CHAP. I. What doth occur concerning Bishops, and the Government of the Church by them, during the first half of the second Century.

FROM the Apostles we proceed unto their Disciples, [ I] such as conversed with them, and lived nearest to them. And first of all we meet with Clemens, once one of Pauls Disciples, and by him remembred; afterwards Deacon to Saint Peter,* as Ig∣natius tells us, and finally successor to them both in the admi∣nistration of the Church of Rome, as before was shewed.* A∣mongst the several Monuments of Piety which he left behind him, the most renowned is his Epistle to the Church of Co∣rinth; of which Eusebius gives this testimony,* that it was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 famous and very much admired: adding withal that as well anciently, as in his times, it used to be read publickly in the Congregation. Tht occasion which induced him to write the same, was a sedition, or a faction ra∣ther, raised in the Church, which from the first Preaching of the Gospel there, had been too much addicted to Divisions, But what this faction was about,* or what oc∣casion was then taken for the production of new broyls, or the reviving of the old; we shall best see by looking on this piece of Clemens; recovered from the ruins of Antiquity by the care and industry of Patr. Yong, Library-keeper to his Majesty.* There find we the good man complaining that the Church of Corinth, so ancient and Page  250well grounded in the faith of Christ, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, should for the sake of one or two contentious persons tumultuate against their Presbyters: and that the scandal of their functions should come unto the ears of Infidels, to the dishonour of the Lord. Nor did the faction rest in the people only,* though it proceeded to that height as the ejecting of those Presbyters whom they had distasted: but it had taken too deep sooting amongst the Presbyters themselves, encroaching with too high an hand on the Bishops Office, or wilfully neglecting his authority.* For whereas in those times, as before was shewn, the bles∣sed Eucharist, regularly and according to the Churches Orders, could not be celebra∣ted but by the Bishop, by his leave at least, and that it did pertain to him to appoint the Presbyters what turns and courses they should have in that ministration; these men perverting all good order, neither observed the time and place appointed for that sacred Action, nor kept themselves unto those turns and courses, in the performance of the same, which were assigned them by their Bishop. Certain I am that the dis∣course of Clemens in the said Epistle doth militate as well against the one, as against the other: blaming as well the Presbyters for their irregular proceeding in their ministra∣tion; as censuring the People for their insolency, in the ejecting of their Presbyters. So that we have two factions, at this time in the Church of Corinth: one of some inconformable Presbyters, so far averse from being regulated by their Bishop, as they ought to be,* that they opposed the very Calling, raising contentions and disputes about the Name and Office of Episcopacy: another of the people against the Presby∣ters, and that pursued with no less acrimony and despite, than the former was.

For the repressing of these factions at this present time, [ II] and the preventing of the like in the times to come, the good old man doth thus proceed. Beginning with the Presbyters,* he first presents unto them the obedience that Souldiers yield to their Com∣manders, shewing them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, how orderly, how readily and with what subjection they execute the several Commands imposed upon them by their Leaders: that since all of them are not Generals, Collonels, Captains, or in other Office every one 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in his rank or station is to obey the charge imposed upon him, by the King or Emperour, and his Commanders in the Field. Then represents he to them the condition of the natural Body,* in which the Head can do but little without the ministery of the Feet, the Feet as little (out of que∣stion) without direction from the Head; that even the least parts of the body are not only profitable, but also necessary, concurring all of them together to the preser∣vation of the whole. Which ground so laid, he thus proceeds in his Discourse: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c.* These things being thus declared and manifested, looking into the depth of heavenly knowledg, we ought to do those things in their proper order, the People in the tendring of their Oblations, the Presbyters in the celebrating of the Liturgy, ac∣cording to the times and seasons by the Lord appointed, who would not have these sacred Matters done either rashly or disorderly, but at appointed times and hours, and by such Per∣sons as he hath thereunto designed by his supream Will, that being done devoutly and Re∣ligiously they might be the more grateful to him. They therefore who upon the times presixed make their Oblations to the Lord, are blessed, and very welcom unto him from whose com∣mands they do not vary. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. For to the High-Priest was assigned his particular function, the Priest had his peculiar ministery prescribed unto him, and the Le∣vites theirs: the Laymen being left unto Lay-imployments. Therefore let every one of you my brethren, in his Rank and Station, offer to God the blessed Eucharist, with a good Conscience;* keeping within the bounds of his ministration, appointed to him by the Canon. (For so I take it is his meaning) For not in every place was it permitted to the Jews to offer up the daily and perpetual Sacrifices; whether they were Sin-offerings, or Eucharistical Oblations, but at Hierusalem alone, nor there in any place indifferently, but only in the Court of the Temple, at the Altar: the Sacrifice being first viewed and approved of, both by the High Priest, and the foresaid Ministers. They that did any thing herein, otherwise than agreeable to his will and pleasure, were to die the Death: you see, my brethren, that as we are endued with a greater knowledg, so are we made obnoxious to the greater danger. The Apostles have Preached the Gospel unto us from Christ; JESUS Christ from God: Christ being sent by God, as the Apostles were by Christ; and both proceeding orderly therein, according to his holy Will. For having received his Commands, and being strengthened by the Re∣surrection of our Lord JESUS Christ, and confirmed by the Word of God, they spread themselves abroad, in full assurance of the Holy Ghost, publishing the coming of the King∣dom of God: and having Preached the Word throughout many Regions, and several Cities, Page  251they constituted and ordained the first fruits of their labours, such whom in spirit they ap∣proved of, to be Bishops and Deacons, unto those that afterwards were to believe.* Nor was this any new device, it being written many ages since in the book of God; Esay 60. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i.e. I will appoint them Bishops in Righteousness, and Deacons in Faith. Afterwards laying down the History of Aarons Rod budding, and thereby the miraculous confirmation of his Election, he adds, that the Apostles knowing by our Lord JESUS Christ the contention that would arise 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, about the name or function of Episco∣pacy,* (take it which you will) and being for this very cause endued with a perfect fore∣sight of that which afterwards should happen; ordained the aforesaid Ministers, and left to every one their appointed Offices; that whensoever they should die, other approved men should succeed in their several places, and execute their several parts in the Ministration. Those therefore which were either ordained by them, or by those famous and renowned men that followed after them, with the consent and approbation of the Church, and have accord∣ingly served unblameably in the fold of Christ, with all humility and meekness, and kept themselves from baseness and corruption, and have a long time carried a good testimony from all men: those we conceive cannot without much injury be deprived of their place and service: it being no small sin to reject those men, who holily and without reproof have undergone the Office of Episcopacy, or done the duty of a Bishop.

So far the Father hath proceeded, as to the Vindication of Episcopacy, [ III] or the E∣piscopal Function, which you will, from the attempts and practices of such Presby∣ters, who went about to undermine it, and raise contentions in the Church about it. That which comes after, doth relate to the other Faction, the Faction raised against the Presbyters by some of the unruly people; and that he doth pursue from pag. 58. beginning with Beati sunt Presbyteri, &c. following the same till pag. 70. where he persuades the Presbyters that were so distasted, by several Examples both profane and sacred, rather to quit the place for the Churches peace, than by their tarrying there to increase the Rupture. Now that by Bishops, or Episcopi, in the words before, he meaneth Bishops truly and properly so called; and doth not use the word in so large a sense, as also to include the Presbyters, as some men conceive;* doth seem most evi∣dent to me, by these reasons following. First, from the Parallel here made between the several degrees and Offices in the Jewish Church, and those established in the Chri∣stian: which had been very imperfect and inconsequent, if there had not been those several and distinct degrees of Bishops, Presbyters, and Deacons in the one, as of the High Priests, Priests, and Levites in the other Church. And that the Bishops in the Christian Church are called many times' 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or High Priests, in the ancient Wri∣ters, is no new Learning unto those that have read the Fathers. And unto this in∣terpretation of the word Episcopi in that place of Clemens, I am the more inclined to stand, as to the true and proper meaning of the Father; because I find the self-same Parallel produced by Hierom, none of the greatest Patrons of Episcopacy. Who tels us first, that many of the Apostostolical Traditions did take their ground or hint from the old Testament, and gives us next this instance of it; or if you will, this resolu∣tion in the case: Quod Aaron, & filii ejus atque Levitae in Templo fuerunt, hoc sibi Epi∣scopi, Presbyteri atque Diaconi vendicant in Ecclesia; that such as Aaron, and his Sons,* and the Tribe of Levi, were in the Temple: the same were Bishops, Presbyters and Deacons in the Church of GOD. Where plainly that preheminence which Aaron had over and above the Priests and Levites; the same is given by Hierom to the Bi∣shops, over their Presbyters and Deacons respectively. And this is that which is af∣firmed in the words of Clemens, if we mark it well, the Parallel being brought in both, for the self-same end. And this to me appears yet further to be clear and evident, by the contentions raised by these Corinthian Presbyters 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,* about the Name or Dignity of Episcopacy; the power and priviledges appertaining to that sacred Calling; and the discourse thereon occasioned, touching the limiting and restraining of these busie Presbyters. unto their proper Rank and Station. For had the heat been only raised upon the deposition of their godly Presbyters, as by some is said: that had not any way concerned either the Name or Dignity of Episco∣pacy,* (taking Episcopacy in that sense as themselves would have it:) that quarrel not being taken up (as they make the case) against the Dignity or Calling, but the persons only of those Presbyters, whom they had deposed.

But I am most of all confirmed herein by the citation of that Text of the Prophet Esay, though of a very different reading from those now in use: [ IV] * the application of Page  252it being so conform to that of other ancient Writers. Saint Hierom following the Translation of the Septuagint,* doth thus read the Text, Dabo Principes tuos in pace, & Episcopos tuos in justitia: observes that in the Hebrew it is written thus, Ponam vi∣sitationem tuam pacem, & Praepositos tuos in justitiam. And thence infers the admirable Majesty of holy Scripture, quod principes futuros Ecclesiis, Episcopos nominavit, in that the future Governours (or Princes) of the Church are there, before-hand, called Bishops; whose Visitation is in peace, and the name or Appellation of their Office, doth denote their justice.* Saint Cyril also, although he differ from our Author in the Translation of the Text, following therein the Septuagint, as Saint Hierom did; yet he agreeth with him in his application. For making a comparison between the Re∣ligion of the Jews and Christians; likening the one to Gold and Silver, the other un∣to Brass and Iron, according to the tenor of the words foregoing: he addeth that the Jewish Ministers, the Scribes and Pharisees, whom before he spake of, being once re∣moved, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Christ the Redeemer of all people did raise up other Governours and Bishops for them, such as did every way excel in Peace and Righteousness.* And then he makes this use thereof, for our instruction, That since the Princes or Rulers of the Church do excel in Peace, and the Bishops of the same in Righteousness; it ought so far to work upon the people, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as that they should endeavour to lead their lives in Christian Piety and Godliness. Here then we have two of the learnedst of the Ancients writing upon the Text alledged by Clemens; and both expounding it of Bishops truly and properly so called, according to the nature of that word in the times they lived: and therefore questionless Clemens must needs be understood of such Bishops also: And herewith you shall have the reason, why Bishops and Deacons are here joyned toge∣ther, and that there is no mention made of Presbyters; not that the Presbyters were not ordained by the Apostles, aswell as either of the other; but because the Deacons in this common broyl did constantly adhere unto their Bishop, when as so many of the Presbyters were in opposition:* or else as Epiphanius tells us, because that Bishops at the first had more use of Deacons, than they had of Presbyters: for where the Congregation was but small,* (as that of Gregory Thaumaturgus is said to be, consist∣ing of no more than 17 persons) a Bishop only was sufficient: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but being a Bishop could not be, or at the least not do his Office, without help of Deacons; that Bishops and Deacons are remembred only. And yet perhaps the meaning of the Author may be best conceived, certain I am, the doubt or difficulty would be best removed, did we translate 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, by the English Minister, as in that place I think we may, according to the general meaning of that word in its native sense; the Presbyters and Deacons, both being but subservient Ministers unto the Bishop, who did allot them out their turns and stations in the of∣ficiating of Gods divine Service; the Presbyters not having yet assigned them their particular bounds, wherewith to execute the same, as in the time succeeding it is plain they had. Of which more hereafter.

In the mean time we must examine whether the Church of Corinth, [ V] to which Cle∣mens writ, had not been setled by the Apostle in that Form of Government, which had been every where established in the neighbour Cities. And certainly I can see no reason, why Corinth should not have a Bishop, aswell as Athens, or Philippi, or the Thessalonians,* or any other Church of Greece or Macedon. I see much reason why it should. For if that Bishops were first instituted in Schismatis remedium, for remedy of Schism, as Saint Hierom saith: assuredly the Church of Corinth being first pestered with that foul Disease, should first of all, in all congruity, be fitted with the remedy so proper and peculiar to it. A Bishop then they were to have by Saint Hieroms Rule, and that as soon as any other Church what ever: but who this Bishop was, is not yet so evident. By Dorotheus in Synopsi, Silas, Saint Pauls most individual Companion, is said to be the Bishop of this Church, Corinthiorum constitutus est Episcopus, as his words there are:* wherein Hippolitus, concurring with him, doth make the matter the more probable. And though I will not take upon me to justifie the reports of Doro∣theus, where there is any reason to desert him, as there is too often: yet when the point by him delivered doth neither cross the holy Scripture, nor any of the ancient Writers, as in this he doth not; I know not why his word may not pass for cur∣rant. Nay, if we please to search the Scripture, we may find some hint, for the de∣fence of Dorotheus in this one particular. For whereas we find often mentioned that Silus did accompany Saint Paul in many of his peregrinations: the last time that Page  253we find him spoke of, is in the 18. of the Acts; which time he came unto Saint Paul. [Verse 5] to Corinth. After, there is no mention of him in the book of God: And possibly the reason of it may be this, in brief, that he was left there by Saint Paul to look unto the government of that mighty City. Which when he could not do by the Word and Doctrine, Saint Paul reserving for a time the jurisdiction to himself,* as before was said; and that the Factions there did increase and multiply, for want of ordi∣nary power to suppress the same: Saint Paul might then invest him with authority, making him Bishop of the place, both in Power and Title. This if it may be count∣ed probable, I desire no more. And then as we have found the first Bishop in the Church of Corinth, we shall with greater ease and certainty find out a second, though his name were Primus: for proof of whose being Bishop here,* we have the testimony of Egisippus, who took him, in his Journey towards Rome and abode long with him; giving him special commendation both for his Orthodoxy and Humanity. After succeeded Dionysius, next to him Bachyllus; of both which we shall speak hereafter in convenient place.

From the Epistle of this Clemens unto those of Corinth, which is his undoubtedly, [ VI] proceed we next unto the Canons commonly called the Apostles Canons,* supposed to be collected by him: but so supposed, that still there is a question of it, whether his or not. That they are very ancient is unquestinable, as being mentioned by Tertullian, and cited in some of the ancientest Councils, whereof the acts and monuments are now remaining on Record. But being it is confessed on all hands,* quosdam ab haereticis cor∣ruptos, that some of them have been corrupted by the Hereticks of old, the better to advance their cause by so great a Patronage: we must be very wary how we build upon them. And howsoever Bellarmine be exceeding confident,* that the first 50 are most true and genuine; and probably it may so be: yet I conceive it safe to admit them on those sober cautions, which are commended to us by Baronius: who on a full debate of the point in question, doth resolve it thus: Illi tantum nobis ex Aposto∣lieis fontibus, &c. Those Canons only seem to us, saith he, to be derived from the Aposto∣lical fountains, which have either been admitted and incorporated by the Fathers into the Canons of succeeding Councils, or confirmed by the authority of the Bishops of Rome, aut in communem usum Ecclesiasticae disciplinae, or otherwise have been continually practiced in the Churches Discipline. The first and last these three cautions, I conceive to be ex∣ceeding sound, and should not stumble at the second, had the Decrees and Ordinances of the ancient Popes come incorrupted to our hands. Which ground thus laid, we will now see what the Apostles Canons have delivered in the present business: and that we shall distribute as it doth relate to Bishops, either in point of their Admission, how and by whom they are to be Ordained; or of their carriage and behaviour being once admitted, how far to disoblige themselves from the employments of the World; or of their Jurisdiction over the inferiour Clergy, whom they are to govern. These are the points which are most clearly offered us to be considered of, in the aforesaid Canons, and these we shall present, and then consider of them accordingly.

And first in way of their Admission to that sacred Function, [ VII] it seemeth to be the first care of the Collector, that it be done according to the mind and meaning of the holy Apostles: and therefore it is put in the very front, viz. That a Bishop is not to be or∣dained, but by three Bishops, or by two at the least. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as the Canon hath it.* A Canon which hath all the Rules and cautions required by Baronius, for proof of its antiquity, and Apostolical institu∣tion, as being confirmed by many of the Decretals, in case they were of any credit; incorporated first into the Canons of the Council of Arles,* as afterwards in those of Nice; and generally continued in the constant practice and perpetual usage of the Church. Only the difference is, that the old Canon doth admit of Ordinations made by two Bishops, if a third may not conveniently be had; whereas the later Councils stand on three precisely: whereof prehaps this was the reason, because in later times there was a greater number of Bishops in the Church of God, than had been before; and so the number of three Bishops to concur together, not so hard to meet with. Now they that search into the first occasion of the present Canon fetch it from a Tra∣dition on Record in Clemens: viz. that James the Proto-Bishop,* the first that ever had a fixt Episcopal See, was ordained Bishop of Hierusalem, by Peter, James and John the sons of Zebedee. Peter, saith he, and James and John being by our Redeemer most esteemed of, contended not amongst themselves after his ascension, for the highest place, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but rather made choice Page  254of James the Just, to be the Bishop of Hierusalem. But this, if looked on well, was no Ordination, for James being one of the Apostles needed no such Ceremony; but only an agreement made by that goodly fellowship amongst themselves, that whilst the rest did Preach the Gospel in the world abroad,* Saint James should take the charge of the Mother-City. The Ordination of Saint Paul and Barnabas unto the Apostleship by the hands of Lucius, Simeon, and Manaen, is indeed more pertinent; but that being an extraordinary case, it can make no precedent. But what need any further pede∣gree be sought to raise the reputation of this Canon? It is antiquity enough that it stands in front, and leads on all the residue of the Canons, ascribed of old to the Apostles. And yet we must observe withal, that as there is no general rule but hath some ex∣ception, so the necessities of the Church have many times dispensed with these ancient Canons;* the Ordination of Pelagius the first, once a Pope of Rome, and of Dioscorus, Patriarch of Alexandria, being performed by two Bishops only, contrary to the Coun∣cils of Nice and Arles; that of P. Evagrius Patriarch of Antiochia, but by one alone, contrary to the old Apostolick Canon. But then we must observe withal, that these exceptions being in extraordinary cases and occasions, are rather a confirmation of the Canons, than any diminution to them, according to the good old rule, Exceptio firmat regulam in non exceptis.

The Bishop being thus admitted to his charge and function by a peculiar Ordina∣tion, [ VIII] we must next see what is prescribed him in these Canons, touching his beha∣viour, whether Domestick in his Family, or Publick in the Common-wealth. For his Domestick carriage,* it is ordered thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that he do not put away his Wife on pain of Excommunication, on any shaddow or pretence of Piety whatever. I know my Masters in the Church of Rome would fain shift this off,* by saying that there is nothing else required by the present Canon, but that they ought to have a care of them, ipsisque de omnibus quae ad vitam honestè degendem requirun∣tur, provideant, and to provide them all things necessary for this present life. But surely Zonaras gives a fairer and more likely gloss;* by whom it is affirmed, that if a Bishop, or any other person in holy orders, (for the Canon doth extend to all parti∣cularly) should under colour of Religion put away his Wife: He was to be excluded from the Church by this present Canon, till he admitted her again: Admitted her again? to what? Assuredly unto his bed, to cohabitation: Should he do otherwise (saith he) it would redound to the reproach of Marriage, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as if that conju∣gal society did beget uncleanness, whereas the Scripture saith, that Marriage is honourable, and the Bed undefiled; adding withal, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. that lawful Wedlock in those times was left free to Bishops, and that it was restrained first by the Synod in Trullo, many hundreds after, An. 692. Which being so, the following Canon must admit of some qualification,* by which it is decreed, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that he do not take upon him any worldly cares, or secular affairs, be it which it will. For if he was allowed to have Wife and Children, and consequently was necessitated to maintain a family; it could not be, but he must needs be subject to some worldly cares,* in making fit provision for them: Saint Paul determining that, If any man provide not for his own, especially for those of his own House, he hath denied the faith, and is worse than an Infidel. So that these being not the worldly cares which are intended, as they relate to his domestick carriage in his private family; we must next see how far it doth extend to those worldly cares, or rather secular affairs, if any shall so choose to read it, which do concern him in the publick.

And here we must first know, [ IX] whether that all intermedling in secular affairs, or worldly matters be interdicted by this Canon, meerly quà tales for themselves; or as they were an avocation from the work of the holy Ministery. Not of themselves, quà tales, there's no doubt of that; for then their private and domestick cares must also undergo the same prohibition.* It seems then only as an avocation, as they diverted Bi∣shops and the rest in Orders from doing the work of their vocation. Zonaras doth con∣ceive it so. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the purpose of the Canon is, that they should attend the holy Ministery, keeping themselves from all di∣sturbances and the tumultuousness of business. But then withal, we must observe that Zonaras alloweth them to take care of Orphans, and to administer their estate to the best advantage, which is one secular imployment, and no mean one neither. In this the Council of Chalcedon, Can. 3. doth agree with Zonaras, allowing Clergy∣men to be Guardians (as we call it) unto those in Wardship. Can. 3. Though the providing for the Fatherless be a work of mercy, 〈◊〉 the administration of their estates Page  255〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as it is there called, is a work of business. And this allowance is affirmed by Zonaras to be consistent with the Canon, which is one thing more; and such a one as will make way for many others. The arbitrating of emergent differences between man and man, for the advancement both of peace and justice, is a worldly work, a secular imployment, past all question. May not the Canon be persuaded to admit of this, and not to have it laid in bar against the Bishop, that he hath left his holy calling, and made himself a Judge amongst his Neighbours? Out of doubt it will: And which is somewhat more, out of doubt it must. Those Canons which are only fathered on the Apostles, will else run cross with those which are theirs indeed. When Saint Paul lessoned those of Corinth,* that rather than they should profane the Gospel with contentious suits, they should refer their differences to their Brethren: Think you it was his purpose either to exclude the Clergy then, or their Bishop after, when they had one? No saith Saint Ambrose,* (if the work be his) Melius dicit apud dei ministros causam agere, no better way than to refer the business to Gods Ministers, who being guided by the fear of God, will determin rightly in the same. Or is the Bishop only to be barred this Office? Not so, saith he. For if Saint Paul adviseth them to submit themselves unto the judgment of their Brethren, it was upon this rea∣son principally, quia adhuc Rector in eorum Ecclesia non esset ordinatus, because, as then, there was no Bishop in that Church. Saint Austin gives it more exactly, makes it a charge imposed upon the Bishop by Saint Pauls command. For speaking of the pains he took in the determining of such causes as were brought before him,* he tells us that he underwent the same in obedience only to Saint Paul's injunction, quibus nos mo∣lestiis idem affixit Apostolus, as his words there are; and that Saint Paul imposed it not by his own authority, sed ejus qui in eo loquebatur, but by the authority of the Holy Ghost which did dictate to him; adding withal, that howsoever it was irksome and laborious to him, yet he did patiently discharge his duty in it pro spe aeternae vitae, only upon the hope of life eternal. And it is worth the observation, that venerable Beda, making a Comment upon Saint Pauls Epistle, collected out of several passages of Saint Austins writings; he putteth down this place at large, as the most full and proper ex∣position of the Apostles words, Secularia judicia si habueritis, &c. 1 Cor. 6.4. If then ye have judgments of things pertaining to this life, &c. Here then we have the Bishop in∣teressed in the determining of suits and differences, a secular imployment surely; and yet no violence offered to the sacred Canon. May he not go a little further, and in∣termeddle, if occasion be, in matters of the Common-wealth? 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.* I do not blame those Bishops, saith Synesius, that are so imployed; such as are fitted with abilities for the undertaking, being by him (a strict and rigorous man) permitted to employ the same. And more than so, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, it maketh for Gods praise and glory that it should be so; that men, on whom he hath bestowed abilities to perform both Offices, should do accordingly. But these I put down here as opinions only; the practice of them we shall see in a place more proper. If then it be demanded what those 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, those worldly cares, and secular imployments are which the Canon speaks off:* Zonaras will inform us in another place, that the Canon aimeth at the mingling of the Roman Magistra∣cies 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, with the Episcopal or Priestly function, which at that time were, questionless, incompatible. And then the meaning of the Canon will in fine be this, that Bishops or inferiour Clergy-men, might not be Consuls, Praetors, Generals, or undergoe such publick Offices in the State of Rome, as were most sought for and esteemed by the Gentiles there.

As for their jurisdiction over the inferiour Clergy, [ X] as far as it is warranted by these Apostolick Canons, it doth co••st especially in these particulars. First, there is granted and annexed unto them the power of Ordination, and to them alone.* The second Canon tells us so, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Presby∣ter and Deacon, and all other Clerks must be ordained by one Bishop. And if a Bi∣shop be required, though but one in all, the Presbyters have no authority at all of con∣ferring Orders. But of this before: Being ordained, they were accomptable in the next place to their Bishop, in all things which concerned their Ministration; without whose special leave and liking there were not only many things which they might not do, but there was nothing in a manner to be done, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,* let them do nothing, saith the Canon, without the knowledge of the Bishops; neither Baptize nor celebrate the Eucharist, as Ignatius hath it, of whom more anon; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, not repel any man from the Communion, as it is in Zonaras. But here the Canons Page  256speaking in another place, they will tell you more particularly, that if a Presbyter neg∣lecting or contemning his own Bishop,* shall gather the People into a Conventicle, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and erect another Altar for divine worship, not being able to convict his Bishop of any impiety or injustice; he is to be deposed, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as an ambitious person, seeking a preheminence that belonged not to him. Finally, so obnoxious were the Presbyters to the command and pleasure of their Bishop, that they could not be admitted into any other City,* 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, without his letters testimonial; and this on pain of Excommunication as well unto the Pres∣byter that should so depart,* as to the party that received him. If any Presbyter or Deacon, leaving the charge appointed to him, shall go into another Diocess (for so I think 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, must be read in this place and time) and there abide without the allowance of his Bishop, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, he is to be suspended ab officio, especially if he return not presently on the Bishops summons. More of this kind there is in those ancient Canons, touching the Presbyters dependance on, and plain subjection to their Bishop. But I have instanced in such only as may be clearly justified by succeeding practice: And so much of the Apostles Canons, ascribed to Clemens.

From Clemens, [ XI] on to Evaristus, his next successor in the government of the Church of Rome. I know the Antiquaries of that Church have interloped an Anacletus be∣tween these two;* and let them take him for their labour. But when I find in Irenaeus, who lived so near the times we speak of, as to converse with those which were then alive, when both these Bishops sate in the Church of Rome; and when I find it in Eusebius,* who with such care and diligence collected the successions of the Prelates in the greater Churches, that Evaristus did immediately succeed this Clemens: I shall de∣sire to be excused if I prefer their testimony in this case, before that of Anastasius, or the Pontifical or Platina, or any whosoever of the later days. Now of this Evaristus it is said by Damasus in the Pontifical,* and from him by Platina, titulos in urbe Romae Presbyteris divisisse, that he did first assign the Presbyters in Rome their particular charges, which also is affirmed by Rob. Barnes,* one of the great Agents in our Reformation; which words of the Historians being short and dark, we will expound in the expressions of judicious Hooker thus, as followeth. For more convenient discharge of Ecclesiastical duties, as the body of People must needs be severed by divers Precincts, so were the Clergy likewise ac∣cordingly distributed. Whereas therefore Religion did first take place in Cities, and in that respect was a cause why the name of Pagans, which properly signifieth Country-people, came to be used in common speech for the same that Infidels and Ʋnbelievers were, it followed there∣upon that all such Cities had their Ecclesiastical Colleges consisting of Presbyters and Deacons, whom first the Apostles or their Delegates the Evangelists did both ordain and govern: Such were the Colleges of Hierusalem, Antioch, Ephesus, Rome, Corinth, and the rest, where the Apostles are known to have planted our Faith and Religion. Now because Religion and the Cure of souls was their general charge in common over all that were near about them, neither had any one Presbyter his several Cure apart, till Evaristus Bishop in the See of Rome, about the year 112. began to assign Precincts unto every Church or Title which the Christians held, and to appoint unto each Presbyter a certain compass, whereof himself should take charge alone; the commodiousness of which invention caused all parts of Christendom to follow it: So he. And he saith well that Evaristus first began it; but it was shortly after followed by Higinus also, who added more divisions to the former number, if I do un∣derstand my Author rightly.* As for the following of this pattern by other Churches, 'tis most true indeed that this invention of his was after followed in the Churches of Antioch and Alexandria: whereof see Socrates, Hist. Eccles. l. 5.3. for that of Antioch, and for the other Epiphanius, who reckoneth nomin••im those several Churches, which were before the time of Constantine in that famous City. And doubtless in all other Cities as the number of Christians did increase, so were the like divisions made, and several Presbyters appointed for those divisions, though we have no such pregnant evi∣dence thereof, as for those before. But then we must observe withal, that such di∣visions were not in the Country till a long time after, as we shall let you see in due place and time.

As for those Colleges of Presbyters and Deacons, [ XII] whereof Hooker speaketh, founded by the Apostles and Evangelists in all the Cities wherein they planted the Gospel of Christ, and by them conjoyned into one Church under and with the Bishop: It was a very excellent and useful institution,* as the times then were. For first it did ex∣ceedingly promote the conversion of the world to Christ our Saviour; it being a work Page  257too great for one or two to undertake in a populous City, and would require more time to effect the same, than such a weighty business could afford. The Harvest being great, it was most expedient that the Labourers should also be many; that so the truth of Christ might disperse it self not only throughout their Cities, but even unto those Country Towns and Villages which bordered near them. A second use was to continue those whom they had converted, in the Faith of Christ, instructing and incou∣raging the Faithful from house to house, and from man to man, to stand fast to the Doctrine which they had received, and not to shrink under the bloody storms of per∣secution, which were then so frequent. A work that of necessity required many hands; the more, because the faithful in those dangerous times had not their publick places of Assembly; or if they had, durst not frequent the same as in times of peace: and so the labour must be great, and the persons many, in Preaching, teaching, and exhorting in their private houses, or in those secret places where they met by stealth for the receiving of the Sacrament. A third use was, that from these Presbyteries, or Colleges of Presbyters and Deacons, as from a sacred spring or fountain, there might be a continual supply of fit and able men, by whom as well the Cities themselves might be continually furnished for their own occasions; and also that from thence, the smaller Towns and Villages within the circuit of those Cities, which for the slender∣ness of their estate, and paucity of believers could not maintain a Presbyter at their proper charge, might be provided of industrious teachers for their spiritual necessities. For in these times whereof we speak, and a long time after, the Villages and Country Towns, as they were converted to the Faith, and did desire a Minister of the Word and Sacraments to reside amongst them; so they repaired unto the Bishop of the City, within whose 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or bounds they were, of him desiring a fit man for that busi∣ness; which course continued in the Church for a long time after, until Churches were endowed with Tithes, and Glebe, and Mansion houses, which drew the Patro∣nage or Presentation, as we call it, into hands of such their Founders and liberal Be∣nefactors to the same. The last, but not the least, was the advising and assisting of the Bishop of the Church or City in all doubts and dangers; as well in making Rules and Ordinances for the better government of the place; as for the censuring and cor∣recting of such faulty persons, whether of the Clergy or Laity, as were thought fit to be convented, for an example to the rest.* In which regard Ignatius calleth the Pres∣bytery, or College of Presbyters (and not the Priesthood, Sacerdotium, as it is ren∣dred by Vedelius) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, an holy Corporation, Counsellors and Assessors to the Bishop. A perfect Image of the which, we have remaining in our Deans and Chapters of Cathedral Churches, though not so frequently consulted with in the Churches business, as I could heartily desire they were, and as our Canons now in force in some sort require.

The mention which I made so lately of Ignatius, leads me on to him, [ XIII] who yielded up his pious soul by Martyrdom to the hands of God in the City of Rome, whilst Euaristus was there Bishop: And in him I shall only touch upon those Epistles which I find mentioned in Eusebius; and which Vedelius doth confess and defend to boot,* to be truly his: But by the way I must first tell you that Vedelius in this business deals for all the world like the naughty Cow that gives a good meals milk and kicketh it down with her heel. For having shewed some pains and learning in his Apology for Igna∣tius, in vindicating these Epistles from all those who except against them: Yet in the body of the Text, when ever he doth meet with any thing which runneth cross unto his fancies; that he excepts against himself, as supposititious and adulterate, or else de∣stroyeth a good Text with a faulty Comment. But let us take the Author as he gives him to us. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.* Be subject to the Bishop (saith the good Father) as unto the Lord, and to the Presbyters as to Christs Apostles. Vedelius hereupon observes that the Presbyters are the proper successors of the Apostles,* contrary unto that of Bellarmine, who makes them (as he saith) to succeed the seventy. In which Vedelius doth the Bishops a far greater courtesie than I believe he did intend them; making the disproportion more considerable between the Bishop and his Pres∣byters than any Champion of the Prelacy had done before him. For if Vedelius may infer from our Authors words that the Presbyters are successors unto the Apostles, we may as well infer from the self same grounds, that Bishops are the successors of Christ our Saviour. The like obedience to the Bishop he presseth in another place of the same Epistle. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Reverence your Bishop as you would do Christ, as the Apostles have commanded.* And then he gives this Page  258reason of it, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; for what else is the Bishop, but one superiour un∣to all in place and Power? what else the Presbytery, but an holy Company, the Coun∣sellers and Assessors of the Bishop? In which we have as great a difference betwixt a Bishop and his Presbyters; as is between a Prince and his Privy Council. In that to the Magnesians thus;* 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. It becomes you to obey your Bishop, not being refractory against him in any thing: for a most terrible thing it is to contradict him and oppose him, in that the contumely or reproach doth redound to God. In his third Epistle,* that to the Philadelphians, he writeth thus. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the Priests are good, and so are the Deacons, as being Ministers of the Word; but better, or more excellent is the Chief Priest, as being only trusted with the Holy of Holies, and the secrets of God.* The like occurs in that to those of Smyrna; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. Honour God as the Author and Lord of all things, and your Bishop as the chief Priest, bearing the Image of God; that is to say, of God as he is chief, and of Christ as Priest. And though Vedelius brands this last as supposititious,* and in the former by chief Priest will have our Saviour meant, and not the Bishop: yet he that looks upon the place without prejudice,* will easily discern the contrary; the comparison which there Ig∣natius maketh, being between the Ministers of the Church with one another, and not between the Ministers and the Master, betwixt them and Christ, with whom it were both impious and absurd to make comparisons. It were an endless piece of work to instance in all those several places, wherein the superiority of Bishops over all the flock, is pleaded and declared by this blessed Martyr. I therefore shut up all with this Conclusion,* 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Let the Lay-people be subject to the Deacons, the Deacons to the Presbyters, the Presbyters unto the Bishop, and the Bishop unto Christ, as he to his Father: An heavenly and Divine subordination. Not one of all the ancient Fathers, that speaks more clearly and distinctly of the Degrees and Or∣ders in the Hierarchy, than this blessed Martyr; assigning unto every one his due place and station. If in one place, he calls the Presbyters by the name of Bishops, as wri∣ting unto Hero, one of the Deacons of the Church of Antioch it is plain he doth: it was at such time and on such occasion, when he himself being the Bishop of that place was ravished from them; and the chief Government thereof was to them com∣mitted, (as in the times of vacancy or absence it hath since been done) which gave them the authority of Bishops, though not the Order.

For point of Jurisdiction next, [ XIV] he gives us first this charge in general. It is ex∣pedient, saith he, that whatsoever things you do, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, do it not without your Bishop: that is to say, as he expounds himself in another place,* 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, nothing that appertains unto the Church, or concerns Religion. And this he grounds on the obedience of our Sa∣viour Christ,* 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, who doth not any thing without his Father: resolving finally, that they who give unto their Governour the name of Bishop,* 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and yet do what they list without him; do in effect, as those did unto Christ our Saviour, who said unto him, Lord, Lord, and yet did nothing which he said. As for particulars, he would have those which marry, or are given in marriage,* 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to take the Bishop along with them; that so their marriage may be made according unto Gods Commandment, and not for wantonness. The Eucharist he would not have performed but by the Bishop; ei∣ther by him in person, or by his authority; nor Baptism to be administred without his licence and permission. This last expresly in his 4th Epistle, being that unto the Church of Smyrna.* It is not lawful without the Bishop, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, either to baptize, or present Oblations, or celebrate the sacrifice of the blessed Eucharist, or solemnize the Love feasts; but all things to be done agreeably unto his direction, according to the will and pleasure of Almighty God. In which as to the Sacrament of Baptism,* Tertullian also doth concur; as we shall see hereafter in its proper place: And for the celebrating of the Eucharist by himself in person, and the assembling of the people upon his appointment, the same good Father gives it thus.* 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Let that administration of the Eucharist be held good and valid, which is done by the Bishop, or such as he permits to do it. And where the Bishop shall appear, there let the Congregation be assembled; as where Christ is, there all the Hosts of Heaven do stand round about him. Those that assemble otherwise than thus, and do not take the Bishop with them in these sacred Actions, are by him said,* to break the concord of the Church, and destroy her Order; and consequently are worthy of a greater punishment, than he 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which doth Page  259rebel against his King. Never did Advocate for his see plead a cause more throughly. So throughly, that I dare take up the Conclusion of that blessed Martyr:* 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. My Soul for theirs who carefully ob∣serve this Order, and keep themselves unto the Rules which are here prescri∣bed.

Now that which by Ignatius is laid down before us, [ XV] as to the ministration of the Sacrament, by the Bishop, in way of observation or direction; the same we find in Justin Martyr, who lived about the middle of this second Century; exemplified and repre∣sented in the way of Practice. For shewing how a Convert was to be admitted in the Congregation, and that he was received with Common Prayers both for himself,* and for the holy Catholick Church, he doth thus proceed. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Prayers being done, we salute one another with an holy kiss. Then do we offer Bread and Wine mixt with Water, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to the President or Ruler of the brethren; which he receiving, presenteth to the Father of all, by the name of the Son and holy Ghost, the sacrifice of praise and glory, rendring immortal thanks unto him in that he hath vouchsafed those his gifts unto us: who having offered this oblation of Prayer and Thanksgiving, the Congregation present say Amen. The President or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 having done his part, in celebrating of the Eucharist, and the People crowning his performance with their best Devotions, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, those who by us are called Ministers or Deacons (for both these words the Latin useth) distribute unto every one there present, a portion of the blessed bread and wine mixt with water, that he may communicate thereof; and also carry part thereof unto such as are absent. Which aliment (being thus consecra∣ted and received) we call the Eucharist, and is delivered unto none, but such as do believe our doctrine, and have been washed in the laver of Regeneration. And not long after, ma∣king a description of their Assemblies on the Sunday, he first relates that the Commentaries of the Apostles and writings of the Prophets, as much as the time will suffer, are read be∣fore them. Then addeth, that the Reader having done, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. the President or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 makes a Sermon, wherein he doth instruct the People in the performance of those excellent things, which are contained in the same. Which done we all arise, and make our Prayers unto the Lord, and then the Bread and Wine and Wa∣ter, as before, is offered: the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 proceeding to the Eucharist, according to the manner formerly described. Here then we have the celebration of the Eucharist, and the Preaching of Gods holy Word, performed ordinarily by the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or President of the Congregation: but what this 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 should be, is the point in question. For resolution of which doubt, it is clear and evident, that by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 anciently was meant the Bishop, as may appear by that of Eusebius, calling Publius Bishop of Athens by this name 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as he stiles him there;* and so in other places and in other Writers. Nor do I find that it was any way applyed to inferiour Presbyters, till after the division of the Church into several Parishes, not in some Cities only, but in all parts else; after which times the Presbyters or Mi∣nisters of Parochial Churches having cure of Souls, by and from the Bishop, and having got the name of Rectors; came to be called in some Writers 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 also, as we shall see hereafter in its proper place. But what need any of the Ancients come in for evidence; when as the matter is confessed by those, who were the greatest ad∣versaries of Episcopacy? For Beza making Timothy, whom we have proved suffici∣ently to have been a Bishop, to be the President or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of the Ephesine Presby∣tery; and such a President or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, ut Justinus vocat,* as Justin Martyr speaks of in the present place: it must needs be, that Justin Martyrs President or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 was a Bishop also, as Timothy is proved to be. Which if it be not clear enough, we have a second that speaks plainer, and he the greatest Champion of the adverse Party, which had the honour to be bred in the Church of England; Cartwright I mean,* who tells us, with great grief no question, that even in Justins time there began to peep, out something, which went from the simplicity of the Gospel, as that the name of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which was common to the Elders with the Ministers of the Word, was it seemeth appropriated unto one. So that by the confession of the Adversaries to Episcopal Government we have gained thus much, that the administration of the Sacrament of the blessed Eucharist, did pro∣perly and in chief belong unto the Bishop, as was affirmed by Ignatius, and proved in point of practice out of Justin Martyr. And so much for the first half of the second Century; what is presented to us in the other half, we are next to see.

Page  260

CHAP. II. The setling of Episcopacy together with the Gospel, in the Isle of Britain, by Pope Eleutherius.

AMongst those several Writers of the Primitive times, [ I] out of whose works Euse∣bius collected his materials, for the composing of the Ecclesiastical History, which we still enjoy: one of the antientest was Egesippus, one that took great pains in the self-same kind.* Five books he writ, as both Eusebius and Saint Hierom tell us, touch∣ing the Acts and Monuments of the Church of God: this last affirming of the work, that it contained many things, ad utilitatem legentium pertinentia, exceeding profitable to the Reader;* though written in a plain and familiar stile. Some fragments of his cited by Eusebius, we have seen before; the body of his Works being eaten by the teeth of Time: and one we are to look on now, being the remainder of a most ac∣curate and full confession of his Faith,* which he left behind him. There he relates, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that in a Journey towards Rome, he did confer with many Bishops; and that he found amongst them all the same Form of Doctrine: there being no City where he came, no Episcopal succession, wherein he found not all things so confirmed and setled, as they were prescribed by the Word, taught by the Prophets, and Preached by our Lord and Saviour. Particularly he tells us of the Church of Corinth, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that it continued constantly in the Orthodox Faith, till the time that Primus was there Bishop: with whom he had much conference, as he sailed to∣wards Rome, staying with him many days at Corinth, and being much delighted with his Conversation. Of Rome he only doth inform us, that he abode there till the time of Anicetus, whose Deacon Eleutherus at that time was; who not long after did succeed in his Pastors Chair: Soter succeeding Anicetus; Eleutherus succeeding Soter. Where by the way,* I wonder how Saint Hierom came to place the coming of Egesippus unto Rome, sub Aniceto, when Anicetus was there Bishop; considering that Egesippus tells us he was there before; and that he there continued 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, until the time of Anicetus, as before was said. Discoursing of the Errours of the Jews his Countrey-men, he sheweth that after James the Just was martyred in defence of Christs Truth and Gospel; Simeon the son of Cleophas and Uncle to our Saviour, was erected Bishop: all the Disciples giving their voices unto him, as being of their Masters kindred: He ad∣deth that Hierusalem (whereof he speaketh) was called for long time, the Virgin Church; as being undefiled with the filth of Heresies: and that Thebulis was the first who broach∣ed strange Doctrine in the same; the man being discontented, as it seemed, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, because he was not made a Bishop. So far the pieces of this Journal, or Itinerary direct us in this present search, as to discern how strong a bul∣wark the Episcopal succession hath been, and been accounted also, of Gods sacred Truths; how strong a Pillar for support of that blessed building.

At the same time with Egesippus lived Dionysius, [ II] the learned and renowned Bishop of the Church of Corinth,* successor to that Primus whom before we spoke of. A man, as both Eusebius and Saint Hierom say, of such both industry and Eloquence, Page  261ut non solum suae Civitatis & Provinciae populos, that he instructed not alone by his Epistles the people of his own City and Province, but also those of other Churches. One writ he, saith Eusebius, to the Lacedemonians, at once confirming them in faith and love: another unto the Athenians, about the time that Publius, their Bishop, suf∣fered Martyrdom; exhorting them to live according to the prescript of Christs holy Gospel. In that Epistle he makes mention of Quadratus also, who succeeded Publius in that charge; declaring also, that Dionysius the Areopagite being converted by Saint Paul, was made the first Bishop of that City. Of which three Bishops of Athens, Qua∣dratus is much celebrated by Eusebius for an Apologie by him written,* and tendred unto Adrian the Emperour, in the behalf of Christians; being the first piece of that kind that was ever written in the World: and written, as it seems, with such power and efficacy,* that shortly after Adrian desisted from his persecuting of the Church of God, making a Law or Edict for their future safety. But to go on with Dionysius. A third he writ unto the Nicomedians, opposing in the same the Heresies of Mar∣cion: a fourth unto the Gortynaeans, in which he much commended their Bishop Philip, in that the Church committed to his care and governance 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, had been made famous by so many tryals both for faith and constancy. He writ unto the Church of Amastris also, and the rest in Pontus; speaking by name of Palma, the Bishop there: as also to the Church of Gnossus, in the Isle of Crete; in which he did persuade Pintus, Bishop of the same, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, not to impose that grievous yoke of Chastity upon his brethren, as a matter necessary; but to consider rather the infirmity and weakness of them. Finally, there was extant in Eusebius's time another Epistle of this Dionysius, to the Church of Rome; wherein he magnifieth their abundant cha∣rity towards all the Brethren which were in want or persecution, not only of their own, but of other Cities: highly commending Soter, who was then their Bishop, who did not only study to preserve them in so good a way, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but also did encourage them to improve their bounties. So much remains of Dionysius and his publick Acts: by which we may perceive, that though the Bishops of those times (as since) had their particular Sees and Cities, yet did their care extend unto others also; maintaining a continual intercourse betwixt one another, not only for their mutual comfort in those dangerous times, but also for the better government of the Church it self; the Unity whereof was then best preserved by that correspondence which the Bishops, in the name of their several Churches, had with one another. For other Bishops of those times, not to say any thing of Melito or Polycarpus, whom before we spake of; nor of the Bishops of the four Patriarchal Sees, which we shall have occasion to remember shortly: those of most fame were Papias and Apollinarius,* Bishops succes∣sively of Hierapolis a City of Phrygia; Pothinus Bishop of Lyons in France;* Theophi∣lus Bishop of Caesarea; Cassius Bishop of Tyre; Clarius Bishop of Ptolomais, all three in Palestine; Publius Julius Bishop of Debelto a Colony in Thrace; with many others of great eminency; whereof consult Euseb. Hist. Eccles. 5. c. 18. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. & cap. 21. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

By this that hath been said of Dionysius, and other Bishops of his time, [ III] it is clear and evident, that Bishops had been setled even in those early days) in many Cities, where∣in we do not find that any had been formerly ordained by the Apostles. But how they were so setled, and by whose authority, hath in these later days been made a question. Our Masters in the Church of Rome, appropriate the power of instituting and erect∣ing new Episcopal Sees, to their Bishop only, as being the only, universal and supream Pastor of the Church. Bellarmine hath resolved it so, in terms express.* Apostolorum proprium erat, It properly pertained (saith he) to the Apostles to constitute Churches, and propagate the Gospel in those Churches wherein it never had been Preached. So far unquestionably true, but what followeth after? Et hoc ad Romanum Pontificem perti∣nere, & ratio & experientia ipsa nos docet. And that this doth belong to the Popes of Rome, both reason and experience teach us. Belong it doth indeed to the Popes of Rome, so far we dare joyn issue with him: but that it doth belong to the Pope alone, and not to any other Bishops but by his sufferance and authority, which is the matter to be proved, that there is neither reason nor example for. No reason certainly, for if this did belong to all the Apostles, as Bellarmine affirms it did, then other Bishops which derive their pedigree from Andrew, James, John, Paul, or any other of the Apostles, have as much interest herein as the Popes of Rome, who challenge their de∣scent from Peter. And for Examples, if they go by that, they have a very desperate cause to manage. 'Tis true indeed, that Clemens, one of the first Bishops of the Church Page  262of Rome,* did ordain several Bishops in his time, and placed them in the chief Cities of those parts of Gallia which lay near unto him, as viz. Photinus at Lions, Paul at Narbon, Gratian at Tours, others in other places also, as Ino Carnotensis hath reported of him. But then it is as true withal, that other Bishops did the like in their times and places. Christianity and Episcopacy had not else in so short a time been propa∣gated over all the World; if those which dwelt far off and remote from Rome, could not have setled and ordained Bishops in convenient places, without running thither, or having a Commission thence. And though we have no precedent hereof, in the present age, yet we may see by the continual practice in the ages following, that Bi∣shops were first propagated over all the Churches, by the assistance of such neighbour Churches, in whom there had been Bishops instituted either by the Apostles and Evan∣gelists themselves, or by their Successors. Frumentius being in some hope of gaining the Indians beyond Ganges to the faith of Christ, was made a Bishop for that purpose, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,* as the story hath it: not by the Pope of Rome, nor with his privity or consent that we can hear of, but by Atbanasius the great and famous Pa∣triarch of Alexandria.* And when Eusebius Samosatanus had a mind, for the suppres∣sing of the growth of Arianism, to erect Dolicha 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 as my Author calls it, a small City, but greatly pestred with that Heresie, into an Episcopal See: we find not that he sent to Rome for a Commission, but actually ordained Maris, Bishop of the place; and went himself to see him inthronized in the same. So in like manner Saint Basil ordained Gregory Nazianzen Bishop of Sasima, making that Town a Bishops See, which before was none:* and thereupon Gregorius Presbyter writing the life of Nazian∣zen, calls it very properly 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a Bishoprick or Episcopal See of a new foundation. And thus Saint Austin also in the age succeeding erected an Episcopal See in Fussata, a City or walled Town in his own Diocess of Hippo, making one Antonius the first Bishop there,* the Primate of Numidia returning with him in the Ordination. Nor did they this, as fain the Cardinal would have it, à sede Apostolica fa∣cultatem habentes, by force of any faculty procured from Rome; which is gratis dictum: but by their own proper and innate authority, as they were trusted with the Gover∣nment of the Church of Christ.

So then the Bishops only of the Church of Rome had not the sole authority of insti∣tuting Bishops, [ IV] where none were before. That's a dream only of the Pontifician. Autho∣rity they had to do it, as had others also; and hereof doth occur a notable and signal evidence in this present Age: viz. the setling of the Church of Britain, and planting Bishops in the same by Pope Eleutherius.* Of him it is affirmed in the Pontifical, ascri∣bed to Damasus, (who lived about the year 370.) accepisse Epistolam à Lucio Britan∣nico Rege, ut Christianus efficeretur per ejus mandatum; that he received an Epistle from Lucius a British King, desiring that by his authority he might be made a Christian: Our venerable Bede, a right ancient Writer, thus reports the story. Anno ab incar∣natione Domini 156;* &c. In the 156 year after Christs Nativity, Marcus Antonius Ve∣rus together with Aurelius Commodus his brother, did in the fourteenth place from Augustus Caesar, undertake the Government of the Empire. In whose times, when as Eleutherius a godly man was Bishop of the Church of Rome, Lucius King of the Britains sent unto him, obsecrans ut per ejus mandatum Christianus efficeretur, intreat∣ing by his means to be made a Christian; whose vertuous desire herein was granted; and the faith of Christ being thus received by the Britains, was by them kept invio∣late and undefiled until the times of Dioclesian. Wherein as I submit to Beda, as to the substance of the story, so I crave leave to differ from him as to the matter of Chro∣nologie. For by this reckoning Eleutherius must attain the Popedom Anno 167. as Beda elsewhere doth compute it;* which is ten years at least before the time assigned him by most other Writers. And therefore I shall rather chuse to follow the com∣monly received account, by which the said two Emperours are brought upon the Government of the Roman Empire, Anno 161. and the attaining of the Popedom by this Eleutherius is placed in the 17th year of Mareus, Anno 177. Lucius Aurelius Commodus being dead before. But in this Controversie, as it belongeth to Chronology, I shall not meddle at the present. It is enough, that the planting of the Gospel a∣mongst the Britains, was, as the greatest, so the first action of this Pope, done by him, as we read in Platina,* inito pontificatu, at his first entrance on the place: wherein Philippus Bergomensis in Supplemento Chronicorum, l. 8. and Cocc. Sabellicus, Ennead. 7. l. 5. do either follow him,* or concur with him. How Lucius came to be inflamed with this holy zeal, is related diversly. Nicolas Harpsfield doth conceive it to be on Page  263occasion of the great Miracle then lately done by the Christian Legion, obtaining rain from Heaven by their fervent prayers, on the Imperial Army much distressed with drought; by means whereof the Emperors dealt very favourably with the Christians, adjecta etiam accusatoribus damnatione, even to the condemnation of their false Accusers.* Others conceive, that being in himself of a sweet and gratious disposition, he was much taken with the reports that had come unto him, de miraculis Christi,* & praedica∣tione Apostolorum, touching the miracles of Christ, and the preaching of his holy Apostles. And possibly it might be both, one adding help and strength unto the other. But whichsoever it was, it seemeth he was not very forward at the first to im∣brace the Gospel, being retarded from the same by the obscure and poor condition of the Christians. But when he had been well informed by Pertinax and Trebellius,* Lieu∣tenants in this Island for the Roman Emperors, Romanorum illustres aliquot illam ad∣mifisse, that many men of mark amongst the Romans had received the faith; he then resolved to go through with his good intentions. And being so resolved,* he dispatched away Eluanus and Maduinus, Britans both, and both initiated in the faith, to Pope Eleu∣therius; who giving thanks to God for so great a blessing, did first of all Baptize the Legates or Ambassadors; and having Consecrated Eluanus Bishop, and fitted Meduinus for a Doctor, or an instructer of the people, or made him Presbyter, as I conceive the meaning of the place to be, he sent them back again to Lucius. The issue of the business was, eorum praedica∣tione Lucius, & totius Britanniae primates baptismum susceperunt, that by their preach∣ing, both Lucius and all the Noblemen of Britain received the Sacrament of Baptism; and that according to the order of the said Eleutherius, the State Ecclesiastical was established, Bishops ordained, and the rules of godly living shewed unto the people. Nor did he trust this work to those two alone, but he sent with them others also, Faganus,* and Deruvianus (or Damianus, as some call him) to assist the work, and contribute their best endea∣vours to so great a business, as most of our Historians witness.

This though it were a notable and signal work, [ V] and that we stand indebted for it unto the piety and zeal of that holy Pope; yet was not this the planting of the Gospel here, but the watering of it. The planting of it was before, perhaps before it had been planted even in Rome it self. Gildas,* one of the notedst Antiquaries of the British Nation doth affirm expresly, Tempore, ut scimus, summo Tiberii Caesaris, that in the latter days of Tiberius Caesar, our Saviour Christ the Sun of righteousness had with his beams enlightened this frozen Island, and that his Gospel was here propagated with∣out let or hinderance. Now Christ our Saviour suffered in the 18th. year of this Tiberius, and he again deceased in the 39th. of our Saviour; so that the faith of Christ was at the furthest preached unto the Britains within five years after the bitter passion of our Lord Christ Jesus. Whether at Rome so soon, or not, let them prove that can. That it was here so early, we have shewed a proof above all exception; and yet we have one more to come as little liable to exception, in the opinion of the Romanists as that before. It is a passage extant in Baronius,* and by him borrowed from the Acts or History of Mary Magdalen and her Associats; which tells us this, that after the dis∣persion of the Disciples on the death of Steven, Lazarus, Mary Magdalen, Martha, and Marcella, in quos Judaei majori odio exardescebant, against whom the Jews were more in∣censed than against any of the rest, were not only thrust out of Hierusalem, but together with one Maximinus, one of the Disciples, put into a Boat without Oars, and so com∣mitted unto the mercy, or the fury rather of the Sea, but were at last by Gods great providence brought unto Marseilles in safety, together with Joseph of Arimathea, who made himself a partner in the danger with them, and after went from Gaul to Britain, illicque post praedicatum Evangelium, diem clausit extremum, where having Preached the Gospel, he did end his days. With this, as for the time of Josephs coming into Britain, agreeth the argument made by the English Ambassadors at the Council of Constance,* upon occasion of a controversie therein agitated, touching the dignity and greatness of the Kingdoms of England and France. In which it was thus pleaded by the English Advocates, statim post passionem Christi, that presently on the passion of Christ, Joseph of Arimathea that noble Counsellor, who took our Saviour from the Cross, that he might early in the morning apply himself unto the dressing of the Lords Vineyard, came with his twelve Associates into England (i.e. that part of Britain which was then called England) and converted the People of it to the Faith. And this I take,* building upon the words of Gildas, to be more consonant to the truth of story, than to put off his coming hither unto the 63. year after Christs Nativity, or the 20. after his Ascension, as some of our Historians do, on far less Authority. But being come, and Page  264having Preached the Gospel here, as it is generally delivered by our ancient writers, he retired himself unto the Isle of Avalonia,* which we now call Glassenbury, and there applyed himself unto his devotions; leaving the work by him begun, to receive a fur∣ther measure of perfection both from S. Peter who was here in person, and from Ari∣stobulus whom Saint Paul sent hither, as before was said. And though we do not find any evident footstep, that either Aristobulus being ordained Bishop of the Britains, or that those Bishops who are said to have been ordained by Saint Peter, left any to succeed them in that sacred office; or that Religion had gained much upon the People of this Island, being then hardly civilized, and almost continually in wars and troubles: Yet did the Sceleton or carkass of it continue still from this time forwards, even to the days of Dioclesian;* sure I am Gildas doth expresly say it, that howsoever the Gospel was received here but very coldly at the first, apud quosdam tamen integre, apud alios minus, usque ad persecutionem Diocletiani tyranni novennem, yet it continued amongst some in greater, with others in a less perfection, until the nine years Persecution raised by Dioclesian.* And questionless from this old brood of Christians Eluanus and Me∣duinus before remembred (whereof the one is called Avalonus, the other Belga, this being the old name of that sept or nation, to which the Isle of Avalonia in those times belonged) receive their first affections to the Faith of Christ.

But of this little question hath been raised amongst our Antiquaries. [ VI] The greatest scruple is concerning Lucius, and the number of Episcopal Sees by him erected, whom the opposers of this story allow not to be King of Britain, which was reduced at that time to a Roman Province; and so by consequence of no ability to build so many Chri∣stian Churches, and endow the same, for the advancement of a Religion not publickly allowed of in the Roman Empire. But this, as I conceive, is no such objection, but what may easily be answered, considering what was vouched out of Bede, before, the ancientest writer of the English Nation, and no great friend unto the British. For they that know the customs of the Roman Empire,* know this well enough, that nothing was more usual with them, quam habere instrumenta servitutis, & Reges, than to permit Kings in the conquered Countries, making them to be helps and instruments for bringing the People into bondage. And they that know the passages of the present times cannot choose but tell that Lucius Verus living in the times whereof we speak, having put an end unto the War against the Parthians,* regna Regibus, provincias vero Co∣mitibus suis regendas dedisse, did give those Kingdoms which he had subdued to be ruled by Kings; the Provinces to be ruled by Earls or Counts. So that our Lucius might be very well a King in Britain, notwithstanding the reduction of it to a Roman Pro∣vince; especially considering that besides his birth-right, he was confirmed in the same.* M. Antonini Veri tum benevolentiâ, cum authoritate, both by the power and fa∣vour of M. Antoninus Verus, then the Roman Emperour. A King then Lucius was, and a King in Britain; in Britain as a King of some part thereof, such as Pratusagus and Cordigunus,* of whom Tacitus speaketh, had been before; but not a King of Britain, as of all the Island, it being probable that there were other petty Kings and Roytelets as well as he. But as it hapned after in the Saxon Heptarchie, that he which was more eminent than the rest for power and puissance, was called commonly Rex Gentis An∣glorum, the King or Monarch of the English Nation: So I conceive, that of these tri∣butary Kings in Britain, such as were in their several times of more power than others, assumed unto themselves the stile or title of Reges Britannorum, the Kings of the Britains, by which name of Rex Britannorum, and not Rex Britanniae, Lucius is called in Beda, as before was said: And thus then the seeming difficulty may be better solved than by running out I know not whither, beyond the territories of the Romans, to look for Lucius in the North parts of the Isle which we now call Scotland; only because it is affirmed by Tertullian,* Britannorum inaccessa Romanis loca, Christo esse subdita, that those remoter parts of Britain which never had been Conquered by the Romans, were sub∣dued to Christ; which might well be after the Gospel had been first received in the Southern Countreys. In which, as I can no way blame the Scots for seeking to appro∣priate this honour to their own part of the Island; so can I not but wonder at our Learned Camden,* that without seeing better cards, he should so easily give up such an hopeful game. As for the name of Lucius, it is meerly Latine, and that derived upon him either from the British Llos (fashioned on the Roman anvil) as in that language he is called, or taken up from Lucius Verus, one of the partners in the Empire at that very time, unto which family he stood indebted for his Crown and dignity, or given him else upon the post-fact, after the glorious light of truth had shined on him, in Page  265which regard the Britans call him Lever Maur, a man of great splendor and renown,* propter fidem quae in ejus tempore venit, by reason of the faith which in his time was brought into this Island.

But to go forwards with our story: Lucius and his Nobles being thus Baptized, [ VII] Faganus and Deruvianus return to Rome, giving to Eleutherius an account of their great success; of whom being joyfully received, and their Acts applauded, they returned back again to Britain, accompanied with many others,* quorum doctrina gens Britonum in fide Christi in brevi fundata refulsit, by whose assiduous preaching the whole British Nation became in very little time to be well setled and confirmed in the faith of Christ. Now at this time of their repair unto the Pope, I conceive it was, that they received in∣structions from him, for dealing with that godly King to found Episcopal Sees in the most convenient places of his Dominions; themselves receiving at that time, in all probability, the Episcopal Character. For after this I find them honoured with the name of Bishops, being by Rodburn in his Chronicle called Antistites,* and by the Au∣thor of the book entituled De Antiquitatibus Ecclesiae Wintoniensis, in plain terms Epis∣copi: Faganus being further said by some to have been made the first Arch-Bishop of the See of York. Being returned into Britain, and the King throughly established in the faith of Christ, it was no difficult matter to persuade him to turn the Temples of the Idols into Christian Churches, and to appropriate the revenues of them to more pious uses. And this he did, as Matthew of Westminster observes,* although he differ from us in his calculation, the very next year after their return from Rome. Gloriosus Rex Britonum Lucius, &c. Lucius the glorious King of the Britains, when he had seen the faith of Christ dispersed and propagated over his dominions, possessiones & territoria Ecclesiis & viris Ecclesiasticis abundanter conferens, bestowing with a liberal hand possessi∣ons and revenues both on Church and Church-men, did ratifie the said donations by his publick Charters. And this he saith on the Authority of Gildas, who in a book of his, entituled De victoria Aurelii Ambrosii, not now extant, had affirmed the same. Radulphus de Diceto speaks more fully to the point in hand: Eleutherus, saith he,* sent into Britain Faganus and Diwanus (for so he calls him) who having Baptized Lucius the King, templa etiam quae in honorem plurimorum deorum fundata erant, did dedicate un∣to the one and only God those Temples which had been built in former times to the honour of Idols. More fully, yet in fewer words, Gervase of Tilbury doth relate it thus: Hic Lucius omnia territoria, templis pridem collata, contulit Ecclesiis, & ampliavit:* This Lucius, saith he, bestowed upon the Churches those Lands and Territories which had been formerly conferred on the Pagan Temples, and inlarged them also. So that we find the Church indowed, and Bishops instituted in the time of Lucius; and that I hold to be above all exception, as will appear more evidently by the Episcopal suc∣cession, reckoned from this time; but whether in so large a number, and upon that occasion, as it is laid before us in our common Chroniclers, that is the point to be con∣sidered. Now our Historians, old and new, very few excepted, report that in those times in Britain there were no less than 28 Cities of name and eminency, whereof 25 had anciently been the seats of the Heathen Flamines, the three remaining, viz. York, London, and Caer-Leon upon Ʋske, of the Archiflamines; and that upon the introduction of the Gospel hither, the Temples of the Idols being turned into Christian Churches, instead of Flamines they placed Bishops, Archbishops in the place of the Archi-Flamines. All our own Writers which speak of the foundation of these Bishopricks, from Geofry of Monmouth down to Polydore Virgil, do report it thus, And so do many forrein also, beginning with Martinus Polonus, who first took it up, and so descending down to Platina, and since to other later Authors, both ours and theirs. Erant tunc in Britannia vig inti octo Pontifices Idolorum, quos Flamines vocabant; inter quos tres Archiflamines erant.* Sed praedicti Sancti (that is, Faganus and Deruvianus) de mandato Apostolici, ubi erant Flamines, instituerunt Episcopos; ubi Archiflamines, Archiepiscopos. We had the same before in England, save that the Popes appointment (mandatum Apostolici) doth here occur, which there we had not. And how far this may stand with probability, or with truth of story, is in the next place to be looked on.

And for the number of them first, [ VIII] it cannot be denied but that of old there were no less than 28 Cities in these parts of Britain which we now call England.* Beda affirms it so expresly, Erat & viginti octo Civitatibus quondam nobilissimis insignita, that Britain anciently was ennobled with 28 signal and noted Cities, besides Towns and Castles. Henry of Huntingdon doth not only declare as much,* but lets us know the several names whereby they had been called in the Britains time; and by the which the most of them Page  266were known in the later Ages, when he lived. And possibly there might be Bishops in them all, according as the Gospel did inlarge its borders, and Provinces were gained to the Faith of Christ; though neither all so early as the days of Lucius, nor all of his foundation and endowment, as it is supposed. It was a work too mighty for a petty Prince to spread his arms at once over all the Island, especially so many Provinces thereof being none of his. What might be done in times succeeding, and by his ex∣ample, is not now the question; nor whether that which was done after, might in some sort be ascribed to him, as being the first that gave the on-set, and shewed the way to others, how to do the like; as Rome is said to have been built by Romulus, be∣cause he began it, the greatest part thereof being built a long time after. And this seems probable to me,* as to the number of the Sees Episcopal, that there were so many, because that Gregory the great by his constitution, appointed twelve Bishops for the Province of Canterbury, and twelve also unto that of York, which with the four in Wales, which are still remaining, will make up eight and twenty in the total. But for the Flamines and Arch-flamines, I must confess I am not so well satisfied in the pro∣bability and truth of that. That by the name of Flamines the Gentiles used to call the Priests of their several Gods,* I know well enough. Socerdotes Gentilium Flamines dice∣bantur, as it is in Isidore. But being that one and the same City had not only many Flamines, but also many Colleges of Flamines, according to the number of the Gods they worshipped, some for Mars, others for Jupiter, and some for Romulus; and that there is no ancient Writer of the Roman stories which mentioneth either Archiflamines or Protoflamines,* as is objected very well by B. Godwin: I must confess I am not so well satisfied in this point, as to deliver it for a certain and undoubted truth. He that de∣sires to see what may be answered unto those objections, let him consult the learned and laborious work of Francis Mason,* late Archdeacon of Norfolk, De Ministerio Angli∣cano, the sum whereof in brief is this, Licet in una urbe multi Flamines, that though there were many Flamines in one City, yet was there only one which was called Pon∣tifex, or Primus Flaminum, the Pope or principal of the Flamines; of which kind one for every City were those whom our Historians speak of: And for the Archiflamines, or Proto-Flamines,* though the name occur not, yet were there some in power and autho∣rity above the rest, who were entituled primi Pontificum, (as indeed Coifi, by that name is called in Beda) which is the same in sense with Archiflamines, although not in sound. This if it satisfie the Reader, shall not thwart with me, who am no enemy unto the story, or any part thereof, which may well be justified. If not, but that it rather be accounted a device of Monkish ignorance, I shall desire them who are so opinionated to consider this, that few of the records of those elder days have come entire unto our hands; and that it is no marvel it such an ancient story as this is (considering through whose hands it passed) hath in so long a tract of time contracted somewhat of that rust and rubbish wherewith the middle ages of the Church did so much abound.

Yet if mine own opinion were demanded in it, [ IX] though I agree unto the story, both for the number of the Bishops and the Metropolitans, I must needs think there was some other reason for it than the relation of the number of the Flamines and Archi∣flamines, which is there pretended: And that this was not done at once, but in a lon∣ger tract of time than the Reign of Lucius, as was in part affirmed before. That Lucius did convert the Temples of the Idols into Christian Churches, setled the reve∣nues of the same upon the Churches by him founded, I shall easily grant, so far forth as the bounds of his dominions will give way unto it; but being there were but 28 Cities in all that part of Britain which we now call England, as both from Huntingdon and Beda was before delivered; and that King Lucius was but a Tributary Prince of those Regions only, which were inhabited by the Trinobantes and Cattieuchlani, as I do verily conceive he was: I believe rather that the number of the Bishops and Arch∣bishops which our stories speak of, related to the form of government, as it was after∣wards established in the Roman Empire,* and not to any other cause whatever. Now they which have delivered to us the state of the Roman Empire, inform us this: That for the easier government and administration of the same, it was divided into fourteen Diocesses (for so they called those greater portions into the which it was divided:) every Diocess being subdivided into several Provinces, and every Province in the same conteining many several Cities. And they which have delivered to us the estate of the Christian Church,* have informed us this, that in each City of the Empire, where∣in the Romans had a Defensor Civitatis (as they called that Magistrate) the Christians when they gain'd that City to the holy faith, did ordain a Bishop, that over every Page  267Province in which the Romans had their Presidents, they did place an Arch-bishop, whose seat being commonly in the Metropolis of the Province, gave him the name of Metropolitan: and finally that in every Diocess in which the Romans had their Vica∣rius, or Lieutenant-General, the Christians also had their Primate, and seated him in the same City also where the other was. This ground thus layed, it will appear up∣on examination, that Britain in the time of the Roman Empire was a full Diocese of it self, no way depending upon any other portion of that mighty State,* as any way subordinate thereunto. And being a Diocese in it self, it was divided in those times into these three Provinces, viz. Britannia prima,* containing all the Countrys on the South of the River Thames, and those inhabited by the Trinobantes, Cattieuchlani, and Iceni: 2. Britannia secunda, comprising all the Nations within the Severn: and 3. Maxima Caesariensis, which comprehended all the residue to the Northern border. In the which Provinces there were no less than 28 Cities, as before is said; of which York was the chief in Maxima Caesariensis; London the principal in Britannia prima; Caer-Leon upon Ʋsk, being the Metropolis in Britannia secunda. And so we have a plain and apparent reason, not only of the 28 Episcopal Sees, erected anciently in the British Church; but why three of them, and three only, should be Metropolitans. For howsoever after this there were two other Provinces taken out of the former three, viz. Valentia and Flavia Caesariensis, which added to the former,* made up five in all: yet this being after the conclusion of the Nicene Council, the Metropolitan dig∣nity in the Church remained as before it did, without division or abatement, ac∣cording to the Canon of that famous Synod.* And herewithal we have a pregnant and infallible Argument, that Britain being in it self a whole and compleat Diocese of the Roman Empire, no way subordinate unto the Praefect of the City of Rome, but under the command of its own Vicarius or Lieutenant-General; the British Church was also absolute and independent, owing nor suit nor service, as we use to say, un∣to the Patriarch or Primate of the Church of Rome, but only to its own peculiar and immediate Primate, as it was elsewhere in the Churches of the other Dioceses of the Roman Empire. This I conceive to be the true condition of the British Church, and the most likely reason for the number of Bishops and Arch-bishops here established, according to the truth of Story, abstracted from those errours and mistakes, which in the middle Ages of the Church, have by the Monkish Writers of those times been made up with them.

But for the substance of the story, as by them delivered, [ X] which is the planting of the Church with Bishops in eminent places, that appears evidently true by such re∣mainders of antiquity as have escaped the tyranny and wrack of time. For in the Council held at Arles in France, Anno 314.* we find three British Bishops at once sub∣scribing, viz. Eborius Bish. of York, Restitutus B. of London, and Adelfus B. of Colche∣ster, there called Colonia Londinensium. Gennadius also, in his Tract, de viris illustribus, mentioneth one Fastidius, by the name of Fastidius Britanniarum Episcopus,* amongst the famous Writers of old time, placing him Anno 420, or thereabouts; whom B. God. win I cannot tell upon what reasons,* reckoneth amongst the Bishops of the See of London. Particularly for the Bishops or Archbishops of the British Church, we have a Catalogue of the Metropolitans of London collected or made up by Joceline, a Monk of Fournest, an ancient Monastery in the North, being 14 in all: which, howsoever the validity thereof may perhaps be questioned by more curious Wits, yet I shall lay down as I find it: taking their names from him; that little story which concerns them, out of other Writers. First then we have Theon or Theonus: 2 Eluanus, one of the two Ambassadours sent by King Lucius to the Pope. 3 Cadar or Cadoeus: 4 Obinus or Owinus: 5 Conanus: 6 Palladius: 7 Stephanus: 8 Iltutus: 9 Theodwinus: 10 Theodredus: 11 Hilarius:* 12 Guitelinus sent as Ambassadour to Aldrocnus King of Armorica or Little-Britain, to crave his aid against the Scots and Picts, who then plagued the Britains: 13 Vodius or Vodinus, slain by Hengist (but some say by Vor∣tiger) at the first entrance of the Sateons into this Isle: 14 And last of all, Theonus who had been sometimes Bishop of Gloncester, but was after translated hither, and was the last Bishop of London, of this line or Series. Of some of these, viz. the second, and the three last, there is good constat in Antiquity: whether there be the like of all the residue, I am not able to determine. So for the Bishops or Arch-bishops of York, of the British line, besides Faganus the first Arch-bishop of this See, as before was said and besides Eborius formerly remembred amongst the Subscribers to the Council of Arles:* our Stories tell us of one Sampson said to be made the Bishop of the place in the time of Page  266〈1 page duplicate〉 Page  267〈1 page duplicate〉 Page  268Lucius;* of one Pyramus preferred unto this honour by King Arthur, whose domestick Chaplain he then was: and finally of Tadiacus, who together with Theonus the last Bishop of London of this line or Race, fled into Wales, the better to avoid the tyranny of the Saxons,* who then made havock of the Church. And for the Bishops or Arch-bishops of Caerleon upon Ʋsk, which was the third Metropolitical City in the account and estimate of those times, we have assurance of Dubritius a right godly man, ordained Bishop of the same by Germanus and Lupus, two French Prelates, at such time as they came to Britain for the suppressing of the Pelagian Heresie; whose Successours we have upon Record, under the Title of Llandaffe to this very day. That Gloucester also in those times was a Bishops See, besides what did appear before, is affirmed by Cambden,* who tells us that the Bishops of the same occur in the subscri∣ptions to some ancient Councils, under the name of Cluvienses; for by the name of Clevum or Caer-Glowy was it called of old. But not to wander into more particulars, either Sees or Bishops:* we find in Athanasius, that in the Council of Sardica holden in Anno 358. some of the British Bishops were assembled amongst the rest, concurring with them in the condemnation of the Arian Heresies. As also, that in the Council of Ariminum,* held the next year after, the British Bishops were there present: three of the which were so necessitous and poor, that they were fain to be maintained at the pub∣lick charge, Sanctius putantes fiscum gravare quàm singulos, thinking it far more com∣mendably honest to be defraied out of the Exchequer, than to be burdensom unto their Friends. And when Pope Gregory sent Austin hither for the conversion of the Saxons,* he found no fewer than seven Bishops in the British Churches, viz. Herefor∣densis, Tavensis, Paternensis, Banchorensis, Elwiensis, Wiccensis, and Morganensis (or rather Menevensis) as Balaeus counts them.* All of which, that of Paternensis excep∣ted only, do still remain amongst us under other names.

Now if I should be asked, [ XI] whom I conceive to have been the Primate of the British Church during the time it flourished, and stood upright, neither oppressed by the ty∣ranny of Dioclesian, nor in a sort exterminated by the Saxons fury; I answer, that it is most likely to be the Metropolitan or Arch-bishop of York: And this I do upon these reasons.* For first, however it appears by Tacitus, that London was a Town of the greatest Trade, copia negotiorum & commeatuum maxime celebris, as that Author hath it:* yet neither was it ever made a Roman Colony, nor made the seat at any time of the Roman Emperours. But on the other side, York was a Colony of the Romans, even of long continuance, as appears not only by the testimony of Ptolomy and Antoninus;* but by this ancient inscription vouched by Mr. Cambden, and by an old Coin of Severus the Roman Emperour, bearing this inscription, COL. EBO∣RACUM LEG. VI. VICTRIX. And as it was a Colony of the Roman people, so was it also for a time the seat of the Roman Emperours: For here the Em∣perour Severus before remembred, yielded up his Soul: and here Constantius Chlorus de∣ceased also,* having both kept their seat there a good time before: here Constantine the great advancer of the Faith and Gospel,* was first brought forth into the World; and here did he first take upon him, together with the name of Caesar, the Government of that part of the Roman Empire, which had belonged unto his Father. So that Eboracum or York, being the ancient seat of the Roman Emperours, what time they pleased to be resident in the Isle of Britain, was questionless the seat of their Vicarii or Lieutenants General, when they were absent from the same: and so by consequence, the seat of the British Primate, according to the Rules and Platform before laid down. Add here that for the time the Romans held this Island in their possession, they setled their Prae∣torium for the administration of Justice, in the City of York, drawing thither the re∣sort of all the subjects which had any business of that kind, for dispatch thereof: in which regard it is called by Spartianus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,* the City, as by way of excellence. Veniens in Civitatem, primùm in templum Bellonae ductus est, speaking of the entrance which Severus made into the City of York. But that which most of all confirms me, is the subscription of the British Bishops to the Council of Arles, as it is published amongst the Gallick Councils by Sirmundus, thus: Eborius, Episcopus de Civitate E∣boracensi, Provincia Britannia. Restitutus Episcopus de civitate Londinensi, Provincia supradicta. Adelphius Episcopus de civitate Colonia Londinensium; exinde Sacerdos Pres∣byter, Arminius Diaconus. By which subscription it is plain, that the Bishop or Arch∣bishop of York, having place of London, was Primate of the British Church: there being otherwise no reason why he should have precedence in the Subscription. And so much for the setling of Episcopacy in the Church of Britain, at this reception of Page  269the Gospel from the See of Rome: being the first time that the Faith of Christ was publickly received and countenanced; not in this Island only, but any other part of the World whatever. All which I have laid down together, that I might keep my self the closer to my other businesses, to which now I hasten.

CHAP. III. The Testimony given unto Episcopal Authority, in the last part of this second Century.

HAVING thus setled the affairs of the Church of Britain, [ I] we will look back again towards Rome, where we find Victor sitting as successor unto Eleutherius; and the whole Church though free from persecutions, yet terribly embroyled with Schisms and Heresies. For in the later end of Eleutherius, Blastus and Florinus two notorious Hereticks had broached this doctrine, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,* that God was the author of sin: and possibly might have spread the venom of their Heresie exceeding far, if Irenaeus that great and learned Bishop of Lyons, being then at Rome, had not pre∣scribed a speedy and a sovereign Antidote, in several Tractates and Discourses against the same. But Eleutherius being dead, and Victor in his place, there hapned such a Schism in the Church of Christ, by his precipitance and perversness, that all the water, which Irenaeus and many other godly men could pour into it,* was hardly suf∣ficient to quench the flame. The business which occasioned it, was the feast of Easter: or indeed not the Feast it self, upon the keeping of the which all Christians had a∣greed from the first beginnings: but for the day in which it was to be observed, wherein the Churches of Asia had an old Tradition, differing from the rest of Chri∣stendom. For whereas generally that festival had been solemnized in the Church of Christ, on the Lords Day next after the Jewish Passeover, as being the day which our Redeemer honoured with his Resurrection: the Christians of the Asian Churches kept it, upon the 14th day of the month precisely, being the very day prescribed for the Jewish Passeover. A business of no great importance, more than for a general con∣formity in the Church of Christ; yet such as long had exercised the patience of it, even from the time of Pius Pope of Rome, who first decreed it to be kept on the Lords Day, Die Dominico Pascha celebrari, as it is in Platina;* but followed with most heat and violence by this Victor, perhaps upon the Omen of his name. Of whom Eusebius thus reporteth, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. that he attempted to cut off the whole Church of Asia, together with the Churches adjacent, from the Communion of the Catholick, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as if they had maintained some heterodox or dangerous Doctrine contrary to the Faith of Christ. A matter taken very tenderly not only by the Asian Bishops whom it most concerned, but also by some other of the Western parts, who more endeavoured the preservation of the Churches peace, than the ad∣vancement and authority of the See of Rome: those of chief note which interessed Page  270themselves therein, being Irenaeus, Polycrates: the one Bishop of the Metropolitan Church of Lyons in France; the other of the Church of Ephesus, the Queen of Asia; both ho∣nourable in their times and places.

And first Polycrates begins deriving the occasion and descent of their observation, [ II] from Philip 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,* one of the twelve Apostles (not of the seven Deacons, as our Christopherson most ridiculously and falsly doth translate it) who died at Hierapolis a City of Phrygia; and from Saint John 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, who rested on the bosom of our Lord and Saviour; as also from Polycarpus, and Thracias, Bishops of Smyrna, and both Martyrs; Sagaris B. of Laodicea, Papyrus and Melito and many others, who kept the feast of Easter as the Asians did. As for himself, he certifieth, that following the Traditions of his Elders he had done the like; that seven of his kindred had been Bishops, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, himself being the eighth, and all which did so observe the feast of Easter, when the Jews did prepare the Passeover; that having served God 65 years, diligently canvassed over the holy Scri∣ptures, and held both intercourse and correspondence with many of the brethren over all the World, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, he was the least disturbed at those Bruta fulmina. Adding withal, that he might here commemorate those several Bishops that were assembled at his call to debate the point; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but that this bare retital of their names was too great a trouble: who though they could not but be sensible of his imperfections, yet thinking that he bare not those gray hairs for nought, did willingly subscribe unto his Epistle. So far,* and to this purpose he. And on the other side, Irenaeus writing unto Victor ut∣terly dislikes that his severe and rigid manner of proceeding, in cutting off so many Churches from the Communion of our Lord, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, only because they did adhere to the Tradition of their Ancestors in a point of Cere∣mony: shewing how much he differed in this business from the temper and moderation of his Predecessours, Soter, Anicetus, Pius, Higinus, Sixtus and Telesphorus, who though they held the same opinions that he did, did notwithstanding entertain the Asian Bishops, when they came unto them, with great affection and humanity; sending to those who lived far distant, the most blessed Eucharist, in testimony of their fellow∣ship and Communion with them. Nor did he write thus unto Victor only, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but to the Governours or Bishops of many other Churches also. And certainly it was but need that such a Moderator should be raised to atone the difference: the billows beating very highly, and Victor being beset on every side for his stiff perversness, by the Prelates of the adverse party, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, sharply assaulting him both with words and Wri∣tings.

For the composing of this business, [ III] before it grew to such a heat, there could no better means be thought of, than that the Bishops of the Church in their several quarters should meet together to debate and determine of it. And so accordingly they did,* 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and many Sy∣nods and assemblies of the Bishops, were held about it: viz. one in Caesarea of Palestine, wherein Theophilus B. of the place, and Narcissus B. of Hierusalem did sit as Presi∣dents: another at Rome: a third of all the Bishops of Pontus, in the which Palmas, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as the chief amongst them of that Order, did then preside: A fourth there was of the French or Gallick Churches, in the which Irenaeus sat as chief: a fifth of all the Churches about Osroena and the parts adjoyning. Bachyllus Bishop of Co∣rinth, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and many other Bishops of particular Churches, held their Synod also apart and separate; which all with one consent determined, that the feast of Easter was to be observed on no other day than that upon the which our Sa∣viour rose: contrary to the usage of the Asian Churches. In agitation of which bu∣siness, I observe these things. First, that Episcopacy in so short a time was setled and confirmed over all the World, or so much of it at the least, as had received the Faith and Gospel. Secondly, that on all emergent Controversies, that did engage the Church of Christ, the Bishops, as men most concerned in the Churches Peace, were still most forward also to compose the same. Thirdly, that on the practices of the Popes of Rome to enlarge their border, the Bishops of the Church of what part soe∣ver, have always been most ready to oppose the same; and keep that proud and swel∣ling See within the compass of its proper and peculiar bounds. So far were those most godly and Religious men,* from making a stirrup for Antichrist to get into his Saddle, though some have so given out in these later days to the dishonour of those glorious Page  271lights in the House of Christ, and the profane reproach not only of the wisdom of that Church, but also of the Holy Spirit of Almighty God. Fourthly, That on the rising of such differences, as did disturb the Churches Peace, the Bishops of the Church have an innate and proper power,* of convocating and assembling Councils both Na∣tional and Provincial for the appeasing of the same; wherein the greatest Champions of the Popedom, do consent also: Which Power as they made use of, as their own peculiar, when as there were no Christian Princes to have a care unto the main: so since there have been Christian Princes, that Power is not extinguished but directed only. Fifthly, that in those Councils or Synodical meetings, the Bishops and their Clergy had authority both to debate and to determine of all such matters, as did concern the Church of Christ, either in point of Faith or Ceremony; not seeking any confirmation of their Acts and Ordinances, from that Christian People, who were to yield obedience to them. And last of all, that such things as by them were then de∣termined, did presently oblige all people under the governance and direction of the said Prelates and Clergy, so met together and assembled, as before is said; as appears partly by that calm which followed over all the Church, upon the holding of these Synods; but principally by that end, which afterwards was put unto this Contro∣versie, by the Council of Nice.

But to proceed with Irenaeus that Religious Prelate, [ IV] from what he did as Bishop in the Churches service, for the atoning of her differences and the advancement of her peace; to that which he hath left behind him concerning Bishops, as a learned Wri∣ter, the light and glory of this Age. Which evidence of his, because it doth relate to the Episcopal succession in the Church of Christ, as a foundation on the which he doth build his structures; we will first look on the Succession of the four prime Sees, by which we may conjecture at the state and quality of all the rest. And this we can∣not do at a better time, than where now we are, the time when Victor sat in the Chair of Rome: which being in the close of the present Century, gives us opportunity, to look as well upon his Predecessors, as his and their Cotemporaries in the same. And first for Rome, from Clemens where we first began,* to Victor which is now the subject of our History, we find the names and actions of nine intermediate Bishops: Clemens being the fourth, and Victor the 14th, in that Catalogue; most of the which had suf∣fered death for the sake of Christ, whose honour they preferred before worldly glories. For Antioch next, I find that from Ignatius who began this Century, unto Serapion who sat Bishop there in the conclusion of the same, were five Bishops only: and that in Alexandria, from Cerdo to Demetrius inclusively, were no more than seven. By which it is most clear and evident that the Bishops in neither of these Churches, held the Chair by turns from week to week, or from month to month as some men sup∣pose,* but were invested with a constant and fixt preheminence, such as the Bishops now enjoy in the Church of Christ: some of them, in the two last specially, holding out ten years, some twenty, others more than that; as by the Tables of Succession published by Eusebius, doth at full appear. As for Hierusalem, the Bishops thereof indeed held not out so long, there being no fewer than thirteen from Simeon unto Marcus the first Bishop of that Church, which was not of the Circumcision; and thir∣teen more betwixt this Marcus and Narcissus, who closed this Century. So that within one hundred years there sat nine and twenty Bishops in this Church: which sheweth, as Baronius well observeth,* Ecclesiam Hyerosolymitanam dira fuisse persecutione vexatam, that this poor Church was terribly afflicted with persecutions. And so it is most like to be: For standing as it did betwixt Jew and Gentile, and equally hated of them both; how could it chuse but suffer under a double tyranny; each of the ad∣versaries striving who should most afflict her? Nor hath Eusebius only given a bare and naked list of names, but calculated punctually and precisely, the time and years, in which all the Bishops of the three first Sees did possess the Government of those Churches, which he professeth that he could not find in the last exactly, by reason of the shortness of their lives, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,* as his words there are. But what we fail of there, we find performed after by Nicephorus; who hath assigned to every one of them his own term and time: in the which whe∣ther he be rather censured than rectified by Petavius,* I mean not to examine in this place and time. For howsoever at the first Hierusalem was not reckoned for a Patri∣archal Church, as the others were: yet in regard of the opinion which was held of the place it self, as being honoured with the Passion of our Lord and Saviour, and with the Preaching of the Holy Hpostles, and consequently reckoned for the Mother-City of Page  272the Christian Church; the Bishops of that Church were in great esteem, and the Episcopal succession there preserved on exact record, as in the three great Patriarchal Sees before remembred.

But here I meet with an Objection that must first be answered, [ V] before we see what use is made of this Episcopal succession by the ancient writers. For if that those who thus succeeded one another in these several Churches, were no more than Presbyters, as some please to say, then must we quit the cause, and let fall the action. And though I cannot think that men of wit and learning, whatsoever they say, doe or can possibly conceive them to be other than Bishops, Bishops distinct from Presbyters, both in power and title; yet we are told, and we shall see how truly, that Anicetus, Pius, Higinus,* Telesphorus, and Sextus, whom the Papists call Bishops, and the Popes Pre∣decessors, are by Eusebius termed Presbyters; and therefore (for what else must be the inference?) that Bishops and Presbyters are the same. A passage in the which there are almost as many fallacies and mistakes, as words; which I shall briefly represent, and so pass them by. For first, Eusebius, whom they cite, doth not call them Presbyters, but Irenaeus in Eusebius,* which so great Criticks should have seen. The difference of the Age or time when these Authors lived, maketh a great difference in the use and acceptation of the word: And I believe it cannot easily be found, whatever may be said of Irenaeus, that Bishops are called Presbyters by Eusebius, or any Writer of his time. 2. It is not evident by the Authors words, that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is there used to denote the Office, but the Age or rather Seniority of those holy men which preceded Victor in the Church of Rome. Or if it were, yet 3ly. it is past all question, that simply Presbyters they were not, though by him so called, but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, such as had had the government of that famous Church, and so were Bishops at the least both in name and office. 4. The calling of them by the name of Presbyters doth no more conclude that Presbyters and Bishops were the same, than if a man discoursing of the state of London, should say that my Lord Mayor was a wealthy Citizen; and thereupon a stander by should make this conclusion, that every Citizen is Lord Mayor of London, and hath as much to do in the Government thereof, as he. 5. The Papists do not call Higinus, Pius, Sixtus, and the rest there mentioned by the name of Bishops; or if they do, they do not call them so quà Papists; or if so too, and that none call them so but Papists, there is almost no Father in the Church of Christ who may not presently be endited and condemned of Popery, because there is almost no Father, nor any other ancient Writer who doth not call them by that name. 6. And lastly, it is no Popery, nor the language of a Papist neither, to say that Pius, Sixtus, and the rest there named, were the Popes Predecessors; for Predecessors of the Popes they were in their See and Government, though neither in their Tyranny nor Super∣stition. Nor doth this Argument strike only at the Popes of Rome, though they only named, but at all the Bishops of the Primitive Church, whether of the greater Patri∣archal Sees, or of any other; who, if the observation of these men be good and valid, were no more but Presbyters. The best way to refel which fancy, is to behold the la∣titude and extent of that jurisdiction which the Bishops of these Churches did enjoy at this present time; which when we have laid down sincerely, according as it stood in the times we speak of, it shall be left to be considered of by any sober-minded man, whosoever he be, whether the men that held such ample jurisdiction were no more than Presbyters, or whether such Bishops were the same with Presbyters, which comes both to one.

Now that the latitude of jurisdiction belonging to these four prime Sees, [ VI] especially to those of Antioch, Rome, and Alexandria, was as ancient as the times whereof we speak, appeareth plainly by the Canon of the Nicene Council. For whereas it was or∣dered by the aforesaid Council,* 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that ancient customs should prevail, viz. the Churches of Alexandria, Rome, and Antioch should enjoy those privi∣ledges which before they had; those priviledges or customs, call them which you will; could not of right be counted ancient, unless we place them at the latest in this second Century, the close thereof being not much above an hundred years before that Synod. Now for those priviledges what they were, we are in part informed by the self same Cannon;* where it is said, that the jurisdiction of the Bishop of Alexandria did extend over all Egypt,* Libya, and Pentapolis: To which though Epiphanius addeth Thebais Maraeotica, and Ammoniaca, yet he adds nothing in effect; the two first being Pro∣vinces of Egypt, and the last of Libya: So that his jurisdiction reached from Gaza in the parts of Syria, unto the Western border of Cyrenaica, (for that was the Pentapolis Page  273mentioned in the Canon) where it conterminated on that of Africk. The Canon having thus laid out the bounds of the command and jurisdiction belonging unto him of Alexandria, proceedeth unto that of Rome, who had his mos parilis, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, an answerable latitude and extent of power. But for the certainty of this ex∣tent we must refer our selves unto Ignatius, directing his Epistle to the Romans,* with this superscription, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to the sanctified and illuminated Church of God, presiding in the place of the Religion of the Romans. If Bellarmine can out of this extract an Argument for the Popes supre∣macy,* as he pretendeth to have done, he is a better Chymist than I took him for. And therefore I must turn him over to be better tutored by Vedelius, who howsoever in his notes upon that Father, he lean too much on his own affections and opinions, doth in this very well declare the good Fathers meaning, agreeably unto the tendries of antiquity. And by him we are told,* that nothing here is meant by the place or Religion of the Romans, nisi quicquid in Italia terrarum Praefecti urbis administrationi sub∣erat; but only those parts of Italy which were directly under the civil government of the Provost of Rome; that is to say, Latium, Tuscia, and Picenum: To which perhaps were added in the following Ages the whole East part of Italy, which we now call Naple• •ogether with the Isles of Corsica, Sardinia, and Sicilia, all which made up the proper Patriarchate of the Bishop of Rome. In which regard, as anciently the Bishop of Rome was called Ʋrbicus, as doth appear plainly by Optatus,* calling Pope Zephyrinus by the name of Zephyrinus Ʋrbicus, the City-Bishop: So the said Provinces or Regions unto him belonging, were called by Ruffinus, an Italian writer, Suburbicariae Regiones, or the City Provinces. As for the Church of Antiochia, it spread its bounds and ju∣risdiction over those goodly Countries of the Roman Empire, from the Mediterranean on the West, unto the furthest border of that large dominion, where it confined upon the Persian, or the Parthian Kingdom, together with Cilicia and Isauria in the lesser Asia: But whether at this time it was so extended, I am not able to determine. Cer∣tain I am, that in the very first beginning of this Age, all Syria at the least was under the jurisdiction of this Bishop: Ignatius, in his said Epistle to those of Rome,* stiling himself 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, (not a Bishop in Syria, but) the Bishop of Syria; which sheweth, that there being many Bishops in that large Province, he had a power and su∣periority over all the rest. Indeed the Bishops of Hierusalem were hedged within a nar∣rower compass being both now and long time after subject unto the Metropolitan of Caesarea, as appears plainly by the Nicene Canon; though after they enlarged their bor∣der, and gained the title of a Patriarch, as we may see hereafter in convenient time. Only I add, that howsoever other of the greater Metropolitan Churches, such as were absolute and independent, as Carthage, Cyprus, Millain, the Church of Britain,* and the rest, had and enjoyed all manner of Patriarchal rights which these three enjoyed; yet only the three Bishops of Rome, Antioch, and Alexandria, had in the Primitive times the names of Patriarches, by reason of the greatness of the Cities themselves, being the principal both for power and riches in the Roman Empire, the one for Europe, the other for Asia, and the third for Africk.

This ground thus laid, [ VII] we will behold what use is made of this Episcopal succession by the ancient writers. And first Saint Irenaeus, a Bishop and a Martyr both, derives an argument from hence to convince those Hereticks, which broached strange Doctrines in the Church.* Habemus annumerari eos qui ab Apostolis instituti sunt Episcopi in Eccle∣siis, &c. we are able to produce those men which were ordained Bishops by the Apostles in their several Churches, and their successors till our times; qui nihil tale docuerunt neque cognoverunt, quale ab hiis deliratur, who neither knew nor taught any such absur∣dities as these men dream of. Which said in general, he instanceth in the particular Churches of Rome, Ephesus and Smyrna, being all founded by the Apostles; and all of them, hac ordinatione & successione, by this Episcopal ordination and succession, de∣riving from the Apostles the Preaching and tradition of Gods holy truth till those very times. The like we find also in another place, where speaking of those Presbyteri, (so he calleth the Bishops) which claimed a succession from the Apostles: He tells us this, quod cum Episcopatus successione charisma veritatis certum, secundum placitum Patris acceperunt; that together with the Episcopal succession,* they had received a certain pledge of truth, according to the good pleasure of the Father. See to this purpose also cap. 63. where the same point is pressed most fully, and indeed much unto the honour of this Episcopal succession. Where because Irenaeus called Bishops in the for∣mer place by the name of Presbyters, I would have no man gather,* as some men have Page  274done, that he doth use the name of Bishops and Presbyters, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in a promis∣cuous sense; much less conclude, that therefore Presbyters and Bishops were then the same. For although Irenaeus doth here call the Bishops, either by reason of their age, or of that common Ordination which they once received by the name of Presbyters, yet he doth no where call the Presbyters by the name of Bishops; as he must needs have done, if he did use the names 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in a promiscuous sense, as it is sup∣posed. And besides, Irenaeus being at this time Bishop, if not Archbishop of the Church of Lyons, could not but know that he was otherwise advanced both in power and title, as well in Dignity as Jurisdiction, than when he was a Presbyter of that very Church, under Pothinus his Predecessor in that See; and therefore not the same man meerly which he was before. But to let pass as well the observation as the infe∣rence, certain I am that by this argument the holy Father did conceive himself to be armed sufficiently against the Hereticks of his time, and so much he expresseth plainly, saying, that by this weapon he was able to confound all those, qui quoquo modo vel per sui placentiam malam, vel vanam gloriam, vel per coecitatem & malam sententiam, praeter quam oportet,* colligunt: Who any way, either out of an evil self- complacency, or vain∣glorious humour, or blindness of the mind, or a depraved understanding, did raise such Doctrins as they ought not. So much for blessed Irenaeus, a man of peace as well in disposition and affection, as he was in name.

Next let us look upon Tertullian, [ VIII] who lived in the same time with Irenaeus, begin∣ning first to be of credit about the latter end of this second Century,* as Baronius calcu∣lates it; and being at the height of reputation, an. 210. as Pamelius noteth, about which time Saint Irenaeus suffered Martyrdom. And if we look upon him well, we find him pressing the same point with greater efficacy than Irenaeus did before him. For undertaking to convince the Hereticks of his time, as well of falshood as of novelties, and to make known the new upstartedness of their Assemblies (which they called the Church) he doth thus proceed.* Edant ergo origines ecclesiarum suarum, evolvant ordinem Episcoporum suorum, &c.

This was the challenge that he made: And this he had not done assuredly, had he not thought that the Episcopal succession in the Church of Christ, had been an evident demonstration of the truth thereof: which since the Hereticks could not shew in their Congregations or Assemblies, it was a very pregnant evidence, that they had neither verity nor antiquity to defend their Doctrins; nor could with any shew of Justice challenge to themselves the name and honour of a Church.* And such, and none but such were those other Churches which he after speaketh of, viz. of Corinth, Philippi, Thessalonica, Ephesus, and the rest planted by the Apostles, apud quas ipsae Ca∣thedrae Apostolorum suis locis praesidentur; in which the Chairs of the Apostles to that time were sate in, being possessed, not by themselves, but by their Successors. By the same argument Optatus first, and after him St. Austin did confound the Donatists, that mighty faction in the Church. St. Austin thus: Numerate Sacerdotes vel ab ipsa sede Petri,* & in illo ordine quis cui successerit videte. Number the Bishops which have sate but in Peters Chair, and mark who have succeeded one another in the same. A Cata∣logue of which he gives us in another place,* lest else he might be thought to prescribe that to others, on which he would not trust himself. Nay so far he relyed on the au∣thority of this Episcopal Succession in the Church of Christ, as that he makes it one of the special motives, quae eum in gremio Ecclesiae justissimè teneant, which did continue him in the bosom of the Catholick Church.* As for Optatus, having laid down a Catalogue of the Bishops in the Church of Rome, till his own times: He makes a challenge to the Donatists to present the like,* Vestrae Cathedrae originem edite; shew us, saith he, the first original of your Bishops, and then you have done somewhat to advance your cause: In which it is to be observed, that though the instance be made only in the Episcopal succession of the Church of Rome,* the argument holds good in all others also; it be∣ing too troublesome a labour, as Irenaeus well observed, omnium Ecclesiarum enumerare Page  275successiones, to run through the succession of all particular Churches; and therefore that made choyce of, as the chief or principal.

But to return again unto Tertullian, [ IX] whom I account amongst the Writers of this Age, though he lived partly in the other; besides the use he made of this Episcopal succession to convince the Heretick, he shews us also what authority the Bishops of the Church did severally enjoy and exercise in their successions, which we will take ac∣cording to the proper and most natural course of Christianity. First for the Sacrament of Baptism, which is the door or entrance into the Church,* Dandi quidem jus habet summus sacerdos, i. e. Episcopus. The Right, saith he, of giving Baptism hath the High-Priest, which is the Bishop, and then the Presbyters and Deacons; non tamen sine Episcopi an∣toritate, yet not without the Bishops licence and authority, for the Churches honour; which if it be preserved, then is Peace maintained. Nay so far he appropriates it un∣to the Bishop, as that he calleth it dictatum Episcopi, officium Episcopatus, a work most proper to the Bishop, in regard of his Episcopacy, or particular Office: Which how∣soever it may seem to ascribe too much unto the Bishop in the administration of this Sacrament, is no more verily than what was after affirmed by Hierom,* shewing that in his time sine Episcopi jussione, without the warrant of the Bishop, neither the Pres∣byters nor the Deacons had any authority to Baptize: not that I think, that in the days of Hierom, before whose time Parishes were assigned to Presbyters throughout the Church, the Bishops special consent and warrant was requisite to the baptizing of each several Infant; but that the Presbyters and Deacons did receive from him some general faculty, for their enabling in and to those Ministrations. Next for the Sacrament of the blessed Eucharist, that which is a chief part of that heavenly nou∣rishment by which a Christian is brought up in the assured hopes of Eternal life. he tells us in another place, non de aliorum manu quam Praesidentium sumimus,* that they received it only from their Bishops hand; the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or President of the Presby∣tery, as Justin Martyr, seconded by Beza, did before call him. Which Exposition or construction lest it should be quarrelled as being injurious to the Presbyters, who are thereby excluded from the honour and name of Presidents: I shall desire the Reader to consult those other places of Tertullian, in which the word Prefident is used, as viz.* lib. ad uxorem, and lib. de Monogamia, in both of which the man that had a second Wife is said to be disabled from Presiding in the Church of God; and on considera∣tion to determine of it, whether it be more probable that Presbyters or Bishops be here meant by Presidents. Besides the Church not being yet divided generally into Pa∣rishes, but only in some greater Cities, the Presbyter had not got the stile of Rector, and therefore much less might be called a President, that being a word of Power and Government, which at that time the Presbyters enjoyed not in the Congregation. And here Pope Leo will come in to help us, if occasion be, assuring us that in his time it was not lawful for the Presbyter in the Bishops presence, nisi illo jubente,* unless it were by his appointment, conficere Sacramentum corporis & sanguinis Christi, to conse∣crate the Sacrament of Christs body and blood. The author of the Tract ascribed to Hierom, entituled de Septem Ecclesiae ordinibus, doth affirm as much: but being the author of it is uncertain, though it be placed by Erasinus amongst the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 docta, we will pass it by.

From the Administration of the Sacraments, [ X] which do belong ad potestatem ordi∣nis, to the power of Order; proceed we on to those which do appertain ad potestatem jurisdictionis, unto the power of Jurisdiction. And the first thing we meet with, is the appointing of the publick Fasts, used often in the Church, as occasion was. A priviledg not granted to the common Presbyter, and much less to the common people; but in those times, wherein the Supream Magistrate was not within the pale or bo∣som of the Church, entrusted to the Bishop only. This noted also by Tertullian, in his book entituled de jejuniis; which though he writ after his falling from the Church, and so not to be trusted in a point of Doctrine, may very well be credited in a point of custom: Quod & Episcopi universae plebi mandare jejunia assolent, non dico de industria stipium conferendarum, sed ex aliqua sollicitudinis Ecclesiae causa;* That Bishops use to impose Fasts upon the people, is not done of purpose for lucre, or the Alms then given, but out of a regard of the Churches welfare or the sollicitousness which they have thereof. Wherein as he removes a cavil, which as it seems was cast upon the Church, about the calling of those Fasts: so, plainly he ascribes the calling of them to the Bishop only; according unto whose appointment, in unum omnes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 agi∣tabant, they met together for the humbling of themselves before God the Lord. So Page  276for disposing of the Churches Treasure (for Menstrua quaque die modicam quisque stipem vel quam velit,* every month the people used to bring their Offerings, as we call them now, every man as he would and could) that also appertained unto the Bishop. Which as it was distributed most commonly amongst the Clergy, for their present maintenance, so was it in the Bishops power to bestow part thereof upon other uses, as in relief of Widows and poor Virgins: which appears plainly in that place and passage of Tertullian,* in his book de Virginibus velandis: where speaking of a Virgin which contrary to the custom of the Church had been admitted into the rank of Wi∣dows; he adds, cui si quid refrigerii debuerat Episcopus, that if the Bishop did intend to allow her any thing towards her relief and maintenance, he might have done it without trespassing on the Churches discipline, and setting up so strange a Monster as a Virgin-Widow. And this is that which after was confirmed in the Council of Antioch,* where it is said 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that the Bishop ought to have authority in the disposing of the things (or goods) that appertained unto the Church; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that so he might dispose them unto such as stood in need, in the fear of God.

Finally, [ XI] for the reconciling of a Penitent to the Church of God, in the remitting of his sins,* and bringing of him back to the fold again; that in Tertullians time was a Peculiar of the Bishop also. For, speaking of Repentance after Faith received (de poenitentia post fidem, as he calls it) he is content to give this efficacy thereunto, though otherwise he held, being then a Montanist, that heinous Sinners after Grace received were not to be admitted to Repentance; I say he is content to give this efficacy there∣unto, that for smaller sins it may obtain pardon or remission from the Bishop; for greater and unpardonable, from God alone. But take his own words with you for the greater surety, and his words are these, viz. Salva illa poenitentiae specie post fidem, quae aut levioribus delictis veniam ab Episcopo consequi potest, aut majoribus & irremissibi∣libus à Deo solo.* In which Pamelius seems to wonder at his moderation, as being of a better temper in this point, than was Montanus, into whose Sect he now was fal∣len: who would have no man to make confession of his sins to any other than to God, and seek for reconciliation from no hands but from his alone. And in ano∣ther place of the same book also,* although he seem to jeer and deride the usage, he granteth that the Bishops of the Christian Church did usually remit even the greatest fins, upon the performance of the Penance formerly enjoyned: For thus he bringeth in the Bishop, whom in the way of scorn he calleth Pontifex Maximus, and Episcopus Episcoporum, proclaiming as it were a general Pardon to such as had performed their Penance; Ego & moechiae & fornicationis delicta poenitenti functis dimitto, that he re∣mitted to all such even the sins of Fornication and Adultery. Which words of his, declare not more his Errour, than the Bishops Power in this particular. What in∣terest the Presbyters of the Church did either challenge or enjoy in this weighty busi∣ness of reconciling Penitents to the Lord their God, we shall see hereafter, when as the same began to be in practice, and was by them put in execution. Mean time I take it for a manifest and undoubted Truth, that properly, originally, and in chief, it did belong unto the Bishop both to enjoyn Penance, and admit the Penitent; and not to the inferiour Presbyters, but as they had authority by and under him. Which lest I may be thought to affirm at random, let us behold the manner of this Reconcilia∣tion, as layed down by Sozomen,* not as relating to his own times, but to the times whereof we speak: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. They stand, saith he, in an appointed place, sorrowful and lamented, and when the Eucharist is ended, whereof they are not suffered to be partakers, they cast themselves with grief and la∣mentation flat upon the ground. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, The Bishop then approaching towards him, kneeleth also by him on the ground, and all the multitude also do the like, with great grief and ejulation; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, This done, the Bishop riseth first, and gently raiseth up the prostrate Penitent, and having prayed for those that are thus in the state of Penance, as much as he thinks fit and requisite, they are dismissed for the present: And being thus dismissed, every man privately, at home, doth afflict himself, either by fasting, or by abstinence from Meats and Bathes for a certain time, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as long as by the Bishop is enjoyned him. Which time appoint∣ed being come, and his Penance in this sort performed, he is absolved from his sins, sins, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and joyned again unto the residue of the Con∣gregation. And this, saith he, hath been the custom of the Western Church, and Page  277especially of the Church of Rome, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, from the very first beginning, to this present time. So that both in the City of Rome, in which Tertullian sometimes lived, and in the Western Church, whereof he was a member, being a Presbyter of Carthage, and in the times in which he flourished, for thus it was from the beginning: the Bishop regularly had the power both of enjoyning Penance, and reconciling of the Penitent as it still continueth: Nor doth that passage in Tertullian any way cross the point deli∣vered, where speaking of the several acts of humiliation which were to be performed by the Penitent, before he could be reconciled to the Church of God,* he reckoneth these amongst the rest, Presbyteris advolvi, aris, or caris Dei adgeniculari, (for whether of the two it is adbuc sub Judice) omnibus fratribus legationes deprecationis suae injun∣gere; to cast themselves before the Presbyters, to kneel before the Altars, or the Saints of God, to entreat the Prayers of all the brethren. Where clearly, there is nothing ascribed unto the Presbyters as in the way of reconciliation, but only in the way of intercession, as unto other of the brethren: the main work being still reserved unto the Bishop.

I know indeed Tertullian is alledged by some, [ XII] as if there were a Government of the Church at that time in use, in the which neither the Bishop nor the Presbyters did bear the greatest stroke; but a Society of Lay-Elders, or (if we may admit such a Monster both in sense and Grammar) a Lay-Presbytery. The place or pas∣sage commonly alledged to make good the same, is that in his Apologetick for the Christian Churches, where having shewed the manner of the Christian meetings in their Congregations, for Prayer and hearing of Gods Word, he addeth,* that there are also Exhortations, Chastisements, and Divine censures, Judgment being executed with great advice. Then followeth, Praesident probati quique seniores, honorem istum non pretio, sed testimonio adepti; the Presidents of our meetings are approved Seniors, or Elders (call them which you will) who have obtained this honour not by money, but by good Report. So he: And those whom he calls Seniores, Elders, they will needs have to be such Elders as they dream of, men of the Laity, taken in to day, and put out to morrow. A thing which better might become the Conventicles of the Heretick and Sectary, than the Church of Christ. And as it seems amongst the He∣reticks and Sectaries such a course there was, hodie Presbyter qui cras Laicus, that he which was to day an Elder, was on the next day to revert to his occupation;* this day an Elder in the Consistory, the next a Botcher on the stall. The Christian Church had no such custom, what ever might be found amongst the Marcionites; if then it be demanded who these Seniors were, which are here said to have presided in their Con∣gregations; I answer that they were the Bishops: those at whose hands, de manu Praesi∣dentium, the people used in those times to receive the Sacrament. Lay-men they could not be, though called simply Elders, because they did administer the blessed Eucharist: and simply Presbyters they were not, and they could not be, because it is there said that they did preside, and had the Power of Censure and Correction; which are the works and badges of Authority. It then remains they were the Bishops, the Presidents or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of the Church of Christ, such as we find described before by Justin Martyr, and are affimed by Beza, to be such as Timothy whom we have proved to be a Bishop. And this appears to me yet further by the words themselves, in which we find that those who did attain that honour got it by good Report, and not by Money. And this may very well be, might the Gentiles say, had it been spoken of the Presbyters, for who would give money for so poor an Office, wherein there was but little to be got∣ten, more than ones labour for his pains; or at the best some bare allowance from the sportula, and that too on the Bishops curtesie? When we can hear you say the like of Bishops, through whose hands the money went, who had the keeping and disposing of the common Treasury, and might enrich themselves by the spoyl therof; you then say somewhat to the purpose. Till then it makes but little to the praise of your inte∣grity and candour, that such poor men whose places were not worth the haviing should pay nothing for them. This makes it evident to me that the Elders mention∣ed here, were not simply Presbyters: but such whose places were esteemed to be both of Means and Credit; and therefore doubtless they were Bishops, that did so preside. Nor is it any prejudice to the truth thereof, that they are called Seniores in the plural number: Tertullian speaking not in the behalf of a particular Church or City, where∣in could be one Bishop only; but pleading in the behalf of the Universal, wherein there were as many Presidents, or Bishops, or Presiding Elders, call them which you will, as there were Cities gained to the Faith of Christ.

Page  278

Now if we please to take a view of the extent of Christianity, [ XIII] according as it stood in the present Century, we cannot better do it, than by a place and passage of Tertullian, who very fully hath described the same in his Apologetick, presented to the Magistrates of the Roman Empire, in the last year thereof, or the next year after, as is affirmed both by Pamelius and Baronius out of ancient Writers:* For having shewn that Christians were not to avenge themselves upon their Persecuters, or to take Arms for the repelling of those injuries which were offered to them, he doth thus proceed:* Si enim & hostes exertos, &c. For should we shew our selves, saith he, to be open enemies unto the State, should we want either strength or numbers? Behold what mischief is done daily to you by the Moors, Marcomannians, and those of Parthia, Masters of a few Countreys only; whereas the Christians are diffused over all the World; you count us Aliens or strangers to you, & vestra omnia implevimus, yet we have filled all places that are yours, Cities, Isles, Castles, Burrowes, your places of Assembly, Camps, Tribes, Palaces, the very Senate, and the Market-place, with our numerous Troops. Only your Temples are your own, &c. Nay, should we only go away from you, and retire into some remote corner of the World, and carry all our Families with us, Suffudisset utique domina∣tionem vestram tot qualiumcunque amissio civium, the loss of so many of your people, how ill soever you conceive of them, would be so shrewd a weakening unto your Dominions, that you would tremble at that strange desertion, and be astonished at the solitude and silence of your emptied Cities, quite destitute of men to be commanded; there being more Ene∣mies than Citizens remaining in them. Whereas now, God be thanked, you have the fewer Enemies amongst you, in that you have so many Christians, Pene omnes cives Christianos habendo, most of your People being of that Religion. Which as it shews the great ex∣tent of Christianity in Tertullians time, so doth it shew a like extent also of Episcopacy; there being no place where Christianity had been received, wherein Episcopacy was not planted also. Which lest it might be taken for a bold assertion, without ground or Truth, I shall crave leave to step a little out of this present Century, and borrow a testimony from Saint Cyprian, who is next to follow; and if he may be credited, will affirm no less:* For by him we are told of a certain truth, per omnes Provincias & per urbes singulas ordinatos esse Episcopos, that in all Provinces and in every City Bishops had long since been ordained, reverend for their Age, for their Faith sincere, tried in Affliction, and proscribed in time of persecution. Nor doth he speak this of his own time only, which was somewhat after, but as a matter of some standing, cum jam pri∣dem per omnes provincias, that so it had been long ago: and therefore must needs be so doubtless in this present Age being not long before his own. And this extent of Chri∣stianity I do observe the rather in this place and time, because that in the Age which followeth (the multitudes of Christians being so increased) we may perhaps behold a new face of things: the times becoming quicker and more full of action; Parishes or Parochial Churches set out in Country-Villages and Towns, and several Presbyters allotted to them; with an addition also both of trust and power unto the Presbyters themselves in the Cure of Souls, committed to them by their Bishops; with many other things which concern this business. And therefore here we will conclude this present Century, proceeding forward to the next in the name of God.

CHAP. IV. Of the authority in the government of the Church of Carthage, enjoyed and exercised by Saint Cyprian and other Bishops of the same.

SAint Hierom tells us of S. Cyprian,* that he esteemed so highly of Tertulian's wri∣tings, that he never suffered any day to pass over his head without reading some∣what in the same; and that he did oft use to say, when he demanded for his works, Da mihi magistrum, reach me my Tutor or Praeceptor. So that considering the good opi∣nion which S. Cyprian had harboured of the man, for his Wit and Learrning, and the nearness of the time in which they lived; being both also members of the same Church, the one a Presbyter, the other Bishop of the Church of Carthage: We will pass on un∣to S. Cyprian, and to those monuments of Piety and Learning which he left behind him. And this we shall the rather do, because there is no Author of the Primitive times, out of whose works we have such ample treasures of Ecclesiastical Antiquities as we have in his; none who can give us better light for the discovery of the truth in the present search than that blessed Martyr? But first, before we come to the man himself, we will a little look upon his charge on the Church of Carthage, as well before, as at his coming to be Bishop of it; the knowledge of the which will give special light to our following business. And first for the foundation of the Church of Carthage,* if Metaphrastes may be credited, it was the action of Saint Peter, who leaving Rome at such time as the Jews were banished thence by the Decree of Claudius Caesar, in Afri∣cam navigasse & Carthaginensem erexisse Ecclesiam, is by him said to sail to Africa, and there to found the Church of Carthage, leaving behind him Crescens one of his Dis∣ciples to be the Bishop of the same: But whether this be so or not, it is out of question, that the Church of Carthage was not only of great Antiquity, but that it also was of great power and credit, as being the Metropolitan Church of Africk, the Bishop of the same being the Primate of all Africa, properly so called, together with Numidia, and both the Mauritanias, as well Caesariensis as Sitisensis: So witnesseth S. Cyprian himself, Latius fusa est nostra Provincia;* habet enim Numidiam & Maurita∣nias duas sibi cohaerentes, as his own words are. And this appeareth also by the sub∣scription of the Bishops to the Council of Carthage, convented ex Provincia Africa,* Nu∣midia, Mauritania, as is most clear on the record. For whereas antiently the Roman Empire was divided into fourteen Diocesses, reckoning the Prefecture of the City of Rome for one; every Diocess being subdivided into several Provinces, as was said be∣fore, the Diocess of Africa was not of the meanest, containing in it six large Pro∣vinces,* and reaching from the greater Syrtis Eastward, where it confined upon the Patriarchat of Alexandria to Mauritania Tingitana, on the West, which did belong un∣to the Diocess of Spain. Now Carthage standing in that Province, which was called Zeugitana, or Proconsularis, and being the Seat or Residence of the Vicarius, or Lieu∣tenant General of the Roman Empire for that Diocess: The Bishop of it was not only the Metropolitan of his own Province, but the Primate also, in regard of the other sive, which were Tripolitana, Byzacena, Numidia, and the two Mauritanias before remem∣bred. Nor was he only the supream Bishop in regard of them, but also absolute and independent in regard of others; as being neither subject or subordinate to the Pa∣triarchs of Alexandria, though the prime City of all Africa, nor to the Popes of Rome, the Queen and Empress of the world;* against whose machinations and attempts the Church of Carthage for a long time did maintain her liberty.

Such being the Authority and power of the Church of Carthage, [ II] we must next look upon the Bishops of the same; who though they had not got the name of Patriarchs, as those of Antioch, Rome, and Alexandria now had, and they of Constantinople and Hie∣rusalem shall be found to have in the times succeeding; yet had they all manner of Patri∣archal jurisdiction. Of these the first I meet withal was Agrippinus, who flourished in the beginning of this Century, bonae memoriae vir, a man of blessed memory, as S. Cyprian,* Venerabilis memoriae, of venerable memory, as Vincentius Lerinensis calls him. S. Austin also mentioneth him in one of his discourses against the Donatists, as a Predecessor of S. Cyprians; and all of them agree in this, that he held those which were Baptized by Hereticks, were to be Re-baptized by the Catholick Ministers: for agitation of which business he caused a Council to be called of all the Bishops, Qui illo tempore in Provincia Page  280Africae & Numidiae Ecclesiam Dei gubernabant, which at that time did govern the Church of God in the Provinces of Africk and Numidia; in which Re-baptization of men so Baptized, was decreed as necessary. Which howsoever it doth shew that Agrippinus, as a man, had his personal errors; yet shews it also, that as a Bishop of Carthage, he had a power and jurisdiction over all the other Bishops of the Diocess of Africk, and all the Provinces thereof; who on his summons met in Council, as by those words of Cyprian plainly doth appear. So that we find the holy Hierarchy so setled from the first beginners; that as the Presbyters were subordinate unto their Bishops, so it was there a subordination amongst the Bishops themselves, according as it still continueth in those parts of Christendom, in which Episcopal Government doth remain in force. But Agrippinus being dead, his error or opinion died also with him, though it revived again not long after; and his Successor, by name Donatus, looking more carefully un∣to his charge, endeavoured what he could to free the same from erroneous doctrines. And to that purpose called a Council of 90 Bishops in Labesitum, a Colony in Africa, in which Privatus, an old Heretick was by their joynt consent condemned; nonaginta Episcoporum sententiâ condemnatus,* as Cyprian hath it. By which we may conjecture at the great spreading of Episcopacy; over all this Province, I mean that of Africa: So great,* that at this time, being An. 242. as Baronius calculateth it, there could assemble 90 Bishops at the command or summons of their Metropolitan; especially if we consi∣der that these were but a part of a greater number.* S. Austin telling us of a Council held in Carthage by the Donatists (placed by Baronius, Anno 308.) in which there met together no fewer than 270 Bishops of that one faction. But lest it may be said, as perhaps it was, that the Donatists increased the number of Bishops the better to support their party, if ever the business should come to be examined in a Synodical meeting; we find a Council held in Carthage under Aurelius, who was Bishop there in S. Austins time,* Anno 398. in which Assembled to the number of 214 Bishops, all of them Or∣thodox Professors. With such a strange increase did God bless this calling. For cer∣tainly the Church had never brought forth such a large encrease, if God, even our own God had not given his blessing.

Donatus being dead, [ III] Anno 250. Cecilius Cyprianus, a right godly man, being then one of the Presbyters of the Church, is chosen Bishop of the same; and that not only by the joynt consent of the Clergy there,* sed populi universi suffragio, but by the general suffrage of the people, according to the general custom of that Church and time. And being so chosen and ordained, did for four years enjoy himself in peace and quiet. But a fierce persecution being raised against the Church, by the command of Decius, then the Roman Emperor; being proscribed and threatned death, he retired himself, expecting a return of better times,* wherein he might do service to the Lord his God: Professing that in this retreat he followed the direction of the Lord, qui ut secederet jussit, who had commanded him so to do. In this recess of his, some of his Adver∣saries, (as who liveth without them) which had opposed him in the time of his Election, taking an opportunity to ensnare the people, and draw them into factions against their Bishops, had made a very strong party on their side, calumniating his re∣cess as a deserting of the Flock of Christ committed to him, which more afflicted the good Father than the proscription of his goods, or any trial of his patience which had been laid upon him by the Persecuters. Of this conspiracy he certifieth the people of Carthage by way of Letter, wherein he giveth them to understand how the matter stood. Quorundam Presbyterorum malignitas & perfidia perficit,* &c. That I could not come to you before Easter, the malice and perfidiousness of some of the Presbyters hath brought to pass; whilst mindful of their own conspiracy, and retaining their former rancor against my being Bi∣shop, or indeed rather against your suffrages in my Election, and against the judgment of God approving the same; they begin again to set on foot their former opposition, renewing their sacri∣legious machinations, and lying treacherously in wait for my destruction. And after, in the same Epistle, Non suffecerat exilium jam biennii, & à vultibus & oculis vestris lugubris separatio, &c. It doth not seem sufficient to them, that I have been now two years banished from your presence, and to my great affliction separated from your sight; that I am overwhelm'd with grief and sorrow, vexing my self with my continual complaints, and day and night wash∣ing my cheeks with tears, because it hath not been as yet my good fortune to embrace or salute you, whom you had chosen for your Bishop with such expressions of your love and zeal. Ac∣cessit huic tabescenti animo nostro major dolor. And yet a greater grief afflicteth my fainting soul, that in so great distress and need I cannot come my self unto you, fearing lest at my coming, if I should so do, some greater tumult should arise through the threats and secret Page  281practices of perfidious persons: And that considering, as a Bishop, I am to take care for the peace and quiet of the Church, ipse materiam seditioni dedisse, I might seem to be or give occasion of some sedition likely to be raised, and so renew the persecution which is now well slaked. Nay as it seemeth, some of the Presbyters of his Church which were not other∣wise engaged in the faction, or carried any ill affections towards him; out of an in∣clination natural to man, to enlarge their power, and get as much authority into their hands, as the times would give to the advantage of his absence also, and began sensibly to encroach upon his Office, and undertake such things as appertained to his jurisdiction. Thus he complains of his Clergy, that such as yet stood fair in their re∣spects, and firm in their obedience to him might be confirmed in the same: and that the rest, being made acquainted with their Errour, might in fine desist, Tacere ultra non oportet, &c. It is no time, saith he, to be longer silent,* when as the danger is so imminent both on my self and on my people. For what extremity of danger may we not justly fear from Gods displeasure, when some of the Presbyters, neither mindful of the Gospel, or their own duty, or the day of Judgment, nor thinking that they have a Bishop set over them, cum con∣temptu & contumelia praepositi totum sibi vendicent, with the contempt and reproach of him that is their Bishop shall arrogate all Power unto themselves. Which their behaviour he calls also contumelias Episcopatus nostri, the reproach and slander of his Govern∣ment; in having such affronts put on him, as never had been offered to any of his Fredecessors. The like complaint to which he doth also make, but with more resolu∣tion and contempt of their wicked practices, in an Epistle to Cornelius, being the 55. in number, according to the Edition of Pamelius.

I have the more at large laid down the storms and troubles raised against this godly Bishop, at his first coming to the place; [ IV] because it gives greater light unto many passa∣ges, which concern his time; especially in that extraordinary Power which he ascribes sometimes, both to the People and the Presbyters, in the administration of the Church: as if they had been Partners with him in the publick Government. Which certainly he did not, as his case then stood, without special reason. For being so vehemently opposed from his first Election to the Episcopal Office; all opportunities espied to draw away the peoples hearts and alienate their affections from him; every advantage taken against him during his absence from the City, to vex and cross him in his doings: what better way could he devise to secure himself in the affections of the people, and the obedience of his Presbyters, than to profess that in all his acts and enterprises whatsoever, he did and would depend upon the counsel of the one, and consent of the other. And this is that which he professeth in a Letter to the Presbyters and Dea∣cons of Carthage, quod à primordio Episcopatus mei statuerim,* nihil sine consilio vestro & consensu plebis meae, privatâ sententiâ gerere; that he resolved from his first entrance on that Bishoprick, to do nothing of his own head, as we use to say, without the Counsel of his Clergy and the consent of his People: and that on his return, (for he was then in exile when he wrote this Letter) he would communicate his affairs with them, Et in commune tractabimus, and manage them in common with their assistance. And certainly this was a prudent resolution, as the World went with him: For by this means he stood assured, that whatsoever Schism or Faction should be raised against him, it would be never able to prevail, or get ground upon him, as long as he had both the People and the Presbyters so obliged unto him, for the support of his autho∣rity. But this being but a private case, and grounded on particular reasons makes no general Rule: no Bishop being bound unto the like, by this Example, but where all circumstances do concur, which we meet with here; and then not bound neither, except he will himself, but as it doth conduce to his own security. So that it is to me a wonder, why the example of St. Cyprian should be pressed so often, and all those passages so hotly urged, wherein the Presbyters or People seem to be concerned in matters of the Churches Government; as if both he and all other Bishops had been bound by the Law of God, not to do any thing at all in their holy function, but what the Presbyters should direct, and the people yield their suffrage and consent unto. For being but a resolution taken up by him, the better to support himself against his Ad∣versaries; it obligeth no man to the like, as before I said. And he himself did not conceive himself so obliged thereby, but that he could and did dispense with that resolution, as often as he thought it necessary, or but expedient so to do: perform∣ing many actions of importance, in the whole course and Series of his Episcopal Go∣vernment, wherein he neither craved the advice of the one, nor the good liking of the other; and which is more, doing some things not only without their knowledg, Page  282but against their wills, as we shall make appear in that which followeth. Now where∣as the points of most importance in the Government and Administration of the Church, are the Election of Bishops, the Ordination of Ministers, the Excommunica∣ting of the Sinner, and the reconciling of the Penitent: it will not be amiss to see, what and how much in each of these St. Cyprian did permit, as occasion was, either unto the People or the Presbyters; and what he did in all and every one of these, as often as he saw occasion also, without their knowledg and consent.

First for Election of their Bishops, [ V] it is conceived and so delivered, that all their Elections were ordered by the privity,* consent and approbation of the people, where the Bishop was to serve: and for the proof of this St. Cyprian is alledged, as one sufficient in him∣self to make good the point. The place most commonly alledged is in his 68. Epistle touching the Case of Basilides and Martialis, two Spanish Bishops, who had defiled themselves with Idols and many other grievous Crimes: concerning whom, the people of those parts repaired unto him for his resolution. But he remitting the cause back to them, tells them how much it did concern them, A peccatore Praeposito se separare, to separate themselves from such sinful Prelates, and not to participate with them in the Sacrifice,* giving this reason for the same, quando ipsa maxime habeat potestatem, vel eligendi dignos Sacerdotes, vel indignos recusandi: because the people specially have power either of chusing worthy Prelates, or of rejecting the unworthy. For that by Sacer∣dotes here the Father understandeth Bishops,* is confessed on all hands. Nor doth the Father only say it, but he goeth forward to make good the same by Divine Authority, ut Sacerdos plebe praesente, that the Bishop should be chosen in the presence of the People, under all mens eyes: that so he may be proved to be fit and worthy by their publick testimony. And for the proof of this, is urged a Text from Moses in the book of Numbers, where God is said to speak thus to Moses: Apprehende Aaron fra∣trem tuum, Take Aaron thy brother and Eleazar his son, and thou shalt bring them to the Mount before all the Assembly, and put off Aarons garments, and put them on Eleazar his son. By which it is apparent that God willeth the Priest to be made before all the multi∣tude, shewing thereby that the Priest should not be ordained but in the presence of the People, that so the People being present, the offences of the evil may be detected, and the merits of the good made known, and consequently the Election, or rather Ordination may be good and lawful, being discussed by the opinion and voice of all. The like he also proves by the electing of Matthias Bishop, in the place of Judas, which was performed in medio Di∣scentium, in the middest of the Disciples, and in the chusing of the seven, done in the face of all the People. This is the sum of what is there delivered by St. Cyprian: and out of this I find three Corollaries or Conclusions gathered.* First, that the special Power of judging of the worthiness and unworthiness of a man for the Prelacy, was in the brest of the People.

Secondly, The special Power of chusing or rejecting to his place, according as they judged him worthy or unworthy, resided in the People.

Thirdly, That this power did descend upon the People, de Divina Autoritate, by Divine authority. These are the points collected from St. Cyprians words; which with the words themselves out of the which they are collected, are to be taken into consideration, because the weight of all this business doth rest upon them.

And first as for St. Cyprians words, there is no such command of God touching Eleazar,* in any Bibles now remaining, as is there laid down, which thing Pamelius well observed. And more than so, the Text of Scripture now remaining, is contrary to that which is there alledged: God willing or commanding Moses, to bring Aaron and Eleazar his son, up into Mount Hor, whither the people neither did nor might ascend,* as it is well observed by our learned Bilson. So that Eleazar not being cho∣sen by the People, but by God immediatly; and his Ordination solemnized on the top of the Mount, Moses and Aaron being only at the doing of it: this can be no good Ar∣gument, that the Election of the Prelate doth specially pertain unto the People. And therefore it is very probable that Cyprian met with some corrupted Copy of the Book of God; or else that we have none but corrupted Copies of the books of Cyprian. As for the Election of Matthias,* though it was done in medio Discentium, in the presence of the Disciples, as the Scripture tells us; yet surely the Disciples had no hand in the Hection: the calling of an Apostle being too high a work for any of the sons of men to aspire unto,* peculiar only to the Lord our God, to whom the choice is also attri∣buted in holy Scripture. As for the Seven, being they were to be the Stewards of the People, in the disposing of their goods for the common benefit of the Church, as be∣fore Page  283was noted: good reason that the Election should be made by them, whose goods and fortunes were to be disposed of. So that there is no Law of God, no Divine Ordinance of his, expressed in Scripture, by which the People are entituled either unto a special power of chusing their Bishops, or to a necessary presence of the action; though there be many good and weighty reasons, which might induce the Fathers in the Primitive times, not only to require their presence, but sometimes also to crave their approbation and consent in the Elections of the Prelate. Now for the presence of the People, that seemeth to be required on this reason chiefly, that their testimony should be had touching the life and behaviour of the party that was to be Ordained, lest a wicked and unworthy person should get by stealth into the function of a Bishop; it being required of a Bishop, by St. Paul, amongst other things, that he must have a good report. And who more able to make this report, than the People are,* quae [plebs viz.] singulorum vitam plenissime novit, who being naturally inquisitive,* know each mans life, and hath had experience of his Conversation. And as for their consent there wanted not some reasons why it was required; especially before the Church was setled in a constant maintenance, and under the protection and defence of a Christian Magistrate. For certainly, as our Reverend Bilson well observeth,* the People did more willingly maintain, more quietly receive, more diligently hear and more hear∣tily love their Bishops, when their desires were satisfied in the choice (though merely formal) of the man; than when he was imposed upon them, or that their fancies and affections had been crossed therein. But yet I cannot find upon good autho∣rity, that the special power of chusing or rejecting, did reside in them: though indeed somewhat did depend upon their approbation of the party; and this no otherwise than according to the custom of particular Churches. In Africk as it seems the use was this, that on the death or deposition of a Bishop:* Episcopi ejusdem Provinciae qui∣que proximi conveniant, the neighbouring Bishops of the Province did meet together, and repair unto that People, who were to be provided of a Pastor, that so he might be chosen praesente Plebe, the People being present at the doing of it, and certifying what they knew of his Conversation. And this appears to be the general usage, per Provincias fere universas, through almost all parts of Christendom: Where plainly the Election of the new Prelate resided in the Bishops of the same Province so convened to∣gether: and if upon examination of his life and actions, there was no just exception laid against him, manus ei imponebatur, he was forthwith ordained Bishop, and put into possession of his place and Office. But it was otherwise for a long while toge∣ther, in the great Patriarchal Church of Alexandria: in which the Presbyters had the Election of their Bishop, Presbyteri unum ex se Electum, as St. Hierom noteth,* the Pres∣byters of that Church did chuse their Bishop from amongst themselves: no care being had, for ought appeareth in the Father, either unto the Peoples consent or presence. And this continued till the time of Heraclas and Dionysius, as he there informeth us, of whom we shall speak more hereafter. But whatsoever interest, either the Clergy in the one Church, or the People challenged in the other; there is remaining still a pos∣session of it in the Church of England: the Chapter of the Cathedral or Mother-Church making the Election in the name of the Clergy; the King, as Caput Reipublicae, the head and heart also of his people, designing or commending a man unto them; and freedom left unto the People, to be present if they will at his Election, and to except against the man, as also at his Confirmation, if there be any legal and just exception to be laid against him.

Next for the Ordination of the Presbyters, [ VII] it was St. Cyprians usual custom to take the approbation of the People along with him; as he himself doth inform us in an Epistle of his, to his charge at Carthage, inscribed unto the Presbyters and Deacons, and the whole body of the people. In ordinandis clericis, fratres charissimi,* solemus vos ante consulere, & mores & merita singulorum, communi consilio ponderare, which is full and large. Whatever he saith elsewhere to the same effect is in effect no more than what here is said; and therefore we shall save the labour of a further search. Nor was this Cyprians custom only. It had prevailed as it seems in most parts of Christendom; and was so universally received, that even the Roman Emperours took notice of it. For Alexander Severus, one of the hopefullest young Princes in the declining times of the Roman Empire, noting this custom of the Christians,* was wont when he promoted any unto the Government of Provinces, to post up, as it were, the names of the persons, inviting the People to come in against them, if they could charge them on just proof, with any crimes: And used to say it were a shame not to observe that care Page  284in chusing of the Rulers of Provinces, to whom mens lives and fortunes were to be com∣mitted; cum id Christiani & Judaei facerent in praedicandis sacerdotibus, qui sunt ordinandi, when as the Jews and Christians did it in publishing the merit of those Priests which were to be ordained by them. Which kind of publication of the life and merits of the party, that was to be Ordained, may possibly relate as well unto the popular manner of Electing Bishops, at that time in use. But as there is no general observa∣tion, but doth and must give way unto particular occasions: so neither was this Rule so generally observed, but that sometimes it was neglected. Even Cyprian himself how much soever it concerned him to continue in the Peoples favour, would many times make use of his own authority, in chusing and ordaining men to Functions and Employments in the Church, without consulting with the People, or making them acquainted with his mind therein.* For minding to advance Aurelius unto the Office of a Reader (an Office, but no Order, in the Church of God) he tarried not the Peoples liking and consent: but did it first, and after gave them notice of it: not doubting of their taking it in good part, (quod vos scio & libenter amplecti) and so commends him to their Prayers.* The like we find of Celerinus, a man highly prized, admitted first into the Clergy by him and his Colleagues then present with him in his exile, and then acquainteth the People that he had so done, non humana suffraga∣tione, sed divina dignatione, not being guided in it by any humane suffrage, but by Gods appointment. And although Celerinus and Aurelius being known unto the People by their former merits, the matter might be taken with the less resentment; yet this no way can be affirmed of Numidicus: who being before a Presbyter in some other Church,* as Baronius very well observeth, and in all likelihood utterly unknown de facie, to those of Carthage, was by Saint Cyprian of his sole authority, without consulting either with Presbyters or People, (for ought which doth appear) taken into the number of the Presbyters of that Church, ut nobiscum sedeat in Clero, and so to have a place, together with the Bishop himself, amongst the Clergy of the same, and that we do not find as yet in Saint Cyprians Writings, that the People had any special power either in the Election or Ordination of their Presbyters, more than to give testimony of their well deservings, or to object against them if they were de∣linquent. And more than that is still remaining to them in the Church of England: in which the People are required at all Ordinations,* that if they know any notable crime in any of them which are to be Ordained, for which he ought not to be received into the Mini∣stery, to declare the same, and on the declaration of the same, the Bishop must desist from proceeding further. This is as much as was permitted to them in the Primitive times, for ought I perceive; and yet the Church of England gives them more than this: the Presbyter who is to serve the Cure in particular Churches, being elected by the Patrons of them, for and in the name of the rest of the People.

As for the power of Excommunication, [ VIII] I do not find but that St. Cyprian reckoned of it, as his own prerogative; a point peculiar to the Bishop: in which he neither did ad∣vise either with the Presbyters or People. When as the wickedness of Felicissimus the leader of the Faction raised against him was grown unto the height, the Father of his own authority denounced him Excommunicant abstentum se à nobis sciat,* as the phrase then was; as he did also on Augendus, and divers others of that desperate party: committing the execution of his sentence to Herculanus and Caldonius two of his Suf∣fragan Bishops, and to Rogatianus and Numidicus, two of the Presbyters of his charge; whom as for other matters, so for that he had made his Substitutes, or Commissaries if you will, Cum ego vos pro me Vicarios miserim, as the words are. And they accordingly be∣ing thus authorized proceed in execution of the same, and that in a formality of words, which being they present unto us the ancient form of the Letters of Excommunication used of old,* I will here lay down, Abstinuimus communicatione Felicissimum, & Augendum, item Repostum de extorribus, & Irenem, Rutilorum, & Paulam Sarcinatricem; quod ex annotatione mea scire debuistis. In which we may observe that this Excommunication was so published, that all the residue of the Clergy, to whom the publication of it was committed, might take notice of it: quod ex Annotatione mea (or nostra rather, as Pa∣melius very probably conjectureth) scire debuistis. So that the process of the whole is this, that those Incendiaries were denounced excommunicate by St. Cyprian himself, the execution of it left to those above remembred, whom he had authorized in that behalf; and they accordingly proceeding made certificate of it unto the Clergy of Car∣thage, that publication might be made thereof unto the People. Which differs very little in effect from what is now in use amongst us. Nor did St. Cyprian do thus only Page  285of himself, de facto; but he adviseth Rogatianus, one of his neighbouring Bishops, to exercise the like authority, as properly belonging to his place de jure. Rogatianus had complained as it seems,* of some indignities and affronts which had been offered to him by his Deacon: which his respect, in making his complaint unto him, as Cyprian took exceeding kindly; so he informeth him withal, that he had the Law in his own hands; and that pro Episcopatus vigore & Cathedrae authoritate haberet potestatem qua posset de illo statim vindicari; by vigour of his Episcopal function and the Authority of his Chair, he had power enough, to be straightway avenged of him for the same. Yet being the matter was referred unto him, he declares his thoughts, that if the Deacon, whom he writ of, would repent his folly, and give some humble satisfaction to the of∣fended Bishop, he might not do amiss, to remit the fault. But if he did provoke him further by his perverse and petulant behaviour; fungeris circa eum potestate honoris tui, ut eum vel deponas vel abstineas; he should exercise the authority of his place, or ho∣nour, and either degrade or excommunicate him, as he saw occasion. Here was no sending to the Clergy to have their advice, no offering of the matter unto their better consideration, but all referred unto the Bishop, to do therein as unto him seemed best, of his own authority. So that both Cyprian, and other Bishops, both might, and did, and durst do many things without advising with the Clergy contrary to what some have told us: And this they might do well enough, without dread or fear,* that any of their Sentences might be made irrita, or void, by the fourth Council of Carthage; which was not held until 130 years and upwards, after Cyprian's death. And for the in∣terest of the People in these publick Censures, I find them not at all considered, but where the crime was hainous, and the Church scandalized by the sins and lewdness of the party punished. In which case there was such regard had of them, that the Sen∣tence was published in facie Ecclesiae, in the full Congregation of Gods people: And that as well that they might the more heartily detest such scandalous and sinful courses; as that they might eschew his company, and conversation, as they would do the company of an Heathen or of a Publican: Tunc se ab ejus conjunctione salubriter conti∣net,* ut nec cibum quisquam cum eo sumat; not one of them so much as eating with the man, who is so accursed. Which as they are St. Austins words, so by the tenor of the place, they seem to intimate St. Cyprians practice. So that if Excommunica∣tions had not passed in former times,* without the knowledge and approbation of the body of the Church, to which the delinquent did belong; as some men suppose, it was upon this reason only, as themselves affirm, because the people were to forbear Communion with such. And being that in the Church of England, the Excommunication of notorious sinners, is publickly presented unto the knowledg of the People, for that very reason, because they should avoid the company of Excommunicated persons: I see not any thing in this particular, (I mean as to the publication of the Sentence) in which the Church of England differs from the Primitive and ancient practice. And did our Bishops keep the power of Excommunicating to themselves alone, and not devolve it upon others: they did not any thing herein, but what was practised by Saint Cy∣prian.

For Reconciling of the Penitent, which naturally and of course is to come after Ex∣communication, [ IX] I find indeed that many times St. Cyprian took along with him, the counsel and consent both of his Presbyters and People. And certainly it stood with reason that it should so be, that as the whole Church had been scandalized at the hei∣nousness of the offence; so the whole Church also should have satisfaction in the sin∣cerity of the Repentance. Many and several are the passages in this Fathers Writings, which do clearly prove it: none more exactly than that in his Epistle to Cornelius, where wishing that he were in presence when perverse persons did return from their sins and follies, Videres quis mihi labor sit persuadere patientiam fratribus nostris,* you would then see, saith he, what pains I take to persuade our brethren, that suppressing their just grief of heart, recipiendis malis curandisque consentiant, they would consent to the re∣ceiving and the curing consequently of such evil members. Yet did he not so tie himself to this observance, but that sometimes, according as he saw occasion, unus atque alius obnitente plebe & contradicente, mea tamen facilitute suscepti sunt, some, though not many, had been reconciled and reimbosomed with the Church, not only without the Peoples knowledg, but against their wills. So that the interesse which the People had in these relaxations of Ecclesiastical Censures, were not belonging to them as in point of right, but only in the way of contentation. The leading voice was always in the Bishop, and so the negative voice was also when it came to that: He was Page  286to give his fiat first, before the Clergy had any thing to do therein: St. Cyprian telling of himself,* quam prompta & plena dilectione, that he received such Penitents as came unto him, with such affection and facility, that by his over-much indulgence to them, pene ipse delinque, he was even culpable himself. And if it were no otherwise in his time with the Church of Carthage in this case, there it appears to be in the third Council there assembled: the Bishop had not only the leading voice, but the directing and disposing power,* a negative voice into the bargain. For there it is ordained, Ʋt Presbyter Episcopo inconsulto, non reconciliet Poenitentem, that the Presbyters were not to reconcile a Penitent, unless it were in the Bishops absence, or in a case of urgent and extream necessity: (as in point of death) it being there declared withal, that it be∣longed unto the Bishop,* poenitentiae tempora designare, to appoint the time, and the con∣tinuance of the Penance, as he saw occasion. And this to be the practice of S. Cyprians time, is most clear and evident, by the displeasure he conceived against some Presby∣ters, who had admitted men (which before were lapsed) without leave from him, to the blessed Sacrament.* A matter which he aggravates to the very height, char∣ging them, that neither mindful of the Gospel, nor their own place and station, nor of the future day of Judgment, nor of the authority of him their Bishop; they had admitted such as fell in time of persecution to the Churches Sacraments, not be∣ing by him authorized so to do. And this he saith, was sure an insolency, quod nun∣quam omnino sub Antecessoribus factum, which never had been done in any of his Pre∣decessors times: and being now done, cum contumelia & contemptu Praepositi, was done in manifest contempt and reproach of their Bishop, threatning withal, that if they did persist in these wilful courses, he would make use of that authority, qua me uti Dominus jubet, which God had given him for that purpose; viz. suspend them from their Ministery, and bring them to a publick tryal for their misdemeanours, before himself and all the People. 'Tis true indeed, that in the outward action and forma∣lity of this great work of Reconciliation, the Clergy did impose hands with the Bishop, upon the head of him that was reconciled:* for we find often in St. Cyprian, Manus ab Episcopo & clero imposita; but this was only, as I said before, in the outward action; the power of admitting him unto that estate, and giving way to his desires in making of him capable of so great a favour, belonging only to the Bishop, as before ap∣pears.

Thus have we seen how and in what particulars, [ X] as also upon what considerati∣ons, Saint Cyprian communicated some part of his Episcopal Authority, either un∣to the Presbyters, or to the People; or to both together. We will next look on those particulars, which he reserved wholly and solely to himself: and they concern his Clergy chiefly; in his behaviour towards whom, in matters of reward and punish∣ment, he was as absolute, and supream, as ever any Bishop since his time. And first in matter of reward, the greatest honour whereof the Clergy in his time, were ca∣pable, was their place of sitting, distinct and separate from the People. A place by Sozomon,* called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 as it were, the Sacrarie; by the Council of Laodicea, en∣tituled 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, by reason it was higher than the rest, that all the people might behold it; by others, Presbyterium the place for Presbyters: but by what names soever cal∣led, a place it was appointed for the Bishop and his Clergy only. Into this place St. Cyprian admits Numidicus, a stranger to the Church of Carthage, as before was noted from Baronius: but by him added to the number of the Presbyters there, adscriptus Presbyterorum Carthaginiensium numero, as his own phrase is, that so he might enjoy the honour of that place, with the less distast.

And so for point of maintenance, which was another part of the Reward, that did belong to the Laborious and painful Presbyter: the distribution of the same was wholly in the Bishops power. So wholly in his power, that howsoever it belonged unto none of right, but unto the Presbyters: yet, he, having bestowed on Celerinus, and Aurelius, the place of Readers in the Church; did also give unto them or assign the same full maintenance,* which was allowed to any of the Presbyters. Presbyterii ho∣norem designasse nos illis jam Sciatis, ut & sportulis iisdem cum Presbyteris honorentur, & divisiones menstruas aequatis portionibus partiantur.

Where, by the way, this portion or allowance had the name of Sportula, from the re∣ward or fees which anciently were allowed to Judges, and by that name are mention∣ed Page  287in the Civil Laws; which being assigned to the Presbyters, pro singulorum meritis, according to the merits of the persons, to some more, some less, at the discretion of the Bishop, gave them the name of Fratres sportulantes, whereof we read in Cyprian, Ep. 66. And they were called divisiones mensurnae, the monthly Dividends, because that as the contributions of the people were made once every month, menstrua quaque die, as Tertullian a Presbyter of this Church hath told us; so, as it seems,* the Dividend was made accordingly, as soon as the mony had been brought to the Bishops hands. So also in the way of punishment, when any of the Clergy had offended, the Bishop had Authority to withdraw his maintenance, and with-hold his stipend. For when com∣plaint was made to Cyprian of Philumenus and Fortunatus, two of his Sub-deacons,* and of Favorinus an Acolythite, qui medio tempore recesserunt, who formerly had forsook their calling, and now desired to be restored again unto it; although he neither would nor could determine in it, before he had consulted with his Colleagues, and the whole body of his People, (the matter being great and weighty) yet in the mean time he suspends them from their monthly pay, interim se à divisione mensurna tantum contineant, as he there resolves it, leaving the cause to be determined of at better leasure. This was a plain suspension à Beneficio, and could he not suspend ab Officio also? Assuredly he both could and did, as appears evidently by his proceeding with these Presbyters, who had entrenched upon his jurisdiction, as before was said. Whose great offence, though he reserved unto the hearing both of the Confessors themselves, and the whole body of the People for a final end; yet in the mean time, prohibeantur interim offerre,* it was his pleasure to suspend them for the Ministery from their attendance at the Altar. Suspend them then he might, there's no doubt of that; but might he not if he saw cause, deprive them also. He might assuredly, or otherwise he had never given that counsel to Rogatianus, that if the Deacon formerly remembred, did not repent him of his faults, eum vel deponat vel abstineat,* he either might deprive or excommunicate him, which he would himself. He were a very greedy Bishop, who would not be con∣tent with that allowance of Authority which S. Cyprian had.

The like authority he used towards the People also, [ XI] not suffering them to be re∣membred in the Churches Prayers, if they had broken or infringed the Churches Ca∣nons: And this appeareth by the so celebrated case of Geminius Victor, who at his death had made Geminius Faustinus, one of the Presbyters of Carthage, tutorem testamento suo,* the Executor of his last Will and Testament? which being like to be a means whereby Faustinus might be taken off from his employment in the Ministery; the displeased Bishop doth declare, ne deprecatio aliqua nomine ejus in Ecclesia frequentetur, that he should neither be remembred in the Offertory, nor any Prayer be made in his name in the Church. And this he did upon this reason, ne quis Sacerdotes & Ministros Dei, Altari ejus & Ecclesiae vacantes, ad seculares molestias devocet, that none hereafter should presume to withdraw the Priest and Ministers of God from their attendance at the Altar in the Churches service, unto the cares and troubles of the world. Which pas∣sage as it shews expresly the great tye which the Bishops of those times had upon the Conscience of the People, whom they could punish thus after death it self: So is it frequently alledged,* to shew that neither Presbyters nor Bishops were to be molested with handling of worldly affairs. And so far I agree with them, that Presbyters and Bishops are to be restrained from these worldly matters, so far forth as they are a mo∣lestation to them, whereby they are disabled from the executing of their holy function, as this Faustinus seems to be, ab Altari avocatus,* quite taken off from the attendance of his place; so far forth as the ancient Canons on the which Cyprian grounds himself, they are and ought to be restrained.* But we have shewn before that many secular affairs were not inconsistent with the true meaning of those Canons, as neither possibly might this of Faustinus, had it hapned at some other time, been reputed by him. But at this time, partly by reason of the persecution, and partly on occasion of the factious, the Church was almost destitute and unprovided. This as he intimates in his 35 Epistle,* touching the admission of Numidicus into the number of their Presbyters; so he affirms the same at large in another place: where he declareth, plurimos nostros absentes esse, paucos vero qui illic sunt vix ad ministerium quotidiani operis sufficere, that many of the Presbyters did absent themselves, and that those which did remain upon their Charge, could not suffice for the performance of the daily offices. So that the Church being in that necessity, and such a manifest need or want of Presbyters, as then appearing in the Church; Faustinus could the less be spared from the attendance on the Ministry, and consequently Geminius Victor the more unadvised, in putting him on such a busi∣ness Page  288by which he was ab administratione Divina avocatus,* quite taken off from the em∣ployment of his calling in Gods holy Service. And this I rather take to be the true condition of the business, and that which gave S. Cyprian so great cause of Anger, than with Saravia,* to affirm that the Decree or Canon whereof Cyprian speaketh, was but particular and provincial, illi tempori & loco serviens, calculated for the Meridian only of the Church of Carthage, and fitted to the present time; the Canon being ancient and universal, as before was shewn.

Another point, [ XII] in which S. Cyprian exercised the height of his Episcopal Authority, (and an high point it was indeed, as the times then were) was in restraining of those Indulgences, which usually the Martyrs, or such as were prepared for Martyrdom, did too promiscuously bestow on collapsed Christians. For in the Primitive times, the Dis∣cipline of the Church being very rigid and severe, such as in time of Persecution had denied the Faith, either by offering unto Idols, or by some formal abnegation under their hand-writing,* whom they called Libellatici, were doomed unto perpetual pe∣nance; no restitution being to be hoped for, to the Churches favour, and to the bene∣fits and comforts of it, until the very moment of their last departure. Yet such was the regard which was born to those, who did already suffer duresse and imprisonment, and were resolved to suffer death for the sake of Christ; that such to whom they gave their Letters of recommendation,* were by the Bishops readmitted into the bosom of Church. And this at first was done without any sensible inconvenience following thereupon, the Martyrs or Confessors rather being very wary, on whom they did be∣stow those favours, and very sparing of them also. But when that it was grown so general, that either they did pacem lapsis dare, receive such men into their favours, and the Churches peace promiscuously without care and difference;* or that the Presbyters taking their warrant for sufficient, without the leave and liking of their Bishop, ad∣mitted them to the Communion; then did the Father manifest his dislike thereof, whereof consult, Ep. 11.13, 14, 15. For when it once was come to this, he first ad∣dressed himself unto the Confessors or Martyrs to be more sparing of the like Indul∣gences, and after to the Presbyters and People severally, for the repressing of this foul disorder. And when that would not serve the turn, he resolved at last, that for the time to come,* Quamvis libello à Martyribus accepto, such Bills or Letters notwithstanding, as they had received from those Martyrs, they should stay his leisure, and the whole business concerning them be respited until his return. Which check thus given, and certain of the Presbyters rebuked and threatned by him for their officiousness in this kind, as before we saw; it came to pass, that in a very little time, as well the Discipline of the Church, as the Authority of the Bishops, reverted to its former rigor, especially after that on the sight of this inconvenience, the Lapsi, or Collapsed Chri∣stians were by the general consent of holy Church admitted unto penance, like to other Sinners, which as it hapned chiefly by S. Cyprians means, so was it brought to pass in S. Cyprians time. But here take notice by the way, that though these Indul∣gences had been granted by these Confessors, whilst they were Martyrs, but in voto, they were not yet to take effect,* as the late Learned Bishop of Orleans very well ob∣served, till that they had received the crown of Martyrdom, which he proves very evi∣dently out of certain places of S. Cyprian compared together; for which I leave you to that Author. It is enough that the first check that had been given to that promiscuous liberty which the Martyrs took, of doing what they pleased with the Churches Keys, was given by Cyprian. Whose foot-steps one of his Successors following, after brought to pass,* that none should have the honour of being counted Martyrs after their decease, but such whose life and sufferings, and the occasion of those sufferings were first re∣ported by the Bishop of the place in which he lived, to his Metropolitan or Primate, and by the Metropolitan to the chief Primate, who was he of Carthage; who on deli∣beration was to decree, Cuinam Martyris cultus deberet impendi, who ought to have the honour and repute of Martyrs, as Baronius noteth. And this he proveth out of a passage in S. Austin,* wherein Mensurius Bishop of Carthage, writing unto Secundus Primate of Numidia, (for all the Metropolitans of Africa were called Primates) is said to have disliked of those, which without cause or questioning exposed themselves to open dan∣ger; Et ab iis honorandis prohibuisse Christianos, and that he did prohibit the Christian People to give them that regard and honour which was due to Martyrs. And indeed Optatus speaks of one who was reputed for a Martyr,* Sed nondum vindicatus, but not asserted to that honour, not established in it. So great was the Authority of Bishops over that of Martyrs, whether dead or living.

Page  289

But to return unto S. Cyprian, [ XIII] whom we have found so stout a Champion in the de∣fence of his Episcopal Authority, that though there was a kind of necessity of com∣plying (as the world went with him) both with his Presbyters and People, yet not∣withstanding he knew how to resume his power, and neither take their counsel nor consent, but on some occasions. Had he done otherwise, he had indeed betrayed the honour of his calling, which in the point of practice, which he so often doth extol, both for Divinity of Institution, and excellency of Jurisdiction, in the way of Theory. For if we look into his writings, we shall soon find what his opinion was touching the institution of Episcopacy, which he maintaineth in several places to be Jure Divino, no Ecclesiastical device, no humane Ordinance. For grounding the Authority of his calling on those words of Christ, Tibi dabo Claves,* he sheweth that ever since that time the Church hath been constituted upon Bishops, and every Act thereof by them administred.

In his Epistle to Cornelius,* he calleth the Office of a Bishop in governing the Church of God, Sublimem & Divinam potestatem, an high and Divine Authority, and tells us of the same, de Divina dignatione firmatur, that it is founded and confirmed by Divine Providence or favour: Finally in that unto Florentius Pupianus,* who had charged him, as it seems, with some filthy crimes, he affirmeth often, that the Bishop is appointed by God himself, Sacerdotes per Deum in Ecclesia constitui, that they are placed in the Church by God, Deum Sacerdotes facere, that God makes Bishops; and in a word, Apostolis Vicaria ordinatione succedere, they that succeeded the Apostles as their proper Substitutes. As for the excellency of the Episcopal power, take this once for all, where he affirmeth to Cornelius, non aliunde haereses abortas esse,* that Schisms and Heresies do proceed from no other fountain than this, * Which words since many of the Advocates for the Popes Su∣premacy have drawn against all right and reason from their proper purpose, to the advancement of the dignity of the See of Rome; S. Cyprian writing this unto Cornelius, then the Bishop there; we may hear him speaking the same words almost in his own behalf, Inde enim Schismata, &c. From hence, saith he, do Schisms and Heresies arise,* whilst the Bishop being but one in every Church, is slighted by the proud presumption of some men; and he by man is judged unworthy, whom God makes worthy of his favours. And because possibly it may be thought that Cyprian might be partial in the heightning of his own Authority, I shall crave leave to back him with Saint Hierom's words,* none of the greatest fautors of Episcopacy, who affirms as much; who tells us plainly, that the safety of the Church depends on the chief Priest or Bishop, Cui si non exors & ab omnibus eminens detur potestas, to whom, in case there be not given an eminent and transcendent power, there will be shortly as many Schisms in the Church, as Priests. But it is time to leave S. Cyprian, who went unto the Lord his God through the door of Martyrdom, Anno 261. proceeding from the Church of Carthage to that of Alexandria, the next neighbour to it.

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CHAP. V. Of the condition and affairs of the two Patriarchal Churches of Alexandria and Antiochia.

AND being come to Alexandria, [ I] the first thing presents it self to our observation, is the Divinity-School there being, which we must first take notice of before we look into the Church, which in this Age was furnished hence both with Religious Bishops and Learned Presbyters.* A School, as it appeareth by Eusebius, of no small Antiquity; who speaking of the times of Commodus, saith, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that of an antient custom there had been a School for teaching of Divinity, and other parts of Literature, which had been very much frequented in the former times, and so conti∣nued till his days. According to which plat-form, first Schools, and after Universities had their consideration in the Church; from whence, as from a fruitful Seminary, she hath been stored ever since with the choicest wits for the advancement of her publique service. But for this School of Alexandria, the first Professor there, which occurs by name,* is said to be Pantaenus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a man renowned in all parts of Learning: first a Philosopher of the Sect of Stoicks, and afterwards a fa∣mous Christian Doctor. A man so zealously affected to the Gospel of Christ, that for the propagating of the same, he made a journey to the Indies; and after his return, he took upon him the Professorship in the School aforesaid, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, opening the treasures of Salvation both by word and writing.* And I the rather instance in him, because that under him Clemens of Alex∣andria learned his first Principles of Religion; and after him succeeded in his Chair or Office: who being by birth of Athens, and of the same family with the former Clemens, the fourth Bishop of Rome, upon his coming and abode at Alexandria, gained the sur∣name or additament of Alexandrinus. Now that Clemens was Divinity-reader in the School of Alexandria,* is said expresly by Eusebius; where he affirmeth also, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that Origen was one of his Disciples: Who after coming to the place himself,* was followed in the same by Heraclas, and Dionysius successively; both of them Scholars in the School of Origen, both severally and successively Readers or Doctors in the same, and both, first Heraclas, Dionysius next, Bishops or Patriarchs of Alexandria. So that within the space of half an hundred years, this School thus founded, or at the least advanced in reputation by Pantaenus, brought forth the said four famous Doctors, Clemens and Origen, Heraclas and Dionysius, all of them in their times men of great renown, and the lights and glory of their Age. And though I might relate the names of many other men of fame and credit, who had their breeding in these Schools, did it concern the business which I have in hand; yet I shall instance in no more but these, and these it did concern me to make instance of, because their Acts and Writings Page  291are the special subject of all that is to come in this present Chapter; and were indeed the greatest business of that Age.

And first for Clemens, [ II] not to take notice of those many Books which were written by him, a Catalogue whereof Eusebius gives us, and from him St. Hierom:* those which concern us most, were his eight books inscribed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which are now not extant, and those entituled 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which are still remaining. In the first eight, he tells us in the way of story, that Peter, James, and John, after Christs A∣scension,* how high soever in the favour of their Lord and Master, contended not a∣mongst themselves for the place and honour, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but made choice of James surnamed the Just, to be the Bishop of Hierusalem: that Peter, on perusal of the Gospel, writ by Mark, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,* confirm'd the same by his authority, for the ad∣vancement of the Church that James 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,* to whom the Bishop∣rick of Hierusalem had been committed by the Apostles, was by the malice of the Jews done to a cruel death: that John the Apostle, after Domitian's death,* returned to E∣phesus from Patmos, and going at the intreaty of his friends to the neighbour Nations, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in some parts he ordained Bishops, in others planted or established Churches, in others, by the gui∣dance of the holy Spirit, electing fit men for the Clergy; telling withal the story of a certain Bishop, to whom the said Apostle did commit a young man to be trained up. All which he might affirm with the greater confidence, because he tells us of himself,* 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that he lived very near the Apostles times, and so might have the better light to discern their actions. And for the other eight remaining, although there is but little in them, which concerns this Subject, the Argument of which he writeth, not having any thing to do therewith: yet in that little we have mention of the several Orders, of Bishops, Presbyters and Deacons in the Churchof God. And first for Bishops, speaking of the domestick Ministeries that belong to marriage, he shews that by the Apostles Rule,* such Bishops are to be ap∣pointed for the Church of God, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as by the orderly government of their private families, may be conceived most fit and likely to have a care unto the Church. Where clearly, by his 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 he means not Presbyters, as the Apostle is conceived to mean in his Epistle to Timothy. For howsoever the Presbyters might be trusted with the charge of a particular Congregation; yet had they never the inspection, the care or gover∣nance, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, of a whole Church, or many Churches joyned toge∣ther, as the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 may be rendred. That was the privilege and power of Bishops. So for the two inferiour Orders, we find them in another place,* where he divides such things as concern this life, into 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, matters of improvement and advantage, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, subservient only thereunto; then adds, that in the Church of God, the Deacons exercise the subservient Offices; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but that the Presbyters attend those others, which con∣duce to our amendment or improvement in the way of godliness. Out of which words if any man can gather that judging of the conversation or crimes of any members of the Church, that discipline, which worketh emendation in men, is in the power of the Elders,* as I see some do, he must needs have a better faculty of extraction, than the best Chymist that I know of. In all that place of Clemens not a word of Judging, nor so much as a syllable of Discipline. A power of bettering and amending our sinful lives, he gives indeed unto the Presbyters: but that I hope both is and may be done by the Ministery of the Word and Sacraments, with which the Presbyters are and have been trusted. This is the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the bettering and improving power which belongs to them; and not the dispensation of the Keys, which have been always put into other hands, or if at any time into theirs, it hath been only in a second and inferiour place, not in the way of judging, in the course of Discipline.

Next let us look on Origen, [ III] a man of most prodigious parts both for Wit and Learning; who at the Age of eighteen years was made a Catechist, in the Church,* and afterward a publick Reader in the Schools of Alexandria, a man in whom there was nothing ordinary, either good or ill: for when he did well, none could do it better; and when he erred or did amiss, none could do it worse. The course and method of his studies, the many Martyrs which he trained up in the School of Piety, the several Countreys which he travelled, either for informing of himself or others, belong not unto this Discourse. Suffice it, that his eminence in all parts of Learning, and his Page  292great pains in his profession,* made him most grateful, for a time, unto Demetrius the Patriarch of Alexandria, though after upon envy at the mans renown, he did endea∣vour to diminish his reputation. For on occasion of the Wars in Egypt, seeing he could not stay in safety there, he went unto Caesarea, the Metropolitan See of Palestine: where, though not yet in holy Orders, he was requested by the Bishop, not only to dispute in publick, as his custom was, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but also to expound the Scriptures; and that too 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the open Church. Which when it came unto the knowledg of Demetrius, he forthwith signified by Let∣ters his dislike thereof: affirming it to be an unaccustomed and unheard of thing, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that any Lay-man should presume to Preach, or Expound Scripture in the Bishops presence. But hereunto it was replyed by Theocti∣stus Bishop of Caesarea, and Alexander Bishop of Hierusalem who was also there, that he had quite mistook the matter: it being lawful for such men as were fit and emi∣nent, to speak a word of exhortation to the People, or to preach unto them, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, if they were thereunto required by the Bishop; instancing in Euelpis, Paulinus, and Theodorus, godly brethren all, who on the like au∣thority had so done before; and they, for their parts, being of opinion, that others besides them had done so too. In agitation of which business, there are these two things presented to us, first the regard and reverence, which was had, in those Pious times, unto the person of a Bishop; and then the power and authority that was vest∣ed in them. For first, it seems that men of whatsoever parts, though of great spirit and abilities, did notwithstanding think it an unfitting thing, to meddle with ex∣pounding Scripture, or edifying of the People, in case the Bishop was in place. And yet as strange and uncouth as it was, or was thought to be, the Licence of the Bishop made it lawful. But then withal we must conceive of Preaching in this place and story, not as a Ministerial Office, but only as an Academical or Scholastical exercise: ac∣cording as it is still used in our Universities, where many not in holy Orders, preach their turns and courses.

And yet indeed Demetrius was not so much out as they thought he was, [ IV] but had good ground to go upon, though possibly there was some intermixture of envy in it. For whatsoever had been done in the Eastern Churches; the use was otherwise in Alexandria, and in the Churches of the West: in which it was so far unusual for Lay-men to expound, or preach in the Bishops presence, that it was not lawful for the Presbyters. For in the neighbour Church of Carthage it was thus of old, in these times at least. For when Valerius Bishop of Hippo, a Diocese within that Pro∣vince, being by birth a Grecian, and not so well instructed in the pronunciation of the Latin Tongue, perceived his Preaching not to be so profitable to the common People, for remedy thereof, having then lately ordained Augustin Presbyter, eidem potestatem dedit coram se in Ecclesia Evangelium praedicandi,* he gave him leave to preach the Gospel in the Church, though himself were present. And this, saith Possidonius, who relates the story, was contra usum & consuetudinem Ecclesiarum Africanarum, against the use and custom of the African Churches; and many Bishops thereabouts did object as much. But the old man, bearing himself upon the custom of the Eastern Church, where it was permitted, would not change his course. By means whereof it came to pass, that by this example, some Presbyters in other places, acceptâ ab Episcopis potestate, being thereto licenced by the Bishop, did preach before them in the Church, without controul. For Austin being afterwards Bishop of Hippo in the place of Valerius, ap∣plauds Aurelius the Metropolitan of Carthage,* for giving way unto the same: commend∣ing him for the great care he took in his Ordinations, but specially, de sermone Pres∣byterorum qui te praesente populo infunditur, for the good Sermons preached by the Pres∣byters unto the People in his presence. But this permission or allowance was only in some places, in some Churches only; perhaps in none but those of Africk. For Hierom writing to Nepotian, (being himself a Presbyter in the Church of Rome) complains thereof ut turpissimae consuetudinis,* as of a very evil custom, that in some Churches the Presbyters were not to preach if the Bishop were by. And though he was a man of great authority with Damasus and others his Successours, Popes of Rome; yet got he little by complaining, the custom still continuing as before it was. And this is clear by the Epistle of Pope Leo, in which as it is declared unlawful, to perform divers other Sacred Offices in the Bishops presence,* without his special Precept and Com∣mand; so also is there a non licet in this point of Preaching, which was not to be done [nec populum docere, ncc plebem exhortari] if the Bishop were then present in the Con∣gregation. Page  293So that this being then an ancient and received custom, must needs be now in force when Demetrius lived; and, as it seems by his expostulation in the case of Origen, had been no less observed in Alexandria than in Rome or Africk. There was indeed a time, and that shortly after, in which the Presbyters of Alexandria might not preach at all, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as it is in Socrates.* Which general restraint, as it was occasioned by reason of the factions raised by Arius, or other troubles of that Church, in the beginning of the Age next following; so it con∣tinued till the times of Socrates and Sozomen,* who lived about the middle of the sixth Century, and take notice of it. So that as it appeared before in the case of Austin, that the Bishops have a power to Licence; so it appears by that of Arius, that they also have a power to silence.

But to return again to Origen, [ V] the Bishops of Caesarea and Hierusalem finding how profitable a Servant he might prove in the Church of God, did at another time, as he passed through Palestine to go towards Greece, ordain him Presbyter. And this was done 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, saith Eusebius, by the Bishops there,* by the two Bishops formerly remembred; no Presbyter concurring in it for ought there we find. Yet when Demetrius moved with his wonted envy, did not only what he could to dis∣grace the man, but also sought to frame an accusation against those, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,* which had advanced him to the order of a Presbyter: We do not find that he objected any thing against them, as to the Act of Ordination, but only as unto the irregularity of the person, by reason of a corporal defect of his own procuring. And on the other side, when as Demetrius saw his time, and found that some few passages in his many writings, either by him or in his name at least set forth and published, had made him liable unto danger, obnoxious to the censures of the Church; he did not only excommunicate him, which had been enough either to right the Church or revenge himself, but he prevailed with many other Churches also,* to confirm the sentence. Ab eodem Demetrio Episcopo Alexandrino fuisse excommunicatione damnatum, prolatamque in eum sententiam à caeteris quoque Ecclesiis ratam habitam, as S. Hierom hath it. Whereas before we had his Ordination performed only by the two Bishops of Caesarea and Hierusalem, without the hands of any of the Presbyters; and yet the Ordination good and valid, the whole Church after reckoning him for a Pres∣byter without doubt or scruple; so here we find him Excommunicated by one Bishop only, without the votes or suffrages of the Presbyters, or any shew or colour of it; and yet the Church concurring with that Bishop, though his ancient Enemy, in con∣firmation of that censure. So fully was the Church persuaded in the former times, that these were parts of the Episcopal jurisdiction and authority, that there was no objection made against this last, though Origen had many friends, and those great ones too; nor nullity or invalidity in the first, although Demetrius, who by reason of his great place and power, had made him many Enemies, did except against it.

From that which doth occur concerning Origen in the Books and Works of other Writers, [ VI] proceed we unto that which doth occur concerning Bishops in the works of Origen. And there we find in the first place the several Orders of Bishops, Presbyters and Deacons. For speaking of those words of the Apostle, He that desireth the Office of a Bishop, desireth a good work; he tells us this,* Talis igitur Episcopus non desiderat bonum opus, that such a Bishop desireth not a good work, who desireth the Office, either to get glory amongst men, or be flattered and courted by them, or for the hope of gain from those which believe the Gospel, and give large gifts in testimony of their Piety. Then adds, Idem vero & de Presbyteris & de Diaconis dices, that the same is to be said of Presbyters and Deacons also. Nor doth he only shew us, though that were sufficient, the several ranks and orders in the Hierarchy, but also the ascent or degrees from the one to the other, In Ecclesia Christi inveniuntur,

And shortly after, having en∣deavoured to depress this ambitious humour, he gives this caveat, that he who exalts himself shall be humbled, which he desireth all men to take notice of, but specially Page  294the Deacons, Presbyters, and Bishops, which do not think those words to be spoken of them. Here have we three degrees of Ministers in the Church of God, one being a step unto the other, whereof the Bishop is Supream, in the highest place. And not in place only, but in power also, and authority, as being the men unto whose hands the keys were trusted by our Saviour.* For in another place he discourseth thus. Quoniam ii qui Episcoporum locum sibi vendicant, &c. When they which challenge to themselves the place of Bishops, do make the same confession that Peter did, and have received from our Saviour the Keys of the Kingdom of Heaven, teaching that what they bind on Earth is bound in Hea∣ven, and what they loose in Earth is loosed in Heaven; we must acknowledge that what they said is true, if withal they have those things for which it was so said to Peter. For if he be bound with the Chains of his own sins, frustra vel ligat vel solvit, in vain he takes upon him to bind or loose. In the which words (not taking notice of his errour, seeming to make the efficacy of the Ministery to depend upon the merit of the Minister) we find that in the time of Origen the dispensation of the Keys was the Bishops office. This, if it should not be sufficient to declare their power, we may hear him in another place calling them Principes populi Christiani,* the Princes of the Christian people, blaming them, such especially as lived in the greatest Cities (in which he secretly upbraids the proud behaviour of Demetrius towards him) for want of affability and due respect to their Inferiors: And writing on these words of our Saviour Christ, Who is that faithful and wise Servant,* &c. he applies them thus, Peccat in Deum quicunque Episcopus, qui non quasi conservis servus ministrat, sed quasi Dominus. Finally, as he doth acquaint us with their power and eminency, so doth he tell us also of their care and service;* assuring us, that he who is called unto the Office of a Bishop, non vocatur ad principatum, sed ad servitutem totius Ecclesiae, is not invited to an Empire or a Principality, but to the Service of the whole Church. And this he keeps himself to constantly in that whole discourse (being the sixth Homily on the Prophet Esay) in which although he afterwards doth call the Bishop, Ecclesiae Princeps, yet he affirms that he is called ad servitutem, to a place of service; and that by looking to his service well, ad solium coeleste ire posset, he may attain an Heavenly Throne. And so much shall suffice for Origen, a Learned but unfortunate man, with whom the Church had never peace, either dead or living.

From him then we proceed unto his Successor, [ VII] Heraclas, an Auditor at first of Clemens,* then of Origen, who being marvellously affected with the great Learning of the man, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, made him his Partner in the Chair; which after Origen was laid by,* he managed wholly by himself with great applause. A man that had the happiness to succeed the two greatest Enemies in the world, Origen and Demetrius; the one in the Schools, the other in the Church of Alexandria; unto which honour he was called on Demetrius death, who had sate Bishop there three and forty years. On this preferment of Heraclas unto the Patriarchate, the Regency of the Alexandrian Schools, was forthwith given to Dionysius, another of Origens Disciples, who after fourteen years or thereabout, succeeded also in the Bishoprick. And here began that alteration in the Election of the Bishops of this Church, which S. Hierom speaks of.* The Presbyters before this time used to Elect their Bishop from among themselves. Alexandriae à Marco Evangelista usque ad Heraclam & Dionysium Episcopos, Presbyteri unum ex se electum, in excelsiori gradu collocatum, Episcopum nominabant, as the Father hath it. But here we find that course was altered, though what the alteration was, in what it did consist, whether in the Electors, or the condition of the party to be Elected, is not so clearly evident in S. Hierom's words. For my part, I conceive it might be in both, both in the unum ex se, and the collocabant. For first the Presbyters of that Church had used to choose their Bishop from amongst themselves, Electing al∣ways one of their own body. But in the choice of these two Bishops that course was altered; these two not being Presbyters of the Church, but Readers in the Schools of Alexandria, and so not chosen from amongst themselves. And secondly, I take it that the course was altered, as to the Electors, to the Collocabant. For whereas hereto∣fore the Presbyters had the sole power of the Election, to choose whom they listed, and having chosen, to enthrone him without expecting what the people were pleased to do; the people seeing what was done in other Churches, begun to put in for a share, Page  295not only ruling, but finally over-ruling the Election. What else should further the Election of these two, I can hardly tell; but that their diligence and assiduity in the discharge of the employment they had took upon them; the great abilities they shewed therein, and the great satisfaction given thereby unto the people, who carefully fre∣quented those publick Readings, had so endeared them to the multitude, that no other Bishops could content them, had not these been chosen. And this I am the rather in∣duced to think, because that in a short time after, the interess of the people in the E∣lection of their Bishop was improved so high, that the want of their consent and suffrage was thought by Athanasius a sufficient bar against the right of the Elected,* affirming it to be against the Churches Canons, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and to the pre∣cept of the Apostles. But which of these soever it was, an alteration here was made of the ancient custom, which is as much as is intended by S. Hierom in the words al∣ledged. How others have abused this place, to prove that the imparity of Bishops is not of Divine Authority, but only brought in by the Presbyters, we have shewn before. Part I. Cha. 3.

But to go on with Dionysius (for of Heraclas and his acts there is little mention) we find the time in which he sate to be full of troubles; [ VIII] both in regard of Persecutions which were raised against the Church without, and Heresies which assaulted her within. Novatus had begun a faction in the Church of Rome, grounding the same upon a false and dangerous doctrine; the sum whereof we find in an Epistle of this Dionysius,* unto another Dionysius Pope of Rome. And whereas Fabius Bishop of Antiochia, was thought to be a fautor of that Schism, he writes to him about it also.* So when Sabellius had begun to disperse his Heresies, he presently gives notice of it to Sixtus, or Xystus Bishop of the Church of Rome; as also unto Ammon Bishop of Bernice, and Basilides the Metropolitan of Cyrenaica or Pentapolis, and to divers others. And when that Paulus Samosatenus began to broach strange doctrins in the Church of Christ, although he could not go in person to suppress the same, yet writ he an Epistle to the Bishops Assembled there, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, declaring his opinion of the point in question. And on the other side, when as the Persecutors made foul havock in the Church, and threatned utterly to destroy the Professors of it;* he by his Letters certifieth his neighbouring Bishops in what estate Gods Church stood with him, with what heroick resolutions the Christians in his charge did abide the fury, and conquered their tormenters by their patient sufferings; so giving houour to the dead, and breathing courage in the living. Indeed what Bishops almost were there in those parts of Christendom, with whom he held not correspondence, with whom he had not mutual and continual entercourse by the way of Letters, from whom he did not carefully receive in the self-same way both advice and comfort? Witness his several Epistles, besides those formerly remembred, unto Cornelius Pope of Rome,* com∣mending him for an Epistle by him written against Novatus; and giving notice to him of the death of Fabius, and how Demetrianus did succeed him in the See of Antioch; and also to the Church of Rome, discoursing of the publick Ministeries in the Christian Church. Witness that also unto Stephanus, the Predecessor of Cornelius,* entituled De Baptismate; a second to the aforesaid Stephanus, about the faction of Novatus. To Dionysius Bishop of Rome, besides that before remembred from Eusebius, a second ex∣tant in the works of Athanasius. And one to Paulus Samosatenus,* the wretched Pa∣triarch of Antiochia, of which though there is no mention in Eusebius, who tells us that he would not vouchsafe to write unto him, yet is it intimated in Nicephorus, who affirmes the contrray, and extant in the Bibliotheca Patrum, and in the Annals of Ba∣ronius. It were an infinite and endless labour to recite all those, which besides these inscribed unto the Bishops of the greater Churches, he writ and sent to others of less note and quality, as viz. to Conon Bishop of Hierapolis, the Churches of Laodicea and Armenia, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and to whom not almost either Priest or Bishop that was of any merit and consideration in the Church of Christ?

If you demand to what end serves this general muster of the Epistles of this Prelate, [ IX] why I have brought them thus into the field in their ranks and files, I answer that it was to let you see what was the ancient form of government in the Church of Christ, before they had the happiness to live under Christian Princes, and thereby opportunity of meeting in their General Councils. For all the Apostles being furnished by our Lord and Saviour, with an equality of power and honour; pari consortio praediti potesta∣tis & honoris, as S. Cyprian hath it;* by consequence all Bishops also were founded in the like equality. So that the government of the Church, as to the outward form and Page  296polity thereof, was Aristocratical. And being so, there was in manner a necessity im∣posed upon the Prelates of the Church, to maintain mutual entercourse and corre∣spondence betwixt one another by Letters, Messages, and Agents, for the communi∣cating of their Councils, and imparting their advice, as occasion was in all omergent dangers of the Church. For howsoever that the Church had followed in some things the pattern of the Roman Empire, and in each Diocess thereof (taking the Word ac∣cording to the civil sense) had instituted and ordained a Primate, to whom the final resolution of all businesses did appertain, that fell within the compass of that Diocess: Yet all these Primates being of equal power and authority, each of them absolute and independent with the bounds and limits of his own jurisdiction, there was no other way to compose such differences as were either indeterminable at home, or otherwise concerned the publick, but this of mutual entercourse and correspondence. And this, what ever is opined unto the contrary both by the Masters and the Scholars in the Church of Rome, who have advanced the Pope into the Soveraign or Supream di∣rection in all points of doubt; will prove to be the practice of the Christian Church in all times and Ages, till the Authority of all other Churches in the worst and darkest times of Christianity, came to be swallowed up in the gulph of Rome. For presently upon the death of the Apostles, who questionless had the frequent resort, the final end∣ing of all businesses which concerned the Church, a full and plenary authority to di∣rect the same;* we find that Clemens, one of their Disciples, sends his Epistle to the Church of Corinth for the composing of some Schisms which were raised amongst them, and that Ignatius Bishop of Antioch, another of their Scholars sends the like to Rome, for their confirming in the faith. Besides which, as he travelled towards Rome, or rather was haled thither to his Execution, he dispatched others of his Epistles unto other Churches, and one amongst the rest unto Polycarpus Bishop of Smyrna, commen∣ding unto him the good estate of the Church of Antioch.* The like we find of Dionysius Bishop of Corinth, a right godly man, of whose Epistles to the Lacedemonians, Athe∣nians, Nicomedians, and those of Crete; as also to the Churches in Pontus, nay to that of Rome, conducing either to the beating down of Heresies, or to the preservation of peace and unity, or to the confirmation of the faith, or rectifying of what was amiss in the Churches discipline, there is full mention in Eusebius.

Thus when Pope Victor by his rash perversness had almost plunged the Church in an endless broil;* the Bishops of these times bestirred themselves by publique writings to compose the quarrel; particularly Irenaeus and Polyerates, the one the Metropolitan of the Gallick, the other of the Asian Churches. And when that many of the Bishops se∣verally had convocated Councils and Synodical meetings to make up this breach; upon the rising of the same they sent out their Letters,* signifying what they had Decreed, advising what they would have done by all Christian people.* For though Eusebius in∣stanceth in none but the Bishops of Caesarea and Hierusalem, (in the records of which, in two Churches, he had been most versed) which sent out these Synodical Epistles; yet being so many other Metropolitans had called Synods also to the same intent, I doubt not but they took the same course as the others did in manifesting their Decrees and Counsels. Nay so exact and punctual they were in the continuance of this mutual amity and correspondence, that there was almost no occurrence of any moment o• consideration,* not so much as the death of some eminent Prelate, and the succession of a new; but they gave notice of it unto one another, ending their Letters of congra∣tulation unto the party so advanced: Examples of the which in Ecclesiastical Histories are both infinite and obvious. By means of which continual intercourse there was main∣teined, not only an Association of the several Churches for their greater strength, nor a Communication only of their Councils for the publick safety, but a Communion also with each other,* as Members of the Mystical Body of our Saviour Christ. And this is that Optatus speaks of, when having made a Catalogue of the Bishops of Rome, from S. Peter down unto Siricius, who then held that place; or, as his words there are, Qui noster est Socius, who was his Partner or Associate in the common Government of the Church: He adds, Cum quo nobis totus orbis commercio formatarum in una communionis societate concordant, with whom the whole world doth agree with us in one communion or so∣ciety, by Letters of intercourse and correspondence. For Literae formatae, or communi∣catoriae, were these Letters called, as in the 163 Epistle of S. Austin, where both names occur.

This as it was the usage of the former times, so was there never more need to uphold the same, than in the latter part of this present Age. So mighty a distemper had pos∣sessed Page  297the Church, that no part almost of it was in a tolerable constitution: and there∣fore it concerned the Bishops to be quick and active, before the maladies thereof be∣came incurable. In that of Carthage, besides the faction raised by Felicissimus, which had no countenance from the Church; there was an erroneous doctrine publickly re∣ceived about the Baptism of Hereticks. The Church of Alexandria, besides the heat she fell into concerning Origen, was much disquieted by the Heresie of Sabellius, broach∣ed within the same. And that no sooner was suppressed, or at lest quieted for the present, but a great flame brake out in the Church of Antioch, which beginning in the House of Paulus Samosatenus before remembred, had like to have put all the Church into combustion. Rome in the mean time was afflicted more than all the rest, by the Schism raised, and the false doctrines preached therein, by Novatianus: and that not for a fit only and no more but so, but in a constant kind of sickness, which disturbed her long. In this distemper of the Church, the Bishops had no way to consult her health; but by having recourse to their old way of mutual commerce and conference: which being it could not be performed in person, must be done by Letters. And so accordingly it was. Witness those several Letters written by St. Cyprian to the Bishops of Rome: viz. from him to Stephanus, Epist. 71. to Lucius, Epist. 58. and to Corne∣lius, Epist. 42, 43, 47, 54, 55, 57. to the Church there, Epist. 23, 29. and from the Church of Rome and the Bishops of it, unto him again, Epist. 31, 46, 48, 49. In all of which they mutually both give and take advice, as the necessities of their affairs, and the condition of the Church required: Nor was the business of the Church of Carthage, in agitation between Cyprian only and the Roman Prelates; but taken also into the care and consideration of Dionysius Bishop of Alexandria,* who writ his judg∣ment in it, and advice about it, to Stephanus then Pope of Rome, who held against St. Cyprian, or indeed rather for the truth, in the point in question. What the same Dionysius did, for the suppressing of the faction of Novatus, raised in Rome at first, but after spreading further over all the Church, we have in part beheld already, by his Epistle unto Fabius of Antiochia who was suspected to incline that way; and that in∣scribed unto Cornelius, written about that business also, which before we spake of. And we may see what Cyprian did in recompence of that advice and comfort which he had from Rome, in his own afflictions, by the great care he took for the composing of her Schisms and troubles when she fell into them; by his Epistles to that only purpose: as viz. those unto Cornelius,* intituled Quod ordinationem Novatiani non rece∣perit, De ordinatione ejus à se comprobata, Quod ad Confessores à Novatiano seductos li∣teras fecerit: The Letters of those seduced Confessors to him, and his congratulation unto them upon their return to their obedience to the Church; Cornelius writing unto him touching the faction of Novatian, and their wicked practices, with his Re∣ply unto Cornelius. Thus also when Sabellius began to broach his Heresies within the jurisdiction of Alexandria; he did not only signifie the same to the Bishop of Rome, which by the Cardinal is used I know not how, for a prime Argument,* to prove the Popes Supremacy: but unto divers other Bishops, as before was shewn, to whom assuredly he owed no obedience. This as he did, according to the usage of the Church, at that time in force: so took he other courses also for the suppression of that Heresie, both by power and pen. For finding upon certain information 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that diverse Bishops of Pentapolis,* being within the Patriarchat of Alexandria, began to countenance and embrace the said desperate doctrines, and had so far prevailed therein, that there was hardly any mention in their Churches of the Son of God; he knowing that the care and oversight of the said Churches did belong to him, first laboured by his Messengers and Commissioners to dissuade them from those lewd opinions; and when that would not do the deed, he was constrained to write unto them an Epistle, in which he throughly confuted their erroneous Tenets. By which as we may see the care and piety of this famous Prelate, triumphing in the fall of Heresie; so we may see the power and emi∣nency of that famous See, having the governance and superintendency of so many Churches.

But that which was indeed the greatest business of his time, [ XI] and which the Church was most concerned in, was that of Paulus Samosatenus, the sixteenth Bishop of the Church of Antioch, great in relation to the man,* one of the three prime Bishops in the Christian Church; and great inference to the danger which was like to follow. When one of the main Pillars of a Church is foundred, the whole edifice is in danger of a present ruin. And therefore presently upon the apprehension of the mischief likely Page  298to ensue, in case there was no speedy course taken to prevent the same, the Bishops of all parts repaired to Antioch, not only those which were within the jurisdiction of that Patriarchate, but such as lived far off; and in all possibility, might have kept their Churches from the infection of the Heresie, being so remote. For thither came Firmilianus Bishop of Caesarea,* in Cappadocia, Gregory surnamed Thaumaturgus, Bishop of Neo-Caesarea in Pontus, and Athenodorus his brother, another Bishop of that Pro∣vince, Helenus Bishop of Tarsus, Nicomas Bishop of Iconium, Hymenaeus Bishop of Hie∣rusalem, Maximus Bishop of Bostra, Theoctecnus Bishop of Caesarea, the Metropolis of Pa∣lestine; and so many others, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that the number of them was in∣numerable. Dionysius Bishop of Alexandria was required also to be there,* 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but he excused himself by reason of his age and weakness. And well indeed he might do so, being then very ill at ease, and dying whilst the Synod was in preparation.* But what he could not do in person, he performed by his Pen: writing not only to the Fathers, who were there assem∣bled, which Eusebius speaks of; but to the Heretick himself, a Copy of the which we have both in Baronius and the Bibliotheca, as before was said. As for the other Dionysius the then Pope of Rome, I find not any thing that he did, to quench the flame.* For though Baronius being sensible how much it might redound to this Popes disgrace, that he alone should be a looker on in so great a business, wherein the honour of our Lord and SAVIOUR was so much concerned; hath fained a Council to be held at Rome at the same time, and for the same intent, and purpose; yet there is no such thing in Athanasius whom he cites to prove it; neither doth Bi∣nius, though in other things he takes up much of his Commodities on the Cardinals word, speak the least word of such a Council. It may be that the Popes then being, had so much work cut out at home by the Novatian faction there; that they had little leisure to attend a business so remote and distant: which is the best excuse I can see for them. And yet welfare the Cardinal and his Binius too. For though the Pope was neither there, nor had so much as sent his Letters for ought we can find; and that the Synodical Epistle written by the Fathers,* was inscribed to this Dionysius Ma∣ximus Bishop of Alexandria, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and to all o∣ther their Colleagues, the Bishops, over all the World, and to the Presbyters and Deacons, and the whole Catholick Church,* as the Title runneth: yet they will needs inscribe it to the Pope, none else; Ad Dionysium Romanum Pontificem scripserunt, so saith Binius, Synodicam ad Dionysium Papam scriptam: So Baronius hath it; and both ridiculously false.

But to return again unto the Council, the issue of the whole was this; that Paulus was deposed from his place and dignity; Domnus succeeding in the seat. And where∣as Paulus notwithstanding his abdication,* still kept possession of his House, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the House belonging to his Bishoprick. as the story hath it: the Empe∣rour Aurelian, being made acquainted with it, did determine thus, that it should be delivered unto them, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to whom the Bishops of Italy and Rome should adjudg the same.

Now in this business there are these two things to be considered; [ XII] the man thus sen∣tenced, and those to whom the last part of the Sentence was to be put in execution: both of them yielding matter worthy of our observation, for the present business. For Paulus first, the Fathers of the Council laying down the course and passages of his behaviour,* do describe him thus: that being born of mean and ordinary paren∣tage, he had amassed great sums of money, and full heaps of Treasure: which he had gotten by bribery and corruption, from those that were in Suits and differences, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and had repaired to him to be righted in their several causes: next, that he never went abroad in publick, but that he was attended by a Cuard; some of them going before him, others following after, to the great scandal of the Gospel: And last of all, that he had caused a Throne of State to be erected for him, not such as did become one of CHRISTS Disciples, but high and lofty, such as the Princes of the World (or rather secular Princes) did use to sit in. Which passages (for I omit the rest that follow, as not conducing to the story which I have in hand) as they do manifestly set forth unto us the extream pride, and base corruptions of the man: so do they also give us no obscure light, whereby we may discern the customs of the Church in these particulars.

For first, I find it not objected against Paulus, that he did deal sometimes in such Suits and differences, (matters of secular business out of question) as were brought before him:* but that he took bribes, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and received Page  299money of such men as came for Justice, and yet abused them too, and did nothing for them. So that it is not faulted by the Fathers, for ought I can see, that he made himself a Judg amongst his brethren, or took upon him to compose such differences, as were brought before him (which certainly was no new matter in these times:) but that he was corrupt and base, not Ministring, but selling Justice to the People; perhaps not selling Justice neither, but making them pay dearly for an unjust Sen∣tence.

The next thing I observe is this, that Paulus is not charged by the Synod for being well attended, for having many followers waiting on him, according to the great∣ness of his place and quality. Their words as in Eusebius they are laid before me, will bear no such meaning: though some indeed, to raise an Odium on the Prelacy,* do expound it so, as if a great part of his pride and insolency consisted in that numerous train which attended on him in the Streets. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.* He did not stir abroad without a Guard, saith the Original, Magna satellitum stipatus turba, saith the Translator of Eusebius, Cum satellitio publicitus ingrediens,* as the Translator of Nicephorus hath it. Now whether we look upon this passage in the Greek, as given us in the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or in the Latin Satellitium, or Satel∣litum turba: I must profess my ignorance to be such in both the Languages, that though I find it charged on Paulus, that he was guarded when he went abroad with a band of Spear-men; I find it not objected that he was Attended by a Train of ser∣vants.

Last of all for his Throne, the charge consists not as I take it, in the thing it self, for Bishops were allowed their Thrones in the Primitive times; but in the raising of it to a greater height than had been accustomed. Cassiodore,* I am sure doth expound it so: Intra Ecclesiam vero tribunal in alto altius quam fuerat extrui, & thronum in ex∣celsioribus collocari jubet, secretarium quoque sterni & parari, sicut judicibus seculi solet.

By which it seemeth, ta∣king the Authors words as they lie together,* that it was not the Throne but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the state and exaltation of the Throne, that gave the scandal. A Throne he might have had, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as other Bishops Christs Disciples used to have be∣fore. But he would have his Throne exalted, adorned and furnished like a Closet, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, after the manner of Kings and Princes: Or if the Seat or Throne here spoken of, were a Tribunal, as it is said by Cassiodore; we must not look upon him in the Church, but in the Consistory: in which he would have nothing ordi∣nary like to other Bishops, but all things suted and adorned like the Bench or Judgment-seat of a Civil Magistrate.

As for the men to whom the execution of the Sentence was committed, [ XIII] which is the next thing here to be considered, Eusebius tells us that they were the Bishops of Rome and Italy. And possibly the Emperour might commit the judgment of the cause to them, because being strangers to the place, and by reason of their absence not ingaged in the business, or known to either of the two Pretenders; they might with greater equity and indifference, determine in it. This is more like to be the reason, than that the Emperour should take such notice of the Popes authority, as to conceive the Judgments and Decrees of other Bishops to be no further good and valid, quam eas authoritas Romani Pontificis confirmasset,* than as they were confirmed by the Bishop of Rome, as fain the Cardinal would have it. If so, what needed the Italian Bishops to be joyned with him? The Pope might do it of himself without their ad∣vice, indeed without the Emperours Authority. This was not then the matter, whatsoever was; and what was like to be the matter we have said already. And more than that I need not say, as to the reason of the reference, why the Emperour made choice rather of the Western than the Eastern Bishops to cognisance the cause, and give possession on the same accordingly. But there is something else to be considered, as to the matter of the reference to the point referred; as also to the persons who by this Sovereign Authority were enabled to determine in the cause proposed.

And first as for the point referred, whereas there were two things considerable in the whole proceedings against Paulus; viz. his dangerous and heretical Doctrine, and next his violent and unjust possession: the first had been adjudged before in the Council, and he deposed for the same. With that the Bishops either of Rome or Italy had no more to do, than to subscribe unto the judgment of the Synod: or be∣ing Page  300being a matter meerly of spiritual cognizance, might in a like Synodical meeting, with∣out the Emperors Authority as their case then stood, have censured and condemned the Heresie, though with his person possibly they could not meddle, as being of ano∣ther Patriarchat. But that which here I find referred unto them, was a mere Lay-fee, a point of title and possession, and it was left unto them to determine in it, whether the Plaintiff or Defendant had the better right to the house in question. This was the point in issue between the parties, and they upon the hearing of the cause, gave sen∣tence in behalf of Domnus; who presently upon the said award or sentence, was put into possession of the house, and the force removed by the appointment of the Em∣perour. And it is worth our notice also, that as they did not thrust themselves into the imployment, being a matter meerly of a secular nature: so when the Emperor re∣quired their advice therein, or if you will make them his Delegates and High Com∣missioners; they neither did delay or dispute the matter, nor pleaded any Ancient Canons, by which they might pretend to be disabled from intermedling in the same. A thing which questionless some one or other of them would have done, there being so many Godly and Religious Prelates interessed therein, had they conceived that the imployment had been inconsistent with their holy calling.

A second thing to be considered in this delegation, [ XIV] concerns the parties unto whom it was committed, which were as hath been said before, the Bishops of Italy, and of the City of Rome. In which it will not be impertinent to examine briefly why the Bishops of Italy,* and the Bishops of Rome, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as by Nicephorus it is given us in the plural number, should be here reckoned as distinct, since both the City of Rome was within the limits and bounds of Italy, and Italy subordinate, or rather subject to the City of Rome, [ 242] the Queen and Empress of the World. For resolution of which Quaere, we may please to know that in the distribution of the Roman Empire, the continent of Italy, together with the Isles adjoyning was divided into two parts, viz. the Prefecture of the City of Rome, conteining Latium, Tuscia, and Picenum, the Realm of Naples,* and the three Islands of Sicily, Corsica, and Sardinia, as before was said, the head City or Metropolis of the which was the City of Rome.

And secondly, the Diocess of Italy containing all the Western and broader part there∣of from the River Magra to the Alpes, in which were comprehended seven other Provinces, and of the which the Metropolis, or prime City was that of Millain, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as in Athanasius.* So that that Church being in the Common-wealth, according to that maxim of Optatus, and following the pattern of the same, in the proportion and fabrick of her publick Government, the Bishops of the Diocess of Italy were no way under the command of the Patriarch or Primate of the Church of Rome, but of their own Primate only, which was he of Millain. And this division seems to be of force in the times we speak of, because that in the subscriptions to the Council of Arles,* being about 40 years after that of Antioch; the Bishops of Italy stand divided into two ranks or Provinces, that is to say Provincia Italiae, and Provincia Ro∣mana, the Province of Italy, of which Orosius the Metropolitan of Millain subscribeth only, and then the Province of the City of Rome, for which Gregorius Bishop of Porto subscribeth first. In after Ages the distinction is both clear and frequent, as in the Epistle of the Council of Sardica extant in Athanasius,* and an Epistle of the said Atha∣nasius written unto others. So that according to the Premisses this conclusion follow∣eth, that the Popes or Patriarchs of Rome had no Authority in the Church more than other Primates, no not in Italy it self, more than the Metropolitan of Millain, as may appear, should all proofs else be wanting by this place and passage, by which the Bi∣shops of the Diocess of Italy (taking the word Diocess in its civil sense) were put into a joynt commission, with the Bishops of the Patriarchat of Rome with the Pope himself. Which tending so expresly to the overthrow of the Popes Supremacy, as well Christopher∣son in his Translation of Eusebius, as the great Cardinal Baronius in his Application of the place, are fain to falsifie their Author. For whereas in the Text we have that he of the Petenders was to have possession, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to whom the Bishops of Italy,* and the City of Rome should adjudge the same: Christopherson translates it thus, Quibus Christiani Italiae & Ʋrbis Romae Episcopi tribuenda praescriberent; Baronius with less ambiguity, Cui Italiae Christiani, & Ʋrbis Romanae Episco∣pi dandam praescriberent; to whom the Christians of Italy and the Bishops of the City of Rome should think fit to give it. And for a further testimony of this equality betwixt Rome and Millain, we may note also on the by, that each Church had its proper and peculiar customs; Rome neither giving Law to Millain, nor she to Rome. Witness Page  301that signal difference betwixt them in the Saturdays fast, which in those times was kept at Rome, but not at Millain; according to that memorable saying of Saint Ambrose, quando Romae sum, jejuno Sabbato; quando hic sum, non jejuno Sabbato:* In∣deed the Church of Millain might well stand on her own Prerogatives, as being little inferiour unto that of Rome, either in the condition of her founder, or the Antiquity of her foundation: S. Barnabas the Apostle being generally reported for the first Bishop here, to whom Anathalon succeeded, Gaius after him,* and so successively Bishop after Bishop, till these very times. Thus having prosecuted the affairs of this second Century from the Church of Carthage, unto that of Alexandria, from thence to Antioch; and on occasion of Samosatenus Bishop of this last, being forced to take a journey over unto Rome and Italy, we will next look on the condition of these Western Churches, and the estate wherein Episcopacy stood amongst them for this present Age.

CHAP. VI. Of the state wherein Episcopacy stood in the Western Churches, during the whole third Century.

BEing thus returned at last to the Western Churches, [ I] the first we meet withal is Victor Bishop of the Church of Rome, who lived in the conclusion of the second Century, and the beginning of the third; to whom succeeded Zephyrinus,* who by Optatus is entituled Ʋrbicus, or the City-Bishop; the stile of Oecumenicaal or Ʋniversal, being then unknown. Of him it is affirmed by Platina, Mandasse ne Episcopus vel à Patriarcha vel Primate, vel à Metropolitano suo in judicium vocatus, sine authoritate Apostolica damnare∣tur; how he decreed that no Bishop being called in question, either by Patriarch, Pri∣mate, or Metropolitan, should be condemned without the leave and liking of the See Apostolick; that is to say, the Bishop of Rome, as the Author means it. A matter fit enough indeed for an Oecumenical, but of too high a nature for a City-Bishop to at∣tempt or think of. And therefore I desire to be excused of Platina, if I believe neither his report, nor the Epistles Decretal ascribed unto Zephyrinus, on which the said re∣port was founded. Sure I am Damasus in the Pontifical tells us no such matter.* And no less sure I am that the practice of the Church was contrary for a long time after: Saint Chrysostom being then Patriarch of Constantinople, deposing thirteen Bishops in one Visitation, whom he had found unworthy of so high a calling, without consulting with the Church of Rome, or fearing that his acts might have been repealed by the Popes thereof. Nor can that strange report of Platina consist, if looked on with indifferent eyes, either with the condition of the times of which he writeth, in which the Popes had hardly meditated on their future greatness; or with the Constitutions of the Page  302Church, by which the Primate in each Diocess had the dernier resort, as the Lawyers phrase it, there being regularly no Appeal from him but only to a general Council. Which Constitution of the Church, as it was afterwards confirmed by the great Council of Chalcedon,* so was it finally established by the Laws Imperial, whereof con∣sult Novel. Constitut. 123. c. 22. More likely is that other Ordinance or Decree ascribed to Zepherinus by this Author,* ut astantibus Clericis & Laicis fidelibus, & levita & sacerdos ordinaretur, that Priests and Deacons should be ordained in the presence of the Clergy, and other of Gods faithful people; in which, as he is backed by Damasus, who affirms the same: So is the truth or probability thereof, at least confirmed by the following practice. Where note, that in the Ordination of these Priests and Deacons there is not any thing required but the peoples presence, adstantibus Laicis, as that Author hath it; the Church being never so obliged unto the votes and suffrages of the people, but that the Bishop might ordain fit Ministers without requiring their con∣sent, though on the reasons formerly delivered it was thought fit that Ordinations should be made in publick, as well the People as the Clergy being present at them.

The seventh from Zepherinus was Cornelius, [ II] by birth a Roman, elected to that place and ministery,* Coepiscoporum testimonio, by the consent and suffrage of his Com- Provincials, as also by the voices of the Clergy, & Plebis quae tunc adfuit suffragio, and with the liking of the people, or as many of them as did attend at the Election; the number of the Bishops there Assembled being sixteen in all,* as by S. Cyprian is recorded. Which as it was the manner of Electing, not only of the Bishops of Rome, but of most Bishops else,* in the times we speak of, so it continued long in use; the voices of the Clergy in the point and substance, the presence and approbation of the people for the form and ceremony, electio Clericorum, and testimonia populorum, being joyned together by Pope Leo. Now the condition of the Church of Rome under this Cornelius, besides the Schism raised in it by Novatianus, of which more anon, is to be seen most fully in a Letter of his to Fabius Patriarch of Antiochia;* in which he certifieth him that besides the Bishop, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, who was but one in every Church, and could not be more, there were forty-six Presbyters, seven Deacons, and Sub-Deacons seven; forty-two Acolythites, Exorcists, Readers, Sextons, (Ostiarij) fifty-two in all; Widows and other poor People, pressed with want and sickness, fifteen hundred, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: All which, saith he, are maintained at the publick charge by the grace and bounty of the Lord. Out of which place and passage of my Author there are these several points to be considered in reference to our present business. First, the exceeding large revenue of the Church of Rome in these early days, so great as to maintain the numbers before specified, ac∣cording to the rank and quality of each particular; the distribution of the which did ordinarily, and of common course belong unto the Bishop only, or such to whom he pleased to entrust the same. And secondly, we may observe the singularity of suc∣cession, wherein the Bishop differed from the other Clergy; he being but one, they many in their ranks and stations, sometimes more, sometimes fewer, according to the greatness of the Church in which they served, and the emergent necessities and oc∣casions of it. Here in the Church of Rome to one only Bishop we find a Clergy of in∣ferior Ministers consisting of 154 persons; which doubtless was exceedingly increased in the following times;* Hierom complaining in his time, Presbyteros turbam contempti∣biles facere, that the great number of them made them be the less regarded. And last of all, we may observe, that though Cornelius mentioneth Acolythites, Readers, Sub-Deacons, Exorcists, and Sextons; these are not to be reckoned as distinct Orders in the Church, although now so accounted in the Church of Rome; but only several services and imployments which were required in the same. Concerning which, take here the learned resolution of judicious Hooker.* There is an error, saith he, which beguileth many, who much intangle both themselves and others by not distinguishing Services, Offices, and Orders Ecclesiastical; the first of which three, and in part the second may be executed by the Laity, whereas none have or can have the third but the Clergy. Catechists, Exorcists, Rea∣ders, Singers, and the rest of like sort, if the nature only of their labour and pains be consi∣dered, may in that respect seem Clergy-men, even as the Fathers for that cause term them usually Clerks; as also in regard of the end whereunto they were trained up, which was to be ordered or ordained when years and experience should make them able. Notwithstanding, in as much as they no way differed from others of the Laity longer than during that work of Service, which at any time they might give over, being thereunto but admitted, not tied by irrevocable Ordi∣nation, we find them always exactly severed from that body, whereof those three before rehearsed Page  303Orders of Bishops, Presbyters, and Deacons only are, the natural parts. So the judicious Divine indeed, as one truly calls him. I add this further of Cornelius,* having thus fallen upon the Orders in the state Ecclesiastick, that he had passed through all in∣ferior Offices, per omnia Ecclesiastica officia promotus, as Saint Cyprian hath it,* and exer∣cised each several Ministery in the Church of God, before he mounted to this height, ad Sacerdotij sublime fastigium, are the Fathers words; which shewed that the estate of Bishops was as a different office, so an higher dignity than any other in the Church.

Now as the speech of Heaven doth many times put us in mind of Hell, [ III] so this rela∣tion of Cornelius, an holy Bishop and a Martyr, occasioneth me to speak of Novatianus, in whom it is not easie to determine whether the Heretick or the Schismatick had the most predominancy. Certain it is, he proved in both respects one of the cunningest instruments of Satan, for the disturbance of the Church, who suffered most extreamly by him both in peace and truth; the Schism or Heresie by him raised at this very time, being both more suddain in the growth, and permanent in the duration of it, than ever had been set on foot before in the Church of Christ. Now this Novatianus was a Pres∣byter of the Church of Rome; and being much offended, as well at the Election of Cornelius, as that himself was pretermitted in the choice, associates himself with one Novatus an African Bishop, as near unto him in conditions, as he was in name, whom Cyprian, omnium sacerdotum voce,* by the consent and suffrages of all his Comprovincial Bishops had before condemned. By them it was agreed that Novatianus should take upon himself the name and title of the Bishop of Rome. And being there could be no shew nor colour for it, did he not first receive Episcopal Consecration from some hands or other, they sent unto the obscurest parts of Italy,* 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as my Author hath it, to find out three poor Countrey Bishops that had not been acquainted with the like affairs. Who being come to Rome, and circum∣vented by the Arts of these wicked men, and partly also forced by their threats and menaces, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, they Ordained him Bishop; if at the least an Act so void and null from the beginning, may be called an Ordination. And this being done, because they found that people naturally are inclined to imbrace new fancies, especially where pretence of piety seems to bear a stroke, they took upon them to be very strict in their conversation, precise in their opinions, and wonderfully de∣vout in all their carriage; raising withal this doctrine suitable thereto, That such as fell in time of Persecution, though they repented never so truly, and did what ever was thought necessary to testifie their grief and sorrow for their great offence, yet 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, there was no hope of their salvation,* no mercy to be looked for at the hands of God. By means whereof they drew unto their side some Confessors, as they called them then, who being well persuaded of their own safe∣standing, and perhaps having suffered much in testimony of their perseverance, be∣came the worse opinionated of those who had not been endued with an equal con∣stancy. So that upon a sudden, unawares, the Church of Rome was in a very great distemper; the neighbouring Churches also suffering with it, either in regard of their own peace, which presently began to be endangered by this plausible and popular faction, or out of commiseration unto the distresses of so great a number in the body mystical. Nor was Cornelius wanting to the Church, or the Church to him. For pre∣sently upon the breaking out of the flame, he gives notice of it to his dear Brother and Colleague, S. Cyprian the Metropolitan of Carthage to Fabius,* Patriarch of the Church of Antioch, acquainting them with the whole story of the business; assembling also 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a great and famous Synod in the City of Rome, consisting of sixty Bishops, and as many Presbyters or more, besides Deacons. For being a Provincial Council, and not General, the Presbyters and others of the inferiour Clergy had their Votes therein, according as they still enjoy on the like occasions. And on the other side, the Orthodox and Catholick Bishops made the cause their own; neither re∣pelling of his Agents, who came to justifie his Ordination, as S. Cyprian did,* or writing in behalf of the Church against him, as did Dionysius, the Learned and renowned Bishop of Alexandria. The like no doubt did other Bishops. And more than so, they caused several Councils to be called about it, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in their several Provinces and charges, as well in Italy as Africk; in each of which, the faction was condemned, and the Arch-Schismatick, with all his Fautors, deprived of the commu∣nion of the Church.

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I have the rather been more copious in the description of this Schism, and the Au∣thors of it, than otherwise I would have been, not only because of that great power and influence which it had after in the Church, which we shall find hereafter in the prosecution of this present story, if it please God to give me means and opportunity, to go thorow with it: but also for those many observations which any one that would be curious in collecting them, might raise or gather from the same, For first of all it must be noted, that though Novatianus had a great desire to be made a Bishop, and that he could not get it by a fair orderly Election, as he should have done: yet he could find no other entrance thereunto, than by the door of Ordination; and therein he would be Canonical, though in nothing else. For being a Presbyter before, as Cor∣nelius tells us in his Epistle unto Fabius 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (saith that holy Prelate:*) he thought that did not qualifie him enough for the place and office of a Bishop, unless he might receive Episcopal Ordination also. And when he was resolved on that, he would not be ordained but by three Bishops, at the least, according to the ancient Canon, and the present practice of the Church; and therefore 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, he procures three Bishops to be drawn together for the purpose. And being thus Or∣dained, he sends abroad his Agents into foreign Churches,* as viz. Maximus a Pres∣byter, and Augendus a Deacon, Macheus and Longinus, and perhaps some others to the See of Carthage; to have his Ordination ratified, and himself acknwledged for a Bishop, according to the commendable usage of those watchful times. In which, who would not but observe, that Bishops had a different Ordination from the Presbyters, and therefore do not differ from them only in degree, or potestate Jurisdictionis, but in the power of Order also: and that this power of Order cannot be conferred, regu∣larly I mean, and when there is no urgent and unavoidable necessity unto the con∣trary, but by the joint assistance of three Bishops. For how can any give that power of Order unto others, with which they never were endued themselves? Secondly, it might be observed (not to take notice of his seeking for the approbation of his neighbouring Prelates) that the first Schism, which did disturb the peace of these Western Churches, was made by those, who by the rigidness of their Profession, were in that very instant termed Catharists,* 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as that Author hath it; and that not to be Englished in a fuller Word, than that of Puritans. And thirdly, that however in these later times, the Scene be changed, and that the greatest stirrs that have been raised in the Church, have been for pulling down Bishops; yet in the former times, the course was otherwise; most of their troubles and commoti∣ons, being for setting up of Bishops, when certain factious and unquiet spirits, not willing to submit to the Chuches Government, would have a Bishop of their own. Certain I am, that thus it was with the Novatians; who though they stood divided from the Catholick Church a long time together, yet they desired to be accounted for a Church: and that they might be so accounted, maintained an Episcopal Suc∣cession from the first Apostle of their Sect;* the names of many of their Bishops, A∣gellius, Sisinnius, Marcianus, others being to be found upon good record.

But from these counterfeit and schismatical Bishops, [ V] proceed we forwards unto those, who were acknowledged by the Church for true and real: and amongst those, keeping my self to the succession of the Church of Rome, the fourth in order from Cornelius,* was Dionysius, who entred on that weighty charge, Anno 261. Of him we find in the Pontifical, Presbyteris Ecclesias divisisse, & coemeteria, Parochiasque & dioe∣ceses constituisse; that he divided to the Presbyters their several Churches, and Church∣yards, and that he first did set out Parishes, and apportioned Diocesses. Which as they were two several Actions so Platina,* assigns each action to its proper place: making the first, which was the distributing of the Presbyters into their several Churches, and Churchyards, then common places of Assembly, to relate only to the City of Rome. In urbe Roma statim divisit, as his words there are. Which being it had been done before by Pope Euaristus, as hath been formerly observed, we must re∣solve it with Baronius,* that this was a reviver only of the former Act: and that the Presbyters, being ravished from their Churches, and the Church-yards taken from the Presbyters, during the persecution of Valerian; were afterwards restored again to their former state by the Authority of Dionysius. In other places, and perhaps here also, this was not done by the Authority, but in the time of Dionysius; the Order, or Authority proceeding from an higher hand,* even from the Emperour Gallienus: who did not only prohibit the persecution raised by his Father Valerianus, but also did per∣mit by his publick Edict, ut Christiani loca coemeteriorum suorum recigerent, as by Nice∣phorus Page  305it is related. And for the other part of the Relation, viz. the setting out of Parishes, and the apportioning of Diocesses; that Platina refers unto the Countrey, unto the parts and Provinces abroad, Parochias & Dioeceses foris distribuit;* so he tells us there: adding withal, quo quisque finibus suis, limitibusque contentus esset, that this was done, that every Bishop might contein himself within the limits of his Diocess, and every Presbyter be confined to his proper Parish. And this as Dionysius did with∣in the limits and precincts of his jurisdiction, viz. that is to say, the Patriarchate of Rome; (for it were vain to think that he could do the like over all the World, being beyond the sphere of his activity:) so other Primates, seeing the conveniency and ease which redounded by it to the Church, might and did also do the like within their Commands. Concerning which, it is to be remembred, that as the Romans in each City had a Civil Magistrate, called a Defensor Civitatis, who was to do justice for, and in the name of the Commonwealth, not only in the City it self, but also unto all the Towns and Villages within the Territory of the same: so in each City, there had been placed a Bishop in the former times, who was not only to take care of the Church of God, within the walls and circuit of that City, but also of the parts ad∣joyning, accordingly, as they were gained to the faith of Christ. And then the sub∣stance of the Institution, will be briefly this, that when the faith had spread it self in the Countrey Villages, and that it was too cumbersom a work for the City-Presby∣ters, to repair thither upon all occasions: it was thought fit by Dionysius, and after∣wards by other Primates following the Example, that every Countrey Town and Vil∣lage which had received the faith of Christ, should be furnished with its proper Presby∣ter; and that the Presbyters so setled and dispersed in the Countrey Villages, should be responsible to the Bishop of that City, within the Territory of the which, the said Village stood. Which distribution of the Church into those smaller portions, and particular Congregations, as we now call Parishes; so the Collection of these Parishes into one united body, under one Pastor or chief Governour, which was the Bishop of the City, we do call a Diocess: borrowing the names of both from the Ancient Wri∣ters, in whom the same are very frequent; and frequent also in the sense, in which now we use them, specially in those Authors, and Synodical Acts, which did succeed the times we speak of.

'Tis true, the words being used otherwise in the Ancient Writers, [ VI] such of them chiefly, as relate unto us the occurrences of the former times, have given some men occasion to conceive that there was never any Bishop in the Primitive Church, but a Parish-bishop, viz. the Rector of each several Congregation, to whom the cure of Souls is trusted; because they find that in Eusebius, the Churches of Jerusalem, Antioch, and Alexandria, are called Paroeciae: and that there were no Diocesses, nor Diocesan Bishops in the purest times, because they find them not so called in those Ancient Writers. For satisfying of which doubt, it is first confessed, that by Eusebius, the Churches of Jerusalem, Antioch and Alexandria, as also of Corinth, Ephesus, Lyons, Carthage,* and many other famous Cities, are called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Paroeciae: There is no doubt at all of that. But then it is to be confessed, that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in that Author, is never used to signifie a Countrey-parish, or a sole Congregation only, which we call a Parish: but for the whole City, with the Suburbs and adjoyning Villages, within the circuit of the which, were many Congregations, and material Churches. The very composi∣tion of the word doth import no less, the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, of a City, containing not alone the Citizens, but all such Borderers and Strangers as dwelt near, or repaired to any chief Church or City, for Gods publick Worship; as our learned Bilson doth observe,* comprizing not the City only, but the Towns and Villages near the City, as Master Brere∣wood also noteth. And this may be made good even from Eusebius himself, so often cited to the contrary, who having said that Laetus was President of Alexandria, and the rest of Egypt, adds next, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but the inspection,* or superintendency of the Paroeciae, or Churches there, Demetrius, had of late recei∣ved: So that Demetrius, being Bishop of the Church of Alexandria, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as he after calls him, was not the Bishop of a Parish only,* or of the Congregations in the City only; but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, of all the Churches throughout Alexandria, and those parts of Egypt,* which were under the command of Laetus, for their Civil Government.

And lest it may be thought, that the word being 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in the plural num∣ber, may bear a different construction, from what it doth, being used in the singular: the same Eusebius tells us of the same Demetrius,* that he was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Page  306the Bishop of the Paroecia, or Church of Alexandria, whereas at that time there were many Parish-Churches, as we now call Parishes, within the circuit of that City; as doth appear by Epiphanius,* who doth not only shew the names of many of them, but tells us also who officiated in the same, as Presbyters. So that the word Paroecia, in its first and primitive acception, signified not a Parish, but a Diocess; nor only the Cathedral, but all other Churches, how near or far soever situated, within the Rule and Government of a Bishop. But for the sense, in which we use it in our Age, it gained it not but by degrees, after this division made by Dionysius, and that the Coun∣trey Churches grew to be considerable for their means and numbers. And in this sense,* we find it used in the Fourth Council of Carthage, where we find mention of these Presbyters which did Paroeciis praeesse, and were the Rectors, as we call them, of particular Churches,* and in the fourth Council of Toledo, where we read of Presby∣ters ordained in paroeciis & per paroecias, for the use and service of particular Pa∣rishes. And in this sense, but specially indeed for a Countrey Parish, the word is ta∣ken in an Epistle of Pope Innocentius,* in which, Ecclesiae intra Civitatem constitutae, the Churches situated in the City, are distinguished plainly from Paroecias, the Churches scattered in the Countrey. Other Examples of this nature, in the later Ages, being almost infinite, and obvious to the eye of every Reader; I forbear to add. So for the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which we English Diocess, it signified at first, that part or portion of the Roman Empire (there being thirteen of them in all, besides the Prefecture of the City of Rome, as before was noted) which was immediately under the command of the Vicarius or Lieutenant General of those parts. And was so called of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which signifieth to Govern or Administer,* as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in Isocrates, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in Demosthenes: a Diocess, being that part or portion of the Empire, which was committed to the Government and Administration of some principal Officer. In which regard, the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or dioecesis, when it was first borrowed by the Church from the civil State, was used to signifie that part or portion of the Church, which was within the jurisdiction of a Primate, containing all the circuit of the civil Diocess, as was shewed before: the Primate being stiled or∣dinarily 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 as in the Council of Chalcedon;* the Patriarch of the Diocess, in the Laws Imperial. But after, as the former 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, began to lose its former latitude, in which it signified the whole command or Jurisdiction of a Bishop, which we call a Diocess, and grew to be restrained to so narrow a compass, as the poor limits of a Parish: so did 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, grow less also, than at first it was, and from a Patriarchal Diocess,* fell by degrees, custom and use prevailing in it (quem penes ar∣bitrium est, & ju & norma loquendi, as the Poet hath it) to signifie no more than what Paroecia had done formerly, a Diocess, as now we call it: whereof see Concil. Antioch, cap. 9. Con. Sardicens. cap. 18. Constantinop. ca. 2. Chalcedon. ca. 17. Carthag. III. can. 20. & IV. can. 36. So then the just result of all is this, that the Bishops of the Pri∣mitive times were Diocesan Bishops, though they are called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, by some ancient Writers: and that in the succeeding Ages, as the Church increased, and the Gospel of our Saviour did inlarge its borders, so did the Countrey Villages obtain the name of Parishes, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, having to each of them a Presbyter, for the administration of the Sacraments, for their instruction both in Faith and Piety, whom at this day we call the Rector of the Church or Parish.

And with this Presbyter or Rector, [ VII] call him as you will, must we now proceed, who by this Institution, I mean the setting out of Parishes, in the Countrey Villages, did grow exceedingly both in authority and reputation. For whereas upon the setting out of Parishes,* the Presbyters became divided into 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the City and the Countrey Presbyters: each of them had their several priviledges: the City Presbyters continuing, as before, the great Council of Estate unto the Bishop,* and doing many things, which were not suffered to be done by the Countrey Presbyters; and on the other side, the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Country Presby∣ters, being more remote, did many Ministerial Acts of their own authority, which in the presence of their Bishop, it was not lawful for them to have done. And therefore I conceive the resolution of Bishop Downham in this case,* to be sound and good, who telleth us, That since the first distinguishing of Parisher, and allotting of several Presbyters to them, there hath been ever granted to them both potestas Ordinis, the power of Orders, as they are Ministers, Et potestas jurisdictionis spiritualis seu internae, a power of spi∣ritual and inward jurisdiction, to rule their flock after a private manner, as it were in foro Conscientiae, in the Court of Conscience, as they are Pastors of that flock. But because Page  307this allowance of a Jurisdiction in foro Conscientiae, in the Court of Conscience, seems not sufficient unto some; who reckon the distinction of a Jurisdiction in foro exter∣no,* & in foro interno, to be like that of Reflexius and Archipodialiter: they do in this not only put the School-men unto School again, in whom the like distinctions frequent∣ly occur; but cross the best Divines in the Church of England, who do adhere unto, and approve the said distinctions. And because many of both sorts may be found in one, and that one publick's declared to be both Orthodox in doctrine, and consonant in discipline to the Church of England, by great Authority; I will use his words.* A single Priest, qua talis, in that formality and capacity only as he is a Priest, hath no Key given him by God or man, to open the doors of any external Jurisdiction. He hath a Consistory within in foro poenitentiae, in the conscience of his Parishioners, and a Key given him upon his institution, to enter into it. But he hath no Consistory without, in foro causae, in med∣ling with Ecclesiastical causes, unless he borrow a Key from his Ordinary. For although they be the same Keys, yet one of them will not open all these wards: the Consistory of out∣ward Jurisdiction, not being to be opened by a Key alone, but as you may observe in some great mens gates, by a Key and a Staff, which they usually call a Crosier. This (saith he) I have ever conceived to be the ancient doctrine in this kind, opposed by none but professed Puritans; affirming further, that all learned men in the Church of England, do adhere unto it: allowing the School-mens double power, that of Order, and that of Jurisdiction, and the subdivision of this Jurisdiction, into the internal and external, appropriating this last to the Bishop only. So he, judiciously indeed; and for the Authors by him cited, both Protestant and School-Divines, I refer you to him. So then upon this setting out of Parishes, the Presbyters, which attended in the same, had potestatem jurisdictionis, a power of Jurisdiction granted to them, in the Court of Conscience: which needed not to have been granted before this time, when as Gods people, which were scatter∣ed up and down the Countrey, did either come unto the Cities, there to be made partakers of the Word and Sacraments, in which the Bishop was at hand to attend all businesses; or that the Presbyters were by the Bishop sent into the Countrey, with more or less authority intrusted to them, as the business was. And for the other power, the power of Order, although it was no other than before it was, as to the power and faculty conferred upon the Presbyters in their Ordination: yet did they find a great enlargement and extension of it, in the free execution of the same. For where∣as formerly, as was observed both from Ignatius, and Tertullian, and some other An∣cients,* the Presbyter could not baptize, nor celebrate the blessed Eucharist, sine Episcopi authoritate, without the leave and liking of the Bishop; who then was near at hand to be asked the question: after this time, the Presbyters became more absolute in their ministration, baptizing, celebrating, preaching, and indeed what not, which potestate ordinis, did belong unto him only by vertue of that general faculty, which had been granted by the Bishop, at his Institution, I mean his special designation to that place or Cure.

And yet the Bishops did not so absolutely invest the Presbyters, [ VIII] with a power of Order, in the administration of the Sacraments, as not to keep unto themselves a superiour Power, whereby the execution of that Power of Order, together with a con∣firmation of such acts as had been done by vertue of the same, might generally be obser∣ved to proceed from them. And of this kind especially was that rite or ceremony, which now we call by the particular name of Confirmation; being called anciently, impositio manuum, the laying on of hands. For howsoever the original institution of it, be far more ancient, and Apostolical, as most think: yet I conceive it neither was so fre∣quent, nor so necessary in the former times, as in those that followed. For when the Sacrament of Baptism, either was administred to men grown in years, or by the Bishop himself in person, or in his presence at the least; he giving his Fatherly and Episco∣pal blessing to the work in hand: the subsequent laying on of hands, which we call Confirmation, might not seem so necessary. Or if it did, yet commonly, it was ad∣ministred with Baptism, as a Concomitant thereof,* to confirm and perfect that which the Grace of the Spirit had already begun in Baptism. And so we are to understand Tertullian, where having spoken before of Baptism, he addeth next, Dehinc manus im∣ponitur, per benediciionem advocans & invitans Spiritum sanctum, &c. Then, saith he, follow∣eth imposition of hands, with invocation, and invitation of the holy Ghost, which willingly cometh down from the Father, to rest upon the purified and blessed bodies, acknowledging, as it were, the Waters of Baptism for a fit seat. And so long as they went together, and were both commonly performed by the same Minister, that is, the Bishop, there was the Page  308less notice taken of it, and possibly the less efficacy ascribed unto it. But when they came once to be severed, as in the necessary absence of the Bishop they had been be∣fore, and on this setting out of Parishes, were likely for the most part to be after: the Bishops, out of their abundant care of the Churches welfare, permitted that which was most necessary, to the common Presbyter; reserving that which was more hono∣rary, to themselves alone. Thus was it, in the first case, in St. Cyprians time, who lived, as was before observed,* in a kind of voluntary exile, as did also divers other Bishops in the heat and violence of persecutions: during whose absence from their Cities, and their much distance from the Countrey, there is no question to be made, but that the Presbyters performed their Office in administration of that Sacrament, and after which there is little question, but that the Children so baptized, were at some time or other brought for Confirmation. Certain I am, that to him they were brought to be confirm∣ed, and that he grounds the Institution of that Right on the example of Peter and John,* in the Eighth Chap. of the Acts. Illi qui in Samaria crediderant, &c. The faith∣ful in Samaria, saith he, had already received Baptism. Only that which was wanting, Peter and John supplyed, by Prayer, and imposition of hands to the end the holy Ghost might be poured on them. Then adds, Quod nunc quoque apud nos geritur, which also is done amongst our selves, when they which be already baptized, are brought unto the Prelates of the Church (Praepositis •cclesiae offeruntur,) that by our Prayer and Imposition of our hands) they may receive the holy Ghost, and be strengthened by the seal of the Lord. And in the second case,* it is whereof Hierom speaketh, where he observeth it to be the custom of the Church, ut ad eos, qui longè in minoribus urbibus per Presbyteros & Diaco∣nos baptizati sunt, Episcopus ad invocationem Spiritus Sancti manum impositurus excur∣rat; that the Bishop should go abroad, as in Visitation, and imposing hands, pray for the gift of the Holy Ghost, on them, who far off in the lesser Cities (as also in Viculis & Castellis, in small Towns and Villages) had by the Presbyters and Deacons been baptized. But note withal that Hierom tells us, that this imposition of hands was re∣served only to the Bishop, ad honorem potius sacerdotii quam ad legis necessitatem, not that the Sacrament of Baptism was not perfect and compleat without it, but rather out of a certain congruity and fitness to honour Prelacy with such preheminencies; the safety of the Church depending upon the dignity of the chief Priest or Bishop. By which, it doth appear to be St. Hieroms opinion,* as Hooker excellently collects, That the Holy Ghost is received in Baptism, that Confirmation is only a Sacramental complement; that the reason why Bishops alone did ordinarily confirm, was not because the benefit, grace, and dignity thereof was greater than of Baptism, but rather for that by the Sacrament of Baptism men being admitted into Gods Church, it was both reasonable and convenient, that if he baptize them not, unto whom the chiefest authority and charge of their souls belongeth, yet for Honours sake, and in token of his spiritual superiority over them, because to bless, is an act of Authority, the performance of this annexed Ceremony should be sought for at his hands. What other reasons there are for it, in reference to the parties that receive the same, I forbear to specifie as not conducing to the History of Episcopacy, which I have in hand: to which estate the honour of giving Confirmation, hath always been reserved to this very day.

Another thing which followed upon this setting forth of Parishes by Dionysius, [ IX] was the institution of a new Order in the Church betwixt the Bishop and the Presbyter, being neither of the two, but both. Those they called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Rural Bishops; Of which, being that there were two sorts, according to the times and Ages, when they were imployed; we must distinguish them accordingly. Now of these Chorepi∣scopi, or Countrey Bishops, some in the point and power of Order, were no more than Presbyters, having received no higher Ordination, than to that function in the Mini∣stery: but were inabled by the Bishop under whom they served, to exercise some parts of Ecclesiastical jurisdiction, as much as was thought fit to commit unto them, for the better reiglement of the Church. And these I take it, were more ancient than the present times, appointed as the Bishops Visitors, to go abroad into the Countrey, to parts more remote, to oversee such Presbyters as had been sent forth for the in∣struction of the people in small Towns and Villages, and to perform such further Of∣fices, which the ordinary Presbyter, for want of the like latitude of Jurisdiction was defective in.* These I conceive to be of the same nature with our Rural Deans in some parts of England; And these are they which in the Council of Neo-Caesarea, are said to be ordained 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, after the manner of the Seventy: and if no more than so, then but simply Presbyters in the power of Order; though ranked above them in regard of their Jurisdiction. To which Pope Damasus agreeth also, Page  309affirming quod ipsi iidem sunt qui & Presbyteri,* that they are the very same with Pres∣byters, being first ordained, ad exemplum Septuaginta, after the example of the Seven∣ty. Others there were, whom we find furnished with a further power, qui verè Epi∣scopalem consecrationem acceperant, which really and truly had received Episcopal Conse∣cration, and yet were called Chorepiscopi, because they had no Church nor Diocess of their own, sed in aliena Ecclesia ministrabant, but executed their authority in anothers charge. And these, saith Bellarmine, are such as we now call Titular or Suffragan Bi∣shops: such as those heretofore admitted in the Church of England: whereof consult the Act of Parliament, 26 H. 8. cap. 14. Now that they had Episcopal consecration, appeareth evidently by the Council of Antioch, where it is said expresly of them, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that they had received the Ordination of Bishops:* and so by vertue of their Ordination, might execute all manner of Episcopal Acts, which the Bishop of the City might perform. And to this Power, they were admit∣ted on two special reasons: whereof the first was to supply the absence of the Bishop, who being intent upon the business of the City, where his charge was greatest; could not so well attend the business of the Countrey, or see how well the Presbyters be∣haved themselves in their several Parishes, to which, upon the late division, they were sent abroad. And this is called in the said Council of Antioch,* 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the looking to the Administration of the Churches under their authority. The other was to content such of the Novatian Bishops, who rather would continue in their schism and faction, than return unto the Catholick Church, with the loss of the honour and calling which they had before: whom they thought fit, if they were willing to return to the Church again, to suffer in the state of a Chorepisco∣pus. And this is that which was so prudently resolved on in the Council of Nice (in which fifteen of those which assembled there, were of this Order or Estate) viz.* That if any of them did return to the Catholick Church, either in City or Village, where∣in there was a Bishop, or a Presbyter before provided, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, he should enjoy the place and honour of a Presbyter: but if that pleased him not, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, he should be fitted with the Office of a Chorepisco∣pus. Which being the true condition of those Chorepiscopi, it seems to me a plain and evident mistake, that the Chorepiscopus, who was but a Presbyter,* should be affirmed to have power to impose hands, and to ordain within his Precincts, with the Bishops licence. For certainly, it is apparent by the Council of Antioch, that the Chorepiscopi which had power of conferring Orders, had to that end received Episcopal consecration, and consequent∣ly, could not but be more than Presbyters: though at the first indeed they medled not therewith, without the leave and licence of the Bishop, whose Suffragans and Substi∣tutes they were. But when they had forgot their ancient modesty, and did not keep themselves within the bounds and limits appointed to them; which was to make two Bishops in one Diocess, contrary to the ancient Canons; the Church thought fitting to reduce them to their first condition. And thereupon it was decreed in the Council of Ancyra, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,* that it should no more be lawful for them to ordain either Presbyters or Deacons: that is to say, as it was af∣terwards explained in the Council of Antioch, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,* without the liking of the Bishop under whom he served. Howsoever, that they might have somewhat of the Bishop in them, they were permitted by that Canon, to ordain Sub-Deacons, Exorcists, and Readers; with which they were required to rest contented: as also 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to send abroad their Letters unto other Bishops,* which they called Literas Formatas, & Communicatorias (as before was noted) as those that had the full authority and power of Bishops, did use of old to do at their Ordinations. A point of honour, denied unto the ordinary Presbyters, in that very Canon.

Now to proceed. The next Successor unto Dionysius, in the See of Rome,* is called Felix; but no more happy in some things, than his Predecessour: the Heresie of Paulus Samosatenus, taking beginning in the time or Government in the one; that of the Manichees, commencing almost with the other. Hujus tempore Manes quidam gen∣te Persa, vita & moribus barbarus, &c. During his time, saith Platina, arose one Manes,* by birth a Persian, in life and manners a Barbarian, who took upon him to be Christ, gathering unto him Twelve Disciples, for the dispersing of his frenzies. In this he differed amongst many things from Samosatenus: he making Christ to be no better than a man; and Manes making a vile sinful man to be the Christ. I know Baronius doth place the rising of this Manicbean Heresie, under Eutychianus,* his next Succes∣sor; and let them reconcile the difference that list, for me. Suffice it that the Heresie, Page  310being risen up, and being so directly contrary both to Faith and Piety: the Bishops of the Church bestirred themselves both then and after, for the suppressing of the same, according to their wonted care of Her peace and safety. Not as before, in the case of Paulus Samosatenus, by Synodical meetings, which was the only way could be taken by them, for the deposing of him from his Bishoprick, which followed as a part of his condemnation: but by discourse and Argument in publick Writings, which might effectually suppress the Heresie, although the person of the Heretick was out of di∣stance, and to say truth,* beyond their reach. The Persian King had eased them of that labour, who seizing on that wretched miscreant, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, commanded him to be flay'd alive, and thereby put him to death, as full of ignominy, as of pain. But for the confutation of the Heresie, which sur∣vived the Author, that was the business of the Bishops; by whom, as Epiphanius no∣teth, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,* many most admirable Disputations had been made in confutation of his Errors. Particularly, he instanceth in Archelaus, Bishop of the Caschari, a Nation of Mesopotamia, Titus Bishop of Bostra; Diodorus, one of the Bishops of Cilicia; Serapion, Bishop of Thmua; Eusebius the Hi∣storian Bishop of Caesarea, Eusebius Emisenus, Georgius and Apollinaris, Bishops succes∣sively of Laodicea, Athanasius Patriarch of Alexandria, with many other Prelates of the Eastern Churches. Not that the Bishops of the West did nothing in it, though not here named by Epiphanius, who being of another Language, could not so well take notice of their Works and Writings. For after this, St. Austin, Bishop of Hippo, wrote so much against them; and did so fully satisfie and confute them both, that he might justly say with the Apostle, that he laboured more abundantly than they all. So careful were the Bishops of the Churches safety, that never any Heretick did arise, but presently they set a watch upon him, and having found what Heresies or dange∣rous doctrines he dispersed abroad, endeavoured with all speed to prevent the mis∣chief.

This, [ XI] as they did in other cases, so was their care the more remarkable, by how much greater was the person whom they were to censure. Which as we have before demonstrated, in the case of Paulus, Patriarch of the Church of Antioch; so we may see the like in their proceedings against Marcellinus, one of the Popes of Rome, the third from Felix, who though he broached no Heresie, as the other did; yet gave as great a scandal to the Church as he, if not greater far. The times were hot and fiery, in the which he sat: so fierce a persecution being raised against the Church by Dio∣clesian, and his Associates in the Empire, as never had been before: A persecution which extended not only to the demolishing of Churches,* the Temples of Almighty God; but to the extirpation of the Scriptures, the Books and Oracles of the Almigh∣ty. And for the bodies of his Servants, some of which were living Libraries, and all lively Temples, even Temples of the holy Ghost; it raged so terribly amongst them, that within Thirty days, Seventeen thousand Persons of both sexes, in the several parts and Provinces of the Romam Empire were crowned with Martyrdom, the Tyrants so extreamly raging, Marcellinus comes at last unto his trial: where being wrought up∣on either by flattery, or fear, or both, he yielded unto flesh and blood, and to pre∣serve his life,* he betrayed his Master. Ad sacrificium ductus est ut thurificaret; quod & fecit, saith Damasus in the Pontifical; He was conducted to the Temple, to offer incense to the Roman Idols, which he did accordingly. And this I urge not to the scandal and reproach of the Church of Rome. Indeed 'tis no Reproach unto her, that one amongst so many godly Bishops, most of them being Martyrs also, should waver in the constancy of his resolutions, and for a season, yield unto those persuasions, which flesh and blood, and the predominant love of life did suggest unto him. That which I urge it for is, for the declaration of the Course which was taken against him, the manner how the Church proceeded in so great a cause, and in the which so great a Person was concerned. For though the crime were great and scandalous, tending to the destruction of the flock of Christ, which being much guided by the example of so prime a Pastor, might possibly have been seduced to the like Idolatry; and that great numbers of them ran into the Temple, and were spectators of that horrid acti∣on: yet find we not that any of them did revile him in word or deed, or pronounced hasty judgment on him; but left the cognizance of the cause to them, to whom of right it did belong. Nor is it an hard matter to discern who these Judges were. Lay∣men they could not be,* that's sure. Quando audisti in causa fidei Laicos de Episcopis ju∣dicasse? When did you ever hear, saith Ambrose, speaking of the times before him, Page  311that Lay-men in a point of Faith did judge of Bishops? And Presbyters they were not neither, they had no Authority to judge the Person of a Bishop. That Bishops had Authority to censure and depose their Presbyters we have shewn already; that ever any Presbyters did take upon them to judge their Bishop is no where to be found, I dare boldly say it, in all the practice of Antiquity. For being neither munere pares,* nor jure suniles, equal in function, nor alike in law, they were disabled now in point of rea∣son from such bold attempts, as afterwards disabled by Imperial Edict. A simple Bi∣ship might as little intermeddle in it as a simple Presbyter; for Bishops severally and apart were not to judge their Metropolitan, no nor one another. Being of equal Order and Authority, and seeing that Par in parem non habet potestatem, that men of equal rank, qua tales, are of equal power, one of them cannot be the others Judge for want of some transcendent power to pass sentence on him. Which as it was of force in all other cases wherein a Bishop was concerned, so most especially in this wherein the party Criminal was a Metropolitan, and more than so, the Primate or Patriarch of the Diocess. So that all circumstances laid together, there was no other way con∣ceivable in these ancient times, than to call a Council, the greatest Ecclesiastical Tri∣bunal of Christ on earth, there to debate the business, and upon proof of the offence, to proceed to judgment. This had been done before in the case of Paulus, and this is now resolved on in the present too. Accordingly the Bishops of those Churches, and as many other as could be drawn together in that dangerous time,* Assembled at Sinuessa (now called Suessa) a City of Campania, 180. in the total, as it is in Platina. Where though they had sufficient proof of that foul offence, yet because Marcellinus stood upon the Negative, negabat se thurifieâsse, as the Acts declare,* they thought it fit not to proceed unto the sentence, till they had brought him to confession. Ex ore tuo justifi∣caberis, & ex ore tuo condemnaberis, as Petrus, one of the Bishops then assembled did press it on him. Not that being met Synodically they did want Authority to proceed against him, as the Pontifician Doctors vainly say;* but that it was more consonant to the Roman Laws, that to the testimony of the Witnesses the confession of the party should be added also. Which when they had procured from him, Subscripserunt in ejus damnationem, & damnaverunt eum extra Civitatem, they all condemned him, say the Acts, and all subscribed unto the Condemnation: Helchiades one of the Bishops there Assembled, being the first that led the way. And therefore that which followeth after, Prima sedes non judicabitur à quoquam, that the Bishop of the first See shall be judged of none, which Bellarmin so much insists on, was either foisted in by some later hand,* the better to advance the Popes Supremacy, or else must be interpreted, as it fairly may, non judicabitur à quoquam, that no particular person of what rank soever, had any power to judge his Primate.

So great a person as Marcellinus being fallen so foully (though after he recovered footing and died a Martyr for the Gospel) It is the less to be admired, [ XII] * if many of inferi∣our quality did betray the cause, and fell into the like Idolatries. The persecution was both fierce and long, though never at the height till the last years of Dioclesian, and more than ever were the Lapsi, who had for saving of their lives denied their Saviour. Who when they came unto themselves, and having made their way unto it by some appearance of contrition, desired to be admitted to the blessed Sacrament, the Bishops were much troubled with their importunity; those godly Prelates being as well careful of the Churches Discipline as the unfortunate estate of those wretched men. Besides the quality of their offence appearing in some greater, in some less than others, it put them unto no small trouble how to proportion the intended penance unto the nature of the crime. For remedy whereof, Petrus the godly Patriarch of Alexandris, diversa ad∣hibens pro conditione cujusque medicamenta vulneribus,* fitting each several wound with a proper plaister, as Baronius hath it, published certain Canons and instructions for their direction in the same. A copy of the which we have both in Baronius and the Biblio∣theca. This, as it gave great ease unto the Prelates in the Eastern parts, where the authority of the man was great and prevalent: So in the West the Bishops of particular Churches spared no pains nor labour for the upholding of that Discipline which they received from the hands of their Predecessors. In Spain particularly, where both the number and condition of these Lapsi seemed more considerable,* the Bishops of the Province of Betica called a Council at Eliberis, then a prime City of those parts (near to the ruines of the which, the City of Granada standeth,) Osius, that famous Con∣fessor being there amongst them, where they established divers Canons, 81. in all, for Page  312confirmation of the publick Discipline, and holding up of that severity, by which the same had been maintained. Of all which number those which concern our business are these five especially.* First, it is ordered that neither Bishops, Presbyters, nor Deacons should leave the place in which they served to follow Merchandise, de locis suis negociandi causa non discedant, nor wander up and down the Countrey after gainful Markets. In which it was provided notwithstanding, that ad victum sibi conquirendum that for their necessary maintenance they might send abroad on those employments their Sons, or Freed-men, or Servants, or any other; and for their own parts, if they would needs take that course, intra Provinciam negotientur, they were required to con∣tain themselves within the compass of the Province, in the which they ministred. It seems the Fathers of the Council were not so severe, though otherwise tenacious enough of the Ancient Canons; as to conceive that Merchandizing, a secular imploy∣ment doubtless, was utterly inconsistent with holy Orders; especially if either it con∣duced unto the maintenance of their selves and Families, or that it did not take them off from the attendance on those places in which their Ministery was required. This for the maintenance, the next was for the honour of Episcopacy. For in the 32. it is ordained,* that those who in some grievous Lapse be in danger of eternal death, apud Presbyterum poenitentiam agere non debere, sed potius apud Episcopum, ought not to make confession to, or be enjoyned penance by a Presbyter, but to or by the Bishop only, un∣less it be in urgent and extream necessity, in the which case a Presbyter might admit him unto the Communion, as might a Deacon also by the appointment of the Pres∣byter. Of this sort also this that followeth,* by which it is decreed, ut ab eo Episcopo quis accipiat Communionem, that Sinners be admitted to the Sacrament by that Bishop only, by whom for their offences they had been formerly Excommunicated; and that if any other Bishop presumed to admit him thereto, the Bishop who had Excommu∣nicated him, neither being made acquainted with it, nor consenting to it, he was to render an account of it unto his Colleagues, Cum status sui periculo, even with the danger of his place,* Of the same temper is a fourth, wherein it is enacted, That if any Deacon, having a cure or charge committed to him, shall Baptize any of that cure without a Presbyter or Bishop, Episcopus eos per benedictionem perficere debebit; the Bishop is required to confirm the party by his Episcopal benediction. With this Proviso not∣withstanding, that if the party do decease before confirmation, Sub fide qua quis cre∣didit, poterit esse justus, it is to be conceived that by the Sacrament of Baptism, he had received all things necessary to salvation. Nor did the Fathers in this Council take order only for the Bishops in point of honour, but they provided also for the whole Clergy in point of safety;* decreeing by a full consent, that if any person whatsoever should accuse either Bishop, Presbyter, or Deacon falsly, and could not make just proof of the Accusation, nec in fine dandam ei communionem, that he should not be admitted to the blessed Sacrament, no not upon his death-bed, in his last extremity. So tender were they in that Age, of the good name and reputation of their Clergy.

And now me-thinks I see a blessed Sun-shine, [ XIII] a time of rest and quiet after all these troubles; a gentle gale breathing upon the Church after so many tedious storms of Persecution. For Dioclesian and Maximianus his Colleague, either afflicted with the guilt of Conscience, or tyred with the effusion of so much innocent blood as had by them been shed in this Persecution, did of their own accord resign the Empire, Anno 304. as Baronius calculates it; leaving the same unto Constantius and Galerius, whom they had long before created Caesars.* Of these Constantius taking to himself the Western parts, lived not full two years, leaving his own part of the Empire, and a fair ground for all the rest to Constantine his Son; not only born of Helena a British Wo∣man, but born at York, the Mother-City, or Metropolis of the British Nation. A Prince whom God raised up of purpose, not only to give end to the Persecutions, wherewith the Innocent Spouse of Christ had been so tortured and tormented; but to become the greatest nursing Father thereunto, that ever was before him in the Church of Israel, or since him in the Israel of the Church. So that if heretofore you find the Clergy reckoned as the filth of men, neglected, slighted, or disgraced, esteemed un∣worthy either of publick trust or favour in the employments of the State: It is to be im∣puted unto this, that they were held a dangerous and suspected party to the Common∣wealth, maintaining a Religion contrary unto that which was allowed in the Empire. Hereafter you shall find it otherwise. Hereafter you shall find an Edict made by Con∣stantine, enabling such as would decline the sentence of the Secular Judges,* 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, lawfully to appeal unto the judgment of their Bishops; Page  313whose judgment he commanded to be put in execution by all his Officers, with as much punctuality and effect, as if himself in person had pronounced the same. Here∣after we shall find Saint Ambrose a right godly Bishop,* so taken up with hearing and determining mens suits and causes that he had very little leisure either for corporal re∣past or private study: Saint Austin, who relates the former, saying also this, that he had long waited an opportunity to have conference with him, and had as long been hindred from access unto him; Secludentibus me ab ejus aure atque ore catervis negotio∣sorum hominum, quorum infirmitatibus serviebat, his access to him being barred by multi∣tudes of Suiters, whose businesses he was pleased to undertake. Hereafter we shall find the same Saint Austin no such lazie Prelate, but that he hath transmitted to us as many monuments both of his Piety and Learning, as any other whosoever; so busied on the like occasions, that he could hardly save the Mornings for his Meditations:* Post meridiem occupationibus hominum teneri, the afternoons being wholly taken up in the dis∣patch or hearing of mens private Connoversies. Nay, when the Councils of Car∣thage and Numidia had imposed a certain task upon him, propter curam Scripturarum, in some things that concerned the holy Scriptures; and that he asked but five days re∣spite from the affairs and business of the people for the performance of the same: the People would not have the patience to forbear so long, Sed violenter irruptum est, but violently brake in upon him. And this, lest the good Father may be thought to speak it in commendation of his own abilities, we find related also by Possidonius in the narration of his life; where we are told, aliquando usque ad horam refectionis,* aliquando tota die jejunans, that sometimes he gave hearing to mens causes till the hour of repast, and sometimes fasted all the day for dispatch thereof, but always bringing them unto some end or other, pro arbitrata aequitate, according to the rules of equity and a well∣grounded Conscience. Hereafter we shall find the Prelates honoured with the titles of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, most honourable Lords; and that not once or twice,* but of common course. Hereafter (not to wander through more particulars) we shall find Saint Ambrose employed in the most weighty matters of the Common-wealth, and sent Am∣bassadour from the young Emperor Valentinian to the Tyrant Maximus, who had usurped on his Dominions, and much endangered the whole Empire, which he per∣formed to so good purpose, that he preserved Italy from an imminent ruin; the Tyrant afterwards confessing, se legationis ejus objectu ad Italiam non potuisse transire, that he was hindred by the same, from passing forwards into Italy with his conquering Army. So little was it either thought or found in those blessed times, that holy Or∣ders did superinduce a disability for civil Prudence.

But these things we do here behold but at a distance, [ XIV] as Moses from Mount Nebo saw the Land of Canaan. They appertain of right to the following Age;* and they which had the happiness to live till then could not but easily discern the great alte∣ration, which was between a Church under Persecution and a Church in Peace; be∣tween a Church oppressed by Tyrants, and a Church cherished and supported by a Christian Prince. And in this flourishing estate I should gladly shew her, but that my wearied pen doth desire some rest; and that I would fain see with what acceptation my present pains will be received in the world, before I give the second on-set. In the mean time I will lay down a brief Chronology of such of the remarkable occur∣rences which have been represented in these two last Centuries, it being the office of an upright Judge, and only such I do desire should peruse these Papers, ut res, ita tempora rerum noscere, to know as well the times and circumstances of business as the things themselves.