good for nothing. Not for the Commonwealth; for he did maintain what the King had done for our Liberties. Not for Religion; for he was rivetted fast to the Hierarchy of the Church. Not for himself; for they expected he should have been a strong Accuser of divers whom they hated, and knew he had matter enough for a heavy Information: but they saw he was like a man dumb, and in whose mouth were no reproofs, Psal. 38.14. Not a word came from him, that he had been Prosecuted, Censur'd, Imprison'd, Sequestred, Riffled: but he stood like one in the same point, that had enjoyed quiet and honour fifteen years before. Here∣upon both Houses despised him, as one that would contribute nothing to their ends: and what should they do with this Gamaliel in their Council? for when they had plotted to slay some principal Counsellors and Servants of the King, and this Bishop would bring no Proofs to make them guilty men, his Sentence was in effect, Refrain from these men, and let them alone, Acts 5.38. Himself be∣ing now safe, and by God's Mercy free from Impeachments; it was a comfort

to him to see, nay to procure the Safety of his Enemies. Sunt haec quidem mag∣na, sed in alio: in hoc verò minima, si caeteris virtutibus comparentur, Plin. Ep. l. 3. How fain would some say the like for those, whom they adorn with their praise? But to revenge no wrongs; to requite them with no retaliation, that had bit∣terly provok't him, it was so ordinary with him, that in such a man it riseth to no remarkable Observation. And truly it was no time to punish for a particular quarel, but to look to the security of a tottering Kingdom. Prudence might Challenge somewhat to make him remiss, as well as Charity. Yet the Injuries done him, with their mischief in one aggregate, deserv'd a Trial, that would have made as loud a noise as ever came to a Bar. For the Practisers, as the Fox said of his Cubs, If there be one good in the litter, there was never a bad For the practices they were such as could not have seen the light, but would have brought pal••ness on the Actors. And, which was worst of all, the Bishop could see no Appearance, which might efface his Apprehension, but that if his Adversaries were in power again, they would shew no penitency for the evil they had done him. Yet when their A∣gents came to him to feel his Pulse, they sound it beat so calm and even, that he sent them Messages to enhearten them, That if they had no w••rse Foes then 〈◊〉〈◊〉, they might fear no harm, and that he saluted them with the Charity of a B•••••• p. This was home, and as far as moral sweetness could go. It a 〈…〉〈…〉, at non ignoscere videaris, sed absolvere, says Sencca: So his bencht was so compleat, that he did rather seem to absolve those Nocents as a Judge, then to pa••••ion them as a private Man. So confident were his Malevolents to play with his Gentle∣ness, that Kilvert durst come to him without a Medi••o••, to crave Pardon and Indempnity for all wrongs he had done. Says the Bishop, I assure you pardon for that you have done before, but this is a new fault, that you take me to be of so b•• s•• a Spi∣rit, as to file my self with tredding upon so mean a Creature: Live still by Petty-fogging and Imp••••ching, and think that I have forgotten you. Yet he kept Kilvert two hours in private with him, before he let him go; and then he sent him to his Cellar with his Servants, but with this Censure upon the Discourse which had past be∣tween them, That his Enemies could not be so bad, as that Fellow made them; but for Kilvert's part he was worse in treachery, and readiness to do all devillish Offices, then he could have imagined. Thus far to the demonstration of his Christian Mind, and his Continency that he would not render evil for evil, that he would not gratifie the Parliament with Complaints against his Persecutors. The not doing, or suspension of such an act, is as much, or more praise-worthy than the doing of divers things that are very plausible, and may run well with the close of Beza's Epigram in Parodie, Quod tu fecisti, sit licet ingens: At quod non saceres ho•• ego miror opus.

134. But the Injuries done to private Man, were Trif••les to the great Affairs that were in hand. His Majesty's Affairs, which were in great decadence, took him up wholly; and how could he be safe? A good Subject cannot make any difference between the King's Fortunes and his own. A full Declaration of the Storms that were rais'd concerns not this piece. It was apparent that the Scotch were at one end of the Fray in the North, and the Presbyterians about London at the other end in the South: both confederate to root up, cast down, syndicate, controul, and do what they lust; and let them have their own will, it would scarce content them. Our wise Church-man knew, that he that fears the worst prevents it soonest: Therefore he did not lose a minute to try all his Arts, if he could quench the flame amongst the heady Scots, whose common sort were like their Preachers, Tumidi magis animi quàm magni, as Casaubon notes it in the Atherians, Lib. 1. Athen. cap. 20. rather of a swelling, than a noble Spirit. Their own polite Historian says more, Dromond Jam. 5. p. 161. That Hepburn Prior of St. Andrews, the Oracle of the Duke of Albany, told him, That he must remember that the People whom he did command (for he was Regent) were ever fierce, muti∣nously proud, and know not how to obey, unless the Sword were drawn. What hope then of their Submission, when they had framed Covenants, Articles, gathered a Convention no less in Power, no less in Name than a Parliament, without their Prince's leave, and became Assailants to maintain that, and what they would have more, with the Sword. Let all Ages remember, that this sprung from no other occasion, but that the King invited them to prayer in publick, in such a Form of Liturgy as himself used, putting no greater burden upon their Con∣science than upon his own. The Peccatulum was, that there wanted a little in mode and usual way to commend the Book unto them. Perhaps the Error went a little further, that King James his Promise was not observ'd, as the Reverend

Spotswood doth not conceal it, p. 542. That the Lord Hamilton, King James his Commissioner, having ratified the Articles of Perth by Act of Parliament, assured the People, that his Majesly, in his days, should never press any more change and alteration, in matters of that kind, without their consent. Admit this Promise, calculated for the days of King James, was obliging as far as the Meridian of King Charles, yet nothing was presented to them against true Doctrine, or Divine Worship: for all the Learning of their Universities could never make the matter of the Litur∣gy odious. And let it be disputed, That the Book was not authoritative with∣out the publick Vote, and Consent of the Nation in some Representative. Yet if a Prince so pious, so admirable in his Ethicks, did tread one inch awry in his Politicks, must the Cannon be brought into the Field, and be planted against him, to subvert his Power at Home, and to dishonour him abroad! was it ever heard, that upon so little a Storm Seamen would cut Cabble and Mast, and throw their Cargo over-board, when there was no fear to shipwrack any thing, but Fidelity and Allegiance? God was pleased to deprive us of Contentment and Peace for our own wickedness; or Civil Discords, that lasted near as long as the Peloponnesian War, had never risen from so slender an occasion. The merciful and soft-hearted King could have set his Horse-feet upon their Necks, in his first Expedition, which stopt at Barwick, if he had not been more desirous of Quietness than Honour and Victory. I guess whom Dromond means in the Character of Jam. 3. p. 118. That it is allowable in men that have not much to do, to be taken with admiration of Watches, Clocks, Dials, Automates, Pictures, Sta∣tues: But the Art of Princes is to give Laws, and govern their People with wisdom in Peace, and glory in War: to spare the humble, and prostrate the proud. Happy had it been if his Majesty had followed valiant Counsel, to have made himself compleat Conquerour of those Malapert Rebels, when they first saw his face in the North. But the Terms of Pacification which they got in one year, served them to gather an Army, and to come with Colours display'd into England the next year, which was the periodical year of the King's Glory, the Churches Prosperity, the Common Laws Authority, and the Subjects Liberty. Three∣score and eighteen years before, when England and Scotland were never at bet∣ter League, Abr. Hartwell passeth this Vote in his Reginâ literatâ, more like a Prophet than a Poet,

Nostráque non iterùm Saxo se vertat in arva: Non Gallus, sed nec prior utrôque Scotus.

135. And what could Lesly have done then with a few untrain'd, unarmed Jockeys, if we had been true among our selves? The Earl of Southampton spake heroically, like a Peer of an ancient Honour, That the Bishop of Durham with his Servants, a few Millers and Plowmen, were wont to beat those Rovers over the Tweed again, without raising an Army. If the People had not imprudently chosen such into our Parliament, as were fittest to gratifie the Scots, day had soon cleared up, and Northern Mists dispersed. But our foolish heart was dark∣ned; and any Scourge was welcome that would chastise the present Govern∣ment: we thought we could not be worse, when we could scarce be better. We greedily took this Scotch Physick, when we were not sick, but knew not what it was to be in health. An Ounce of common Sense might have warned us, That a Kingdom may consist with private mens Calamities, but private mens For∣tunes cannot consist with the ruin of a Kingdom. The Love of Money is the Root of all Evil. Many in England thought they sat at a hard Rent, because of Ship-money; and would fire the House wherein their own Wealth was laid up, rather than pay their Landlord such a petty Tribute, as was not mist in times of Plenty: but in short time their Corn and Plate went away at one swoop, when their stock was low. The exacting of Ship-money, all thought it not illegal, but so many did, as made it a number equivalent to all. And a Camel will bear no more weight than was first laid upon him. Nec plus instituto onere recipit, Plin. lib. 8. cap. 18. This disorder'd the Beast; and being backt with some thou∣sands of Rebels, march't on as far as Durham, made him ready to cast his Rider. The Royal part was at a stand, and could go no further than this Question, What shall we do? As Livy says of the Romans, catch't in an Ambush at Caudis, Intuentes alii alios, cum alterum quisque compotem magis mentis ac consilii ducerent. In such a Perplexity every man asks his Fellow, What's best to be done? and being dozzled with fear, thinks every man wiser than himself. Lincoln spake what

was fit for Comfort, and did what he was able for Redress. He lookt like the Lanthorn in the Admiral, by which the rest of the Fleet did steer their Course. And as Synesius gives a Precept to a Bishop, Ep. 105. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, To do as much work as all his Clergy beside: So this Man bestir∣red himself, and ran before the most diligent in this Chase. When he was a Courtier he had ever declined Acquaintance with James Marquess of Hamilton, now he made him his most Intimate, waited on him at his Lodgings, went in hand with him to the King, tried him every way, what Counsel he had in his Breast, to breed Loyalty in the Scottish Army, that the Contagion might not breed the same Rudeness in the English, and would give an even poise to such uneven Humors. The Bishop knew not what to make of this Mar∣quess, Incertum Lar sit, an larva; whether he were a good, or a bad Genius. Only he said he found every thing in him contrary to the Vulgar Opi∣nion, which esteemed him cunning and false. For he took him to be no false one, had will enough to help the King: neither did he find any great Cun∣ning in him, but rather that he wanted a Head-piece. So he laid him and a∣side, but used him sparingly, because he could not frame things of any great concernment from him. Then he gets acquaintance with Mr Alexander Henderson, and some of his Disciples in Commission with him: presents them, feasts them, offered good pay to them, and the Heads of their Faction, as much as the King could spare, which was the only Bait to catch his Country-men, who were needy, and ravenous for Prey. Which is well set out in Salust. p. 187. Feras omnis generis, quò magis sunt attenuatae penuriâ, cò magis praecipites & ••ffraena∣tas ruere in perniciem videmus. All Beasts will venture their Lives to devour what they can get, when they are hungry. The Bishop was sure he dealt with such as were bare and necessitous, from the Orcades to Berwick, and that it was part of their Errand into England to carry away Gold, and to get Pensions. But the House of Commons, that knew their half famisht Fortunes, as well as the Bishop, voted such a Mass of Money to them, by a word, which co••t England dear, called Brotherly Assistance, that the King with all his Exchequer and per∣haps his Credit, was not able to raise it, far less to out-bid it. Yet Lincoln gave not over to perswade their headstrong Party to have no quarrel with the Church of England; to draw no hatred upon themselves, by reaching at the Subversion of the Episcopal Dignity, which was never wanting here, since the Nation received the Gospel of Christ: Bade them remember what Vows their Kirk had made, and printed them in their Common-Prayers, never to unquiet the Peace of this Land, since Queen Elizabeth, Anno 3. of her Reign, did beat the French out of Leith, and compelled their Forces to return home, conducted un∣der the best Souldiers of France, whose purpose it was to drown the Protestant Religion in the Blood of their Lords of the Congregation. Hereupon some of Henderson's Assistants stagger'd, and bade leave our Church to its own staple Or∣der; when at the same time, in their private meetings, they began to forsake this moderation: They saw how their Debt of Brotherly Assistance would be paid the better, if the Revenues of the Prelates were confiscated. They look'd upon their own Work, that they had dethron'd Bishops in Scotland, and so long as En∣gland kept up that Dignity, it cried Shame upon their Confusion: And if Bi∣shops lived at Durham and Carliste, so near to their Borders, they suspected the like would creep in again at Glascow and Edenburg. And their intention was, to shape our Church as ill as their own, to make us as odious to the King as themselves, that both our Offences might grow higher than the hope of a Par∣don could fly unto. So, in fine, our Bishop perceived that he dealt with men that made no scruple to shift from Promise, and to break Faith. Diodorus, lib. 3. tells of strange men in the Island of Taproban, Divisam linguam habentes, & eodem tempore duobus hominibus perfecrè loquntur. I would such double Tongue, had lived as far off as Taproban, that we had never known them. The end of this Con∣flict was, when Entellus could not overcome, Vastos quatit aeger anhelitus artus, Aen. lib. 5.

136. No sooner had the Northern Carles begun their Hunts-up, but the Presbyterians flock'd to London, from all quarters, and were like Hounds ready to be entred: They had struggled in the days of Q. Elizabeth and K. James, to set up their Discipline, (Patriae communis Erynnis) but in vain. After twenty Repulses they began afresh; Tantus novelli dogmatis regnat furor, Prud. de Coron. and though their Liquor was stale, and sowre as dead Wine, they broach'd it now again, to set out Teeth on edge. The Stings of Wasps once lost, are ne∣ver

repaired; but these were like Staggs, that had cast their Horns often, but new ones sprouted up. The Independants (the same Creature with the Brow∣nists, but had shed their upper Coats, and look'd smoother) these had not yet a Name. And as Alexander spoke neglectfully of the Cadusians, Quod ignoti sunt, ignobiles sunt, nunquam ignorari viros fortes, Curt. lib. 4. so these were of no recko∣ning in the first sally of the tumultuous times, and such Ignotes were not cour∣ted, but pass'd over as a Pawn at Chess, that stood out all of Play. The wise Bishop turned his Skill upon the Presbyterians, being less distastful to them in his Per∣son, than any that wore a Rochet. He laid down his Reasons to them in many Conferences, with such prudence, such softness and lenity, that they confess'd, for his part, he deserv'd a great Place of Pre-eminence: And some of the chief Lords of that Knot made him such Offers of Honour and Wealth for his share, if he would give way to their Alterations, that they would buy him, if his Faith had been salaeble, with any Price. The worst Requital that could be propoun∣ded to an honest man, and of the narrowest, to scantle their Blessing to him alone, that labour'd for a Publick Good: As Ben. Johnson hath put it finely in∣to his Underwoods, p. 117.

—I wish the Sun should shine On all mens Fruits and Flowers, as well as mine.

When they saw he was not Selfish (it is a word of their own new Mint) some of their Ministers, that were softened with the dewy drops of his Tongue, eased their Stomachs with Complaints against the Courts Ecclesiastical, and the rugged Carriage of certain Prelates. Lincoln knew their Censures had some∣what of Truth, and much of Malice, but seemed to give them great attention in all; for he had rather bring them over to the King, than the Scottish Army. Hami angulares quàm directi mucrones tenaciùs infiguntur, Macrob. lib. 7. c. 3. A Sword cuts deep, but a Hook sticks in the Flesh when it hath made a Wound. He replies, That any Government undisturb'd, and enjoying Eighty years of Peace, cannot but contract accidental Abuses remaining sound in its Essentials. The Sun doth win certain Minutes and Seconds in the year, which in long tract of time breed great Altera∣tions. The longer the Body hath been in Health, the harder to be cured, when a Disease overtakes it. But whether they were Insolencies or Grievances that did distaste them, they should be remedied. The King was ready to lance every Sore, and to let out the Corruption, only keep up the Places of the Bishops, Deans, and other Digni∣taries, among which themselves, men of great Godliness and Learning, did de∣serve a share, and should be remembred: They need not be taught, that the Church, the Building of Christ, must not be built like a Barn, all upon one Floor, but must be framed with gradual Subordinations: There is a Babel in plucking down, as well as in raising up. And for the Revenues bestowed upon our Maintenance, painful Preachers deserv'd them, as well as the best Practisers in other Professions, and knew how to use them. There were plenty of such. Blame not all for the Sloth or Errors of a few: Cur omnium fit culpa paucorum scelus, Sen. Hippol. This part brought on a Proposition for a regulated Epis∣copacy: I cannot vaunt, that the Bishop made his Party good with them in that; for the meaning of the Proponent spread out at the breadth, was to joyn the Presbytery with the Bishop in all acts of Ordination and Jurisdiction, to give him the first Room, and the first Voice, but no more; his Suffragans and Coadjutors in the Consistory being more in number, and every of them equal in Power, should leave him for a Cypher: Then regulate Episcopacy is the same with demolish it; for turn a Light downward, and it will extinguish it self: Take such a Bishop, and measure him, not with an Ell, but a Span, and he is Paterculus non Pater, a titular Chairman, Beza's Moderator for life, Cart∣wright's President. How often hath this Mockery of Government been obtru∣ded and rejected? But the Mortar will still favour of the Garlick that was stampt in it before.

137. The power of the Presbyterians was so great in Tumults and concourse of base People, that their Conclusions were strong, though their Premisses were weak, to blunt the power of ancient Episcopacy. Nam quae est ista nova & stulta sapientia, novitatem quaerere in visceribus antiquitatis? Optat. lib. 6. Yet in all this Lincoln was their Days-man, and gave them considerate Answers; but he did wind them off, and would spin the Webb no further with them, when he perceived they aimed more at a regulated Crown, than a regulated Mitre. Just

as Pausanius says of the Messenians, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. That they would change their Kings into Regents of a new name, subject to the People, and answerable for their Faults. So these would make our King as subject to their Elderships, as a Stadt-holder in the Netherlands; as to have no Government in Church-Affairs as their King, (I mean their Christian King) to be liable to their Censures, to execute their Verdicts, without disputing the Justice of them. Their politick Aphorisms are far more dangerous, That His Majesty is not the highest Power in his Realms; That he hath not absolute Soveraignty; That a Parliament sitting is co-ordinate with him in it: He may have the Title of only Supreme, yet a Senate have an essential part without the Name. The Sove∣raignty was mixt, and distributed into the Hands of King, Lords, and Commons. Though a Nation war against a King, and they on the Merit of the Cause have the worser side, yet may he not war against the Publick Good on that account, nor any help him in such a War. When a man's Possession of the Crown doth cease to be the means of the Publick Good, it is then his Duty to resign, and no Injury to be deprived of it. Though the Power of the Militia be ex∣presly given to the King, it shall not be his alone, unless it be exprest it shall not be in others. Do not these Aphorisms suit horribly well with the 13th to the Romans? How could God have sealed the King's Safety and Commission with a plainer Text, and a stronger Warrant? Shall these crooked Rules ob∣liquate those loyal Maxims, which are so strait in St. Paul? These are Junius Brutus's Theorems, or worse, which are top-heavy, and will fall with their own weight into Hell. Worthy Lincoln heard the Presbyterian Encroach∣ments upon all other points with a civil welcome; but when such Divinity, not fit for English Subjects, was pieced unto them, he would brook no more Addresses. The Cony-skin is easily pluckt off from the Body, but it slicks at the Head. O what a Flood-gate have they drawn up with these disloyal Te∣nents, through which a Deluge of War and Mischief hath burst out! Should I tell them, that they have boasted, that their Discipline did never prevail in a State, but in spight of the Princes of the place? They know it is true, and that Parsons, Fisher, and other Jesuites have told them of it. Saepius olim religio pe∣perit scelerosa atque impia facta, quoth Lucretius. This was Olim, a good while since. But Grotius says of the modern sort of these Ministers, and some Popish Priests, Per quos communis hujus seculi pest is in utras{que} partes vulgata est, Hist. p. 57. Which made a Marshal of France, desirous of his Countrys Peace, wish, That every Minister had a Priests Head in his Belly, that they might be rid of them both. The Devil wanted not the cunning to jostle Heathen Princes out of their Rights, by Stratagems of Religion: Cleomenes taught the Delphick Oracle how to cast Demaratus out of his Kingdom: So Pausan. in Lacon. It was an easier thing than for Savanarola, a Preacher of Christ, to preach the Florentines out of an Optimacy into a Popular Government. The Citizens burnt him afterwards at a Stake in their Streets; they should have fir'd him in his Pulpit. I must charge it on our Pres∣byterians, that their Thunder-clapps of Rebellious Doctrine hurried our three Kingdoms into a most bloody War; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Demosth. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The Plant comes from him that sowed the Seed. With which Simi∣litude Cicero arrests M. Anton. Ut in seminibus causa est stirpium & arborum, sic hujus luctuosissimi belli causa Tu Fuisti,Phil. 2. But what care these men to plead guil∣ty to this Bill? For a Bell-weather of their Flock writes, I dare not repent of it, nor forbear the same, if it were to do again, in the same state of things, Holy Com∣monw. p. 486. What hope have we of Good from such Zealots? What Com∣fort ever to have Peace, when the greatest Incendiaries do promise us, that they will never be better?

138. Sir Fr. Walsingham, an honourable Counsellor, did not mistake them; but he was mistaken that says ever he was a Puritan, as this Letter will testifie, written to Mons. Crittoy, Secretary of France, and to be read in the Supplement of the Cabala of Letters, p. 40.

For those which named themselves Reformers, and we commonly call Puritans, this hath been the Proceeding towards them a great while; when they inveighed against such Abuses in the Church, as Pluralities, Non-residence, and the like, their Zeal was not condemned, only their Violence was sometimes censur'd: When they refused the use of some Ceremonies and Rites as superstitious, they were tolerated with much con∣nivence and gentleness: Yea, when they call'd in question the superiority of Bishops, and pretended to bring in a Democracy into the Church, yet their Propositions were heard, consider'd, and by contrary Writings debated and

discussed: Yet all this while it was perceived, that their course was dangerous and popular; as, because Papistry was odious, it was ever in their Mouths, That they sought to purge the Church from the Relicks of Popery, a thing acceptable to the People, who love ever to run from one Extream to ano∣ther. Because multitude of Rogues and Poverty were an Eye-sore and Dislike to every man, therefore they put it into the Peoples Head•• That if Discipline were planted, there should be no Beggars nor Vagabond••▪ A thing v••ry plausible. And in like manner they promise the People many other impossible Wonders of their Discipline: Beside, they opened the People a way to Go∣vernment by their Consistory and Presbytery, a thing in consequence no less prejudicial to the Liberties of private men, than to the Soveraignty of Princes, yet in the first shew very popular. Nevertheless this (except it were in some few that entred into extream contempt) was born withal, because they pre∣tended but in dutiful manner to make Propositions, and to leave it to the Pro∣vidence of God, and to the Authority of the Magistrate: But now of late years, when there issued from them a Colony of those, that affirmed the Con∣sent of the Magistrate was not to be attended; when under pretence of a Con∣fession to avoid Slanders and Imputations, they combined themselves by Classes and Subscriptions; when they descended into that vile and base means of de∣facing the Government of the Church by ridiculous Pasquils; when they be∣gan to make many Subjects in doubt to take an Oath which is one of the fun∣damental points of Justice in this Land, and in all places; when they began both to vaunt of their Strength and Number of their Partizans and Followers, and to use Comminations, that their Cause would prevail, though with Uproar and Violence, then it appeared to be no more Zeal▪ no more Conscience, but meer Faction and Division. And therefore though the State were com∣pelled to hold somewhat a harder hand to restrain them than before▪ yet it was with as great moderation as the Peace of the State and Church cou•••• permit.

Thus far Walsingham the Wise, one of the Pillars of 〈…〉〈…〉 ••is Generation. It is not such Fire-Drakes as he writes of could not 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to threa∣ten the Nation, that they would prevail, though with Uproar and Violence: No worse man than Cartwright, their Master, is the Author of those Minaces, as Dr. Bancroft quotes him, and Scutliff against the Petition, p. 72. The Author of the Demonstration saith, That great Troubles were coming, if they might not have their Will; and, That the Discipline should come by a way that would make all our Hearts ake. And how right Sir Francis hits them! That Presbytery was popular in the first Shew, but odious in the Say: As Solinus says of the River Hypanis, c. 14. Qui in Principiis eum norunt praedicant: qui in fine experti sunt non injuria execrantur. They that welcome it in, would be glad to open a Postern to let it out. If it consisted in no more than contemplative Doctrine, the trouble of it had chiefly fallen upon the Universities: But it is as practick as the Wind, of which we say, Usque adeo agit, ut nisi agat not sit; It is a medling bysie-body, that will let nothing be quiet. In short, it is bred in the Brain, but like a Catarrh, it falls upon the Heart.

139. Had Secretary Walsingham tasted what Lincoln did from undermining Presbyterians, Mons. Crittoy had heard more and worse from him than he did, in that honest Letter: You shall have the Case as it follows. No sooner did this Parliament open, but Disquietness and Uproars began with it, in many Chur∣ches, to disturb the Holy Service: The House of Commons were their Counte∣nance, therefore provided no Remedy to controul them: That Impiety, which was wont to be abhorr'd, was brooded and cherish'd: Yet the House of Lords appointed a Committee of their own Members, to give Glory to God, by dri∣ving Profaners out of his Temple; and at the same time selected a Sub-Com∣mittee out of Divines of very contrary Opinions, for Indifferency sake, to propose unto them matters fit for their cognizance, * 23.1 to prevent these Clamours odious in our Land, and scandalous to other Nations. The Bishop of Lincoln had the Chair both in the Committee and Sub-committee, with Authority given him to call together those Assistants, whom the Lords had named to consult for Peace, and to stop the Breaches which Sedition had caused. Those which were named for the Sub-committee, were some few more than did meet, but such as did con∣stantly appear to lay their Heads together, are recited in the Margin, who were called by Lincoln's Letter to attend, in these words.

—I am commanded by the Lords of the Committee for Innovations in matters of Religion, that you know, that their said Lordships have assigned and appointed you to attend them as Assist ants in that Committee; and to let you know in general, that their Lordships do intend to examine all Innovations in Doctrine or Discipline, introduced into the Church without Law, since the Reformation. And if their Lordships shall find it behoveful, for the good of the Church and State, to examine after that the Degrees and Perfection of the Reformation it self, which I am directed to intimate unto you, that you may prepare your Thoughts, Studies and Meditations, accordingly, expecting their Lord∣ships Pleasure for the particular points, as they shall arise.

Dated Martis 12. 1640.

The Bishop, and as many as were of his Judgment, found no way but to let them, that seemed to be distasted with the Church for certain things, have somewhat granted that they ask'd for, to let Suspicions pass for Proofs, and any Point of a dubious sence for a kind of Error: As they that raise a Blister where there was none before, to prepare a Cure for preventing an Apoplexy. Neces∣sity hath no Law, but it shews a great deal of Reason, to unsettle some few things by Condescension, for the settlement of a general Peace. Sometimes a little Loss is a great Gain: Those words of Tully will make it good, in his Ora∣tion for Plancius, Haec de sapientissim is & clarissimis viris, &c. non semper easdem sen∣tentias ab iisdem, sed quascun{que} Reip. status, inclinatio temporum, ratio concordiae post ula∣ret, esse defendendas. Now this Theological Junto had six meetings in West. Col∣lege, in all which time all Passages of Discourse were very friendly between part and part. The Complainants noted the Passages of some Books that suited not, in their judgment, with the Doctrin of our Church; they were condem∣ned. Somewhat in Ceremony and outward form was presented, as beside Canon, and supernumerary; they had their asking to bid it be restrain'd. Their Exceptions against our Liturgy were petty and stale, older than the Old Ex∣change; yet, for their contentment, the Vote of the Meeting did bend one way to castigate some Phrases, to publish the next printed Books, in all Passa∣ges from the beginning to the end, with the Translation of K. James's Bible, and to furnish the Calendar altogether with Lessons of Canonical Scripture, dispunging the Apocryphal. The Bishop had undertaken a Draught for regula∣ting the Government Ecclesiastical, but had not finish'd it. The sudden and quiet dispatch of all that was done already was attributed to the Chairman's Dexterity, who could play his Prize at all Weapons, dally with crooked Hu∣mours, and pluck them straight; bring all Stragglers into his own Pound, and never drive them in; foresee a Tempest of Contradiction the best that ever I knew, and scatter it before it could rise; and won all his Adversaries insen∣sibly, into a complyance, before they were aware. To this day they of the Nonconformists that survive, and were present, will tell you that they admired two things in him, in their Phrase, his Courtesie, and his Cunning.

140. When Peace came so near to the Birth, how it abortived, and by whose fault, comes now to be remembred. The Presbyterians knew not what to ask more than was yielded to them, before the face of such Scholars, with whom they were match'd: But when they were among themselves, in their own Body, they would stand to nothing. Itdem eadem possunt horam durare probantes? Hor. Ep. 1. They did never abide long by their own Reformings; for they walk by no Church-Rule of any Age. How soon would they be weary of other mens Concessions? A few weak Brethren might take these Alterations in good part, which were like to be obtained; but the noted men of the Faction could not bring themselves into Fame and Name, and somewhat else, but in a greater confusion: The old Waters must be troubled more, before they could catch the great Fish in their Flue: As one says of the Jesuites, that profess Po∣verty, and yet build stately Colleges, richly endowed, that they are not Men∣dicants for small Monies, but Beggars by wholesale: So these could make no Trade out of such small Bargains, as mend this, and mend that, but it would be worth an Alderman's Wealth to a lucky Stickler, to be a Reformer by whole∣sale: Then, as Aristophanes jeers in his Equit. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; He that's low to day, may be aloft to morrow. Therefore they make Clamour against the Bishops; for, split that holy Order, and they knew all would sink with it. No Revilings were thought ill enough to make them odious; as Theophylact complains of his Bulgarians, Episcoporum accusationibus tanquam suorum defensionibus ninituntur, Baron. ann. 1073. par. 88. So our disobedient Children, by blotting

the good Name of their Reverend Fathers, supposed themselves would look as white as a new-plaister'd Wall. It was their Eye, which was evil, that could not see the Good of our Apostolical Government: Like Luther's Fool, in his Comment on Gen. 13, who standing in the Sun, and looking downward, com∣plain'd his Shadow was crooked. The Presbyterians understood, that they should expose themselves and their Cause to the Censure of wise men, if they did adventure no further in conference at the Sub-committee. Therefore to cut off that Meeting in the heat and great hopes of it, they had a Champion that brought a Bill into the House of Commons, to take away for ever Archbishops, Bishops, Deans, Archdeacons, Chancellors, &c. call'd, The Bill of Root and Branch. This man was Sir Ed. Deering, a Knight of strong Abilities. Qui om∣nes virtutes unus, facti temeritate abstulit; as Paterculus said of Brutus, lib. 1. What must not this poor Church suffer, when her Principalities were deslin'd to be funder'd, before new could be provided, to which all might be firmly fastned? What could a single person do worse, than abrogate all our Laws and Consti∣tutions? Which is the same with that of Demosthenes, ad Timocr. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. What Device was there left to make Sorrow eat further into our Hearts, than to obtrude the new Gewgaw of the Geneva Platform upon us, instead of the Chair which St. Peter, St. John, St. Mark had erected in Europe, Asia, and Africa, from the Primitive Times? Rerum no∣vitate extrusa vetustas, Luc. lib. 3. When the Athenians compelled the Spartans to renounce their own Laws, and to accept those of Athens, Livy pitied them, Dec. 4. lib. 6. Nulla res tanto erat damno, quàm disciplina Lycurgi sublata, cui per an∣nos 800 assueverant. This was worse, compare continuance of time, but much more for Conscience. But did these Innovators sile another Bill then, or ever after, what form of Government should succeed in the place of Episcopacy? No, they could never hammer out such an Engine upon their Anvil; for which Dr. Owen girds them, being then in a good vein, Vind. Evan. p. 216. Wise Buil∣ders are they, pull down they will, although they have nothing in the room of what they endeavour'd to destroy Was there never a wise man among them, that had learnt the Polity of the Venetians, no ordinary Statesmen? Where no Officer must depart out of his Government, foreign or domestick, Priusquàm novus in ipsius lo∣cum substitueretur, Match. Resp. lib. 1. c. 50. Ours were not such Senators, but like School-boys, that make a Blot greater with wiping it out. It is not an Artist's Work, but a Hangman's, says Tully, to cut off the Limbs of a sound Body, Orat. pro Sestio. Non est ea medicina, cumsanae parti corporis scalpellum adhibetur, at{que} integrae: Carnificina est ista, & crudelitas. But this was their hour, and the power of Darkness. All was in Tumult. The King's Arm was too weak to hold the Balance of Justice: As Plutarch, in Dion, makes or tells a Story, That Pigs were sarrowed in Syracusa, another London, without Ears: And the Soothsayers told Dionysius the younger, upon it, That the People would be contumacious, and give ear to nothing. So you have the first and the last part of the Presbyterians Actings, with the other Divines, whom the Lords appointed for a Sub-commit∣tee. There may well be a Suspicion, when their Deeds do make a Confession, that they would prevail by Force, when they could not by Argument. And thus began the downfal of Episcopacy, which was never heard, never suffer'd to plead at the Bar of the Parliament in its own Cause, but, as one says pertinent∣ly, It was smother'd in a Crowd.

141. Anatomists observe, that the thinnest Membrane is that which covers the Brain, that no weight might stop it from production of Notions and Phan∣cies. Certainly it was so in our Bishop's Head-piece, who was consulted every day in weighty Affairs, and had a Task at this time, concurrent with all that went before, to look to the Case of the noble, but unfortunate Earl of Strafford: A Charge of great Crimes was hastily drawn up against him, that he had been a Tyrant in Ireland, and stirred up His Majesty to raise an Army to oppress his Subjects in England and Scotland; Haec passim Dea soeda virum diffudit in ora, AEn. 4. These were the Fictions of Fame, and no more, but made the People cast about distrustful and disloyal Doubts. The Earl, a man of great Wit and Courage, knew not whether the King and all his Friends could save him: In a rebellious nation wrath is set on fire, Ecclus 16.6. And to the shame of Subjects, be∣witch'd with the new Spirit of that Bedlam rage, neither the King nor his Justice could protect any man. Too well do I remember that of Justin, lib. 30. Nec quisquam in regno suo minùs quàm rex ipse poterat. Some say of the French, luke∣warm in Religion, that they kneel but with one Knee at Mass; a great number

in our rigid Parliament would not do so much, the locking Joynt of their Knee was too stiff to bend at all: Rebellion is a foul word, yet they blush'd not at the deed, who were ashamed of the Title. Then the Scots were resolved not to disband till this brave Lord was headless. Who hath seen a Hedge hog rouled up into a Ball? The whole lump is Prickles, do but touch it, and you hurt your Hand. Convolvuntur in modum pilae, ne quid possit comprehendt praeter aculeos, Plin l. 8. c. 37. So Lessly and his Tykes were bloody and imperious, fastned with much confidence in one body: Who could remove them? Nay, who could touch them, or go about to mollitie them, and get no harm? Then the Tumults of Sectaries, Corner-creepers, and debauch'd Hang-by's, that beset the dutiful Lord, and Commons with Poniards and Clubbs, were worse than an Army far off. These call'd for Justice, that is, for the Life of the Earl. What had they to do with Justice? which if it might have fate upon the Bench, and tryed them, every Mothers Son of them had been condemned to the Gallows: But it was safer to sit still with Prudence, than to rush on with Courage. Plus animi est inferenti periculum, quàm propulsanti, Liv. lib. 38. The Affailant, that comes to do a Mischief, puts on desperately, and is fiercer than the Defendant: And there is no equal temperature, or counterpoise of Power against the strong In∣gredient of a Multitude. I will not say, but many of this Scum invited them∣selves unbidden to do a Mischief; but there was a Leader, a Presbyter Pulpi∣teer, that bespoke them into the Uproar from Shop to Shop. Lucius Sergius signifer seditionis, concitator tabernariorum, Cic. pro dom. ad Pont. I need not a Lime-hound to draw after him that was the chief Burgess of the Burrough, who gathered this vain People to a head, that had no Head: Silly Mechanicks! Ho∣rum simplicitas miserabilis: his furor ipse—Dat veniam, Juven. Sat. 2. But what will he answer, that knew his Master's Will, and ran headlong against it? Now here's the Streight of the Earl of Strafford, expos'd to the greatest popular Rage that ever was known: All that his good Angel could whisper into him in Prison, was, to trust to God and a righteous Defence: But whereon should he bottom his Defence? He could not upon the known Law, which is the Mera∣stone to limit and define all Causes for Life, Limb, Liberty, or Living. He must stand to a Tryal, whether parcels of petty Offences will make an accumu∣lative Felony; and be arraigned upon a notion of Treason, which could be wre∣sted out of no Statute, nor be parallel'd with any President: The Treason was rather in them that call'd such things Treason, to which no English Subject was liable by his Birth-right. In populo scelus est, & abundant cuncta furore, Man. lib. 2. The Law was too much his Friend, to bring him before the face of it. Ano∣cent man fears the Law; an innocent man fears Malice and Envy. O vitae tuta facultas—Pauperis, angusti{que} laris! O munera nondum—Intellecla, Luc. lib. 5. O the security and sound sleeps of a private Life! If this Earl had not climb'd as high as the Weather-cock of Honours Spire, he had not known the Horror of a Precipice. Isocrates would never meddle with a publick Office, says the Author of his Life. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; the Athenians were so spightful at their Magistrates, that he would not trust them. Demasthenes was employed in great Places, and died untimely by a Poyson which he had confected for an evil time. Says Pausan. upon it in Atti. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. He that is entrusted to govern the people, when he hath serv'd their turn, seldom dyes fortunately. But this is the man, whose Troubles gave the Bishop occasion to shew his Abilities in two points: First, About the circumstance of the examination of the Cause. Secondly, About the Judges of the Cause, that is, Whether Bishops might be such in causâ sanguinis. There is much of it, I con∣fess, but the Learning will recompence the length. And I shall not blemish his Reputation, to say of him what the Orator said of L. Aquilius, Orat. pro Caecin∣nâ, Cujus tantum est ingenium, ita prompta fides, ut quicquid haurias, purum liquidúm{que} haurire censeas.

142. Before I draw up to the Bishop's Reports, there is more to be premised; as. That there was much ado to score out the Hearing of Strafford with a straight Line, and a Form to give some satisfaction; as a Child is often set upon its Legs before it can go. His Adversaries toss'd it about many ways, and manag'd it chiefly by two persons, Mr. St. John, the King's Sollicitor, one that did very bad Service to the King his Master, and the Church his Mother, yet of able parts; therefore I will write the Inscription of his Tomb-stone on the wrong side, and turn it downward to the Earth. The other was John Pym; Homo ex argillâ, & luto factus Epicuraeo; as Tully said of Piso, that is, in Christian English, a painted

Sepulchre, a Belly-god. From the first breaking out of the Plot against the Earl, they committed him as a Traytor to the Black Rod; who for any thing of Treason, or like to Treason, might go bare-fac'd through the World, and ne∣ver be asham'd: For, in the end of all, long after his Commitment, they had no proof towards that Crime, but a Paper brought out of old Sir H. Vane's Cabinet, by his naughty Son, Crudelis pater est magis an puer improbus ille? What were other Misdemeanors to Treason? Sift any man that hath been long in a great Office, and if his Enemies may be permitted to accuse him, see if he can escape a black Bill, which will found to his peril and disgrace, amplified with the Rhetorick of Malice. So Plutarch defends the gallant Roman Fabius, Tò〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Not to offend at all in great matters, is more than a man can do. Let me speak of his Judges with reverence: It was a Parliament which is more able to prepare Laws to pass where all are concern'd, than to sit upon a Trial where one Subject is con∣cern'd: Wise and Weak have the same Right to Judge; therefore Pliny the younger spared not to censure the Conscript-Fathers of the Roman Senate, lib. 2. Ep. In publico concilio nihil est tam inaequale quam aequalitas: quia cum sit impar pru∣dentia, par omnium jus est. Those that are no Body when they are singled and stand alone, must pass for Oracles when they vote with others in the House: Like the Vanity of Astrologers, as Salmasius taxeth them, Chym. p. 795. Singula sidera vix pro numinibus habent: Composita & offigiata potentum numinum instar ha∣bere voluerunt. The vertue of such and such a Star is not reckon'd in their Art, but put it into a Constellation, that Figure cast into a Globe of Stars, they hold to be propitions, in-flowing into the Life and Death of Men. There were some in this Parliament that out of their Birth and Education were carried to noble Attempts, who would not concurr to the Ruin of great Wentworth; but their Names were posted for it by Ruffians, as Enemies to the State: And this was never look'd into for a breach of Privilege. An Indignity will never be forgot∣ten, till Truth hath left to breathe. And it was to no purpose to reason it sober∣ly with so violent Opposites: Decernente ferocissimo quo{que} non sententiis, sed clamore, & strepitu, Liv. lib. 20. Their Blood was warmed with the greatness of their number, and confidence in the People: Beside, says the rare Author, in his Essay of Faction, it is often seen, that a few that are stiff will tire out a greater num∣ber that are more moderate. What odds then was on their side, that exceeded in quantity and stiffness? Yet every thing that is stiff is not streight. But here the bloody part were the Godly in their own Language, they, and no others. All that came from them, was pretended to be for Reformation and common Safe∣ty, but as different in event as Numbers that are even and odd. Hypocrisie dwells next door to Virtue, but never comes into its Neighbor's House. What Justice was that which was thrown by for ever, which plaid its part so ill, that the very Actors hiss'd it off the Stage, and provided by their own Vote, that it should be seen no more? Quintil. lib. 7. hath this upon the Pleadings of his time, Tot saeculis nullam repertam esse causam, quae sit tota alterisimilis. No Cause was ever pleaded, that was the same with any that went before, in all points and circum∣stances. But how say you to this Cause, when it was enacted by Statute, That no Cause should be like it for the time to come? Sir Rob. Dallington notes the Subtlety of the Pope in these words: That he never challengeth a Power. till he be able to maintain it, (no more did this High Court) and then, that he never approves a Mischief till it be done. So did not this Court, that would not approve their own Mischief when it was done: They were not asham'd before, and when they shed innocent Blood, but after: Quos cum nihil refert pudet: ubi pudendum est deserit illos pudor, Plaut. in Bacch. Finally, no Evidence can have more light than this, That they knew not how to make their Justice passable, because, before they began, they found so many Knots and Scruples how to enter into a Trial. When they had resolved on a way, the King would have crost them: Discreet men were afraid, lest Opposition should make them worse: Lincoln is consulted, approves the King's Zeal to use all expedient means to rescue his faithful Servant, but thought it would do hurt, to check what the Parliament had devised for a legal procedure. He that seeks a thing the wrong way, goes so far backward. In all Contests of Power the King is ever thought to do wrong: The King's Greatness, made too much contemptible already, must beware to take a foyl at this time: Mary Queen of Scotland, Mother to James the third (who was deem'd worthy the Character of Livia the Empress, Ulysses stolata, Ulysses in a Petticoat, Calig. in Sueton.) gave this Counfel to her Son on her Death-bed,

Suffer not your Prerogative to come in question; but fore-seeing the danger, rather give way to all that in reason is demanded of you, Drum. p. 79. With these Considera∣tions the Bishop proceeds to deliver his Opinion, as followeth, to the Lords.

143. The first Question which your Lordships have called upon me to resolve is, Whether the House of Commons may examine some of the Members of their House before a Committee of your Lordships? There is no question of the thing, but of the time. Regularly they ought not to do it yet: but ought first to put in a Specifial Charge, and the Reus, or Defendant first be call'd to his Answer. Then, and not before, Witnesses ought to be produced. This is the regular Course. If the Charge be not Specifial, it may be demurred unto, and need not be an∣swer'd at all. We have all this in the Acts of the Apostles, cap. 25. Festus brought brought forth Paul to be examin'd before Agrippa, that he might have 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, v. 27. some certain matter to lay to his charge, so as he might not slip away from it. Therefore a general and uncertain matter will not serve the turn. For otherwise 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, v. 28. it seem'd to Festus void of all reason, to send a Pri∣soner to Rome, and no Charge go along with him. They are call'd there 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, particular Criminations. This is the regular way before your Witnesses are used. The Star-Chamber goes a little further beside the Rule: For in the King's Cause, upon Affidavit of Sickness, to prevent Mortality, and as it were de benè esse, some Witnesses have been admitted to Examination before any Answer put in, or Issue joyned. Though these Witnesses were to be re-examin'd after Issue joyn'd, in case they recover'd. A particular Charge being laid before you, when the House of Commons is a Party, and the Charge of so high a na∣ture as Treason, I shall not advise this Honourable House to use any Chiquance∣ry, or Pettisoggery with this great Representation of the Kingdom; but ad∣mit them forthwith to examine their own Members; yet with this Caution, To hew the Names two days before they be produced, to the Sollicitor of the Defendant, that he may have notice of the persons. But the House press for Secrecy in the Examination. Well, they are safe enough while they are in the Lord's hands; who have Urim and Thummim, perfect Knowledge, and perfect Integrity: and therefore nothing can be suspected. Are not they surer than o∣ther Officers? In ordinary Commissions out of Star-Chamber, my Lord Ells∣more would not allow that any Clerks should be used, to prevent Futility and Evaporation, saying, That the best Commissioner in England was not too good to be the King's Clerk. Secondly, I am as'kt about the Examination of the Peers, and the Assistants of this House upon Oath. There is no question to be made about the Assistants, they are no Peers of this Kingdom; but whether Peers may be produced as Witnesses, and testifie upon Oath? A question not sit to be now handled, and impossible to be resolved out of the Rolls of the Parliament; be∣cause the Peers give their Testimony both in this Court, and others, either way. And I am confident a Peers Averment against his Fellow Peer cannot be refu∣sed either way; especially in case of Treason: For a Peer judgeth his Peer wor∣thy of Death upon his Honour, and therefore may witness against him upon his Honour. In this Court, and almost in this Case, in Alze Pierce her Case, 1 Rich. 2. Num. 21. Lord Roger Beauchamp swears upon the Holy Evangelists: The Lord of Lancaster, King of Castile and Leon, is examin'd, but not sworn. Nay, both ways have been declar'd in this House to be all one. Your Lordships declaring that you did not bound, limit, or terminate your As∣sertion with your Honour, but mount it, and relate it up unto God, that gave you your Honour; and yielded your selves perjur'd, if you falsisied in swearing upon Honour; which is just the very same, as if you sware upon the Holy E∣vangelists. To swear upon Honour, and rest there, were Idolatry. But to swear up∣on Honour with a Report and Relation to God, who bestowed it upon your Lordships, as a special Favour and Grace, is as Christian an Oath as any in the World: For new Scruples in the manner, as to touch the Book, to look on the Book, to hold up a Finger or Hand to Heaven, are Ceremonies which the House of Commons little regards, but leaves them to us: And the Lord of Strafford is so wise, that he will never question the Honour of his Peers. And why should we trouble our selves about the circumstance, but leave each Lord called to testi∣sie, to call God as a Witness to his Assertion, in which of these two manners it shall please his Lordship: Not the Book, not the Honour, but the Invocation of God to bear witness to the Assertion, makes the Oath.

144. I am put to it by your Lordships, to speak, in the third place, about the examination of Privy Councillors: Here needs no distinction between Peers and Assistants: This is part of a Privy Councillor's Oath, That he shall keep se∣cret all matters committed and revealed to him, or that shall be treated of in Council. 2. If any Treaty touch his fellow-Councillor, he shall not reveal it unto him, till the King or Council shall require it. I collect now, that matters of Fact he may reveal without violation of his Oath; and that he may be examin'd of matters revea∣led unto him, that were treated of in Council, if they were not treated of in Council when he was present: That a Privy-Councillor, for all his Oath, may be examin'd concerning Words, Advices, or Opinions of another Privy-Coun∣cillor, otherwise given than in Council: That Bed-chamber and Gallery Dis∣course is nothing to the Council-Table: Private Entertainers of the King, when the Counsellors attend at the Door, are not to pass for Counsellors: Ear-wiggs and Whisperers are no Counsellors, but detracters from Counsellors: If they advise the Destruction of the King, the State, or the Laws of the Realm there is nothing in the Oath to protect such an Ear-worm, but he may be appeached: For matters which touch another fellow-Councillor, or matters committed otherwise to him, or which shall be treated of in Council, these are not to be concealed from all forts of men, but from private men only; not from the King, not from the Council, (both those are in the Oath) nor from the Parliament: That Privy-Councillots may be examin'd by Command of the Parliament, for things treated in Council; 2. for things revealed unto them secretly, from the King in his Bed-chamber; 3. and especially, for ear-wigging and treating with the King in private, after things already settled in Council. The Case of Alze Pierce, 1 Rich. II. num. 41. clears all these Doubts: And it is the Case also of a Deputy of Ireland. William of Windsor, Lord-Deputy, misbehaved himself in Ireland; the Council directs Sir Nicholas Dagworth to go thither, and to en∣quire into his Actions; Windsor makes means to Alze Pierce to keep off this man, under pretence of Enmity betwixt them: This Shunamite, that lay in David's Bosom, prevails with the King to stay Sir N. Dagworth, the Council-Order not∣withstanding: The Lords in Parliament question her for this act, as having drawn with it the Ruin of the State in Ireland: She pleads not guilty, Issue is joyned: The Lords produce inter alios, John Duke of Lancaster, upon his Honor, and Roger Beauchamp Lord Chamberlain, upon the Evangelists: Alze produceth of her part the Steward and Comptroller of the Houshold: All these four were Privy-Counsellors; they depose all of them nothing else but matters trea∣ted of in Council, and opposed by Alze Pierce, treating with the King out of Council. So that, if this Record be true, this Case is cleared, Privy-Councillors may not be forced by ordinary Courts of Justice, to reveal things treated of in Council, but may be produced, upon Oath and Honour, to reveal such Secrets by the King, the Council, or the Parliament, especially in detestation of State∣whisperers and Ear-wiggs; yea, though they had taken no Oath at all. Yet God forbid a Privy-Counsellor should witness against his Fellow, for publickly venting the freedom of his Judgment at the Board, who is bound to advise faith∣fully, not wisely; as I do here this day. Should any man be accused for an Er∣ror of Judgment? O God defend! peradventure my Error hath set all the rest of the Council straight: Errores antiquorum venerari oportet: si illi non errassent, minùs ipse providissem: otherwise you would take away all Freedom of Debates, nay, almost of very Thoughts. If I knew any man would witness against me for my Council-Table Opinion, I would say to him as Gallus did to Tyberius Cae∣sar, Good Sir, speak you first, for I may mistake, and you may witness against me for it in the next Parliament. Some did make Laws with Ropes about their Necks: What? Must men give their Counsel as it were with Ropes about their Necks? Solomon says, When thou comest to a rich man's table, put a knife to thy Throat. But what's here? When we give Judgment, as we are able, among the Lords of the Council, must we put an Ax to our Necks? Beware of such Traps, pittying the case of human Weakness.

145. The fourth Question is thus comprized; Whether some Members of the House of Commons may be present at the Examination. Judicially they cannot, the Judicature is in your Lordships; but whether organically and ministerially, is the Scruple to be satisfied. I will be brief in my Conceptions, what is against the claim of the House of Commons, and what is for them. This is not for them, That 50 Edw. 3. one Love was a Witness in Lord John Nevile's Case;

Love denied what he had confest before two Knights, Members of the Lower House: The House of Commons send them to the Lords to confront Love; which they did, and Love was thereupon committed. Now, their being here was only to confront, not to assist the Lords, either judicially or ministerially. Many things make for them, why they may be there, ministerially at least: First, Originally both Houses were together, and so the Commons heard all Exa∣minations; Considerent inter se. Modus ten. Pl. and sate so till Anno 6 Edw. 3. by Mr. Elsing's Collections, which are not over-authentick. Secondly, After that time, they have, all the House of Commons, been present, when Witnesses were sworn here—Anno 5 Hen. IV. Rot. 11. swears his Fealty before the Lords and Commons; and two or three days after, by the same Oath, and before the same persons, clears the Archbishop of Canterbury, and the Duke of York, from a Suspicion of Treason laid to their charge. The Commons were by, and heard all this. The third Reason is, Mr. Attorny-General, if this Lord were arraigned of Treason (as I pray God bless him from deserving it) would be by, and observe his Defence, and such Witnesses as he should produce for him∣self, and would, no doubt, bring Counter proofs Sur le Champ, and upon the sudden against the same, if he were able. The House of Commons is in this case the King's Attorny, who make and maintain the charge. So far, out of brief Notes (for take them to be no other) you have a strong Judgment pass'd upon four Questions. Says Tully in his Brutus, of Caesar's Eloquence, Tabulam benè pictam collocat in bono lumine; He draws his Picture well, and hangs it out to be well seen: So here's a Piece well drawn, and placed in the light of Perspicuity. His next Argument is very long, but of that use to the Reader, that he shall not sind so much Learning in any Author on that Theme, that I know a Scholar would not want it. They that fostered deadly Enmities against E. Strafford, la∣boured to remove the Bishops from the hearing of his Cause. This Bishop and his Brethren minding to him all the Pity and Help they could shew him, the Opposites began to vote them out of Doors, and would not admit them in the Right of Peers in this Cause, because it was upon Life and Blood, Lincoln maintains, that the Lords did them Injury, and that Bishops in England may, and ought to vote in causâ sanguinis, That they were never inhibited by the Law of this Land, never by the Peers of the Land before this time; That their vo∣luntary forbearance in some Centuries of the Ages before, proceeded from their Fears of the Canons of the Court of Rome, and by the special Leave of the King and both Houses, who were graciously pleased to allow of their Prote∣stations for their Indemnity, as Church-men, when the King and Parliament might have rejected their Protestations, if they had pleas'd. And much he in∣sisted upon it, that the opponent Lords grounded their Judgment upon the corrupt Canons of the Church of Rome. Indeed, I find in my own Papers, that the Monks of Canterbury complain'd against Hubert their Archbishop, to the Pope, for sitting upon Tryals of Life and Blood: They could not complain, that he went against the Laws and Customs of England, but their Appeal was to the Pope's Justice; and it was more tolerable for Monks to rake in the Rub∣bish of the Roman Courts, than for English Barons. And say, in sooth, must not Divines of the Reformed Church meddle in Cause of Blood? 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Amph. Would they be laugh'd at for this Hypocrisie, or abhorr'd? For, who more forward to thrust into the Troops of the late War, than the Mi∣nisters, whom they countenanc'd? Have I not seen them prance about the Streets in London, with Pistols in their Holsters, and Swords by their sides? And so for Edg-hill and Newberry, &c. Could they rush into so many Fights, and be clear from cause of Blood? Nay, the Pontisical part make but a Mockery of this Canon; for anno 1633, a Book was printed in Paris, sill'd with a Catalogue of Cardinals, Bishops, and Priests, who had been brave Warriours, most of them Leaders in the Field; the Author, a Sycophant, aimed to please Cardinal Richlieu, and a Fig for the Canons: Reason, Canons, Parliamentary Privileges, nay Religion, are to corrupt men, as they like them for their own ends. Now hear how this Bishop did wage his Arguments for the affirma∣tive.

146. It is to be held for a good Cause, against which nothing of moment can be alledg'd; such is this concerning the Right of Bishops to vote in causâ san∣guinis. First, It is not prohibitum quia malum, not any way evil in it self, no more than it is an evil thing in it self to do Justice. Secondly, It was in use from the Law of Nature, when the eldest of the Family was King, Priest, and Prophet.

Thirdly, It was in use under Moses's Law, and so continued in the Priests and Levites, down to Annas and Caiaphas, and after Christ's death, till the Temple was destroyed; as appears by the scourging of the Apostles, by the stoning of Stephen, and commanding St. Paul to be smitten on the Mouth. Fourthly, It was in use in the persons of the Apostles themselves, as in that Judgment given upon Ananias and Saphira; in the delivery up to Satan, as most of the ancient Fa∣thers expound that Censure, to be a corporal Vexation: And generally, in all the Word of God, there is no one Text that literally inhibits Church-men more than Lay-men, to use this kind of Judicature: For that Precept, to be no striker, 1 Tim. 3.3. is no more to be appropriated to a Bishop, distinct from the rest of Christian men, than that which is added, not to be given to Wine, that is, immode∣rately taken. Proceed we to Practice and Use in our own Country. Why, it was in use in this Island before the Romans entred the same, when the Druids gave all the Sentences in Causes of Blood, Si coedes fac••e p••as constituunt, Caesar Bel. Gai. li. 6. And see Mr. Selden's Epinomis, c. 2. Nor is it like that the Romans, when they were our Masters, should forbid it in Priests, whose Pontifical Col∣lege, after they had entertain'd the twelve Tables, meddled in all matters of this kind, Strabo Geogr. lib. 4. And it is as unlike, that the Christian Religion ex∣cluded Bishops in this Island from Secular Judicatures, since King Lucius is dire∣cted to take out his Laws, for the regulating of his Kingdom, by the Advice of his Council, ex utráque pagina, the Old and New Testament, which could not be done in that Age without the help of his Bishops. See Sir H. Spelman's Coun∣cils, p. 34. Ann. Dom. 185. And how the great Prelates, among the ancient Britains, were wholly employ'd in these kind of secular agitations, you may see in the Ecclesiastical Laws of Howel Dha, set forth by Sir H. Spelman, pag. 408. anno 940. And a little before this Howel Dha, lived K. Aetheljtan, in the second Chapter of whose Ecclesiastical Laws we have it peremptorily set down, Hinc debent Episcopi cum Saeculi Judicibus interesse judiciis; and particularly in all Judg∣ments of the Ordeals, which no man that understands the word can make any doubt to have been extended to Mutilation and Death, Sir H. S. Counc. p. 405. ann. 928. And that the Bishops joyned alwaies with the secular Lords in all Ju∣dicatory Laws and Acts, under the whole reign of the Saxons and Danes in this Island, we may see by those Saxon-Danish Laws (or rather Capitularies, which among the French and Germans do signifie a mixture of Laws, made by the Prince, the Bishops, and the Barons, to rule both Church and Common-wealth) set forth by Mr. Lambert, anno 1568. See particularly the ninth Chapter of St. Ed∣ward's Laws, De his qui ad judicium sorri vel aquae judicati sunt; fol. 128. And thus it continued in this Kingdom long after the Conquest, to wit, in Henry Beu-clerk's time, after whose Reign it began to be a little limited and restrained; for at Clarendon, anno 1164, 8 Calend. Febr. 11 Henr. 21, a general Record is agreed upon by that King's Special Command, of all the Customs and Liberties of this Kingdom, ever since Hen. the First, the King's Grandfather; as you may see in Matth. Paris, p. 96, of the first Edition; where, among other Customs agreed upon, this is one: Archbishops and Bishops, and all other persons of this Kingdom, which hold of the King in capite, are to enjoy their Possessions of the King as a Barony, and by reason thereof, are to answer before the Judges and Officers of the King, and to observe and perform all the King's Customs: And just as the rest of the Barons ought (for it was a Duty required of them, as the King now by his Summons doth from us) to be present in the Judgments of the King's Courts, together with the rest of the Barons, un∣til such time as they shall there proceed to the mangling of Members, or Sentence of Death.

147. Observe, that there is a diversity of reading in the last words; for Matth. Paris, a young Monk, that lived long after, reads this Custom thus; Quous∣que perveniatur ad diminutionem membrorum, vel ad mortem. Which may be wrested to the first agitation of any Charge tending that way; but Quadrilogus, a Book written in that very Age, and the original Copy of the Articles of Clarendon, which Becket sent to Rome, extant at this day in the Vatican Library, and out of which Baronius, in his Annals, anno 1164, transcribes it, reads the Custom thus, Usque perveniatur in judicio ad diminutionem membrorum, &c. which leaves the Bi∣shops to sit there, until the Judgment come to be pronounced, amounting to Death, or Mutilation of Members. And as this was agreed to be the Custom, so was it the Practice also, after that 11th year, to wit, in the 15th year of Henry the Second, at what time the Lay-Peers are so far from requiring the Bishops to withdraw, that they endeavour to force them alone to hear and determine a

matter of Treason in the person of Becket. Stephanides is my Author for this, who was a Chaplain and Follower of that Archbishop, The Barons say, saith that Author, You Bishops ought to pronounce Sentence upon your selves; we are Laicks, you are Church-men, as Becket is; you are his fellow-Priests, and fellow-Bishops. To whom some one of the Bishops replied, This belongs to you, my Lords, rather than to us, for this is no ecclesiastical, but a secular Judicature: We sit not here as Bishops, but as Barons. Nos Barones, & vos Barones, hic Pares sumus. And in vain it is that you should labour to find any difference at all in our Order or Calling. See this Manuscript cited by Mr. Selden, Titles of Honour, 2 Edit. p. 705. And thus the Custom continued till the 21st year of the same King Henry II. at what time that Provincial Synod was kept at Westminster, by the Archbishop of Canterbury, and some few of his Suffragans, which Roger Hoveden mentions in his History, p. 543. And it seems Gervasius Dorobernensis, which is a Manuscript I have not seen. The quoting of this Monk in the Margin of that Collection of Privileges, which Mr. Selden, by command, had made for the Upper House of Parliament, is the only ground of stirring up this Question against the Bishops at this pre∣sent, intended by Mr. Selden for a Privilege to the Bishops, not for a Privilege to the Lay Peers, to be pressed against the Bishops. The Canon runs thus: It is not lawful for such as are constituted in Holy Orders, Judicium sanguinis agitare, to put in execution Judgment of Blood; and therefore we forbid, that they shall either in their own persons execute any such mutilation of Members, or sentence them to be so acted by others: And if any such person shall do any such thing, he shall be deprived of the Office and Place of his Order and Function. We do likewise sorbid, under the peril of Excommunication, that no Priest be a secular Sheriff or Provost. Now this is no Canon made in England, much less confirmed by Common Law, or assented to by all the Bishops of the Province of Canterbury, or by any one of the Province of York, but transcribed (as appears by Hovenden's Margin) out of a Council of Toledo; which in the time that Council is supposed to be held, was the least Kingdom in Spain, and not so big as York-shire, and consequently improper to regulate all the World, and especially this remote Kingdom of England. Beside, as this poor Monk sets it down, it doth inhibit Church-men from being Hang-men, rather than from being Judges, to condemn men to be thus mutilated and man∣gled in their Members, an ordinary Punishment of the Goths and Vandals, who then lived in Spain, but never heard of here with us of many years before the Reign of Hen. II, and therefore not sitly pressed to drive Bishops from sitting as Peers in the case of the Earl of Strafford, who is not to be sentenc'd to any mu∣tilation of Members. True it is, that in the Council it self, being the Eleventh Council of Toledo, Can. 6. they are forbidden, Quod morte plectendum sit sententiâ propria judicare, to sentence in any Cause that is to be punish'd with Death: Whereas, in the Fourth Council of Toledo, Can. 31, under Sisinandus, not long before, held anno 633, it is said, That the Kings do oftentimes commit to Priests and Bishops their Judicature, Contra quoscunque Majestatis obnoxios, against all Trea∣sons; howbeit they are directed not to obey their King in this particular, unless they have him bound by Oath to pardon the Party, in case they shall find rea∣son to mediate for him. And thus the Canon-Law went in Spain, but no where else in Christendom in that Age.

148. But these Bishops at Westm. travelled not so far as Toledo, to fetch in this Ca∣non into their Synod, but took it out of Gratian, then in vogue, (for he lived in the time of Hen. Beu-clerk, Grandfather to this Hen. II.) who in the second part of his Decrees, Cap. de Clericis, saith thus, Clericis in sacris ordinibus constitutis ex con∣cil. Tolet. Judicium sanguinis agitaro non licet. And so this Canon was fetch'd from Spain into these other parts of Europe, above four hundred years after the first ma∣king thereof, upon this occasion. Pope Gregory the Seventh, otherwise called Hildebrand, who lived in the time of William the Conqueror, having so many deadly Quarrels against Hen. IV. Emperor of Germany, to make his part good and strong, laid the first ground (which his Successors in their Canons closely pursued) to draw the Bishops, and other great Prelates of Germany, France, En∣gland, and Spain from their Lay-Soveraigns and Leige-Lords, to depend wholly upon him, and so by colour and pretence of Ecclesiastical Immunities, with∣drew them from the Services of their Princes, in War and in Peace, and parti∣cularly from exercising all Places of Judicature in the Civil Courts of Princes, to the which Offices they were by their Breeding and Education more enabled, than the martial Lay-Lords of that rough Age, and by their Fiefs and Baronies, which they held from Kings and Emperors, particularly bound and obliged. And

therefore you shall find, that whereas the Bishops of this Island before the Con∣quest, did still joyn with the Thanes, Aldermen, and Lay-Lords, in the ma∣king and executing of all Laws whatsoever, touching deprivation of Life, and mutilation of Members: Yet soon after, when the Norman and English Pre∣lates, Lanfrank, Anselm, Becket, and the rest, began to trade with Rome, and as Legati nati, to wed the Laws and Canons cried up in Rome, and to plant them here in England, they withdrew by little and little our Prelates from these Employments, and Dependencies upon the Kings of England; and, under the colour of Exemptions and Church-Immunities, erected in this Land an Eccle∣siastical Estate and Monarchy, depending wholly upon the Pope, inhibiting them to exercise secular Employments, or to sit with the rest of the Peers in Ju∣dicatures of Life and Members, otherwise than as they list themselves; and hence principally did arise those great heats between our Rufus and Anselm, which Eadmer speaks of, and those ancient Customs of this Kingdom, which Hen. II. pressed upon Becket, in the Articles of Clarendon, that the Pre∣lates ought to be present in the King's Courts, &c. Which Pope Alexander, a notable Boutefeu of those times in the Church of God, did tolerate, though not approve of; as he apostyles that Article with his own Hand, to be shewn to this day in the M. S. extant in the Vatican Library. And although I shall not deny, but the Popes did plead Scripture for this Inhibition (as they did for all things else) and allude unto that place, 2 Tim. 3.4. which they backed with one of the Canons of the Apostles, as they call them, the seventh in number. Yet it is clear, their main Authority is fetch'd from this obscure Synod of Toledo, where eighteen Bishops only were convened, under Bamba the Goth, who of a Plow∣man was made a King, and of a King a Cloyster'd Monk; as you may see in the History of Rodericus Santius, par. 2. c. 32. This is all the goodly Ground that either Gratian in his Decrees, or Innocent III, in the Decretals, or Roger Ho∣veden in his History, alledges against the Ecclesiastical Peers, their sitting as Judges in Causes of Blood, to wit, this famous Gothish Council of Toledo. The first that planted this Canon here in England was Stephen Langton a Cardinal, the Pope's Creature, (as his Holiness was pleased to stile him in his Bull) and thrust upon the See of Canterbury by a Papal Provision, where he continued in Rebel∣lion against his Soveraign, as long as King John lived. This Archbishop, un∣der colour of Ecclesiastical Immunity (for so this Canon is marshall'd by Lin∣wood) at Osney near Oxford, did ordain; Ne quis Clericus beneficiatus, vol in sacris Ordinibus constitutus praesumat interesse, ubi judicium sanguinis tractatur, vel exercea∣tur. And this is the first Canon broach'd in this Kingdom to this effect; that of Othobone being subsequent in time, and a meer Foreign or Legantine Consti∣tution: See it at large in Linwood, Constit. lib. 3. ad sinem. And by vertue of a Branch of this very Constitution, the now Archbishop, two years since, sined the Bishop of Gloucester in the High-Commission, because he had given way, in time of Pestilence only, that a Sessions, a Judgment of Blood, might be kept in a sacred place, which was likewise inhibited in this Canon. But this admits of a multitude of Answers. First,

149. Quod haec dictio Clericus ex vi verbi non comprehendit Episcopum, Linwood lib. 3. de locat is & conductis. Secondly the irregularity, incurr'd by Judicature in Causes of Blood, is only Jure positivo, and therefore dispensable by the Pope, saith Covarruvias in Clemen. si furiosus, p. 2. com. 5. n. 1. and here in England is dispens'd with in Bishops by the King, who in his Writs or Summons to the Parliament, commands the Lords Spiritual, without any exception of Causes of Blood, to joyn in all Matters and Consultations whatsoever, with the Temporal Peers of the Kingdom, their Summons being unto them a sufficient Dispensation so to do. And Othobon himself, inhibiting other Clerks to use these Secular Judicatures, hath a Salvo to preserve the Priviledges of our Lord the King, whereby he may use any of their Services in that kind, when he shall see cause, Tit. ne Clerici Ju∣ris. saec. exerceant. And Linwood upon that Text, doth instance in the Clerks of the Chancery, and others. Nor are these Writs, that summon the Bishops, Di∣spensations only, but Mandates also: And those Bishops have been fined at the Kings Bench, and elsewhere, that absented themselves from Councils in Parlia∣ment without the King's special leave and licence first obtained. Thirdly, When they are forbidden, interesse, to be present, the meaning is not (in the very Ca∣nons themselves, that they should go out of the room; but only that they should not be present to add Authority, Help, and Advice to any Sentence pronounced against a particular or individual Person in cause of Blood, or mutilation. If

he be present auctorizando, consilium, opem, vel operam dando, then he contracts an irregularity, and no otherwise, saith our Linwood out of Innocentius. And the Canon reacheth no further than to him that shall pronounce Sentence of Death, or Mutilation upon a particular Person: For Prelates that are of Counsel with the King in Parliament, or otherwise, being demanded the Law in such, and such a Case (without naming any individuum) may answer, generaliter loquendo, That Treason is to be punisht with Death, and a Counterseiter of the King's Coin. Hostien. lib. 2. eap. de fals. monet. allowed by John Montague de Collatione Parliamentorum, In Tracta. Doctor. Vol. 10. p. 121. Fourthly, These Canons are not in force in England, to bind the King's Subjects, for several Reasons: First, Because they are against his Majesty's Prerogative, as you may see it clearly in the Articles of Clarendon, and the Writ of Summons, and therefore abolished 25 H. 8. c. 8. It is his Majesty's Prerogative, declar'd at Clarendon, that all such Ecclesiastical Peers, as hold of him by Barony, should assist in the King's Judica∣tures, until the very actual pronouncing of a Sentence of Blood. And this holds from Henry the First down to the latter end of Queen Elizabeth, who imploy∣ed Archbishop Whitgist as a Commissioner upon the Life of the Earl of Essex, to keep him in Custody, and to examine him after that Commotion in London. And to say that this Canon is confirm'd by Common Law, is a merry Tale; there being nothing in the Common Law that tends that way. Secondly, It hath been voted in the House of Commons, in this very Session of Parliament, That no Canons since the Conquest, either introduced from Rome by Legatine Power, or made in our Synods, had in any Age, nor yet have at this present, any power to bind the Sub∣jects of this Realm, unless they be confirmed by Act of Parliament. Now these Ca∣nons, which inhibit the Presence of Church-men in Cause that concerns Life and Member, were never confirm'd by any, but seem to be impeach't by divers and sundry Acts of Parliament. Thirdly, The whole House of Peers have this very Session despised and set aside this Canon Law, which some of the young Lords cry up again in the same Session, and in the very same Cause, to take a∣way the Votes of the Bishops, in the Case of the Earl of Strafford. For by the same Canon Law that forbids Clergy-men to Sentence, they of that Coat are more strictly inhibited to give no Testimony in Causes of Blood. Nee ettam po∣test esse test is vel tabellio in causâ Sanguinis. Linw. part 2. sol. 146. For no Man co-operates more in a Sentence of Death than the Witnesses, upon whose At∣testation the Sentence is chiefly past. Lopez pract. crim. c. 98. distl. 21. and yet have the Lords admitted as Witnesses, produced by the House of Commons against the Earl of Strafford, the Archbishops of Canterbury and Armagh, with the Bishop of London: which Lords command now all Bishops to withdraw in the agitati∣on of the self same Case. Bishops, it seems, may be Witnesses, to kill ont-right; but may not sit in the Discussion of the Cause, to help, in case of Innocency, a distressed Nobleman. Whereas the very Gothish Bishops, who first invented this Exclusion of Prelates from such Judicatures, allow them to Vote, as long as there is any hope left of clearing the Party, or gaining of Pardon. 4. Conc. Tol. Can. 31. And by the beginning of that Canon, observe the use in Spain in that Age, Anno 633. as touching this Doctrine, Saepe principes contra quoslibet ma∣jestatis obnoxios Sacerdotibus negotia sua committunt; Binnius 4. Tom. Can. Edit. ult. p. 592. Lastly, In the Case of Archbishop Abbot, all the great Civilians and Judges of the Land, as Dr. Steward, Sir H. Martin, the Lord Chief Justice Ho∣bart, and Judge Doderidge (which two last were very well versed in the Canon Law) delivered positively (when my self at first opposed them) That all Irre∣gularities introduced by Canons upon Ecclesiastical Persons, concerning matters of Blood, were taken away by the Reformation of the Church of England, and were repugnant to the Statute 25 II. 8. as restraining the King's most just Prerogative, to imploy his own Subjects in such Functions and Offices, as his Predecessors had done, and to allow them those Priviledges and Recreations, as by the Laws and Customs of this Realm, they had formerly enjoy'd; notwithstanding the Decree de Clerico venatore, or the Consti∣tution, nae Clerici Saeculare, &c. or any other in that kind.

150. The only Objection which appears upon any Learning or Record, against the Clergies Voting in this Kingdom in Causes of Blood, are two or three Pro∣testations, entred by the Bishops among the Records of the upper House of Par∣liament, and some few Passages in the Law-Books relating thereunto. The Protestation the Lords now principally stand upon, is that of William Courtney Archbishop of Canterbury, 11 Rich. 2. inserted in the Book of Priviledges, which Mr. Selden collected for the Lords of the upper House. In the Margin where∣of

that passage out of R. Hovenden, about which we spake before about Cler∣gy-mens agitation of Judgments of Blood, is unluckily inserted, and for want of due consideration, and some suspicion of partial carriage in the Bishops, in the case of the Earl of Strafford, hath been eagerly pressed upon the Bishops by some of the Lords, in such an unusual and unaccustomed manner, that if I my self, offering to speak to this Objection, had not voluntarily withdrawn, the rest of the Bishops and I had been, without hearing, voted out of the House, in the agitation of a Splinter of that Cause of the Earl of Strafford's, which came not near any matter of Blood. An act never done before in that honourable House, and ready to be executed suddenly, without the least consideration of the merit of the Cause. The only words insisted upon in the Protestation of Courtney's, are these; Because in this present Parliament certain matters are agitated, whereat it is not lawsul for us, according to the Prescript of holy Canons, to be pre∣sent.—And by and by after they say—These matters are such, in the which, Nec possumus, nec debemus interesse—This is the Protestation most stood upon. That of Archbishop Arundel 21 Rich. 2. is not so full and ample as this of Courtney's: For the Bishops going forth left their Proxies with the Lay-Lords, and consequently continued present in Judicature in the eye and con∣struction of the Law. Therefore I apply my Answers to Courtney's Protestation principally; which are divers, and fit to be weighed and ponder'd. First, I do observe that Bishops did never protest or withdraw in Causes of Blood, but only under the unsteddy Reign of Richard the Second. Never before, nor after the time of that unfortunate King, to this present Parliament, for ought appears in Record or History. And that one Swallow should make us such a Spring, and one Omission should create a Law or Custom against so many Actions of the English Prelates, under so many Kings before, so many Kings and Queens after that young Prince, seems to me a strange Doctrine; especially when I consi∣der, that by the Rules of the Civil and Common Law, a Protestation dies with the death of him that makes it, or is regularly vacated and disannulled, Per con∣trarium actum subsequentem protestationem, by any one subsequent act varying from the tenour of the said Protestation. Regul. Juris. Bap. Nicol. part. 2. Now that you may know how the Prelates carried themselves in this point, and actually voted in Causes of Treason, and sometimes to Blood, before Richard the Se∣cond, I refer me to what I cited before out of Mr. Selden, and he out of Stepha∣nides, concerning Becket condemned by his Peers Ecclesiastical and Temporal, 15 H. 2. Archbishop Stratford acquitted of High Treason in Parliament by four Prelates, four Earls, and four Barons under Edward the Third. Antiq. Britan. p. 223. There was 4 Ed. 3. Roger de Mortimer. Berisford, Travers, and others ad∣judged Traitors by Bishops as well as other Peers. 16 Ed. 3. Thomas de Berkely was acquitted of Treason in pleno Parliamento. And especially I refer my self to Roll 21 Rich. 2. Num. 10. which averrs, That Judgments and Ordinances, in the time of that King's Progenitors, had been avoided by the absence of the Clergy; which makes the Commons there to pray, that the Prelates would make a Procurator, by whom they might in all Judgments of Blood, be at the least legally, if they durst not be bodily present in such Judicatures. And for the practice since the Reign of Rich. II. be it ob∣served, that in the fifth of Hen IV. the Commons thank the Lords Spiritual and Tem∣poral, for their good and rightful Judgment in freeing the Earl of Northumberland from Treason. 3 Hen. 5. The Commons pray a Confirmation of the Judgment given upon the E. of Cambridge, by the Lords Spiritual and Temporal. 5 H. 5. Sir J. Oldcastle is attainted of Treason and Heresie by the Lords Spiritual and Temporal. 28 H. 6. The Duke of Suffolk is charged with Treason before the Lords Spiritual and Temporal. 31 H. 6. The Earl of Devon in like sort: and so down to the Earl of Bristol's Case 22 Maii 1626. ten Bishops are joyned with ten Earls, and ten Ba∣rons, in the disquisition and agitation of that supposed Treason. I leave it there∣fore to any indifferent Judgment, Whether these Protestations made all under one Kings Reign, dying with the Parties that made them, can void a Right and Cu∣stom, grounded on a continual Practice to the contrary, in all other Tryals that have been since the Conquest, to this present Parliament.

151. Secondly, It is fitting we know the nature of a Protestation, which some may mistake: Protestatio est animi nostri declaratio, juris acquirendi, vel con∣servandi, vel damnum depellendi causâ facta, saith Spiegle, Calvin, and all the Civi∣lians. No Protestation is made by any man in his Wits, to destroy his own Right, and much less another mans, but to acquire, or preserve some Right, or to avoid and put off some Wrong, that was like to happen to the Party or Par∣ties

that make the Protestation: As here in Courtney's Protestation, the Prelates in the first place conceive a Right and Power they had voluntarily to absent themselves, while some matters were treated of at that time in the House of Lords, which by the Canon-Law (the Breach whereof the Popes of Rome did vindicate in those times, with far more Severity than they did the Transgressi∣ons of the Law of God) they were not suffer'd to be present at, not for want of Right to be there in all Causes, but for fear of Papal Censures. In the next place, they did preserve their former Right as Peers, which they still had, (though voluntarily absenting themselves) More solito interessendi, considerandi, tyactandi, ordinandi, & definiendi, all things without exception acted and executed in that Parliament. And, in the last place, they protest against any loss of right of being or voting in Parliament, that could befall them, for this vo∣luntary absenting of themselves at this time. And where in all this Protestation is there one word to prejudice their Successors, or to authorize any Peer to command his fellow-Peer, called thither by the same Writ of Summons that himself is, and by more ancient Prescription, to withdraw and go out from this Common-Council of the Kingdom? Thirdly, We do not certainly know what these matters were whereat Archbishop Courtney conceived the Prelates neither could nor ought to be present: These matters are left in loose and ge∣neral words in that Protestation. Some conceive indeed it was at the Con∣demnation of Tressilian, Brambre, L. Beauchamp, and others, Ant. Brit. p. 286. But the Notes of Privileges belonging to the Lords, collected by Mr. Selden, do, with more reason a great deal, assign this going forth of the Prelates, to be oc∣casion'd by certain Appeals of Treason, preferred in that Parliament by the Duke of Gloucester, against Alexander Archbishop of York, whom the Popish Ca∣nons of those Times (as you know) exempted, as a sacred person, from the cog∣nizance of King or Parliament; and therefore the rest of the Bishops, as the Squares went then, neither could nor ought to be present, and Parties, to break the Exemptions, Immunities, and Privileges of that great Prelate. But the Earl of Strafford is not the Archbishop, but the President of York; and to challenge any such Exemptions and Immunities at this time, from the cognizance of King and Parliament, amounts to little less than Treason: Therefore this Protestati∣on is very unseasonably urged, to thrust out any Protestant Prelate from voting in Parliament. Lastly, In the Civil and Canon-Law, (for the Law of this Land knoweth it not) a Protestation is but a Testation or witnessing before-hand of a man's own Mind or Opinion, whereby they that protest, provide to save and presorve their own Right, for the time to come. It concludes no more bende themselves, no Stranger to the Act, no Successor; but, if it be admitted, sticks as inherent in the singular and individual person, until either the Party dyes or the Protestation be drawn and revoked. Therefore, what is a Prote∣station made by Will. Courtney to Will. Laud? Or by Tho. Arundel to bind Tho. Morton? And, what one Rule in the Common-Law of the Land, in the Jour∣na••-Books, or in the Records of the Tower, can be produced to exclude the Lords Spiritual from sitting and voting in Causes of Blood? Sometimes by the great Favour of the King, Lords, and Commons, (not otherwise) they were permitted to absent themselves, never before now commanded by the Lay-Lords to forbear their Votes in any Cause that was agitated in Parliament: So our Law Books say, That the Prelates, by the Canon-Law, may make a Procurator in Parliament, when a Peer is to be tryed: Which is enough to shew their Right thereunto. This is to be seen 10 Edw. IV. f. 6. placit. 17. And, That it is only the Canon-Law that inhibits them to vote in Sanguinary Causes. Stamford, Pleas of the Crown. f. 59. And, saith Stamford, the Canon-Law is a distinct and separated no∣tion, and not grown in his Age to any such Usance or Custom, as made it Common-Law or the Law of the Land.

152. Coming now to an end, it moves me little what some object, That many worthy Fathers of this Church-reformed, and Bishop Andrews among the rest, did forbear to vote in Causes of Blood, and voluntarily retired out of the House, if such things came in question; nor did offer to enter any Protestation. I do not doubt, but they had pious Affections in it, though they did not fully ponder what they did: I have heard, that a main Reason was that of the Record and Statute of 11 Rich. II. That it is the honesty of that Calling not to intermeddle in matters of Blood. Now the French word Honesty signifies Decency and Comeliness: As though it were a butcherly and a loathsom matter to be a Judge, or to do Right upon a Male∣factor, to Death, or loss of Members: But this is an imaginary Decency, never

known in Nature or Scripture, (as I said before) but begotten by Tradition in the dark Foggs and Mists of Popery: Such an Honesty of the Clergy it was to have a shaven Crown, to depend on the Pope, to plead Exemptions, and to resuse to answer for Felonies in the King's Courts. All these were esteemed in those days the Honesty of the Clergy: And such an Honesty it was in the Prelates of England, in the loose Reign of Rich. II, to absent themselves when they listed from the Aslembly of the Estate, contrary to the King's Command in the Writ of Summons, and to the Duties of their places as Peers of Par∣liament: Yet they had more insight into what they did, than some of our Bishops; for they never offer'd to retire themselves in those days, before their Protestation was benignly received, and suffer'd to be enter'd upon the Parliament-Roll, by the King, the Lords, and the House of Commons. I know those excellent men, that are with God, proposed other Scruples to themselves; they doubted not of the Legality or Comeliness, for an Ecclesiastical Peer of the Kingdom of England to vote in a Judgment of Blood; they did it continually in passing all Appeals and Attainders in Parliament; but it startled them, be∣cause it is not the practice of Prelates in other parts of the Christian Church so to do, and thought it better to avoid Scandal, and the Talk of other Nations. That there being in the High Court of Parliament, and Star-chamber, Judges enough beside them, they might, without any prejudice to their King and Country, forbear voting in those Judicatures; somewhat the rather, because all our Bishops in England are Divines, and Preachers of the Gospel, and conse∣quently to be employ'd in Mercy, rather than in Judgment; who never touch upon the sharpness of the Law, unless it be to prepare mens Hearts to relish and receive the comfort of the Gospel. Let the Piety then, and the Good-meaning of those grave Fathers be praised; but I say, they forgot their Duty to the Writ of the King's Summons, and the use and weight of their Place. And now, to close. I protest, without vaunting, I cannot perceive how this can be answer'd, which I have digested together: And if so many Bishops cannot obtain their Right, which is so clear on their side, God send the Earl of Strafford better Ju∣stice, who is but a single Peer.

153. Blame not my Book, that there is so much of this Argument; I hope the Ignorant will not read it at all, but let a knowing man read it again, and when he hath better observ'd it, he will think it short. Some History-spoilers have detracted from our Bishop, that though he pleaded much in Parliament, to his own Peril, in the behalf of E. Strafford, yet he wrought upon the King to consent to give way to his beheading. Says our Arch-Poet Spencer, lib. 3. Can. 1. st. 10.

—Great hazard were it, and Adventure fond, To lose long-gotten Honour with one evil Hand.

But he shall lose no Honour in this; for first, as Nazian. Or. 27, rejects them that had raised an ill Report of him, whom he praised, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 can you prove, that they were sound in their mind that said so? if any will believe it from such authors, a good man hath lost his thanks: Ego quod bené fec•• malè feci, quia amor mutavit locum: Plautus. That which was well done is ill done, because it is not lovingly requited. Hear all, and judge equally. Both the Houses of Lords and Commons, by most Voices, found the Earl guilty of Treason; they made the greater Quire, but those few that absolved him sung better. The King interceded by himself, by the Prince his Son, to save him, craved it with Cap in Hand:—Being founder'd in his Power, he could go no further; the Subjects denied their Soveraign the Life of one Man, so Strafford must be cast away, Opimii calamitas turpitudo Po. Rom. non judicium fuit, Cic. pro Plancio, Whose Calamity is the shame of English Justice. His Majesty, for divers days, could not find in his Heart to set his Hand to the Warrant for Execution, for Conscience dresseth it self by its own light. And I would he had been as constant to his own Judgment in other things, that we might re∣member it to his Honour; as Capitolinus testifies for Maximus, Non aliis potiùs quàm sibi credidit. The fate of it was, that the Parliament would not grant Mercy to the Earl, and would have Justice from the King, according to their Sentence, whether he would or no: They threaten (and were as good as their Word) to sit idle, and do nothing for publick Safety and Settlement, the whole Realm being in distraction till the Stroke was struck: All the Palace-Yard

and Hall were daily full of Mutineers and Outcries; His Majesty's Person was in danger; the roguy Off-scum in the Streets of Westminster talk'd so loud, that there was cause to dread it: Though there is nothing more formidable, than to fear any thing more than God, yet the most eminent Lords of the Council perswaded His Majesty to make no longer resistance, Placeat quod∣cunque necesse est, Lucan lib. 4. Not he, but Necessity should be guilty of it. If he did refuse to concurr with the Parliament, nay, if he took more time to delibe∣rate upon it, it would be worse for the Earl, and he would come to a more unhappy Death; for an Hellish Contrivance was resolved upon, just as in St. Paul's case, Acts 23.15. the Zealots, that had vowed Paul's death, laid the Plot with the Priests and Elders, to signisie to the Captain to bring him down, to enquire somewhat more perfectly concerning him, and ere ever he came near, they would fall upon him. The condemn'd Earl, when he heard of this, was no longer fond of Lise, but sent word to the King, that he was well prepared for his End, and would not his gracious Majest y should disquiet himself to save a ruin'd Vessel that must sink. A valiant Message, and sit for so great a Spirit. Loginus notes acutely, that when Ajax was to combat with Hector, he begg'd some things of such Gods as he call'd upon, but to escape with life was not in his Prayer; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. It was beneath a Graecian Heroe to desire Life. It being therefore to no purpose to dispute what was the best Remedy to save this Lord, when there was none at all, the House of Lords nominate four Prelates to go to His Majesty, to propound how the Tenderness of his Conscience might safely wade through this insuperable dissiculty; these were L. Primate Usher, with the Bishops Morton, Williams, Potter. There was none of those four, but would have gone through Fire and Water, as we say, to save the Party; which being now a thing beyond Wit and Power, they state the Question thus to the King, (sure I am of the Truth, because I had it from the three former) Whether, as His Majesty refers his own Judgment to his Judges, (in whose Person they act) in Court of Oyer, Kings-bench, Assize, and in Cause of Life and Death, and it lies on them if an innocent man suffer; so why may not His Ma∣jesty satisfie his Conscience in the present matter, that since competent Judges in Law had awarded, that they found Guilt of Treason in the Earl, that he may susser that Judg∣ment to stand, though in his private mind he was not satisfied that the Lord Strafford was criminous, for that juggling and corrupt dealing which he suspected in the Proofs at the Tryal, and let the Blame lye upon them who sate upon the Tribunal of Life and Death? The four Bishops were all for the ashrmative, and the Earl took it so little in ill part, that Reverend Armagh pray'd with him, preach'd to him, gave him his last Viaticum, and was with him on the Scassoid, as a Ghostly Father, till his Head was severed from his Body.

154. Indeed His Majesty, in his 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, doth seem to represent it as if he did not approve what he received from the four Bishops at that Consultation. And I will leave such good men to his Censure, rather than contradict any thing in that most pious, most ravishing Book, which deserves as much as Tully said of Crassus in his Brutus, Ipsum melius potuisse scribere, alium, ut arbitror, nemi∣nem. Perhaps the King could have wrote better, but I think no man else in the three Kingdoms. What a venomous Spirit is in that Serpent Milton, that black∣mouth'd Zoilus, that blows his Vipers Breath upon those immortal Devotions, from the beginning to the end! This is he that wrote with all Irreverence against the Fathers of our Church, and shew'd as little Duty to his Father that begat him: The same that wrote for the Pharisees, That it was lawful for a man to put away his Wife for every cause; and against Christ, for not allow∣ing Divorces: The same, O horrid! that desended the lawfulness of the grea∣test Crime that ever was committed, to put our thrice-excellent King to death: A petty School-boy Scribler, that durst graple in such a Cause with the Prince of the learned men of his Age, Salmasius. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 as Eu∣napius says of Ammonius, Plutarch's Scholar in Aegypt, the Delight, the Musick of all Knowledge, who would have scorn'd to drop a Pen-full of Ink against so base an Adversary, but to maintain the Honour of so good a King, whose Merit he adorns with this Praise, p. 237. Con. Milt. De quo si quis dixerit omnia bona, vix pro suis meritis satis illum ornaret. Get thee behind me Milton, thou sa∣vourest not the things that be of Truth and Loyalty, but of Pride, Bitterness, and Falshood. There will be a time, though such a Shimei, a dead Dog in Abishai's Phrase, escape for a while, yet he, and the Enemies of my Lord the King, will fall into the Hands of the Avenger of Blood: And that Book, the Picture of

King Charles's innocent Soul, which he hath blemish'd with vile Reproaches, will be the Vade Mecum of godly persons, and be always about them like a Guar∣dian Angel. It is no marvel if this Canker-worm Milton is more lavish in his Writings than any man, to justifie the beheading of Strafford, whom good men pray'd for alive, and pitied him dead: So did the four Bishops, that I may di∣gress no longer, who pour'd the best Oyl they could into the King's Consci∣ence, to give him Peace within himself when the main Cause was desperate, and common Fury would compel him in the end to sacrifice this Earl to the Parlia∣ment. Things will give better Counsel to men than men to things. But a Col∣lector of Notes, W. Sa. hath a sling at the Bishop of Lincoln, his quill hits him, but hurts him no more, than if it were a Shuttle-cock with four Feathers. Forsooth, when those four Bishops were parting from the King, he put a Paper into His Majesty's Hand, and that could be nothing else, but an Inflammato∣ry of Reasons, more than were heard in publick, left the King should cool, and not set his Hand to the fatal Warrant. This Author was once in the right, p. 154. of his own Book, That it becomes an Historian, in dubious Relations, to ad∣mit the most Christian and Charitable. Pessumè it is, optimè herclè dicitis, Plaut. in Pen. But this Case needs no Favour: The Paper which that Bishop put into the King's Hands (as he told me the next morning) was an humble Advice to His Majesty, why he should not give the Parliament an indesinite time to sit, till both Houses consented to their own dissolution. Was not this faithful Counsel? For what could the King see in them, who had been so outragious already, to stand out the trial of their wavering Faith? Trust should make men true. Says Livy, lib. 22. Vult sibi quisque credi, & habita fides ipsam plerum{que} fidem obligat. But a number of these men cared not for moral Principles, they were all for the Scriptures, and they read them by new Lights: The King had too much Faith, and they had no Good Works. What magnanimous Prince would bow so low, to give the Keys of Government to so many Male-contents, and to stand to their Courtesie, when they would resign them again? Nec missura cutem nisi plena cruoris hirudo, Hor. Art. Poet. It could be for no small time that they itch'd to hold the Reins, and having govern'd so long, they would never be brought to obey. The Fox in the Fable crept into a Granary of Corn, and staid till his Belly was so full, that he could not get out. It is a wise Note of Spartianus upon Did. Julianus, Reprchensus in eo praecipuè, quod ques rogere auctoritate suâ debuit, praesules sibi ipse fecit. When the prudent Augustus saw he could not shake off a standing Senate, he saw no way, but to divide the Provinces of the Empire between him and them, and to take the worst half, the remotest to himself: But did the King think to escape so well with an indissoluble Parlia∣ment? Balsack writes prophanely, That the World ought not to end, until the French King's Race should fail. And it proved by this concession, to continue the two Houses to sit as long as they would, that the Glory of the Crown should fail, before they would endure their old Stump to be rooted up. When a Swarm of luxurious men, that made love to Penelope, wasted Ulysses's Substance in his absence, Homer breaks out, Odyss 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Let no King henceforth be gracious and kind, for he shall fare as ill as the worst. So let no King suppose to oblige his Subjects with the greatest Trust that was ever committed to men, for he shall speed the worse for his considence in them. The Bishop of Lincoln, but two days before, ask'd the King, If his wise Father would have suffer'd such a thing to be demanded, much left have granted it? And, Whether it would be possible for his truest Lieges to do him Service any more? So bold he was, and ply'd his good Master to the last with new Motives to de∣hort him from it. I know not what ill Star scouled upon so good a King, to listen to no good Counsel in that point. There was one that thrust him on, whose Advices were more loving than lucky. And on a Sunday, May 9. he signed the indefinite continuance of the Parliament, (as it is commonly voiced) and Strafford's Execution, with the same drop of Ink. A sad Subject! and as I found it, so I leave it.

155. Wisdom and Reason were not wanting in that noble King; Fortune was. Darius, called Codomann, was the best of all the Kings of the Porsian Race, from Cyrus downward to himself, yet under him the Persian Monarchy was rui∣ned, and fell to the Macedonians; Destinatus sorti suae, & jam nullius salubris consilii patiens, says the Historian, Curt. lib. 5. It cuts my Heart, to say that this agrees to a far better Monarch than himself. King Charles makes ready in the Summer for a Journey into Scotland, hoping to bring over the Seditious there to love

him, with Sweetness and Caresses, by Bounties, as he was able, by Honours bestow'd on some, by Promises, and by the gracious Interview of his presence; for we owe Affection naturally to them that offer us Love. Or, if all this wrought not, he was so oversway'd with Disdain to be near to Westminster, where his Person, his Justice, his Court, or his Clergy were slander'd every hour, that he would ride far enough from the strife of Tongues, and not be near the Fur∣nace, where the steam was so hot. I heard one of his Bed-chamber say, That nothing made him remove so far from his Court and Council, as the tediousness of In∣telligence brought to him every minute, with variety of Glosses and Opinions upon it. As Adrian the Emperor said in his last Sickness, that he had too many Physicians about him to be cured; so our King thought he had too many Counsellors at Lon∣don to take distinct Advice. Walk in the Spring-Garden in May, and what Bird can you listen to particularly, when there is not a Bough but hath a Bird up∣on it, that warbles his own Note? There is pleasure in that: But those that press'd so thick upon the King, came with some ill Augury: Seraque fatidici cecinerunt omnia vates, AEn. lib. 5. Howsoever, Home is homely, says the Country Adagy; and this Journey to Scotland was not begun in a good day. There was never any Parliament like it which now fate, that bewrayed openly so many foolish Fears, raked up in the cold Embers of Distrust and Guiltiness; Quae pueri in tenebris pavitant, sing untque futurâ: Therefore a Jealousie was straightway in their Heads, that this Journey could not be good for them. Why? What can a King do, to be good for himself, and pernicious to his People? Well said the Persians, Xen. lib. 8. Cyr. paed. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 cyrus can undertake nothing, and make it good for himself alone, and not for us. But upon their Jealousie they resolve to give the King such a Welcome home, as should offend him. O Hypocrites! that seem to be afraid of the King, when none had more cause than he to be afraid of them. Watchful Lincoln had dived into the Secrets of the Masters of the private Assem∣bly: Hannibali omnia hostium non secus ac sua nota sunt, Liv. lib. 22. Every man knows his own mind; a wise man, like Hannibal, will know his Enemies if he can. The Bishop coming to the King, besought His Majesty, that for his sake he would put off his Scotch Journey to another season: His written Notes, in my keeping, are long and impersect; the sum is thus: He besought His Majesty to consider, that the Scotts were Sear-boughs, not to be bent; whatsoever he said to them, they would reveal it to their Cronies at Westminster, for there was a Trade and Exchange that ran currently among them: Some of them, and not the meanest, make it a slight thing to be persidious, and will laugh at it, when they are derected: They have distinctions for it from their Kirk, which straddle so wide, that flat Contraries, Yea and Nay, Truth and Lyes, may run between them. K. James the Fourth had the knack of such Devices, who having made a strong League of Peace with Harry VIII. and yet invaded England with an Army (remember it was at Flodden-Field, Drummond. p 142.) said, He did not break his League with England, but departed from it. The Bishop pray'd the King to remember, that those Lowns had been in Hubbubs, and Covenants, and Arms two years together; could they be converted of a sudden without a Miracle? Integrum non est ad virtutem semel reliclam remigrare, Cic. Lelius. It will be a long time before Rebels find their Fidelity again, when they have lost it. They have shew'd their Despight so lately, that it is too soon to offer them Courtesie; they know in what condition your Majesty is, and they will not take it for Kindness, but Fear. Keep near to the Parliament, all the Work is within those Walls; win them man by man, inch by inch, somewhat may be gotten out of small pieces of business, nothing out of supervacaneous. And, Sir, says he, I would it were not true that I shall tell you, Some of the Commons are preparing a Declaration to make the Actions of your Government odious: if you gallop to Scotland, they will post as fast, to draw up this biting Remonstrance: Stir not till you have mitigated the grand Contrivers with some Preferments But is this credible, says the King? Judge you of that Sir, says the Bishop, when a Servant of Pymm's (in whose Master's House all this is moulded) came to me, to know of me in what terms I was contented to have mine own Case in Star-chamber exhibited among other Irregularities? And I had much ado to keep my Name, and what concerns me, out of these Quotations; but I obtain'd that of the fellow, and a Promise to do me more Service, to know all they have in contrivance, with a few Sweetbreads that I gave him out of my Purse. What is there in all that the Bishop said, especially in the last touch, that look'd not like sober War∣ning? Yet nothing was heeded: The King saw Scotland, and I know not what

he brought thence, unless it were matter to charge the five Members of Trea∣son, who were priviledg'd from it with a Mischief. His Majesty being retur∣ned to London, Nov. 26. That which the Commons called The Remonstrance of the state of the Kingdom, came forth by their Vote, Decemb. 15. to besoil His Maje∣sly's Reign with studied bitterness: And this was a Night-work, and held the Members Debate all Wednesday night, and till three of the Clock in the Thursday morning. Synesius spake his worst of Trypho's Tribunal, Lib. de Prov. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 he did not administer justice in the day-time, but in the night; a time more proper for thieves to go to work, and for the beasts of the for∣rest to come out of their dens, and get their prey. if the loyal part had staid it out (who appeared the greater number in the beginning of the question) they had cast it out for a vile desamation; but the one half of that part had slunk away, and were gone to bed. as st. Peter stood to his Master stoutly till midnight, but railed him by the second crowing of the Cock. If these had kept the wise Rules of the Roman Senate, the one part had been frustrate in all they obtained in the dead of the night, and long after. Says Budaeus, Sena∣tus consultum ante exortum, & post occasum solis nullum fait, lib. 1. in Pand. p. 231. And the other part had been fined for departing away: Senatori qui non aderit, aut causa, aut culpa esto, Cic. de Leg. But their Apology is, That those were no Juri∣dical hours, either for a Roman or an English Senate; Birds of Day keep not time with Screetch-owls. But these Libertines had leave to sit as long as they would by night or day. Magna sumendo majora praesumimus, Sym. Ep. p. 9. Great Concessions are the cause of greater Presumptions.

156. During some part of the time that the King was in the North, Miseries came trooping all at once upon the Church: The Reverend Fathers every day libelled and defamed in the Press, durst not come in to help: The Times did make it appear what Blood was about mens Hearts: They that feared to di∣versifie from the received Doctrine and Discipline of the Church before, drea∣ding Ecclesiastical Consistories, and the High-Commission Court, encreased into so many Sects almost as there were Parishes in England. And as Aventine said, lib. 8. Annal. of the Schoolmen newly sprung up in his days, Singulae sectae judicio multarum sectarum stultitiae cowvincuntur. But what were we the better, when every Spark kindled another, to make a general Combustion? Our Case in God's House was as bad as that of the Gauls in Caesar's time, lib. 6. Bel. Gal. Non solùm in omnibus civitatibus, atque in omnibus pag is partibus{que} sed in singulis domi∣bus factiones sunt. The Parliament, which saw the Body of Christ wounded, look'd on, and passed by on the other side, Luke 10.32. as if they did but smile at the variety of Throngs and Dispositions. I think they durst net pour in Wine or Oyl to heal the Wounds of Religion, for that reason which Dr. Owen gives, Praef. to Vind. p. 36. For by adhering to one Sect professedly, they should engage all the rest against them. Only Lincoln, for all this universal Contempt of Episco∣pacy, visited his great Diocess in October, not by his Chancellor, but in his own person; Naequid expectes amicos, quod tute agere possies, so cited out of Ennius, Trust not to your Friends when you can do your Work your self. A Bishop is lazy that doth his Duty by a Proxy. Pontificium significat & potestatem & officium, says a Cri∣tick, Heral. in Arnob. p. 115. The Etymology of a Pontificate imports Power and Office. They are both Yoke-fellows. Says another Critick, and a good Judge indeed, Salmas. in Solin. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in the Age of Christian Emperors, were Visitors, that went from Church to Church, like Paul and Barnabas, to set things in order, who long before that were Physicians, that were sent from Village to Village, to cure the Sick. This Labour our Bishop undertook personally, to heal the Maladies of Brain∣sick Distempers at Boston, Lester, Huntington, Bedford, Hitchin, the last Visitati∣on that was held in either Province to this day: And God grant he might not say as Synesius did of his Diocess of Ptolomais, when he and all the Bishops of Ae∣gypt were ejected by a conquering Party, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. O my Ptolomais! am I the last Bishop that ever thou shalt have? But I hope better things: Hope is the common Revenue of the Distressed, they have much of that, who have nothing else. I go on with our Bishop, who so long as he was in Place, and for a while that his Words were remembred, brought those Counties to a handsom state of quietness: Cocus magnum abenum, quando fervet, paulâ confutat truâ. When a Cauldron of hot Liquor boils, and is ready to run over, a Cook stays it, by casting in a Ladle of cold Water. No man could comprize his Exhortations in better Harmony than this Ora∣tour, and set several Instruments in tune one to another, and the Voice to them

all: Eloquium tot lumina clausit, Meta. l.—as Mercury lull'd Argos asleep with all his Eyes; for, says he, much to this meaning, Countrymen and Neighbors, whither do you wander? Here are your lawful Ministers present, to whom of late you do not refort, I hear, but to Tub-preachers in Conventicles. There is a Penalty for this, and no Power can protect you against the Statutes in force, which are not yet repealed, but you are bound in Conscience to keep those Laws, which are not Fetters upon your Hands, but Bracelets; they are the Vote of all the People in the Representatives of your Fore∣fathers; and you are obliged, as good and honest men, to maintain what your selves have done. It is not possible that all your Disagreements blown abroad should incorporate: then either you will devour your selves with Despight at last, or Strangers will de•• us all: Dumque esse putamus,—Nos facimus miseros, Grot. Poem. Lock back from the beginning of Q: Elizabeths Reign to this day; Can you wish the Gespel to frand better against the Church of Rome than it hath done so long under the Bishop., 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and Canons? That flattering word Liberty puts our whole frame out of joyur: Non dominari instar servitutis est; Many of the lowest fortune are so proud, that they com∣plain of Servitude, if they may not govern, nay, if they may not domineer. Out of this Idol of imaginary Liberty, which you worship, you will make so many Masters to your selves, that we shall be all Slaves. It is a popular word, but in the abusive sonce of it like Homer's Moly, black in the Root, though white in the Flower. They that live in the lower Orb of Obedience, please God as much as their Rulers, and shall be blessed alike, if they quietly follow the motion of the higher Sphere of Authority. Our Doctrine is con∣sonant to the Consessions of all Reformed Churches, and every Nation enjoy their own Ce∣remonies without opposition, only we excepted They are wiser than we, who consider duly, that they are the greater things of Faith and a Holy Life, for which we shall be tryed before the Judgment of Christ, and not for a sew unvaluable Rites of Circumstance and Comeliness, which yet cannot well be spared. My Brethren I here can tell you, out of Naz. Orat. 23. that Hero, a peaceable Bishop, said often, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 that piety consisted not in small things. If you require more Justice from Christian Counts, or that scandalous and dumb Ministers should be displaced, it may be done without Sedi∣tion: But because you think you do not find so much Good as you look'd for in the old way, you would set up a new one, not foreseeing how much evil you shall find in that: Non quod habet numerat, tantum quod non habet optat, Manil. lib. 4. But let me tell you, you will quickly love the Winding-sheet of the old Wedlock, better than the Marriage-sheets of the new. Enjoy that real Blessing which you possess, rather than an Utopia, found no where but in the Distempers of the Brain. A little small Meney in the Purse is better than a dream of Gold; and a Cottage to live in, is better than a Castle in the Air. First seek for Piety to God, Loyalty to the King, and Peace with all men, and all things else will be added unto you. These were the Lenitives with which the Bishop prevailed more than could have been done with Censures and Mena∣ces. As in the Old Testament a Cake of unleaven'd Bread was better made rea∣dy with Ashes than with Fire. Beside, the more hurt they could do, the less to be forced to Extremity. And marvel not, if a man of so losty a Spirit could humble himself so far, as to speak so correctedly in such Auditories, full of ig∣noble Sectaries and high-shone Clowns: For, even Alexander taking the King∣dom upon him after the murther of his Father Philip, Diodor. lib. 17. p. 487. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, was fain to collogue with the People, to get their Benevolence with fair words: And he that gets a good Bargain with Courtly Language, buys it with Money which is soon paid, and quickly told.

157. No sooner had our Bishop dispatch'd his Visitation, and was come again to sit in the face of the Parliament, but he heard of a muttering against him from the Lower House, not only for visiting his Diocess in such a time of unsettle∣ment, but because he had said in divers places, That no Power could protect them against Statutes still in force, that sell into Disorders and Deviations against them. So he took his opportunity, at a Conserence that was between the two Houses in the Pain∣ted Chamber, as well to justifie the labour he had undergone to uphold the Rights of holy Government, as to silence them that were unlicens'd Preachers, and presumed to say and do what they would, as if all Government were dissol∣ved: Non minùs turpe est sua relinquere, quàm in aliena invadere injust um & ambitio∣sum, Salust. Bel. Jug. He maintained he had done God good Service to unmask them to their shame, that were ignorant Laicks, yet preach'd privately and publickly, to the corruption and dishonour of the Gospel. Nay, all would be Teachers in the gatherings of the Sectaries, scarce a Mute in the Alphabet of these

new Christians, but all Vowels. Every one puts Hand to Christ's Plough, that neither know Seed, Soil, nor Season. Souldiers, as the Heathen feign, may come up like Cadmus Teeth, Seed in the Morning, and grow Men by Noon: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Synes. Dio. Sativos Theologos nulla hactenus fabula prodigiosè finxit. Nay, these Praedicants were never so much as potentially Seed, but Mushrooms. Christ is brought in, Luk. 2.46. being but Twelve years old, sitting in the midst of the Doctors, hearing and asking Que∣stions, Ne infirmus quis docere audeat, si ille puer doceri interrogando voluit, Montag. Orig. par. 2. p. 299. Christ could learn nothing of them, but we learn of him, that ignorant men must not presume to teach, since he that knew all things conformed himself to our Weakness, as if being young, he would be taught by Questions. It is a lame Excuse to say in the behalf of some of these Upstarts, that they are gifted men: Who reports this, but such as are as blind as them∣selves? They have bold Foreheads, strong Lungs, and talk loud: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Plut. 8. Sympos. An empty Cask will make a great sound if you knock upon it: They have sounded it sweetly, when their Disciples are Anabaptists, Familists, Brownists, Antinomians, Socinians, Adamites, any thing but Orthodox Christians; yet a world of these unstable People flock after these Coachmen-preachers, Watchmaking-preachers, Barber-preachers, and such addle headed Companions. Pliny says of Dates, taken just at their ripeness, lib. 13. c. 4. Tanta est musteis suavitas, ut fims mandendi non nisi periculo fiat: So ••entices and Country-folk hunt after these Teachers, and are ready to burst their Bellies with new Dates. But worst of all, these silly Bawle••s qualifying themselves for the Peoples Favour, vent such Politicks, as are by odds the most dangerous part of their Discourses, encroaching so far upon Allegiance, that they cut off all Duty which St. Paul would have given to the higher Powers. But, what if they were guilty of such Gists as some would seem to observe in them? Is there nothing else that goes to the making of a Minister of God's Word? The Woman that reckoned the Charge of her Brewing, forgat the Malt, that cost most; so you reckon their fitness to preach upon the score of their Gifts; but, Where is their Calling? Where is their Ordination? Cooks or Butchers have a Gift to dress a Beast, yet God would admit none but Priests to make ready his Sacrifice. And if you mean by Gifts Learning and Knowledge, I am perswaded if these your Chaplains had them, they would give them away again if they could: Learning is that which they decry, as a mark of the Beast; Qui omnes sui similes esse cupiunt, ut privata e••runt inscitia sub c••mmuni delitescat, says Erasmus. I spend too much time to pull down a Sconce of Sand: I have no more to answer to, but to them that bid me speak well of these and pity them, because they are ignorant, and mean well. I report that of Bernard to it, Ut li∣berius peccent, libenter ignorant; They are willingly ignorant, that they may be wilful∣ly factious. And through what Loop-hole doth their Good-meaning appear? In Railings or Blasphemies? I will never impute a Good meaning unto them, so long as I see no such thing in their Fruits, unless God shall say so at the last day. God grant to this Parliament a Good-meaning, to reform these Abuses, and to act it with their Wisdom and Power; for I have heard some say, that Hell is full of them that had nothing but good purposes. This which the Bishop did then deliver, I may call his visiting of the Parliament; and you have both what he acted in his Diocess, and what he spake at a Conference of both Hou∣fes. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; as I may bor∣row it out of Nazian. upon another Athanasius, He exceeded the most eloquent in Eloquence, and the most active in Practice. For all this good Warning, our great Commanders in the Belly of the Trojan Horse mended nothing: Nay, in about a year and half after this, they sequestred the choicest Divines of the Kingdom from their Livings, and many of these Mechanicks supplied their places. At Wimbleton, not far from me, a Warrener propounded to Thomas Earl of Exeter, That he should have a Burrough of Rabbets of what colour he pleased. Let them be all white skinned, says that good Earl. The Undertaker killed up all the rest, and fold them away, but the white lair, and left not enough to serve the Earl's Table. The application runs full upon a worthy Clergy, who were de∣stroy'd, to make room for white-skinn'd Pole-cats, that came in with a strike, and so will go out

158. But the King is come home again, who could not work the Scots to his own plight, or obtain any thing from that ungovern'd Nation: Here he found his Bishops design'd to Undoing, and the Parliament would sit his Pati∣ence out till it was effected. An unlimited Concession (Utinam promissa liceret non dare, Metam. lib. 2.) forfeits the Giver himself to those that have received the Privilege from him. The Houses stand not upon Reasons, but Legislative Votes. Reasons! no, God wot: As Camerar. says of sorry Writers, in vt. Melan. Miseri homines mendicant argumenta: nam si mercarentur profectò meliora afferrent; They beg the Cause; for if they purchas'd it with Arguments, they would bring better. If they have no other Proofs, there were many in the Pack that could fetch them from Inspiration: Or obtrude a Point of Conscience, and then there is no disputing; for it cannot live, no more than a longing Woman, if it have not all it gapes for. They ask it for a great-bellied Conscience, to which, in Humanity, you must deny nothing. His Majesty was mainly afflicted, both that an unseasonable Bar was devising against all the Clergy, to intermeddle in any secular Affairs; especially, that the Bishops Places, of which they were so anciently possest in Parliament, were heaved at, which came near to the lessen∣ing, or worse, of his own Royalty: He knew they were joyned in such a cou∣plement, as the removing of the one endanger'd the other. Grotius says it was the Judgment of a wife and mighty Prince, Charles the Fifth, Caesari persuasum, conculcatâ sacerdotum reverentiá, ne ipsi quidem mansurum obsequium, Annal. p. 11. What did persuade the Emperor to think so? Not because his Clergies Reve∣nues are at his devotion, to help him more than other mens; or that they were learned, and able to dispute his Right and Title with his Enemies; or that their Interest did legally keep his Throne from tottering; but because commonly the King and the Prelates have the same Enemies; and the Constitution of them both is much at one; for he that thinks a Bishop is too much a Potentate over the Ministry, is yellow with Disdain against Superiority, and is prepared to conceive, that a free Monarch is too glorious a Creature over the People. The King therefore exprest his Patronage, as much as he could, to that Holy Order, and exalted some worthy men to Bishopricks in vacant Places; and among others, translated the Bishop of Lincoln to be Archbishop of the Province of York. This is that man, whose Life was so full of Variety; Quod consul toties exul{que} ex exule consul, says Manilius of Marius. He was advanced to great Honours very young; half of his Pomps cut off within five years; lay four years cur∣rent in the Tower, sequestred of all, and very near to be deprived of all, and of a sudden recovers his Liberty, and a higher Place than ever. That of Patercu. upon the City of Capua is very like, or the same; Mirum est tam maturè tantam urbem crevisse, floruisse, ••ccidisse, resurrexisse. His Sufferings, his great Name and Worth, his Service done daily at that time for the King and Church, did deser∣vedly prefer him, before divers that were of great merit. So Synesius said of An∣tonius, Ep. 68. that was chosen when many were in nomination, for a Bisho∣prick, and all worthy of it, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; It gave him great Reputation to be accounted better than them that were very good. And for a Surplusage, the King granted him to hold the Deanry of Westminster in Commendam for three years, that he might not be displaced out of his House, while he attended at that great Meeting, His Majesty expecting it would not live above three years, but it had as many Lives as a Cat, and lasted longer: And York, after twice three months, never saw his Deanry more. This Parliament meaning to sit till the Day of Doom, wanted, to their full Power and Pleasure, to be rid of their Company, whom they liked not; which the Commons could not effect for their part, till they held out the Gorgon's Head of the Covenant. The Lords would not stay so long, but prepared a Bill, and read it, to reject the Bishops from being Spiritual Peers of the Upper House: But what Pincers will they pluck them out withal? First, with the Resorts, Petitions, and Ragings of the People. What, the People, that seditious Beast! Cupidum novarum rerum, ctio & quieti adversum, Salust. p. 109. Sic est vulgus, ex veritate pauca, ex opinione mul∣ta judicat, Cic. pro Dom. And Grotius proves out of the Caesarean Law in Matt. 27.23. That when Pilate enclined to hear the People, who would have Christ condemned, he acted contrary to Caesar's Law, Vanas populi veces non audiendar Imperatores pronunciarunt. O those of the right Heroical Race were dead and gone, who would not have endured to be directed by the Off-scourings of their grea∣test Enemies: Nec bellua tetrior ulla est—Quam vulgi rabies in libera colla frement is, Claud. in Eutrop. The other catch of the Pincers was, their Lordships Legisla∣tive

Vote, and their odds in number above the Bishops, if you counted men by Noses. Power should be a divine thing, this was only Strength; as Aristotle says 2 Rhet. c. 2. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: which Tully hath put in good sence and good words, pro Quinc. Arbitrantur sine injuriâ potentiam levem, at{que} inopem esse. Some think it is not Power, unless they make us feel that it can do an Injury. Now methinks their Lordships should have mark'd, that their House was alter'd in its Visage very much, when the Bishops sate no longer with them. And Hippocrates says, That sick man will not recover, whose Face is so much changed, that it is drawn into another fashion. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. And did the Lay-Peers look to last long, when the Aspect of their House was so metamor∣phos'd? It is a vulgar Error, If you pluck up a Mandrake, you will dye at the Groan of it: Though it be but a Fable, let them remember it that are for Extirpation; and ware them whose turn is next. Take away one Leg from a Trevit, it may make a scurvy Stool to sit on, but it is no longer a Trevit. And take away the third Estate of Bishops, be it nominal or real, a Convention it may be, but I doubt whether it be a Parliament. And as a bungling Painter said of a Beast he had not drawn well, It would not make a good Lyon, but he could turn it into a good Calf. There was a time when the whole Academy of Philosophers was banish'd out of Athens, but they were soon miss'd, and he was well fined that was their Enemy. Sequenti anno revocati, & multa 5 talentorum Sophocli Ar∣chonti indita, Moeur. fort. Att. p. 65. But for them that thrust the Bishops out of their ancient Right, the Injury avenged it self upon them; for it was not long when the Commons served the Temporal Lords in the same kind: Nec longum, laetabere, te quo{que} fata prospectant paria, AEn. lib. 10. They were not only thrust out, but an Engagement, like a Padlock, clapt upon the Door, to keep them out for ever; and to their great dishonour, the other House made to resemble the Peers of the Land. Duxit Sacerdotes inglorios, & Optimates supplantat: Mark their Sympathy in the words of the vulgar Latin, Job 12.19. Which re∣tribution, measure for measure, the Bishops did neither wish nor rejoice in, but committed their Innocency to be justified by the Holy God. Seek no other rea∣son why they had so many Enemies, but because Christianity was mightily faln among us, both as to the credenda and the agenda. A mighty part had a Religion (I mean equivocally called so) that was a Picture looking equally upon all Sects that pass'd by it; and as indifferent as Gusman••s Father, that being taken by the Pirates of Argiers, for quietness sake, and as one that had not the Spirit of Contradiction, renounced Christ, and turned Turk. But when the Cause of the Bishops, for other Immunities, and to keep their undoubted Right and Place in the Lords House, was in the hottest dispute Sentence ready to be call'd for, and like the last bidding, for a thing at the Port-sale, York, at a Committee of the Lords, stands up for his Brethren, Muri{que} urbis sunt pectore in uno, Sil. lib. 7, and delivers him in the long Harangue that follows.

159.

I shall desire as much Water, or Time of your H. Lordships, as your Lordships can well afford in a Committee, because all I intend to speak in this business, must be to your Lordships only, as resolved, for mine own part, to make hereafter no Remonstrance at all to His most excellent Majesty, for these several Reasons: First, That I have had occasion of late to know, that our Soveraign (whom God bless and preserve) is, I will not say above other Princes, but above all Christian men that ever I knew or heard of; a man of a most upright, dainty, and scrupulous Conscience, and afraid to look upon some Actions which other Princes abroad do usually swallow up and devour. I know (for I have the Monuments in my own custody) what Oath, or ra∣ther Oaths, His Majesty hath taken at his Coronation, to preserve all the Rights and Liberties of the Church of England; and you know very well, that Churchmen are never sparing in their Rituals and Ceremonials, to amplisie and swell out the Oaths of Princes in that kind. Your Lordships then know right well, that he is sworn at that time to observe punctually the Laws of King Edward; the first Law whereof, as you may see in Lambert's Saxon Laws, is to preserve entirely the Peace, the Possessions, and the Rights and Privi∣leges of the Church. And truly, I shall never put my Master's Conscience, that I find resenting and punctilious, when it is bound up with Oaths and Pro∣testations, to swallow such Gudgeons, as to sill it self with these Doubts and Scruples. My second Reason is, That if His Majesty were free from all these Oaths and Protestations, I du••t not, without some fair Invitation from him∣self,

advise His Majesty to run Shocks and Oppositions against the Votes of both these great Houses of Parliament. Lastly, If I were secretly invited to move His Majesty to advise upon the passing of this Bill, yet speaking mine own Heart and Sence, and not binding any of my Brethren in this Opinion, if I found the major part of this House to pass this Bill, without much qualification, I should never have the boldness, nor desire to sit any more in any judicial place in this most honourable House. And therefore, my H. Lordships, here I have sixt my Areopagus, and dernier Resort, being not like to make any further Appeal; which makes me humbly desire your Pa∣tience, to speak for some longer time than I have accustomed in a Committee; in which length, notwithstanding, I hope to use a great deal of brevity, some length in the whole, and much shortness in every particular Head, which I mean so to distinguish, and beat out, that not only your Lordships, but the Lords my Brethren may enlarge themselves upon all the particulars, which neither my Abilities of Body can perform, nor doth my Intention nor Pur∣pose aim at, at this time: I will therefore cast this whole Bill into six several Heads, wherein I hope to comprehend all that I shall say, or any man else can materially touch upon in this Bill. The first is, the Rise or Motive of this Bill, which is the Duty of men in Holy Orders, for the words are, Persons in Holy Orders ought not to intermeddle, &c. And this Duty of Ministers may be ta∣ken in this place two several ways; either for their Duty in point of Divinity, or for their Duty in point of Convenience, which we commonly call Policy. In regard of either of these Duties it may be conceived, that men in Holy Or∣ders ought not to intermeddle in Sacred Affairs, &c. and this is the Motive, Rise, and Ground of this Bill. The second point are the persons concerned in the Bill, which are Archbishops, Bishops, Parsons, Vicars, and all other in Holy Orders. The third point contains the things inhibited from this time forward, to such persons by this Bill, and they are of several sorts and natures: First, Freeholds and Rights of such persons, as their Suffrages, Votes, and Le∣gislative Power in Parliament: Secondly, Matters of Princely Favours; as to sit in Star-chamber, to be call'd to the Council-board, to be Justices of the Peace, &c. Thirdly, Matters of a mixt and concrete nature, that seem to be both Freeholds and Favours of former Princes; as, the Charters of some of the Bishops, and some of the ancient Cathedrals, are conceived to be: And these are all the matters or things inhibited from those persons in Holy Orders, by this present Bill. The fourth point is the manner of this Inhibition, which is of a double nature; first, of a severe Penalty; and secondly, under Cain's Mark, an eternalkind of Disability and Incapacity laid upon them, from enjoying hereafter any of those Freeholds, Rights, Favours, or Charters of former Prin∣ces; and that which is the heaviest point of all, without killing of Abel, or any Crime laid to their Charge, more than that in the beginning of the Bill it is said roundly, and in the style of Lacedaemon, That they ought not to intermeddle in Secular Affairs. The fifth point is a Salvo for the two Universities, but none for the Bishop of Durham, nor for the Bishop of Ely, not for the Dean of West∣minster, their next Neighbour, who is establish'd in his Government by an espe∣cial Act of Parliament, that of the 27 of Queen Elizabeth. The sixth and last point is a Salvo for Dukes, Marquesses, Earls, Viscounts, Barons, or Peers of this Kingdom, that either may be, or are such by Descent: Which Clause, I hope in God, will prove not only a Salvo to those honourable persons (where∣of, if we of the Clergy were but so happy as to have any competent number of our Coat, Quot Thebarum portae, vel divit is ostia Nili, this Bill surely had perish'd in the Womb, and never come to the Birth) but I hope that this Clause will prove this Bill a felo de se, and a Murtherer of it self; and in∣tended for a Salvo to noble Ministers only, prove a Salvo for all other Mini∣sters, that be not so happy as to be nobly born; because the very poor Mini∣ster, for ought we find in Scripture, or common Reason, is no more tyed to serve God in his Vocation•• than these 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and nobly-born Ministers are. And therefore I hope those noble Ministers will deal so nobly, as to pull their Brethren the poor Ministers out of the Thorns and Bryars of this Bill. And these are all the true Heads and Contents of this Bill: And among these six Heads your Lordships shall be sure to find me; and I shall expect to sind your Lord∣ships in the whole Tract of this Committee. And now, with your Lordships honourable Leave and Patience, I will run them over, almost as briefly as I have pointed and pricked them down.

160.

For the first, the Rise and Motive of this Bill, which is the Duty of Men in Holy Orders not to intermeddle with Secular Affairs, must either rise from a point of Divinity, or from a point of Conveniency or Policy: And I hope in God it will not appear to your Lordships, that there is any Ground either of Divinity or Policy to inhibit men in Orders, so modestly to inter∣meddle with Secular Affairs, as that the measure of intermeddling in such Af∣fairs shall not hinder nor obstruct the Duties of their Calling: They ought not so to intermeddle in Secular Affairs, as to neglect their Ministry; no more ought Lay-men neither; for they have a Calling and Vocation, wherein they are to walk, as Ministers have; they have Wife, and Children, and Families to care for, and they are not to neglect these to live upon Warrants and Recognizances, to become a kind of Sir Francis Michel, or a Justus nimis, as Solomon calls it, Eccles. 7.16. That place, 2 Tim. 2.4. No man that warrs en∣tangles himself with the affairs of this life, will be found to be applied by all good Interpreters to Lay-men, as well as Church-men, and, under favour, nothing at all to this purpose. Besides that, the word (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) doth point at a man that is so wholly taken up with the Affairs of this Life, that he utterly neglects the Offices and Duties of a Christian man: And so I leave that place as un∣capable of any other Exposition, nor ever otherwise interpreted, but by Popes Legates and Canonists, that make a Nose or Wax of every place of Scripture they touch upon. But that men in Holy Orders ought not, in a moderate manner, together with the Duties of their Calling, to help and assist in the Government of the Common-wealth, if they be thereunto lawfully called by the Soveraign Prince, can never be proved by any good Divinity; for in the Law of Nat••e before the Deluge, and a long time after, it is a point that no man will deny me, That the Eldest of the Family was both the Priest and the Magistrate: Then the People were taken out of Aegypt by Moses and Aaron, Moses and Aaron among his Priests, as it is in the Psalm. Then there was a Form of a Common-wealth setch'd from Heaven indeed, and planted upon the Earth, and judiciary Laws dictated for the regulating of the same. Nor do I much care, though some men shall say, That persons in Holy Orders ought not to intermeddle in Secular Affairs, when that Great God of Heaven and Earth doth appoint them to intermeddle with all the principal Affairs of that estate: witness the exorbitant Power of the High-Priest in Secular Matters, the Sanhe∣drim, the 23, the Judges of the Gate, which were most of them Priests and Levites. And the Church-men of that Estate were not all Butchers and Slaughter-men, for they had their Tabernacle, their Synagogues, their Pray∣ers, Preaching, and other Exercises of Piety. In a word, we have Divinius, but they had operosius ministerium, as St Austin speaketh. Our Ministry takes up more of our Thoughts, but theirs took up more of their Labour and In∣dustry. Nor is it any matter that this Common-wealth is no more in being: it sufficeth it hath been once, and that planted by God himself, who would never have appointed persons in Holy Orders to intermeddle with things they ought not to intermeddle withal. I will go on with my Chronology of per∣sons in Holy Orders, and only put you in mind of Ely, and Samuel among the Judges, of Sadock's Employment under K. David, of Jehojada's under his Nephew King Joash, and would sain know what Hurt these men in Holy Orders did, by intermedling in Secular Affairs of that time. Now we are returned from the Captivity of Babylon, I desire you to look upon the whole Race of the Maccab••s, eve•• to Antigonus, the last of them all, taken Pri∣soner by Pompey, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 afterwards by M Antony; and shew me any of those Princes (a Woman or two excepted) that was not a Priest and a Magi∣strate.

161.

We are now come to Christ's time, when methinks I hear St. Paul, 23. of the Acts, excuse himself for reviling of the High-Priest: I wist not, Brethren, that he was the High-••iest, for it is written, Thoushalt not speak evil of the Ruler of thy People: Where observe, that the word Ruler in the Greek is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the very same word that is used by St. Paul, Rom. 13.3. where this word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is translated by Beza, Magistrates. Then you must be pleased to imagine the Church asleep, or almost dead under Persecution, for almost 300 years, until the happy days of the Emperor Constantine, and not expect to find many Magistrates among the Christians: Yet you shall find St. Paul, 1 Cor. 6.5. offend against this Bill, and intermeddle Knuckle-deep with Secular Affairs, by inhibiting the Corinthians very sharply for their Chicanery, their

Pettisoggery and common Barretry, in going to Law one with another: Be∣sides, that as all learned men agree, both the Apostles and Apostolical men that lived presently after them, had a miraculous power of punishing exorbitant Crimes, which supplied the power of the ordinary Magistrate; as appears in Ananias and Sapphira, the incestuous Corinthian, and many others: But then, from Constantine's Age till the Reformation, began by Luther, Churchmen were so usually employed in managing of Secular Affairs, that I shall confess inge∣nuously it was too much; there lying an Appeal from the Courts of the Em∣pire to the Bishops Judicatory; as you shall find it every where in the Code of Justinian. So it was under Carolus Magnus, and all the Carolovingian Line of our neighbour Kingdom of France. So, and somewhat more, it was with us in the Saxon Heptarchy, the Bishop and the Sheriff sitting together check by jowl in their Turns and Courts. But these exorbitant and vast Employment, in Secular Affairs I stand not up to desend, and therefore I will hasten to the Reformation. Where Mr. Calvin, in the fourth Book of his Institutions, and eleventh Distinction, doth confess, that the holy men heretofore did refer their Controversies to the Bishop, to avoid Troubles in Law. You shall find that from Luther to this present day, in all the flux of Time, in all Nations, in all manner of Reformations, persons in Holy Orders were thought fit to intermed∣dle in Secular Affairs: Brentius was a Privy-Councillor to his Duke and Prince; Functius was a Privy-Councillor to the great Duke of Boruss••a, as it is but too notoriously known to those that are versed in Histories; Calvin and Beza, while they lived, carried all the Council of the State of Geneva under their own Gowns. Bancroft in his Survey, c. 26. observeth, that they were of the Council of State there, which consisteth of Threescore: And I have my self known Abraham Scultetus a Privy-Councillor to the Prince Palatine; Reverend Monsieur Du Moulin, for many years together, a Councillor to the Princess of Sedan; his Brother-in-law Monsieur Rivet, a great learned Personage now in England, of the Privy-Council of the Prince of Orange. You all hear, and I know much good by his former Writings, of a learned man called Mr. Hender∣son, and most of your Lordships understand better than I, what Employment he hath at this time in this Kingdom: And truly, I do believe that there is no Reformed Church in the World, settled and constituted by the State, where∣in it is held for a point in Divinity, that persons in Holy Orders ought not to intermeddle with Secular Affairs: Which is all I shall say of this Duty of Mi∣nisters in point of Divinity.

162.

Now I come to the second Duty of men in Holy Orders, in point of Conveniency or Policy, and am clearly of opinion, that even in this Regard and Re••ection they ought not to be debarred from modestly intermeddling in Secular Affairs; for i•• there be any such Inconvenience, it must needs arise from this, That to exercise some Secular Jurisdiction must be evil in it self, or evil to a person in Holy Orders. Which is neither so nor so, for the whole Office of a subordinate civil Magistrate is most exactly described in Rom. 13. v. 3, 4. and no man can add or detract from the same. The Civil Power is a Divine Ordinance, set up to be a Terror to the Evil, and an Encouragement to Good Works. This is the whole compass of the Civil Power: And there∣sore I do here demand, with the most learned Bishop Davenant, that within a few days did sit by my side, in the Eleventh Question of his Determinations, What is there of Impiety, what of Unlawfulness, what unbecoming either the Holiness or Calling of a Priest, in terrifying the bad, or comforting the good Subject, in repressing of Sin, or punishing of Sinners? For this is the whole and entire act of Civil Ju∣risdiction. It is in its own nature repugnant to no Person, to no Function, to no fort or condition of Men, let them hold themselves never so holy, never so seraphical, it becomes them very well to repress Sin and punish Sinners; that is to say, to exercise in a moderate manner Civil Jurisdiction, if the Soveraign shall require it: And you shall find that this Doctrine of debarring persons in Holy Orders from Secular Employments, is no Doctrine of the Reformed, but the Popish Church, and first brought into this Kingdom by the Popes of Rome, and Lambeth, Lanfrank, Anselm, Stephen Langton, and the rest, together with Otho and Ottobon, and to this only end, that the man of Rome might withdraw all the Clergy of this Kingdom from their obligation to the King and Nobility, who were most of them great Princes in those times, and thereby might esta∣blish and create (as in great part he did) Regnum in Regno, a Kingdom of Shavelings in the midst of this Kingdom of England. And hence came those

Canons of mighty consequence, able to shoot up a Priest at one shot into Heaven, as, that he must not meddle with matters of Blood; that he must not exercise Civil Jurisdiction; that he must not be a Steward to a Noble-man in his House; and all the rest of this Palea and Garbage. That is in plain En∣glish, the Priest must no longer receive Obligations from either King or Lords, but wholly depend upon his Holy Fathers, the Pope of Rome, and the Pope of Lambeth; or at least wise, pay him soundly for their Dispensations and Absolutions, when they presume to do the contrary. In the mean time here is not one word or shew of Reason, to inform an understanding man, that persons in Holy Orders ought not to terrisie the Bad and comfort the Good, to repress Sin, and chastise Sinners; which is the summa totalis of the Civil Magistracy, and consequently so far forth, at the least, to intermeddle with Secular Affairs. And this is all that I shall say touching the Motive and Ground of this Bill, and that persons in Holy Orders ought not to be inhi∣bited from intermeddling in Secular Astairs, either in point of Divinity, or in point of Conveniency and Policy.

163.

The second Point consists of the Persons reflected upon in this Bill, which are Archbishops, Bishops, Parsons, Vicars, and all others in Holy Or∣ders; of which point I shall say little, only finding these Names huddled up in an Heap, made me conceive at first, that it might have some relation to Mr. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Reading in the Middle Temple, which I ever esteem'd to have been very inoffentively deliver'd by that learned Gentleman, and with little discretion question'd by a great Ecclesiastick then in Place; for all that he said was this, That when the Temporal ••ords are more in Voices than the Spiritual, they may pass a Bill without consent of the Bishops: Which is an Assertion so clear in Reason, and so often practis'd upon the Records and Rolls of Parliament, that no man any way vers'd in either of these, can make any doubt of it, nor do I; though I humbly conceive no Pre••ident will be ever sound, that the Prelates were ever excluded, otherwise than by their own Folly, Fear, or Headiness. For the point of being Justices of Peace, the Gentleman confesseth, he never meddled with Archbishops, nor Bishops, nor with any Clergyman made a Justice by His Majesty's Commission. In the Statute made 34 Edw. 3. c. 1. he finds Assignees for the keeping of the Peace, one Lord, three or four of the most valiant men of the County; the troublesome times did then so require it: And if God do not bless us with the riddance of these two Armies, the like Provision will be now as necessary. He finds these men included, but he doth not find Churchmen excluded; no, not in the Statute 13 Rich. II. c. 7. that requires Justices of Peace to be made of Knights, Esquires, and Gentle∣men of the Law, of the most sufficient of each County. In which words the Gentleman thinks Clerks were not included; and I clearly say, by his favour, they are not excluded; nor do the learned Sages of the Law conceive them to be excluded by that Statute. If the King shall command the Lord Keeper to fill up the Commissions of each County, with the most sufficient Knights, Esquires, and Gentlemen of the Law, shall the Lord Keeper thereupon ex∣clude the Noblemen and the Prelates? I have often in my days received this Command, but never heard of this Interpretation before this time: So that I cannot conceive from what ground this general Sweepstake of Archbishops, Bithops, Parsons, Vicars, and all others in Holy Orders should proceed. I have heard, since the beginning of my Sickness, that it hath been alledg'd in this House, that the Clergy, in the Sixth of Edw. 3. did disavow that the Custody of the Peace did belong to them at all, and I believe that such a thing is to be sound among the Notes of the Privileges of this House; but first, you must remember, that it was in a great Storm, and when the Waters were much troubled, and the wild People unapt to be kept in order by Miters, and Cro∣sier-staves: But yet if that noble Lord shall be pleased to cast his Eye upon the Roll it self, he shall find that this poor Excuse did not serve the Prelates turns; for they were compelled with a witness to defend the preservation of the Peace of the Kingdom for their parts, as well as the Noblemen and Gen∣try. And you shall find the Ordinance to this effect set down upon that Roll. I conclude therefore, with that noble Lord's favour, that the sweeping of all the Clergy out of temporal Offices, is a motion of the first impression, and was never heard in the English Common-wealth before this Bill.

164.

I come, in the third place, to the main part of this Cause, the things to be severed from all men in Holy Orders, which are, as I told you of three kinds: 1. Matters of Free-hold, as the Bishops Votes in Parliament, and Legi∣slative Power. 2. Matters of Favour, to be a Judge in Star-chamber; to be a a Privy-Councillor, to be a Justice of Peace, or a Commissioner in any Tempo∣ral Affairs. 3. Mixt Matters of Free-hold and Favour too, as the Charters of some Bishops, and many of the ancient Cathedrals of this Kingdom, who al∣low them a Justice or two within themselves, or their Close, as they call it, and exempt those grave and learned men from the Rudeness and Insolency of Tapsters, Brewers, Inn-keepers, Taylors, and Shoe-makers, which do integrate and make up the Bodies of our Country-Cities and Incorporations. And now is the Ax laid to the very Root of the Ecclesiastical Tree, and without your Lordships Justice and Favour, all the Branches are to be lopt off quite with those latter Clauses, and the Stock and Root it self to be quite grubb'd and digged up, by that first point of abolishing all Vote and Legislative Power in all Clergymen, leaving them to be no longer any part of the People of Rome, but meer Slaves and Bond-men to all intents and purposes; and the Priests of England, one degree interiour to the Priests of Jer••boam, being to be accounted worse than the Tail of the People. Now I hope no English-man will doubt, but this Vote and Representation in Parliament is not only a Freehold, but the greatest Freehold that any Subject in England, or in all the Christian World, can brag of at this day, that we live under a King, and are to be govern'd by his Laws, that is, not by his arbitrary Edicts or Rescripts, but by such Laws confirmed by him, and assented to by us, either in our proper Persons, or in our Assignees and Representations. This is the very Soul and Genius of our Magna Charta, and without this one Spirit that great Statute is little less than litera occidens, a dead and useless piece of Paper: You heard it most truly ope∣ned unto you by a wise and judicious Peer of this House, that Legem patere quam ipse tuleris, was a Motto, wherein Alexander Severus had not more interest than every true-born Englishman. No Forty-shillings-man in England, but doth in person or representation enjoy his Freedom and Liberty: The Prelates of this Kingdom, as a Looking-glass and Representation of the Clergy, a third estate, if we may speak either with Sir Edw. Coke, or the ancient Acts of Parliament, have been in possession hereof these Thousand years and upward. The Prin∣ces of the Norman Race, indeed, for their own ends, and to strengthen them∣selves with Men and Money, erected the Bishopricks soon after the Conquest into Baronies, and left them to sit in the House, with their double Capacities about them; the latter invented for the profit of the Prince, not excluding the former, remaining always from the beginning, for the profit and concern∣ment of the poor Clergy, and the State Ecclesiastical: which appears not on∣ly by the Saxon Laws set forth by Mr. Lambert and Sir H. Spelman, but also by the Bishops Writs and Summons to Parliament, in use to this very day. We have many President, upon the Rolls, that in vacancy of Episcopal Sees, the Guardian of the Spirituals, though but a simple Priest, hath been called to fit in this Honourable House, by reason of the former Representation: and such an Officer I was my self over that See whereof I am Bishop, some 25 years ago, and might then have been summoned by Writ to this Honourable House, at that very time, by reason of keeping the Spirituality of that Diocess, which then, as a simple Priest, I did, by vertue of the aforesaid Office represent. And therefore, most noble Lords, look upon the Ark of God's Representative, that at this time floats in great danger in this Deluge of Waters: If there be any Cham or unclean Creature therein, out with him, and let every man bear his own Burden, but save the Ark for God and Christ Jesus sake, who hath built it in this Kingdom for saving of People. And your Lordships are too wise to conceive that the Word and Sacraments, the means of our Salvation, will be ever effectually received from those Ministers, whose Persons shall be so vilified and dejected, as to be made no Parcels or Fragments of this Com∣mon-wealth. No, faith Gregory, the last Trick the Devil had in this World was this, that when he could not bring the Word and Sacraments into disgrace by Errors and Heretical Opintens, he invented this Project, (and much applauded his Wit therein) to cast Slight and Contempt upon the Preachers and Ministers. And my noble Lords, you are too wise to believe what the common people talk, that we have a Vote in the election of Knights and Burgesses, and consequently some Figure and Representation in the noble House of Commons They of the Mi∣nistry

have no Vote in these Elections, they have no Representation in that Ho∣nourable House, and the contrary Assertions are so slight and groundless, as I will not offer to give them any answer. And therefore, R. Hon. Lords, have a special care of the Church of England your Mother in this point. And as God hath made you the most noble of all the Peers of the Christian World, so do not you give way that our Nobility shall be taught henceforth, as the Romans were in the time of the first and second Punick Wars, by their Slaves and Bond-men only: and that the Church of God in this Island may come to be served by the most ig∣noble Ministers, that have ever been seen in the Christian Church, since the Passion of our Saviour. And so much for the first thing, which this Bill in∣tends of sever from Persons in Holy Orders, viz. Votes and Representations in Parliament. The next thing to be severed from them by this Bill is of a mean∣er Mettal and Alloy, sittings in Star-Chamber, sittings at Council-Table, sit∣ting in the Commissions of Peace, and other Commissions of Secular Affairs, which are such Favours and Graces of Christian Princes, as the Church may have a being, and subsistence without them. The Fartunes of our Greece do not depend upon these Spangles: and the Soveraign Prince hath imparted and withdrawn these kind of Favours without the envy or regret of any wise Ec∣clesia••ical Persons. But, my noble Lords, this is the Case; our King hath by the Statute restored unto him the Headship of the Church of England, and by the Word of God, he is Custos utriusque tabulae. And will your Lordships al∣low this Ecclesiastical Head no Ecclesiastical Senses at all? No Ecclesiastical Person to be consulted withal, not in any circumstance of Time and Place? If Cranmer had been thus dealt withal in the minority of our young King Jo∣sias, King Edward the Sixth of pious memory, what had become of the great Work of our Reformation in this flourishing Church of England? But I know before whom I speak. I do not mean to Dine your Lordships with Cole∣worts: the harsh Consequents of this Point your Lordships do understand as well as I. The last Robe that some Persons in Holy Orders are to be stript of, hath a kind of Mixture of Freehold and Favour, of the proper Right and Graces of the King, which are certain old Charters, that some few Bishops, and many Ancient and Cathedral Churches have purchased and procured from the ancient Kings, before and since the Conquest, to inable them to live quiet in their own Precincts, and close (as they call it) under a Justice or two of their own Body, without being abandoned, upon every slight occasion, to the Inju∣ries and Vexations of Mechanical Tradesmen, of which your Lordships best know those Country Incorporations do most consist. Now whether these sew Char∣ters have their Foundation by Favour or by Right, I should conceive, under your Lordships savour, it is neither Favour nor Right to take them away, without some just Crime objected and proved. For if they be abused in any particular, Mr. Attorney-General can find an ordinary Remedy to repair the same by a Writ of Ad quod damnum, without troubling the two Houses of Par∣liament. And this is all I shall speak to this Point.

165.

And now I am come to the fourth part of this Bill, which is the manner of Inhibition, heavy every way: heavy in the Penalty, heavier a great deal in the Incapacity. For the weighing of the Penalty will you consider, I be∣seech you, the small Wyres, that is, poor Causes, that are to induce the same: and then the heavy Lead that hangs upon those Wyres. It is thus: If a na∣tural Subject of England, interessed in the Magna Charta, and Petition of Right, as well as any other, yet being a Person in Holy Orders, shall happen unfor∣tunately to Vote in Parliament, to obey his Prince by way of Counsel, or by way of a Commissioner be required thereunto, then he is presently to lose and forfeit for his first offence all his means and livelyhood for one year and for the second to forfeit his Freehold in that kind for ever and ever. And I do not believe that your Lordships ever saw such an heavy weight of Censure hang upon such thin Wyres of Reason in an Act of Parliament made heretofore. This perad∣venture may move others most, but it does not me. It is not the Penalty, but the Incapacity, and as the Philosopher would call it, the Natural Impo∣tency imposed by this Bill on Men in Holy Orders to serve the King, or the State in this kind, be they never so able, never so willing, never so vertuous. Which makes me draw a kind of Timanthes vail over this Point, and leave it, without any amplification at all, unto your Lordships wise and inward thoughts and considerations.—The fifth Point is the Salvo made for the two Universities, to have Justices of Peace among them of their own Heads of

Houses, which I confess to be done upon mature and just consideration: For otherwise the Scholars must have gone for Justice to those Parties to whom they send for Mustard and Vineger. But yet, under favour, the Reasons and In∣ducements cannot be stronger than may be found out for other Ecclesiastical Persons; as the Bishop of Durham, who was ever, since the days of K. John, suffered by the Princes and Parliaments of England to exercise Justice upon the Parties in those Parts, as being in truth the King's Subjects, but the Bishops Tenants, and therefore not likely to have their Causes more duly weighed, than when the Balance is left in the hand of their own proper Landlord. The Case of the Bishop of Ely, for some parts of that Isle is not much diffe∣rent. But if a little Partiality doth not herein cast some little Mist before mine eyes, the Case of the Dean and City of Westminster, wherein this Parliament is now sitting, is far more considerable, both in the Antiquity, extent of Ju∣risdiction, and the Warrants whereupon it is grounded, than any one of those places before mentioned. For there is a clear Statute made 27 Eliz. for the drawing all Westminster, St. Clement, and St. Martins le Grand, London, into a Corporation to be reigled by a Dean, a Steward, twelve Burgesses, and twelve Assistants: And if some Salve or Plaister shall not be applied to Westminster in this Point, all that Government and Corporation is at an end. But this I perceive since is taken into consideration by the Honourable House of Com∣mons themselves.—I come now to the last Point, and the second Salvo of this Bill, which is for Dukes, Marquesses, Earls, Viscounts, Barons or Peers of this Kingdom; which is a Clause that looks with a kind of contrary glance upon Persons in Holy Orders: it seems to favour some, but so that thereby, and in that very act, it casts an aspersion of baseness and ignobility upon all the rest of that Holy Profession. For if no Persons in Holy Orders ought to intermeddle in Secular Affairs, how come those Nobles to be excepted out of the Universal Negative? Is it because they are nobly born? Then surely it must be granted that the rest must be excluded, as being made of a worser and rougher piece of Clay. For the second part of this Reason in the beginning of the Bill can never bear out this Salvo, That the Office of the Ministry is of so great importance, that it will take up the whole Man, and all his best Endeavours. Sure∣ly the Office of the Ministry is of no greater importance in a poor man than in a noble man; nor doth it take up the whole Man in the one, and but a piece of him in the other. I cannot give you many Instances herein out of Scripture, because you know that in those days, Not many mighty, not many noble were cal∣led, 1 Cor. 1.26. But when any Noble were called, I do not find but that they did put more of the whole Man, and their best Endeavours upon the Ministry than other Men in Holy Orders are, at the least in Holy Scripture, noted to have done. I pu•• your Lordships in mind of those Noble men of Beraea, com∣pared with th••se of Thessalonica, Acts 17.11. So that this Salvo for the Nobi∣lity must needs be (under your Lordships favour) a secret wound unto the rest of the Ministry, unless your Lordships by your great Wisdom, will be wil∣ling to change it into a Panacaea, or common Plaister both to the one and to the other. And, under your Lordships Favour, I conceive it may be done under a very fo••ing Argument. The Office of the Ministry is of equal importance, and takes up the wh•• Man, and all his best Endeavours, in the Noble born, as well as in the mean born Bishop. But it is lawful, all this notwithstanding, for the noble born Minister to intermeddle in Secular Affairs, and therefore it is likewise lawful for the mean born so to do. And so in may Conscience (I speak it in the presence of God, and great Noblemen) it is most lawful for them to intermeddle with Secular Affairs, so as they be not intangled (as the Apostle calls it) with this intermedling, as to slight and neglect the Office of their Calling; which no Minister, noble or ignoble, can do without grievously sin∣ning against God and his own conscience. It is lawful for Persons in Holy Orders to intermeddle; it is without question: or else they could not make provision of Meat and Drink, as Beza interprets the place. It is not lawful for them to be thus intangled and bound up with Secular Affairs; which I humbly beseech your Lordships to consider, not as a Distinction invented by me, but clearly expressed by the Apostle himself.

166.

And thus, my noble Lords, I shall, without any further molestation, and with humble thanks for this great patience, leave this great Cause of the Church to your Lordships wise and gracious consideration. Here is my Mars∣hill, and further I shall never appeal for Justice. Some assurance I have from

the late solemn Vow and Protestation of both Houses, for the maintaining and defending the Power and Priviledges of Parliament, that if this Bill were now to be framed in the one House, it would never be offered, without much qua∣lification, and I perswade my self it will not be approved in the other. Par∣liaments are indeed Omnipotent; but no more Omnipotent than God himself; who, for all that, cannot do every thing. God cannot but perform what he hath promised: A Parliament, under favour, cannot un-swear what it hath al∣ready vowed. This is an old Maxim, which I have learned of the Sages of the Law, A Parliament cannot be Felo de se, it cannot destroy or undo it self. An Act of Parliament, (as that in the eleventh, and another in the one and twentieth of Richard the Second) made to be unrepealable in any subsequent Parliament, was ipso facto void in the constitution. Why? because it took a∣way the Power and Priviledges, that is, not the Plumes and Feathers, the re∣mote Accidents, but the very specisial Form, Essence, and Being of a Parlia∣ment: So if an Act should be made to take away the Votes of all the Com∣mons, or all the Lords, it were absolutely a void Act. I will conclude with the first Ep. to the Corinthians, c. 12. v. 15. If the soot shall say, because I am not the hand I am not of the body, is it therefore not of the body? v. 20. but now are they many Members, yet but one Body. v. 21. And the eye cannot say unto the hand, I have no need of thee: nor again the head unto the feet, I have no need of you.

So far our brave Speaker: and all this is exscribed faithfully out of his own Copy. Let another take his room; and let him that is wisest perform it better. The Success was, that he laid the Bill asleep for five months (for I confess that by over-sight I have not kept the just order of time; for it should have been referred to the middle of May, before the King went into Scotland) and was in a trance by the charm of this Eloquence till November after: which shews how like he was to Athanasius (Nazian. in Orat. pro codem) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Athanasius was an Adamant, not to be broken with violent blows: and a Load-stone to draw them to him that were of a contrary Opinion. Now mark the Partiality upon which the Speaker much insisted, That the Lords would grant Interest to noble Persons in Holy Orders to act in Secular Affairs; but to none beside. As Grotius fits it with a passage Annal. p. 5. Castellani quantumcun∣que usurpent ipsi libertatem, in aliis non serunt. The Castilians are great encroachers upon liberty for themselves; but will not tollerate it in any beside. To the main Cause I yield that that was easie to be defended on the Clergies part; as learned Saravia shews de Christian. Obed. p. 169. not only from Moses's Law, but from the Custom general of the most orderly among the Heathen, Gaulish, Druids, Per∣sian Magi, Egyptian Heirophants, and so forth by induction from all places, to make it amount even to a natural Law, that Priests were no where excluded from honourable Imployments in Secular Affairs. I will appose two Quotations for it, and very remarkable. The first from the Judgment of the Scottish Presby∣tery. R. Spotswood Hist. p. 299. & 449. That they contended for that Priviledge, that some Ministers should give Voice in Parliament in the behalf of the Church—And some to assist the King in Parliament, in Council, and out of Council. Doth the Wind blow so from the North? The other taken from Ludo. Molin. Paraen. c 4. And he no well-willer to our Hierarchy in that Book, least of all to their Consistories—Deus Pastori Evangelico non detrahit jus & potestatem Magistra∣turae: nec magistratum prohibet ministerio, si ad utrumque factus & comparatus est. But this Bill that went no further, when it was first set on foot in May, began to enlarge its strides, and mend its Pace in the end of Autumn. Either because this fiery Parliament saw that Confusion begun must be carried on with acting greater: or because the King was suspected that he tamper'd with the Scots, and they framed an Injury from his Neglect to leave them so long: or how it was that their thoughts were whi••'d about with the Wheel of swift Perswasi∣ons, themselves knew best: but their Spleen began to shew it self with stronger fits than ever against the Clergy, who were never safe so long as the Bill we have heard of was not cancell'd. For the Spanish Proverb tells us, That Apple is in great danger that sticks upon the prickles of an Hedge-hogg. But if the Sum of the Bill had been right cast, the now most noble Marquess of Dorchester, and more noble because most learned, told his Peers May 21. Which of your Lordships can say he shall continue a Member of this House, when at one blow six and twenty are cut off. This was sooth, nay Sooth-saying and Prophesying: but it was not attended.

167. When all ways had been tried to pass this Bill of Dishonour upon the Clergy, chiefly the Bishops, and it hung in the House of the Lords: the event, methinks, is like that which we read I Kings 22. v. 21. There came forth a Spirit; and stood before the Lord, and said, I will perswade them. And the Lord said, Where∣with? And he said, I will go forth, and I will be a Spirit of clamour and tumult in the mouth of all the People. And the Lord said, Thou shalt perswade them, and prevail also. Go forth, and do so. There had been an unruly and obsteperous concourse of the People in the Earl of Strafford's Case: But a Sedition broke forth about Christ∣mas, that was ten times more mad: Ludum jocumque dices fuisse illum alterum, prout hujus rabies quae dabit, Terent. Eunuch. which took heat upon this occasion. The King came to the House of Commons, to demand five of their Members to Justice, upon impeachment of Treason. His Majesty, it seems, was too forward to threaten such persons with the Sword of Justice, when he wanted the Buck∣ler of Safety: How far those five were guilty, I have nothing to say, because plain Force would not let them come to a Tryal. But if they were innocent, why did they not suffer their Practices to see the Light? It had been more to their Honour to be cleared by the Law, than to be protected against the Law: And that Cause must needs be suspected, which could not put on a good out∣side. I am sure the King suffer'd extreamly for their sakes: All Sectaries and desperate Varlets in City and Suburbs, flock'd by thousands to the Parliament. Diogenes was ask'd, What was to be seen at the Olympick Sports, where he had been? Says he, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Laert. in Vit. Much People, but few Men. But here were no Men, but all Beasts, who promised one another Impunity by their full body of Rebels; and where there is no fear of Revenge, there is little Conscience of Offence: Quicquid multis peccatur inultum est, Lucan. The Rake∣hells were chaffed to so high a degree of Acrimony, that they pressed through the Court-gates; and their Tongues were so lavish, that they talk'd Treason so loud, that the King and Queen did hear them. Let the five Members be as honest as they would make them. I am certain these were Traytors, that begirt the King's House, where his Person was, with Hostility by Land and Water: He that speaks of them without detestation, allows them, and makes way for the like. Sometimes they called out for Religion, sometimes for Justice: Ex isto ore religionis verbum excidere aut clabi potest? as Tully of Clodius, pro Dom. Was the sacred term of Religion sit to come out of their Mouths? Did it become them to speak of Justice? Sarah cried out to Abraham, The Lord judge between me and thee, when her self was in the fault, Gen. 16.5. Every Tinker and Tapster call'd for Justice, and would let the King have none, who is the Fountain of it. What did the great Parliament in the mean while? Give Freedom to their Rage. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Odyss. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Their Friends in their ragged rows were too many to be childden; they were more afraid of them than of the Ruin of a Kingdom; as little Children are more afraid of a Vizard than of the Fire; therefore they stroke them with fair words when they meet them. O In∣dignity! An quae—Turpia cerdoni Volesos Brutum{que} decebunt? Juven. Sat. 8. That which was base in Coblers, was it not worse in Lords, and Knights, and Squires, and such as assumed to be the Princes of the Land? No Senators that inten∣ded to rule a People did ever endure the like. Let M. AEmilius the Consul speak for the State of Rome, Livy lib. 39. Majores nostri ne vos quidem, nisi cum aut vexillo in arce posito, comitiorum causâ, exercitus positus esset, aut plebi Concilium tri∣buni edixissent, aut aliqui ex magistratibus and concionem vocassent, temerè coire volue∣rint, ubi legitimum rectorem multitudini censerent esse debere. They that boulster up such Insurrections as these, their own Guards, upon a new Quarrel, may knock them on the Head: Cum tot populis stipatus eas, in tot populis vix una fides, Sen Hercul furens. But these Wat Tylers and Round-Robins, being driven or persuaded out of White-hall, there was a buzz among them to take their way to Westminster-Abby; some said, Let us pluck down the Organs: Some cried, Let us deface the Monuments; that is, prophane the Tombs and Burying-places of Kings and Queens. This was carried with all speed to the Archbishop; the Dean, who made fast the Doors, whi•• they found shut against them, and when they would have forced them, they were beaten off with Stones from the top of the Leads; the Archbishop all this while maintaining the Abby in his own person, with a few more, for fear they should seize upon the Regalia, which were in that place under his Custody. The Spight of the Mutineers was most against him, yet his Followers could not entreat him to go aside, as the Disciples restrained Paul

from rushing into an Uproar, Act. 19.30. but he stood to it, as Cesius Quintius in Livy, lib. 3. Unus impetus tribunitios popularesque procellas sustinebat. After an hours dispute, when the Multitude had been well pelted from aloft, a few of the Archbishops Train opened a Door and rush'd out with Swords drawn, and drove them before them, like fearful Hares. They were already past their Duty, but short of their Malice, and every day made Battery on all the Bi∣shops, as they came to Parliament, forcing their Coaches back, tearing their Garments, menacing if they came any more. What Times could be worse? None, says Tully upon M. Antony's Violence upon the Senate, Phil. Or. 13. Caesare dominante venicbamus in Senatum, si non liberè tamen tutò. What Aid did the Lords afford to quell these Affronts? Why, let Softhenes be beaten before the Judgment∣seat, Gallio cares for none of these things, Act. 18.17. The Bishops were God's Ministers, and let him defend them; as Tyberius to that way in Tacitus, Deorum injuriae Diis curae sunt. The remissness of our Parliament Lords (Optimates non Optimi) shewed the same Indifferency:

O ye religious Kings, that would go∣vern with Peace, how are ye able? These foul and unremediable Uproars tell you, that the only Imperatorian Art is to be furnish'd with a good Army, and to know how to order it.

168. So great a Hurry continuing, wherein all things were turned the wrong side upward, there was such an apparent Mischief co-incident, that what∣soever did pass in the Lords House, during their constrained absence, was null and invalid; for if any one person in either House, be repelled by force, and be denied Freedom to give his Vote, that Nicety is a Bar to the whole Procee∣ding of the Parliament; as some write, that comment subtilly upon Parliamen∣tary Privileges: Not as if the Speaker did ever sit in his Chair, when none were absent; or that one Vote is like to sway a Cause, (yet sometimes it comes to so near a scrutiny) but this Judgment is made of it, That it may so fall out, and doth often, that one Member (put the case the person forced out) may propose such Reasons to the House, as that all resolve into his Opinion. This great Prejudice concurring, by repelling the Bishops tumultuously from taking their Places in the Lords House, York called his Brethren together, to set their Hands to a Petition and Protestation made to His Majesty, and the Lords Temporal, and put it into the L. Keeper Littleton's Hand, yet not to be read, till His Ma∣jesty, by the Bishop's Invitation, should fit with the Peers in the House, and then to read it in the King and the Lords audience, and not before. The L. Keeper unadvisedly (I hope it was no worse) produceth the Petition, &c. before the King was made acquainted with it; which made a Project, well contrived, break out into a Thunder-clap of Mischief; which rash or bad dealing in the Lord-Keeper, York could not suspect: And he that drives much business shall be cross'd in some, for want of Luck, though he be never so prudent: Nulli fortuna tam dedita est, ut multa tentanti ubi{que} respondeat, Sen. lib. 1. de irâ, c. 3. That Protestation fol∣lows here, whose like, and almost same, York had found in the Records of the Tower, which he studied there, till his Eye-sight was much the worse for it.

To the KING's Most Excellent Majesty, and the Lords and Peers now assembled in Parliament,

The humble Petition and Protestation of all the Bishops and Prelates now called by His Majesty's Writs to attend the Parliament, and now present about London and Westminster, for that Service.

THat whereas the Petitioners are called up by several and respective Writs, and un∣der great Penalties to attend in Parliament, and have a clear and indubitate Right to vote in Bills, and other matters whatsoever debateable in Parliament, by the ancient Customs, Laws, and Statutes of this Realm, and ought to be protected by Your Majesty, quietly to attend and prosecute that great Service. They humbly remonstrate, and pro∣test before God, Your Majesty, and the noble Lords and Peers now assembled in Parliament, that as they have an indubitate Right to Sit and Vote in the House of the Lords, so are they (if they may be protected from Force and Violence) most ready and willing to per∣form

their Duties accordingly: And that they do abominate all Actions or Opinions ten∣ding to Popery, and the maintenance thereof; as also all Propension and Inclination to any malignant Party, or any other Side or Party whatsoever, to the which their own Reasons and Consciences shall not move them to adhere. But whereas they have been at several times violently menaced, affronted, and assaulted by multitudes of People, in their coming to perform their Services in that Honourable House, and lately chased away, and put in danger of their Lives, and can find no Redress or Protection, upon sundry Com∣plaints made to both Houses in these particulars; They likewise humbly protest before your Majesty, and the noble House of Peers, that saving unto themselves all their Rights and Interests of Sitting and Voting in the House at other times, they dare not Sit or Vote in the House of Peers, until your Majesty shall further secure them from all Affronts, In∣dignities, and Dangers in the Premisses. Lastly, Whereas their Fears are not built upon Phantasies and Conceipts, but upon such Grounds and Objects, as may well terrifie men of good Resolutions, and much Constancy. They do in all duty and humility protest before your Majesty, and the Peers of the most Honourable House of Parliament, against all Laws, Or∣ders, Votes, Resolutions, and Determinations, as in themselves null, and of none effect, which in their absence, since the 27th of this Instant-month of Decemb. 1641, have al∣ready passed: As likewise against all such, as shall hereafter pass in that most Honourable House, during the time of their forced and violent absence from the said most Honourable House; Not denying, but if their absenting of themselves were wilful, and voluntary, that most Honourable House might proceed in all the Premisses, their Absence, or this Pro∣testation notwithstanding. And humbly beseeching your most Excellent Majesty to com∣mand the Clerk of that House of Peers to enter this Petition and Protestation amongst his Records; They will ever pray to God to bless and preserve, &c.

Subscribed by Joh. Eborac. Tho. Dunelm. Ro. Cov. and Lich. Jos. Norwicen. Joh. Asaphensis. Gul. Bath & Wellen. Geo. Hereford. Rob. Oxen. Matth. Elien. Godfr. Glocestr. Job. Petroburg. Maur. Landoven.

169. Hear and admire, ye Ages to come, what became of this Protestation, drawn up by as many Bishops as have often made a whole Provincial Council. They were all call'd by the Temporal Lords to the Bar, and from the Bar sent away to the Tower: Nonne fuit satius tristes formidinis iras, Atque superba pati fasti∣dia? A rude World, when it was safer to do a Wrong than to complain of it: The People commit the Trespass, and the Sufferers are punish'd for their Fault. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Athen. lib. 9. A Proverb agreeing to the drunken Feasts of the Greeks, If the Cook dress the Meat ill, the Minstrils are beaten. That day it broke forth, that the largest part of the Lords were fermen∣tated with an Anti-episcopal Sourness. If they had loved that Order, they would never have doomed them to a Prison, and late at night, in bitter Frost and Snow, upon no other Charge, but that they presented their Mind in a most humble Paper, to go abroad in safety. Ubi amor condimentum inerit quidvis placiturum spero, Plaut. in Casin. Love hath a most gentle hand, when it comes to touch where it loves. Here was no sign of any silial respect to their Spiritual Fa∣thers. Nothing was offer'd to the Peers, but the Substance was Reason, the Style lowly, the Practice ancient; yet upon their pleasure, without debate of the Cause, the Bishops are pack'd away the same night to keep their Christmas in Durance and Sorrow: And when this was blown abroad, O how the Trunch-men of the Uproar did fleer, and make merry with it! But the Di∣sciples of the Church of England took it very heavily; not for any thing the good Bishops had done, but for that they suffer'd; for a Prisoner is not a Name of Infamy, but Calamity. Poena damnati, non peccati, Cic. pro Dom. Estque pati poenam, quàm meruisse minùs, Ovid. lib. 1. de Pont. Nothing can be more equal, than to lay the Objections the Lords made, and York's Answers for the Protesta∣tion together, as they go from Hand to Hand to this day, in Town and City: And let the Children judge what their Fathers did, if they read this here∣after.

Obj. 1. That the Petition is false; the Lords did not sit in Fear, as my Lord of Worcester, Winchester, London: Nor was it the Petition of all the Bishops about London and Westminster; not of Winchester, London, Rochester, Worcester.

〈◊〉〈◊〉 If this were true, yet were it not Treason against any Canon or Statute-Law; but the Fact is otherwise: First, the Fear complained against is not for the time of their Sitting in the House, but for the time of their coming unto and going from the said House; and it is easie to prove they were then in Fear. Secondly, They know best, whether they were in Fear or no, who subscribed or agreed to the Petition. And my Lord of Winchester agreed in it as much as the rest, and instanced in the cause of his Fear, his chasing to Lambeth. Thirdly, For the other part of the Objection, the Bishop of London was then at Fulham, Ro∣chester in Kent, Worcester at Oxford; nor doth the Title of the Petition compre∣hend them, as not being about London and Westminster. Winchester did agree thereunto, and came thither to subscribe; and it was resolved his Name should have been called for, ere ever it was to be solemnly preferred to the King; which was never intended to be, but when the King sate in the Upper House of the Lords, which the Bishops intended to pray His Majesty to do: And this appears by the Superscription of the Petition.

Obj. 2. The nulling of all Laws to be made at this time, that the Kingdom of Ire∣land was in jeopardy, was a conspiring with the Rebels to destroy that Kingdom, and so amounted to Treason, or a high Misdemeanour.

〈◊〉〈◊〉 1. A Protestation annulleth no Law, but so far as the Law shall extend to the Parties protesting: Nor so far, but in case that the Parties protesting shall afterward judicially prove their right to annull that Law: So that it was impos∣sible any Protestation of the Bishops should actually intend to hinder the Relief of Ireland. 2 The Relief of Ireland by 10000 Scots and 10000 English, was vo∣ted and concluded long before this Protestation, and all the Particulars of that great business referr'd to a Committee of both Houses and the Bishops unani∣mously assented thereto: So that the Relief of Ireland comes not within the Date and Circumscription of this Protestation. And the Bishops call God to witness, they never conceived one Thought that way. 3. The Bishops protest∣ed against no Laws or Orders at all to be annulled absolutely, and for all the time of this Session of Parliament simply, but for that space of time only, wherein they should be forcibly and violently kept from the said Parliament, by those rude and unruly People. So that as soon as the King and the Lords did quiet their passage unto Parliament, (which the Lords did do before this Petition was read in Parliament) and that any of the Bishops were present there, the Protesta∣tion was directly null, and of none effect; so as indeed the Protestation was void and dead in Law, before the L. Keeper brought the Petition in question into the House; because the Bishop of Winchester, and some others, had even then quiet access unto that Honourable House. And the Bishops conceived the Protestation void in such a case, and do most humbly wave and revoke the same, and hum∣bly desire both Houses to accept thereof.

Obj. 3. They desire the King to command the Clerk of the House of Peers, to enter this their Petition and Protestation among his Records; which derogates from the Rights of Parliament: As though the King could be his Command make a Record of Par∣liament.

〈◊〉〈◊〉 It is to be conceived, that the Bishops never intended that this Petition (as may appear by the Directory thereof) should be preferred to the King in any other place, but in the Upper House of Parliament. And it will appear among the Records of that most Honourable House (11 Rich. II. num. 9.) that the King in that House hath commanded the like Protestation of the Bishops to be enrolled, which made the Bishops use that Phrase. Howbeit, beside the King's Command, the Assent of the Peers and Commons have still concurred, and the Bishops never conceived it otherwise; which made them presume, that no mat∣ter of their Protestation could possibly amount to any higher Crime than that of Error or Mistake, considering that it was still to be admitted or rejected by the King, with the Assent of the Peers and Commons.

Here the Answer ends, in this brief compass: Let all the Council in the Land plead against it, and shew where it is not sound and satisfactory. Yet the Bi∣shops desire no other reparation for their false Imprisonment, but Liberty, and Safety to Vote in that House, to which they were called by the King's Writ. Sidonius speaks in pity of Eutropia, lib. 6. ep. 2. Victoriam computat, si post dammum

non litiget. And these innocent men would not hold it for Justice done unto them, if after so much Wrong sustained, the Contention might be ended.

170. Every subsequent Action of that Parliament did castrate their Hope, Day utter'd unto Day how they meant to dissolve that Primitive and Aposto∣lick Order piece by piece: And what shall we have next? The very Kingdom of Christ set up in the Church, if you will believe them: As Pisistratus would perswade the Athenians, that he changed not their Laws, but reduced them to those that were in Solon's time, by which Trick he made them his Slaves, Laert. in Vit. Sol. Is it possible that men could have the face to pretend more ancient Rulers in Christ's Church than Bishops? The method of Sacrilege was, first to pluck the Spiritual Lords out of the House, and to disable all the Clergy from intermedling in Secular Affairs. The Bill is read, and easily pass'd, now the Bishops were not in place to hear it, and dispute it. The Plaintiff pleads the Cause at Westminster, what can the Defendant say to it in the Tower? Proceed, my good Lords, he that runs alone by himself must needs be foremost. This was worse than if a young Heir were sent to travel by his Guardian, and the Guardian pulls down his House, fells his Woods, leaseth out his Lands, when he is not in the way to look to it. But where were those Earls and Barons that sided with the Bishops before? Shrunk, absent, or silent.

—They that are wise, Leave falling Buildings, fly to them that rise.

Or as Plautus in Stych. as neat in his Comick Phrase as Johnson, Si labant res lassae, itidem amici collabascunt. But the King's part is yet to come: The Parliament makes ready a Bill, the King only makes it a Law: So he did this, and it was the last, I think, that ever he signed: Why he did it, is a thing not well known, and wants more manifestation: Necessity was in it, say they that would look no further; Nulla necessitas excusat, quae potest non esse necessitas, Tertul. Exh. ad Cast. c. 7. The most said, That nothing was more plausible than this, to get the Peo∣ples Favour: Or, that the Houses had sate long, like to continue longer, and must have Wages for their Work; because they are no Hirelings, they will chuse and take, and this Boon they will have, or the King shall have no Help from them. It would ill become a Royal Spirit, to plead he was compelled by Fear, else His Majesty might have revoked this Act upon that Challenge. As Sir Nic. Throgmorton, surpassing most of his Age for Wit and Experience, assured Mary Queen of Scots, shut up in the hold of Loquelevin, Cessionem in carcere extor∣tam, qui justus est metus, planè irritam esse, Cambd. Eliz. ann. 1569. Yet Fear had not so much stroke in this, as the Perswasions of one whom His Majesty lo∣ved above all the World. The King foresaw he was not like to get any thing from this Parliament but a Civil War, he would not begin it, but on their part he heard their Hammers already at the Forge; Et clandestinis turgentia fraudibus arma, Manil. lib. 1. He being most tender to provide for the Safety of his Queen, went with her to Dover, to convey her into France; not that she desi∣red to turn her Back to Danger, or refused to partake of all Hazards with her Lord and Husband, for she was resolute in that, as Theogena the Wife of Agatho∣cles, Justin. lib. 20. Nubendo ei, non prosperae tantùm, fed omnis fortunae iniisse societa∣tem. But because His Majesty knew himself, that he should be more couragious if his dear Consort were out of the reach of his Enemies. Being at Dover, the Queen would not part with the King to Ship-board, till he signed this Bill, be∣ing brought to believe by all protestation of Faith from Sir John Culpepper, who at∣tended there for that Dispatch, that the Lords and Commons would press His Majesty to no more Bills of that unpleasing nature: So the King snatch'd gree∣dily at a Flower of a fair Offer; and though he trusted few of the men at West∣minster, yet in outward shew he would seem to trust them all, the more, because the Queen had such Confidence in them. How Culpepper instilled this into the Queen, and how she prevailed, York is my Author, and could not deceive me, for he told me in the Tower, That the King had sacrificed the Clergy to this Parlia∣ment, by the Artifices contrived at Dover, a day before the News were brought to Lon∣don. Then they fell to Bells and Bonfires, and prophaned the Name of God, that He had heard them, whose Glory was not in their Thoughts from the begin∣ning to the end. A Day-labourer lifts up his Ax towards Heaven, but strikes his Mattock into the Earth. And all the Evil that the Earth breeds was in their Mind, when they seemed to look up to God. That which is of God, must

have its Foundation in Humility, its binding fast in Obedience, its rising in Justice, and its continuance in Peace. So begins the Misery and Fall of the Bishops. Synesius hath lent us words fit to express, jump in the same Case, Ep. 70. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. That is, the Bishops were expulsed meerly by Slander, nothing being demon∣strated to lay any Crimes against them: And verily, God was gracious to them. What should they have done as it turn'd to be in five months after? Better be alone than ill accompanied. And if that World last still, they will never wear out the Disgrace by Repealing that infamous Bill. I were wicked if I wisht it not otherwise, but foolish if I did hope it. I bewail not York more than I do the rest. Nihil est praecipuè cuiquam dolendum, in eo quod accidit universis. Cic. lib. 6. Ep. ad Torquatum. Now when the worst was done, the merciful Judges in Parliament gave the Bishops their Liberty. And most of those Grey-heads sled from London, or were imprison'd, in no long distance of time upon it. In May after York went away privily to seek the King, and never return'd again. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Diodor. Sic. lib. 13. Few men ever lived whose lives had more Para∣doxes in them. But from that day his Afflictions were constant to him, and never lent him pause or intermission of Peace. Qui per virtutem peritat pol non interit. The Gail of Anguish is the Cup of Salvation, to him that gives thanks unto the Name of the Lord.

171. London was no place to contain the Lords and Gentry, that remembred they were sworn to be faithful to the Crown, when it was known that the King had sat down in the City of York. Many came seasonably thither; many made ready for it, and were stopt: abundance sent their Purse: the Poor and well∣meaning sent their hearts, who would have failed beyond the Cape of Neutrali∣ty, and cast Anchor on the King's shore, if their Company could have brought profit or service. Our Archbishop of that Province came with the first, being as restless as Tully was to leave Rome in the stirs of Pompey, Hinc ipse evolare cupio, ut aliquo perveniam, ubi nec Pelopidarum nomen, nec facta audiam, Lib. ep. fam. He had been translated from Lincoln to this Dignity seven months before; He that gives a Promotion to a worthy man obligeth all men: and this was marvel∣lously well taken by all the Clergy of the Diocess. Until that day he had not seen the place, from which he was entitled; which he had proposed to be the Scene wherein he would do the part of an Archbishop in great splendor. His Means were sufficient; his Inclinations very hospital; Provisions abundant in that Country: the Gentry addicted to Liberality, or rather Profuseness: no man was ever so cut out to please them, since Alex. Nevil's days for magnifi∣cence. But God prevented it, that he could never settle his Houshold in York∣shire, as he desired. He found every thing looking with a face of Confusion, the gallantry of the South poured into the North, not to begin a War, but rea∣dy for the defensive part, as was expected. There are Mischiefs approaching when common bodings misgive them: which were not discerned soon enough, through fatal Security, before they were ripened. As Budaeus writes of France upon the first breaking out of Wars at home, That France wanted eyes, and ears, and, which is strange, they wanted a Nose; Qui cladem adventantem odora∣ri ante non potuimus, quàm ab eâ oppressi, Lib. 4. de Asse, fol. 110. The Presbyte∣rians, those Scalda-banco's, or hot Declamers, had wrought a great distast in the Commons at the King, and at all that had his ear and favour. The Age grow∣ing Learned, and Knowledge puffing up, Scholars grew more impudent and malapert with us, and in every state, than did become their Function. Our much Peace, which had lasted almost two Jubilees, was seeded with great Vice in our manners. Young men lived idly, which made them want, and there∣fore were ready for Bustles and Commotions to boot-hale and consume: they that proposed to themselves no laborious kind of Life, expected Alterations, and then to have enough to lavish. And not a few of these were of good Hou∣ses decayed, that, as one says, Had ancient Coats of all colours, but lack't Argent and Ore. Tempestuous weather was sit for their Harvest. And when Wars broke out, they crept out of their Cranies, like the Cimici in the Houses of I∣taly, not of rotten Bedsteds. But the Parliament, our continual Hectick, did lend their Arm to all Mischief, to usher it in. They could not bow the King to all their Votes, and abase him to be contented with a shadow of Soveraign∣ty, therefore they ranged every thing to a War, as palpably, as if their Drums and Colours had been in the Fields. Bacchae Bacchanti si velis adversarier, Insanam insaniorem facies: feriet saepiùs. Plauti Frag. Their Motions now were not Muti∣nies

à mutiendo, but Vociferations, as lowd as an Herald could proclaim them. But God will never suffer the abuse of fiduciary Power (which a good, but an improvident King had past away) to go unpunisht in themselves, or in their Children. Perditissimi est hominis fallere eum, qui laesus non esset, nisi credidisset. Cic. Off. l. 2. The King deserv'd the better from them, that reposed upon their du∣ty both his own honour, and the weal of all his Subjects. The more publick the Person is, the more he must betake him to trust many. Nay, none so private, no Action that comes abroad so mean, but you must believe in the fidelity of some. As Russinus very well upon the Creed, Nihil est quod in vitâ geri possit, si non credulitas ante praecesserit. The City of London came in for a great share, to encourage the drawing of the Sword; provided that the War came not near their Lines of Communication. This City, the Epitome of England, marr'd all England: as S. Hierom plays upon the River Pactolus, that it hath golden Sands, but unwholesom water, Ditior caeno quàm fluento, that the Mud was the best part of their River, Ep. ad Mar. & Alex. So muddy Wealth was the best thing that the Chuffs of the City had: much else was but Dish-water: except some few of the old store, Sir H. Garrway, Sir Ri. Gurney, and their like, who were poured into the Kennel for their fidelity. But the worst of them all durst never have been so stout, if the Parliament had not held up their Spirit in their wickedness. And there was a Nation, that shall not scape me, that whistled to the Jades that plowed up the Furrows of our Land, and gave them Provendore, I mean the French: to whom yet I will ascribe what Magius the Patavine doth, Gens bellicosissima, ho∣norisque appetontissima. It hath a stock of very noble Gentry, but sick of two faults, they abhor the Spaniards, hate the English, and wish the Confusion of both: which may turn upon themselves. They object how we assaulted them at Rhee: but forget what we did for them at Amiens, and Calis. They remember King Charles his Navy at Rochel: but take no notice of Queen Elizabeth, who advan∣ced Harry the Fourth to the Crown, in spite of the Leaguers. These kindled the Brands that set their Neighbours House on fire: which lyes sleeping under the Ashes of our memory; and they may repent it when they want us. Now what banding here was on every side, to ruin the greatest Saint that ever ruled our Nation? God was in them that came about him with their homage in such a time of hazard. Magna negotia magnis adjutoribus egent. Paterc. And I am sure the Metropolitan of York was none of the meanest of David's Worthies for Plot and Direction. He was fit for the Service, and obliged to assist it. For as Sci∣pio Nasica very well, No good man is a private man; most of all, if the weal pub∣lick needs him.

172. But the King's Condition at York was not in such strength and readiness as it deserved: though the brave and resolute Spirits about him thought not so. They perswaded themselves that the very Name of a King would supply the want of Power: and that they were on the right side, as sure as God's Word could warrant them.

Causáque valent, causamque tuentibus armis Ut puto vincemus. Luca. l. 8.

For all that, the Parliament had made better preparation for a War. First, A most deluded People, made to believe that his Majesty had gathered a Popish Army to change Religion. Quod sibi probare non possunt, id persuadere aliis conantur. Cic. pro Rose. Com. But upon this false Fame their great Preacher St. Marshall tells them, pag. 6. of his Letter, That they may secure their Religion against their King with a good Conscience. Next they had the Nerves of War, all the Money of London at their command: and, which was the worst of all Infelicities, they had cheated his Majesty of his Navy, and seized on his Magazines. It was not sit that the King should stay out their Provocations, and when they had soaled, then see what was in their Belly.

Dubia pro veris solent Timere Reges. Sen. Oedi.

And it was not reasonable to abide their Courtesie, who had voted for Delin∣quents all that did Service to their Lord and Master. They did all they could to disturb the tranquillity of a Soul most excellently composed, and to tire him out of his Principles. He held out the first Olive-branch, and sought Peace

from them by a most gracious Message; who in right should have begun. But as Lasicius notes of the sullen-proud Russians, Ni prior ipse salutaveris, non salutabe∣ris, Theol. Mosc. p. 64. They salute none that do not first uncover, and salute them. It was not once or twice that his Majesty sent, but he persisted, yet all in vain, to draw a dutiful Answer from them. And what's more tedious than to cast all day, and not to throw a good Chance? Since nothing would serve them but to rally the Sons of the Earth, the Titans of their Tumults, and to fill up an Army with them, the King retired into his deep Thoughts, what was best to be done.

Hic magnus sedet AEneas, secúmque volutat —Eventus belli varios. Aen. l. 10.

A Prince of so much Religion and Mercy was not to learn, That it was sit to be slow in an Enterprize of so high a nature;

For Kingdoms in their Channels safely run, But rudely overflowing are undone;

says our English Horace. It is Marcianus his Maxim in Zonaras, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, A King must never fly to Arms, if a noble, nay if a tolerable Peace may be had. Yet again, he did not forget that a prosperous Wind might blow away a Storm that was gathering, before the Shower fell up∣on him. Fest inandum antequàm cresceret invalida conjuratio paucorum. Tacit. Hist. l. 1. Be sudden before a Conjuration strengthen it self, and give it no day. And Pliny brings it for the Advice of Apollo's Oracle, Biduo citiùs messem potiùs facere, quam biduo seriùs, Lib. 18. c. 3. Begin Harvest two days too soon, rather than two days too late. Alluding not to the Rural, but the Politick Harvest. Ano∣ther, and a good Genius too, would say to the contrary: What! will you embroil the Land in a Civil War? Every Life that is slain in it, on either side, is the King's damage. And the blood of Christians shed in rebellion, is poured on the Devil's Altar. Every Field, and Town, and Castle that's spoil'd is the Kings loss; who hath the dominion of all the Earth that serves him, though not the Property. His Majesty knew the worth and good Governance of many in his List,

Pacisque boni, bellique ministri. Aen. l. 11.

But who could promise for so many hot Bloods, as were upon the place, that they would not rob and ransack the Innocent, and make the Army odious by too much Cruelty upon the Nocent? All are not a King's Friends that follow him: so do Flies the smell of strong Drink: but they that will maintain his Honour with Obedience, as well as his Quarrel with Manhood. If the Head∣stronger should be more in number—Such an If is enough to discourage any one to be the Captain of a Civil War. Nam in civilibus bellis plus militibus quàm Duci licet. Tacit. Hist. lib. 2. Their Commander dare not displease them; so much he fears Revolt, or Treachery. And his Majesty's great Wildom could not like it, that his Cavaliers were too consident and Secure. Contemnendis quàm cavendis hostibus aptiores. Idem Hist. l. 4. No man could perswade them that there was either number, wit, skill, or valour among the Rebels. But says a Master of Military Art, Veget. l. 3. Ille difficile vincitur, qui de suis & adversarii copiis rectè potest judicare. It was safer for the Royal Battalion to know that the Enemy multiplied fast, and pleased divers, by laying themselves forth abroad to to all shew of Sobriety and Holiness, though sincere Honesty had no Charge of them. And Despair will make Chicken-hearted Souldiers couragious. They that had drawn their Sword against their Soveraign, must throw away the Scab∣bard. They must purple their hands with slaughter in the Field, or be hang'd in Ignominy. What would they do to break all the Bands of the Law in sun∣der, the King's Name and Authority, which would not allow them their Book to save them? These things might be so deliberated in the King's Camp, or Ca∣binet; I cannot definitely say it. For after the Archbishop departed from West∣minster to the North, I never saw him more to confer with him; from whom before I learnt all things in effect that I knew. But as Tully writes L. de Senec. of L. Maximus, Illud divinavi, quod jam evenit, illo extincto fore unde discerem nemi∣nem. After I mist him, who was wont to tell me, not barely what was done,

but the reasons, the fitness, or incommodities of it, I have heard somewhat, but I understand little. And I make as much moan for the want of him, as St. Ba∣sil did for Martinlan, Ep. 379. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. What skills it to hear many Discourse one after another, when this one had gathered as much Experience and Wisdom as them all? But the tidings came from the most interested in both Armies, That none was more active than this great Prelate, to keep Yorkshire in obedience to the King, to re∣duce them that were perverted: none more assiduous in the Consultations of War with the Gentry to raise Money, Men, and Horse for the Army. This was hung up in Picture in the Hall and Change. And let them do their worst in those peny Tables, Sint modo carminibus non onerata malis, as Passeratius deprecates all bad Epitaphs, let them make good Verses to their Pictures, or let their Poets hang up for Company. But let this go together with his Loyalty, that there was not one man that served him as Lord-Keeper or Bishop, but either served or suffered in the King's Cause, except a brace whom Kilvert had long before perverted. They that were affected to the sin of the Parliament, saw so much opposition in him, and fierceness to bring them on their knees, that the same unhappy ones vowed his death, and were near to execution, who first refisted his Majesty at Hull.

—quae prima malorum Causa fuit, belloque animos incendit agrestes. Aen. l. 7.

Which is worth a story to observe, that these Professors of the new Discipline, made no scruple to break down God's double Defence, Touch not mine anointed, and do my Prophets no harm.

173. King Charles his coming to York was not a Progress of Delight, but an Escape from his Palace of West minster, for the Alarums of continual Mutinies, which he could not stand out with safety. As great a blemish to the Parliament that provided no better for him, as the flight of Harry the Third of France was to the Guisians on the Sunday, which is still called by them Dominica dolearis, when they would have block't him up with Piles of Wine-Casks in the Louver, to keep him fast for stirring. His Majesty's first care was, and ought to be, to have some Hold of good Defence for Retreat, if Blood-hounds sought him. And happy was that Fortress, of which he should make Election for so good a Service. All places are patent to a Monarch that are under his Laws and Scepter, though he were a Tyrant. Then what inferiour Officer would not be glad to give the Keys of his Government upon his Knees to as great a Saint as Josiah? Tribonius writes well to that matter in an Epistle to Tully of Caesar, Lib. 12. Ep. Fam. Eum, quem necesse erat diligere, qualiscunque esset, talem habemus, ut libenter quoque diligamus. And certainly he that should repulse the King in his first design, must both be his first and his greatest Enemy. Initia ferè dare formam negotiis, Thuan. An. 1558. The first Success gives Spirit to an Army, and Honour to their Chief. Which the solid man Tacitus teacheth, Hist. lib. 2. Ut initia belli provenissent, famam in caetero fore. And if the first Expedition be unfortunate, it is as ominous, as a sinister hour at the birth of a Child, when an Astrologer Calculates a Nativity. So unauspicious it was that his Majesty did stumble, I may say, at the Threshold, when he came out of Doors. He goes to Hull, where he had stowed up Shot, Powder, Arms in his Magazine. The Gates are kept shut, the Walls manned, Sir John Hotham and his Son capitulate that they keep it for the Parliament.

Dirarum nidis domus opportuna volucrum. Aen. 8.

A strong Cage it was to keep these unclean Birds from the Royal Eagle. Great Ordnance, great Provision, great Wealth were within. No man would have sealed up a Box so fast, if it had been empty. Yet the Hothams were so kind, that they offer'd Entrance to his Majesty's Person, with a few of his unarmed Servants: which was no better than to receive him to be their Prisoner. Intem∣pestiva benevolentia mhil à simultate differt, says Politian. Ep. p. 26. Nothing is more hateful than a malicious Courtesie. But they look't to be born out in all they did by the strength of their great Masters; and had cast it up, that when Crimes are carried in a happy strain of Luck, they lose their Infamy; that shame sel∣dom or never follows victory. The Names of Delinquent or Traitor never

scar'd them. Haec acies victum factura nocentem est. Silius. He must be the De∣linquent that is at the Conquerour's Mercy. Unlucky Town of Hull for thy Commanders sakes! Perhaps some other Garrisons would have been as bad as it, if they had been tried. Perhaps so. But no Dunghil smells ill till you stir it. Hull had the opportunity to be renown'd, if it had yielded to be the King's Har∣bour. Now her Infamy is like that of the Village of the Samaritans, which would not receive the Lord Christ, Luke 9.52. I do not condemn all that were within her Walls, who could not help this Insolency, but with groans and tears, if they durst do that. I will plead for such (as I know there were such) as Isocrates did for the Plata••ks, forced by the Thebans to do unkindness to their Friends the A∣thentans, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, The Theban, constrained their Bodies, but their Hearts were with you. Their Le∣cturers were the Corrupters of that Corporation, who had preach't the People from Charitable to Censorious, from neighbourly Love to Faction, from Sub∣jects to Rebels, from Sheep to Swine. Quá magis viá irrepunt vitia quàm publicá? Prin. l. 36. c. 2. If you would have some great harm done, imploy those, who are heard so often in publick, and they shall do a mischief sooner than all the Brotherhood of the Guild beside. Absalom sent Spies throughout all the Tribes of If∣rael, saying, as soon as ye hear the sound of the Trumpet, ye shall say Absalom reigns in Hebron, 1 Sam. 15.10. Spies, says Grotius upon the place, and in all the Tribes. Some of these must be Levites, for none but they dwelt among all the Tribes. Genus hominum ad turbandas res maxime idoneum, ubi suis indulgent affectibus. These are they, that will sooner rail against me for this observation, then leave off their girdings at the Civil State, and keep close to that matter only which Christ hath taught them in his Gospel. Their bald Rhetorick, sit for great Ears, and gross Brain••, made the King wait attendance two hours at their Gate, and had his Commands, nay his Prayers despised. O that a King should give the stoop to such as these?

—Meumque Objeci caput, & supplex ad limina veni. Aen. 8.

So great a heart in another Prince would not have turn'd away, without Cho∣ler and Fire flashing upon them. But he was a Soveraign over all his Passions, and opened not his mouth. Nullius hominis quàm sui simillimus, as was said of Pi∣cus Mirandula; He had no pattern of a meer Man before him, and none that saw him for a Pattern was ever like him for Patience. So let Cerberus that kept the Gates of Hull. keep them still. It is a greater honour to come off with Judgment, than to go on with Courage in a desperate Service. So the King re∣tired from them, who were worthy to be torn up from the Society of Men. But the Hothams came forth of their Dens to raven for a Prey: they had the forehead to appear and not blush, unless blood did rise in their Face, when they did mind to shed it. And the Archbishop escap't them as narrowly, as David did Saul, when Michol let him down throw a Window, and put an Image in his Bed to cosin her Fathers Messengers, 1 Sam. 19.13. My Relation I deliver out of the mouth of Mr. Roger Nightingale, a Gentleman of the King's Chappel, who was in Cawood-Castle with the Archbishop, When the pious and learned Dr. Ferne, requiting his Patron for the Archdeaconry of Leicester, came to him late at night with a solicitous counrenance, and warned him to change that Lodging, and that Country, as he tendred his Life, for the younger Hotham was making ready to come with force enough by five of the Clock the next Morning to take the Castle, and had drawn his Sword before some Gallants, with a Vow to cut off the Archbishop's head. The Family was much amazed; for Cawood was unprovided, ruinous, undefensible: Young Hotham was a rough piece, provoked by the Archbishop's language a∣mong all his Alliances for the disloyalty ut Hull; and above all, as Vellicius says of Clodius, Malorum propositorum executor acerrimus, One that never promised an ill turn, but he pay'd it. So after midnight the Person whose Life alone was threatned, made haste out of the House, with some few Horse in his Company, conveyed away such of his Goods, as could be saved in so short a time, left the Charge of the Place with Mr. Nightingale, who stoutly undertook it, and was Summon'd with a Trumpet at the hour expected, and having no Colours, hung out a Sheet for a Parley with the Assailants. Whose Leader fell into a rage, when he heard from the Window, that the man lay not there that night,

whom he called out to speak with; but upon condition to save the Lives of all the persons in the Castle, (which was faithfully kept) and to allow them Carts to carry away all their Furniture but Arms, the place was surrender'd up. The last Article was broken, and nothing was saved from the top to the bottom from the plunder of the Souldiers: But God provided that his Person was saved, whom the Lyons Whelp would have murder'd in cold Blood: Quàm pome furvae regna Proserpinae, &c. Horat. Od. lib. 2. How near was the Sword to the Thread of his Life, to cut it off? Venerable Bede relates a strange Passage,

That Felix (well might he be named so) a Presbyter of Nola, ran under a Stair-case, from one that follow'd him with a naked Weapon, and no sooner was Felix got in, but a Spider spun a Webb before the entrance of that dark place, which made him lurk there unsuspected.

But Solinus, pag. 11. would make us believe, that Castor and Pollux called Pindar the Poet out of his House, to speak with him, which fell down, by a fault in the Foundation, as soon as he was come out of doors. I am sure it was worthy Dr. Ferne who called the Archbishop out of Cawood, else he had been sacrificed to the Fury of a wicked Doeg; and I am as sure that the Doctor thinks himself happy, that he saved so precious a Life. Now, what became of Hothams, Father and Son, whom their Patrons brought out of Hull to the Scaffold on Tower-Hill, is known to all; for there is none for whose sake you do a wicked thing, but they despise you in their Heart, and when their turn is served, they will cast you off, as one that deserves no better than Scorn: As David served himself a while of Joab, and left order at last to cut him off.

174. In a midnight Affrightment the Archbishop left his House and Dio∣cess, as he thought for a while, but it was for ever. He went away without a Sumpter, nay, not with so much as change of Apparel; and for Coyn, it was so near to Cantabit vacuus, &c. he was sure that no Highway-men would stop him for a Booty. All that he could gather while he was among his Tenants in York-shire, was little enough to furnish the King: But his good luck was in his passage, to find His Majesty gathering a rowling Army, the Drums beating for Volunteers, in which Service he left some of his stoutest Followers behind him, and kept a slender Attendance, to carry him to the furthest parts of North Wales. At his parting, upon his bended Knee, with Tears running down his Cheeks, and hearty Prayers for His Majesty, he received his Gracious Hand and Manual Seal for his safe Passage and Convoy, which brought him to his native Soil, beyond Pen-man-maur; where let him keep for a while, till I have shewn the great Sin of our Land, the Troubles of a Civil War, wherein the King was involved without any Fault of his. Every Digression is not a Transgres∣sion. When His Majesty saw he had no Power to stop the daily Uproars about his Palace of Whitehall, which did emperil and threaten his Life, because the Commons gave them Thanks, upon all occasions, for their readiness to assist them; the Lords of the Privy-Council, and his trusty Servants, could see no other in it than a Spark of Rebellion, and a Seed of War. Neither did they cast about mistrustful and unfaithful Doubts, for he that had his Senses could not err in that apprehension: Potest est bellum sine tumultu, tumultus sine bello esse non potest. It is the Judgment of the Senator Cicero Philip. 8. A War may be pro∣secuted without a Tumult; a Tumult cannot continue without a War. But the King minded not so much that his Life, as that his Honour was at the Stake; for he hated Rebellion more for the Indignity, than the Danger: Yet it becomes a Prince, more for our Good than his, to preserve both his Person and his Dig∣nity. Upon mature Judgment, he travels by easie Journeys, with his Houshold, into the North, where he finds the Parliament professing Hostility against him by their Command and Overt Act, denying him way into the Town of Hull, and the use of his Magazine; a Confront no less outragious than if they had gi∣ven him Battel. Is not every foot of Ground in the Land, upon which Man and Beast treads, subject to the King's Dominion? Is not his Crown reach'd at, when any part of it is held against him? This is Gospel, and it will be Law, if ever this Case come to a sober reckoning. Subjection being quite dis∣claimed, and that with a Martial Defiance, it was in vain to dispute what Re∣dress there was for it, when there was none, but to look to the Array, and to muster stout and loyal Souldiers: Yet with what unwillingness did his Wise and Pious Heart go about it? How many Offers of Accordance did he make in that very Instant? How many Messengers were posted to London? which

was no better than to dry-ditch the business; for every Offer of Grace made his Enemies haughty, the King's Reputation less, his Friends suspicious, that he could sooner entreat for, than defend his Cause. Paper Mercuries, well wor∣ded, are fine things, but not forcible: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. for Ulysses sake, so much abused, says Homer; For K. Charles so much rejected, say I, let no Prince hope to bend the stubborn and revolted Subject with Goodness and Mildness; break them to pieces, and quell them with Power; there is no other Art to work upon such churlish Metal. Forasmuch then as the King saw that he but abused advantage of time to knock at a Door, that would never be opened, he opened the Temple of Janus, that was close shut before, and let out War, if it might be called so, who brought scarce 600 into the Field; but had his Array been forty times more, he would not have look'd how strong he was, but how innocent, and the more innocent, because most unwilling. Well did the Orator state it, lib. 4. ep. 7. Sapientem & bonum virum initia belli civilis invitum suscipere, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 non libenter persequi. Which was consonant to the Hearts-affection of our King, as he took it upon his Death. And to speak to common Reason and Charity a man whose Paths were Piety, his Governance Mercy, his Bed Chastity, his Repast Sobriety, his Addresses Humility, how could he set a Ditty to any other Prick'd Song, but the Tune of Peace?

175. What Pardon can we expect from the Censure of a better Age, that we did not stop the Fury of Malecontents, before any drop of Blood was shed? I appeal to Fidelity, Homage, Duty, why did we no instantly raise an Host of Horse and Foot, which Rebels would not dare to encounter? And because Help from remoter Countries would be too flow for sudden action, why did not the adjacent Counties come in all as one man, where the Royal Standard was pitch'd? Water which is to be setch'd far will not quench a Fire. There are some Vertues which lose their Name, unless they operate as soon as their fit Ob∣ject is before them. To be loyal, to be thankful, to be just, to be remorseful, should be done ex tempore. And I appeal to Prudence, who doth not know, that if you endure the Feaver of a Civil War to have one Fit, it will have more, and consume the Body-politick before it be cured? Semper erit paribus bellum, quia viribus aequant, Manil. lib. 1. Which Sir Walter Ral••igh well translates, Hist. p. 179. Equals from Equals will receive equal harms. When a domestick War sei∣zeth on a Country rich in Plenty, and full of Surfeits with continual Ease, it never leaves purging those Superfluities till all be wast d. It was an Imposture which many were willing to put upon their own Cenference by this Excuse, that they did nothing against Allegiance, because they took not the contrary part. First, None can sin against themselves, but that they incurr a great Guilt; and those betray∣ed their Liberties and Livelihoods to the Rage of Tyrants, for not defending themselves; themselves, I say, for while they fight for their King, they fight for themselves; if he fall, they are ruin'd, in whose Weal their own is compre∣hended. And their not listing themselves in the King's Battalion, was a Tres∣pass: It is called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 by one word in Greek, when the Subjects make not rea∣dy to follow their Soveraign in Arms: And note the Punishment of it, 1 Sam. 11.7. Saul hewed a yoke of oxen, and sent them throughout all the coasts of Israel, by the hands of his messengers, saying, Whosoever cometh not forth after Saul and Samuel, so shall it be done to his oxen: and the fear of the Lord fell on the people, and they came out with one consent. Not the care of Wife and Children in a Family, not a weak Body, not a grey Head should free a Subject from such a Service. To the lat∣ter, which may look more excusable than the rest, Symmachus gives an Instance, p. 10. Epis. Nullam Nestor tertio aetatis curriculo militiae vacationem poposcit. Where was the English Piety, or where was their Bravery at this season, that so few ad∣ventur'd themselves to draw their Swords for the Lord's Anointed, when so ma∣ny invited themselves unbidden to do a Mischief? I go further: They were basely backward to come forth into the Field, when they should have stood man∣fully to their own Cause; for it was not the King's Cause alone, it was the King∣doms Cause, and the King was in the Cause: Non magni partes, sed magnum in partibus esse, Lucan. lib. 5. Put King Charles into the Verse for Pompey, and the sence is the same. I have no Name scurvy enough for it, that without some special feelings and ends of their own, few lead on to remove an Evil for the common Relief, but would thrust every man before them into the danger of an Action; if they can share in the Profit of an Event, they mind not the Glory:

And that which in Reason should have drawn the Peasants on, held them back, the small Band of Souldiers that march'd after His Majesty. This Objection was every man's Fault, that did not make the thin Files more by one. And it was every ones Infidelity, that would not trust in the Lord of Hosts to maintain the Right. He gives power to the faint, and to them that have no might he encreaseth strength, Isa. 40.29. What Cowardice was it to think all was lost, before they struck a stroke? Turpiter desperatur quicquid fieri potest, Liv. lib. 10. If God had given the Multitude Faith to remove this Despair, and to have obeyed the King in the first Onset, Rebellion had sunk into the Ground like Snow, and nothing could have been added to our Prosperity with wishing.

176. And yet I will not say that the Sin of Omission was bad in all alike; some did not discharge Allegiance out of Imprudence and Frailty, but take them by the Poll, and more offended out of Design and Subtilty; such as turned their Sails to the changableness of the Wind: Utcunque in alto ventus est velum vortitur. So Plautus, of such crafty Time-servers. That 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 I condemn'd, when sub∣jects did not give up their names to the king's militia, was worse in them by far, that kept at home, till they saw how fortune went abroad, who would be of no side in the open dispute, that in the end they might be of the victor's side: they would wear the king's colours in the pale purple, if the day were his; or Essex's Badge in Orange-tawny, if Treason proved prosperous. These Neutralists are of a Spaniel Brood, that will fawn as much upon a Stranger as upon their Master, and are welcome to none, because they undertake Impossibi∣lities, to be gracious with all. As Curtius doth instance in Amyntas, lib. 4. Sem∣per 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ancipiti rerum mutatione pendens; he would please the Macedonians, and not displease the Persians, and was distrusted by both. And Livy gives us an Exam∣ple in Servilius, lib. 19. He was forward to plead for the Authority of the Senate, and not backward to justifie the opposite Liberty of the People: Ita medium se gerendo, nec ple∣bis odium vitavit, nec apud patres iniit gratiam. I would not have my L. Bacon ill interpreted in his Essay of Faction, whose words appear more crafty than honest: Let a man be true to himself, with an end to make use of both Factions. He speaks not of two Camps in the Field, one headed by the King, another by Cade, or Watt Tyler, but of two great parts in the Court, that have Clients adhering to them, and should'ring one-another out of Favour, if they can; for he expounds it thus upon that very Contrast: Mean men, in their risings, must adhere to one side, but great men, that have Strength in themselves, were better to maintain themselves neu∣tral and indifferent. But he that comes not to quench the Flame when the King's House is set on Fire, watching what will be the Fate of the Incendiaries, he de∣serves to undergo a Saxon Ordeal, to pass through hot Plow-shares to reveal his Double-deasing. Solon's Law in Plutarch hath escap'd no man, I think, that hath written Politicks, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: In a publick Seditum, be that looks on, and will be of no side, till the Fray be done, is to be branded with Infamy. I will degree this noxious Neutrality one Peg higher, when a cunning Fox, that would save all, curried Favour both with King and Rebels, lent his Sword to him, and his Pistols to them: Dubiis Mars errat in armis, Georg. 2. Like the god of War, that fights on both sides. What say you to two Kins∣men, what say you to two Brothers shewing their Prowess one against another, he for Caesar, and he for the Republicans; this a Gibelline, and that a Guelph? that upon the last Revolution of the Quarrel, the faithful Brother may merit to compound for the Peace of the false; or, if God would have it so, the false for the faithful. This was the Mystery of Iniquity, when the same Family had such a reciprocal Interest in our publick Miseries, that their Cards were so well packt, that they could not be Losers. An Example which Sir Robert Dallington hath given for such juggling, is worthy to be remembred, Aphor. lib. 2. c. 2.

The Duke of Ferrara would not enter into League with Charles the Third of France; but suffer'd his Son Alsonso to sight under the Duke of Millain, as his Lieu∣tenant-General, that the Son might make the Father's Peace if the Leagues prevailed, and that he might free his Son if the French had the better.

What Reward should these have? But as the Scripture speaks properly, Let them be divided in twain, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 their portion with Hypocrites. A Syren, half Flesh and half Fish, is painted with its Eyes always cast upon its Looking-glass, because such amphibious and all-part-pleasing Creatures have their Eyes upon nothing but their own Preservation. And Theophrastus, in his Character of a glavering Sycophant, pinns this Knave upon his Back; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. He will please his Client, and strike in with his Client's Adversary, because he would be of that gender, which is the common of two, and so become unprofitable to both in proper construction. I need not be long in this, for an ingenuous Pagan, how much more a Christian, will easily learn this Lesson, to be hot or cold; the luke-warm Quality, that partakes of both, is fit to make a Vomit. Salmasius writes upon Solinus, That Tityrus was a Mungril Beast, be∣gotten between a Goat and an Ew: But there is no Creature of that composi∣tion to be presented at the last day, before the Judgment of God: They that are at the right Hand must be pure Sheep, harmless, gentle, without any Goatishness in them; and surely those Tityri will be found among the worst of the Goats, that are rejected to the left Hand.

177. After Caterpillars, the Locusts succeeded; such as you may find Rev. c. 9. v. 2, 7. The bottomless Pit (that is, the endless Parliament) was opened; and a smoak went out of the pit, (a Cloud of Ordinances to make War with the King) And there came locusts out of the smoak, no ordinary ones, but such as had stings like scorpions, who were like borses prepared to battail, and they had as it were crowns like gold (for they took the Soveraignty of Kingly Power upon them). I do not interpret, but allude unto the place; They that commanded in the bottomless Pit, had Wealth enough to maintain an Army, all that London and the Land was worth. But to maintain their Cause, that is, to sight against their Lawful King, all their Money could not purchase them so much Scri∣pture, Law, or Reason, as would justifie them with one Argument. Their Preachers over-stretch'd their Sinews to defend them, and could not, but left it to the Sword-men, to hold it out at the Arms end: Yet they abused so much Divinity, as would serve to cover some of the deformity of the Sin, with a few torn pieces of Jeroboam's Garment; for I am perswaded of some of them, that if they had look'd upon their Impious Act, without a Disguise, they would have run mad at the astonishment of their Guiltiness. All this Mischief was their Pulpit-ranters Work. The great Sedition rais'd against Moses and Aaron, Numb. 16. is called the Gainsaying of Core. Wherefore should Core carry the Name, since Dathan and Abiram, great Princes, had their Hands in it? Because that mucinous 〈◊〉〈◊〉 did more harm by his prating, than all the Factious in the Conspitacy beside. The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of this Design gave great Wages to their Chaplains, but the Work which they perform'd was not worth the half of it, between Knave and Knave: The Crime was so black, that they could not lay any white upon it, to make it colour like Justice and Innocency. They dodg'd St. Paul, Rom. c. 13. and St. Peter's Text, 1 Ep. c. 2. v. 11. with as many turnings as ever old Hare gave to a brace of Grey-hounds, but they could find nothing out of the Scriptures to make them look like theirs; nor any Quotation out of pure Antiquity in the best Ages of the Church, to adjust their execrable Action: And must not that Cause be very bad, which could not put on a good outside, either from the Authority of God or Man? Only as they enforced accumula∣tive Misdemeanors against the Earl of Strassord, to indict him of Treason, so they rak'd up accumulative Misgovernments in Charge against the King, to al∣low themselves the committing of Treason. All their Shifts and Shufflings shall be cursorily examin'd; though their Persons are in a Sanctuary, so are not their Opinions: There is a Writer, Gisbert Voetius of Utrecht, learned indeed, but bitter minded against our King, and the old Settlement of our Church; this man the Assembly of Divines did easily gain unto them, and for their Interest he states a Question, Disput. tom. 2. p. 852. How Subjects may quell their King, and pull him down by force of A••: Which is intended for our English Case, cut out into as many Exceptions almost as there he words in the Thesis, and all the Particulars wrongly applied to our ungodly Distempers. His Hammer strikes thus upon the Forge: Primo quaestio est an à Proceribus, Statibus, Ordinibus, Magistratibus Superioribus Infericribus, qui pro ratione regiminis publicâ auctoritate instru∣cti sunt? (palea.) 2. Regi & Principi limitato & conditionato? (palea.) 3. In extremo necessitatis casu? (palea.) 4. Post omnia frustra tentata? (palea.) 5. Se∣cundum leges, & pacta fundamentalia principatus? (palea.) 6. Defensivè armis re∣sisti? (palea.) 7. Ut respub. ab interitu conservari possit? (palea.) First When had our Peers, our Magistrates, superiour and inferiour Power to bring His Ma∣jesty by Fear or Force into Order? Never. 2. When was his Empire limited or made conditional, otherwise than to charge his Conscience before God to keep his Laws? Never. 3. Were we brought by ill administration to the brink

of extream Necessity? No such thing. 4. Or, were all dutiful means tryed to obtain the King's Consent to honest Demands? Widest of all from Truth. 5. Or, have we Pactions sundamental between the King and People, to con∣strain him to concur with their Proposals? 'Tis a meer Chimera. 6. Did the Parliament wage the defensive part of the War? Quite mistaken. 7. Was there no other way, but by such a rout of Russians to keep our native Country from Ruin? Nay, was it in the least danger of Ruin? Not at all: not till these 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, these Club-Lawyers, silled the whole Land with Blood and Burning. What cutting and carving hath this Dutch Workman made, to bring us to wor∣ship the Idol of Rebellion! And when all is said, we know that an Idol is no∣thing in the World. 1 Cor. 3.4. and as it follows, there is no other God but one, and none but that one God above the King, against whose punitive Justice, and none beside, K. David offended.

178. Many things were alledged to commence and continue this fatal War: Quae prima querar? Quae summa gemam? Pariter cuncta deslere juvat, Sen. Her. Fur. One thing made a loud cry, far and wide, That His Majesty had left his Parlia∣ment, and that the Members fate in great danger. This was a Scandal taken, which did raise such Enemies, whom nothing else could have tempted from their Loyalty. He lest his Parliament; yes, but consider it intelligently, not till he had granted as much as was abundant for our Liberty, Peace, and Wel∣fare; not till he had yielded up more Branches of his Soveraignty and Revenue, than all his Predecessors had granted in 300 years before; not till he had trusted them to spend out that Parliament at their own leisure, and yet they would trust him with nothing: An Affront of deep Indignity! Dare they not trust him that never broke with them? And I have heard his nearest Servants say, That no man could ever challenge him of the least Lye? But as Probus said of Epaminondas, Adeò veritatis diligens, ut ne joco quidem mentiretur. Was it square dealing to protest against him, that would pay them all due Debt, if they would let him? I am sure, when he left them, he left a great many traces of Fame, and Glory, a great many Benefits of Obligation, behind him. And this Case will prove the same, or much like to the Objection of the Pontificians. They say we made a Schism in departing from the Church of Rome. We say, that the Schism was on their part; for they that give the Cause, for which it is necessa∣ry to abandon Communion, they are the Authors of the Schism: We conti∣nued in the Fellowship of Christ's Church, and retreated from the Errors of an incorrigible corrupted part, and from the Affrightments and Censures of them, that were turned our open Enemies. Say over the same to this Parliament, and it will be the King's Apology. They made the Schism that offer'd him Bills, unfit to be pass'd, with Clamoring, Menacing, and undutiful Violence, which he must sign, or fly far enough: Sed qui mali sensu, aut metu extorquere assensum velit, eo ipso ostendit se argument is diffidere, Grot. lib. 6. de Christi Relig. They made the Schism that used his Royal Name with Irreverence (a King must not be contented with mediocrity of Respect) but their Manners were gross and Plebeian. They made the Schism, that heard the highest Indignities against his Crown with Patience, when Sir Harry Ludlow spake Treason, and was not question'd. To cut off a great deal, they received his ample Concessions with no Thanks, and degreed to further Demands, and more unreasonable, that fill'd the Palace, the Hall, their Stairs, their Doors, with such as forbore not to bring in doubt the Safety of his Sacred Person. When so many were chased to such a barbarous Boldness, what wise man would stand it out, and not prevent it? What secu∣rity hath the Earthen Pitcher against an Iron Pot? He that fears the worst, pre∣vents it soonest.

179. The High Court of Parliament, one House or both, under the Saxon Monarchs, or in a few Descents after, was created to assist the King to be his great Council. When he pleased he call'd it, when he pleased he dismiss'd it. In succession of days, none fate there before he had taken an Oath to bear true Ligance to him and his Heirs, and to defend His Majesty against all Perils and Assaults. Never was it intended to obtrude upon him with force, to compel him to take out his Lesson which they taught him, as in a Pedagogy, but to propound and advise with due distance and humility. Introducta in alicujus utili∣tatem in ejus laesionem verti non debent, if I may believe the Civil Law. That which was instituted for the Soveraigns benefit in common sence must not be elevated above him to unthrone him. A right Parl. is the Mind of many gathered into one Wisdom;

this look't rather like the petulancy of many breaking out into one frowardness. The form, that gives essence to every thing, was gone, when they that silled the places of Counsellors, would transcend, and give Law to Majesty. If yet they dare criminate him upon Schism, tell them that Christ came to the lost Sheep of the House of Israel, yet when they took up stones to stone him, he went away through the midst of them. There is King Charles his Pattern. Wherefore then did they hunt after him in warlike Terrour, as if they would fetch him in by Proclamation of Rebellion? Had he seen the Tyde ebb but an inch, I should guess by the sweetness of his Patience, that he would have tarried with them, and hop'd for better. But moderate men did see no likelyhood. And why should a gracious Prince imbrier himself any longer in Thorns, and do no good, but leave his Wooll behind him? There are a sort of People in Gusman's Hospi∣tal, that when a Friend stays long, whom they had waited for, look often out of the Window to spy him, as if he would come the sooner for that imperti∣nency. Plautus hath drawn it up elegantly in his Stychus: Si quem hominem ex∣pectant, eum solent provisere: Qui herclè illâ causâ nihilo citiùs veniet. Would you have a wife King one of this ridiculous Hospitals? And it was not wisdom on∣ly, but heroick Magnanimity, that he would not seem to deserve any thing by those Favours, in passing their ill-fram'd Bills, which he verily thought would be pluck't up by the Roots, when the Day of the Lord should come to redeem us. Matter so corrupt, and the manner so compulsory, must needs fall to the ground, upon review in sober Times. Quae in pace latae sunt leges bellum abrogat, quae in Bello pax. It is Livies. Else cast it into this Answer: His Majesty dis∣cern'd that he, himself had marred both Houses, and he would do them no more harm to concur with them in their Excess of Disobedience and Profaneness. For what made them stretch themselves beyond their Power, but the King's Act, which gave them liberty to sit beyond lawful measure. A Session sitting long grows sour and stale, and is like to Theophrastus's Date-tree, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. When it is young the Fruit it bears is with∣out a stone in it: but if it grow long, a Date-stone is so hard, that it will break good Teeth to crack it. So this Convention, being durable against Disso∣lution, wax't very corrupt, surly, and tyrannical. There were worthy Men a∣mong them, some very learned in the Laws, other Gentlemen well experien∣ced in the Nature of the People; of whom some were tired out, and gone: and much that remained was Lumber and Luggage, tumbled together in a waste Room: which brought up at last their final farewel and expulsion, so generally applauded, as Ballads and Pasquils did testifie. Behold Sidonius his Judgment Lib. 1. Ep. 7. upon Arvandus, a great Officer in his days, Non eum aliquando ce∣cidisse, sed tamdiu stetisse plus miror, qui primam praefecturam gubernavit cum maximâ popularitate, sequentem cum maximâ populatione. So our imperious Masters were flatter'd at first for Popularity, and hated in the end for Depopulation. And to put a signal Remark of Disgrace upon them (it is not forgotten before) they were carried out of their House like empty Casks with a Brewers sling.

180. Some Pieces of Apology are patch't into this old Garment, which in my Judgment make the Rent worse. When things were gone so far out of Or∣der, it was a hard thing for a man to speak truth to himself. Hear them how∣soever: for sometimes there is likelyhood in that which is a lye; and sometimes Truth in that which is unlikely. It is not amiss to alledge, that the Authority of Parliaments hath been venerable from times of old; but it is most certain that the Majesty Royal was evermore venerable. For the King is God's Repre∣sentative, and the most part of their Patriots but the Representatives of the People: But they would teach us, That the Judgment of the whole Land speaks in the mouth of their Parliament. I cannot be their Disciple in that; I am sure their sense was not the sense of thousand thousands abroad: and the Parliament indeed supplies our Political Capacity, but they do not carry with them our Personal Wisdoms. Says another, Were we not frank of our Loyalty, when we pro∣mis'd we would make his Majesty a great King? This Spot at first made a shew of a good Card: but to their shame I rejoyn, there was a great disparity between the Promises and the Sequels. Antisthenes (so Laertius) came to see Plato be∣ing sick, just after his Physick had wrought: Says Antisthenes, I see your Choler in the Bason, but not your Pride: so every plain man might read the slattery of the Promise, but not find the fraud. They make him a great King? It was God that made him a King, and in that Title made him great. Inde potestas illi

unde & spiritus. Tertul. Apol. And by what sign did it appear they would make him great? or what did they not do, to make him a great Underling? To give him Law, to subject him to their Votes, is the greatness of a Tympany, which swells and kills: The Sophistry in which they gloried most was extract∣ed out of the Jesuits Learning, That they were faithful to the Regal Office (which remained in the two Houses albeit his departure) but contrary to this man in his personal Errors: and if they obey in his Kingly Capacity, and Le∣gal Commands against his Person, they obey himself. All this, beside words, is a subtle nothing. For what is himself, but his Person? Shall we against all Lo∣gick make Authority the Subject, and the Person enforcing it a have Accident? It sounds very like the Parodox of Transubstantiation, where•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 qualit, •• of Bread and Wine are feigned to subsist without the Inherence of a substance. With these Metaphysicks and Abstractions they were not Legal, but Personal Traitors. If an Undersheriff had arrested Harry Martin for Debt, and pleaded that he did not imprison his Membership, but his Martin ship, would the Com∣mittee for Priviledges be sob'd off with that distinction? Learnedly ••aravia de ob. Christ. p. 51. Eundem hominem partiri Jurisconsulti nesciunt, ut idem homo sibi im∣peret & par••at. Whatsoever a man's relations be, they are so conjoyned to the Suppositum, that you cannot treat with him, partly in honour, partly in dis∣honour, as in terms of opposition. And sometime there is not so much as a notional Difference between Imperial and Personal Respect. St. Paul instructs the Christians at Rome, That every Soul should be subject to the higher Powers. The higher Power under which they lived, was the meer Power and Will of Caesar, bridled in by no Law. Pliny in his Pan••g. speaks it openly to Trajan: Ipse te le∣gibus subjecisri Caesar, quas nemo Principi scripsit. This was too much. For Kings, should not Rule without limitation of Laws; as Claudian to Honortus,

Primus jussa capi, tune observantior aequi Fit populus.

But if they fail, who shall judge them but God? To obey the King is God's Law, to obey our Laws is the Ordinance of Man: therefore the Bodies and E∣states of the Subjects are obnoxious to the Common Laws, and the King to nothing but his Conscience. It is God only that avengeth the violation of Conscience; it is above the Judgment of Men. But I return to St. Paul. There was no distinction then in the Roman Empire between a Legal and Personal Ca∣pacity, yet Let every Soul be subject to the higher Powers. Put them together, for you cannot put them asunder, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, let it be the Power in the abstract; the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (for st. Peter was not mistaken) puts it into the concrete: and the Duty required is, That every Power be subject to that Power which is higher than it self. This distinction, which I have erased, being too learned for every Shop-keeper and Headborough to understand, they fell to this plain Expression That they were in danger of the King's Forces, and gathered such Souldiers, as they' could make ready, to defend themselves. And they that suffer more than Nature can bear, will be compelled to do more, than Duty can justifie. It is the word of the Hellenists, Ecclus. 4.35. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, when a capricious man thinks all his Imagi∣nations to be Certainties. These that fly to the excuse of a Defensive War are such. For can this be perswaded to any man, when all England did see so ma∣ny Brigades, provided for the Service of the Earl of Essex, when the King had not Two hundred about him, and those disposed in no Military Titles or Orders? And says his Majesty at the hour of his Death, Read the dates of their Proclamations and mine. they are in print, and let every eye be judge from whom the first Alarum unto War proceeded. A Defence is to avoid Blows, not to give them: and is it a Defence to parsue another from place to place? Then a Falcon is upon the Defence that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 after a Pheasant. But they never spoke truer than when this Conse•••• came out, That they made themselves strong, to bring the King under their power, for they were bea••y afraid, and durst not trust him. They were safe for the present: not secure for the future: having a Conscience of Guilt, which trembled in them, knowing that their Manners were the just oc∣casion of all the Evil that could be done unto them. Yet who brought them into this strait? Says Porc. Latro in Salust. Serae sunt hominum lamentationes, quae suo vitio desidiâque contigerunt. The style of good Christians was wont to be, Let them that have failed in the first duty of Innocency, lay hold of the next duty of Re∣pentance.

If they have offended, let them crave Mercy through Christ, and not command it with the violence of the Devil. If they will not trust the King's Mercy, because they have provoked him so far, whose Fault is it but their own, if they become Rebels? He that dares not trust the Sea, and will not traffick, whose fault is it but his own, if he prove a Beggar? O, they dealt with a King, that knew it was no time for Vengeance, but for Pardon. Howsoever, the gate of his heart was wide open for Penitents at all times. If Cicero had said more to Caesar, it would not have transcended King Charles his Clemency, Nemo nunquam te placavit inimicus, qui ullas residisse in te simultatis reliquias senserit. Pro Deiot. I have sifted the dreadful War advanced by this Parliament, with truth impartial: there needs no falshood to make their Practices seem worse than they were. The Van of their Army was Treason, their Main Body Rebellion, their Rear Murder. So I found them, and so I leave them.

181. Sufficient is delivered to silence the Excuse of the Parliament, that a just Fear put Swords into their hands to defend themselves. An Ethnick must submit to this Rule, which I will quote the second time, Nulla necessitas excusat, quae potest non esse necessit as, Tertul. exhort. ad castitatem, c. 24. and a Christian hath learnt this Rule, That nothing is more formidable, than to fear any thing more than God. They provoked a King to his face in a Civil War, than whom no Prince did better deserve the Purse, the Prowess, the Persons of his Subjects to help him on, both to Safeguard and Victory. He failed in both, through that which Budaeus in one word calls 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, cum populus Imperatori infensus vincere nolit, Lib. 2. Pand. fol. 10. The common Peoples love to him, I con∣ses, was cold and lazy. They had not studied him, and the great Graces of his unspotted Life. Qui exemplo potuit esse his, quos nos habemus in exemplo. I borrow it for him out of Sidonius. He might have been an Example to those, who were held the best Examples of the Times he lived in. But they fretted at some im∣prosperous Expeditions, which his Ministers had made into Spain, France, and Germany, and look't downward upon those dishonourable Actions, not upward upon his Vertues. So he lost them. For evil Successes are not ordinarily for∣gotten, though prosperous ones vanish in the warmth of their fruition. No doubt but he had framed his Imagination to things of great entertainment, for the good of his Nephew in the Palatinate, and the Protestants at Rochel. But who can foresee what Chance the Dye of War will cast? Centum doctum hominum consilia sola baec devincit Dea Fortuna, Plaut in Pseud. An Heathen could go no further, but we understand more. And though foreign Enterprizes miscarried, there was great Prosperity at home, Wealth, Trade, Peace, Plenty, all Pro∣fessions floarithing. But did he follow Polybius his Counsel to Scipio AEmilianus, ne∣ver to go abroad but to oblige some before he return'd, it being the chief hap∣pines, of a Prince to get Frineds. Truly he did many Acts of Liberality, with a look that did not take much, and with a blind hand. He was not made to set his Face cheerfully, nor to attract with delightful Expressions. Whereas Heyward nicks it right in his Hen. 4. That the Multitude are more strongly drawn by unprositable Courtesies, than by churlish Benefits. But our King's Motto might have been drawn from Illustrius the Pythagoraean in Laertius, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Act great things, but promise little: which was the right temper of this dispassionate Philosophical Man, who cared not for Opinion, but would please himself in that which was just, though it were displeasing to others: and delighted to live much to himself, and his own thoughts: As if, says a late Pen, he had rather been guest at, than known. You shall read nothing more apt to excuse him, than that of Cicero to Cato. Ep. l. 15. Ea studiosè secutus sum, ete quibus vera gloria nasci possit, ipsam quidem gloriam per se nunquam putavi expeten∣dam.

182. The same Parliament did for a while so much acknowledge his Ver∣tues, that they would have praised him into a Fool. For these were their words: That they know him to be good of himself; and therefore did strive per force to fetch him from a debauched Army and evil Counsellors. Wo be to him whose Head is bucketed with Waters of a scalding Bath. These Flowers of Flattery, that would wither before to morrow, were they worth the prince of a Crown? The King's Army consisted of as valiant and brave Men, as ever march't upon English Ground. If there were somewhat of the Libertine among them, there was nothing but the Hypocrite among the Enemy; whose Sacriledges, Robbe∣ries, and Spoils I defer alittle to spread open, and the Foxes skin shall never be

able to cover all the Lion. Few Soldiers in the heat of their Blood, in their Hunger and Watchings, in their Necessities, and revengeful Executions make perfect Saints. To have castra simillima regi, as Statius hath it, was to be wish't, more than hoped for. As for the Nobles, Commanders, Knights and Gentry, and many Scholars that jeoparded their Lives in that Service, I wish their due Honour may be set forth in a long-liv'd History, to which I will lend that of Curtius lib. 4. Fatebimur & regem talibus ministris, & illos tanto rege fuisse dignissimos, His Majesty's Council, the best Peerage of three Nations, that could never leave him, had more true Piety in their hearts, than their Pharisees would dis∣semble. To continue their Allegiance to death, had more of Heaven in it, than was in all their simpering Preciseness. For Religion and Loyalty are like the Wax and Wiek, making one Taper between them to shine before God and Man: but for all that, they would bring the King away from his evil Council, and take him to themselves, the very Pink of the faithful. I must not say but it it is a mannerly Expression, if any thing be wrong, to remove it from the Sove∣raign, and to charge them with it, who did execute the Order. David, though he knew Saul's bitterness, yet is willing to impute his Persecutions to Saul's Ser∣vants, 1 Sam. 26.19. If they be the children of men that have stirred thee up against me, cursed be they of the Lord. There will ever be such Sycophants in a Court, that will whisper corrupt talk, endeavouring that none should get the start of them in the Royal Favour: but must all prudent Senators be cast off and sup∣prest, if some Ear-wiggs peradventure had got into credit? Let the Shepherd put away his Dogs, and the Wolf will ask no more. Let the King once forfeit his Friends to an ignoble Trial, and he shall never see days of Comfort and Se∣curity again. Did he ever protect any Servant from the Trial of the Law? That would not suffice our Judges in Parliament; but he must leave them to the Votes of an Arbitrary Censure. Then a wife man had better pay half his Estate for a Fine, than be a Privadoe to the King in his nearest Employments. And most miserable is he, that must not choose those whom he will trust, but have his Officers of greatest Dispatches thrust upon him by Compulsion. King Richard the Second had Counsellers and Guardians empowered to retrench him in his Government, whose Arrogancy when his great Spirit shook off, it is known what it cost him. Never think to see a King's House so purged of un∣deserving persons, that none of them will creep into that trust they deserve not. Budaeus gave over that hope, Lib. 5. de Asse, p. 110. Ita est reip. nostrae status, ut clitella generosis equis, instrataque speciosa imponantur asinis. The best Steeds some∣times shall carry the Panniers, and Jades and Asses be covered with the Foot∣cloth. There was never man so wise, that did not love some Simpletons, whom you may call Fools: Nor never Prince so absolute, but did stamp some Honours upon base Mettal. Non est nostrum aestimare quem supra caeteros, & quibus causis extollas, says a good States-man in Tacitus. And our excellent Camden shifts in this answer for Queen Elizabeths sake, whose Affections were so strong to Robert Earl of Leicester, that he knew not whether it were a Synastria, a Star which reigned at both their Births, that made him a Gratioso to so brave a Lady. Make any unlikely answer, rather than defie a King with an Army, to pluck his best betrusted from him. Thuamus is an Author to be delighted in, whose observati∣on it is, Lib. 11. That Maurice of Saxony made his Apology for raising War against Charles the Fifth, that he intended no offence to Caesar, but to divorce him from Alva, and Granval, his evil Counsellors. A Stale and thread-bear Cheat, and yet the Devil to this day cannot find out a better. Take away those, whom they call Evil Counsellors, place as good, or better in their room, (it is not impossible) it were a marvel if they did eat a bushel of Salt in Court, and not be scowl∣ed upon with Envy, as much as they that did forego them. Let any Tree grow tall in favour, and the Shrubs will complain, that it drops upon the underwood. A great disheartning it is to our Grandees, to see so many of worth and clear integrity ruin'd by a publick hatred; which made Pausanias pity Demosthenes, and the chief Burgesses of Athens, in Att. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. A great Actor in the Affairs of the Commonwealth feldom goes to his Grave with Honour and Peace. I am not of their Spirit then, that would remove the King's Counsel from him: but some are of my mind, that in ma∣ny great Dispatches, they did heartily wish that the King himself had been re∣moved from his Council. For he was more happy, when he took the way which he spun out of his own Brain, than when he alter'd his Opinion to fol∣low

the Judgment of his Counsellors. But it was his humble temper, to like that wisdom in others, which was greater in himself.

183. It is not too late to unblind some of the People, provided they beware of them that spit Holy Water, as other Jugglers have a slight to spit fire. The Pope's Cruciada drew thousands of Soldiers to adventure into the Holy War; and our cunning Popelings made their Muster exceed, by carrying the Figure of Religion in their Colours. Therefore it is good to take off this great Charm, that bewitcht the heedless into Rebellion. Which Inchantment was a common cry, That Religion lay a bleeding: reform the Church either now or never. This is the time to pull up Popery and Prelacy: and Fortune is an Hand-maid to no Mistress but Occasion. Therefore let the faithful live and die together for God's Cause and Christ's Kingdom. Pack away Bishops, Liturgy, Courts Ecclesiastical, Canons, Crosses, Organ Musick, Ceremonies: Change for every thing, for any thing.

Seraque terrisici cecinerunt omnia vates. Aen. 5.

Survey all this calmly. They that undertake to alter so much at once, is it like∣ly they will mend it all at once for the better? A better Head-piece than theirs gives them a wiser Principle, Synes. de provid. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Things may admit a general change of a sudden for the worst, but not for the better. Then to clap Religion into a quarrel is a formal foolery, that every Child can look through it. Ex cupiditate quisque suorum religionem velut pedissequam habet. Leo. Ep. 23. Now look back in∣to King Edward the Sixth's days, who those Bishops and Divines were, whom God stirred up to frame our happy Reformation. Their Sanctity, Learning, Humility, Martyrdom, compel us to believe that they sought the Truth: and the hand of God upon their works: that none did ever prosper in this Land, with their new frame of Worship to deface their Foundation, will perswade us that they found the Truth. Let these words of the Orator be dedicated to their blessed memory, De arusp. resp. Sat is superque prudentes sunt, qui illorum prudentiam, non dicam asscqui, sed, quantà suerit, perspicere possint. We know who jear at this, and think they are far before all our Predecessors, to chalk out the right Line of Gospel Purity, the Presbyter Divines and their Elderships. As Cato the Censor strived to keep the Athenian Philosophy and Learning out of Rome; for, says he, Quandocunque ista gens literas suas dabit, omnia corrumpet. Plin. l. 29. c. 1. So we have had Cato's and prudent Senators, who have spared for no pains to crush the tur∣bulent Presbyterians, yet they have continued to surprise the Judgments of unquiet Opiniators, and they flowed in by shoals in our Civil Wars. Schismatica pravitas semper bello ardente maximè luxuriat, says Camden Eliz. Anno 1588. and he speaks it of these men. These are they that are striving to wind up higher in Reformation; which makes me insert what I read since I wrote this, As if Re∣ligion were intended for nothing else but to be mended: Sirs, shall we change and change till all be satisfied? that's to put us off for Peace to the Greek Ca∣lends. When you tell us which in your Brains is the best and final Reformation, we will tell you another thing as impossible, which is the greatest number. They troubled Queen Elizabeth and King James with their Platforms of Christ's King∣dom, and were repulsed: for who could give an eaven poise to such uneaven Hu∣mours? chiefly perceiving that a Monarchy would not consist with their Con∣sistories, their Pretences running one way, and their Practices another: and in∣deed their Encroachments are not only upon Royal Authority, but upon the Civil Magistrate, whosoever he be. Now they would enforce their Scottish or Geneva Changeling upon King Charles, who was swift to run to any good; and when he stopt, it was because Religion and Reason could go no further. This stinking Elder, lately shot up, he could not Authorize. Who can forget Pisistra∣tus, how he toss'd and turn'd the Athenian Commonwealth over and over, and yet would perswade them, that he changed not their Native Laws, but reduced them to those that Solon was the Author of; which none could disprove, so much they were forgotten. So they that put on this Change, were impatient to hear that it was a Mushroom of late growth: but boasted it was the constitution of the Apostles, but lasted so short a Time, that History cannot make it out to ju∣stifie it. The discreet King was sure that the Gospel was planted over much of the Heathenish World by Bishops; that they rooted up Idolatry, supprest Here∣fies, edified all places with the glorious Vertues of Faith and Charity, and that

God would not go along with a corrupt Hierarchy, in such manifold and great Mercies: And should he set up another Government, from whose alteration he knew not what would proceed? was it not Prudence to owe unto Ignorance still, rather than to try it? Nihil in specie fallacius quàm prava religio, says Posthu∣mius, in Liv. lib. 9. Religion, though the best thing, yet the name of it is the greatest Cheat, if you take not heed of Hypocrisie.

184. But who can dispute with them that will fly to Inspiration, and when they have no other Argument, will boast, that they have talk'd with GOD? 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Wisd. 7.14. which is in our Margin, They have enter'd friendship with God. Then all that Reason shall say to the contrary is prophane, and underneath them. There is an Objection to be answer'd with Grief, That some learned and painful men did promote this Discipline. I will say to their Praise and Pity, as much as Tully did of the Gracchi, Orat. de acus. resp. Quòd dolerent boni omnes, illa tanta ornamenta, and meliorem mentem voluntatem{que} non esse conversa. Their Pains in some were very laudable, in some little more than Lungs and Language. A little Gold comes to more in payment than a great deal of Cop∣per Money. Pliny, lib. 16. c. 27. speaks of some Vines that bore thrice a year, yet the Vineyard-dresser lost by it: Insana vitis trifero proventu, sed evanida luxu∣rians. There were Auditors that extoll'd such Preachers, and would say, They could profit by no other. So Amnon pretended he could eat no Meat, unless his Sister Tamar dress'd it. The Plot came to light in our days, that these were they that rung the Pan in the Pulpit, and then the Bees swarm'd to Rebellion. But that which is of God, must have its Foundation in Humility, its Rising in Obedience, and its Continuance in Peace. View the Success of Presbyterism, where it takes a little root here and there, what Shoots do grow by it, or out of it! Anabaptists, Antinomians, Familists, all Mr. Edwards's Gangreen, beside Quacks and Quakers, Mahumetan Dervises, of a raging, not a ravishing Spirit; among all these the Independents, their young Brothers, by Burrough-Tenure, have got the Estate from them. I will borrow a strain of his Wit, that said there went but a pair of Sheers between them, That the Independents would not have a King, so much as in name; the Presbyters would have no more than the meer Name of a King. But, O how these blasphemed the Name, and slander'd the Footsteps of God's Anointed! who laid our good King forth as a Papist to their Rabble, since he would neither be for the Consistorians nor Congregationers: Nihil est audere relictum, Manil. lib. 5. Blessed Saint! how firm was he to the Antipapal Doctrine of this Church, which he maintain'd against the Marquess of Worcester in the greatest agony of his Troubles, and trusted his Soul upon it at the agony of Death. Most of all that Calumny came from Hell, that he gave privy leave to the Irish Hell-hounds, to commit that horrid Massacre upon so many Innocents, Men, Women and Babes: Did not Muscerry and Philem O Neal tell the contrary at their Execution, and pawned their Salvation upon it, when it was no time to dissemble? They, the Parliament, contributed much to that Assassinate, who cut off Strafford for an evil Counsellor, the only man of Cou∣rage and Counsel, to have prevented the Troubles of Ireland. A Passage shall decide it clearly, that came to my own knowledge; I was so scrupulous to for∣get nothing of it, that before I stirred I wrote down the Speaker, the Words, the Place, the Year, the Day.

On July 24. ann. 1654. at Rygate in Surrey, I had Conference about this De∣famation, with that excellent Primate of Armagh, Dr. Usher; says he, Stop their Mouths with this that I shall faithfully tell you. Sir William Parsons, our Chief-Justice, was much trusted with the King's Affairs in Ireland; he deceasing, his Friends and Executors sent his Papers to me, to look them over: In his Cabi∣net I found a Letter written by the King, to warn him to look well to the Mee∣tings of the Popish Irish, for he had received certain Intelligence out of Spain, that they were upon some great Design of Blood and Confusion. And did His Majesty hold any Intelligence with those Miscreants, who fetch'd his Intelligence as far as from Spain to prevent them? Nulla sunt certiora quàm quae ex dubiis fact a sunt certa, Quintil. lib. 5. The reliquation of that which preceded is, it looks not all like Popery that Presbyterism was disdained by the King; his Father had taught him, that it was a Sect so perfidious, that he found more Faith among the Highlanders. Experience taught, that it was not suitable to the Eternal Gospel, for the Fautors of it did scarce Summer and Winter the same form of

Discipline. His hatred of Sacrilege taught him, that upon the abdication of Episcopacy, there was no likelihood, but the Patrimony of the Church, which is the Patrimony of Christ, would be distributed by the Lords and Commons, to their own, but certainly to prophane uses.

185. At the same time that a murmuring was raised for preserving or advan∣cing Religion, as much was pretended upon another score, to recover Liberty; Populo supervacanea est calliditas, Saluf. p. 75. The dull-headed People knew not all what this meant, but rush'd on towards it; and when the Beast did imagin it was loose from the Chain of Monarchy and Laws, who could tye it up again? They that say, the whole Earth turns about, will allow us to sit still; but let these earthy Clodds follow their own motion, Rest and Safety are out of hope to every man. St. Paul says, that a Liberty to sin is the greatest Captivity; so a Liberty to be lawless is the greatest Bondage. The Hedge of common Sase∣ty is Law; the Hedge of the Law are Penalties; the infliction of Penalties is the power of the Supreme Governour. Can the Subjects be at more Freedom, if this Authority be taken away from one supereminent person? Whereunto that ingenuous Gentleman Mr. Wrenn says very well, Monarchy Asserted, p. 79. It can be nothing but Madness, voluntarily to expose ones self to Misery, for the taking away of a Power, in the room of which another equal Power, must necessarily be substitu∣ted. Yet it may be that Monarchy is excellens sensibile, the Splendor of it is an Eye-sore, and one would better endure the faint Beams of lesser and lower Pla∣nets. To this I will reply with Capito Cossutius, when the Roman Senate deprived Nero Caesar, To overthrow Soveraignty Liberty was cried up, but if Sove∣raignty be overthrown, Liberty will be set upon, Bolton, p. 258. Let Judgment be pass'd upon the state of our own Monarchy; the worst Enemy to it hath given this Testimony upon it, Oceana, p. 97. It was a Throne the most indulgent to, and least injurious for so many Ages upon the Liberty of the People, that the World hath known. And indeed how could it be otherwise? For the People preside in the House of Commons, to debate the Grievances of all Counties, Cities, and Burroughs, and to raise Levies of Moneys with Indifferency, which is Democratical. The Lords Spiritual and Temporal joyn their Wisdoms to debate the Proceedings of the Commons, and are engaged in Honour to settle all things in Honour and Safety: which is Aristocratical. And His Majesty gathering up the results of their Prudence, governs upon no other grounds, and can neither abrogate the Laws already enacted, nor enforce a new Law, which is not pass'd, and preser∣red unto him by both Houses; which is the most inoffensive Regulation of Mo∣narchy to please GOD and Man. The most ancient Observator of the Tem∣per of these three Governments, made up into one with such Concinnity, is Polybius, lib. 6. thus he; Some people are under a pure Monarchy, some under an Opti∣macy, some like a Democracy; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The best Government, without compare, must be that which hath collected the Properties of all the three into its Platform: This is that equal Hand (and it is our case) that sets the Instruments in Tune one to another, and the Voices to them all. But it was exclaimed, that our Monarchy kept not the bounds of Law, untuned the Harmony, as the Remonstrance, Decem. 15. expres∣seth it in a raging stile, Injustice, Oppression, Violence broke in upon us without any re∣straint or moderation. And wherefore so much Outcry for Peccadilloes, and ve∣rily occasion'd by the Undutifulness of former Parliaments, and subsequent Ne∣cessities? In some remediless Occurrences, the wisest that sate in the House thought it would be more profitable to be insensible of them, rather than too sharp, because His Majesty had rectified the principal Grievances, and was pre∣pared to go on in the same Compliance and Serenity. Now when the Pox was coming out, Violence was the way to drive it in again: And let the Censurers of Evils foregone look with Charity upon them, and with Concessions of Hu∣manity, and they will find some slight Taxes levied, which impoverisht no man, the course of the Law still open to all; it may be, and will ever be, in the win∣nowing the Chaff from the Corn, there would be a little loss of Wheat. Then all they that have howled against the Oppressions of the Soveraign, if the Door of your Conscience be not too narrow to let out so great a Sin, open the Wic∣ket, that this Slander may fly away into the Desarts of Forgetfulness, yet rather of Repentance. But if you could make your Proofs true, That you wanted your native Rights and Liberties, this will not justifie a rebellious War. The Princi∣ple of the ancient Church is strong, If the Magistrate command things contrary to

God's Law, suffer, and resist not. Much less do not resist, though he command things contrary to his own Laws; for, to break his Scepter, you wring the Scepter out of the Hand of God; He alone is above him, you are under him. Men that have Leisure and Learning, may read Chrysantus's Oration in Xenoph. Cyr. Pa. lib. 7. I will spend but one Passage of it here: Fellow Souldiers, says he, we have obtained many Victories under our Lord Cyrus, and are become the Conquerors of great Kingdoms, and which way got we all we have? 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉? That is, by our Governour: There can be no greater Good, than to preserve our selves in that Obedience. Audi'n' haec Amphiarae sub terram abdite? Can the Ghost of John Pymm hear this, whom no good man's Patience can forgive, for making that dirty Remon∣strance?

186. Begin once again to detect this popular Cheat. The Ringleaders of the Impious War caress the People, That if they will stick to them against the King, and leave the Power in their Hands, they would possess them in the best Liberty that they could imagine to enjoy. These petty Tyrants grew very kind of a sudden, but to be suspected, as Appius Claudius the Decemvir was, when he courted the Citizens, Nunquam gratuita in tantâ superbiâ comitas esse solet, Livy. So our King-quellers did not sell their Complement for nothing; they had got a Forrest of Fools in an Army after them; instantly all Laws were dead that kept men living, Liber∣ty quite defunct, and will never have a resurrection, but under a Monarchy in the true and lawful Successor; the Laws, the sworn Judges, the Verdicts of Ju∣rors, the maintenance of all these under the Care and Justice of the King, these are the Preventions, that the Freemen of this Nation are not in the least fear of Slavery: Be thankful for this Liberty, and ask for no better, for the Restraint which a man hath by coming under a Law, comes home to him again by the Benefit and Protection of the Law. Tully says more, and yet no more than Truth, Orat. pro Caecinná. Mihi credite, major haereditas venit unicui{que} nostrum à jure, & legibus, quàm ab iis, à quibus ipsa bona relicta sunt. Every man is more be∣holden to the Laws for his Lands and Chattels, than to his Parents that did be∣queath them, for the Law gave the Parent Power to make his Will and Testa∣ment, that his Estate might be settled upon his Children, and the Law allows the right Heir to enjoy it: As a Vineyard yields us Wine, but unless that Wine be laid up in found Vessels, and those Vessels hoop'd, that it leak not out, that which we got in the Wine press will be lost in the Cellar. Therefore we did but put a Knife to our own Throats when we advanced an Army, which our soft Laws (meerly made for Peace) were not able to regulate, and were sad Lookers∣on, when we saw our Martial Grandees cut and carve what they pleased to them∣selves, for every one had an Eye to the Pole-star of their present Interest. And lo, into what we are fallen: Pro communi imperio privatam sibi quisque servitutem peperit, Salus. p. 174. When the over-flowing Romans meant to make a Prey of a Nation not yet vanquish'd, their Phrase was, That they would go and civilize them, reduce the Gauls or Britains from Barbarism. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, says Plutarch, When they coveted a Nations Wealth, they did polish them into Bondage. So the Parliament-Militia robb'd us of all we had, upon Promise to call us to the Cap or Coxcomb of Liberty. Look into two or three Particu∣lars, and see what these Hucksters sold to a besotted Nation, in exchange for the great Charter of our ancient Freedom: First, They ask'd at once, and had it, the fifth part of all Land-Rents, and the twentieth part of all Goods and Mova∣bles, and gave us a Ticket of publick Faith, that is, of punick Faith, to repay it. Euclio in Plautus deserved to be sequestred, for speaking so plainly to this Cou∣sonage, Fidei censcham maximam vulgo fidem, cà mihi sublevit os poenissimè. They that brought not this Sum into the mass of the common Treasure, were plunde∣red of all they had. Woe be to the wealthy. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as Plutarch speaks of the Rapin which the thirty Tyrants made in Athens, It was more dange∣rous to be Rich, than to be the worst of evil-doers. At the same time a Payment was laid upon our Necks, a Pick-purse Trick, which they had learnt of the Provinces that revolted from the King of Spain, it is but one word, and much in little, Excise upon all Merchantable Wares, beside Coals, Beer, and other things of Trade and Use at home. A word so odious to our Country, that if our Kings had put it in use, their Ministers had been served like Adoram, Grand-customer to Rehoboam, whom the Israelites stoned with Stones, that he died. Yet, after all these exacti∣ons, they will tell you with Pseudolus, Ratio constat, argentum 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Take out your Tables, and write down Liberty.

187. Moreover, to make us swear our selves for ever into Prophaneness, Sin, and Baseness, the solemn League and Covenant pass'd by the Votes of both Houses, and by the great approvement of their Journeymen the Assembly; and this Flag of six colours was hung up in all the Houses of God in the Land; where the two Tables of the Law were put before, to hold out our Duty to God, and Love to our Neighbour, a new piece of Christianity is clapt upon the Wall, to renounce the King, and to ruine the Church. Tertullian lik'd not this Alteration, lib. de Cor. Mil. Credimus ne humanum testamentum divino superin∣duci deberi? And the Caesarean Law gives a mortal Sentence upon it, as Elmin∣shorstius quotes it, p. 148. upon Arnobius, Qui factionis susceperit sacramentum, vel dederit, gladio feriatur. O very wise Parliament. can you teach one how to piece Liberty and this Covenant together? for all that refuse it must be seque∣stred, imprisoned, disossiced; the Clergy that will not submit, lose their Bene∣sices, and the Law cannot keep them in their Freehold: Their Case is alike, as it was with the Orthodox under the Tyranny of the Arrians, as it is in Athanasius Apol. p. 329. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; Either subscribe, or relinquish your Churches. I read in Cembd. Eliz. p. 71. That the Queen called them to an account, Qui pensiones religiosis, è monasteriis ejectis, assignatas subtraxerant? It hat Provision did our Potentates make for Protestant sequestred Ministers? What? why Freedom and Choice, to beg or starve; but not a Denier allow'd to a single man. They talk'd of a fifth part to maintain the Wife and Children of a mar∣ried one, with so many Clauses of Exception, Thirteen at least, says Dr. Thomas Fuller, that the allocation came to nothing but Charge and Trouble. Libe∣ral—Thieves! the Earth is the Lord's in all its fulness, and you shall know the Church will be Christ's in all its emptiness: You all alter'd the Texts to good purpose, Act. 4, & 5. cap. there the Disciples did, and Ananias said he would, bring all he had, and lay it at the Apostles Feet, but now the Disciples of the Apostles must lay all they have at Ananias Feet: Yet since you say all this is done to deliver us from the Bondage of the King's Power, take out the Tables again, and write down Liberty. To abbreviate the mention of a thousand Wrongs and Evils, had we been a conquer'd People, trodden under the Feet of Turks, what could the Conqueror have done worse, to transform us into Slaves, than to set up that Tribunal of Blood, the High Court of Justice? The Privi∣lege of the Free People of England is their Tryal per Pares, as well in Criminalas in other Causes. Some smack of it is so ancient, that I find in Grotius de Jure bel. & pacis, p. 248. That Cato the elder would never punish a Slave, till the Slaves of the Family, who did wear the same Chain, did cast him by their Verdict. Now the case is alter'd at Westminster-Hall, a Prisoner is tryed at the Bar, neither by the Law for Reason, nor by Jury upon Matter of Fact, but by the Consci∣ence of some that are commissioned to judge upon Law, Reason, Right, and Fact. Suppose that the Conscience of Sultan Cromwel, and his Visier Bashaw, alias Bradshaw, sit among them, that Court must prove a Rock, against which an Innocent can∣not chuse but split, and these high Justitiaries Gentlemen of the first Edition. Quid facturi sunt illi, si consules, si Dictatores fuissent, qui proconsulorem imaginem tam tru∣cem saevamque fecissent? Liv. Dec. 1. lib. 5. They that raised such Storms among us, being Vapours in the lower Air, would have lightned and thunder'd, if they had been Exhalations in the middle Region; but that the Authors of the fore∣named Miseries and Depressions durst say, that they took up Arms against the King for Liberty, take out the Tables, and write down Villany.

188. Our Observation must not launch now into the Whirl-pool, or rather plounce into the Mudd and Quagmire of the Peoples Power and Right preten∣ded, That the Soveraignty is theirs, and originally in them; That they of meer Choice and Election cast themselves into such and such forms of Government at first, and may dissolve them by Force and Constraint, when they will, and do no man Injury, for they recall their own, which they did but lend during plea∣sure, upon a natural Paction. Some things, discovered before, were very ill, which did disorder us to Rebellion, saying that this Invention doth disembogue it self into the roughest and blackest Sea of Treason: Like to Verres's stripping the Sicilians, his last Oppression was a more grievous Pillage than all the former. Secum ipse certat, & id agit, ut semper superius suum sacinus novo scelere vincat, Act. 7. The Axiom, which hath gone from hand to hand, in some dangerous Books, is, Rex singulis major est, Universis minor. Grotius said so, but it was Grotius the Advo∣cate of Rotterdam, a Minister to a popular State, and Barnevale's Creature; but

Grotius, the Ambassador to the French King, from the Swedish Crown, would be asham'd of such Politicks. So says as spightful an Author to the Honour and Safety of Princes as ever writ, Stephanus Junius Brutus, that's the Title of his disguise, whom learned K. James suspected to be a Papist, dissembling the person of an Hugonote, to make them all odious. But we are beholden to Gisb. Vootius, who hath pull'd off his Mask, Tom. 2. Disp. p. 852. he says, that Tronchinus ma∣king an Oration in Geneva, at the Funerals of Simon Goulartius, made it known to his Auditors, that Simon Goulartius had assured him, that Hubertus Languettus, a Gentleman of Burgundy, and of good same till this Mischief came to light, did hatch the Monster, and send it forth. To spare the rest, all but one, the same is the Doctrine of Parsons the Jesuite in his Dolman, who follows it all the way, That Civil Government is radically in the People; that they may set up and pull down their Rulers for the publick good as they will. Let the Index of Expurgation look to it, whether the Temporal Soveraignty of the Pope come not under the Whip of this Doctrine.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Odyss. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

The People of Romania, Bononia, Ancona, Ferrara will be very insolent, if you buz such a Bee into their Brain; every light Offence taken will make them threaten. But whence do these People-pleasers draw this Maxim, That a King is greater than every Subject apart, but less than their Body taken altogether? Not from Scri∣pture, for the Kings of Israel and Judah, in that Book, were above all the Tribes in their Aggregation. Hiram writes to Solomon, Blessed be the Lord, who hath gi∣ven to David a wise Son over this great people, 1 Kin. 5.7. Hear the Queen of Sheba likewise, That Solomon was Minister Dei, non populi; God delighted in thee, to set thee in his Throne, to be a King for the Lord thy God, and made thee over them, to do judgment and justice to all, 1 Chron. 9.8. Shall I leave my fatness, says the Olive in the Parable, to be promoted over the Trees? That is, over every Tree in the Forrest: But these Dogmatists dare not recourse to Scripture, they must be tra∣ced in prudential ways. Proteus, the man of all shapes, says Synesius, Ep. 136. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, acted always among Men, not in Heavenly, but in Earthly Wisdom. Let it be Reason, and not Fallacy, wise men will be rea∣dy to hear it. One Argument of the Adversaries is, That once upon a time, they know not when, Men were gathered out of Desarts and Savageness into a body, to live sociably, and it was their Courtesie then to set up such a King as did please them: He is but the Peoples Creature, therefore in his first ma∣king, and always, at their mercy. This is a Tale put together of a thing out of the Memory of all Writers; which were it true, as it is unlikely, it will come to nothing. If the People did part with their Right to a King, to be gover∣ned and defended in Wealth and Peace, their Act is irrevocable, the Bond in∣dissoluble. Though Democritus thought his Atoms might concurr to make a World, yet the World being made, those Atoms could not fall asunder again to dissolve the World. Conceive we were in Polonia at this day, the Eligents, who make the King by their Vote, are tyed fast by their Oaths and Faith, to their own Act. Nor do they give the King his Power, but design his Person, because Election is not an Act of Power, but of Privilege. That a Monarch is not greater than the Universe of his People, whether it look like somewhat to the weakness of Sence, I know not, but it is nothing to Reason; for Compari∣sons are to be made between things of the same kind. Mark then. A part of the Body is less than the whole Body in magnitude, but the Soul, though one part of Man, and no more, is greater in Virtue than all the Body. The intel∣lectual Faculty is but one Faculty, yet greater in Dignity and Regency than all the Faculties of the Soul beside. The Sorbonists adhering to the Council of Con∣stance, tell us, That a Pope is less than a whole general Council; they give him Honour and Place before any single Prelate, Metropolitan, or Patriarch, by Ec∣clesiastical Constitution, yet he is inferiour to an Oecumenial Synod in totâ, because he comprehends not in his Office the Vertue of the Catholick Church, for that's an Usurpation: But the Vertual Power of the Kingdom is in the King, which discovers the odds of the Comparison. Our Politico's also object, that the People were before the King. Not before him, if Soveraignity grew first out of Paternal Right, (and so it did for certain in Adam, the first Father, and first King.) Yet grant them their asking, here is an Instance to silence them: All the Creatures were made before Man, yet God gave him the Dominion to go∣vern

them that were created before and after him. It is to no more purpose to cavil, That the King is made for the good of the People. Is that which is appointed for the good of another the less for that Cause? Quite contrary, 'tis therefore the greater. So is a Preceptor and Shepherd, the one above the Scholars, the other above the Flock. Saravia distinguisheth skilfully, de Obed. p. 228. Quod est propter aliud, si benesicium ab co accipit, minus esl, si dat majus est. They stretch their Wit further, and say, That the King gives his Oath to his Subjects, to mam∣tam them in their known Laws. It well befits him. So God gave an Oath to Abraham and David, Quare juramentum, praes itum Inseriori, non ei subjicn Superio∣rem, says the same Author. As for the matter of the Oath, to keep the Laws, it puts him not under the Wrath of Men, if he do not keep them, but under the Wrath of God. A King is to keep the Laws of Nations with other Princes, yet is not subject to them. God defend us from making Experiments, what would come to pass if the choice of a Governor or Governors were referred to the thousands and millions of England. Beware a Heptarchy again, beware an He∣catontarchy. Things give better Counsel to men, than men to things. Look behind, enquire into Histories, what bloody meetings the World hath known upon such ambitious bandings between Gogs and Magog's Parties.

An quae per totam res atrocissima Lesbon, —Non audita tibi est? Metam. l. 2.

Is it forgotten how they have lifted up their Friends in a Fit, and straightway pluck'd them down in a Fury? As the Greek Emperor said to a Bishop, Ego te Furne condidi, ego te destruam. For as Painters delight in Pieces not being made, but in their making, so the Hare-brain'd Multitude run on to a Choice with Greediness, and when it is pass'd, they loath it with Fickleness. The Con∣clusion shall be, That this Stratagem to unthrone a King by the pretended in∣herent Right of the People, can come to no conclusion: For if there were occa∣sion for all Cities, Counties, Burroughs, Hamblets, to come to try that Right, who shall warn them, that the opportunity is ripe to require their concurrence? Who shall summon them? Why A. rather than B? Who shall propound? Upon what place shall they meet? Who shall preserve Order and Peace? For every Hog, when you drive them, must have a String about his own Leg. Who shall umpire and stop Outrages? Such there will be, Saevit{que} animis igno∣bile vulgus. An hundred impossible Dissiculties may be added to these, and he that can rowl them up all into Sence, deserves the Philosopher's Stone for his Labour. To divert the vulgar fort from meddling with things improper to, and so much above them, Budaeus remembers me how to call them to such a Choice, as is fitter for them, lib. 1. de As. In Pervigilio Epiphamae regnum ad sesqui∣boram lusu sabae sortiuntur. Let them chuse the King of the Bean on Twelsth-night, and be merry with the Cake-bread.

189. The best of Kings had some that fell off from him, after the fust and second year of the War, when they saw his Enemies had got ground in some Skirmishes and Sieges, and were possest of the best part of his Navies, surrendred to them by a false Faitour. This was a colour for their Rhetoricians to impute Righteousness to the fortunate Part. And their Orders for Thanksgivings boast of it, that God did own their Cause, because of the Victories which had be∣sall'n them. But Wisdom dresseth her self by her own Light, and minds not the shadow of Success: for after the first dark Cloud that comes, it can be seen no more. It is not strange that Self-lovers are so wary, and rash Springolds so sond, to like that which is most lucky. Thucyd. l. 1. notes it upon the variable turnings of the Peloponnesian Wars, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Men cannot leave, but they will bend their Fancies to the Casualties of Events. Nay, says Matth. de Prin. c. 25. There is no living for us without that Tropical Humour: Si tempora mutant ur, statim perit, qui in agendo rationem non mutat. But all such Errours shall be reversed, and the mistakes consuted, before a Tribunal Eternal, Impartial, which will deceive none. Go not about then to try right and wrong, as they are bandied among us. No man knows either Love or Ha∣tred by all that is before them. All things come alike to all. There is one event to the righteous and to the wicked, Eccles. 9.2. If you Judge the merit of a Cause, or the integrity of a Man by prosperous Chance, Epicurus will have a strong

tentation to say, Is there a God, whose wisdom sees and governs all things? Dionysius, when he had rob'd a Temple, and failed away merrily with his Booties scost at it, Videt is amici quàm bona à Diis immortalibus navigatio sacrilegis datur. Cic. de Nat. Deor. l. 3. Such a Scandal another of the voluptuary Sect took at a Courte∣zan, that had forsworn her self, and look't more amiably after it.

—Obligasti Perfidum diris caput, enitescis Pulchrior multo, juvenumque prodis Publica cura. Horat. Od. l. 4.

We, that are bred under holy Discipline, know that it will be the worse for thee hereafter; for their Torments will appear more bitter in the next World, because they felt nothing but pleasure in this. The ways of God are past finding out; He permits that Evil which he hates, and he Corrects that Good which he loves. This is the Trial of Faith; Quicquid imponitur molit. All that is brought to her Mill, she will grind it into fine slour of Thanksgiving and Patience: and is af∣sured, That as a Ball mounts higher, when it is thrown to the ground, so a good Cause when it is beaten will rebound higher to Heaven. Otherwise, says Manilius l. 5. Si sorte accesserit impetus ausis, Improbitas fiet virtus. If Sin get the better at hand-blows, Vertue shall hold up its hand at the Bar, and be condem∣ned for Vice Joshuah's discomfit at Ai, Josiah's at Megiddo, the hundred Vi∣ctories that the Saracens have had against the Christians tell us, how they that sight the Lord's Battels, are not priviledged from turning their Backs to their Enemies. It is an acute passage of S. Ambrose in an Epistle to Valentinian, That the Heathen had no reason to beast that the Idols, whom they worshipt, were true Gods, and gave them ••icleries: for if the Romans prevailed, where were the Carthaginian Gods to help them? if the Carthaginians triumpht, where were the Roman Gods, when they were beaten? Success will neither serve Christians nor Heathen to make a competent Judge for the lawfulness of their War: For is it not most impious to prove a Cause, not till after the Victory? and to have no Inducement that they sought for the right, till all was done? Experience is stronger than twenty Rea∣sons against it. As Paterculus said of one good man, Lusius Drusus, Meliore in omma ingenio, quàm fortuná usus; so let there be thousands of such in a body, their Innocency may be greater than their Fortune. The fallacy of Success is to be exploded out of the Morals of Justice: neither can such a contingent Medium produce a demonstrative Conclusion. It was bravely pleaded by the Rhodians in an Oration before the Roman Senate, Liv. lib. 35. You Romans were wont to account your Wars prosperous, Non tam exitu eorum quòd vincat is, quàm principiis, quod non sine causâ suscipiat is. I may say, hic rhodus, hic saltas. And this is sapience, to list them, who admire Success, among those whom Fortune favours.

190. Neither were the vain-glorious content to pride it upon Success, and to stamp it upon their Money, God with us, but sharpned their presumption against the King's Friends with Insultations and Revilings, that they were unregenerate, such as walked after the flesh, forsaken of God, and appointed to slaughter. Bit∣ter, untrue, uncharitable. Such as knew not his Majesty's faithful Soldiers, thought vilely of them: such as faw their daily diligence at Common-Prayer, their sidelity for their Lord and King, their preparation for death, their adven∣turing their Estates and Bodies in all hard Service without pay, nay without necessary Subsistence, did deservedly magnisie the Grace of God that was in them. Yet we do not justifie all. Some scores of them might have been spared, who were driven into the King's Quarters, by the Oppression of the Parliament, and came to save themselves, more than to defend the King: and it was a com∣mon observation at Oxford, that, excepting the great Counsellors and the Cler∣gy, they that sought least liv'd worst. Yet the loosest of these kept their Oath of Allegiance, which comes nearer to a Saint, than any Rebel of a good out∣side,

—Qui nesciret in armis Quam magnum crimen virtus civilibus esset. Luc. l. 6.

But did they never read of an holy Commander, forced to take Arms in a good Cause, and guarded from his Enemies by Persons of an homely Character? Da∣vid is the Captain, the Heir to the Crown of Israel and Judah by God's Ele∣ction; his Cause, to escape the Tyranny of Saul, not to bid him War. And what were his Soldiers? 1 Sam. 22.2. Every one that was in distress, discontented, in debt, of a bitter soul, gathered themselves to David, and he became a Captain over them. There were sins very reproveable in either of our adverse Armies: put them thus into a comparison. Which did most offend God, Noah's planting a Vine, and being drunk, or the building of the Tower of Babel? The Casuists have an Answer at their fingers ends, That drunkenness corrupted the world, but am∣bition confounded it. And is not confusion of a whole Realm more pernicious than corruption in a part? But how willingly did the sober Army allow, che∣rish and make wealthy their Chaplain Peters? Is there such another spotted Leo∣pard in all the King's Quarters? as Catulus said of Nonius, What a deal of dung doth that Cart carry? Have they no better excuse for themselves, than a pandanni Plau∣ti trinum: Scelest us est, at mihi infidelis non est? or than Xenoph. makes for the A∣thenians in his Oration upon their Republick, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The Athenians (a baseness in them) loved those that were fit and useful for them, though they were wicked men. Yet it was not the Riot of the King's Army that caused it to be improsperous: that was re∣ported, where nothing was examin'd and weighed, but out of spight believed as it was rumor'd. It was partly neglect of Duties for want of pay. But chiefly Presumption, that their cause was clearly loyal and lawful; that the name of the King was more than thirty thousand: that the Subjects of England did never suffer the Crown in fine to be opprest: that they would fight for it, though it hung upon an Heythorn-Hedge. They forgot that the English were new cast, and turn'd into another People, by scottish sawciness and contempt of Soveraignty. This Presumption kept the King's Forces sleeping, when their Enemies were waking: and what is Presumption but Hope run out of its Wits? The Rebels were well paid, well provided of all Ammunition, mightily courted by their Chiestains, as Tertullian could say, de Praes. c. 41. Nunquam 〈◊〉〈◊〉 proficitur quàm in castris rebellium, ubi ipsum esse illic promereri est. Again, none are so adventu∣rous, as they that dare not be Cowards for fear of hanging. The Law was be∣hind the Parliamentarians; sight, or hang. Despair will inspire a faint heart, as a skilful Author notes it, Vegetius l. 3. Clausis in desperatione crescit audacia: & cum spei nihil est sumit arma formido. These are the Difficulties through which the King was to pass, and could not; which is no dishonour to his Goodness or Wisdom. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Plut. No man need to be ashamed that he cannot do all things. And never wonder if the Counsels of men, well contrived, be frustrated by the secret Counsels of God, which an Ethnick expresseth in the style of his Religion, Destinata salubriter omni ratione potentior fortuna discussit, Curt. l. 3. To clear up this more: would they, that so much a∣dore their Idol Success, would they have confest from their heart their own Cause to be wrong, if the King had beaten them? I believe the God of this World hath darkned them so much, that such a Confession cannot be gotten out of them. The Weavers of Kidderminster must not be brought to such a sight of their sin, that is, they must never repent, if they be true Disciples of Mr. Baxter's Doctrine. The best of Orators was the greatest of Dissemblers, in his Plea for Ligarius before Caesar. Tully had been a violent Pompeian, but the whole Empire, after the Pharsalian Field, being turn'd Caesarean, says the fine-spoken man, Nunc certè melior ea causa judicanda est, quam etiam Dii adjuverunt. Yet so much dissonancy there was between his Tongue and his Heart, that he triumpht in the murder of Caesar, the only Roman that exceeded all their Race in noble∣ness, and was next to Tully in eloquence. Boast not therefore in Success, which is an advantage to make Insidels proud: but the abstruse ways of God's Provi∣dence, which setteth up one, and pulleth down another, as he pleaseth, should make us Christians humble.

191. For all this, if the wise men of Goat-ham will appeal to Success, to Suc∣cess let the matter be referr'd, and then every eye may see what was the Sum∣mum bonum, the chief aim and drift of the rebellious Enterprise, Wealth and Spoil. So general is S. Paul's Rule, That covetousness is the root of all evil. Eng∣land was never more wealthy than when this War broke out. In fourteen years, now spent, the great ebb of Coin, and decay of Trade is a deep wound

in the State. There was Employment to get a living for all that were industri∣ous: Cup-boards were full of massy Plate: all Pay was in Gold, if it were to buy the Ware but of a Pedlar. All this is sunk, vanisht, consum'd.

Sanctarum digestas opum, partaeque per omnes Divitiae populos, magnique impendia mundi. Statius.

Armies maintain'd east, west, north, and south have wasted it, which do not shear, but slay the miserable People. Our Shields of Gold are converted into Brass, as when Shisack rob'd Jerusalem and the Temple, 1 Kings 14.27. Bri∣gades, and Garrisons of Beggars, are become the sufficient Men, that can lend hundreds and thousands. Here's right Quin. Varus in Paterc. Syriam pauper ingres∣sus, invenit divitem; dives pauperem reliquit. Treasurers of the Army, Excise-men, Collectors of Taxes, Victuallers of the Navy, Committee-men, with their Scribes, Officers of all forts, abundance of decayed Fortunes, nay Scoundrels, not worth a Groat before, are swell'd into vast Estates, progging and prowling every way in purveyance for themselves. Will not these choose War rather than Peace against Foe or Friend? For the Wheel will run easily into any mischief, when it is well greased. Who are they, says Polybius, that prefer a Soldiers life be∣fore any? Lib. 6. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. They that loved to eat upon other mens cost, and to live upon their Country∣men. So sensible are all men of this fatal and general empoverishing, because we are so far from having the wound healed, that the Arrow is not pluckt out, but sticks still in our side. To bring but part of their Rapines to an audit, the Members of Parliament voted all rich Offices to themselves, which the Licinian and Aebutian Law among the old Romans would not have suffered, Ne quis Sena∣tor commodum sibi & suis acquireret ex lege quam ferendam rogaret. But these Mem∣bers gave vast Sums, Offices, Forfeitures of Delinquents Lands and Goods one to another: like Brutus and Cassius, that committed an horrid act to make their Republick free, and then invaded Provinces to themselves, without the privity of the Government, and took up all Moneys by their own power, which the Questors had gathered for the aerarium. And it will never be better, when free∣dom is driven on in a popular uproar. Now lest themselves in the House, the Red-coats in the Field, or their Intelligencers abroad, should want pay, they voted fifty Subsidies at one chop upon the City of London; imposed a fifth and twentieth part upon all Lands and Moveables: gathered ninety thousand pounds a month upon the Substance of all the Subjects: then, beside Customs, super∣inducted Excise upon divers Wares, which hath raised the prices of all things, never to be brought down: alas these are but flea-bits to the exaction of anip∣money. Intestine War is a Market that will grow dearer and dearer, as I will transcribe an Example for it out of Meursius, Fortu. Atti. p. 55. Bellum Pelopon∣nesiacum quo diutiùs duravit, eo majora vectigalia imposita sunt bello, sub Aristide mo∣derata: magna sub Pericle: majora sub Alcibiade: aucta sunt sub Lycurgo: sub Deme∣trio admodum crevere. Yet for every Peny of theirs, our Tyrants impos'd a pound; it is beyond the reckoning of Sums and Ciphers: for these godly Patriots, upon a mistake of Conscience at the worst, must have all the Cavaliers Estates, all the Kings and Churches Revenues, pay no Debts, no Tythes, no Lords Rents, no Copy-holds: War was their gains, and the Box swept in all. Every one that would be innocent, and live by the known Laws, was devoured. In the sad words of Salvian, Eo res devoluta est, ut, nisi quis malus sit, salvus esse non possit. Many that loathed the Rebellion in their hearts, listed themselves into it, being before reduced to beggery. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Diodor. l. 18. p. 594. who adventur'd to die every day, that they might live. They were lost, unless they could save themselves in the publick Ruin. Sed it a se res habet, ut publicâ quisque ruinâ malit occidere, quàm sua proteri, Paterc. lib. 2. Desperate men had rather be undone in the Kingdoms ruin, than in their private Fortune. Some Noddies thought that a general Innovation would set them higher than they were. Ve∣ry sententiously the great Livy, lib. Omni praesenti statu spes cuique res suas novandi est blandior. Collect all into this misery; when every man may reap the Field that will, though he never sowed, what will become of the Harvest?

192. No wonder now if a right noble and harmless King was beaten, with all his Part, out of his strong holds; for his Enemies were hired unto it with as much pay and spoil, being well husbanded, as would have beaten the Turk out

of Europe. The plunder and pillage that was made of private persons, would have payed twenty thousand men for five years. In conjunction with them, or out of conjunction; round or rattle, if he were rich he must be a booty, or a compounder. There was but one thing that escap't their Claws, which Plutarch hath exempted in the Life of Demetrius, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, War will plunder no man of his Vertue, it is a Commodity (now grown an Incommodi∣ty) not regarded. Every thing else must pay tribute to the Sword. Videbitis oppida in quibus nibil aliud est, quam cadavera quae lacerantur, & corvi qui lacerant, as Petromus of the like times, every one was a Raven, or a Carkass. Or much like the riffling of Ptolemais in Aegypt, by the woful experience of Synesius, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 it was a night scuffle, no distinction could be made between friends and foes: which made some of the faction attrite, if not contrite, and sing their sorrows to a pitiful tune, that they did ever concur to give the power to such perfidious usurpers. o planet∣blasted wits, to think their cargo could be preserved in the shipwrack of the whole kingdom! In vastitate omnium tuas possessiones sacrosanctas futuras putas? as Tully told Catiline to his face. In this havock and torrent of Spoil, none smarted more than the Clergy, and their Patrimony. Their persons were laid fast in Prison: their Churches were unroost and desaced. An abomination which the Switzers will not commit in their Wars. You may believe their Historian, Sem∣ler lib. 2. Perpetua lex est, jam olim à nostris sancita, ut in omni bello nulla vis & injurta sacris locis inferatur. But what do we talk of Law? Vis colitur, jurisque locum sioi vendicat cnsis, Sil. l. 2. What Law is there to recover the Plate and Ornaments torn away from the Cathedrals? No Law can restore the Bishops Palaces crazed, to turn all the Fabricks into Coin. Four hundred years will not restore their Woods and Timber-Trees so well preserv'd, now not the Pre∣lates, but the Kingdoms damage. What haste they made to rid these things out of the way, and to purse up all, and to barter presently with their Customers the Jews? for fear was upon them, lest what remained should return to the right Owners. For no time, not an Age can cross us in our just Claim here∣after. Praescribere volentibus mala fides in aeternum obstat: a Maxim of Law in Dr. Duck's Book, p. 21. Long before him, and in plainer words, the Oratour in his best piece Phil. 2. speaking of, and praising King Deiotarus, Scivit homo sapi∣ens jus semper hoc fuisse, ut, quae tyranni eripuissent, tyrannis sublatis, ii, quibus ea erepta essent recuperarent. God hath a Cyrus in store, we hope, to pluck away a∣gain, that which was dedicated to him, from prophane Belshazzars. When the Phocians had spoiled the Temple of Delos, the Grecks were so offended at that Sa∣criledge, that they all resolved in their Pan-hellenium, Quod totius orbis viribus ex∣piari debet, Lib. 8. Justin. And when those Phocians were routed in a bloody Bat∣tel, and ask't leave to bury their dead, the Locrians answer'd them, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Diod. lib. 16. p. 427. That it was the Common Law of Greece, to cast away the Carkasses of the Sacrilegious, and not to allow them Burial. Some of our Thieves, who rob'd God, are in∣terr'd in Peace, some of them among Princes and Nobles: yet they and theirs cannot escape the Curse of an hundred Anathema's darted against them. Now it is discernable that the Parliament, and such as they raised to maintain their Cause, got an East and West-Indies out of the Clergy and Laiety, pulling a few Locks away at first, at last the Fleece of all the Flock: like Graecian Toss-pots, that begin with small Cups, and quaff off great ones when they are drunk. Some little remains, to be put to this, nay no little, but more than a thousand and a thousand drams of Gold, to be cast into the Heap of their Gains, wherein they suck't the Blood of the Rich, and quite starved them, who were poor al∣ready, I mean they and their Horses lying upon the Charge of the Country; Vetelliani per omnia Italiae municipia desides, & tantum hospitibus met uendi, Tacit. lib. hist. 3. like to like, as the Devil to the Collier: they were our 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as Ca∣saubon puts it into one word upon Theophrastus; we call it Free-quarter. What a grief to be made servile to provide for such Guests, when the Family knew it was Judas that dip't his hand with them in the Dish? What an Expence it was to bring out all their Stores laid up for a year, and to waste it in a week sometimes, upon an hundred of their Orgoglioes? It is an Arabian Proverb, If thy Friend be Honey, eat him not up all: But these Horse-leaches seldom, lest an House, till they had thresht the Barn Empty, and drunk the Cellar dry;

And had their mouth been a little widder, They would have devoured bidder and shidder;

says Spencer in his Calendar. There are greater wrongs to be complained of than this, yet none more vexatious: and he that is unlucky to be made an Host to lodge such Guests at Free-quarter, let him set up a Cross for his Sign-post. Now if the Reader carry in memory, that Parliament Priviledges, Religion, Liber∣ty, the Peoples innate Power, and the like, were the Colour and Pretence to take up Arms against the King, but the thing intended was Sacriledge, goodly Lands, Spoils of all forts, a Mass of Riches; will he not excuse an honest Vi∣car of Hampshire, who changed one word in the last Verse of the Song, Te Deum, O Lord, in thee have I trusted, let me never be a Round-head.

193. The Condemnation of an impious, disloyal, and sacrilegious Rebellion hath filled up many Pages of this Book. Loqui multum non est nimium, si tamen est necessarium; which is St. Austin's by-word. As for the Dependance, it is not un∣artificial which the Subject designed in these Papers; for that barbarous War run∣ning on through many years of the Archbishop of York's life, and it being the saddest, and most remarkable Passage of the Age, it could not be lest out from the remembrance of any Occurrences made and traversed upon those infamous Times. The Hatred and Horror of it struck as deep into this Prelate's Heart, as into any mans. I do not believe that of Cicero to Torquatus, lib. 6. ep. Nihil praecipuè cuiquam est dolendum in eo quod accidit universis. A wise man, full of Observation, apt to make likely Presages from present Actions upon future Miseries, could not pass them by with Slights and Carelesness, as some others did. Of two things for cer∣tain he was disappointed: Three years at the most never pass'd over his Head, since he had a good Purse, but he expended a valuable Sum upon some Monu∣mental Work of Charity. His Mind was still the same, for all Ground is not barren that lies sallow. But being stript of those Revenues which suppeditated Oyl to the Lamp, the Light of his Spirit was eclipsed in this obscurity to be un∣profitable. Another, and no less Calamity was, that his Papers of long study, and much commentation, with his choice Books, were either rifled, or, it may be, burnt with Cawood Castle, and being eager, if not ambitious, to restore his Notes again by diligence, and a mighty memory, yet in the noise of Wars, beating up of Quarters, and shifting of Lodging to sly from Danger, it was im∣possible to contrive it. Arts did never profit in the distractions of Wars. Chi∣rurgery may get experience by daily searching into wounds. Geometry may enhaunce its skill, by crecting Bulwarks and drawing Lines for new forts of Fortifications. But all Sciences beside will wither in the midst of Arms, and Barbarism will over-spread, till Learning recover Maintenance, Rest, and Peace. Aptly to this Isocra. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. In the concord and good management of things in Greece, the Philosophers and their Studies would fare much the better. Yet a man need not say his Life is under great Adversity for want of such Accessions; which are but Notes of good direction in the Margent of the Book, but belong not to the Text, which the Reader cannot span: whose Contents are the Church of Christ in its Doctrine, Piety, Regulation of Order kept inviolate; the King's Crown and Honour supported; the Laws maintain'd to us, as our Ancestors enjoy'd them; Liberty and Property defended from wrong and violence: these are the Contents of the great Charter, so precious to the pious and political man. And all these Pillars, which held up our Subsistence, were battered by the Sons of Anak, and ready to fall. In this disasterous season, who would not pity a great and aged Prelate, driven into the remotest corner of the Land, and least desensible: whither he carried the Prayer of Synesius with him, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I would presently lay down my life, and very contentedly, if I might see my Country the beautiful Shape of former Peace and Happi∣ness.

194. Physicians use to prescribe to their Patients, when a tedious Languor hangs upon them, to remove their dwelling, and change the Air. But Pliny says, Longissima locorum mutatio est utilissima, the further removing from the Soil, where they did not mend, the more wholesom and healing. I would it proved so to this Archbishop, who lest Cawood-Castle in the North, to come to Aber-Con∣way in Wales. It was the magnetick attraction of the Town, wherein he was

born, that drew him thither. Summas in affectu partes jure sibi usurpat terra quae genuit. Sidon. lib. 3. ep. 8. And a greater than he, King James called it a Sal∣mon-like instinct to see the place of his Breeding. Spotsw. Hist. p. 257. He had been near fifty years from the County of Carnarvan, and the Town of Conway, unless by incidentary Visits, where his Mother brought him forth. Now, by the circulation of a strange Destiny, he is carried thither, in a Rapture, or a Whirl∣wind, to spend a few years, and to end his last days. An ulla est patria tam digna quae hanc reciperet virtutem, quam quae peperit? as Tully pleads for An. Milo. Even now it was, that every Hundred, almost every Tything of this Kingdom did need some wise and couragious Man to defend it. And who could better settle the distracted People of Wales than this person? and who did better de∣serve his help, than his own Flesh and Blood? He came not so much for Re∣fuge, as to be a Refuge to those true-hearted Mountaineers, his Kindred and Allies. He is well, who is the better for others: but he is happy, for whom others are the better. And they might give God thanks, that their Chief was come among them. Their Fault is, that there are many emulations (another would call them Factions) between the tops of their Families, who would ne∣ver have been brought into one Body, to do the King Service, unless such a Man had interposed, who could wind in some with Patience and Bounty, and scatter others with Authority. Nothing liker to him than Pompo. Atticus in AE∣milius Probus, Ita Athenis se gerebat, ut communis insimis, par principibus haberetur. Though indeed it was not common Love, but common Fear, that drew those Counties into Confederation: so true it is, what Philostratus hath in Protesilao, The communion of good things, as Plenty and Peace, often breed heart-burnings and en∣vy: but when men share in Miseries, they begin to love one another, recompensing Com∣passion for Compassion. It behoved him that was a wise Man, and potent in those remote places to watch two Evils, among them that cried up the King's Cause, Treachery among false Friends, and Disagreement among true ones, but such as had rather perish than be ruled. The Archbishop had as good a scent as any Vulture, to smell them out, who held Intelligence with the Enemy, of whom he secured a few, and the rest fled far enough out of guiltiness. To stop the o∣ther Inconvenience, besides the general Love born to him, and his great Alli∣ances, he found it best to appear in the strength of a strong hold, with such Men and Arms, as might incline the whole Body to obey his Counsels. For they that are beset with danger, had better go one way in concord, then ran ma∣ny ways, though they were better, with crossness and discord. Which they might learn from those that were disciplin'd by the Parliament, nay from the Devils. Est quaedam concordia inter daemones, non ex amicitiá, sed ex nequitiâ prove∣niens, as the School-men distinguish it. Moreover, this Prelate, well seen in all good things, inured all North-Wales round about to Piety, to brotherly Love, to Temperance, as well as to be fit to use their Arms. He bid that frequent Pray∣ers should be had in all Churches, with Fasting. Put the Ministers to preach weekly, and none more often in the Pulpit than himself: invited well-prepared Christians many times to partake of the Lord's Supper, the best Ordinance of the Gospel, and little used there by most culpable negligence. This was the course he rook: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Aeschyl. in Persis. Wisdom did turn the Rudder of his Projects. And this was the way to bring down God among them. Si vis tuto vivere, benè vive: nihil virtute securius; it is in a Dialogue of Petrarchs. And none could be more active in any place, that owned the King's Authority, than he was there, in providing Powder and Ammunition, in sorting good Commanders, in fortifying Conway Castle, and such like, to his Majesty's high content, and his deserved praise, as will come on in the sequel. So much did Wales gain by that which Yorkshire lost. As Tully solaced himself in his ba∣nishment, Lib. 3. Ep. Duas res quibus me sustineam habeo, optimarum rerum scientiam, & maximarum rerum gloriam: so he that was driven by the evil Spirit of the Ho∣thams into this Wilderness, had these Companions to travel with him, great Piety, great Learning, and great Glory.

195. Being entred into the care of so great a Province he wearied himself, and all that assisted in the Service with indefatigable diligence. His own share in collecting Moneys, gathering Forces, repairing the Castle, casting up Works, writing, sending, consulting, woing, and entreating, was his as much as the burden of all the Agitants besides. In which assiduity of watching, and an hundred vexations, his strength and healthful vigour, well maintained to that

time, began to fail, and from that year came forward no more. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Chrysost. lib. 2. de Sacerd. Continual cares, says he, will pull down the spirit; the body much more. The male-contents at London heard of it quickly, how busie he was in arraying the Welch Militia, although no Bishop belide would run such hazard, but all fell quietly to their Prayers. Hereupon they that acted for the Parliament did him the worst despight they could, libelling, be riming him, setting him in out in Picture covered with a Helmet, Musquet on his Shoulder, Sword and Bandaliers about him. A trick which they had learnt of their Gossips the Low-Dutch, who traduce the greatest Kings in Europe in such paltry Tables, with their Mechanick Scurrility: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: Baubles to be laught at for the folly, and to be lamented for the bitterness. The worst was, that there were many clashes at Conway, and in the contines of it among themselves. The raw Soldiers now come into muster and pay, were malapart, and crowed over their own Friends, that had not the honour, as they call'd it, to serve on Horse, or to trail a Pike. They had not gotten John Baptist's Lesson by heart, Luke 3.14. To do no violence, to put no man in fear, to be content with their allowance. In some things the World is more civil than in Ages past: but the longer it lasts, our Wars are more licenti∣ous and barbarous. Livy says Fabritius was as innocent in War, as in Peace. Just in boasts of greater things, lib. 25. Multa tune honest iùs bella gerebantur, quàm nunc amicitiae coluntur. Formerly they found honester Foes in the Field, than we find Friends in the City. When the rudeness of the common Soldier aba∣ted by courteous treatment, the greater disliculty was to thrust back the Ambi∣tion of divers, more than enough, that would be Commanders. Words of high Language past between him, and some Gallants, before they would sit down. Ambrosius vir optimae ment is, sed elatae, says Lud. Molin. Paren. p. 539. So this Ambrose was not to be out-braved with a Buff-Jerkin and a Feather. And though some of the Cava••iers love not his memory for it to this time, yet I shall give no scratch to Truth or Reputation, to declare my self in his Defence, that it was to be praised in him, that he repuised the English from being chief O••i∣cers o••er the old Britains in their own Soil. And it was prudence to preserve the Bulkly's, that great Family of Anglesey, in the Vice-Admiralty of those Seas, rather than a valiant Gentleman born in Cambridgeshire: for they will venture fur∣ther with their own Deputy-Lieutenants, Gentry, and Landlord, than with a Stranger. The Western-men were never so well in heart, as with their own Bevile, Greenvile, Ralph Hopton, Killigrew, Godolphin, &c. when they chang'd these for other Generals and Colonels, their Purses were shut, their Courage fell, and their Duties were slackned. In all these Contrasts the Archbishop prevailed, and broke through Mutinies and high Threats; which had been impossible, but that he was ever most obliging and merciful in his greatest Fortune. Bona sibi comparat praesidia misericordia: He that would never hurt any, when he might, was most like, if any, to be shot free.

196. Let it stick upon his good Name as a mark of Heroick Loyalty, that he fell to these works, upon his own cost and peril, before the King was aware, nor had yet requir'd it of him; which will bring in that of Xenophon l. 3. Hist. Hystaspas and Chrysantus were Cyrus his most faithful Ministers: Hystaspas would do all that Cyrus bad him: Chrysantus would do that, which he thought was plea∣sing to Cyrus's Service, before he bad him. But when his Majesty heard of this Prelates Actions, he posted Letters often to him, and those so sweet and affe∣cting, that they did recoct his drooping Age into Youth, and cozened him, that he saw no danger in the Camp, and selt no envy from the Parliament. Of those Letters there are many reserv'd, yet no more shall be produced than con∣cerns the keeping of Conway-Castle, because it turn'd to a sharp quarrel, and pro∣cur'd him obloquy.

From Oxford, Aug. 1. 1643.

CHARLES R.

MOst Reverend Father in God, &c.

We are informed by our Servant Orlando Bridgman, not only of the good Encouragement and Assistance you have given him in our Service, but also of your own personal and earnest endeavours to promote it. And though we have had long experience of your fidelity, readiness and zeal in what concerns us; yet it cannot but be most acceptable unto us, that you still give unto us fresh occasions to remember it. And we pray you to continue to give all possible assistance to our said Servant. And whereas you are new resident at our Town of Aber-Con∣way, where there is a Castle, heretofore belonging to our Crown, and now to the Lord Conway,which with some charge is easily made defensible: but the Lord Conwaybeing imprison'd by some of our rebellious Subjects, and not able to furnish it, as is requi∣site for our Service, and the defence of those parts: You having begun at your own charge to put the same into repair, We do heart••y desire you to go on in that Work, assuring you that whatsoever Moneys you shall lay out upon the Fortification of the said Castle, shall be repayed unto you, before the Cusiody thereof shall be put into any other hand, than your own, as such as you shall recommend.

Upon the backside of this gracious Letter, this the Archbishop hath written with his own Hand:

I Jo. Archbishop of York have assigned my Nephew Mr.Will. Hookes Esq Alder∣man of Conway, to have the Custody of this Castle, mention'd in his Majesty's Letter under his Signet, until I shall be repay'd the Moneys, and Money-worth disbursed by me in the repair thereof, by virtue of this Warrant. And in case of Mortality, I do assign my NephewGryffith Williams to the same effect.

Jan. 2. 1643.

197. New Motions, and sudden started Counsels were no new thing at the Court in Oxford. Now the illustrious Prince Rupert is made the Generalissimo, and the Powers of the War are given to him. The Lord John Byron is entrust∣ed and furnish't with a part to secure North-Wales. Neither of them had success according to his Cause, or according to his Courage. What Charge his Maje∣sty gave to them both to listen to the Archbishops Counsels, appears in the fol∣lowing Letters.

From the King to Prince Rupert, Apr. 17. 1646

Right dear, and right entirely beloved Nephew, &c.

WHereas our most Reverend Father in God, our right trusty and entirely belovedJohn Archbishop of York, makes his abode in the remotest parts ofNorth-Wales, and hath been heretofore, by reason of his great and long experience, very useful to us in the advising and directing of the Commissioners of the Peace and Array, in the several Counties of Carnarvan, Anglesey, andMerioneth, in all things nearly con∣cerning our Service, Supplies, and Assistance: and that we have required the said Com∣missioners from time to time to listen to all his reasonable Counsels and Advice to that ef∣fect: We thought it sit to let you understand, that we have laid our Commands upon the said most Reverend Father in God, to do you (upon whom we have placed the care and government of those parts) the like Service in this kind, if you shall hold it fit to require it: the said Archbishop humbly desiring us it might be no otherwise imposed upon him, which we thought fit to signifie unto you. As also that esteem we have of his A∣bilities, and entire Affections in our Service, which we desire you to encourage by all fair respects. So we bid you heartily farewel.

Another of his Majesty's follows to the Archbishop, Febr. 25. 1645.

WHereas we have appointed the Lord Byron to Command in chief over all our Garrisons and Forces in North-Wales, and hope that by his good Conduct in those parts, our Service and the Countreys Security will be furthered with all diligence: Nevertheless, for his better and more effectual proceeding therein, we have thought to fit desire the ready concurrence with him of your self, and all our Friends: knowing well how considerable advantage yours and their hearty and unanimous endeavours with him there, will bring to our Service and Affairs. And in that respect, as well as your common interest and duty, we command your suitable compliance; which we assure you shall be looked upon by us, as a fresh acceptable Testimony of your Affections to Us, and our Cause, and preserved in our Royal remembrance, with the rest of your Merits, against the time, when it may please God to enable Us to reflect thereon for your good.

Thus far his Majesty, to make way for the Lord Byron, a gallant Person, a great Wit, a Scholar, very Stout, full of Honour and Courtesie, yet favour'd the English Interest above the Welsh in those Counties, which did not take. And the Dye of War run so false, that he lost the Cast to one, who had not the Ames-Ace of Valour in him. Neither did the scatter'd Forces of those distres∣sed Parts ever set them another Stake. Prince Rupert, observing the Royal Di∣rections, wrote largely, as followeth, May 16. 1644.

To all Governours, and Officers, to all Sheriffs, Commission∣ers of the Array, or Peace, all Vice-Admirals, or Captains of Ships in the three Counties.

WHereas I understand by his Majesty's Letters unto me lately directed, that the most Reverend Father in God, John Lord Archbishop of York, by reason of his great Experience and Imployments in the Affairs of this Kingdom, as well under my Grandfather of famous memory, as under his Majesty that now is, hath been intrust∣ed in the three Counties, &c. from the first beginning of these Troubles, and gives his best Advice in Matters of Importance, which have relation to the King's Service, and the Peace, and safe keeping of those Counties from all Invasions by Sea or Land: And that he hath discharged that Trust reposed in him, faithfully and successfully during the time of his abode in those parts; My will and pleasure is, That according to his Majesty's intimation to me, you, and every one of you, in all matters of importance and moment, touching or concerning his Majesty's, or my Service under his Majesty, in those Counties, as also in all Matters of Questions, Doubts, and Variances, which may fall out either among your selves, or between your selves and the several Counties wherein you govern, or command, shall from time to come consult and advise with the said most Reverend Father in God, and follow such his Advices and Counsels in the Premisses, which shall be grounded upon the Laws of the Land, or the pressing Necessities of these times, and agreeing with our Directions and future Instructions from time to time.

RUPERT.

Nothing was wanting of Royal and Princely care to preserve the Archbishop in Conway-Castle; yet all would not serve. There was none whom Envy did more strive to hold down upon all occasions, which his great Deservings brought upon him. So true is that of Synesius de provid. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: Vertue doth not quench Envy, but rather kindle it. One violent Person unframed all good Order, who would submit to no Authority: a hot Man, for he was ever dry: and he did not conceal it, for he was always drink∣ing.

198. That Affront waited more leisure to break forth, and suffered him to take a long and a tedious Journey in Winter to Oxford, in obedience to these Lines, which he received from his Majesty Decemb. 16. 1644.

CHARLES R.

WE having had frequent experience of your good Affection and Ability to serve us, and having occasion at this time to make use of them here, We have thought fit, and do by these Presents require you to repair hither to Us to Oxon, with all conve∣nient expedition. Desiring you to come as throughly informed, as you can, of the true condition of Our Affairs, &c.

Presently he set forward, (though the ways were much beset) and came in January with the first to the King, for he had many things to represent, and was not in his Element when he was consined in private Walls. He took up his Lodging with the Provost of Queens-Colledge Dr. Christopher Potter, a Master in Divinity, and a Doctor of Piety. He was received in the Court with much Grace, where he saw his stay must be short. For that City could not long re∣ceive so many Nobles and Gentry, as came to make a Session of Parliament: neither could so many of the King's principal Friends be spared from their Coun∣tries. Being then a good Husband of his time, and having private Audience with his Majesty, he gave him that Counsel to which Wisdom and Allegiance led him; as Thraseas Paetus, the famous Senator said, Suum esse non aliam quàm optimam sententiam dicere. One passage is fit to see the light, which had much of prudence in it, and too much of prophesie. He desir'd his Majesty to be in∣formed by him, and to keep it among Advices of weight, That Cromwel, taken into the Rebels Army by his Cousin Hambden, was the most dangerous Enemy that his Ma∣jesty had. For though he were at that time of mean rank and use among them, yet he would climb higher. I knew him, says he, at Bugden, but never knew his Religion. He was a common Spokes-man for Sectaries, and maintained their part with stubborn∣ness: He never discoursed as if he were pleased with your Majesty, and your great Offi∣cers: indeed he loves none that are more than his Equals. Your Majesty did him but Justice in repulsing a Petition put up by him against Sir Thomas Steward of the Isle of Ely; but he takes them all for his Enemies, that would not let him undo his best Friend: and above all that live, I think he is Injuriarum persequentissimus, as Porcius La∣tro said of Catiline. He talks openly that it is sit some should act more vigorously a∣gainst your Forces, and bring your Person into the power of the Parliament. He cannot give a good word of his General the Earl of Essex, because he says the Earl is but half an Enemy to your Majesty, and hath done you more favour than harm. His For∣tunes are broken, that it is impossible for him to subsist, much less to be what be aspires to, but by your Majesty's Bounty, or by the Ruin of us all, and a common Confusion, as one said, Lentulus salvâ Repub. salvus esse non potuit, Paterc. In short, every Beast hath some evil properties; but Cromwel hath the properties of all evil Beasts. My humble motion is, that either you would win him to you by the Promises of fair Treat∣ment, or catch him by some stratagem, and cut him short. Now if it shall be ob∣jected, Who reports this saving the Archbishop himself, to magnifie his own parts, that he was so excellent in fore-sight, and as Ajax slighted his Rival,

—Sua narret Ulysses —Quae sine teste gerit,

I satisfie it thus: His Servants, and they that daily listned to his Discourses, have heard it come from him, long before the accident of saddest experience, how some of them would live to see, when Cromwel would bear down all other Powers before him, and set up himself. The King received it with a smile; and said nothing. Darius destinatus sorti suae, etiam nullius salubris consilii patiens. Yet that Darius was the best of all the Persian Kings from Cyrus, and for want of heed to the best Counsels lost all. Our King was wise among wise men of the first magnitude: full of constant and great Vertues, all of them Pearls of a clear water, but had not the luck to hit the right, when he came to particulars. Yet I have heard some that were about him at Oxford protest, that he hath said in their hearing, I would some would do me the good Service to bring Cromwel to me alive or dead. All good Subjects were bigg with that wish, when it was too late.

Curt. lib. 8. Male humanis ingeniis natura consuluit, quod plerunque non futura, sed trans∣act a perpendimus: It is a sore Punishment upon Man's Understanding, that the Fillar of Fire is behind it, and the cloudy Pillar before it. The Fire lets it see the Harm that is done, that we may repent and bewail it; but the Cloud doth darken it be∣fore, that oft-times it hath no forecast to prevent it. Which is all one, as if a Knife should cut better with the Back than with the Edge.

199. Much Prayer and Fasting were indicted and observ'd at this time in Oxford: A mighty Expectation was raised, what the Parliament would bring forth, which opened there. But what Parliament shall we call it? The same that was summon'd to meet at Westminster, Nov. 3. 1640? The same: For they were the Members of them two Houses neither called by new Writs, or new chosen, but the best of the old Stock, summon'd hither by the King, to take to themselves their Right to be the High Court of Parliament: But the Parliament continued still at Westminster, and can one Body be in two places? Habent hoc publicae necessitates, ut impossibilia plerum{que} persuadeant, Quintil. lib. 6. c. 3. This was a Knot not easily to be unty'd, but a Scruple to distract the best Gown-men that had the soundest Judgment in the Laws: Nothing but high Necessity could resolve the Riddle, such a Necessity as could find no other way to save the King and his Kingdoms: That Necessity compelled to stride over the seeming Absur∣dity, to have one politick Body (not one natural) in two places. They that sate at Westminster were a Parliament by the force of an unhappy Statute pass'd to them two years before: They that sate at Oxford were the same Parliament removed thither, because they could not discharge their Trust with their fellow-Members, nor abide in Conscience to hear the King's Honour traduced daily; therefore the Common Safety, which they had undertaken as Members of Par∣liament, compelled them to such a way as was without President, because no Subjects had ever so much endanger'd the Crown of the King, and the Weal∣publick. New Injuries require new Remedies. And we may learn much from a Passage in Quintilian, lib. 7. Tot saeculis nullam repertam esse causam, quae sit tota alteri similis. The Members therefore of these two Houses took their places in the fair Schools of the University: Sir Richard Lain, Lord-Keeper of the Great-Seal, be∣ing Speaker in the House of the Lords, and Serjeant Sampson Evers in the House of Commons. An appearance there was beyond imagination, of the Peers and best Gentry: The words of the Oratour will set it out gracefully, Philip. 3. Talis Senatorum & dignitas, & multitudo fuit, ut magnâ excusatione iis opus sit, qui talie in castra non venerunt. The King was marvelously pleased with the frequency of so many couragious persons, whom he knew not well how to protect, least of all to reward them: As the same Author writes it of Tarquin driven out of Rome, lib. de amicit. Se intellexisse quos fidos amicos habuisset, quosque insidos, cum jam neutris gratiam referre possit. So the good King knew not Sheep from Goats, Loyal from rebellious, till he was neither in condition to chastise the one, or advance the other. After great Consult in Parliament, when the best Oratours had been fully heard, it was unanimously resolved, that this Share of Parliament should send a Message to the other Share, (with Leave obtained from their General the Earl of Essex) for His Majesty's Safety, to come to London, for suspension of Arms, to fill up the House at Westminster, with one Body, all Affronts on both sides to be obliterated, and Conditions for Amity for the future, and the Publick Good to be propounded. All which was uncivilly rejected, and nothing gran∣ted, but to stand to the mercy of an insolent Clutter. Of the King's Parliament (which had agreed in a most reasonable Message, though proudly scorn'd) some voted, in the warmth of their Courage, that the Part at Westminster was an illegal and trayterous Convention. Some slaked the Flame with cool Argu∣ments, That they were very bad Members, and greatly abused their Trust, yet they kept their Places by the consent of both Houses, and the Royal Consent had pass'd it into an Act: That this course would emperil the validity of all Parliaments past and to come: That the Blame would fall upon the King prin∣cipally, whose confirmation of their continuance to hold out this Session was not revocable; Princeps ad contractum tenetur ut privatus, cum maximè in eo requiri∣tur bona sides, Duckius de Jure, p. 44. That the King's Forces were thin, ill arm'd, ill paid, and it behoved not them that were low to use high words: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, AEschyl. They that are declin'd, must encline to Moderation. The resolute Members answer'd, It was true, an Act of Parliament cannot be revoked, but by a Parliament. What did they make of this Body of Lords and

Commons met at Oxford? They would draw a Bill, and offer it to the King, to repeal that stale Association. The King had ratified their Bill for continua∣tion of a Session; but a Promise holds not, if such a Mischief break out upon it, as the Promiser cannot with Conscience and Safety hold Faith with them. It is a Maxim in the most ancient Laws of the World, Omnia debent idem esse quae suerant cum promitterem, ut promittentis fidem teneas, Senec. de ben. lib. 4. c. 35. The Success of the Enemy was not so prosperous as it was given out and seared, but were they ten times stronger, they would not abate them a jot of the Im∣peachment of Traytors. The more Violence they did use to shake off that name, the more it would cleave to them. But let the times grow worse,

—Sors ubi pessima rerum, Sub pedibus timor est. Metamor. lib. 15.

And our last Breath shall be in Cicero's words, Phil. 7. Dicam quod dignum est Se∣natore & homine Romano, moriamur. Death is not so formidable as to submit to Rebels. Which of these two Opposites did argue best, let Solomon judge, if he were alive, in which mind I dismiss it; for that which outgoes my Knowledge shall never undergo my Censure. As our English People say, Much Cry and little Wool; these two Houses produced small things in the close: Nothing more un∣certain than what a Parliament will bring forth in the end. At the Colloquy at Ratisbon, Tanner granted, that the Pope might err in a Council, unless he used all due and ordinary means: But the Jesuit in effect granted nothing; For, says he, without all doubt and question he doth ever use those means. But if a Parlia∣ment were all Popes, and made out their Consults with the Line and Plumbet of the best Diligence, Obliquity would fall out, because all human Light burns dim in the Lanthorn of thick misty Passions. It is observ'd, that His Majesty removed one Parliament to Oxon in the first of his Reign, this other in the nine∣teenth, both rose up abruptly, and gave him small content. How is it that publick Councils were improsperous in those delicate Seats of Arts and Sciences? The Genius of the place is not pleased with those Areopagites, for they are not proper Visitors of its learned Foundations. Themistius hath these words in an Oration upon the Muses, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, They all agree very well together, but the Muses like no other company.

200. Oxford wanted not Bishops at this time, many lodg'd in it; but they were excluded to sit and vote as Peers in Parliament, yet their presence serv'd for very good use. His Majesty had preferred Dr. Frewin, the President of Mag∣dalen-College, to the Bishoprick of Lichfield and Coventry, whom none of his Predecessors did exceed in Prudence, Bounty, and Advancement of learned Scholars, who was consecrated by the Archbishop of York in the Chappel of his own College, and feasted the Nobles and Clergy in a fair Room built at his own Cost. It is not to be pass'd over, that he left the Presidentship of that Col∣lege, a place of Security and Plenty, to take a Bishoprick, when those Dignities were voted out of the Church by the Disciplinarians, and their Revenues offer'd to sale to pay the Charges of their Army. Which was an act of as much Hope and Courage, as that Roman's in Livy, That when Rome was besieged by Hanni∣bal, bargain'd for, and bought that piece of Land, upon which the Carthaginians had pitch'd their Camp. To return from this little Diversion into the great Road, When the Parliament had made a recess, His Majesty call'd a few able Statesmen to him in private, among whom our Archbishop was one, and being the first in precedency, was called upon to begin, and to say freely what might best be done, to bring His Majesty, and his faithful part, out of those Troubles, which the Lords and Gentlemen, that lately undertook it, had left no better than they found them. The Archbishop was very backward, and made many Excu∣ses, desiring to hear others, that had been more assiduous in those great Affairs, which being not granted, he was honester than the Oracle of Apollo, as Eusebius objects it to the Pagans, lib. 6. Praep. Evan. c. 1. That the Oracle, much importu∣ned in a certain case, and loth to give an Answer, burst out into this passion, Retine vim istam: falsa enim dicam si coges: An Evasion sit for the Couesels of the Devil. But the Archbishop took his mark from St. Ambrose, Ep. 29. to Theodo∣sius, Ne{que} est imperiale libertatem dicendi negare, ne{que} Sacerdotale quod sentias non di∣cere. So he broke into the matter.

Sir, says he to the King, my Opinion will be strange, and I fear, unwelcome: If it please not, yet do not impute it to Falshood or Fear, but to Error and Mistaking. Your Militia is couragious, but small, not like to encrease, and then not to hold out. Your Enemies multiply, and by this time your Army hath taught them to fight: They are in Treaty with the Scots, to make a Recruit; and the Princes and States beyond Seas, to their shame, give them countenance. Their Treasurers at Westminster boast, that it costs them large Moneys every month to keep Correspondence with their Intelligencers and Spies about you. Your Souldiers in their March and Quarters are very unruly, and lose the Peoples Affections every where, by the Oppressions they sustain. Out of these Premises I inferr, and I engage my Life to your Majesties Justice, and my Soul to God's Tribunal, that I know no better course than to struggle no further, since so it is the Will of God, and to refer all to the pleasure and discretion of that unkind and insolent Parliament at Westminster, but with the preservation of your Majesties Crown and Person, to which they have all taken an Oath to offer no Hurt or Violence, and have renewed it in many Protestations: As likewise with the Indemnity of your Adherents; for we save a Ship with the loss of the Goods, not of the Passengers. If any thing will soften them, it will be this most pacifick and gracious Condescention. The Heathens speak rudely, that Con∣stancy in Suffering will tire out the Cruelty of the Gods; but certainly such a Sufferance and Self-denial as resigns up your Majesties Cause and Trust quite unto them, will make the worst of them asham'd of their pertinacy, and mel•••••• the best into a shower of Repentance: But if your Majesty disdains to go so low, and will not put the good of the Church and Kingdom upon their Faith, to which Misery, I fear our Sins have brought us, I am ready to run on in the common Hazard with your Majesty, and to live and dye in your Service.

There was danger in so much Plain-lealing; for Xenophon, lib. 2. Hist. re∣lates, that in a Case to this as near as can be, Archestratus was cast in Prison, for advising the Athenians to take such Conditions of Peace, as the Lacedemonians would give them, after their great Overthrow at Aegos-potamos. Yet some noble persons, at the prosecution of this Consultation, struck in with the Archbishop's Judgment, the most dissented, the King was not pleased in it, and the Burden lay upon the Fore-man that began it. Says the Son of Syrach, c. 7, 5. Boast not of thy Wisdom before the King. The Note of Grotius is extant upon it, Qui excellunt sapientiâ suspecti fermè regibus. But the Gallantry of the Array were quite out of patience to hear of it, their Heaven upon Earth was to see the day that they might subdue and be revenged of the Roundheads. The common Souldier, that subsisted upon Pay and Plunder, had as lieve dye as lose his Trade: Tanta dul∣cedo est ex alienis fortunis praedandi, Liv. lib. 6. Now, because this was called the Archbishop's Judgment, though others consented, and suffer'd hard words, it will be to some purpose to unfold it a little, and to defend the Innocent: For he that lives may out-wear a Disgrace, not he that is dead: Therefore Arist. main∣tains it in his ninth Problem, that it is more just to do right to the Dead, than to the Living.

201. First, let the magnanimous Junto be heard, who would try the hazard of War to the last, and had rather lose their Heads, than put them under the Girdle of a Presbyterian Conventicle: It is enough (quoth they) to lend our Ears to a dishonourable Advice; but shall we buy Peace with Dishonour? We will never rent it for so much: He that fears Death, doth not enjoy his Life. It was an Ignominy in the Athenians, which they will never blow off, Just. lib. 5. Imminente periculo belli major salut is quàm dignitatis cura fuit. Faint Hearts, that in a sore War had more re∣spect to their Safety than their Dignity. We are not of Athens, but of England; and what are they under whose Authority we should truckle? Heady, arrogant, im∣placable, that look upon their Speaker's Mace, as if it were the Scepter that sway'd the whole World. Adeo est natura multitudinis, aut servit humiliter, aut impotenter dominatur, Liv. lib. 23. One of the three things that disquiet the Earth, says Solomon, is an Handmaid that is Heir to her Mistriss, Prov. 30.23. But it will disquiet the Earth a great deal more, to have such Vassals exalted to be Kings, and while His Majesty lives, to become Heirs to their Master. We'll not cap and kneel to them, we'll meet them on Hounslow-health. Totidem nobis animae{que} manusque, Aen. 10. We cannot believe that God will suffer such Foes and Furies to prosper any longer; Fortune hath served them, and will soon be weary of that Service. Nulli fortuna tam dedita est, ut multa tentanti ubi{que} respondeat, Senec.

lib. 1. de irâ, c. 3. We are great Sinners we confess, yet we are obedient to the Church, loyal to the King, faithful to our Laws and Country. Non potest baerere in tam bonâ causâ & tam bonis civibus tam acerba injuria, Cic. Orat. pro Caecinnâ. Our fellow-Subjects in London, and most about in all places, have been entranced or bewitch'd; Neighbour-Princes are drowsie and supine, not aware that their turn will come shortly, if they endure a Rebellion so near them, and not ad∣vance to correct it. The Crown of England hath never wanted Aid in the most desperate plunges. Regum afflictae fortunae multorum opem alliciunt ad misericordiam, quod regale nomen magnum, & Sanctum esse videtur, Orat. pro le. Manil. But whatsoever becomes of us, God forbid the King should leave himself to the will of the Kirk, and John Knoxe's Scholars. The Indignities they shew'd to his Grandmother will never be forgotten. Trust these broken Reeds? Parthis fides dictis faclisque nulla, nisi ubi expedit, Just. lib. 21. They are lovers of their own Faction, fal••e to all the World beside. In fine, this is a Knot not to be unloo∣sened with our Tongue, as if we were Boys at Blow point, but we will cut it asunder with our Swords. This was strong and rough. But to this one of the Lords of the Moderation would be like to reply, That it were pity such re∣doubted Valour should not be reserved for Service of more likely Success.

—Quantum ipse feroci Virtute exuperas, tantò me impensiùs aequum est Consulere, atque omnes m••tuentem expendere casus. Aen. 11.

Our Sins have brought us to this dejection, to ask Quarter of them, when it was our Right to have given Mercy and Life to them, when they had beg'd it. I expect these will shew no Generosity to their Betters upon the close. Omne ••l justum censent, quicquid superior contra inferiorem decerneret; as Augustus said of the Pannenians, Dion. lib. 44. The baser their Carriage shall be to His Majesty and his Friends, the worse it will be for themselves, for it will make their Tyranny more odious. Do you imagine, when we yield so far, but that we foresee their own Pride and Demerits will in a little time cast them out of possession, and we are confident, ere long, all will revert into its former Channel. God se••••geth us by them, to let the People feel the difference between the Reign of a sweet King, and the Violence of a sort of Mahumetan Bashaws. As in the like case God says, 2 Chron. 12.8. Nevertheless they shall be Shisach's servants, that they may know my service, and the service of the Kingdoms of the Countries. Gentlemen, you see much Hope to raise up the King, but where? in that Courage that is within your selves. I cannot see it abroad. Trust not in Princes, nor in any Child of Man. The next-neighbour King, the French I mean, might and ought to assist His Majesty by alliance of Blood; and I think I say not amiss, that he is his greatest Enemy. I remember the words of a Stranger, that writes our History, Polyd. Virg. lib. 23. Hine colligere licet Aethiopem posse priùs mutare pellem, quàm qui terram incolunt Gallicam valde multum diligere Anglos. At home in our own Country the silly People every day fall away apace. Si labant res lassae iti∣dem amici collabaseunt, Plaut. in Styc. And we our selves are in part guilty of it. Most look to govern Garrisons, and to take Contributions of the Villages to the quick, and to spend them lavishly; as Diodor says, lib. 5. That the Dogs at Cuma leave the scent of the Beasts they hunt, and stoop to smell at the Flowers of the Meadows: Therefore I say, before we be quite abandoned, and our Fortunes stoop lower, give this Sop to Cerberus, give them a Blank, and we shall bleed fewer ounce; of Wealth and Honour. I would I knew once the worst that shall be imposed on us: It is better to grieve for what we bear, than to fear at Un∣certainty what we may bear. Doleas quantum scias accidisse, timeas quantum potest accidere, Plin. lib. 8. Grief is finite, but Fear is infinite. That Parliament dare not but receive the King with all outward Gratulations, they have made so much protestation to it already, and the Law of God and Nations extort it: For if the People rebel, and be tired out to submit, the King is still bound to keep his Oath, and to govern them by his known Laws. And if the King be wearied out in a Civil War, and let the People win the Day, the People must still perform their sworn Allegiance to the King. You hear my Judgment dif∣ferent from worthy persons in a great case, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: It is an honourable Error to be mistaken in so great a matter. Marvel not that my

words appear the fruits of a low Spirit; marvel that the Anger of God hath compelled us to it. I reckon not my self in the motion, but the King, his Po∣sterity, and his Kingdoms. Wisdom is not the same thing at all times; neither is Truth always of the same stature. Hear Tully, because he never spake better, Orat. pro Planc. Hoc de sapientibus, & clarissimis viris accepi, non semper easdem senten∣tias ab ••••••dem, sed quascunque reip. status, inclinatio temporum, & ratio concordiae po∣stulant esse deferendas. And it is noted in as great a Christian, as he was a Hea∣then, That exactness of Honour, Justice, and Decorum cannot be kept even at all times, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Synes. ep. 67. So that the Counsels of the great Athanasius did give place to the variation of Times. The Leaders of both sides have spoken; but the negative did carry it. Perhaps I may say with the old Proverb, Chorus ejus major est, meus meliùs eccinit: yet I would rebuke him that should think the worse of those heroically resolved men from the fatal Accidents of succeeding Times. Doubtless we had compounded for less blood, less loss of Honour, less confusion with the Presbyters then, than with the Independent or Congregational Tyranny after. The first pinnion'd our Arms, the latter cut them off. The first were like the Philistines, which made the Children of Israel their Slaves; the other were the Chaldaeans that mur∣der'd our King, pulled down every great Man's House, and the House of the Lord. The one gave us Vinegar to drink, and the other Gall. The one made us a miserable nation, the other have made us execrable Parricides to God and Man.

202. All being run over, and disputed in this Argument, the Archbishop controuled not the greater number, and therein the better, because the King was better satisfied to try his right by his Sword. It is fit to serve Kings in things lawful with undiscoursed Obedience, which Climachus calls Sepulchrum voluntatis:

—For we deny When Kings do ask, if we ask why,

says our Master Poet Johnson. So the Archbishop took the Ball fairly, not at the ••••oly, but at the first rebound. It is a Motto of great sense and use, which Mr. Gataker cites Lib. ••. Anton. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a good man is either right or rectified: as some Plants grow straight, some are help't by adminiculation to be straight: and some are wise at the first sight, some not until the second inspection into a Cause. Now our Prelate leaves Oxford at the opening of the Spring, with a Charge from his Majesty to look to North-Wales, chiefly Conway-Castle; with easie Journeys, and the safe-guard of some Forces, that march't the most of the way that he road, he came to Conway, and that was his last Journey in this World, where some few years after, like old Jacob, Gen. 49.33. He gathered up his feet into his bed, where he first set his feet upon the Ground.

Felix qui prepriis aevum transegit in arvis: Ipsa domus pucrum quem videt, ipsa senem. Claudias.

One year, and a tedious one, run out, in listning to things abroad, how the King's Forces and his Garrisons did speed. The bold Britains would believe them that reported the best, and the best was that they were Cadmaean Wars, Et semper praelia clade pari, Propert. It molested them not alittle, that they were jealous among themselves, how to keep their own. For we that live in the South slander them, if their common men be not Filchers and Thieves.

And though it were piped by a Mouse, It must needs come to Fame's House;

says noble Chaucer. As many in those Counties, as had Plate, Coin, Jewels, Moveables that were precious, besides their Writings and Evidences, got favour of the Archbishop to slow them up in the Castle, each Person having an In∣ventory of his own share. And some suspected to be corrupt-hearted to the Royal Cause, obtained that favour; the ground of much ensuing mischief. But it was the forecast of the wise Prelate to take Hostages, as it were, from such, and to be secured against their Revolt, being in possession of the best of their

Substance. A Twelve-month after Sir Jo. Owen, a Colonel for the King, that had gone out with a Regiment of Foot, and returned after a year with a few of the shatter'd Remnant, though he had been unfortunate against his Enemies, would try his Valour upon his Friends, and contrived how to recover his Debts and Damages with the Spoil of Conway-Castle: slighting with the clack of his singers all sober Counsel, That all North-Wales was concern'd to have their Wealth in the custody of so trusty a person as his Grace of York, that their hearts were with their bag and baggage; if he made a prey of it, their whole Body would turn a∣gainst him; that nothing would prosper after it in the King's behalf, that their Atlas in those parts, the Archbishop, had the custody under the Signet to remain quiet in it, till his cost bestowed on it should be refunded to him, which was not hitherto treated upon or offer'd, that the Prince, the General, had corroborated his Majesty's pleasure therein, and had commanded all Officers by Sea and Land to assist him in it. What Conditions could be assured to any man by Royal Faith, if these were broken? A violent Man, and a Furioso was deaf to all this, and purchast the favour of Prince Ru∣pert to be made under his Hand (not equal to the King's Signet) to be Com∣mander of the Castle, and by force he surprized it, and entred it: which in somewhat more than one year was taken from him by Colonel Milton, who re∣lieved the Archbishop, and such as had Interest in it, to carry away their Goods which remained. All this fell into a hard Construction, derogating much to the Archbishops credit; and the infamy was not only hot, when it was fresh, but it cools not much to this time. Though Love hath a soft hand to touch where it loves, I will not so far defend the whole Process, but I confess he was more earnest than advised in this unlucky action. Camerarius penning the Life of Melanchthon, casts in a few sweet words thus, Out of my great opinion of him, Quaedam fortè cariùs existimem quàm mereantur: But I disdain to call bad good, and darkness light. Yet in justice I must patronize the noble Williams against Mr. Sanders. Hist. p. 889. in these Lines, That he fortified his Garrison against the King, and dissuaded the Country from contribution to the King. Those were Times, when he wrote, to outface Truth, and willing to listen to Slanders: no wonder if many took the liberty, and had the confidence to broach Fictions. And it is a great advantage against the Truth, when Lies and false Rumours have got the start to speak first, chiefly when they have spread long,

Mensuraque ficti Crescit, & auditis semper novus addidit autor. Ovid.

Thus much I will undertake, to inform all Readers with truth in the matter, and satisfie the greatest part of many men with a clear Apology.

203. He builds ill that lays not a sure Foundation, therefore my Entrance shall be from the very words, not a syllable varied, wherein the Archbishop laid forth to his Majesty, how he had suffered from Sir Jo. Owen, which he sent to Oxford by Captain James Martin, a faithful and undaunted Soldier; and by his dili∣gence it was registred among other Complaints, when he could get no more. The Instructions follow:

1. Upon the Ninth of May 1645. Sir J. Owen Governour of Conway, about Se∣ven of the Clock in the Evening, before the Night-guard was sent unto the Castle, the possession whereof was placed by the King in the Archbishop of York, and his Assigns, upon great and valuable considerations by his gracious Letters, and under his Majesty's Hand and Signet, bearing date at Oxford August. 1. 1643. did with bars of iron and armed men, break the Locks and Doors, and enter into the said Castle, and seize upon the Place, the Victuals, Powder, Arms, and Ammunition, laid in by the said Arch∣bishop at his own charge, without the least contribution from the King or the Country, for the defence of the place, and the Service of the King and the said Country.

2. That being demanded by the said Archbishop to suffer two of the said Archbishop's men to be there with his rabble of Grooms and beggerly People, to see the Goods of the Country preserv'd from filching, and the Victuals and Ammunition from wasting and purloyning, Sir John in a furious manner utterly refused it, though all the Company cried upon him to do so for his own discharge, yet would he not listen to any reason, but pro∣mised the next day to suffer all things to be inventoried, and the Lord Archbishop to take away what the would, Sir John acknowledging all the Goods and Ammunition to be his.

3. The next day he receded again from all this, would not permit at the entreaty of the Bishop of St. Asaph, his own Cousin-German, any of the Archbishop's men to go and look to the Goods, nor suffer his servants to fetch forth for his Grace's use (who hath lin∣ger'd long under a great sickness and weakness) either a little Wine to make him some Cawdles, or so much as a little of his own stale Beer to make him Possets, which all the Country conceive to be very barbarous.

4. The said Sir John continueth rambling from place to place, and detaineth still all the Goods of the Country, laid up in this Castle, as conceived to be owned by the Arch∣bishop, who was like to be responsal for them; and had duly returned them in other years: and threatens to seize upon the Plate, and all things else of Value to his own use. Than which no Rebel or Enemy could deal more outragiously.

5. The Archbishop desires his Majesty would repossess him of the right of this Castle, according to his Majesty's Grant made upon valuable consideration. And that if his Majesty's pleasure be, that Sir Jo. Owen (or any other Man of more moderation and less precipitancy) should be there, he come under the Archbishop his Assignment, as right requires, and as Colonel Ellis and Mr. Chichely were content to do, and did. To the which the Archbishop (as Colonel Ellis and Sir Will. Legg can witness) was ever wil∣ling to give way.

6. That howsoever, the Archbishop may have all his Goods and Chattels all his Cannon, Arms, Ammunition, Powder, Provision in Beef, Beer, Wine, Cheese, Butter, Oatmeal and Corn presently restored to him. And what is wasted and made away, may be answer'd to him by Sir John: As also that all the Inhabitants of this and the Neighbour Countries, may have their Goods presently out of the Castle, before they be pilfered and imbezeled.

7. Or otherwise, that his Majesty, and Prince Rupert his Lieutenant, will graciously permit and suffer, with their gracious favour, the said Archbishop and Inhabitants of the Country, to repair with their Complaints to the Assembly at Oxford, and the Committee there, against these, and many other Outrages and Concussions of the said Sir Jo. Owen, under colour of being Governour and Sheriff of this Town, not warranted by any of his Commissions.

Every Line of this Remonstrance is just, humble, pathetical, yet came to no∣thing. The time was protracted from week to week, and at last an Answer, like to a Denial, is given to Capt. Martin, That it should be consider'd at more lei∣sure. One Hector, a phrase at that time for a daring Russian, had the ear of great ones sooner than five strict men, that served the King unblameably before God and all his People. But when the Messenger return'd to Wales, and brought not the least satisfaction, not a complemental Excuse to pacifie the Archbishop, he said nothing, lest he should have said too much: But as Livy notes upon Fabius the Consul, when Papirius Cursor was made Dictator over his head, Apparuit in∣signem dolorem ingenti animo comprimi: A great Spirit was chased with a great In∣dignity.

204. Fifteen Months were run out after the Archbishop received this baffle to be postponed to Sir J. Owen (the time is truly digited) and a year of dark∣ness and gloominess came upon this miserable Land. Nasby Fight was struck, the Lord Jacob Astly defeated, the Western strong Holds reduced to Fairfax, Chester surrendred, Oxford it self begirt; as Mindarus wrote to Sparta in his short Country Language, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, all that was good was undone. Chester being possest by Col. Milton, the Door into North-Wales, he, full of Animosity a∣gainst the Royal Cause, marcheth over Dee, through Flint and Denbyshires, unto the Town of Conway, where the Conawians would as soon fight for a May-poll, as for Sir J. Owen. The amazed People turn to the Archbishop, look upon his strong wisdom and grey hairs to stop the cruelty of the Conquerour, and to lighten the yoke of their Misery. And an aged Counseller is a Soveraign help at such a pinch. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Plut. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Long time of Life, which robs us of all things else, pays us the Principal again with Use in Knowledge and Wisdom. The Archbishop's Grace calls some few to Counsel with him, who agree to parly with Milton (one that un∣derstood his own strength, and their weakness). The Welsh made some high Demands, which were not heard patiently. They perceived Milton's mind was at the Castle, where the Archbishop's Wealth, and of divers far and near was deposited, which was ready to come every jot into the Colonels power; whom they perceived to be rather haughty than covetous, and they closed by insinuations with him, relating how Sir J. Owen had surprized the

Castle, detained their Goods, and insulted over them, who had born Arms in the same Cause, therefore they offer'd to joyn with him to put him into the Castle, with condition that every Proprietary might obtain what he could prove by the Archbishops Inventory to belong to him, and for the Overplus, let it fall to the Colonels Mercy; whose Consent the Archbishop's Art and fair Language drew on. And not the least time being spent in delay, the Soldiers entred the Castle both by Scalada, and by forcing the Gates, assisted by the Archbishop's Kindred, and other Welch; and Milton kept the Castle, and kept his Word, to let the Owners divide the Goods among themselves, to which they laid Title, and could prove it. Let another take the Archbishop's room, and discharge it better. That which was lost, the Castle, could not be kept; that which was saved helpt the King's Friends to subsist, which his gracious goodness would allow. Yes, but Milton was a Rebel. And may not a Rebel be used to do acts of Justice or Charity? Licet uti alieno peccato, is often allowed in most conscion∣able Divinity. Make the case that one of the King's Ships at Sea piratically board a London Merchant, and spoil him; shall the Merchant be debarred from imploring an Algiers Captain to get him his own again, if he could find that favour? Here's the case, and all the case, upon whose mis-report the Arch∣bishop's good Name did suffer deeply. For whose justification more may be said, than they that love detraction are willing to hear. Says Sanderson, He for∣tified his Garrison against the King: No such matter. Mliton took the Garrison, and kept it: but his Grace retired to his dear Kinswoman's House, the Lady Mostyn. Yet says another, He was forward in the action in his own person, which was to fall away from the King. It is replyed, He was ever slow to revenge an unjust wrong, but earnest to recover a just right: which Salust commends in Jugurtha's Wars, Non minus est turpe sua relinquere, quàm aliena invadere injustum. This made him thrust himself in among the Assailants, which in my censure of his Carriage did not become him. Else what harm was it to save his own stake and his Friends, without prejudice to the King's interest, whose Part could no longer hold any Garrison in England:

Non vires alias, conversaque numinasentis! Cede Deo— Aen. 11.

From his Fidelity to his Majesty he never went back an inch. He suffered in the imputation to the contrary as innocently, as the Prophet Jeremy did, c. 37.13. who when he had separated himself from the People, Irijah laid hold of him, and said, Thou fallest away to the Chaldaeans. So Athanasius was banisht by the good Emperour Constantine, being impeacht that he hindered the victualling of Alexandria, which might have endanger'd the ruin of the City. What did our Archbishop in this otherwise than his Excellency the noble Marquess of Ormond, whom Sanderson justly praiseth, That he thought it more honourable to surrender to the Parliament Forces, what the King held in Ireland, than to suffer the interest of the English Protestants, to fall under the power of the Irish Papists. Acti∣ons are not rigidly to be perpended, into which one is thrust by necessity. A mild man, Nazianzen, pleaded pardon for them, who, being shew'd the wrack, set their hands to Athanasius's banishment; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Orat. de laud. Athanasii. Their Mind was true, their Pen was forced. In∣tegrity must be more precious to a Man than his Life: but in some things to be reduced to obey Rebels is no departure from Integrity. He was a Lord Chan∣cellour of France, whose Decipher agrees exactly with this great Prelate, some∣times Lord Keeper of the Great Seal, Guido Rupifalcaudius citra ignaviam circum∣spectus, & generosè cautus: & tempori ita cedens, ut consertis manibus integritatem fer∣varet, Budaeus de As. fol. 36.

205. The Historian Sanderson's Ink drops another Blot upon the Archbishop's Honour, That he dissuaded the Country from Contribution to the King. I must ex∣claim as Demosthenes did, when Aeschines run into a great Absurdity, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; why do you not take Hellebore, or Bears-foot, as we call it in English, to purge Melancholy? So quite is every thing mistaken. For the Welch in those Parts had now laid down their Arms, the Enemy being six to one that was broke in upon them. Omnes, quorum in alterius manu vita posita est, saepiùs cogitant, quid potest is, cujus in ditione, & potestate sunt, quàm quid ipsi de∣bent facere, Cic. pro Quinctio. It was no time for the Subdued to shew their Teeth, when they could not bite. Besides, they paid no Contribution before,

but for their own defence, neither carried Moneys out of their own Country: The scarcity of Coin is well known in that remote corner of the Kingdom; they have Meat and Drink good store for their Bellies, and home-spun Frieze for their backs, as the Modern Greeks have a Proverb in barbarous words, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, God provides thick Mantles for clothing, where there are hard Frosts. But the Silver of the Welch, which they talk of is in the Mines of the Mountains, not in their Purses: or you may say their Sacks are full of Corn, but they are not so lucky as Joseph's Brethren were, to have mo∣ney likewise in their Sacks mouths, Gen. 42.27. Yet suppose they had been able now to make a bountiful Levy, would Milton have suffered them to send it to the King? Or might it be, they could have done it by stealth, their Friends at Oxford were block't up, and could not come by it. Collect then, what un∣likelyhood, nay, what impossibility there was to dissuade those Counties from Contribution to the King. 'Tis far better yet on the Archbishops side, he might go bare-faced through the World, and not be asham'd, but rather ad∣mired for the good Service he did to his depressed Country-men in their great∣est necessity. Livy says of the Corinthians, when they look't for hard bondage from the Romans, and quite above their expectation, a Praeco standing by the Commander of the Legions proclaimed Liberty to them, and to all the van∣quish't Graecians, Mirabundi velut somni speciem arbitrabantur: So after the Arch∣bishop had turn'd Milton up and down with fine Discourses, and wrought him like Wax, the People thought they were in a Dream, when their League was made upon these Conditions, That none of those Counties should compound for De∣linquency, nor be burthen'd with Free-quarter, nor have the Covenant offer'd to them, nor be charged with Taxes, but only in Victual for Men and Horse in the Garrisons. As Valerius says Lib. 7. of Anaximenes saving Lampsacum, by turning Alexander's vow to destroy it, to be the obligation to save it, Salus urbis vasramenti beneficio constitit: So these Cambro-Britains were conserved by the cunning and dexterity of a Master-wit, and let Col. Milton come in for his share of easiness and leni∣ty. Oxford had tolerable Articles of Immunity upon the Surrender: Exeter had better than it: but North-Wales had the best of all; and was never much opprest after, but by Vavasor Powel: he and his fellow Praedicants ransack't all that the poor Church had, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Soph. Antig. Those New-light-men, that thought they were near to be Prophets, were very rapacious and covetous. Let the Archbishop's carriage super totam materiam now be brought to the Touch-stone: except some unadvisedness to venture personally upon the Castle (and it was no worse) had been, I see nothing could make any noise, which made the entrance to a wrong, but a great suspicion. Dr. Harmer hath flourish't it over with fine Latin to bring off the Archbishop from obloquy: but I am better acquainted from sure Hands and Papers about every occur∣rence, and leave him to his own elegancies. This was the Judgment of Col. Samuel Sands of Ambersly near to Worcester, which he gave to Mr. John Griffith, and the resolution of Col. Samuel Sands of Ewel in Surrey delivered to my self, That this matter was discoursed by many as good as themselves, and that all concluded, it was an Action very excusable, and full of prudence, and that the most of them were acquainted with the Apology which his Grace made to his Majesty. How unlike is it that this Man should be unfaithful to the King at this blunt only, and make his Life so unlike to it self in all his proceedings and stu∣dies before and after? It is a motion which Tully makes, Orat. pro Sullâ, and a just Judge cannot deny it: Neque potest quisquam nostrum subito fingi, neque cujus∣quam vita repentè mutari, aut naturâ converti. Vita torqueatur, ex illâ quaeratur. An excellent Rule of Reason and Charity to silence many Defamations. Take another Maxim, which is good in all Courts in and out of England. Qui in rea∣tu decedit integro statu decedit, Bad. l. 2. in Pand. f. 3. The Archbishop was ne∣ver brought to Answer for this imputed Misdemeanour; yet that will not drive the Nail home: but he that is impleaded, and yet no Judgment award∣ed, dies an Innocent. Few consider how odious the voice of Slander is be∣fore the God of Truth. In the two and twentieth Chapter of Deuteronomy, compare the 19th and 29th Verses, and you shall find, how he that defames a Virgin to be a Whore, is amerced in twice as many Shekels, as he that deflou∣red a Maid, and made her a Whore. If the Slanderer have recourse for his own Apology to common Report and Fame, his Judgment marcheth after the Devil's Drum. Our time honoured Chaucer, in his pretty Fiction of the House

of Fame, condemns the Giddiness of common Talk, in a very pleasant Art: That Aeolus brought two Trumpets to Fames House, one of Laud, another of Slander; That Fame would not suffer Aeolus to wind out the Praise of some, though most deserving; bad him cry up others of no merit; authoriz'd him to disgrace divers, that had done things worthy of Renown.

Speak of them Harm and Shrewdness, Instead of Good and Worthiness: For thou shalt Trumpet all contrair, If that they have done well and fair: Some new thing, I wot not what, Tydings, either this or that.

When Aeolus's foul Blasts are over, which will not continue long, the Glory of this Archbishop, and his Innocency, will mount above the Envy and Credu∣lity of his Foes; wherewith his Memory must be content, as Socrates was Cum ab hominibus sui temporis parum intelligebatur, posterorum judiciis se reservavit, Quintil. lib. 11.

206. What a long range of Displacings, Disfavours, Censures, Sequestrings, Im∣prisonments, Hurries to and fro, and Revilings hath this famous Prelate met with in his troublesome Life, and rather pass'd by them than through them? No Cross could come so heavy to him, but he could cut it into small shivers, and play with them in his Hand, but never take the whole weight upon his Shoulder: As the Gloss says on Exod. 4. v. 4. when Moses put forth his Hand, and took the Serpent by the Tail, and it became a Rod in his Hand, Ut serpens, ad laedendum sit baculus ad sustentandum: So the Oppressures that in Three and twenty years, without intermission, exercis'd the Defence and Patience of one man, made him stand the stronger. Not a Stoick, but a Christian, may say, Though Miseries have a real Evil in them not to be denied, yet there is much of meer Opinion in their nature. That Industry which is the daily Vocation of a diligent man, would crack the Sinews of a Sluggard. That Solitariness which is one mans Comfort, is anothers Captivity. That Abstinence, which is Health to a sober man, would put a Glutton in fear of starving. And those Troubles which are Potions to a weak Constitution, are Wine and Myrrhe to the found and lusty. I reach not too high when I set forth this Archbishop to be an undaunted Suffe∣rer, like Paul rather than Job, one that could wipe off Afflictions as easily as he could dry his Hands when he had wash'd them: Yet in the end one emi∣nent Sorrow cut his Heart,

Exemplo{que} carens, & nulli cognitus aevo Luctus.— Lucan.

and no Comfort could ever cure it, but Death. Our excellent, but most unfor∣tunate King, took a strange farewel of Oxford: Fermè fugiendo in media fata ruitur, says Livy; What God wills shall be done; he that shuns his Destiny meets it by flying from it. His Majesty, unwilling to stay to the last in a City begirt, (for it would be inglorious to fall into the Hands of his Subjects, like a Prisoner) by the perswasion of Monsieur Mountrevile, went privily out of Oxford, and put himself into the Hands of his Native Countrymen and Subjects at New-castle. What! says our Archbishop, when he heard of it, be advised by a Stran∣ger, and trust the Scots! then all is lost. It was a Journey not imparted to above ten persons to know it, begun upon sudden Resolution, against that Rule of Ta∣citus, Bona consilia morâ valescere. When Pope John XXIII. was told by his Friends, that many things would be charg'd upon him at the Council of Constance, says the Pope, There is a fault worse than them all, that I am come over the Alps, and have put my self upon this Council. Such was the Mishap of a brave Prince, that to avoid some approaching Harms, threw himself into their custody, that cry'd, Hail Master, and took Money for him. The Scots, to chuse, prefer a Monar∣chy before any other Government, so they may govern their Monarch: But they are as stiff for a King as the Cappadocians in Livy, that refused the Offer of the Roman Senate to be made a free State, Negant vivere sine rege se posse. And

they count it no small Honour, that no Nation at this day can reckon so many Kings, as they have had, One hundred and ten; but no five Nations have mur∣der'd so many Kings. To which Impeachment Dr. Rivet, the Professor of Divinity at Leyden, gives this dogrel Answer, Sic sunt Scotorum praefervida ingenia, who were not Blood-hot, but Hell-hot with his Favour. The Scotch at Newcastle to whom the King retired for Safeguard, had a brave occasion to shew Faith and Loyalty, but they kept their wont, and sold their Master, as Judas did his to the Jews, to the Race of New-England, the Independent Salvages: O bar∣barous! persidious! mammonish! sacrilegious! to make Bargain and Sale of him that sate in God's stead over them!

Nomen erit pardus, tigris, leo, quicquid adhuc est Quod fremat in terris violentius.— Juven. Sat. 8.

I roar it out to all People and Languages, are you not astonish'd at it? Which you will not believe, though it be told you, Habbak. 1.5. Crediderim tunc ipsam fidem, humana negotia spectantem, moestum vultum gessisse, Valer. lib. 6. whom Cromwel their Paymaster used as they deserv'd, and after that day would never believe the false Lesly, that made the Market, nor the turbulent Kirk, in any thing. Crom∣wel was cunning in that Art, and could see through Lesly, and his treacherous Nature, that if Lesly had advantage to betray him, he would take ready Mony for him. Like Ptolemy, that betray'd Pompey to Caesar's Executioners; Qui Pom∣peii caedem partium fato, non Caesari dederat: Haud dubiè idem in ipsum ausurus, si expediret. He would have serv'd Caesar so, if Caesar had been the Blot to hit, and by that to win the Game he play'd for, Florus, lib. 4. c. 8. There were Thou∣sands and Millions of the Scots innocent of this Crime, Onus invidiae non exupera∣bile terris, Manil. lib. 2. which struck Grief to the bottom of their Souls to hear it, that wash'd their Hands from the foulness of it, and cursed the Traytors to Damnation, who had left such an indelible Stain upon their Kingdom. But what an iniquous thing it is, that the Contagion of a part should infect the Honour of all the good People of a Country?

207. England deserv'd worse, and heard worse than these Jocky-Pedlars that chaffer'd away their King, and our Countrymen are received abroad in some places, to this day, as the Off-scouring of Europe. Our Gentlemen that travel know it, how the Spaniards shrugg'd and stopp'd their Noses at them, when they met them in Madrid. There is a Reason why the French give them no less Civility than they were wont; their Heads were in the Plot of our Civil Wars; they look'd on as unconcern'd Spectators, till our King was taken out of the way, and instantly confederated with our new States the Traytors, and consen∣ted to all their Articles and base Demands: So much are they fallen from that Honour, which their own Thuanus gives them, an. 1559. p. 616. Afflict is Principi∣bus fidum, ac tutissimum semper fuit apud Gallos persugium. This perhaps was true, when such sage Senators as Thuanus sway'd the Court: But how much of late is the case alter'd? But I hasten to the beginning and end of the saddest Tragedy that ever was acted since that of our Blessed Saviour. Our Innocent King, a Lamb dumb before the Shearer, being cheated out of the Presbyterian Guards which kept him, Cromwel and his Maniple of Miscreants seized on him: Crom∣wel, that Imp of Satan, compounded of all Vice and Violence, and Titan-like Courage, devoid of all Pity and Conscience, the greatest of the Souldiery, and by his Arts greater than them all, waxen to be a Colossus, between whose strides the Seas flowed, his Countenance confess'd him a Tyrant, such as Domitian was; Saevus ille vultus & rubor, à quo se contra ruborem muniebat, Tacit. Vit. Jul. Agr. But he that blusheth always, can give no Testimony of Shame in his Face: He regarded not Parliament, Courts of Law, Patents, Charters, much less any Canons which Holy Church had ever appointed, no, nor the Scriptures of God, in comparison of some new Light shining in the Lanthorn of his own Head: But his way was to govern three Kingdoms by his Armies, the Armies by the Agitators, and the Agitators by himself, whom he shot dead upon the place, if they cross'd his Will; Superbus, & sanguinarius, & volens militariter imperare: It is as true Cromwel, as it was Macinus in Capitol's History. But that which sped him in all his Villanies was Perjury, like Ferdinand the Castilian, Ferdinandus grande perfidiae lucrum tulit, Thuan. anno 1502. a very Lysander in Plutarch, that

couzened men with Oaths, as Nurses do Children with Plums and Cake-bread: He took as many Oaths (they were the Full-Moons of his Protestations) and kept as few as any that was ever baptised in the Name of Christ, unless Pope Alexander the Sixth did match him, Quo nemo speciosius juramentum juravit, qui minus praestitit nemo unquam fuit, Match. Resp. p. 76. He was so accustom'd to forswear himself, that he could not leave it in Toys and Driblets; yet would sooner keep Faith with Fernando the Portugal Jew, to provide him the best Sacks and Tobacco, than with his Cabinet, and all the fawning Folk that were about him. If I had ever met with a more odious Passage than that in St. Basil, ep. 246. I would afford it him, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a Morsel fit for the Devil's Stomach. This arch-juggler, to feel the Pulse of the People, suffer'd His Majesty's Ser∣vants to have better access to him, than was under the Presbyterian Restraint; and he set out Declarations in print, That no sure Peace could be made, with∣out due care taken for His Majesty, and his Posterity. You would think he had been as penitent, and as much changed as Apuleius was, lib. 4. Statis ja••, dolis abjectis, asinum me bonae frugi Dominis exhibere; that he was grown weary of all his Roguerie•• in his transformed shape. Yet these were but Tricks, to rock all those asleep, who he knew would oppose him, if they were prepared: Sonmo occupari ut possint lenes audiendae sunt naeniae, Arnob. lib. 7. But as soon as he had disposed his Forces to bridle all popitious and strong places of the Land, and to controul the Assurance that the City of London might make to save the King's Life, he sell to compass that which Plutarch in Solon's Life calls the most hated thing among men, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, A Perpetuity or Eternity of falling out; and to implicate the souldiers in such a Crime as could not be pardon'd, to make Rebellion immortal. So Tolumnius put the Fidenates on such an Action, as they must fight with Rome to the last man, and never hope for Peace, Liv. lib. 5. Fidennates cruento se••lere interficiendi legatos implicuit, ne spem ullam à Romanis possint recipere. And together he found a means to forgive himself all the Mischief he had done, by getting himself above all Law and Power, that might question him. Matchiavel could find no fault in Cromwel, as he did in Pagalous, because he kill'd not Pope Julius the Second, when he had him in Perusium. Sic rei mag∣nitudo omnia priora secler•• obtegere potuit, & à periculo conservare, De Rep. l. 1. c. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. So he calls his Familiar Ireton to him, the common Sewer of Malice, Sator, sar∣torque scelerum, & messor maximus, Plaut. and these complot to draw in above an hundred more, to sit in an High Court of Justice, (give them their Phrase) to bring the King in person to be try'd before them, the Indictment is studied and made ready, but St. John and Dorilaus: The great Bellows that blew out the fatal Sentence, was that Son of Perdition Bradshaw, the Rider upon the red Horse (for he sate in Scarlet) and had power to take peace from the earth, that men should kill one another: and there was given to him a great sword, (to cut off the Lord's Anointed, his dear Servant) Rev. 6.4.

208. These, with the Cubbs of the same Litter, shed the Royal Blood upon a Scaffold openly, for no Fault, God knows, but as Beda reports of K. Sigebert, slain by two Ruffians, who render'd this Cause for it, That his Meekness had made many Malefactors, and his Goodness had undone the Kingdom. O unheard of Im∣manity, above Mariana, and all Jesuitical Positions.

—Quorum sceleri non invenit ipsa Nomen, & á nullo posuit natura metallo. Juven. Sat. 13.

O Sons and Daughters of Jerusalem, droul out an Elegy for good King Josias, Tristius lacrymis Simonidaeis, Catullus. O most facinorous Fact, next above that of the Priests, that to poyson the Emperor Henry the Seventh, forbore not to poyson their own God in the Sacrament. O ruthless Monsters, that could stop their Ears at the Prayers of so many Nobles male and female, that kneeled unto them to spare their Soveraign, who would never have been moved, if the Peo∣ple had wept Blood! O day of wailment to all that are yet unborn! 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Synes. Ep. 58. As apt as ever words did light in my way. It was the day that they crucified Christ upon the Cross again. O ye Kings of the Earth, wherefore do ye not revenge it?

When Bessus kill'd Darius, Justin puts you in mind, Communis Regum omnium est causa, lib. 13. every Monarch in Europe was wounded with that stroke: If those Royal persons will not regard it, to whom should the Crown of England make its moan? Let the words of Tully be mark'd, Act. 7. in Verrem: Si in aliquâ deser∣tissimâ solitudine ad saxa & scopulos haec conqueri vellem, tamen omnia muta & inani∣ma tantâ ac tam indignâ rerum atrocitate commoverentur. But wherefore do we quarrel the remissness of Princes abroad? Since there is not among our selves that hath the Courage of a gallant man, to meet with Cromwel, who jetts up and down, and strike him to the Heart, and expire upon the Murderer; since the Law cannot punish him for so confess'd a Treason, is not the Equity and Vigour of the Law in every one that can attach him? Si quis eum qui plebiscito sacer sit occiderit homicida non est. That's Law with Budaeus, lib. 2. Pand. fol. 28. Private Revenge is infamous and unlawful; but he is actually condemn'd that hath kil∣led the supreme Magistrate, and every man is a Magistrate to cut off that Male∣factor, when there is no Magistrate or Bench of Justice sitting, to try the Tray∣tor. But it is our Shame, that every one wisheth that were done by another's Hand, which he dare not for fear do himself. Metellus Macedonicus was dragged to Prison by Catinius Labeo, Tribune of the People: Says Pliny, lib. 7. c. 44. Indignationis dolori accedit, inter tot Metellos tam sceleratam Catinii audaciam semper fuisse inultam. The Cattive Cannibal Cromwel lives, and is mighty, cockers his Genius, and abounds in Luxury:

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.Odyss. 1.

Here Cyclops, drink Wine, says Ulysses, since you have eaten so much Man's-flesh. Says the learned Dr. Duport, Ironicè & moraliter dictum, ut somno vinoque conscien∣tiam sopiat, qui homicidium commisit. But our Cyclops will never be able to cast his Conscience into a sound Sleep; the Furies of Hell will often lash him and awake him. Nero was the Murtherer of his Mother Agrippina, and though afterward he drowned himself in all sort of Pleasure, he could not avoid the Torment of heavy Remembrance. So Sueton. par. 24. Ne{que} tamen sceleris con∣scientiam (quanquam & militum, & senatus, & populi acclamationibus confirmaretur) aut statim, aut unquam postea serre potuit. Had Zimri Peace that slew his Master? Richard the Third seemed to see many Devils haling him, and tormenting him, the night before he was slain in Bosworth Field, Pol. Virg. Hist. p. 25. The same continual Excruciation must be in the Breast of brazen-fac'd Bradshaw; God will run him into Phrenzy with the sight of his Sins, as our Acts and Monuments record, That Judge Morgan fell mad, after he had pass'd Sentence of Death upon Lady Jane, and cried out, Take away the Lady Jane from me; and died in that Horror. But whither am I carried? Silence in such a Subject before me would condemn me, and Writing enrageth me. Our Criticks blame Euripides, that he is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, too long in his Bewailings. I could not contract Laments into a less compass, upon the most deplored end of a thrice-honour'd King, a most pious Saint, a patient and a crowned Martyr; of whom our Prelate Williams preacheth in a Fast-Sermon, p. 55. That he was as like Virtue it self as could be pattern'd in Flesh and Blood. What Velleius writes of Aemilianus is too much for a man, but scarce any one came nearer it than this man, Qui ni∣hil in vitâ nisi laude dignum aut fecit, aut dixit, aut sensit. But I will challenge to King Martyr Charles, what a Christian Historian writes of a very Christian King of ours, Malmsb. lib. 1. c. 4. It is King Kenwolf, to whom Beda dedicates his Ecclesiastical History, Nihil quod livor dignè carperet unquam admisit. And let his Death be bewailed his Memory be resresh'd with glorious Praises, and im∣mortal Fame to the Worlds end.

209. The Thread of his Life so dismally cut off, who was the Darling of all that were holy, and fear'd God, who was the Breath of our Nostrils (as Naz. writ to Basil, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, You are more my Breath than the Air I breathe in.) This the heaviest Judgment of God that could befall us, turn'd all England into such a Mourning, as no Relation can describe, or Fancy imagine. Tears burst out, Groanings bellowed forth, Hearts melted like Wax, few but forgat to eat their Bread, Melancholy struck abundance dumb; the saddest

Event was, that Frenzies seized on some, and sudden Death on many. It pierced the Archbishop's Heart with so sharp a point, that Sorrow run him down the Hill with that violence, that he never stay'd till he came to the bot∣tom, and died. As soon as this Blow was given, many conceived Despairs, and are big with it yet, that the Slavery under which the three Nations are fallen is irrecoverable, till the last and terrible day of the Lord. In which dole∣ful Sadness Lord Primate Usher, I am witness of it, continued to his End. We English are observ'd to be too credulous of vain Prophecies, such as are Fa∣ther'd upon Merlin, and no better Authors. I remember an old Scotch man called Mony-penny, (if it were his right Name) taught me this Rhime, when I was Fourteen years old:

After Six is One, And after One is None; But Hey-ho and Weal-a-day To the day of Dooms-day.

His Grace of York turn'd that Prophetick Conceipt into a Religious Practice: Dr. Floyd, a Religious Divine, Preaching a Sermon at his Funeral, extolled the most Reverend Father's Devotion, That from the heavy time of the King's Death, he rose every midnight out of his Bed, and having nothing but his Shirt and Westcoat upon him, kneeled on his bare Knees, and pray'd earnest∣ly and strongly one quarter of an hour, before he went to his Rest again. I will inform Dr. Floyd in two things, which he knew not: First, He observ'd the season of Midnight, because the Scriptures speak of Christ's coming to judge the Quick and the Dead at Midnight. It is true, according to the mo∣tion of the Sun and Stars, it will be Day as well as Night in some Climate of the World, but very like to be Night, that is, cloudy Darkness over all the Earth. Secondly, The matter of his Prayer was principally this; Come Lord Je∣sus, come quickly, and put an end to these days of Sin and Misery. So much I learnt from himself, and so report it. His days were consumed in Heaviness, as his Nights in Mourning: Facetiousness, in which he was singular, came no more out of his Lips, he ceased from Discourse, from Company, as he could, and nothing could hale him out of this Obscurity. Such another Condoler for his King worthy Spottswood remembers, Hist. p. 106. That Will. Elphelston, Bishop of Aberdeon, hearing of the unfortunate Death of K. James the Fourth at Floyden, was never afterward perceived to laugh, nor willingly did he hear any thing that sounded to Mirth or Gladness. Mourning for the Dead profits not, yet a tender Nature is liberal of it, and will pay more than it needs. Says Sophocles, If Tears would call the Dead again, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, they would be more valuable than Gold. But a Bucket of them will not empty the dead Sea of Grief. Wise Solon in Laertius taking on heavily for his Son's Death, says his Companion to him, Grief will do you no good. And that makes me grieve the more, says Solon, because it will do me no good. It is a very weak Passion, and yet often too strong for Reason. The Archbishop remained very silent in his dejected Heaviness, and enquir'd after no News, except that sometimes he would lift up his Head, and ask what became of the King's Tryers, Baanah and Rechab especially, Cromwel and Bradshaw, looking for some remarkable Judgment of God to come down upon them; which they have escap'd, for the greater tryal of good mens Patience: And a Dream of Felicity is granted to them here, that passing from Extremity to Extremity, their Pain may be the sharper when they awake to Judgment. Caesar writes like a Dicta∣tor of Reason, de bel. Gal. l. 1. Consnesse Deos immortales, quo gravius homines ex commutatione rerum doleant, quos pro scelere eorum ulcisci velint, his secundiores inter∣dum res, & diuturniorem impunitatem concedere. Synesius hath said a little more, Ep. 44. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. He that holds out long unpunish'd, after a foul Fact, is to be esteem'd most unhappy, and so base, that neither God nor Man regards him. Let these Regicides be reprieved, and each live with himself, he cannot have worse Company than himself, till he descend into Hell.

210. Abite lemures pessimi: I thrust these Infernal Goblins out of my way with the Censure they deserve; and I resume the mournfful Arch∣bishop, who is now come to the end of his days, and I of my Copious Labour. Two Years, and almost Two Months, he consumed in a seque∣stred and forlorn Condition, scarce any Witness could tell what he did all the while, but that he prayed, and sate at his Book all Day, and much of the Night. That little which he spake at Meals would afford great Essays of Wisdom, and observable Predictions, if it were remembred. As Nazian. said of St. Basil's common Talk, Quae ab eo velut obiter fiebant multò praestantiora sunt,—Quàm ea in quibus alii elaborant. But let all pass which he conceal'd to himself in the dark times. I remem∣ber my Rule, though I forget who taught it me, though it be not according to Nature, it is according to Honesty, Vacuum potius relinquere quàm non ve∣rum. There was an Idol in Lacedaemon, (Pausanias knew it well, p. 195.) called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which they worship'd that were young, to delay Old-age: But no Times did precipitate Age and grey Hairs upon Men more than these wherein we live. Says the Master of the Sentences among the Hea∣then, Il. 4.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

Men grow old apace, that are in Misery. Assuredly every month spent away the Archbishop's ruin'd Tabernacle now, more than a year before: And all Infirmities fly to Old-age, as Offenders to an Altar. Dr. Floud, the Panegy∣rist at his Grace's Obsequies, tells us, That he had some Prognosticks of his Death not long before it, and told it to some persons with Assurance, and much Grief; and sometimes when he had said Grace after Meal, and was ri∣sing from the Table, he would say, I am ready for the LORD. His Death came from a sudden Catarrh, which caused a Squinancy, by the inflammation of the interiour Muscles, and a shortness of Breath follow'd, which dissol∣ved him in the space of twelve hours: In which time the virtuous Lady Mostyn, where he sojourn'd, spake to him of his preparation for Heaven: Says he, Cousin, I am already prepared, and will be better prepared. So he called for the Minister that was the nearest, to read the Visitation of the Sick, and twice over to him, the greatest part whereof, especially the Psalms, he rehear∣sed distinctly himself, and received Absolution: When the Pangs of Death approach'd, many other Prayers were read, and short Sentences of Devo∣tion repeated aloud in his Ears; and those words being often said, The Lord be merciful to thee, the Lord receive thy Soul, at that instant first he closed his Eyes with one Hand, and then lifting up the other, his Lips moved, and re∣commending his Spirit to his Redeemer, he expir'd.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.Synes. Ep. 57.

He is gone before me, whom I desir'd not to outlive: A Squinancy, whereof he dyed, was the Death of the only Pope that was born in England, Hadrian the Fourth: But the whole Conflux of the Disease that took him away, was in all circumstances the same with Padre-Paulo's the Servite, as the Author of his Life sets it down, that his Feet could receive no warmth, (the same Sym∣ptom that laid hold of this Prelate) and that a Catarrh destroyed him. There are many Diseases dangerous and mortal; this is often cured by the launce of a sorry Chyrurgion, of whom there was none in that place.

Ego timeam terres trementes, quem crassior saliva suffocat?

Sen. de Nat. l. 6. c. 28.

The day of his farewel out of this Life was upon the Annunciation of the Blessed Virgin, which was his Birth-day, the 25th of March, 1650.

Dureque ad miseros veniebas exulis annos?

says the banish'd Poet at Tomes, upon his Nativity-day, lib. 3. de Trist. El. 13. Pompey was slain as near as could be to his Birth-day, Pridie Natalium, in the Observation of Plutarch. William Earl of Penbrook died suddenly upon his very Birth-day, Sanders. Hist. p. 141. Macrobius tells a Wonder, Saturn. lib. 1. that Antipater Sidonius had ever a Feaver upon his Birth-day, and in his Old-age died of a great Fit the same day. This Holy Father had compleated the just number of 68 years: Satietas vitae maturum tempus mortis assert, Cic. de Sen. He was weary of Life in those hateful Times, therefore Death came welcome to him; and the more welcome, because he lamented his own Condition, that he could contribute nothing to raise up the Ruins of the Church and Kingdom. Tum cecidit, cum lugere rempub. potiùs possit, quàm servare, says the same Eloquent of Hortensius in his Brutus. When Satiety of Years was come about, a Body wasted, a Mind oppress'd with De∣solation of the Publick-weal, it had been a Punishment not to dye, after that neat Similitude of Epictetus, lib. 2. c. 6. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. It is an Injury, or in his word a Curse, upon Corn, when it is Sum∣mer-ripe, not to be cut down with the Sickle. So this worthy Father of the Church died in his Maturity of Age at Glocketh, in the Parish of Egloways∣rose, in the County of Carnarvan; his Body was interred, where his House of Pentrin stands, in Llangeday, the Heriot which every Son of Adam must pay to the Lord of the Mannor of the whole Earth: If you look for more of him, it is in another and a better World.

—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,

Says the Epigram, Anthol. l. 3. If you look for Menender, (it is ••all one if I said Archbishop Williams) look for him with GOD, and the Saints above. Or, if a little more will suffice, read this Inscription upon his Tomb, in the Chancel of Llangeday-Church. Plato, in the Twelfth Book of his Laws, would have no Epitaph exceed the length of four Verses; this shall not hold you four minutes.

211. HOspes lege, relege. Quod in hoc Sacello, paucis noto, haud expectares, Hic situs est Johannes Wilhelmus, omnium Praesulum celeberrimus: A paternis natalibus è familia Wilhelmorum de Coghwhillin ortus, A maternis è Griffithis de Pentrin.

Cujus summum ingenium, & in omni genere literarum praestantia Meruit ut, Regis Jacobi gratiâ ad Decanatum Sarum Post Westmonasterii eveheretur.

Ut simul, atque uno munere, tanto Regi esset à consiliis secretis, & deliciis, Magni Sigilli Custos, & Sedis Lincolniensis Episcopus: Quem Carolus primus infula Episcop. Eboracen. decoraret.

Omnes scientias valdè edoctus: novem linguarum thesaurus: Theologiae purae & illibatae medulla: prudentiae politicae cortina: Sacrae, canonicae, civilis, municipalis sapientiae apex, & ornamentum. Dulciloquii cymbalum, memoriae tenacissimae, plusquàm humanae: Historiarum omnis generis myrothecium.

Magnorum operum, usque ad sumtum viginti mille librarum, structor. Munificentiae, liberalitatis, hospitalis lautitri, Misericordiae erga pauperes insigne exemplum.

Postquàm inter tempora luctuosissima Satur esset omnium, quae videret, & audiret:

Nec Regi aut Patriae, per rabiem perduellium, ampliùs servire potuit, Anno aetatis 68^o, expleto, Martis 25^o, qui fuit ei natalis, Summâ fide in Christum, inconcussâ erga Regem fidelitate; Animam, anginâ extinctus, piissimè Deo reddidit.

Nec refert quod tantillum monumentum, in occulto angulo positum. Tanti viri memoriam servat. Cujus virtutes omnium aetatum tempora celebrabunt.

Abi viator, sat tuis oculis debes.

212. That which my Prayers and Studies have long endeavoured, the dispatch of this Labour, is come to pass by the good Hand of God this Seven∣teenth of February 1657. which is some hearts-ease, but with respect, that I wait the Consolation of the Lord in better times. Which Benefit, not I per∣haps, but such as are younger may live to see: as the old Father said to his Son in Plaut. Trin. Mihi quidem aetas acta fermè est: Tuâ isthuc refert maximè. I need not admonish my Readers, for they find it all the way, that my Scope is not so much to insist upon the memorable things of one Man's Life; as to furnish them with reading out of my small store, that are well-willers to Learn∣ing, in Theological, Political, and Moral Knowledge. Yet in those Obser∣vations I have not set down a Cyrus, a feigned Subject, but wrought them in∣to the true Image of this Prelate. So Nazianzen informs us, that when Atha∣nasius drew out the Life of Anthony the Hermite, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, He drew out the Instructions of a Rural Hermetical Lise in his Behaviour. Some are cheated with Wit now-a-days after the French fashion, and had rather Men should be commended in Romances of Persons, that were never extant, than in such as lived among us, truly deserved Glory, and did us good. My Subject is real, and not umbratick; a Man of as deep and large wisdom as I did ever speak with; and I fear not to say of him, as Laelius doth of Cato major, Aut enim nemo, quod quidem magis credo; aut, si quis usquam, ille sapiens fuit: He was constant to that Religion wherein he was ca∣techized, and instructed in it more perfectly in Cambridge. A punctual ob∣server of the ancient Church Orders, whereof he was a Governour, and a great decliner of innovations, holding to it, that what was long in use, if it were not best, it was fittest for the People. He tasted equally of great Pro∣sperity and Adversity, and was a rare Example in both, like Lollius in Horace,

Secundis rebus dubiisque rectus:

not elevated with Honour, nor in the contrary state cast down. His Enemies lik't nothing worse in him than his Courage, and he pleased himself in nothing more: Of a stately Presence, and a Mind suitable to it. Some call'd it Pride and Haughtiness, a Scandal laid upon St. Basil, says Nazianzen, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, They twisted him that he was lofty and supercilious. Under∣lings will never forbear to object it to Men in places of Preheminence, when there is more of it in themselves. Well said Petrus Blesensis, Melior est purpurata humilitas, quàm pannosa superbia. Yet I concur with others, who knew this Lord, that Choler and a high Stomach were his Faults, and the only Defects in him. And it had been better for him, if he had known a meek temper, and how

to be resisted. Otherwise his Vertues were super-excellent. A great Devotee to publick and private Prayer: There did not live that Christian that hated Revenge more than he, or that would forgive an Injury sooner. Most Mu∣nificent, Liberal, Charitable above his Means, for he died in a Debt of 8000 l. though his Heir, Sir Griffith Williams, had enough in Mannors and Moveables to pay it. He loved to do things Praise-worthy. Nulla est tanta humilitas quae dul∣cedine gloriae non capiatur, Valer. lib. 8. cap. 13. Justice, Charity, Temperance, tender Bowels of Compassion, enchased all his Life and Carriage with wonder∣ful gracefulness. His Skill in the Tongues, his Skill in the course of all Acade∣mical Arts, in all History, in all the parts of Divinity, must needs be excel∣lent: for he had a piercing Wit, a sound Judgment, a strong Memory, and with all these concurred indefatigable Industry. Yet by the employment of a great Office, but much more by the Iniquity of troublesome Suits, Imprison∣ments, fatal Wars, and most of all by the embezelling of his Notes and Papers, Posterity is little beholding to his Pen; but it owes greatly to his good Works. Et post mortem non opuscula sed opera pensanda, Sidon. lib. ep. 8. ep. 1. I will part with him now, as Xenophon did with Socrates in his Apology for him, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. That is, to a word, considering the Wisdom and Gallantry of the Man, I cannot choose but remember him, and when I remember him, I can∣not but praise him. Se quisque ut vivit & effert. Manil. l. 2. But Praise be given to God for all his good Gists. Amen.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Paragraph 1.
• * 1.2

  Manilias.
• * 5.1

  Senec. lib 3. de prâ.
• * 11.1

  Horat.
• * 11.2

  Ovid.
• * 11.3

  It could not be Sa∣tan that provok'd them to utter such ••olywords: for then his King∣dom had been divi∣ded against It self.
• * 16.1

  Tibul. lib. 3. El••g.
• * 23.1

  Bishop of Lincoln. Primate of Armagh. Bishop of Du••ham. Bishop of Norwich. Dr. Ward, D. Prideaux D. Sanderson Dr. Featly, Dr. Brounrigg, Dr. Holdsworth, Dr. Hacket. Dr. Twiss, Dr. Burgess, Mr. White, Mr. Marshal, Mr. Calamy, Mr. H…….