The church-history of Ethiopia wherein among other things, the two great splendid Roman missions into that empire are placed in their true light : to which are added, an epitome of the Dominican history of that church, and an account of the practices and conviction of Maria of the Annunciation, the famous nun of Lisbon / composed by Michael Geddes ...

THE SECOND PART. (Book 2)

AT the time of the Patriarch's death, of the Five Jesuits that went with him into Ethiopia, there were but Three left alive; they were Ma∣nuel Fernandez, the most passionate Solicitor for Dragoons, who died at Fremona in the year 1583. Antony Fernandez, who died at the same place 10 years after, and Francis Lopez, who lived till the year 1597. after whose death there was not one Roman Priest left alive in Ethiopia.

For Nine years after the Patriarch's decease, the Jesuits seemed to have given the Habassin Mission quite over; none of that Order, that we read of, having, during that time, attempted to go thither: But upon Philip the IId's. (who pretended to a much greater Zeal than any of his Ancestors for the ser∣vice of the Roman Church) coming to the Crown of Portugal, they resumed the thoughts of it again; and not knowing but that all the Fathers who were in Ethiopia might be in the

next world; that they might be found by Philip in possession of that Mission, they sent Two Fathers thither in the Ha∣bit of Armenian Merchants, hoping that un∣der that disguise they might steal into it with∣out being discovered by the Turks, * 1.1 who ha∣ving got all the Habassin Ports into their hands, were extremely watchful to keep out Portu∣gueses.

The Two Friars that were sent on this dan∣gerous enterprise, were Antony de Monserrato, and Peter Pays, who were both Spaniards; It being the Custom of the Portuguese Superiors in the Indies, as has been observed before, when they have any Foreigners under them, to be so kind to them, as to give them still the most hazardous Posts: Which, by the way, is no great argu∣ment of the Friars being always the most fond of the Missions in which their Lives are exposed to the most danger, as in all their Histories they are still represented to be; for if it were so, it is very strange that the Portugueses having their Countreymen still the Superiors, should not have that Interest in them, as to carry the most desirable Employments from Foreigners, and especially Spaniards, of whose Honour they are naturally so jealous.

But however that were, in the year 1588. the Two Spaniards were sent from Goa to Dio, where they waited some Months before any opportunity of a passage for Ethiopia did of∣fer; during which time they went but little abroad, and when they did, it was always in a Turkish Habit; in which they had so disgui∣sed themselves, that Monserrate was pelted with

stones in the street by the Boys for a Turk, and Father Peter had like to have been shot by a Cen∣tinel for walking too near the Ordnance. But at last a Mahometan Pilot being spoke to by the Governor of Mascate, whither the Fathers went from Dio, did undertake to put them both ashoar at the Port of Zeyla; whereupon they embarked on the 6th. of December, and after a few days Sail meeting with a violent storm, * 1.2 were driven ashoar on the Coasts of Arabia, where being discovered to be Christi∣an Priests, they were both sent by the Gover∣nor of Defar to his Master the King of Zeal, who keeps his Court in a City of Arabia Fe∣lix, called Tarim, wherein they were both kept Slaves Seven years.

The Superiors at Goa having received ad∣vice of this, named one Abraham de Georgys, a Maronite Jesuit, and James Gonsalves, * 1.3 to go into Ethiopia; but Father Abraham when he came to Goa from Malabar, instead of Father James, who was a Portuguese, had an Habas∣sin Youth given him for his Companion.

The Maronite and Habassin being arrived at Dio, found a Ship belonging to the Baneans ready to set Sail for Matzua, whereon they embarked as Turks; and when they landed at Matzua, were kindly received as true Mussel∣men by the Governor, who himself was a Christian Renegado. These are the Inventions, as the Viceroy Albuquerque told Father Abraham at Goa when he first saw him in his Turkish Habit, wherewith the Jesuits seek to serve God, and to bring Souls to their Creator.

The Governor not having the least suspi∣cion of Father Abraham being a Christian, and much less a Priest, gave him leave to go into Ethiopia at the first word; but being told by the Skipper that brought him, * 1.4 that he had some reason to think that he was a Portuguese Priest, he sent a hue and cry after him, which having overtook him before he was got to Ar∣kiko, brought him back to Matzua; the Go∣vernor, when Abraham was brought before him, being in a great rage at him for his ha∣ving imposed upon him as he had done; af∣ter he had given him a great many hard words, asked him, Whether he was a Mussel∣man or a Christian? Abraham not thinking fit to dissemble any longer, told him boldly he was a Christian, Are you so, said the Governor, then by the Great God if you do not turn Maho∣metan immediately, you shall lose your head for having pretended to be one: Abraham made an∣swer, My Life, it is true, is in your Power, but to make me turn Mahometan is not, neither will I ever do it: Whereupon the Governor, with a Renegado fury, commanded him to be tortured; which being done, he ordered his head to be Chopped off; but without raising a spring of fresh water, for that would have been a great benefit to the Island, which is much incommoded for want of it; but instead thereof, a prodigious Fire was seen for Forty Nights together over the place where his Body was Buried.

Gregory the XIIIth. having been informed of the great want the Portugueses that were in Ethiopia were in of a Priest, did order one John Baptista, an Italian, to be Consecrated a

Bishop, * 1.5 with an intention of sending him to them. This John Baptista had been sent by Gregory before, with Letters to Amba John, Patriarch of Alexandria, to persuade him to submit himself to the Roman Church, as he was afterwards by Sixtus the Vth. to Gabriel, Patriarch of the said See, on the same errand; it is not said whether Bishop Baptista re∣turned to Rome with Gabriel's answer to Sixtus, or having delivered his Letters at Cayr, and finding all the Avenues to Ethiopia by Land stopped by the Turks, did go to Goa for a Passage; but certain it is that he got thi∣ther, and that he had not been there long, before the Viceroy Don Edward de Menezes embarked him upon a small Portuguese Vessel, which had or∣ders to put him ashoar somewhere in Ethiopia; but the Ship he was upon happening to touch at the Island of Camera, and it being discovered there that Baptista was a Christian Bishop bound for Ethiopia, * 1.6 he was thereupon Murthered by the Turks. But though the Jesuits do not in any of their Histories that I have seen, so much as men∣tion this Bishop's Name, not caring, it's like, that it should be known, that any that was not of their Order was employed in this Mission; yet, I hope, his not having been a Jesuit, nor sent by their Su∣periors, did no ways contribute to his end; his being sent to Habassia at that time, * 1.7 and after such a manner, being a thing that does not look very well.

In the year 1597. Dom Alexo de Menezes, the most politick Prelate that ever was in those parts, looking upon himself now there was no Patriarch of Ethiopia, as the ordinary Prelate

thereof, as he was Primate of the Indies, did take the Habassin Affair into his own hands, and having cast about how to have Intelligence from thence, and to supply the Portugueses that were there with a Priest, he did at last fall upon the following expedient.

There was one Belchior de Sylva, a Con∣verted Bramen, who was Vicar of the Church of St. Ann in Goa; whom the Archbishop after he had determined to send him into Ethiopia, ordered upon some Informations he pretended to have received against him, to be thrown into Prison, threatening him with se∣vere Censures if what he was accused of should be proved; having at the same time so concerted the matter with Sylva, that he was to break Jayl on a certain night, and come to him in a disguise at a place called Bar∣dez, which he was then going to visit, being in the mean time to let his Hair and Beard grow, the better to disguise himself. When the night agreed upon was come, Sylva ha∣ving broke Jayl, went directly to Bardez, where the Archbishop kept him private, and to blind the matter the more, seemed to be very angry at his having made his escape, and to use extraordinary diligence to catch him again.

Sylva having received his Instructions, * 1.8 and being put into a Turkish Habit with Pendants in his Ears, was sent privately by the Arch∣bishop to Dio; where he remained Incognito till a Ship offered for Ethiopia, on board which he listed himself a Sailer; and during the whole Voyage he behaved himself so among

the Mariners as not to be in the least suspect∣ed by any of them of being a Christian. The Ship being arrived at her Port, Sylva the first time he went ashoar, made the best of his way for Ethiopia, and having got to Deboraa, was entertained there with great joy by the Portugueses, who had been for some years without a Priest of their own Religion.

The Jesuits, that nothing might seem to have been done towards the reduction of Ethiopia without their having had some hand in it, will have the Archbishop to have sent Sylva thither at their request: But this was not all that Archbishop Menezes did in this matter; for having received advice of Sylva's being arrived in Ethiopia, he thereupon writ a Letter, not only to the Roman Catholicks, but to the Abuna likewise, * 1.9 exhorting him to submit himself and his Church to the Pope; and among other Arguments he made use of to persuade him to such a submission, he sent him a rich present, together with the solemn sub∣mission of the Alexandrian Patriarch of himself and his whole Church to Pope Clement the VIIIth. as it is pompously published by Baronius in an Appendix to the Sixth Tome of his Ecclesi∣astical Annals; Conjuring him to follow the exam∣ple of that great Prelate whom his Church had so long owned for her Head.

But this Alexandrian submission, notwith∣standing Baronius was in such haste to make a flourish with it, that he clapt the History thereof to the end of the Fifth Century, was a mēre imposture; for whereas it is said to have been made by Gabriel Patriarch of Alex∣andria,

the Patriarch of Alexaandria's Name at the time when that submission is reported to have have been made, was not Gabriel, but Mark. So little pains are the hungry Eastern Monks, who come to Rome with their mock submissions, at, to make their Impostures look probable.

The Learned Father Simon speaking of Archbishop Menezes having made use of this submission to persuade the Abuna of Ethiopia, after the example of his Patriarch, to submit himself to the Pope, saith, The Archbishop was not, it seems, sensible that the Church of Rome had been imposed on in that matter, and that Baronius was too credulous in publishing the acts of that sub∣mission under the Name of the Patriarch of Alex∣andria, and of the Catholick Church.

And Thomas a Jesu, a Carmelite Friar, speak∣ing of the same in his Sixth Book de Conversio∣ne omnium Gentium procuranda, saith, In the time of Clement the VIIIth. a Fictitious Embassy of the Alexandrian Church, was brought to the Ro∣man Pontiff: Wherein Mark the Patriarch, and with him all the Provinces of Egypt, and the parts adjoyning to it, did acknowledge the Pope to be the Head and Universal Pastor of the Church, as Baronius writes at large at the end of his Sixth Tome; but the matter thereof coming afterwards to be more diligently looked into, it was found to be a lie, and the fiction of one Barton an Impostor. And yet notwithstanding this disco∣very, the History of that submission continues to vapour still in all the Editions of Baronius's Annals that have come out since.

The Archbishop sent the Abuna likewise a Confession of his own Faith, telling him

withal, That in case he would submit himself to the Pope, as he was in duty bound, that affair would be managed much to his advantage by the Portugueses; he writ also to Clement the VIIIth. desiring him to lay his Commands on the Patriarch of Alexandria, who was now under his Obedience, to oblige the Habassin Abuna to follow his Example: He writ also to Belchior da Sylva, to send some Habassin Boys to Goa to be instructed in the Roman Faith and Rites. And last of all, he writ to Philip the IId. for a yearly Pension for the Portugueses that were in Ethiopia; of whom he obtained 1500 Cruzado's, which were to be paid to them yearly out of the Royal Revenues of the Indies, to which he himself added 300 Pardaos, and prevailed with the Misericordia at Goa to give the same Sum: Of all which there is not one syllable to be met with in any of the Jesuits Histories; whereas had this Archbishop been of their Order, as he was of the Austin, the world would have had whole Volumes in Praise of his great Zeal and Industry in this Affair.

The Jesuits being desirous to recover the Habassin Mission, which both the Pope and the Archbishop seemed to have taken out of their hands, did in order thereunto, labour hard to have a College for their Friars at Dio; and having got some Benefactors to contribute to∣wards the building and endowing thereof, they sent Father Gasper Suares from Goa to Dio to begin the Work. But the Baneans, * 1.10 of which Dio is full, knowing that the Jesuits, where-ever they setled, did turn Traders, did strongly oppose their having a College there;

pretending, That it would certainly ruin the Trade of the Port; by which Pretence, and great Bribes, they so far influenced the Vice∣roy, that he put a full stop to it; of which the Jesuits of Goa, Lisbon and Madrid, made such Tragical Exclamations, that the King wrote a very angry Letter to the Viceroy about it, Commanding him to shut his hands against the Bribes of the Baneans, and not to be frighted from pious Works, by suggestions that they would tend to the ruin of Trade, since the reason why he sent Viceroys into India, was not to encrease his Revenue, but to advance Christianity: The Viceroy and Baneans were so mortified by this severe Letter, that they did not only give way to, but did contribute largely towards the build∣ing of the said College, which by that means was finished in a short time.

The King had writ likewise to the Viceroy, To furnish the Jesuits with six Ships, to conveigh their Missionaries into Ethiopia; but they having but three Friars to send thither, who were Fa∣ther Peter, who had been ransomed a year or two before; and Father Anthony de Angelis, a Neopolitan, and Father Anthony Fernandes, a Portuguese; the Viceroy reckoning that two Ships were sufficient to carry three Friars, and that six would not be enough to fight the Turks, if they happened to meet with them, sent but two to them to Dio, where they were now setled in their new College, one of which was forced back by a Storm to Damon, the other getting to Dio, but much damaged both in her Hulk and Rigging.

Father Peter having, during his seven years Captivity in Arabia, made himself a perfect Master of the Arabick Tongue, did converse much at Dio, where he passed for an Armenian Christian with the Mahometans that came to trade there, but chiefly with a Servant of the Bashaws of Suaqhem, whose name was Recu∣am Aga, with whom he contracted an inti∣mate familiarity. This Aga happening one day in discourse to ask the Father, Why, after seven years captivity, he did not think of return∣ing home to his own Countrey, meaning Armenia; the Father told him, That there was nothing that he was so desirous of as to see Armenia, but that he was afraid to venture himself again in the Turkish Territories: Aga thereupon did frank∣ly undertake to put him in a way to get home with safety, offering to carry him along with him to Matzua and Suaqhem, and from thence to Cayr, from whence he promised to send him with a Pass to Jerusalem, from which place he might return home without any dan∣ger. The Father having thanked Aga for his kind offer, told him he would accept of it, pro∣vided he would give him leave, when he was at Matzua, to make a step into Ethiopia, to negotiate a little business he had to do there; desiring him with∣al not to let the Governor of Dio know any thing of his design of returning home, for that he would certainly stop him, if he came to hear of it. Aga, who did not know but that he might have occasion to return to Dio again, and for that reason, being unwilling to do any thing whereby he might disoblige the Governour, told the Father, That though he should be very

glad to serve him in taking him along with him, yet unless he could obtain leave of the Governour to go, he must pardon him for not doing it: The Father being well pleased with this scruple of Aga's, did promise since he would not carry him without it, to try to obtain leave of the Governour to go with him. And with such Engano's or Tricks, saith a Jesuit, Father Peter cheated the Devil.

The Father having communicated the whole Farce to the Governour, he was so well pleased with it, that he helped to carry it on, by shewing Aga extraordinary Civilities for the kindness he intended to do to the good Ar∣menian.

On the 22d of March 1603. Aga and his Armenian set sail from Dio, and on the 26th of April they arrived safe at Matzua; where the Bashaw being in the Countrey, the Fa∣ther, upon Aga's recommendation, was treat∣ed very kindly by Mustadem, the Lieutenant-Govournor, who at the first word granted him leave to go for some time into Ethiopia to negotiate the business he pretended to have there. Father Peter, notwithstanding his ci∣vil treatment, was in pain till he was got from Matzua, and having notice of six Chri∣stians that were bound for Ethiopia, he took the opportunity of their company, and ha∣ving fixed his Journey on the 5th of May, he went to take his leave of his Patron Aga, who promised to wait two months for him at Matzua, by which time the Armenian assured him he would be with him again.

In seven days the Father and his Company got to Deboran, where he was waited on by

Captain John Gabriel, * 1.11 with several other Por∣tugueses, who did all accompany him to Fre∣mona, where Father Sylva resided, and the Patriarch and most of his Companions had been buried.

The first thing he did after his coming to Fremona, was to acquaint the Emperor, whose name was Jacob, with his arrival, and to offer him his service; the Emperor returned him a kind Answer, telling him, That after the Win∣ter was over, he should be glad to see him at his Court.

This Jacob was a Natural Son of the last Em∣peror Malac Sagued, * 1.12 who having left no Male-Children by his Empress Mariam Cima, had named this Jacob at his Death his Successor, in wrong to his Nephew Za Danguil, the Son of his Brother Lepena Christo: For notwithstand∣ing it is in the power of the Habassin Emperor to name his Successor, he is by the Laws of the Land tied to nominate a Male of the Royal Blood born in Wedlock.

Jacob was but an Infant when his Father died; which was perhaps the chief reason why the Empress and Grandees of the Court were so zealous for his nomination, hoping during his long Minority, to have the Government wholly in their own hands. And so the first thing they did after the old Emperor's breath was out of his body, was to secure Za Danguil, that he might give them no molestation; which they reckoned they had done sufficiently, by ma∣king him a close Prisoner in the Island of Deck, in the Lake of Dembea.

For Seven Years the Government was en∣tirely in the hands of the Empress and her Two Sons-in-law, Ras Athanateus, and Cal∣funde the Viceroy of Tigre, who had been the chief Promoters of Jacob's Nomination to the Crown; and who having tasted of the sweet of Sovereign Authority, were very unwilling to part with it to Jacob, now he was of Age, according to the Custom of the Empire, to take it upon him∣self; and to prevent that, they had given him an Education which they reckoned would have rendred him both unfit to govern, and have disposed him to have been satisfied with the easy and gawdy Title of Emperor, without troubling himself with the exercise of its Authority. But they found themselves mistaken; Jacob so soon as he was Fifteen, declaring, He was now of Age to govern both Himself and the Em∣pire; and that he would be no longer under Pu∣pilage, nor be kept a Minor all his days, out of gratitude to those who had helped him to the Title of Emperor, but with a design of keeping the Sove∣reign Authority in themselves.

The Empress and her two Sons resented this Treatment from a Creature of their own making, so highly, that they resolved to try to un∣make him again; and that they might do it with the better grace, they pretended to be trou∣bled in Conscience for the Injury they had done to Za Danguil, in having persuaded the late Empe∣ror his Uncle to lay him aside, who was his true Heir: And having with this and some other Popular Pretences brought most of the Gran∣dees of the Court into a Conspiracy to de∣pose Jacob, and advance Za Danguil to the

Crown, they so order'd the matter, * 1.13 that Za Danguil appeared in the Camp, and was pro∣claimed Emperor by them, before Jacob ever so much as dreamt of their having any such design: Nevertheless being advertised there∣of by the Acclamations of the Camp, he put himself on Horseback, not to fight, but to make his escape, which he did only with eight of his Servants: But as he was posting towards the Mountains, the Countrey rose upon him, and brought him back a Prisoner: The new Emperor, though advised by seve∣ral of his Counsellors to cut off his Ears and Nose, would not consent to it; the Habassins, as we shall see hereafter, until their Princes came to be influenc'd by Jesuits, being very merciful in their punishments; so he contented himself with sending him into the remote Province of Narea, ordering the Governor thereof to keep him a close Prisoner.

This Revolution happening the Winter af∣ter Father Peter came to Fremona, he conti∣nued there till the New Government was thoroughly settled; during which time he employed himself in translating a Book of the Christian Doctrine, composed by one Mark Jorge, a Jesuit; which is said to have been a Piece much admired in Ethiopia.

The Emperor being naturally curious, * 1.14 and hearing great things of Father Peter's Wisdom and Learning, from some of the Grandees, who had a great mind to have him at Court, to cabal with him about Portuguese Troops, he writ the following Letter to him, to invite him to come to him.

THE Letter of the Emperor Asnaf Sagued cometh to the Honourable Father and Ma∣ster of the Portugueses: How do you? Hear the good things God hath done for us: We were seven years a Prisoner, and did suffer innumerable Trou∣bles; but God taking compassion of our Misery, has delivered us out of Prison, and made us the Head of All; according to that of David, The Stone which the Builders rejected, is made the Head of the Corner. May the same God that hath begun this Work, bring it to a good Issue: Hear more; We are very desirous to see you here, and would have you bring the Books of the Laws of the King of Portugal, if you have them, along with you, for we should be glad to see them.

As the Father was preparing, upon the receipt of this Letter, to have gone to the Court with the Viceroy of Tigre, he was stopped by the News of the Gauls having in∣vaded Ethiopia with Three Armies at once; having been encouraged to do it by the un∣settled Posture they expected to find the Af∣fairs of that Empire in, after so sudden a Re∣volution. But they quickly found them∣selves deceived; for notwithstanding they defeated the Viceroy of Tigre, who had con∣trary to the King's Order come to blows with them, their Two other Armies were both totally routed by the Emperor.

The Emperor being returned victorious to his Camps, the Viceroy of Tigre sent to Fa∣ther Peter to come to him, that they might go to Court together; who before he left

Fremona, took care to pack the Secular Priest Belchior de Sylva to the Indies; * 1.15 which was somewhat strange, considering that when he was gone, there was not a Roman Priest left at Fremona, to officiate to the Portugueses, the Father himself being on the wing for the Court. But the truth of the matter is, the Jesuits knowing that with the assistance of 4 or 500 Portugueses Soldiers, they should be able at any time to reduce Ethiopia to the Roman Church, and not despairing in some juncture or other of ob∣taining such a Succor, they studied nothing so much as the engrossing the whole Honour of so great a reduction to their own Order; and for that rea∣son they did all they could to hinder Foreign∣ers from intruding themselves into it, which made Father Peter choose to leave the Portu∣gueses at Fremona without any Roman Priest, rather than with one who was no Jesuit.

But however it were in those early days, Luis Sotelo, a Spanish Franciscan, in his Letter written from Omura in Japan, where he was a Prisoner, to Pope Urban the VIIIth. and James Collado, a Dominican of the same Na∣tion, in a Memorial presented by him in the year 1631. to the King of Spain, have proved beyond contradiction, That the Souls of the Jesuits are wrapped up so entirely in their own Or∣der, that they will sacrifice all other Interests, that of Converting Heretical and Infidel Kingdoms not excepted, to its Interest and Honour. Which Letter and Memorial, tho extreamly well worth the read∣ing, being too long to be here inserted, I shall only set down so much of them as is sufficient to justify this Charge.

Sotelo about the middle of his Letter, delivers what follows:

IF a Friar of any other Order, do either out of a Zeal of Charity, or being called by the Faithful, come into these Parts, to give Spiritual Consolation, or to administer the Sacraments of the Church, after he has heard the Confessions of great numbers of persons, who have not seen a Priest in Twenty years, to Confess themselves to, and Confirmed such as were wavering in the Faith, and restored such as had Apostatised from it; the Provincial of the Jesuits shall no sooner hear thereof, let the Province be at never so great a distance from him, and not∣withstanding he had never set his foot in it before, than he shall immediately fly thither to oppress so good a Minister: To whom he will represent, That that Countrey being a Parish under his Jurisdiction, he ought not to have administred the Sacraments therein; and upon pretence of the Peoples being his Sheep, will hinder him from performing any more Religious Offices to them. And if the Priest should happen to have the courage to ask him, Why, if those People are under his care, he had aban∣doned them for so long a time? And whether he thought that one who had so deserted his Flock, ought any longer to be esteemed its Pastor? The Jesuit will answer him with, What Authority have you to ask me any such question? Or to med∣dle with things that do not belong to you? And ha∣ving affirmed that he has a right to what he pre∣tends to, he will produce the Council of Trent, and read the Constitution to him, Which prohibits Priests upon pain of Excommunication to

administer the Sacraments in any Parish with∣out the Curate's leave: Neither will he content himself with that, but will render that Constituti∣on into Japan, and publish it to all the People. And in case the said Father should reply, That the words of the Council have no relation to the Countries of Infidels, or to places which are newly Converted, or to Christians who are Novices in the Faith, but are to be understood only of Countries which have been under Christian Princes for divers Ages, and of ancient Parishes where People have been long Christians; The Jesuit shall, notwithstand∣ing that, treat him publickly as a Transgressor of the Council, and do all that is in his power to drive him away, forbidding the People to take any no∣tice of him, or to have any communication with him; and if after that, any Christian should, ei∣ther out of Compassion or Devotion, receive him in∣to his House, or should enter himself into the Bro∣therhood of the Rosary, or of the Cord of St. Francis, he shall be reprimanded for it as boiste∣rously, and be treated by the Jesuit with as much contempt, as if he had intirely renounced the Chri∣stian Faith.

And as to the places where the Jesuits are ordi∣narily resident, the Faithful dare not so much as offer to entertain a Friar that is not of their Order, nor have the least communication with such a one, unless it be privately; and if the Jesuits come to hear of it, they will Chastise them severely for it; which point they carry so far, as not to suffer any to be of their Congregations that are of a Fraternity of any other Order. A few lines after Sotelo adds: If Friars who are not of their Society do at any time address themselves to the Governor, or

Vicar-General, to demand judicial Informations con∣cerning the Martyrdom of any of their Brethren, who have lost their lives for the Catholick Faith, he will not so much as give them the hearing; whereas in the case of any of their own Brethren, or of any that have been Baptized by them, extrava∣gant relations are presently exhibited, on purpose to set all the world a talking of them.

If any thing that is great and illustrious is done by any other Friars, the Jesuits do all that they can either totally to stifle it, or by artifices to eclipse the glory and merit thereof; opposing all the underta∣kings of all other Friars, and representing them as things of little or no benefit; either accusing what they write of falshood, or attributing it to envy, or some other evil passion. And when they themselves have at any time been the cause of any disasters, let it be never so notorious, they will throw the blame thereof off their own Society, and attribute it to the indiscretion, imprudence, or bad conduct of some other Friars.

Neither can they endure that any thing should be begun by People that are not of their Society; and let it be never so visible, that their Order is not able alone to support the burthen of Converting a Coun∣trey, yet there is no bringing them to admit of others to help them to bear it. Finally he tells us, That at the same time when the Jesuits did all they could to hinder all other Priests and Friars from look∣ing into Japan, that there were but Thirty of their Order in it, which was a very small number for an Island consisting of Sixty six King∣doms, and more than Two hundred Prin∣ces.

I know, saith Father Collado in the Preface of his Memorial, That the Jesuits have in all these Kingdoms set themselves against all other Ec∣clesiasticks, having published things to the prejudice of all other Orders, and the Friars thereof, that are notoriously false; and have unjustly endeavoured to discredit them, by charging them with things they were no ways guilty of, and for which the Jesuits themselves only were to be blamed. And in the Body of the Memorial he affirms, That at the same time when there were a Million of Chri∣stians dispersed over Japan, and but 23 Jesuits who were Priests in it; that notwithstanding that small number, they laboured day and night both at Rome and Madrid, to hinder any other Friars from being sent thither; and having advised the set∣ling of a free Trade betwixt Macao and the Philipins, as a thing of great advantage to the Crown of Spain, he saith, none but the Jesuits had ever opposed it, and that they had done it for no other reason, but because there are Friars of o∣ther Orders in the Philipins, among whom they would be afraid to exercise Trade, and all the li∣berties thereof, as they did in China and Japan, where there were no strange Friars to observe what they did.

Father Peter having Packed the Secular Priest away, went to wait on the Viceroy, taking two Boys of Portuguese extraction along with him; who having got a Roman Catechism, that had been translated into Habassin, perfectly by heart, the Viceroy was so much delighted with their repeating it, that hearing them do it one day, he said to those that stood next to

him, Are you not amazed to see in how short a time the Holy Father hath taught these Children so many Godly things? adding, but these wretched Monks of ours are just good for nothing. The Fa∣ther whenever they made any halt, went pre∣sently to visit the Viceroy, who received him always with great Ceremony, obliging his own Monks whenever the Father waited up∣on him, to withdraw. The Monks complained aloud of this treatment of the Viceroy's, but they had their complaints, saith a Jesuit, and the Father his Honours; but without telling us what it was that made this Ambitious Viceroy court the Father at such a high rate, unless we will believe that it was only for his having taught two Boys to say their Catechism well.

The Emperor's Camp, or Court, for they are the same in Ethiopia, was at that time at a place called Oudegere, upon the shoar of the lake of Dembea, where the Father was no sooner arrived, than the Viceroy procured him an audience; and had possessed the Emperor with such a high conceit of his extraordinary Abilities, that when the Father, after having kissed his hand, offered to have retired, he commanded him to sit down by him, asking him several Questions concerning the Pope, the King of Spain, and the Affairs of Europe, and the Indies. To all which Questions, the Father returned such answers as he knew would please the Emperor.

The Viceroy upon the Emperor's doing the Father such extraordinary Honours, asked a Portuguese Captain that stood by him, what he thought the Monks, who were so angry at the Ci∣vilities

he had shewed him on his Journey, would say now of the greater honours done him by the Em∣peror himself?

The Emperor, after they had discoursed a considerable space of time together, made a sign to the Father to withdraw, having first commanded his Officers to entertain him splendidly, and according to his deserts; and having sent for him betimes, the next morn∣ing, he entered into a long and serious dispute with him concerning the Habassin and Roman Faith; which being ended, the Two Boys, upon the Viceroy's having told the Emperor what an astonishing thing it was to hear them, were called in to say their Catechism, which they did so much to the satisfaction of the Em∣peror, that he asked the Father after they had done, Whether he had not the Questions and An∣swers they had repeated to admiration, in Writing: The Father having imagin'd, that the Empe∣ror might be desirous to see the Catechism, was provided with one, which he presented to him immediately; and the Emperor having read it over before he stirred, extolled it to the Skies as the Master-Piece of Ethio∣pia.

The Viceroy's Brother-in-Law, and Com∣panion in the Government during Jacob's Mi∣nority, Rays Athanates, * 2.1 entered likewise into a close Friendship with the Father, making his Court to him, by sending every day almost for his Two Boys to come and say their Catechism before him, and extolling their Performance and their Master's dexterity beyond either the Em∣peror or the Viceroy: Now if Two Boys ha∣ving

been taught to say their Catechism well, was the Foundation of the great favour the Father was in at Court; it is the only instance in History per∣haps of the favour of a whole Court's having been obtained by so slight a business.

The Emperor having read the Catechism several times over, was so charmed with it, that nothing would satisfy him, but the Fa∣ther's Celebrating the Roman Mass in his hear∣ing; which he did, with all the Solemnity that a single Priest in his circumstances could do it; and after Mass, gave him a Sermon of an hour long; but happening as he was draw∣ing to a conclusion, to say that he had a great deal more to add, were it not that he was afraid of being tedious to his Majesty; the Emperor sent him a Message to go on, for that he should take great pleasure in hearing more from him: Where∣upon the Father gave him half an hour more. The Emperor was so well satisfied both with the Mass and the Sermon, that he sent the Fa∣ther his Dinner from his own Table; and ha∣ving called him to him in the Evening, he enquired of him, concerning the signification of every particular Ceremony and Vestment that he had made use of in the Mass, appear∣ing to be extreamly well pleased with all the Father's Answers: A little time after the Em∣press Dowager, Mariam Zima, coming to Court, desired to hear the Father say Mass and Preach; and having heard him, commended both the Mass and Sermon extreamly, decla∣ring, That she could be content to live in a desert all her days with so Godly a man as Father Peter: So that the Father had now got all the Three

late Governors at his Devotion; who, as is pro∣bable from the sequel of the Story, had a great mind to be governing again, which they knew a few Portuguese Troops would help them to with ease at any time.

As for the Emperor, he was either not sen∣sible of this Plot, or else he endeavoured to countermine them, by caressing the Father as much as they could do for their Lives: And so one day when the Father was to preach be∣fore him, the Chair he used to sit in when he preached, happening to be out of the way, the Emperor ordered his own Chair of State to be carried to him; and having seated himself on the Ground, said, That it was not reasonable for the Preacher and Master to stand, and the Hearer and Scholar to sit; and after having thanked the Father for his good Discourse, he told him, That now his name was high in Ethiopia, he would advise him as a friend, to be careful how be did any thing whereby he might forfeit the opi∣nion the world had of his Wisdom and Holiness; For, said he, the flesh is always fighting against us, and overcomes us many times before we are aware: for which good admonition the Father kissed his hand, and having returned him many thanks, promised him always to remember it.

The Emperor having sent for the Father one day, after having shut himself up with him, and his Favourite Habitucum Laca Mari∣am, in his Closet, required him to swear upon the Cross not to divulge the secret he was a∣bout to impart to him; which the Father ha∣ving done, he told him, That being now fully

convinced that the Pope was the Head and Univer∣sal Pastor of the Church, * 2.2 he was resolved to sub∣mit himself to him, and to desire him to send a Pa∣triarch with a competent number of Friars in∣to Ethiopia to instruct his People in the true Faith.

The Father, who was overjoyed to hear these words from the Emperor, threw himself at his feet, wishing him a long life, that he might be able to accomplish a design that would be so much to the benefit of his own Soul, and the Souls of his People. In pursuance of which Resolution, the Emperor is said to have prepared an Edict, prohibiting the obser∣vation of Saturday, and of divers other Habas∣sin Rites, and to have been for running on so fu∣riously, to introduce Popery into his Empire, that Father Peter found himself obliged in policy to give a check to his Zeal, by telling him, That it would be safer and better to proceed more slowly, for fear of ruining his great design by Pre∣cipitation. The Emperor asked him with heat, Why he was against his making haste to introduce the true Faith into his Kingdom? What, did he think his Subjects would murther him for attempt∣ing to do it? Adding, What if they should, do you think I can lose my life for a beiter Cause? The Father made answer, That though to lose his life on such an account, would be a great Mercy and Honour to his Majesty; yet it would not be so, but an irreparable loss to his Subjects in such a Juncture. Here Luca Mariam interposed, and told the Emperor the Father loved him, and had given him good advice; but the Emperor inter∣rupting him, said, Come, come, we must lose no

time, here are Letters I have writ to the Pope and the King of Portugal concerning this Affair; and having put them into the Father's hands, he desired him to translate them into the Langua∣ges of those Courts; which Letters, tho they were never sent, the Emperor having been slain in the Field before any opportunity of∣fered, I shall here set down.

THE Letters sent by Asnaf Segued, * 2.3 Empe∣peror of Ethiopia, do come to the much Ho∣noured Father and Humble Pastor the Godly and Holy Clement, Pope of the Noble City of Rome. Peace be with your Holiness, the Peace of our Lord Jesus Christ, who did partake of Poverty with the Poor, and of Honour with the Honoura∣ble; Preserve your Holinesse's Life and Person as the apples of Eyes, Amen. How is your Holiness? Hear, Sir, what we write.

After we had ascended the Throne, a certain Friar whose name is Peter Pays, of the Society of Jesus, and who hath the Yoke of the Law of Christ upon his neck, did visit us; and has given us a ve∣••ryparticular account how your Holiness labours even to the shedding of your blood to destroy Sin; may the Eternal God, who has begun this work, bring it to an happy Issue: We being informed that your Holiness does never walk out of the Paths of truth, we rejoiced much at it; Praise be to God who hath given us a good Pastor, who guards the folds with his Holiness, and judgeth the poor with truth. He hath likewise told us, that you are always ready to assist Christians that are in neces∣sity; and to afford them Strength and Comfort,

having learnt the Lesson of Saint Paul, who in his Epistle to the Galatians saith, While we have time, let us do good unto all, but chiefly to those of the Houshould of Faith; for which reason your Holiness assists Christian Kings chiefly, Wherefore since God hath been pleased to bestow on us the Empire of our Fathers, we are desirous of entering into a strict Friendship with you, and with our Brother Philip King of Spain: And in order to make it the closer and more lasting, we do wish that he would send his Daughter hither to be married to our Son, and with her some Soldiers to help us: For we have Infidel Enemies called Galls, who when we go against them, flee be∣fore us; but so soon as our back is turned, are ma∣king inroads upon us again. For the destruction of this Enemy it is that we desire to have some troops from you, with Artificers of all Trades, and Fathers to instruct us, that we may be of one heart and one body; and that the faith of Christ which is destroyed by the hands of Infidels, may be esta∣blished, and that there may be peace and love a∣mong us.

This was formerly desired by our Ancestors, but it did not please God it should be accomplished in their times; but the Turks, who then hindered it, may now with ease be driven out of the Island of Matzua; for which reason we intreat your Holi∣ness to recommend this our request to our Brother, desiring him to comply therewith, and to execute it speedily. We do not trouble your Holiness with ma∣ny words, being well assured of your readiness to grant what we shall desire. See that the Fathers you send hither be learned and holy, that so they may be able to instruct us in whatsoever is necessary to our

Souls; I shall add no more, a few words being enough to the wise.

The Emperor of Ethiopia's Letter to the King of Spain.

THE Letter writ by the Emperor Asnaf Se∣gued, cometh to our Brother Don Philip King of the Kings of Spain. Peace be with your Majesty: The Peace and Love of our Lord Jesus Christ, and the Sign of the Holy Cross, be always with your Majesty. How is it with you? As I returned from the War to the place where I was to reside all the Winter, a certain Father, whose Name is Peter Pays, of whose Learning and Piety I had heard before, came to visit me; I was very glad to hear the account he gave of the state of your Majesty's Health, and the welfare of your Kingdoms, and did return Thanks to God for ha∣ving given you such Prosperity, that none of your Enemies are able to disturb it: May our Lord increase the number of your Majesty's years, and bring what he hath begun to an happy issue.

Hear, Sir, your Majesty is not ignorant, that in the days of the Emperor Asnaf Segued, when a certain Mahometan, called Granhe, invaded Ethiopia, and destroyed all our Churches, a Confe∣deracy was concluded and confirmed by an Oath betwixt our two Crowns; and that when my An∣cestors sent to John King of Portugal for some Succors, he sent us some which were Commanded by Don Christopher de Gama, and which in conjunction with our Army, Conquered that Ma∣hometan. The High and Mighty God, who ex∣alteth

the humble, and throws down the proud, being our helper: After which there was Peace and Quietness, the force of the Mahometan, who had not the fear of God before his Eyes, being broken in pieces.

The Portugueses remained among us in great Honour, wanting for nothing till the day of their Death, as their Posterity do not to this day.

Wherefore we being Christians no less than our Ancestors, and under the obligation of the same Oath, we ought to have the same Enemies, that is, the Galls, who destroy our Lands, and who when we go against them with our Armies, do run away from us; but so soon as our back is turned, do, as Banditti, make inroads into our Empire; for which reason we do desire your Majesty to send us some Soldiers, and with them your Daughter to be Married to our Son, by which means our Alli∣ance will be firmer, and we shall be one Body, and of one Heart: Our Son is Seven years Old, and your Daughter, as we are informed, is but Three; so they shall be bred together with the milk of Wis∣dom, and shall be taught the Holy Scriptures. I do also wish that your Majesty would with your Troops send me Artificers of all Professions, and that you would do it speedily; that so being united in the Faith of Christ, there may be Peace and Love betwixt us; and that this Empire, which is the Land of our Lady, and of Christ our Re∣deemer, may not be lost. The Mahometans are extreamly Zealous for their Sect, and do whenever there is occasion help one another; and ought not your Majesty to do the same for your Faith, which is above all?

As to what we write to you concerning your send∣ing your Daughter hither, you are not to think that we desire her for any other end, than to establish an Alliance between us, and that she may be a pledge of Peace for the future. May God, who can do all things, fulfil our wishes.

Hear farther, Brother, in order to the establish∣ment of our Affairs; Do you send a Viceroy to the Island of Matzua, and my General shall be at the same time at Arkiko on the Continent; by which means we shall bridle the Power of the Turks; and being Masters of those parts, we will send our Merchants with all sorts of Goods and Provisions into yoar Conquests, and will divide the Customs between us; our Countrey is very Rich, and wants for nothing; and the reason why we have not hi∣therto sent any Merchants to these parts with Pro∣visions of Honey, Gold, and Slaves, is because we have a mind to pinch the Turks, for whom we have no kindness; but when your Viceroy is once come with his Portugueses, we shall quickly send Merchants to them with all sorts of Commo∣dities. May our Lord God bring what we desire, and what is grateful to your Majesty, to a happy issue, that so the Power of the Turk, which is a great Stone of Scandal, may be utterly broke.

It does not appear by these Letters that the Emperor was in such a violent fit of Zeal, when he wrote them, for a Roman Patriarch, and for submitting his Church to the Pope immediately, as he is reported to have been in when he delivered them to Father Peter; for though in both of them he writes very earnestly to have the Infanta, and some Troops

sent with all possible expedition, he does not say one word of his Church's submission, or of a Roman Patriarch: And in case Father Peter, when he acquainted the Emperor with the Infanta's Age, did, to make his Court the better, feed him with hopes of obtaining her for his black Prince, it was no more than what his Countreyman Gundamore did here in England, either with the same Infanta, or her Sister, and the restitution of the Palatinate.

It might have been expected, that Father Peter, now he had brought the Emperor to be a Bigot for Popery, beyond what he de∣sired, should have stuck close to him till he had done the work, and that no small matter should have made him to have left the Court, where his presence was so necessary; but whatever was the true cause of it, the Fa∣ther all of a sudden desires leave of the Em∣peror to go to Nanina, a place two days jour∣ney from the Court, pretending to be called thither by extraordinary business; and when the Emperor, * 3.1 who was very unwilling to part with him, would needs know what this extraordinary business was, he told him, There was a Portuguese or two Sick at that place, and that he must needs go and hear their Confession before they died: The Emperor finding the Fa∣ther was not to be persuaded out of his Jour∣ney, allowed him two Months, which he reckoned was time long enough for the hear∣ing of two Confessions, to be absent from Court. But the Father, who had left the main body of the Portugueses not a year before without any Confessor, to go to Court with

the Viceroy of Tigre, had not left the Court above a Month, when the true cause of his retiring broke out in a Rebellion, that was Headed by his good Friend Raz Athanateus, the Ha∣bassin Earl of Warwick, who having upon a disgust, taken the Crown off Jacob's Head and placed it on Za Danguil's, was now for taking it from Za Danguil again, being di∣spleased with him for preferring Luca Mariam to him. * 3.2 So hard a matter it is for Princes to please People, who either have, or think they have been instrumental in helping them to their Crowns.

But whatever it was that had disposed the People for a new Revolution, whether the Emperor's Male-administration of Affairs, or only an itch for the Festivity of a new Acclama∣tion, or a false compassion for the deposed Empe∣ror; it is certain Za Danguil was deserted by the main body both of the Grandees and People; neither would they be satisfied un∣less they had Jacob restored to his Throne again.

But Za Danguil being a Prince of great Courage, resolved they should not have the Crown but with his Head; and having made up a small Army, marched directly towards the Rebels, who, as he was informed, were encamped on the banks of the Nile.

Nanina, where Father Peter continued still, confessing his two Portugueses, happening to be in the Emperor's way as he marched, he sent for the Father to come and speak with him; * 3.3 and when he saw him, he cried out, Alas! your Reverence sees what they are doing to me for endeavouring to shew them the way of Truth, and

because I will not suffer the great to Oppress the small; What would you advise me to do in this case? The Father is said to have been sorry to see him with so small an Army; and ha∣ving comforted him as well as he could, to have advised him to put his trust in God, and to avoid coming to a Battel. It is said farther, that he offered to have gone along with him; but having told him at the same time, That his Spiritual Patients were not yet recovered, and that he was busie, repairing the Chappel the Portugueses had in that Village; the Emperor bid him stay, and go on with his good Works, but be sure to recommend him to God in his Prayers; and after two Months were expired, not to fail, where-ever he should be, to come to him.

The Emperor hearing that Athanate••s, who must have left the Court much about the same time with Father Peter, had not as yet joined his Troops with those of Za Selasse; whose pretence for Rebelling was Religion being in dan∣ger; endeavoured to have got between them, so as to have hindered their conjunction; but Athanateus having had notice of this design, defeated it, by passing the River Nile sooner than otherwise he intended to have done: Upon this design miscarrying, for want of ha∣ving been kept secret, or by having been com∣municated to some of Athanateus Friends that were about the Emperor; John Gabriel, who commanded all the Portugueses that were in the Imperial Army, advised the Emperor to de∣lay coming to a Battel, and the rather because the Heads of the Rebels were men of such

different designs, that it was not likely that they could hold long together; but the Emperor pushed on by his own natural Courage, and provoked by the Insolency of the Rebels, was deaf to this advice, and so did not only March directly towards them, but did offer them Battel so soon as he came up with them; and notwithstanding Seventy of his best Troopers, who, I doubt, were Portugueses, before a stroke was struck, went over to the Enemy, that did not hinder the Emperor from engaging with them; the fight was bloody for some time, the Victory continu∣ing doubtful, till the Emperor, as he was fighting in Person more like a Heroe than a General, was Slain; upon whose fall, * 3.4 his Men reckoning that they had then nothing to Fight for, threw down their Arms, and cri'd out for Quarter. Those of the Portuguese Blood on both sides, are said to have done Miracles on this occasion; but we have had so many of those Miracles in Gama's Expedition, that it would make the Reader sick to trouble him with any more.

There are said to have been Two hun∣dred of the Roman Catholick Profession in the Two Armies; which if it was so, it ought to have obliged Father Peter to have gone with the Emperor, to have Confessed those that were in his Army before they engaged, rather than to have staid behind to do it to Two of that Professi∣on, and whom he had then been Confessing for above Six Weeks.

But as we know little of what the Jesuits did in Ethiopia, but from their own reports; so if any thing be brought to light in the managing of these Missions that does not make much for the honour of their Order, the discovery thereof must be owing purely to the irresistible power of truth, which, though never so artificially disguised, will still give some glimpses of it self.

The Emperor, though not actually recon∣ciled to the Church of Rome when he was slain, is said for his good inclinations to it, to have had a Miracle wrought on his Body; it was not to bring him to life again; which the Empe∣ror who took it out of the Earth to give it a more honourable Enterment, would have been very sorry should have been the effect of his Piety; but the Miracle was, That his Body when taken out of the Ground Ten years after it had been lodged in it, was found intire: A plain evidence, saith a Jesuit, of the integrity of his Faith, Death not being strong enough to exercise its tyranny on a body which had been so incorrupt in all matters of Justice.

As to Father Peter's lamenting the Empe∣ror's Death so much as he does in a Letter, I do not take that to be any argument at all of his not having been privy to the Conspiracy, but of the Conspirators having either carried things far∣ther than he would have had them, or perhaps than they themselves at first intended, or of his having been too far engaged therein by his first Patron, the Viceroy of Tigre, before he saw the Court, to go back with honour or safety.

Athanateus amidst the triumphs of his Victo∣ry, was not unmindful of his Friend Father

Peter, * 3.5 but writ to him to repair immedi∣ately to his Camp, promising to grant him every thing that he should desire of him: The Father, his two Spiritual Patients being either Dead or quite Recovered by this time, ac∣cepted readily of the invitation, and being come to Athanateus's Camp, was received by him with extraordinary Kindness and Re∣spect.

But the Father after he had been some time among the Rebels, finding their Heads strangely divided how they should dispose of the Crown now they had it in their hands, * 3.6 some of them being for restoring it to Jacob, and others for giving it to Suseneus, a Bastard Son of Faciladas, the Third Son of the Em∣peror David; he judged it his safest course to retire to Fremona, there to wait till he saw where the Crown would fix; and ha∣ving received advice of the arrival of some Jesuits at Fremona, that furnished him with a fair pretence for leaving Athanateus to go thi∣ther, to learn what news they brought from the Indies: And having got Athanateus's pro∣mise, That the Portugueses who were in the Emperor's Service should not be punished with the loss of their Estates, which they were reckoned to have forfeited, he took his leave of him for some time.

The Father when he came to Fremona, found the Two Jesuits there, who were to have come along with him from Dio; and within a few days after, Two Fathers more came to him, who were Father Lawrence an Italian, and Father Luis a Portuguese; so that the Jesuits

were now as strong as ever in Ethiopia, only they wanted a Patriarch.

Father Peter, during this his retirement, is said to have taken a great deal of pains to lit∣tle purpose, with an Habassin Monk to convert him to the Roman Church; but what the Fa∣ther could not do, was done one Night by a dream the Monk had; which was, That he should certainly be damned if he did not go presently and confess himself to the Father: Whom we shall leave confessing his dreaming Convert, and return to see what the Rebels are do∣ing.

The Grandees, * 3.7 tho they all agreed to pull down the late Emperor, yet when they came to fill the Throne again, fell all in pieces, some being for restoring Jacob, and others for pro∣claiming Suseneus, without so much as once mentioning the Son of the late Emperor, be∣ing afraid, it is like, to put the Son in the Throne they had dragged the Father out of.

This Suseneus, as has been observed, was a natural Son of Faciladas, the Viceroy of Gojam, the Third Son of the Emperor David. He had been most of his time in Arms, not against the Emperors, but their Ministers, who he pre∣tended had unjustly deprived him of the Lands that were left him by his Father; by which course of life he was become the best Captain, and had got a small body of the best Discipli∣ned men in Ethiopia under his Command.

Upon the present Vacancy of the Throne, * 3.8 Suseneus, looking upon his own title to it to be the same with that of Jacob's, who was a ba∣stard no less than he, sends his Confident Bella

Christos, to Rez Athanateus, to acquaint him with his intention of pretending to the Crown, and to try if he could persuade him to declare for him, making vast promises of what he would do for him if he would help him to it.

Athanateus, who upon some heats which had happened between them, had left Za Selasse, who was altogether for restoring Jacob, recei∣ved Suseneus's Message but coldly, which makes it probable that he was for setting up himself, being incouraged to do it by some promises that had been made him of Portuguese Succors; but Suseneus apprehending that it would be so, followed the Messenger he sent to Athanateus, in Person with his Army; and being come within a days March of him, sent him word, that if he did not declare for him presently, he would visit him next day, and did not doubt but to give him cause to repent of his Irreso∣lution. Athanateus being sensible that he could neither avoid coming to blows with Su∣seneus, nor was strong enough to deal with him, submitted and joined with him in pro∣claiming him Emperor: Upon which rein∣forcement, Suseneus dispatched a Courier to Za Selasse, and his Confederates, to acquaint them with his being now proclaimed Emperor of Ethio∣pia, commanding them upon their Allegiance, and as they loved themselves and their Countrey, to lay down their Arms, and submit themselves peacea∣bly to him.

Za Selasse, who was a turbulent man, and cared for no Emperor that was not of his own making, nor for them long neither, was much sur∣prized

at this brisk Message; and having cal∣led a Council of War, to consider what was best to be done in this juncture, it was unani∣mously agreed that they should send Suseneus back word, that they had sent for the Emperor Jacob, and were every day expecting him, to re∣sume the Crown he had been so unjustly deprived of. Suseneus, tho much troubled at this answer, sent them a Second Message immediately, to acquaint them, That since God had been pleased to bestow the Crown upon him, he was resolved ne∣ver to part with it, but with his life, neither to Jacob, nor to his Father Malac Sagued, if he should rise from the Dead and pretend to it.

Za Selasse, detaining this Second Messenger Prisoner, went himself with his Army to re∣turn an answer to Suseneus; who having re∣ceived advice of his advancing towards him, and knowing himself not to be strong enough to give him Battel, retreated to the Mountains of Amara, leaving Athanateus to shift for him∣self; and to make the best terms he could with the Confederates; who upon his having pleaded, that he was constrained much against his will to give his consent to Suseneus being proclaimed Emperor, was not only pardoned by them, but was restored to his former Post in their Army; * 3.9 which having waited some Months, and no Jacob appearing among them, the Soldiers began to Mutiny, telling their Offi∣cers plainly, That they would wait no longer for a Milksop, who had neither the wit to keep a Crown when he had it, nor the courage to come to have it restored to him again. Za Selasse, not knowing what to say for Jacob's not having come all that

time, and fearing lest the Soldiers and Offi∣cers might declare Suseneus Emperor without him, resolved to be before-hand with them, and to have the thanks of doing it himself: And accordingly he dispatched a Courier im∣mediately to Suseneus, to invite him to come and take the Empire upon him, promising to maintain him in the possession thereof with the last drop of his blood. Suseneus, tho overjoy'd at the News, did not care to trust his person with the Army, without some farther assurance of their good intentions, than Za Selasse's word; And for his farther satisfaction in that matter, he sent an eminent Monk to the Army, with a Commission to administer an Oath of Alle∣giance to them; and according to the custom of Ethiopia, to Excommunicate all that should hereafter withdraw themselves from his Obe∣dience.

The whole Army having taken the Oath, * 3.10 the Monk after having pronounced an Ex∣communication upon it, returned to Suseneus with the good news of his being unanimously Sworn Emperor with all the usual Solemni∣ties; and with the Monk there went Ten of the chief Officers from the Army, to invite the Emperor to make all the haste he could to come to them. The Ten Commissioners from the Army found Suseneus advanced to a place called Begameder, where they delivered their Message to him, with this assurance, That the Army now it had placed the Crown on his head, would maintain it there, against all pretenders whatsoever, particularly Jacob.

But while the Commissioners were giving Suseneus these assurances of the good Affection and Fidelity of the Army, * 3.11 Za Selasse received a Letter from Jacob, acquainting him with his being come as far as Dembea, and desiring him to March the Army that way to meet him; Za Selasse was put into a great plunge by this Letter, not knowing what he had best to do, whether continue firm to Suseneus, to whom he had so lately taken an Oath of Allegiance, or to follow his inclinations in declaring for Jacob; and having called all his Confidents together, and laid the whole matter before them, they came to a resolution to declare themselves for Jacob, and did so, commanding him to be proclaimed Emperor thorough the Army, and the Army to march to meet him: The Officers and Soldiers, who had scarce done Swearing to Su∣seneus, were no less than Selasse for laying him aside, and adhering to Jacob, now they heard he was coming to them, as their rightful and undoubted Emperor. Za Selasse having com∣manded the Army to March, sent a Courier in great haste to the Commissiomers that were with Suseneus, to acquaint them with the Ar∣my's having declared for Jacob: Upon which notice, Eight of them stole from Begameder; but the other two being stopped, paid for all, being put to Death publickly as Trai∣tors.

Suseneus not finding himself strong enough to fight Selasse, retreated upon this News to his former Fastness, not despairing but that ere long he might be in a capacity of chastising those that had betray'd him thus.

Jacob was met by the Army near the Lake of Dembea, * 3.12 which together with the whole Countrey strived to atone for their former ill usage of him by the extravagancy of their Joy, and Acclamations upon his resuming the Crown. But among all the Grandees, Raz Athanateus, his old Governor, was the most graciously received by him, being put immediately into places of the greatest Trust and Honour about him; Who, as he was one day discoursing with the Emperor, took occasion to recom∣mend Father Peter to him, as a Person of ex∣traordinary Abilities; and who, if he would employ him, was capable of doing him great Service; acquainting him likewise with Za Danguil's having a little before his Death writ Letters to the Pope and King of Spain for some Portuguese succors.

The Emperor upon Athanateus having re∣commended Father Peter to him so highly, sent a Courier to Fremona, to invite him to Court. The Father taking two Jesuits more with him, repaired thither immediately, and was very graciously received by the Empress Mariam Cima, who was now likewise in great power again; as he was by the Emperor also when he returned to the Camp, which he had been absent from for some weeks.

The Emperor is said to have had several Con∣ferences with the Fathers about Religion; and to have been persuaded by them into the belief of the Roman Church being the Head and Mi∣stress of all other Churches; promising when he returned from an Expedition he was then go∣ing

upon, to submit himself to her; and as an earnest of his Affections for the Portugueses, he bestowed better Lands upon them than those they had before.

Jacob, * 3.13 being sensible of the sickleness of the Affections of his people, and of the greatness of Su∣seneus's Spirit, who still continued to look up∣on himself, and act as Emperor, made him ve∣ry honourable Propositions, upon condition that he would give over pretending to the Crown; and would promise to live quietly as became a good Subject; offering him by the Mediation of his Mother, the Viceroyship of the Kingdoms of Amara, Olear, and Xoa; together with all the Lands that his Father had dyed posses∣sed of, which was all that he had pretended to in the former Reigns.

But Suseneus having wore the Crown, found such charms in it, * 3.14 that nothing under it could now satisfy him; so his answer to Jacob's Pro∣position was, That since it was God and not men that had bestowed the Crown upon him, he only that gave it should take it from him; being resol∣ved, so long as he had a head to wear it, to keep it on it. Jacob finding by this bold answer, that his Controversy with Suseneus must be decided by the Sword, and not by Treaty, Mar∣ched against him with a great Army; but Su∣seneus hearing of his advancing towards him with a power much Superior to his, both in Number and Strength, retired again to the Mountains, where he knew there was no at∣tacking him, but upon such disadvantages, as would make their Forces to be equal.

Jacob being informed thereof, divided his Army, in order to cut Suseneus off from all Communication with the low Countries from whence he was to be supplied with all neces∣sary Provisions; * 3.15 hoping by that means either to starve him, or bring down his stomach. But Suseneus finding that there was no remedy, but that he must either venture out, and fight, or starve among the Mountains (to treat of submitting being a thing he would never once suffer to enter into his thoughts) he resolved on the former; and being advised of Za Selasse being posted with half of the Army near Montadefer, he sallied out of his Fastnesses upon him, and like another Scanderbeg, cut most of his troops in pieces, as they lay dispersed in their Quar∣ters; Za Selasse himself having narrowly esca∣ped falling into his hands; who having carried the bad News of his own defeat to the Empe∣peror, was so coldly entertain'd by him, that he resolved to desert him, and go over to Su∣seneus, as a person on whom he thought Pro∣vidence would one day or other certainly devolve the Crown. And in pursuance of this resolution, he dispatched a Courier privately to Suseneus, with the terms whereon he was ready to de∣clare for him, and assist him in his pretentions to the Empire to the utmost of his power. Su∣seneus was too sensible of how great advantage it would be to him, to gain such a popular man as Selasse to his party, to deny him any thing that he desired; and so notwithstanding his terms were extravagantly high, he granted them all without making any words about them, knowing that whenever he should come to

be possessed of the Empire, Selasses's turbulent Spirit would undoubtedly furnish him with pretences to justifie his not making good his promises to him, in any particular that should not be for his honour or safety to grant to him.

Za Selasses's Courier being returned to him with a full grant of all that he had desired of Suseneus, and that not only under his own hand, * 3.16 but confirmed with the solemnity of an Oath, he withdrew himself privately from the Emperor's Camp, and having got into the Kingdom of Gojam, of which he had been made Viceroy a little before by Jacob, he there in a short time got together a consider∣able body of Men, with which he Marched and joyned Suseneus, who received him with all possible demonstrations of joy and affecti∣on, as one sent from Heaven to help him to the Empire, which he had set his heart so much upon, that he did not care to outlive the hopes of attaining it.

Suseneus judging himself, with this Rein∣forcement, strong enough to fight Jacob, Marched out of the Mountains to meet him, intending to decide their Quarrel by a pitch'd Battel; but when he came near Jacob's Camp, finding him much stronger than he thought he had been, he changed his measures, resol∣ving to act only upon the defence.

But Jacob having now got his Enemy out of his Fastnesses, and knowing himself to be much superior to him in number, for he is said to have had Thirty to One, determined to fall upon him in his Camp, and having got between him and the Mountains, he

commanded the Signal for a general Assault to be given; which being observed by Suse∣neus, he called all his Officers together, and told them, That since it was not now possible for them to avoid a Battel, they must either resolve to make themselves Lords and Princes by fighting manfully, or be content to be Slaves so long as they lived; That for his part he was resolved either to Conquer, or not to survive the Battel, desiring them to Fight no longer than they saw him facing the Enemy: That if they would Sally out of their Trenches and fall upon the Enemy, which he took to be the best course, it being what the Enemy did not expect, he would lead them on in Person. The Officers and Soldiers being strangely ani∣mated by this brisk Speech, gave a shout, * 3.17 and said, They were ready to follow him whereso∣ever he should lead them, or to go wheresoever he would Command them. Suseneus glad to see his men in such a heat, did not give them time to cool, but marched, or rather rushed like a tor∣rent upon the Enemy, disordering them so by the violence of the first shock he gave them, that they dispersed immediately, so that it was much more like a Slaughter than a Fight, the Conqueror having lost but Three Men in the Action; for where-ever Suseneus appeared, the Enemy, according as his Historian Timo reports, fell before him as so many dry leaves off a fig-tree before the wind, or like a swarm of Locusts when they fall into the Sea.

Jacob not caring, it's like, * 3.18 to live to be Deposed a second time, was killed fighting, as was also the Abuna, whom Jacob had carried with him to fulminate his Excommunications against his Enemies.

Raz Athanateus, who had stuck to Jacob to the last, having made his escape, shut himself into the Monastery of Dina, where he con∣tinued till he had obtained his Pardon, which was procured by the New Emperor's Brother, Raz Sela Christos, the Heroe, as we shall see hereafter, of the Jesuits Histories.

Suseneus, whom hereafter we are to call Seltem Saged, having Pardoned all that were in Arms against him, excepting the Mahome∣tan, Mahurdin, who had killed the Emperor Za Danguil with his own hand, had all the Grandees instantly at his feet, and the accla∣mations of the common People as loud as his Predecessor.

The Fathers, during all the time of this broyl, kept close at Fremona, expecting to see to whom the Crown would fall at last; and having received certain advice of Seltem Sa∣ged's great Success, and of his being proclaim∣ed Emperor every where, they sent two of their number to wait upon him, and Con∣gratulate him upon his late Victory; Father Peter, who had been so very intimate with Jacob, not being looked upon as so fit a Per∣son for to carry this Complement.

The Two Fathers, * 3.19 whose Names were Lawrence Romano, and Antony Fernandez, were graciously received by the Emperor, who to do them the greater Honour commanded his Purveyor to send their Supper to them; and was afterwards so mindful of them, as to ask him whether he had sent them any Wine; and being told, that by reason of the Wines being distributed among the Nobles before he was

ordered to send them any thing, he had not; the Emperor was very angry, asking him, How he durst be guilty of such an Error? commanding him to go presently and carry his own portion of Wine to them, saying, I will drink Water rather than they shall. When the Fathers judged it proper, they went to wait upon the Emperor a second time; who after some Complements, asked them, Where they resided? And being told by them, That they had no certain Habitation in Habassia; He thereupon appointed them a Residence in a place near the Lake of Dembea: The Fathers having thanked him for his kind offer, told him, That they would be better satisfied if he would be pleased to order their former Residence at Gorgora, which had been taken from them after they had built a Church there, to be restored to them again; which he ordered to be done presently, commanding them to write to Father Peter, * 3.20 of whom he said he had heard great things, to come to him; but not being satisfied with having bid them do it, he sent an express to him him∣self, to come to Court immediately: The Father when he came was most graciously re∣ceived by the Emperor; who every time the Father waited upon him, which he did daily, entered into a discourse with him about Reli∣gion.

Father Tellez, though he would not take upon him to decide who had the best Title to the Crown, Jacob or Suseneus, sets down what was to be said on both sides: Jacob, saith he, was undoubtedly nighest to the Crown in the Royal Line, in being the Son of Malac Saged, who was

Emperor; he had besides been Emperor himself for Seven years, and that with the Approbation of the People, who had also restored him after he had been Deposed for some time; neither was his being a Bastard any bar to him, since according to the Na∣tural and Civil Law, a Bastard may succeed his Father, as John the First of Portugal did his Fa∣thor Don Peter; besides, Suseneus was a Bastard no less than Jacob. On the other side, saith Tellez, it may be alledged, That Jacob having been deposed to make room for Za Danguil, who was both the true Heir, and was chosen by the Grandees and People, upon Danguil's death the Throne became void, and the Election of an Em∣peror out of the Royal Family, devolved to the Commonwealth; whereupon Suseneus, who was the Grandson of an Infante, was chosen Emperor by the Army, upon Jacob's having delayed coming to them: Concluding, That whatever Princes Titles or Pretences in such cases may be in Specula∣tion, according to the Practice of the World, he has the best Title that ••••s the longest Sword. But to return to the Fathers, who having staid at Court till Winter, obtained leave to go to Gorgora to fix a Residence there; but they had not been gone a Month, be∣fore the Emperor writ to them to come to Court again, declaring that he could not be without their Company any longer: The Fathers obey'd the summons, and re∣paired to Coga, a place near the Lake of Dembea, where the Emperor at that time had his Camp. They were no sooner arrived, but the Emperor gave them an Audience, and after that was over, ordered

them to Dine with him, that is, in the same Room, though not at the same Table.

The Portugueses give a tedious account of the particulars of this Entertainment; the main of which are, That the Emperor does not feed himself, but has his Meat put into his Mouth by his Pages; that his Diet was plain, and without any thing of Cookery; and that he had neither Knife, Spoon, Ta∣ble-Cloth, nor Napkin, and had Bread for his Trencher; and never Drank till he had done Eating.

Father Peter and his Companions never missed the Emperor's Levee, the Emperor ta∣king great delight to discourse with them a∣bout Religion, and the difference that is be∣tween the Habassin and Roman Churches; which Conferences having continued for some time, * 3.21 the Emperor sent one day to Fa∣ther Peter to come to him alone; and being come he told him, That nowithstanding he was convinced that he ought to submit him∣self and his Empire to the Pope, yet it would not be safe for him to attempt it, before he had some assurance that the King of Portugal would assist him against those who would op∣pose him in doing of it; That he intended therefore to write a Letter to the Pope, and another to the King about it. The Father having extolled his good intentions, encoura∣ged him to write those Letters, assuring him of as good an Answer to them as he could desire.

The Emperor Seltem Saged's Letter to the Pope.

THE Letter of the Emperor of Ethiopia, * 4.1 Malac Eguet, cometh to the holy Pope of Rome, with the Peace of our Lord Christ, who loved us, and washed us from our Sins in his blood, and hath made us a Kingdom and a Priest∣hood to God the Father: May this Peace be always with your Holiness, and the Catholick Church of Christ. Amen.

We have for a long time had a great affection for the Christians of your parts, upon the account of the benefits this Empire received from them when it was formerly rescued by the Portugueses out of the hands of Mahometans, and restored by them to its ancient estate and quiet; most of whose Race died in our Father's Reign, who was willing they should enjoy what his Ancestors had given them; whereupon so soon as, through God's Grace, I took the Government of the Empire upon me, I determined to renew our Alliance with the Faithful People of Christ, in order to remedy the manifest distractions our Empire of late years has been put into by the Mahometans; for notwith∣standing we have subdued most of our Domestick Enemies, we have Enemies still that are much more Powerful, that is, the Infidel Gauls, who have Conquered a great part of our Empire, and destroyed many of our Churches, and which is worst of all, are daily Invading us, and exercising un∣heard-of Cruelties on Old Men, Widows, and

Children, whom we are not able to protect, with∣out being assisted by our Brother the Emperor of Por∣tugal; We do therefore implore his aid, as our An∣cestors did that of his Predecessors formerly; and that there may be no failure, we resolved to intreat your Holiness, who is the Father and Pastor of all faithful Christians, to write to our Brother, to grant us what we desire of him, before the Gauls grow stronger upon us.

As to the landing of the Succors he shall send, it will be done without any danger, they that are the Masters of our Coast, being at this time very weak at Sea; so being assured that your Holiness will as∣sist us according to our necessities, we will trouble you with no more words, but shall refer the relation of the state of our Empire, and of the kindness where∣with we Treat those of the Portuguese race, and of the care we take of the Fathers and their Churches, to Father Peter Pays, to whom I have recommended the doing of it; and to whose account I desire you to give the same credit as you do to this Letter. We conclude, praying that our Lord Christ would preserve your Holiness for many Years for the good of the Catholick Church.

Written in Ethiopia on the 14th of October, 1607.

The Emperor's Letter to the King of Spain.

THE Letter sent by the Emperor Malac Eguet, * 5.1 cometh to the Emperor of Spain, the Holy Land of St. Peter, the Prince of the Do∣ctors and of the Catholick Church of our Lord, of which the Apostle St. Paul said, I have betrothed thee to one man, to present thee a chast Vir∣gin to Christ, To whom be glory; and in imitation of the most pure Messenger St. Gabriel, who saluting our Lady the Virgin, said, The Lord save thee; and of Christ our Lord, who on the Evening of the Lord's-day after his Resurrection, said to his Apostles, being assembled together, Peace be among you; and as St. Paul writes in all his Epistles, The Peace of our Lord be with your Majesty, our Brother in the Faith, that was preach∣ed by St. Peter, at the time when our Lord Christ commanded his Apostles to go all over the world, and preach the Gospel to all Nations, bapti∣zing them in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the holy Ghost. How is your Majesty, and how is your Empire? we are in health thorough the Intercession of St. Peter, your and our Master. May Christ our Lord, who is the beginning and end of all things, carry on that Amity and Friendship which he hath begun be∣tween us.

The principal cause of my writing to your Majesty at this time, is to renew the Familiarity and Cor∣respondence which was between our Ancestors; which Friendship, together with the Adoption of the Holy Spirit, has much enobled us. Wherefore we desire

your Majesty, to send us some strong and stout Sol∣diers, to help us to beat the Enemy out of our Ports; your Troops when they arrive will find us provided with Arms, and all other necessary Provisions of War, and in a readiness to assist them to the utmost: It being much fitter that those Ports should be in your Majesty's hands, than in the hands of the greatest Enemies of our holy Faith; your Majesty's Ancestors sent an Army of Gallant men into Ethiopia at a time when the Enemy was ready to have destroy'd our Faith, and Empire. We might destroy all our Enemies with great ease, if we were assisted by the powerful Kings that profess the Gospel; and who do comfort our hearts with the Memory of heavenly things, we being all Sons of Heaven, as St. John witnesseth, saying, What is born of the flesh is flesh, and what is born of the Spirit is Spirit. Furthermore we are at war with another Enemy, who are called Gauls, and who do give us much trouble: Wherefore we beseech your Majesty to send us some stout Troops, and such as are Zealous for our holy Apostolical Faith, and that with all possible Expedition: We on our part have for some time been ready to receive them; and if they were once come, it will quickly appear, that all that we design is feasible. For why, since Christ our Lord is our Common Head, and we are all his Members, and the Heavenly Father hath begot us all in one Womb of Baptism, and that not with corruptible seed, should we not be all tied in one chain of love with one Soul and one Body.

If these Letters were writ by the Habassin Emperor, which I do very much doubt, they plainly discover that the Fathers chief Argu∣ment

to persuade him to submit himself to the Pope, was the promise of Portuguese Troops; but the reason why I suspect these Letters not to have been writ by the Emperor, but by some Missionary in the Indies, and who had never so much as been in Ethïopia, are, 1. That Seltam Saged, or Suseneus's Father, was never Emperor, as he is said in these Letters to have been. 2. Guerreiro, in his relation of Ethio∣pia, printed at Lisbon in the Year 1611, sets them down under the name of the Emperor Jacob, * 5.2 or Malasequet. 3. Their Phraseology, excepting an affected sprinkling here and there of uncouth Phra∣ses, as also their Complements are so much Spanish, that an Habassin has not less of the air of a Spa∣niard, than they have of the Letters that were certainly known to have been writ by some of those Emperors. Lastly, Pereira tells us, That the Habassin Emperors from the time that the remains of Gama's Troops went over to the Turks, and assisted them against Ademas, dreaded nothing so much, as the coming of Portuguese Soldiers from the Indies; but whatever the Emperors did, there being nothing that the Jesuits desired so ear∣nestly, it is to be feared, that they made bold with the Emperor's name in the solliciting of them.

But there are more Letters behind, which whether genuine or suppositious, I shall set down; leaving them to the censure of the ju∣dicious Reader.

The Letter of Raz Athanateus to the King of Portugal.

THE Letter of Peace and Love, * 6.1 sent by Athanateus, cometh to the High and Power∣ful Emperor of Portugal, with the Peace of our Lord Christ, who was Crucified on the holy Cross for the Redemption of the World; May this Peace be always with your Majesty. The cause of my writing this Letter to you, is the earnest desire that the Emperor and I both have to see some Portu∣guese Troops in this Countrey; We do therefore most earnestly beseech your Majesty, to send us a Body of stout well-disciplin'd men, in order to there co∣vering of our Ports, which are at this time in the hand of the Enemies of our Faith. When your Sol∣diers arrive, we will take care that they shall be supplied with Arms, and all other Necessaries. Your Majesty's Ancestors assisted us, when the Ma∣hometans broke in upon us; and we do to this day remember what great things Christ wrought for us by their means; I must therefore a second time intreat your Majesty, to send us a Body of stout Soldiers, whom when they arrive, I shall be ready to receive with open Arms; and my mind gives me they will come at some time or other; concern∣ing which affair, Father Peter Pays will write more at large to your Majesty.

Written in Ethiopia the 13th of December, 1607.

The Letter of Raz Athenateus to the Viceroy of the Indies

THE Letter of Peace and Love, * 7.1 sent by Athenateus, cometh to the great Viceroy of the Indies, with the peace of our Lord Christ, who died on the holy Cross for our Redemption; may that Peace be always with your Excellency, and your whole State. Amen.

Hear, Sir, My Father was always a great friend to the Portugueses that came into these parts, ha∣ving continually favoured them in all things, as I have done ever since his death, having on all occa∣sions assisted them both with my Interest and my Purse; and saved several of them when condemned to die, being willing to preserve the remains of the first Portugueses that came among us, until more should come to them for the good of this Empire.

I have had it for some years in my thoughts to write to you, but have still been hindered by the Wars we have of late been so much embroiled in, out of which God has been pleased to deliver us at last, and to give us an Emperor of a Sound Judg∣ment; and who governs all things with great pru∣dence, who upon my acquainting him with the great need we stand in of Portuguese Succors, was plea∣sed to write himself to the King of Portugal for some, commanding me to do the same, and to ac∣quaint him, how much we desire them, and how much their coming will be for God's Service. I must therefore intreat your Excellency, to lend us

your helping-hand in this affair, that so it may be brought to a speedy Issue; Let there be at least a Thousand Soldiers sent, and let it be done with all possible Expedition, for which Service you will have honour in the sight of God, who will undoubtedly re∣ward you for it; and were there but once a way opened for it, your Excellency shall want nothing that this Empire affords. I shall say no more, since Fa∣ther Peter Pays, who is acquainted with all my secrets, can disclose my whole heart to you. May our Lord God bring all to an happy Issue, and grant your Excellency many years of Life. Amen.

Had the Jesuits been so kind as to have published those Letters of Father Peter, that these refer to, we might then probably have known the true cause of that Father's having left Za Danguil's Court so abruptly as he did; but however that were, it is plain from what Athenateus writes of the Father's being ac∣quainted with all his Secrets, so as to be able to disclose his whole heart to the Viceroy, that they two had been plotting together; so that had the Thousand Portugueses Athenateus wrote for so earnestly, come, it is more than probable that he would have made use of them for his own Service; the getting the Ports of Matzua and Arkiko into the hands of the Por∣tugueses, and the erecting of Tigre by their As∣sistance into a Kingdom Independent of that of Ethiopia, being a thing the Fathers even when most in favour with the Emperors, were continually labouring to bring about: For Athenateus was not only never in favour with the Emperor, whose name he made use of in

these Letters, but on the contrary, as the Je∣suits themselves confess, he was reduced by him to the Miserable condition of a probre escu∣dero, or poor Waiting-man: Neither is it un∣likely that it was Athenateus having ruined himself and his Family, by intrieguing with the Fathers, that made him when he was up∣on his Death-bed reject their Assistance when they offered themselves to him; and that with indignation; not caring, it is like, to have any thing more to do with people that had deceived him so often. Tho to do the Fathers Justice, it was none of their fault that the Soldiers did not come by the first fair wind after they had promised them.

But the Habassin Empire, notwithstanding all its late great bleedings, was too full of bad humours to continue long quiet: * 7.2 For Seltam Saged was not well warm in his Throne, when a Fellow of base extraction was set up for the Em∣peror Jacob; and though he is said not to have resembled him in the least, either in Face or Person, yet he acted him so well, that he was followed by vast Multitudes. This Perkin, after having cost Ethiopia a vast quantity of blood, was killed at last by some of the Gran∣dees of his own Party, being grown weary of maintaining a Mock Prince at so great a charge.

Father Peter is said to have made himself very Popular on this occasion, by having persuaded the Emperor to pardon all the Common People, and most of the Nobles that had been engaged in this Rebellion; as likewise to Pardon a great herd of Peasants, who had provoked him

more by their Rudeness and Insolence, than by their having taken up Arms against him.

The Emperor having thus rid his hands of his Sham-Rival, removed his Camp from Coja, * 7.3 to a place called Deqhana, on the North-Side of the Lake of Dembea, which was not far from Gorgora, the new Residence of the Jesuits; by which means the Fathers had daily opportu∣nities of waiting on him, and of Discoursing with him about Matters of Religion. The argu∣ment of all others that persuaded the Empe∣ror the most effectually of the truth of Christ's having two Natures, was the Fathers shewing him a place in his own Hamanot Abea, a Book of the same nature with the Bibliotheca Patrum, wherein it was affirmed, That that Doctrine was believed by all the Ancient Doctors of the Church; and that Dioscorus, the Patriarch of Alex∣andria, was the first Bishop that had ever de∣nied it.

Raz Cella Christos, a Prince of great heat, and who was made Viceroy of Gojam by his Brother the Emperor at this time, * 7.4 was like∣wise convinced of the truth of that Doctrine by the same argument; and being once con∣vinced of it, nothing would serve him but he would publickly declare himself a Roman Ca∣tholick upon it, reckoning that the Alexan∣drians who had so grosly imposed upon him in one particular, had Mislead him in every point wherein they differ'd from the Roman Church. He would gladly have made his Abjuration and first Con∣fession at the feet of Father Peter; but the Fa∣ther not happening to be in the way when

he was called to go against the Gauls, who had made a great inroad into his Provinces, he would defer the doing of it no longer; and so made them at the feet of Father Francis, whom for that reason he ever after called his Master. Nevertheless after the Expedition was over, he made a general Confession of his whole Life to Father Peter, and with it a Solemn and Publick Declaration of his resolu∣tion to Live and Dye in the Roman Faith: His Example is said to have been followed by most of his Officers, and by several of the Grandees of the Court.

In the year 1607. Father Peter having writ a Letter to the K. of Spain, to acquaint him with Seltem Saged being Established in the Throne of Ethiopia, and to desire him to send to Con∣gratulate his accession to it; and to thank him for his kindness to the Fathers; that King complied so far with the Father's request, as in the Year 1609 to write the following Letter to the Emperor.

MOST Powerful Emperor of Ethiopia, * 8.1 I Don Philip, by the Grace of God King of Portugal and Algarves, Lord of Guinea, and of the Conquest, Navigation and Commerce of Ethiopia, Arabia, Persia and India, &c. Do send you much Health, as my Brother whom I love and prize much: Now since there has always been a good Correspondence and Amity between the Em∣perors your Ancestors, and the Kings of Portugal, to me it seemed just and fitting to write this to you, to let you know how much I rejoice at the News of

your accession to the Empire, and shall always rejoice to hear of your Prosperity, being ready as occasions shall offer to satisfy you in all things; and accord∣ingly I have recommended your affairs to these my Kingdoms, and to my State of India, and the Viceroy thereof, that they knowing how acceptable it will be to me, may be sure to comply with all your desires; and that this our Amity may continue, I do most passionately desire you, to write all your News to me, as I shall do mine to you. I do earnestly re∣commend the Friars that are in your Kingdom to you, which is my chief Obligation, namely, Fa∣ther Peter Pays, desiring that they no less than the Portugueses may be Treated as it is reason∣able. Most Powerful Emperor, whom I love and prize as my Brother, May our Lord have your Royal Person and State in his holy Pro∣tection.

Written at Madrid the 15th of March, 1609.

The Emperor is said to have been very proud of this Letter, and the more because it was writ before the King had received the Letter he is said to have sent to him in the year 1607. In the year 1611 the Emperor received the following Letter from the Pope, in answer to that he is said to have writ to him in the year 1607.

Paul the Vth's Letter to the Emperor of Ethiopia.

To our most dear Son in Christ, Health ad Apo∣stolical Benediction.

WE give thanks to God the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, * 9.1 for having been so mer∣ciful to you, as to restore you to your Royal Throne, as you write he has done; We do Congratulate your success, and do commend you mightily for your Zeal in Defence of the Christian Faith, for which as we understand by your first and second Letters, you are very fervent: We have, according, to your de∣sires, recommended the necessity of your Kingdoms to our most dear Son in Christ, Philip, the Catho∣lick and Powerful King of Spain, who we hope will be induced by his Magnanimity and Zeal for the Christian Faith, to assist you powerfully; having order'd our Apostolical Nuncio that is with his Ca∣tholick Majesty, to sollicit what you have desired with great diligence. What remains, dear Son, is to exhort you to persevere constantly and immove∣ably in the fear of God, and Stoutly and Zealously to defend the Christian name; and to continue al∣ways devoted to the holy Roman Catholick and Apostolick Church, your most loving Mother, as we in our Prayers which we make to God, before the Most holy Bodies of the Apostles, for our Sons the Christian Kings and Catholick Princes, shall al∣ways be sure to remember you, and to beg of him from whom all good things do proceed, that he would so

enlighten your Understanding with the Light of his holy Spirit, that you may do his will; and from the inward Bowels of our Charity we do most ten∣derly give our Blessing to your Majesty.

Written at Rome at St. Peter's, under the Ring of the Fisherman, on the 4th of January, in the Year 1611, and in the Sixth year of our Pontificate.

It is plain from this Letter, that the Popes do not stand so much upon their Punctilio's with remote Heretick Princes, * 9.2 as they do with those in Europe they reckon to be Hereticks. Paul in this Letter calling a Prince who was a Professed Eu••ychian Heretick, his most dear Son in Christ; a Title neither Urban would bestow upon King James, nor Gregory the Fifteenth upon the Prince of Wales, in their an∣swers to the unhappy Letters, wherein those Princes had been so civil as to give them the title of The most blessed Father.

The Emperor growing every day more and more inclinable to the Roman Church, for which his Brother Cella Christos had declared himself openly a Champion, suffering none to be about him, that were not either actually of her Communion, or that appeared not to be well disposed for it; did upon the Receipt of this kind Letter from the Pope, begin to think of Professing himself a Roman Catholick too; but being sensible that that could not be done without raising such a storm in his Empire, as it would not be possible for him to weather without Portuguese Troops, * 9.3 He is said to have resolved to send an Embassy to the King of Spain, to Sollicit that Affair by the way

of Melinde and Goa. The persons named for this Employment were Father Anthony Fernan∣des, and one Tecur Egzy, an Habassin of Qua∣lity, by whom the following Letters were sent to the Pope.

The Emperor's Letter to the Pope.

The Letter of the Emperor Seltem Saged, cometh with the Peace of the good Pastor Jesus to the Holy Roman Pope, Paul the Vth. the Head and Pastor of the Universal Church.

Holy and Loving Father,

WE have received your Letter of January 1611, * 10.1 which is full of that love where∣with a tender Father is inflamed when he receives a penitent Prodigal Son; and not having been able by reason of the sudden departure of the India Ships to return you an answer so soon as we desired, we have now determined to do it by another way, which we hope God will open unto us; and to that end we have sent Father Antonio Fernandes, of the Society of Jesus, who has for some time resi∣ded at our Court, and with him our Embassador Tecur Egzy, desiring that your Holiness may have speedy notice of our being brought by the preaching of the Fathers of the Society who are resident in our Empire, to the Knowledge of the truth of the faith of the Chair of the Blessed St. Peter, and of our being resolved to embrace the same, and to yield obedience to your Holiness as the Head of the Uni∣versal Church, so as for the future to be governed by a Patriarch of your sending; and that we may be put into a condition of yielding this obedience pub∣lickly,

it will be necessary for us to have some Troops from Don Philip the Powerful King of Portugal, without which we shall never be able to do it open∣ly. We do therefore most humbly beseech your Holi∣ness, that since as you have writ to us, you have been pleased to order your Apostolick Nuncio residing at his Catholick Majesty's Court, to sollicit this Af∣fair with great diligence, that you will renew your Orders to him, that so they may be both effectually and speedily executed, and so good an occasion may not be lost; and that in our days, and during his happy years, our Empire may find this necessary remedy. And since you are the Father of all Catholick Kings, hold us in the number of such; and as you offer Prayers to God for them, before the most holy Bo∣dies of the Apostles, do the same for us your hum∣ble Son.

Written at our Court of Dembea on the 13th of January, 1613.

But as the Emperor's Brother, Ras Cella Christos, was the chief promoter of this Em∣bassy, so he likewise writ a Letter to the Pope by it, which was as followeth:

The Letter of Cella Christos Viceroy of Gojam, cometh with the Peace of the Eternal Father, to the Holy Father Paul the Vth. the chief Pontiff, the Successor of St. Peter, and Head of the Church.

Most Beloved Father,

IF according to the Holy Scriptures, * 11.1 they who were far off are come near; I who was at a

vast distance, am now brought near by the Preaching of the Fathers of the Society of Jesus that reside in this Empire; for I having been commanded by my Brother Seltem Saged, my Lord the Emperor, to be present at se∣veral Conferences between the Fathers and our Learned men, I came at last to the Knowledge of the Truth of the Faith of the Chair of St. Peter, and of that Chair's being the Head of the Universal Church; which faith I thereupon embraced, and obliged my Brother the Emperor to do the same, and to yield obedience to your Holiness: But whereas it is not possible for the Emperor to yield that obedience openly, until such time as he shall have a Thousand Portugueses sent by Don Philip the most Power∣ful King of Spain to be his Guards; and being informed that in the Letter your Holiness did my Brother the honour to write to him, you signified that you had ordered your Apostolick Nuncio residing at the Court of his Catholick Majesty, to sollicit that Affair with extraordinary diligence; I took the confidence humbly to intreat your Holiness, to bring it speedily to a conclusion, that so that good work may be done during my Brother the Emperor's Life, and so glorious an occasion of saving a lost flock, and of restoring it to its true Pastor, may not be lost.

Whenever the Soldiers come, they will find me pre∣pared to die in my Saddle with them for the faith, if there should be occasion. I shall also with all my force labour to constrain others to embrace it, and to yield obedience publickly to your Holiness; and in the mean time, I will do all I can to dispose and incline our people to the faith which I am endea∣vouring at this time by translating, with the assi∣stance of the Fathers, the Commentaries of John

Maldonat upon the Gospels; with an intention of translating several other Books after that is finish∣ed. Wherefore most blessed Father, let your Holi∣ness look upon me as your Servant, who am resol∣ved to defend your Apostolick See with my Sword, as well as with all the Learning I am Master of; to the doing whereof I shall be much enabled, by the Prayers which your Holiness shall command to be offered for me, your Humble Servant, before the most holy Bodies of the Apostles.

Written at Dembea the 2d of February, 1613.

The way the Ambassadors were to take be∣ing setled, * 11.2 they begun their Journey in the beginning of March 1613, going first to Go∣jam, where they were kindly entertain'd for some time by the Viceroy; besides their Ha∣bassin Retinue, they were attended by Ten Por∣tugueses; Six whereof were to accompany them only to the Kingdom of Narea, but the other Four were to go with them to the Indies. On the Fifth of March they departed from Om∣brana with a strong Guard; and having Tra∣velled Westward two days, they arrived at Sinasse, the chief Town of Gongas; where ha∣ving in the Viceroy's name, demanded a Guard to conduct them to the Nile, it was deni'd them by the Infidels, the Natives of that Coun∣trey being all such: Whereupon they dis∣patched a Courier presently to the Viceroy to acquaint them therewith, who immediately ordered three Companies of Soldiers to March to Sinasse; and after having Conveyed the Ambassadors safe to Nile, in their return to

chastise the Gongazians for their Insolence; but the Infidels having had Intelligence how much the Viceroy resented their disobedience, in or∣der to pacify him, gave the Ambassadors a Guard, which waited upon them to Minas∣cet, a Town that stands upon the wind∣ing which the Nile makes towards Egypt.

The Embassadors passed that River which was very high at that time, upon Borachoes or hides full of Wind: After which they Travelled directly South till they came to the Kingdom of Na∣rea, whose Borders are about Fifty Leagues distant from that River. The Cafres, who are the Natives, though subject to the Habassin, disturbed them so much in their Journey, that they were forced to purchase a pas∣sage through the Countrey with trifling Presents.

Being arrived at Gondas, they were kindly entertained by the Governor, to whom the Viceroy had recommended them as his parti∣cular friends. * 11.3 Narea is the most Southern Countrey of Ethiopia, and is about Thirty or Forty Leagues in compass; its Inhabitants are reckoned to be the best and honestest sort of people in the whole Habassin Empire; they are well Shaped, and not very Black, and have thin Lips and long Noses; the Countrey is Fertile and Populous, and its chief Trade is in Slaves, in the Buying and Selling of whom its Merchants are said to be wonderfully ho∣nest. They were first Converted to Christia∣nity by Malac Saged, to which they had always been well disposed.

From Gonda the Embassadors went in Six days to the place where the Xuma or Viceroy of the Kingdom of Narea has his residence, by whom they were received very coldly, upon his being jealous that their business was to bring a Portuguese Army into Ethiopia, to force them to turn Roman-Catholicks; and ha∣ving called together all his Officers to consult how to Defeat this pernicious design, it was agreed among them, that the best way to divert this storm, was to persuade the Embassadors to change their course, and to go to the Indies by the way of Baly, and the Cape of Darfuy, which they represented to be both the shorter and safer way than that the Court had Chaked out for them; knowing at the same time, that it would be impossible for them to Travel through the Countries which are in the road to Daffuy, several of them being subject to Maho∣metan Princes, who would not suffer any pri∣vate Christian, and much less Christian Em∣bassadors, to Travel through their Countries. Baly is a Kingdom that belonged formerly to the Habassin, but was then in the Possession of the Mahometans and Gauls; it borders upon Adel, lying to the East of Narea so that the Embassadors in going that way, went back again in a manner; neither was the way that the Court had order'd them to take, much bet∣ter, by reason of the vast Deserts, and the un∣known Nations they were to have passed through before they got to Melinde.

The Viceroy having persuaded them to go his way, was very officious to furnish them with a Guard to conduct them out of his King∣dom;

and to blind his design the more, sent an Envoy to the King of Gingiro, through whose territories they were to pass to obtain a free and safe passage for them. Being arri∣ved at the Banks of Zebee, which is a much bigger River than the Nile, and which running like a torrent amongst steep Rocks, makes a most hideous noise, they met with a Bridge which was only a single Plank reaching from one Rock to another, and which besides that it was at a prodigious height from the water; it was so weak as to bend with the weight of one man; but there being no other Bridge, they were constrained to make use of this, and in a days time they all passed over it without losing a man.

Being now in the Kingdom of Gingiro, they halted at a Village not far from the Bridge, sending the Viceroy's Envoy before, to ac∣quaint the King of the Countrey with their arrival; but the King, who was a Heathen, was at that time so much employed in some extraordinary Conjurations, that it was a Week before the Envoy was permitted to speak with him; but so soon as the Solemni∣ty was over, he gave him an audience, and sent word by him to the Embassadors to come immediately to Court, promising to shew them all the kindness he was able.

The Embassadors being come to Court, found the King sitting on the top of a Build∣ing not unlike a Watch-Tower, it was Twenty five Palms in height, and about Thirty in breadth, the Courtiers stand all on the ground about it.

When the Embassadors offered to present the Emperor's Letters to the King, * 11.4 he came down from his Throne, and having received them with great Ceremony, he Skipped to the top of it again: For he is said in all his postures, features, and motions, to have resembled a Baboon much more than a Man. After he had read the Letters, he talked with the Embassadors a con∣siderable time by an Interpreter, who repeat∣ed both the King's Questions, and the Embassa∣dor's Answers with a most profound reverence, and at last dismissed them with assurances of his being ready to do them all good Offices.

The Embassadors having made the King a Present, obtained their Congè; and depart∣ing next day, they came at night to a River, which they crossed on Borachoes, that were pushed to the other side by men Swimming be∣hind them, * 11.5 and directed by one that Swom before; when they had passed this River, they were in the Province of Combute, the Prince whereof is Tributary to the Habassin. They were kindly entertain'd by this Prince, till one Manquer came to his Court, who though he pretended to have no other business there, but to receive the tribute that Prince paid, yet he was really sent by the Grandees of the Court; who having smelt out the secret of that Embassy, ordered him to follow it, and to stop it if he could possibly. In pursuance whereof Manquer, so soon as he had an opportunity whispered the King in the ear, That the Embassadors were not sent by the Emperor, who knew nothing of them, but by another that was to be nameless; meaning no doubt Raz Cella, the Emperor's Brother, and

that he ought not therefore to give any Credit to their Letters of Credence, which were all forged in the Emperor's name; That the business they were going to the Indies and Portugal about, was to bring an Army from thenee into Ethiopia, to com∣pel the people thereof to turn Papists, which Army was to be brought upon them through his Kingdom; so that he must expect to have the storm they were going to raise, to fall first upon him. Amelinel, for that was the King's name, believing all that Manquer had told him, sent presently to the Embassadors to come and speak with him; and having admitted them to his Pre∣sence, he told them roundly, that having been credibly informed, That they had no Commission from the Emperor, he could not do less than stop them, till he had an answer from him whether they were his Embassadors or not; and though the Embassadors endeavoured to satisfy him presently, by shewing him their Credentials; yet that would not do, but wait they must until Amelinel had the Emperor's An∣swer by a Courier he intended to send to him. The Embassadors finding there was no per∣suading of Amelinel to let them go, desired they might have leave to send a Courier of their own, with his, to the Court, which was granted them, but at the end of the third days Journey, the Couriers were both stopped; and after having been detained there Six Months, were sent back without having ever been near the Court.

But the Emperor, or his Brother, who I doubt was chiefly concerned in this Embassy, hap∣pening to hear of the Embassador's being

stopped, an angry Letter was writ thereupon to Amelinel in the Emperor's Name, Com∣manding him not only to permit the Ambassa∣dors to proceed on their Journey, but to furnish them also with such things as would be proper Pre∣sents for the Princes through whose Countries they were to pass. Whereupon Amelinel having begg'd their Excellencies Pardon for having detained them so long, and treated them so rudely, upon a misin∣formation; * 11.6 and having furnished them with some fine Horses for Presents, he dismissed them with a good guard, which he commanded not to leave them, till they saw them safe in the Kingdom of Alaba, whose Prince was a Maho∣metan, and had no dependance on the Habassin.

The Ambassadors had not been Three days at that King's Court, whose Name was Alico, before their old friend Manquer was up with them again, who having told Alico the same story he had told Amelinel, the Mahome∣tan not troubling himself to examine whose Ambassadors they were, ordered their Persons and Papers to be seized on presently; but the Ambassadors having had notice that there was such an Order preparing, had burnt all their Papers before the Officers came to ar∣rest them; * 11.7 and it was well for them they had; for had Alico had any other Evidence be∣sides Manquer's word, That their business in the Indies was to bring an Army from thence through his Kingdom into Ethiopia, it would certainly have cost them their lives; which though Alico spared for want of such Evidence as their Papers would have furnished him withall, yet he stripped them of their Equipage, and sent them back the

way they came, in a very tattered condition. Were but the true secret of this Embassy known, we might know, its like too what it was that made the Emperor not long after this so jealous of his Bro∣ther, as to turn him out of all his Offices.

But notwithstanding the Emperor did not as yet profess himself a Roman Catholick, as his Brother did openly; yet it being observed by the Ambitious Courtiers, * 11.8 That none were fa∣voured by him, or could pretend to any high post, but such as had either turned, or appeared to be prepared to do it, whenever he should give the word; they begun to Caress the Fathers ex∣treamly, making their court to them, by under∣valuing their own Clergy as a pack of Hypocrites and Dunces, and by magnifying the Church of Rome as a Body, that it was an honour for any one to be a Member of.

Upon Poperies growing thus fashionable at Court, * 11.9 the Countrey, which is seldom fond of Court-fashions, was so alarm'd by it, that it be∣gan to roar against the Emperor and his Bro∣ther at a most terrible rate, as bigotted Papists, that were resolv'd to destroy the established Religion by calling a Foreign Army in upon them; and the Fathers, as if the Habassins had not roared loud enough, to provoke them to roar louder, gave out a publick Challenge at this time to all the Learned of the Alexandrian Faith, if it had any such, to defend their Religion, if they were able, before the Emperor. Which bold challenge being accepted, * 11.10 there were divers publick Conferences about Religion held thereupon before the Emperor; In all which the Fathers, but by their own Brethren, are said to have been

Victorious, and by their great skill in School-Divinity, to whose subtleties the Habassins were utter strangers, to have baffled them shamefully at every turn, to the admiration of the whole Court.

When the Monks and Fathers had done Disputing, the Emperor, with the advice of his Cabinet Council, * 11.11 put forth a Proclamation prohibiting all his Subjects upon severe Penalties, to affirm that there is but one Nature in Christ.

The Abuna, Simon, hearing of the Disputa∣tions that had been held at Court, and of the Proclamation they had ended in, made all the speed he could thither, and being come to Court, he threatned the Emperor with an Ex∣communication for having held publick Disputati∣ons about Religion without his leave. The Em∣peror endeavoured to pacify the angry Old Man, by telling him, That it was true that he had permitted some Conferences, but for no other end, but to remove a Schism that was in the Church; but now that be was come, he might, if he pleased, have the Conferences renewed again.

The Abuna, though his talent is said not to have lain much that way, gave his Consent to have the Disputations renewed; and Learned Men having been appointed on both sides to manage the Debate, the Fathers in the Con∣ferences did demonstrate the Truth of Christ's having two Natures so evidently, * 11.12 from the Scriptures, Councils, and right Reason, that the Habassins had nothing that was material to say against it, the Abuna himself not having offered one word in defence of his Faith, when he saw his Monks most miserably baffled.

It is remarkable, That it was the policy of the Jesuits to make the Doctrine of Christ's ha∣ving two Natures, and not that of the Pope's Su∣premacy, against which, by what the Empe∣ror Claudius did, we know the Habassins had enough to say, the point that was debated in all their publick Conferences, which was not so proper, considering that the Habassins might have believed that Doctrine, as the Reformed and Greek Churches do, without being the nearer to the Church of Rome for it; for it does not at all follow, That because Christ had two Natures, that the Pope must therefore he his Vicar upon Earth; and that all Christian Churches must submit themselves to him: The very Fathers that established that Doctrine in the Council of Calcedon, having denied that the Pope had any Supremacy, but what he owed to Rome's being the first City is the Roman Empire; as I have observed else∣where.

Upon the Habassins being thus baffled upon a point the Church of Rome was no more concerned in than the Church of England, the Fathers in the heat of their triumph, did drive on the Emperor at a most furious rate, persuading him to set forth another Proclamation, making it death for any one to deny that there are two Na∣tures in Christ: But the Abuna, though he had little to say for his Religion at the Conferences, * 11.13 endeavoured after he had left the Court, to make amends for his silence there, by roaring the louder through the Countrey as he went home; and being sensible that besides the whole body of the People, he had the Emperor's Mother, and his half-brother Emana Christos, with se∣veral

other Grandees on his side; he was no sooner got home, then he thundered out an Excommunication against all, not except∣ing the Emperor, that had, or should submit themselves to the Pope.

The Emperor was at first troubled at this Censure; * 11.14 but being afterwards satisfied by the Fathers of its Nullity, he was provoked by it to set forth a Proclamation, desiring all his Subjects to embrace the Roman Faith, Com∣manding that Proclamation to be published by the Judges throughout the whole Empire; which most of them did, notwithstanding it was contrary to their private Judgments. This Proclamation having put the whole Empire into a flame, and provoked the Agau's to take up Arms; the Abuna, who waited only for such an opportunity, so soon as he found the Em∣peror engaged in that War, writ Circular Letters to all his Confidents, exhorting them and all the Nobles and People, that were not weary of the Faith of their Forefathers, to enter into an Association in Defence of it, against the Emperor and his Brother, who had now both declared them∣selves open Enemies to it.

Julius, the Viceroy of Tigre, who had Married a Daughter of the Emperor's, so soon as he had received the Abuna's Letter, did not only begin to Persecute the Fathers that resided at Fremona, but seized likewise up∣on the Estates of all the Habassins within his Province that had turned Roman Catholicks, declaring he would Defend his Religion against all the world, with the last drop of his blood. The Emperor hearing of the Circular Letter, and

the Association that was going on, was very angry with the Abuna, wishing he had him in his hands to put a stop to his enflaming his Subjects against him; but knowing that if he disco∣vered himself to be displeased with him, that he would either not come if he sent for him, or come with such a Guard, that it would not be safe for him to offer him any violence, he thought fit to dissemble his passion so far, as to write a kind Letter to him, desiring him to re∣pair to him with all possible speed, to satisfy some scruples which gave him great disturbance; wri∣ting at the same time to Father Peter to come likewise; which the Father did immediately, bringing with him the news of the Persecution that was set on soot in Tigre against the Fa∣thers and their Converts.

The Queen and several Grandees of the Court seeing what a storm the Emperor was like to raise by endeavouring to introduce Po∣pery into his Empire, waited upon him in a body, * 11.15 beseeching him as he loved his Crown and his people, to give over that design, as a thing not feasible, since not only the Monks, but the whole body of the Nation did openly declare, That they would Defend their Religion against him and all the world with their Lives and Fortunes, and would dye a thousand Deaths sooner than turn Pa∣pists. All which passionate Remonstances were so far from shaking the Emperor's Zeal for the introducing of Popery, that they inflamed it to that Degree, that he one day told Father Peter, That notwithstanding he was sensible he had so far lost the hearts of his Subjects by the fa∣vour he shewed to the Roman Religion, that they

were all ready to rebel against him; nevertheless he was resolved either to lose his Crown, * 11.16 or to esta∣blish that Faith in Ethiopia. And as for his Brother, whenever he was spoke to to re∣nounce Popery, and return to his former Faith; his answer was still, While I have breath in my body I will defend the Roman Faith with my Sword, my Tongue, and my Pen.

The Abuna, that he might not seem to be wanting to his duty in such a critical juncture, * 11.17 resolved to go and wait on the Emperor, but with such a Train, that it should not be safe for him, if he had a mind to it, to meddle with him, the very Monks that attended him being more in number than the Royal Army. The Abuna and his Monks when they came within hearing of the Emperor's Tent, gave a general shout, That they came all prepared to die for the faith of their Forefathers, being resolved to hear no more arguments against it; making the whole Camp to ring with Ajentent, Ajentent, that is to say, The Ancient, the Ancient, meaning their Faith.

The Emperor being willing to put a stop to this fury, sent to the Abuna to come to him; which the Abuna did; and having spoke their minds very freely to one another, they agreed to summon a Convocation of the Clergy to meet on Michaelmas-day, at which the Fathers were to be present, and to be heard.

The Convocation being met at the time appointed, it was so far from allaying the heat of the Habassins, which was the end for which the Emperor had called it, that it put them in a greater flame than they were in before; for

the Fathers knowing they had not one voice on their side in that whole body, were not for having things put to the Vote, but for having them disputed, as if it had not been a Convocati∣on, but only a publick Conference; but though the Fathers offered several Arguments in defence of their Doctrines, which the Habassins did not so much as pretend to Answer: Nevertheless the Habassin still kept their Ground, declaring, That no Sophistry should ever persuade them out of the faith of their Forefathers. The Convocation having wrangled, for that was all the Jesuits would suffer to be done in it for five days; it broke up in a great heat, leaving matters a great deal worse than it found them.

The Abuna and his Monks finding there was no good to be done upon the Emperor, * 11.18 who seemed to be bewitched by the Jesuits, were for leaving the Camp immediately without taking any farther notice of him; but having con∣sidered on't a little better, they agreed to wait upon him in a body, to conjure him by all that was sacred, and as he loved himself, his Posterity and People, not to endeavour to bring a new Religion in among them; and which, he could not but be sensible, was the Religion in the world that they the most hated; and so without sending to him for an audi∣ence, which they had reason to believe would have been denied them, they went and threw themselves at his feet, and instead of speak∣ing, raised a most lamentable howl, as if they had been so many Ideots, say the Fathers; which howl, having continued a good space, they at last recovered their speech, crying with one

Voice, That his Highness must not think that he was able to destroy a Religion which had been maintained in Ethiopia by so many Em∣perors thorough so many Ages. * 11.19 The Empe∣ror not appearing to be in the least mo∣ved either by their Complaints or Threats, they all ris and went away in a great Rage, some of them being said, by their Enemies, to have been so far provoked by the Emperor's carri∣age toward them, as to have conspired to Mur∣ther him and his Brother, as they went out of the Camp, for Recreation; but not having met with an opportunity of executing that black design, they all returned home with their Abuna; but with their Spirits so exasperated, that it was visible to every body that they would not suf∣fer the Emperor and his Jesuits to be long quiet.

Father Peter to divert the Emperor from thinking of the troubles that he was like to bring upon himself and his Empire by his Zeal for Popery, * 11.20 put him upon building a standing Palace on a Peninsula in the Lake of Dembea. and there being no such thing as a Mason in all Ethiopia, the Father undertook the work him∣self, and in a short time run up a House which the Jesuits say would have been a convenient Hunting Palace, for the best King in Europe; The Emperor was extreamly pleased with it; and the Habassins having never seen a House with Stories before, called it Habet, Labet, that is, a House upon a House. While Father Pe∣ter was employed in Building, the other Fa∣thers were busy Translating some Commenta∣ries on the Scripture out of Latin into Habassin; namely, Maldonate on the Gospel, Ribera on

the Epistle to the Hebrews, Tolet on St. Paul's Epistles, and Viegas on the Revelation, who were all Spanish Jesuits, the Habassins not being to know that any in Europe that were not of that Nation and Order could write Books.

While the Emperor was solacing himself in his new Palace, * 11.21 his Brother Amana Christos, Julius the Viceroy of Tigre, and one Calfe his Chamberlain, and chief Eunuch, conspired to Murther him in it; and had done it, had it not been for a Spring-Lock which shut a door be∣hind him as he fled from the Conspirators; of which Lock it is reported, that the Emperor when he first saw it on the Door, would have had it taken off, as troublesome to open every time he went into his Closet, had not Father Pe∣ter persuaded him to let it alone, by telling him, That it might at some time or other do his Highness some Service. The Conspirators having made their Escape, had no remedy after such a black attempt, but to take the Field; and Julius be∣ing got into Tigre, he immediately set forth a Proclamation, commanding all within that Kingdom who were of the Roman Faith, * 11.22 to go to the Emperor and his Brother, who would make them welcom; and all that were of the same faith with their Fathers to repair to him, he being resolved to defend it with the last drop of his blood.

This Proclamation brought the whole Coun∣trey in to Julius, out of which having formed a numerous Croisade, he marched directly to∣wards the Nile with an intention to have fal∣len first upon Raz Cella, the great Champion

of Popery; * 11.23 but happening in his March to come near the place where the Abuna resided, he went to wait on him to have his Blessing; the Abuna, who was glad to see him, was not satisfied with giving him a Thousand Blessings for being so valiant for the truth; but though he was above a Hundred Years of Age he would go in person in the Croisade, * 11.24 telling Julius, That as he should partake of the benefits of that holy War, if it had success; so he was resolved likewise to partake of its dangers. And whereas Julius was for beginning with Raz. Cella, the Abuna diverted him from it, by telling him, That since he was at the head of so great and zea∣lous an Army, he ought not to spend its first heats, which were always the strongest, in lopping off Bran∣ches, but in striking at the Root, which being once destroyed, the Branches would wither of them∣selves. He likewise encouraged the Soldiers, by telling them, That they fought for the best Cause in the world, that is, the true Religion, which the Emperor and his Brother, if let alone, would cer∣tainly destroy; assuring them, That whosoever was slain in this holy War, would die a Martyr, and go straight to Heaven; thundering out his Ex∣communications at the same time against the Empe∣ror and his Brother, and all that adhered to them, as Apostates from the Faith.

The Emperor hearing that Julius was Marching towards him with a numerous and Zealous Croisade, sent to his Brother to make all the haste he could to come and join him with his Army; but fearing lest Julius, who made long Marches, might be up with him be∣fore his Brother could join him; He incamp∣ed

his Army so, that the Enemy's Horse, in which their main strength consisted, if they should attack him in his Camp, would be of little use to them.

When the Armies were within sight of one another, the Emperor sent his Daughter, who was Wife to Julius, to try if she could per∣suade her Husband to lay down his Arms, promising him not only a pardon for what he had done, but every thing that a subject could reasonably desire of his Prince: And in case she should not be able to bring him to submit, she was then to try if she could obtain a Ces∣sation of Arms of him for a few days; but Julius either reckoning himself secure of a Victory, that would have the Crown for its reward; or being fearful to take the Empe∣ror's word after he had provoked him so much, would hear of nothing but of Fighting; say∣ing, He would either die a Martyr for his Religi∣on, or by Conquering its Enemies secure it from be∣ing ever destroy'd: And that he might lose no time, * 11.25 he attacked the Emperor's Camp be∣fore his Princess was well got back to her Fa∣ther; and having put himself at the head of a brisk body of men, be advanced towards his out-guards, who though they did not come in to him, would not strike a stroke, telling their Officers flatly, That they would never draw their Swords against a man, who was fighting in De∣fence of their Religion. Julius observing this, asked aloud all the way he went, where the Emperor was, that was resolved to destroy the Re∣ligion of their Forefathers, which he was there with his Sword in his hand ready to defend against him

and all Mankind; with which, as if it had been the word of the Imperialists, he advanced within sight of the Royal Tent without having met with the least opposition, until a body of Ti∣grians, who were posted not far from it, put a full stop to his Career, thorough whom as he was hacking his way, he was knocked off his Horse with the blow of a stone under the left Eye; and as he lay on the ground, had his head presently chopped off, which was carried to the Emperor by a private Sentinel. The Body that advanced with Julius, having as it were lost their Soul in their Commander, was presently hewed all in pieces; and the Tigrians following their blow, * 11.26 and the other Imperialists who would not strike a stroke be∣fore, joining with them, now that Julius was slain, they put the whole Croisade imme∣diately to the rout; every man of them so soon as they heard of their General's being killed, throwing down their Arms, and crying out for Quarter. The old Abuna was stun∣ned so with this sudden turn of things, that he was not able to stir from the place where he had posted himself; but though several of the Imperialists knowing him to be the Abuna, had out of Reverence to his character and great Age passed by him without offering him any violence; yet a true Roman Catholick, say the Jesuits, whose name was Za Michael, having found him out, gave him such a blow in the neck with his Lance, that he laid his head at his foot; with whose, and Julius's death, this great Croi∣sade vanished, having had no other effect, than to enrage the Emperor more than he was

before against the Alexandrians, * 11.27 and their Re∣ligion, who immediately upon this Victory set forth a Proclamation, prohibiting all his Subjects upon severe penalties to observe Saturday any longer.

This Impious Proclamation, as the Habassins reckoned it, produced a bitter Libel, directed by way of a Letter to the Emperor, wherein he was told, That his Subjects were all amazed at his wickedness in commanding the violation of that Sacred day; advising him not to be rid by the Jesuits, * 11.28 who were an Ignorant little sort of peo∣ple; and who being of the race of Pontius Pilate, and Uncircumcised, did teach, that there are Two Natures in Christ: Adding, That they were men swallowed up in the Gulph of their own Fopperies, and did run headlong like an unbridled Horse, with∣out looking before them; and did well deserve to have a Milstone tied about their Necks, and to be thrown into the Sea, and to be made partakers of the Curse that befel Pope Leo for having deni'd the Unity of Christ's Nature; and after a great hud∣dle of Texts of Scripture in favour of their Doctrines, it at last admonisheth the Emperor that in case he was not weary of his Crown, and the high Dignity he had received from the Popes of Egypt, who wore the holy and new Ephod, and bore the badge of the Cross, to give over trying such new Experiments: concluding thus; Ah! We do here send this precious stone which enlightens the eyes of the blind; May it be for an offering, but may the Swine never see it, that so they may not tram∣ple it under their unclean feet; for it is written, You shall not throw Jewels before Swine.

This Libel galled the Emperor so terribly, that to be revenged on its Authors, he published a Second Proclamation, by which he com∣manded all his Subjects to work on Saturdays, being to pay a Crown for the first fault, * 11.29 and to forfeit their whole Estate for the second; to which penalty the Offenders were to con∣tinue liable Seven Years after the fault was committed, by which time the Fathers hoped that Popery might have got strength enough in Ethiopia to execute this Law as they should see oc∣casion, being sensible that there would be few or none of any Estate that would not be under its lash. This rigorous Proclamation being sent to Joanel the Viceroy of Begameder, who waited for such an opportunity to raise the people a∣gainst the Emperor, to publish, he command∣ed it to be done presently with great Solem∣nity, taking care at the same time, to declare to all the World, that it was what he abomi∣nated from his Soul: Neither was Joanel de∣ceived in his thoughts of the effects of this Pro∣clamation; for the people no sooner heard of the Emperor's having commanded them un∣der severe Penalties for to work upon Saturdays, than they began to rail at him, as one who had no Religion; and who, for that and other reasons was become so intolerable to his Subjects, that they must be Beasts of Burden to endure him any longer; and hearing that Joanel had declared himself openly in all Companies against what the Emperor had commanded; * 11.30 they flocked to him from all Quarters, be∣seeching him as he had any love for God and his Countrey, not to suffer their Religion to be thus

trampled on; promising to die by his side in the de∣fence of it. Joanel having foreseen what the Em∣peror by his Zeal for Popery would quickly bring things to, had obtained a promise of considerable Succours from the Gauls whenever he should take the Field; upon the strength of which, and the fury the Emperor's late Proclamation had put the whole Empire into, he formed a great Army out of the people that flocked in to him; assuring them, now he had taken up Arms, that he would never lay them down until he had secured their Religion to them. When the news of this second Croisade came to Court, great numbers of the first Quality of both Sexes set upon the Emperor again, * 11.31 beseeching him as he loved himself and his Empire, to give over all thoughts of introducing Popery into a Countrey, that of all things in the world could not endure it.

The Emperor, though much troubled to find that Joanel and his Cause had so many friends in his Court; yet not being willing to do any thing that might intimmedate his Con∣verts, * 11.32 he told the Grandees that had addres∣sed to him, with an angry countenance, That it was his Subjects duty to obey, and not to dispute his Commands; and that he would teach them bet∣ter manners than to fly thus in their Prince's face, when he did any thing that displeased them; and hoping to have terrifi'd the Grandees from troubling him with any more Addresses, he commanded one of the most forward Addressers to be put to death, banishing another of them for his life to the Kingdom of Narea; which cruelty was so far from having the effect that

was expected from it, that it did but Exaspe∣rate peoples spirits, and put them into a greater rage against Popery than they were in before.

The Emperor, though he could not but see the storm thicken upon him on all sides, yet was so far from seeking to divert it by any Compliances, that having called a full Assem∣bly of the Grandees, Monks, and Military Offi∣cers together in the great Hall of the Pa∣lace, he made the following Speech to them.

YOU Ris against the Emperor Jacob, and having Deposed him for several Misde∣meanors, * 11.33 you advanced my Cousin Za Danguil to the Throne, whom for having forsaken your Re∣ligion, and embraced that of the Portugueses, you afterwards Murthered; and after having con∣ferred the Crown upon me, you made Jacob King a Second time; but though you intended to have Deposed me, God was pleased to give me Victory; from that day to this I have done wrong to no body, but on the contrary, have pardoned great numbers, having been prodigal of my favours to a fault; but all this has not been sufficient to keep you from Rebelling, upon a pretence that I am endeavouring to destroy your Religion, when, in truth, I do only seek to reform it; for as I do profess with you, That our Lord Christ is true God and true Man; so I do moreover affirm, That as he cannot be per∣fect God without having the Nature of God, so neither can he be perfect Man without a Human Nature; now since it is evident by the light of reason, That the Divine and Human Nature are really distinguished, it must follow therefore, that there are two Natures in Christ; and since there

can be no Confusion in the Godhead, those two Natures must necessarily be united in one and the same Person of the Eternal Word; so that what I am doing, is not to forsake the Faith, but to pro∣fess it in truth. And I do further affirm, That the Divine Nature is Superior to the Human. It is true, I have forbid you to observe Saturday any longer; and it is an amazing thing that you who value your selves upon being Christians, should be for keeping the Sabbath of the Jews; what is this, but, as the Prophet Elias said, to go halt∣ing, &c.? As this is my Faith, so I do not follow it because it is the Faith of the Portugueses, or of the Roman Church, but because it is the Faith that was established by Six hundred Fathers in the Council of Calcedon, which Condemn'd Dioscorus and Eutyches; and for being a truth founded on the Scriptures, and derived from the Apostles, who were the Teachers of the World. Undeceive your selves therefore; for for this Faith I am ready to lay down my life if there should be occasion, though I must tell you at the same time, it shall cost them their Lives first that shall dare to contradict me therein.

How seasonable a Speech of this strain, was, in which Father Peter, who was now become the first Minister, had a hand un∣doubtedly, for one in the Emperor's Cir∣cumstances, let the world judge.

The Emperor having received an insolent Letter from Joanel, wherein he insisted upon having the Jesuits all turned out of Ethiopia, and his being declared Viceroy of Begameder for his Life, was so incensed, that he march∣ed

against him in Person; but Joanel having advice thereof, * 11.34 and knowing himself not to be strong enough to deal with him, he Re∣treated to the Mountains, where his Army's Zeal being allayed by the want of Provisions, it moulder'd to nothing in a short time; so that he was obliged with a small Party to take fanctuary among the Gauls, who having been hired to it by the Emperor, put him to death.

The Emperor being returned to Doncaz, where he intended to spend the Winter, was invited by the Fathers to come and visit the new Church they had built at Gorgora, which he did with great Devotion, putting his Shoes off when he entered into it; but the late Proclamation had bred too much ill blood in Ethiopia for to let it be long quiet. The Da∣motes, a People inhabiting the banks of Nile, being thrown into such a rage by Raz Cella, their Viceroy's rigorous Execution thereof, that they all flew to their Arms as one Man, being likewise instigated so to do by great droves of Hermits, who being alarmed by the late Proclamation, flocked to them from all parts of the Desarts, railing all the way they came at the Emperor and his Brother, as Apostates, and at the Jesuits as the Authors of all their troubles; several of them running over the Countrey as men distracted, and roaring as they went, That all People were bound in Conscience to take up Arms against the Emperor and his Brother, in defence of their Re∣ligion, which they seemed to be resolved to destroy.

The Viceroy hearing of the mad work the Hermits were making among the Damotes, writ to some of his Friends in those parts, not to suffer themselves and the People to be any longer abused by such a pack of Ignorant and Hypocritical Rascals, who taught them nothing but Lies; but he could have no other answer from them than, That unless he would burn all his Popish Books, and deliver up all his Jesuits to them, * 11.35 that they might hang them all upon one great Tree, for the mischiefs they had done in Ethiopia, they would have nothing more to do with him, being all to a man resolved to live and die in the Alexandrian Faith. The Viceroy not caring to part with his Books and Jesu••••s so easily, advanced towards them with an Ar∣my of Seven Thousand well-disciplin'd Men; the Damotes were near double the Number, having Four hundred Hermits who had de∣voted their Lives to their Religion, well Armed with Targets and Launces; this great inequality in numbers did not hinder the Viceroy from offering them Battel so soon as he came up with them, which they having accepted of, the two Armies quickly came to blows, but the Damotes being raw men, and not well Armed, were at the first onset put to the rout, and besides a great slaughter that was made among the Soldiers as they fled towards the Mountains, there were One hun∣dred and eighteen of the Monks, with their famous Captain Batare, found slain upon the spot where the Fight was; the Viceroy is said to have lost but One Man in the Action, and he too, which made the loss the less, was a

Heathen. A Miraculous Evidence, say the Je∣suits, of the Truth of the Roman, and of the falshood of the Alexandrian Faith.

The Emperor, when Father Peter Congra∣tulated him upon this Victory, told him, He had great reason to thank God for it, for that had the Damotes gained the least advantage, he should have had the whole Empire presently in Arms against him, whose Spirits he believed were now pretty well subdued, and that after such a blow, it would not be so••e••••y for the Monks or Hermits to Roar them into any more Rebellions; and where∣as he had hitherto been with-held by his fear, and his Wife's, * 11.36 which he was very unwilling to have parted withal, from Reconciling himself formally to the Church of Rome, he told the Father, he would delay to do it no longer; the Father over-joyed to hear this, upon his having first Abjured all the Alexandrian Errors, and made a Confession of his whole Life to him, gave him Absolution, and Reconciled him to the Pope.

But the Father, overcome it is like by the Joy of this Conversion, outlived it but a few days; his Death was much Lamented by the Emperor and his Brother, to whom the Fa∣ther was become a perfect Oracle, in all State, no less than Church-matters.

Presently after Father Peter's death, there were Three Letters writ from Ethiopia to the Provincial and Visitor of the Jesuits in the Indies, to send them a Patriarch, with as ma∣ny Fathers as they could spare: The first was writ by the Emperor to the Provincial, the second and third to the Visitor, by Father

Luis de Azevedo, and Father Antony Fernandez. The Contents of which Letters being much the same, I shall set down that of Father An∣tony's only, which is the shortest of them.

Father Antony Fernandez Letter to the Father Visitor of the Indies.

I Write this with the good News of this Kingdom, to your Reverence, to engage you to order Pro∣cessions to be made, and to have Masses said, and the Te Deum sung, to return Thanks to God for the favour he has shewed us in the Conver∣sion of this Empire, the doing whereof will very much refresh the Fathers and Brethren who labour here with me, and will sweeten the great hardships they undergo.

The Emperor with his whole Court, and all the Grandees, and Princes Ecclesiastical and Secular of this Empire, have abjured their Errors, and made a publick Profession of their Obedience to the holy See of Rome.

The general Administration of all Churches and Parishes being put into my hands, I have Established Curates in them all, having made such new Laws as were necessary; and abolished all the old ones that were contrary to the Roman Church. I have had some thoughts of coming to you, and have been ready to begin my Journey, but have been still hin∣dered by the Glory of God, which obligeth me to keep close to the Emperor.

The thing we stand most in need of here at pre∣sent, is a Patriarch, with a good number of Fathers, to help us to carry on these good beginnings. Your

Reverence cannot but be sensible of this our want, without my enlarging upon it. Our Fathers and Brethren ought to run thorough fire and water, Pikes and Swords for to assist this Countrey; lest having the promised Land shewed us, we may be excluded it thorough our own fault. They ought to flock hither with all possible speed; for notwithstand∣ing the Heirs apparent of the Empire, and all the Princes and Nobles thereof are at present true Ca∣tholicks; Nevertheless should we happen to be de∣prived of the Emperor and his Brother Zela Chri∣stos by death, it is to be feared, that the Monks and Habassins might raise seditions to the pulling down of all that we have built; and may persuade the people, who are more changeable than the wind, to abandon what they have so lately embraced.

Wherefore your Reverence would do well to send us all the Fathers you can spare; let them be at least Twenty, whom we shall endeavour to accom∣modate the best we can, until it shall please God to raise up a Cardinal or Prince to have compassion upon these poor people, and to succor those who la∣bour in their Conversion. No day passeth wherein the Emperor do's not speak to us to send for Two hundred Fathers, saying, God will provide for them when they come. I am sensible the Society cannot furnish us with so many, though if it could, the Corn here is so ripe for the Harvest, that they would all find work enough. We did at first accom∣modate our selves to the customs of the Countrey, that we might with the more ease gain them to the Lord; having besides the Fasts that are command∣ed, kept Wednesdays, and observed Lent, and Ea∣ster, and the other principal Feasts, according to their stile; according to which, Easter falls sometimes a

Month sooner than with us; reciting our Offices likewise after their custom on the Evening of Fast∣ing-days; but so soon as we found them disposed for it, we proposed to them the Rites, Customs, and Ceremonies of the Latin-Church, and the decrees of the Pope, which they have now universallly agreed to; so that of late we have without any contradiction, kept Easter, and the other Feasts, ac∣cording to the Roman stile. For the settlement whereof, they have earnestly demanded the Tables of our Moveable Feasts, and the Ecclesiastical Epact, to prevent their being mistaken. I have by Letter desired our Provincial to send us such Tables, that any one of a common capacity may accommodate the names that are in them, to the names of this Coun∣trey. To which end I have sent him a Table that was made here by a Catholick, who is very expert in Arithmetick, that he may examine it, and alter it as he shall think convenient. And I do earnestly beseech your Reverence, to get this affair dispatched as soon as it is possible, and to order continual Pray∣ers to be made to God in our behalf, and in behalf of this Countrey: We have lost two good Fa∣thers here; God take us under his Protection; for this Mission has sustained a great loss by their deaths; this Empire, which wants I do not know how many Priests, at present has only, Father James Matos, and Father Anthony Bruno, who have the sole charge of Gojam; and Father Lewis d' Azeve∣do, who is gone lately to Ambra; and my self, who am fixt at Court. Praised be God we are all in health at present; but Father Lewis's or∣dinary distempers are such as demand a writ of ease for him; but Charity and a Zeal for Souls over∣comes all difficulties; I do recommend my self

to your Reverence's Prayers, and holy Sacri∣fices.

March 3d. 1623.

How far Popery was from having got such footing in Ethiopia as this Letter represents it to have had, will appear from the sequel of the Story.

Such Reports as these of the Conversion of Ethiopia, being transmitted to Rome.

Mutio Vitelesci, the General of the Jesuits, to secure the honour of that Conversion to his own Order, waited upon the Pope; * 12.1 and with∣out any Commission or Order from the Emperor to do it, made a submission to the Pope in his name with all the usual Solemnities; and not being able to obtain leave no more than Igna∣tius, though he begg'd it of the Pope with the same earnestness as his Patriarch had done, to go in person to Ethiopia, to finish that great work, he contented himself with sending a Nuncio to do it; the Jesuit he employed in this Embassy, was one Manuel d' Almeyda, who at that time resided at Bacaim in the In∣dies; who with Three other Fathers arrived at Fremona in Ethiopia, in the Year 1624. where having staid a Month with his Brethren, to inform himself of the true state of Affairs, he begun his Journey to Court; where when he arrived, he was received with great Cere∣mony by the Emperor; who when the Nun∣cio at his first audience offered to have kissed his hand, would not suffer him to do it; * 12.2 but having commanded him to sit down by him, he asked him several Questions concerning

the Pope, and the King of Portugal, and the state of Affairs in Europe; the Nuncio percei∣ving that he took no notice of his Master Vitellesci, stood up, and told him, That his Re∣verend General Mutio Vitellesci, not having to his great sorrow been able to obtain leave of the Pope to come in person to wait upon his Highness, had sent him to kiss his hand in his name, and to return his Highness his thanks for the favours he had shew'd to the Friars of his Order; and to ac∣quaint him furthermore, with his having made his Highness submission to the Pope, who is the head of the Church, and Christ's Vicar on Earth, by ha∣ving kissed his Holinesse's feet in his name. The Emperor, though surprized, did not seem to be displeased with the General for having been so officious; but having commanded his Let∣ters to be read presently by Father Anthony, he was so well satisfied with them, that he or∣dered his Historiographer, who was present at the reading of them, not to forget to insert them into his life.

The Emperor reckoning he had so far sub∣dued the Spirits of his Subjects, that he might now do what he pleased with them; begun to make bolder steps towards the introducing of Popery, than he had ventured to make be∣fore; and in order to make the Alexandrian Faith odious to his People, he set forth the following Manifesto, on purpose to blacken the Memories of their former Abuna's.

The Manifesto of the Emperor Saltem Saged cometh to the whole world of his Empire.

HEAR what we say and write in favour of the holy Faith (which is true, * 13.1 and has no crookedness in it) of the great City of Rome, the Chair of St. Peter, whom our Lord Jesus Christ Constituted the Prince of the saithful; telling him from his own holy mouth, from whence no error could flow, Thou art Peter, &c. as he did also when he was ready to be crucifi'd for the Redemption of the world. Simon, behold Satan hath designed to winnow thee as Wheat, but I have pray'd that thy faith may not fail; commanding him like∣wise after his Resurrection, and before his Ascen∣sion in the flesh into Heaven, to feed his Rams, his Sheep and his Lambs, meaning by Rams, men, by Ews women, and by Lambs children; and thus St. Peter had Authority given him over all Chri∣stians. This venerable Prince of the Apostles, when he was about to leave the world, that he might go to his Creator to receive his reward, bequeathed this privilege and primacy to his Successors in the Chair of Rome, where it has continued and will continue to the end of the world; so that it shall neither be in the power of Moors nor Turks nor of any other Creature to destroy it; those words of our Lord Jesus, the Gates of all shall not pervail against it being its sure defence.

So when a Controversy arose in the Church, the first Council of Nice, which consisted of Three hundred and eighteen Bishops, threw Arius out of

the Church, for affirming the Son of God to be a Creature; as the second Council, consisting of One hundred and fifteen Patriarchs and Bishops, assem∣bled in the City of Constantinople, did Macedo∣nius, for asserting the Holy Ghost to be a Creature; and the third Council, consisting of Three hundred Bishops, did Nestorius, for dividing Christ into Two Persons, the Divine and Human; and the fourth, consisting of Six hundred and thirty Patri∣archs and Bishops, assembled in the City of Calce∣don, Excommunicated the Rebellious Dioscorus, for joyning in Infidelity with Eutyches, in mixing the Humanity with the Divinity, so as to make One only Nature; whereas it is most certain, That there are Two Natures in Christ, the Divine and Human; on the account of which Divine Nature it was, that the said Three hundred and eigheeen Fathers did put the following words into the Creed, We believe in our Lord Jesus Christ the only begotten Son of the Father, and who was with him before the World was Created; as on the account of his Human Na∣ture, the following words were added, And was conceived by the Holy Ghost, in the Womb of the Virgin Mary, with the Consent of the Father, and the Son, and of the said Holy Ghost, Three Persons and One only God; the Father and the Son not being named on that occa∣sion, being no argument of those Fathers not be∣lieving they did not Co-operate therein with the Holy Spirit, but it was done on purpose to teach us, That in the Most Blessed Trinity, besides the opera∣tions ad Intra, there are operations ad Extra; ac∣cording to the holy Fathers; of those ad Extra, the Works of Power are attributed to the Father;

those of Wisdom to the Son, and those of Love to the Holy Ghost: Wherefore since the Incarnation of the Son of God was for the sake of the Sons of Men, and for that reason was a Work of Love: The Three hundred and eighteen Fathers did attri∣bute it to the Holy Spirit: Though in Virtue and Power, and the Creation of things, the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, are One only True God: The Virgin Mary was mentioned by them upon account of the Human Nature, which in an instant united it self to the Eternal Person of the Son, who is equal in Divinity to the Father; and that in our Lord Jesus Christ, being only One Person, there are Two Natures, is written in divers Books of the Holy Spirit, St. Matthew in the beginning of it, calleth his Gospel, The book of the Generation of Jesus Christ, the son of David, the son of Abraham; which was said on the account of his Human Nature; as it was on the account of his Divine Nature that St. John saith, In the be∣ginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and God was the Word; the Di∣vine Nature having neither Beginning nor End; whereas the Human Nature had a Beginning. All which Writings notwithstanding, Eutyches, the Master of Mischief, did affirm, That there was only One Nature in Christ, and so mixed the Humanity with the Divinity; now this Rebel was followed by Dioscorus, who assisted him both in word and deed, and having procured the Murther of Flavianius, Patriarch of Constantinople, for having Excommunicated Eutyches, and some other obstinate Hereticks that were before him, namely, Arius, Macedonius, Nestorius, and Sabellius; all which matters having been sub∣mitted

to the Holy Roman Church, the Head of all other Churches, on the account of the Empire and Primacy that it hath by inheriting the Power of St. Peter, the Prince of the Apostles.

It is certain the Patriarchs who succeeded Dios∣corus in the See of Alexandria, have not Preached the true Faith, in having taught that there is only One Nature in Christ; and so being desti∣tute of the true Faith, they have wandered out of the paths of Patriarchs, Bishops, and Priests, in having had Wives and Children, and Grand∣Children, and have been intangled in divers things not fit to be named; they have also taken Money for Holy Orders; and having Consecrated Salt Stones for Altar Stones, have afterwards sold them; having likewise tyrannized cruelly over those they Ordained, obliging several of them to serve them a Year, or Six Months at least, in saw∣ing Wood or Stone for their Palaces, before they would Ordain them; for which Practice they were Excommunicated by the Apostle, who said, He that buyeth or selleth Orders, is excommunicated, and has his portion with Simon Magus and Judas.

The Abuna Mark, was Convicted by the Em∣peror Malec Saged, of several carnal Crimes which are not fit to be heard or Uttered, they being of that kind for which God rained down fire from Heaven; and being Deposed for having been guilty of them, he was Banished into the Island of Dek, where he dyed a strange death, his Belly swelling as hard as a Drum. The Abuna Christos Dula kept several Concubines, contrary to the custom of Patriarchs, as was well known by all his Contem∣poraries, and by some that are still alive. His

Successor Peter kept a Malaquis Wife, and having been convicted of Adultery, he did Penance for it, as may be testified by several living Witnesses, namely one Joseph, and one Marino, who are both Strangers, and not Habassins; and who adding sin to sin, did Excommunicate the Emperor Jacob, after he had Reigned Seven Years, as he did all the People of Ethiopia likewise, in case they did not Depose him, and Banish him to the Kingdom of Narea; and having placed Za Danguil in the Throne, he afterwards excited his Subjects to Murther him, by Excommunicating them if they did not do it; and as if all this had not been enough, he took the Field with the Emperor Jacob against us, and was killed with him in the Fight. The Abuna Simon was guilty likewise of divers enor∣mous Grimes, who besides his having taken one Mali an Egyptian's Wife from him, and dishonoured several Virgins, he kept divers Concubines, and happening to have a Child by one who was not able to maintain it, to conceal his shame, he ordered it to be thrown to the Wolves, by whom it was de∣voured; this every body knows to be true, namely, the Azages; and who, when Julius Rebelled, in∣stead of labouring, according to the custom of Pa∣triarchs and Monks, to make Peace, joyned with him in his Rebellion, and having called his Soldiers together, told them on the day before the Battel, That he forgave them all, Young and Old, their Sins, notwithstanding they had broke all the Command∣mendments, upon condition they would put all to the Sword that they found in Arms in the Emperor's Camp, and that he would Canonize the Man that would kill the Emperor, assuring them that all that should be slain sighting against him, would die Mar∣tyrs,

and go straightways to Heaven; encouraging Julius's Soldiers, after the example of Satan, to fight against us; but God was pleased to give us the Victory; and the Divine Justice having laid its Military hands upon him, he died an ill death. But to return to our chief intent, these Patriarchs in having, from the time of Dioscorus, denied Obedience to the Popes of Rome, who are the Suc∣cessors of St. Peter, the foundation of the Faith, and the Head of the Holy Church; and in having affirmed that there is only One Nature in Christ, and in having refused the Ordinances and Canons of the Apostles of our Lord, and wrested all wri∣tings to their own wicked purposes, have not lead the People in the paths of Truth: Let us therefore give over yeilding Obedience any longer to the Pa∣triarchs of Alexandria, who are all Jacobites, walking in the ways of their Errors, and treading in the steps of Arius, Macedonius, Sabellius, Eutyches, and Dioscorus, and let us yeild Obe∣dience to the Bishop of Rome, who sits in the Chair of St. Peter, which Chair cannot Err in any matter of Faith or good Manners. And do you all in Peace follow the Holy Faith, which Christ our Lord built with his Holy Blood on the Cross, which he shed for the Salvation of all that do believe in him, for ever and ever. Amen.

This Manifesto, notwithstanding it is Or∣thodox as to what relates to the two Natures in Christ, yet its throwng so much dirt, and in all probability unjustly, on the Memories of the Habassin Abuna's, was a thing infinitely below the Dignity, as well as Charity of a Christian Emperor, who let his Religion be

what it will, is not to write Libels, but to burn them rather, as Constantine did. And as to the policy of such a Manifesto at this time, un∣less the Emperor's Affairs were in such a con∣dition, that it was safe for him to provoke his Subjects to Rebel, that so by subduing them, he might destroy the established Religion with the more case, it was certainly stark naught, there being nothing that he could have done, that could have enraged his People more against him, than the making of such lew'd reflections on Pre∣lates, for whose Memories the Habassins had a most profound veneration; but such blunders as these are to be expected in places where Princes Coun∣cils are governed by People who have spent most of their days in a Cell, under the discipline of a blind Obedience.

The Emperor about this time finding that notwithstanding he had enraged his Subjects almost to a madness against him by his Mani∣festo's and Proclamations in favour of Pope∣ry, * 13.2 that his Brother Raz Cella was still court∣ed by the whole Roman Party as their Head, so that he was left, in a manner, without a Friend that he could confide in; he resolved upon some pretence or other to strip his Bro∣ther, not only of the Viceroyship of Gojam, but of all the Posts of Authority that he was possessed of, judging it to be necessary to his safety, to keep him as low as it was possible; and especially if the Portuguese Succors should come, which had been desired. Raz Cella, who was a Prince of a violent and rash Temper, having discovered his Brother's jealousies of him, together with the resolutions they had

made him take, did storm at such rate in all Companies, as to make the Emperor much more jealous than ever; who though resolved to throw him down, yet being willing to do it as gently as might be, he called him out of Gojam to Command an Army he was sending against one Cabrael, who had raised a Croisade against him.

Raz Cella, * 13.3 though he was not ignorant of what was his Brother's design in giving him this Command, yet being sensible that the Roman Party in Ethiopia was but a handful, and that the Alexandrians, who were a Thou∣sand to One, would upon the Emperor's a∣bandoning all Popish Interests, which a rup∣ture with him at that time would have forced him to, not only have forgave him all that was past, but would as one man have de∣clared for him, and stood by him in de∣fence of their Religion; he judged it most advisable for him to obey the summons, and accordingly went and took the Com∣mand of the Army upon him, and ha∣ving made a Vow to Francis Xavier to build a Church to him if he returned Victorious, he marched against Cabrael, who finding him∣self too weak to resist the Royal Army, trussed up his Baggage so soon as it approach∣ed him, retiring with what speed he could to the Gauls, by whom, being hired to do it, he was Murthered; which success was so far from reconciling the Emperor to his Brother, that it made him more afraid of him than ever.

Now while things were thus in Ethiopia, at Rome and Madrid they thought it was more

than time that a Patriarch were sent thither with Two Coadjutors, * 13.4 and with the same Power as the former; and accordingly one Alfonso Mendez being named Patriarch, and James Seco and John da Rocha, Bishops of Nice and Hieropolis, his Two Coadjutors by Philip the Fourth, they were approved by the Pope, and having obtained their Dispensations, for they were all Three Jesuits, and Bulls, the Patriarch and Bishop Elect of Nice, were Consecrated at Lisbon by Prelates of a much higher Sphere than the former Patriarch, their Order by this time having pretty well wore off the odium of Novelty; the Conse∣cration of the Bishop Elect of Hieropolis being prorogued to the Indies.

On the 28th. of May, * 13.5 the Patriarch with the Elect of Hieropolis, the Bishop of Nice having died in the Voyage, arrived at Goa, where he stayed till the 17th. of September, and then embarked for Chaul, where he met with the following Letters from the Emperor and his Brother.

The Emperor's Letter.

WITH the Peace of the good Pastor who gave his Life for his Sheep, * 14.1 We do give many thanks to God our Lord, who has granted us our desires and petitions; and has been pleased to fulfil the time, when your Lordship was to come to be our Patriarch, with two Bishops Coadju∣tors, who will be all found little enough to help these straying Sheep in a stormy day. May God

bring your Lordship to us in Peace and health, and give you such a passage, that we may have you among us quickly, as the necessity of this Empire does require, with the greatness of which the Fathers have, I presume, acquainted you at large; in the mean time we do beseech God so to order matters, that they may all redound to his Glory and Honour, and the good of so many Souls.

May 1624.

Raz Cella Christos's Letter to the Pa∣triarch.

THE Peace of our Lord, * 15.1 the eternal word by whom all things were made, and al for his sake, who took our humanity in the Womb of the intirely holy Virgin; and with∣out grudging did offer himself in the Temple of the Cross for our sake, Preserve your Lord∣ships person from all Temporal evils, shedding the dew of health so on the fleece of your life, as to bring you in safety to that high Dignity to which he hath called you, and to which your Pre∣decessor could never attain. Your Lordship's Letter when I received it, threw me into such an Extasy of joy, as that the Souls of the Fathers, when they were expecting the Advent of our Saviour, were thrown into, when that Ray of Divinity appeared to them, in so much that I may safely say, that from my Childhood to this day, I never felt any exultation in my heart equal to that, not being able in the ballance of my heart to weigh the gold of the joy I derived from your Lordship's Letter, which was purified by a strong flame of love, on the ar∣rival

of your Lordship's Piety; what shall I re∣turn to God, who is slow to anger, and of great mercy? and who do's not look upon the countenance of my wickedness with the eyes of a vigoaous Justice, though he is a searcher out even of venial Sins; for having prolonged my life to hear the joyful news which I have been many years expecting, the Nerve of my thoughts having for a long time depended and hung on the Tree of your Lordship's love; now as God who is intirely good, and of abundant kindness, has made me worthy to hear the news of your Lordship, and has thereby unburdened me of that load of trouble which had for several years lain so heavy upon me for the sake of the holy faith; so he will, I hope, think me worthy to see your Lordship's face, and to kiss your shooes, be∣ing brim full of Love and Charity. I must beg your Lordship to make all the haste you can to us, and to bring Multitudes of Fathers with you, that so this Land of Ethiopia, which is at present in the way of corrupt Doctrine, and in the crooked Faith of Dioscorus, and abounding with Errors, may be wafted into the secure harbor of the true faith of St. Leo, the Pope of Rome, and Successor of St. Peter, and Pastor of Pastors. This Countrey is very large, and has many Tribes of Heathens in it, who do all desire to receive the Christian faith; and it is not long since I destroy'd a prodigious Idol, whose beginning was not known among them, nor the time when it was first Worshipped; it was adored by a great many Tribes of Heathens, called Agus, who since I burnt it to ashes, have flocked in great numbers to Baptism; and it has been the same among the Caffres; neither do we want any thing but Fathers to perfect these Conversions;

for which reason I beseech you a second time to bring great Numbers of them with you, &c.

What it should be that made the Jesuits et caetera such an Original of their Beu-Clerks, if it was not, that in the suppressed part of it he writ as vehemently for Portuguese Troops, which they thought would not look well in him at a time when he was upon such ill terms with his Brother, as he did in the part they have published, for Fathers, let the Rea∣der discover if he can; but however this were, it is certain, that when he was in dis∣grace with the Emperor his Nephew, that he writ for such Troops at a more vehement rate than he do's here for Jesuits.

In May the Patriarch landed at Baylar, * 15.2 from whence he went disguised to the King of Dancalis Court: The Dancalians, who attend∣ed him as his Guard, having heard that there was an Abuna or Patriarch among the Fathers, were still enquiring, which was the Patriarch: We told them, saith the Patriarch himself, That he died at Sea; meaning the Bishop of Nice.

The King entertained the Fathers, for the Patriarch was still incognito, very courteously; and through ignorance refused a Noble Present they would have made him, and accepted of a Trisle.

On the 21st. of June the Patriarch arrived at Fremona, having one morning by the way seen a Prodigious Star in the Heavens: Some of the Fathers were of opinion, that it was the Star which Conducted the Wisemen to Beth∣lehem; but the Patriarch desented from them,

and demonstrated it to be the Figure of the Blessed Virgin Mary, who being the Star both of the Morning and the Sea, appeared to them to pro∣mise them her light; which being agreed to by all, the Hymn, Ave Maria Maris Stella, &c. and the Antiphona, Sub tuum praesidium, were sung to it.

The Patriarch continued at Fremona till November; the Emperor having sent him word, that so soon as he had made an end of chasti∣sing some Jews that were in Arms against him in the Mountains of Cemen, he should have orders to come to Court; but Raz Cella, who would always out-do his Brother in civility to the Roman-Catholicks, with his Present and Complement, sent the Patriarch a strong Guard, to wait upon him whereever he went. In December the Patriarch arrived at Gorgora, where he ordained Twenty Priests, ordaining such of them as were in Habassin Orders, with a Condition; and permitting such of them as were Married, to live with their Wives. Not many days after, he received an Invitation from the Emperor to come to Dancez, where the Court was at that time; and being come within half a League of the Royal Camp, he was met by most of the Officers of the Court in their best Cloaths, and a body of Sixteen Thousand Soldiers; who after having made him a profound reverence, opened to the Right and Left to make a Lane for him. Among the Grandees that went out to meet him, were Basilides, the Emperor's Eldest Son, and his sure Friend Raz Cella Christos.

In this State the Patriarch was Conducted to a Tent that was prepared for him without the Camp; * 15.3 where having put on his Pontifi∣cials, the Princes and Grandees all alighted and kissed his hand. When that Ceremony was over, he Mounted again, and was Conduct∣ed to a Tent within the Camp; where having put on his Mytre, he Mounted a stately Horse richly equipped, that the Emperor had presented him with; and riding under a sumptuous Canopy, that was support∣ed by Six Viceroys, he advanced to the Church Jan Jabet, having his Horse led all the way by Serca Christos the Steward of the Houshold.

When the Patriarch entered into the Church, he found the Emperor there sitting on his Throne with his Crown on his Head; who when the Patriarch drew near to him, * 15.4 ris up and embraced him with great Affection, the Patriarch having paid his Devoirs to the Em∣peror, went up to the Altar; where having spent some time in Devotion, he seated him∣self in his Pontifical Chair, and begun a Ser∣mon, taking for his Text those words of the Psalmist, Behold how good and pleasant a thing it is for brethren to live together in unity. His Discourse is said to have been the more ap∣plauded, for its having been the first Sermon that was ever preached in Ethiopia by an Abuna: Upon which, as if all Popes and Roman Archbishops were constant and laborious Preachers, and mortal haters of Money; the Jesuits triumphed, and made this reflection, That by this, if there had been nothing else, the Habassins might have seen

the difference there was betwixt their Church and that of Rome, their former Abunas having come amongst them for no other end, but to get money out of them; the Patriarch having given the blessing, was told the Emperor staid for him in the great Hall of the Palace; who when the Patriarch came near, ris up and made him sit down by him in a Chair, that differed no∣thing from that he himself sate on; the Em∣peror after they were both seated, enquired very kindly about the Patriarch's health, * 15.5 and the length and fatigues of his Voyage; and some Complements and Ejaculations having passed on both sides, they fixed the day whereon the Emperor and all his Converts were publickly to swear obedience to the Pope in the hands of the Patriarch.

The Eleventh of December, which was the day appointed for the Solemnity, being come, the Emperor and all the Court-Converts re∣paired to the great Hall of the Palace, in which there were two Chairs of State placed near the Throne, one on the right side for the Emperor, and another on the left for the Pa∣triarch; who being seated with his Tiara on his head, and in a Cope of Asperges, he begun a Sermon, taking for his Text, Thou art Pe∣ter, &c. I shall not trouble the Reader with the Sermon, there being nothing in it but the common Roman Mumpsimus upon these words, * 15.6 and the gross fallacy of confounding, the Supre∣macy the Church of Rome now pretends to, with that primacy of order that was anciently gi∣ven to it purely in consideration of Rome's being

the first City in the Empire; to which purpose the Patriarch quoted a Canon of the Council of Nice, which he told the Habassins they would find in their own Books, which run as fol∣lows:

There are four principal Chairs in the World which are as the four Rivers that flow out of Paradise; or as the four universal Winds, or as the four Elements; but above all the Chair of St. Peter has the Dignity and Pri∣macy; and in the second place that of St. Mark of Alexandria; in the third place that of St. John; in the fourth that of Anti∣och, which was also St. Peter's, from which four all the other Bishops are deri∣ved.

Now this Canon, besides that it is not a Ca∣non of the Council of Nice, which in its Con∣stitution relating to the Hierarchy, contra∣dicts it in making Antioch and not Ephesus the third Chair, and Jerusalem the fourth; it overthrows that very Supremacy to which the Habassins were about to swear obedience, in giving no other Primacy to the Roman, over the other three Patriarchs than it do's to the Alexandrian over the other two, which was un∣doubtedly a Primacy only of Order and not of Jurisdiction; for had the Primacy that is here given to these Chairs, been given out of re∣spect to the Apostles who were their first Bi∣shops, then Antioch must have been the second if not the first, and Alexandria the last; but notwithstanding it is not easy to imagine,

that the patriarch should be ignorant of these two great flaws in his Canon, he concluded it with this flourish, See now to whom you ought to give most Credit, to a gross Falsary or Cheat, or to a Decree of Three hundred and eighteen Catholick Fathers.

There was another thing he much insisted upon, which was, That there had been Hereti∣cal Bishops in all the other Chairs, whereas no Bishop that had sate in the Chair of Rome, had ever been so much as suspected of any He∣resy; which to say no worse of it, was a bold word, considering That Liberius stands accused by all his Contemporaries of Arianism; and Ho∣norius, Bishop of the same See, was condemned by Name in Two General Councils, as a Heretick. But the Habassins having little or no Knowledge in Church-History, encouraged the Patriarch to make so bold with them.

When the Patriarch had ended his Sermon, the Emperor Commanded the Viceroy of Ce∣men, who was Lord High Chamberlain, to speak in his Name.

There is but one thing remarkable in the Chamberlain's Speech, that is, his saying, * 15.7 That the People of Ethiopia did compel the Emperor much against his will, to take the Crown upon him, and that if they would have let him alone, he would have been much better contented to have lived and died in the Monastery they found him in, than to have been made an Emperor. Now this is very different from the History we have of him, which makes him, during Jacob and Za Danguil's Reign, to have scoured about with

a Body of Raperees, and to have fought his way to the Throne.

When the Chamberlain had done speaking, the Emperor turned about to the Patriarch, and told him, Your Lordship is not to think that what I am about to do now is a new thing, I having some years ago yeilded Obedience to the Pope, in the hands of the Father Superior, who is here present; nevertheless being willing to do it again with more Solemnity, he took the Book of the Gospels in his hand, and Kneeling down before the Patriarch, made his Sub∣mission in the form following:

WE Seltem Saged, * 15.8 Emperor of Ethiopia, Do Believe and Confess, That St. Peter was Constituted Prince of the Apostles by our Lord Jesus Christ, as also Head of the whole Christian Church, Christ having given him a Principality and Dominion over the whole World, when he said unto him, Thou art Peter; and when at another time he Commanded him to feed his Sheep. We do also Believe and Confess, That the Pope of Rome, being lawfully Elected, is the true Successor of the Apostle St. Peter in that Government, having the same Power, Dignity, and Primacy over the whole Christian Church. And to the Holy Father Urban the VIIIth. who is, by the Grace of God, Pope at this time, and our Lord; and to his Successors in the Government of the Church, We do Promise, Offer, and Swear, true Obedience and Subjection, with all humility at his Feet, for our own Person and Empire. So help us God, and this Holy Gospel.

Upon this Submission the Emperor was re∣presented here in Europe, by the Missionaries as one of the greatest Saints that had ever wore, a Crown: But upon his returning to re-esta∣blish the Alexandrian Faith again, which he did, not many years after, we have this great Character recanted, being represented on that occasion, and that by the same Missionaries, as a wretch that had never any thing in him that was good. So that Princes are Saints or Devils with some people, as they are Friends or Foes to the Pope, of which Queen Elizabeth, and Mary Queen of Scots, are a home instance.

After the Emperor, the Princes, Viceroys, * 15.9 and Ecclesiasticks of the Court made their Sub∣missions, saying, I. N. do Promise, Offer, and Swear the same. So help me God, and these Holy Gospels. When the Solemnity of Swearing was ended, Raz Cella Christos began an ha∣rangue, and having talked himself into an heat, he drew his Sword, and holding it up na∣ked, said, what is now is now, and what is past is past, but whosoever shall not do his duty here∣after, this, shaking his Sword, shall be his Judge.

After this, all that were present took an Oath to Prince Basilides, as Heir and Successor to his Father; which Oath, say the Jesuits, when the Great Raz Cella Christos came to take, he, like a true Son of the Roman Church, took it with a Condition, worthy of his Courage and Christianity, saying, I Swear to the Prince as Heir to his Father in the Empire, and I do promise to Obey him as a Loyal Subject, so long as he shall Hold, Defend, and Favour, the Holy Catholick

Faith, which whensoever he shall cease to do, I will be both his first and greatest Enemy: All his Officers and Servants taking the Oath to the Prince with the same Condition.

The Solemnity was concluded with an Ex∣communication pronounced by the Patriarch, aginst those who should at any time violate these Oaths; and with two Proclamations, the one prohibiting all Habassin Priests to perform any Ecclesiastical Office before they had presented themselves to the Patriarch; and the other Commanding all the Subjects of the Empire, upon pain of Death, to embrace Popery, and to discover all such as adhered to their Ancient Religion, Com∣manding them likewise to observe Lent and Easter according to the Roman Stile.

The next thing to be done, * 15.10 was to settle a Revenue on the Patriarch, suitable to the heighth of his Dignity, to which the Lands and Perquisites of the former Abuna's were not reckoned to be sufficient; the Emperor therefore bestowed a great Estate in Land, lying upon the shoar of the Lake of Dembea, upon him, giving him also the Palace of the Empress Mariam Eima, and ordering another Palace to be Built for him in Dancaz, where the Court resided for the most part.

The Patriarch having thus feather'd his own Nest, begun to look abroad, and having got the Emperor to found a College for Sixty Students at Dancaz, he begun to send his Mis∣sionaries about, and not having Fathers enough for so great an harvest, he was forc'd to make use of such Habassins as were observed to have the most Zeal for the Roman Church.

And as it is common with some People to reckon a work done before it is well begun, * 15.11 so when the News of this solemn submission came to Lisbon, Ethiopia was reckoned to be the Pope's, as sure as Portugal; for in a Book Printed there in the year 1623. by one Vega a Jesuit, the World was told, That the fervour wherewith the Habassins crowded into the bosom of Mother Church, was too great to be either ex∣pressed or conceived, and that there was nothing to be heard all over that vast Empire, but Praises of the Roman Faith; Old and Young, Rich and Poor, declaring that there was nothing to be compared to it; and that whereas hitherto they had been as blind as Bats, and miserably imposed upon, they do now behold the Light, and are happily rescued from the Blindness and Cheats of false Teachers, the Ro∣man being the only Faith that deserved to be main∣tained; and if there should be occasion, that is worth the dying for. Nay, the Patriarch him∣self, as appears from a Letter of his sent to Portugal about this time, was pretty sanguine too, having assured the Fathers of his Society, That he spoke within compass when he said, an Hundred thousand had been Converted within a Year to the Roman Church; which, considering that Ethiopia is no very populous Countrey, was an extraordinary Harvest. And I do well remember, that in the year 1685. he would have been looked upon at Lisbon as one of the greatest lyars in the World, that should have denied that in Eight Months time above Six hundred thousand Protestants had been Christened, for that was the word, in England.

There were likewise a great many pretty stories, * 15.12 either sent from Ethiopia or made at Lisbon, upon this occasion; I shall only set down one of them, by which the Reader may judge of the rest.

The Emperor having one day commanded one of his Sons, who was but a Child, to take up the Cudgels for the Roman Church, against one of the most Learned of the Ha∣bassin Monks, Bellarmine, for so the Emperor used to call that Child, took the Monk to task presently, asking him, without any pre∣meditation, Whether he Believed Christ to have been God before he was Born? The Monk made answer, be did: Bellarmine then asked him, Whether he did not believe God's Nature to be dif∣ferent from Man's Nature? The Monk an∣swered, It was undoubtedly: Hold your hand then, said Bellarmine, since you acknowledge he was God that took Man's Nature upon him, How can you deny that there must be Two Natures in Christ; with which argument the poor Monk was struck as mute as a Fish. It is no great matter whether this story was true or not, it being enough that it was pat for a Sermon upon the Text, Out of the mouths of babes and sucklings, &c.

But as all other Orders, as we have hinted before, do accuse the Jesuit Missionaries of magnifying their own Labours and Successes thus, beyond all the bounds of Credibility, so they do complain likewise of their disparaging the Labours of all other Friars in their remote Missions.

Of which Proud and envious carriage, the Jesuits resident at Agra do, in their Letters of this

Year to their Superiors at Goa, furnish us with a notable instance; where, speaking of some Friars, who, I suppose were Carmelites, being come newly to that City, they say, They were so high-flown, as to pretend to nothing under Raising the Dead; adding, they have be∣gun to work, but we do not as yet hear, that they have Raised any that were Dead to Life: We pray God they may prove true Prophets.

But though the Roman Church was thus Triumphant at Court, the whole Body of the Empire, notwithstanding the late bloody Proclamation, was extreamly prejudiced against it, and the whole Court, for its sake, so that the Patriarch's Missionaries, where∣ever they went, met with but bad entertain∣ment.

Two of them going into a Church in Tigre to say Mass, were Commanded, by a Person of Honour that lived in the Neigh∣bourhood, to go and say their Masses somewhere else, and not in the Church where his Father, who had lived and died in the Alexandrian Faith, lay buried; but the Missionaries knowing they had the Government on their side, made answer, That he must not think to terrifie them out of their Duties, for Mass they came to say there, and Mass they would say. * 15.13 The Gentleman finding they were not to be hindered by Threats, offered them Money to forbear; and when he found that would not do neither, he threw himself down upon his Father's grave, crying in a mighty Passion, that he would be buried with his Father, rather than suffer a thing to be done there, which he knew must be offensive to his Ghost.

But the Missionaries taking no notice of his words, performed their Masses, which pro∣voked the Gentleman to that degree, that he had them both Murthered next Night in their Beds.

The Emperor and the Court kept the Holy Week and Easter with the Patriarch at the Church of Geneta Jesus, where Raz Cella, the Heroe of the Jesuits Histories, with his Cap∣tains, guarded the Sepulcher all Good-Friday at night; and in the procession there were seve∣ral that whipt themselves, after the fashion of Portugal, which was a strange sight in Ethio∣pia.

The Patriarch having published the Six first General Councils with a Catechism in the Ha∣bassin Tongue, begun a Visitation; but finding himself not able to endure the fatigue thereof, he cut it short, leaving it to the new Bishop, who was expected daily from the Indies. The Emperor upon his having been told that the Patriarch had demanded no Fees of the Clergy at his Visitation, is said to have reflect∣ed upon the former Abuna's; who not having so great an Estate, as he had bestowed upon the Patriarch, did use to take some; saying of them, That they seemed to have held Visitations for no other end but to get Money, the thing in the World the Roman Prelates and Jesuits hate the most.

In the Year 1627, the Gauls made a great Incursion into Ethiopia; and having surprized the Viceroy Buco, who was a great Stickler for Popery, they put him and his whole Army to the Sword, but they were afterwards drive

home by Raz Cella, who do's all the great things in the Jesuits Histories.

But the ill success of Julius, Joanel, and others who had taken up Arms in defence of their Religion, had not so far cowed the Zeal of the Habassins, as to make them submit quietly to the Establishment of Popery; and the discontented Grandees, which are what no Government ever wanted, knowing the people to be extreamly angry with the Empe∣ror and the Court, are said to have made use of their Religious resentments for the carrying on of their own private designs.

And accordingly Tecla Guergis, the Viceroy of Tigre, who was Married to a Daughter of the Emperor's, Published a Proclamation on the Fifth of November; wherein having decla∣red himself of the Alexandrian Faith, and swore to Defend it with the last drop of his Blood against all the world; * 15.14 He ordered all that were of the same faith to bring in all the Crucifixes and Reliques which had been forced upon them by the Fathers; and having got great numbers of them into his hands, he made a Bonfire of them all, telling the Monks and Sol∣diers, who were rejoicing at the sight, That they might see by this that he was in earnest; and not contented with having given them this as∣surance of his having absolutely broke with his Father-in-Law and the Jesuits; He Mur∣thered his own Chaplain in the sight of the Camp, because he refused to return to the Alexandrian Faith, giving his body afterwards to the Officers of his Army, who with their Cimiters cut it in a thousand pieces.

When the Emperor heard of this new Croisade, he sent Kebo Christus with an Army to suppress it in the beginning; who having Marched day and night, was up with Guergis sooner than he expected; * 15.15 Guergis nevertheless trusting to the Zeal and Number of his Forces, accepted of a Battel when it was offered him by Kebo; who having encouraged his men with a short Speech, dispersed the Alexandrians with the first shock he gave them, few of them having been killed fighting, besides Twelve Monks. Keb••, who was a Bigotted Papist, made a great slaughter, sparing neither Man, Woman, nor Child; and Guergis, who had hid himself in a Cave, being taken three days after the fight, was sent by him under a strong Guard to the Emperor, by whom he was condemned to be burnt to Ashes, not for his Treason, but for his Apostacy, and the Bonfire he had made; who having desired to speak with a Roman Priest before he died, had Father Antonio sent to him by the Patriarch, with full powers to absolve him from all censures in case he found him penitent. Guergis, hoping that his turning Roman-Catho∣lick would have helped him to a pardon, told the Father he was extreamly sorry for what he had done, and desired nothing so much as to be reconci∣led again to the Roman Church, being resolved to die in her Faith. The Father having made him abjure the Alexandrian Faith, confessed and absolved him from all the censures he had in∣curred; but Guergis perceiving that all that he was like to get by having turned Papist, was only to be hanged in the prison as a Rebel, and not burnt publickly alive as an Heretick; when he

was brought to the place of Execution, he de∣clared openly, That he died in the Alexandrian, and not in the Roman Faith. The Emperor when he heard of this, sent an order to bring him immediately out of prison, to hang him on a Tree that stood near the Palace.

When the Officers came to the prison, they found him hanging; and perceiving that he was not quite dead, they cut him down; and carrying him to that Tree, hanged him upon it. The Emperor carried all the Court-Ladies to entertain them with this sad spectacle; and having commanded them to look on the Dead body, he told them, That from that day for∣ward, they would do well to look to themselves and if they either rejected or forsook the Roman Faith; not to expect a pardon for it, since he had denied one to his own Son-in-Law for having done it; and to terrify the tender Sex the more, about fifteen days after, he commanded Adivato, a Lady of great Quality, to be hanged before them upon the same Tree; for whose pardon, when the Empress and all the Ladies of the Court had thrown themselves at his feet, he shaked them off, saith Father Anthony, with the following No∣ble Fable.

There was upon a time a very ancient man, * 15.16 who being told that a Child was dead, made answer, Children are tender Creatures, and a small matter carries them off; and being told afterwards there was a Young man dead, he said, Considering the rashness of Youth, that was no wonder; but when be was told that an Old man was dead, he wrung his hands, and cried as if the world had been at an

end, imagining death stood ready to arrest him; So, saith the Emperor, you could see Guergis and his Companions suffer without speaking a word in their behalf, but now one of your own Sex is to suffer, you are all in an uproar to save her; but I will have you all know, That this Shoestring of Aba Jacob's, whom Guergis had Murthered for being a Roman Priest, is strong enough to hang this Sow, and all such as she is.

Father Anthony, who was present at all these Executions, has in his Relation of them, made so true a remark upon the change Popery had wrought on the Emperor's temper, * 15.17 and on the practice of the Habassins, who seldom or never used to put Grandees, and much less Ladies, to death, for Treason, or indeed for any other Crime, that I shall set it down in his own words; Whosoever, saith he, shall diligently read the History of Ethiopia, and shall observe the want of Vindicative Justice that was therein, and the Clemency Seltem Saged had used before with all that had Rebelled against him, must of necessity reckon his Punishing of Tecla Guergis so severely, to have been one of the greatest Miracles that had happened in many years in Ethiopia. For let the Church of Rome be what She will, as to her working Miracles that are any ways beneficial to Mankind, they must be very unjust to her that deny her the honour of working such Mira∣cles as these in the tempers of her Converts. But, as we shall see hereafter, these Miracles of Cru∣elty did the Fathers no great kindness in Ethiopia at long run. Neither were the Cruelties of an unprovoked Persecution at this time in Ethiopia, less wonderful than those of War; the inhu∣manity

of the former being such, as to over∣take those, * 15.18 who for Conscience sake had for∣saken all that they had in the world, and had Buried themselves in Cases and Dens of the Earth; out of which, when discovered, they were ei∣ther ferreted to be burnt, if they would not turn Roman-Catholicks, or smoaked to death in them. The memory of which Barbarities is to this day so fresh in the minds of the Ha∣bassins, that as they do still continue to have a great Veneration for those Caves wherein their Brethren suffered Martyrdom, so they cannot hear a Jesuit or a Roman-Catholick so much as mentioned, but with horror.

The Patriarch and Fathers reckoning them∣selves sure of the Emperor, after these miracu∣lous cruelties, for which they believed the Alex∣andrians would never be reconciled to him, begun to make bolder steps than they had ventu∣red to make before; and so the Patriarch having been informed that an Ancient Nobleman, who had been of the Council of State, and Chamberlain to the Emperor, had some Lands which belonged to the Church in his hands, he first admonished him to restore them to the Church immediately; which the Nobleman having re∣fused to do, the Patriarch seeing him after∣wards at Mass, * 15.19 ordered an Excommunication to be pronounced against him; the Nobleman ha∣ving never dreamt of any such Thunderclap, is said to have been so astonished by its Cur∣ses and Maledictions, That he fell upon the ground, as if Datham and Abiram, to whom the Excommunication had delivered him, had been coming upon him like two furies to carry him quick

down into Hell; but being come to himself again, he beseeched the Emperor and the whole Congregation to intercede with the Pa∣triarch in his behalf, promising to restore the Lands to the Church immediately; which being done, the Patriarch absolved him in forma Ec∣clesiae, striking him with a road all the time the Miserere was Singing. At which exercise of Discipline, though all the true Romanists, say the Jesuits, rejoiced, they that were Hereticks in their hearts were mad to see themselves subjected to such reproachful punishments.

In this Year the Foundation of the Patriari∣chal Church was laid at Dancez; the Emperor himself having laid the first stone, and promi∣sed to build it at his own proper cost; and as an Earnest of his Devotion for our Lady, to whom it was Dedicated, he took a Crown of pure Gold off his Head and gave it to be employ'd in gilding the Seats in our Lady's Chappel; it was to have been a large Church with three Naves, but Popery did not stay long enough in Ethiopia to see it finished: For at the same time that its foundations were laid, the Emperor's jealousies of his Brother revived again; one Melcha Christos, who was his first Cousin having assured both the Emperor and the Prince, * 15.20 that Raz Cella was continually plotting with the Patriarch and the Fathers, to bring a Portuguese Army into Ethiopia, to make himself Emperor; in which charge Melcha Christos was seconded by one Lessana Christos, who being an Officer of the Army, was secured by Raz Cella, so soon as he heard of his being one of his accu∣sers,

and condemned by him to be put to death immediately as an Apostate to the Alexandrian Faith. Lessana, to prevent the Execution of this Sentence, appealed to the Emperor; and fearing lest he might be dispatched out of the way, before he could have an answer from Court, he broke prison; but being taken be∣fore he could get to the Emperor, he had his head chopped off, not for Heresy, nor for having accused his General, but for having broke Jayl. But Raz Cella by stopping of Lessana's mouth thus, did open a Thousand against him; and did Confirm the Emperor and the Prince in their former jealousies; it being in every body's mouth, * 15.21 that Raz Cella had murther'd Lessana for no other rea∣son, but because he was privy to his plotting secretly with the Patriarch, and was ready to have pro∣ved it upon him if he had been suffered to go to Court.

The discovery of this plot gave a fatal blow to Popery in Ethiopia; every body, but espe∣cially the Prince, being satisfied, that consider∣ing how odious Raz Cella had rendered himself to the Habassins, it could be nothing but his ha∣ving received some assurances of a Portuguese Army, that could have put such fumes into his head; so that after this the Prince never gave over persecuting the Patriarch and Fathers until he had rid Ethiopia of them, as we shall see hereafter.

In the Year 1629, the Agau's of Begameder took up Arms for their Religion; and having Massacred the Soldiers that were Quartered upon them, and drive their Viceroy Za Ma∣riam

out of the Province, * 15.22 they sent Envoys to a Prince of the Royal Family, who had ta∣ken sanctuary among the Gauls, to come and take the Crown of Ethiopia, which belonged to him of right, upon him; promising to stand by him in Defence of their Religion, with their Lives and Fortunes. This Prince was probably Son either to the late Emperor Jacob, or to Za Danguil, who are both said to have had Sons; though we hear nothing of them after their Fathers were slain, unless we will believe Zaga Christi, who died at Ruel near Paris in the Year 1629, to have been the Son of Jacob, as he pretended; and who reported there, that it was with the assistance of the Portugueses, that Suseneus had Conquered and Murthered his Father, on the account of his being an Enemy to the Roman Faith.

But whosesoever Son this Prince was whom the Agau's had invited to take the Crown upon him, he came to them with the Envoys they had sent to him; and having accepted of the Crown, did swear to defend the Alexandrian Faith against all the world: Upon which the Monks, who were enraged almost to madness, by the Emperor's having commanded all his Subjects of what Degree or Quality soever, immedi∣tely to turn Roman-Catholicks, flocked to their Alexandrian Emperor from all Parts, de∣claring against the Emperor, as another Julian the Apostate; and who was not content with ha∣ving abandoned the Religion of his Fathers himself, but he would force all the People of Ethiopia to follow his Example. By which tragical Exclamati∣ons they raised the Countrey whereever they

came, chiefly the Peasants of Lasta, who have the reputation of being the stoutest Men in the whole Empire. But the Emperor having got together an Army of Twenty five thou∣sand Foot, and Two thousand Horse, March∣ed towards the Peasants by the way of Gojam, in the beginning of February, and having at∣tacked the strong Mountain of Lasta on all sides, he was beat back, having besides his General and several Persons of the first Qua∣lity, Seven hundred Soldiers slain in the Acti∣on. The Peasants flushed with this Success, followed their blow so close, that they ob∣liged the Emperor to Retreat; and had not Kebo Christos come in to him very seasonably with a Body of old Troops, it was thought the Peasants would have gone near to have hemmed him in among the Mountains, which if they had done, they would have had him and his whole Army at their mercy.

The Emperor, * 15.23 though very unwilling to have employed his Brother any more, was forced by the condition of his Affairs to do it, not having a Man, besides him, that knew how to Command an Army; and ac∣cordingly he sent to him, to come and take that Command upon him; Raz Cella, who since his Disgrace had retired into the Coun∣trey of the Agau's, having received this Mes∣sage from the Emperor, yeilded Obedience to it; and having, after he had got into Gojam, placed Guards in all the Passages the Agau's had into that Province, he repaired to Court, where he was received with great ap∣pearances of Respect and Affection.

But the News, which came a few days after, of the Agau's being got into the heart of Gojam, which they were plundering at a most unmerciful rate, the Soldiers that had been left by Raz Cella to Guard the Passages, having all either run home, or gone over to the Agau's so soon as they approached them, re∣vived Peoples former jealousies of Raz Cella, it being in every bodies mouth, * 15.24 That he was in a Correspondence with the Agau's, and had placed such Men in the Passes, as he knew certain∣ly would go over to them, or that at least would not oppose them. Whereupon Raz Cella that he might clear himself of these suspicions, Marched with all the speed he could towards the Agau's; who having advice of his advan∣cing towards them, withdrew, returning home full of the Spoils of that rich Countrey; which the Alexandrians said considently, Raz Cella might have prevented if he had had a mind to it. But notwithstanding all these surmi∣ses, and that his having thus obliged the Agau's to leave Gojam, was no argument at all of his having had no hand in letting them into it; the Emperor was, it seems, so well satisfied with his Conduct, that he gave him the Vice∣royship of that Kingdom again, giving the Chief Command of the Army to the Prince, * 15.25 who was now become a mortal Enemy to the Patriarch and the Fathers.

The Alexandrians having thus got the Prince intirely in their Interest, begun to contrive how to rid the Court of all that were Cham∣pions for Popery in it; and having persuaded the Emperor to send his Brother into Gojam,

they got him likewise to send Kebo Christos, who was the second great stickler for Popery, into Tigre, whereof he was Viceroy, pretend∣ing his presence there was necessary, by rea∣son of its neighbourhood to the Peasants that were in Arms.

Kebo, though he was sensible upon what de∣sign he was Commanded to his Government, yet not being in a condition to refuse, * 15.26 he pre∣tended to be very willing to leave the Court, giving this for his reason, That he was not able to bear the coldness that increased in it daily for Pope∣ry; declaring, That he had much rather be slain by the Peasants of Lasta, Fighting for the Faith, than continue Chamberlain to the Emperor, and be obliged to Persecute those Good Men who had in∣structed him therein, which he saw plainly the Court would be brought to do in a short time. Thus Kebo full of fears and discontents left the Court, and being arrived at Tigre, went immediately to Fremona, where having spent some days with the Fathers, only about Ghostly business, he advanced from thence with a small Body in∣to the Kingdom of Amahara, where the Prince had promised to joyn him with the Army; but Kebo having been sent thither by the Alexandrians on purpose to be Sacrificed, * 15.27 no Prince came near him; and having wait∣ed for him till his Provisions were all spent, the Peasants, as he was retreating to Tigre, fell upon his Rear, and having Slain him, as he was Fighting Manfully to have made good his Retreat, his Soldiers, who were all in their hearts Alexandrians, so soon as they

saw their General fall, went over to the Pea∣sants as to the Defenders of their Faith.

The Patriarch, who performed a solemn Office for Kebo's Soul, was wonderfully affli∣cted for the loss of such a Champion; and as Misfortunes do seldom come single, his tears were not well dried up for this loss, before he received the bad News of Tecur Egzi, the Grandee that was to have gone Ambassador to Portugal, being killed by the Galls in an in∣rode they had made into the Kingdom of Da∣motes.

Upon the fall of these Two Pillars of the Roman Church, the Alexandrians about the Court grew bolder every day, and having ob∣served the Emperor to be Melancholy upon such a run of Losses, they all waited upon him in a Body, one of them, in the Name of all the rest, asking him:

Sir, We desire to know how long we are to worry one another thus? The poor Peasants that are in Arms have no Quarrel with your Highness, but only for forcing them to be of the Roman Religion: That Religion may, perhaps, be true, but it is what they do not understand, neither will they trouble themselves, being well satisfied with their Old Re∣ligion, to study a New one; and so being resolved never to be of any other Faith but that of their Forefathers, they have set up an Emperor, who has promised to defend them in the Profession of it, calling us Turks and Moors for having not only embraced a New Religion our selves, but for Perse∣cuting of them because they will not do it.

The Empe∣ror tho he returned them no answer to these

passionate Remonstrances, encouraged them by his silence and attention to what they said, to ply him daily upon that point; desiring him, at least, to leave his Subjects to their li∣berty of being of which of the Two Religions they liked best.

But as when things are tumbling, * 15.28 every small push hastens their fall; so there were Two Acti∣ons of the Patriarch's which gave Popery a terrible shake, in the tottering condition it was in at Court.

The first was, His having commanded the Corps of an Eminent Monk, who had been for several years General of the whole Order of Tecla Haymonot, to be taken out of the Grave, where it lay Buried in a Church, and to be thrown into the open Fields, for his having declared at his Death, That he died in the Alexandrian, and not in the Roman Faith. It is not to be imagined, say the Jesuits, how great a storm this act of Discipline put the whole Empire into; it being in every Body's mouth, That the Romanists were not satisfied with Persecuting People while they were alive, who would not turn to their Religion, but did Persecute them beyond the Grave; which puts a stop to the Rage of all other Nations and Sects of People, by Commanding their Bodies, contrary to the Laws of Humanity, to be taken out of the Earth, and thrown for a Prey to Birds and Wild Beasts.

The second was, the Patriarch having com∣mitted a Woman to Prison for being a Witch, and, notwithstanding upon his having been informed that there was a Law in Ethiopia which prohibited People to believe that there is

any such thing as Witches; the belief whereof, they say, is founded upon the Error of the Ma∣nichees, That there are Two Independent Gods, a Good one, and a Bad one; he commanded her presently to be set at Liberty; yet that was not sufficient to stop the Clamour, or to keep the Alexandrians from accusing the Portugueses of being Manichees, and who in defiance to the an∣cient Laws of the Empire, were endeavouring to bring the belief of Two Eternal and Independent Principles in among them.

There was another thing happened at this time too, which, though in it self ridiculous, made a great noise, and did Popery some dis∣service.

A Man, who appeared to be Distracted, running into the great Hall of the Palace, cried out, He had a Message from Heaven to de∣liver to the Emperor; the Alexandrians, who were believed to have made the Farce, having persuaded the Emperor to hear what he had to say, he told his Highness, That it was now Three days since he was Raised from the Dead, and having since been carried up to Paradise, was sent by God to deliver the following Message to him:

Hear, O Emperor, I have bore with you for some Years, expecting that you would have Re∣pented of the great Sin you have been guilty of, in forsaking the Religion of your Forefathers; during all which time the Blessed Virgin has been on her Knees before her Son to Intercede for you; but I am now to tell you, That in case you do not Repent of that Sin, that God will Punish you with a strange

Judgment.

But notwithstanding, the Empe∣ror Commanded the Fellow to be soundly Whipp'd for his News, the Alexandrians made great use of what he had said, it being reported over the whole Empire, That an Angel from Heaven had appeared to the Emperor with a Command to him from God to return to his Old Re∣ligion. But among other things, the Emperor is said to have been displeased with himself for having in the first heats of his new Religion settled so much Land on the Patriarch, which he would gladly have had a pretence to have resumed again, to settle it upon his Younger Sons; but whatever were the cause of the Emperor growing every day less fond of Popery, the Alexandrians being at him continually for a To∣leration, he promised to speak to the Patriarch about it, and accordingly having sent for him, he told him, * 15.29 He had done all that was in his power to have introduced the Roman Faith into his Empire, but he was now satisfied that it was not to be done by force, it being visible that his People hated it more than ever, since he Commanded them to embrace it. Besides, there was an absolute necessity of his granting them a Toleration, since if he did not, he would quickly have his whole Empire against him; his Soldiers that he made use of against the Peasants, being in their hearts no less Alexandrians than the Peasants themselves. The Patriarch, who was extreamly troubled to hear this from the Emperor, told him, That his High∣ness was miserably misled by Evil Counsellors, who under pretence of a Toleration sought the utter Ex∣tirpation of the Roman Faith. But the Empe∣ror urging still, That something must be done to

satisfy the minds of his Subjects, the Patriarch was forc'd to promise the Toleration of all such Ancient Habassin Customs as were not contrary to the Faith, but upon condition that such a To∣leration should not be Proclaimed; because if that were done, the Habassins, he said, would Triumph so upon it, as to conclude that the Roman Church was about to make Her Exit out of Ethiopia.

While Popery was in this declining state, Dom Apolinar D' Almeyda, the new Bishop of Nice, arrived in Ethiopia, bringing a Jubilee with him, and Letters from the Pope to the Emperor and the Prince; which Letters, though I have great reason to believe they were writ in Ethiopia, in order to rekindle the Emperor's Zeal for Popery, which was slackened so much of late; I shall neverthe∣less set them down as they are published by the Jesuits, leaving them to the censure of the ju∣dicious Reader.

Pope Urban the VIIIth. To Seltem Sa∣ged Emperor of Ethiopia. Health and Apostolical Benediction.

MOST dear Son in Christ; The Stream of the River Nile doth at this time make glad the City of God; Fruits fit for the Banquets of Angels being brought from the thirsty Land of Ethiopia to the Palace of St. Peter; there being nothing that the Mother of Riches, or that Africk, which is so fruitful of Monsters, can bring to Rome, the Mother of Christianity, that is so Precious and wonderful, as your Majesty's Letters, addressed to Gregory the XVth of happy Memory, to whose place, though unworthy of it, the

Holy Spirit has been pleased to call us; when we read them we could not forbear weeping for joy, to hear that the vast Empire of Ethiopia had submit∣ted it self to the Laws of the Roman Pontificate. O happy Prince! who after having Conquered di∣vers Nations, and triumphed over all your Ene∣mies, have been able to exalt the Trophies of the Cross of Christ upon the Towers of your Provinces: For you do really plant Heaven in your Empire, so long as the favour of so great a King is sought af∣ter by the making a profession of the Catholick truth. Go on, my Dear Son, since God favours you, and Rome by its applauses exalts you to the Society of those Princes, who for having propogated the King∣dom of Heaven, have an immortal memory in the praises of Mankind; for notwithstanding your Ma∣jesty's Empire is beyond the anciently known ways of the Sun, the Apostolical Senate which comprehends all the Nations of the Christian Commonwealth beholdeth all your Heroick Actions, giving manifold applauses on the Theatre of the world to your Majesty, and to all that are employed by you, in suppressing the rashness of Rebels, and in breaking the horns of Fiends. We the Vi∣car of the Almighty Majesty in this Throne, which all Christians do with bended knees adore, have turned the eyes of our Apostolical solicitude towards your Maje∣sty, praying that the most exalted Arbiter of Prin∣ces, may send his Angels to be Soliders in your Tri∣umphant Armies; we are not ignorant of what some people drive at, for we behold whole Legions of Devils fighting against the Scepter of Christ, which is the strength of your Majesty's Right-arm; we know the Professors of false Doctrines do likewise whet their Tongues as a Sword, that so they may with the poison of their Impiety infect the Bread of

Life. Assume a courage therefore worthy of the Race of David, in whom the House of Ethiopia glories as in their Ancestor; who when such people placed their Camps against him, did put his trust in God, and so found by Experience, that the name of the Lord was the Tower of David, guarded by a•• heavenly Host, and praised by a victorious Army. My most dear Son, it is undoubtedly as you write, that the Pests of their Countrey, and the Disturbers of the people shall not, God assisting you, be suffered to reign. We do most affectionately impart our Apostolical Be∣nediction to your self, and your best Brother, and to all your Royal Family and faithful People; and shall pray continually that you may always have the Arms of light from the Sanctuary of the Divinity; and we do here with the keys of the Pontiff open unto you the Treasure of the heavenly Indulgence; with whose healthful riches we do at this time bless the Ethiopick Church; we shall likewise be always mindful to sollicit the most Powerful King of Spain, to grant you all that you shall desire of the Austrian House. Most Dear Son, we do embrace you in the arms of our Apostolical Charity; and carrying you in our hearts, we shall always adorn you with the Patronage of our Pontificate; and while you do with a Royal Piety venerate the Patriarch of Ethio∣pia, and his Coadjutors, you give Examples to others to honour the Priesthood; and do whet the sollicitude of holy Prelates to labour in Ethiopia; we wish you joy of the obedience of your people, who so long as a Religious King fights under the standard of Christ, do never Desert him.

Dated at Rome at St. Peter's, under the Ring of the Fisherman, this First of February, 1627. in the Fourth Year of our Ponti∣ficate.

Pope Urban the VIIIth's Letter to the Prince.

Our Most Beloved Son in Christ, Health and Apo∣stolical Benediction.

THE Wealth of Nile floweth to the glory of your Name; * 17.1 and you the Son of the Ethio∣pick Empire, do grow up in the hopes of a most powerful Principality; you do nevertheless understand, God having taught you, how miserable you had been, had you not drank of the streams of the Gos∣pel, out of the Fountain of the Catholick Church; and if you had not by adoring St. Peter in the Ro∣man Pontificate, been made the Son of God, whose Possession and Workmanship the whole frame of Heaven and Earth is in the Roman Church. The holy Quire of Reigning Priests, and of Obedient Na∣tions, do applaud the Heir that is to rule in Ethio∣pia with Christian Virtue; rejoicing that a King∣dom is prepared for you, out of which your trium∣phant Father, the Scepter of whose Empire is the Rod of Direction, do's thorough the Divine Assistance, extirpate the Synagogue of Satan; you having been Educated in the Domestick imitation of such splen∣did virtues; and being in a Post that draws the eyes of Heaven and Earth upon you. Such Councils are expected from your Wisdom as are to be like the lights of the Holy Spirit, and the Thunderbolts of the Divine Vengeance. And being it is thus, beloved Son, you must not think of living at ease in your Father's Palace, before you have made all Ethiopia throw it self at the feet of St. Peter, that so they may find Hea∣ven in the Vatican: For the Doctrines of the Pope, will

not be only the hope of Salvation to you, but they will be also the Anchor of quietness, and the safety of your Dominions. We do embrace you, most Dear Son, with the Arms of Apostolical Charity, and do wish you an obedient people and favourable Angels amidst the Trophies of your Arms, and the Joys of your Prosperity; and we do from the bottom of our heart impart our fatherly Benediction to you.

Dated at Rome at St. Peter's, under the Ring of the Fisherman, the Twenty Eighth of December, 1630. in the Seventh Year of our Pontificate.

Now besides that, the Phrase of these Let∣ters do very much resemble that of the Patri∣arch Mendez, who affected a Tinsil Oratory in every thing he writ: That to the Prince bears Date the same Month of the same Year when it was deliver'd.

This Jubilee, * 17.2 notwithstanding it was Laugh∣ed at by the Habassins, who asked by what Au∣thority the Pope pretended to forgive Sins, is said to have warmed the Emperor's Zeal so for Popery again, that the Discourse of a To∣leration seemed to be quite laid aside by him.

The new Viceroy of Gojam, Raz Cella ha∣ving been quickly turned out of that Govern∣ment, was so enraged at this change in the Emperor's mind, that he was for deposing him presently as an irreconcileable Enemy to their Religion, and for declaring the Prince, who was a hearty Friend to it, Emperor in his

room; and being encouraged so to do, by the Monks and Alexandrians that were about him, * 17.3 he proclaimed the Prince Basilides Em∣peror of Ethiopia, at the head of his Army; and having done it, dispatch'd a Courier to him to acquaint him therewith, and to desire him to join the Army he had the command of, with his, that they might be able to subdue all the Enemies of their Religion; but the Prince was so far from being pleased with the Viceroy's having proclaimed him Emperor, that to satisfy his Father of his having had no hand in it, * 17.4 he sent the Courier that had brought him the first news of it to him in chains, to punish him as he should think fit. The Fathers, whose Church of Collela was but at a small di∣stance from the Viceroy's Camp, were put in∣to such a terrible fright by this Proclamation, that they immediately shut their Gates; and their Convent being built very strong, as in∣deed all their Houses in Ethiopia were more like Castles than Monasteries; they resolved to defend themselves until an Army should come from the Emperor to relieve them.

The Viceroy hearing how much the Fathers were alarm'd, and of their having taken all the Portugueses of the Neighbourhood into their Garison, he sent them word, That they had no reason to be so affrighted, for seeing they did not come into Ethiopia before they were sent for, no body could blame them for having come, or for what the Emperor had done since their Arrival; and being extreamly desirous to have wheedled them out of their strong-hold, he bid the Messenger whisper

them in the Ear, That notwithstanding all he had done, he was still a true Roman-Catholick in his heart, having been forc'd to set forth he late Proclamation, to quiet the Minds of the People if it were possible; desiring them likewise to send him the Horses and Muskets that had been left in their Convent by Raz Cel∣la: but the Fathers not believing a syllable of what he said, refused to open their Gates, or to deliver their Arms to the Messenger; which provoked the Viceroy to that degree, that he changed his note, and sent them word, That if they did not deliver the Arms and Horses to him presently, he would come for them him∣self; and that if they did give him that trouble, he would be at a little more for to teach them bet∣ter manners than to disobey his Commands. And he had certainly been as good as his word, had he not been hindered by the news of a great Army advancing towards him a∣pace.

The Monks, who were got in shoals about the Viceroy, advised him to do something to satisfy the people, that he was in no Corres∣pondence with the Court, but was in earnest to defend their Faith; adding, that there was no such way of doing that, as by making Exam∣ples of some of those, who to please the Em∣peror, had changed their Religion; the Vice∣roy approving of their advice, commanded a Monk who was his own first Cousin, to be put to death publickly for having turned Ro∣man-Catholick.

The Prince, who Commanded his Father's Army, having received advice that the Viceroy

was Marching with all the speed he could to join the Peasants of Lasta, crossed the Nile, * 17.5 and by doing so, put himself betwixt him and them; and having brought him to an Engage∣ment, had an absolute Victory over him. Af∣ter which, * 17.6 that he might fully satisfy his Fa∣ther of the Viceroy's not having had the least encouragement from him to proclaim him Em∣peror, he sent him with several of his Chief Officers Prisoners to him, that if he would give himself the trouble, he might examine that matter to the bottom. The Emperor, who could not but take this extreamly well of the Prince, having examined the Viceroy and his Officers, commanded Seven of them to be presently put to death, Six of which are said to have died Roman-Catholicks; which the Se∣venth was so far from doing, that when one of the Fathers told him at the place of Execu∣tion, That he would be Damned for him if he were not Damned if he died out of the Communion of the Roman Church; he bid the Father look to himself, that he be not Damned upon his own account, for he was resolved to venture his Soul with the Alexandrian Faith, by dying in it. Behold a Miracle, say the Jesuits; the Seven bodies being after they were Executed thrown to the Dogs, they all fell presently upon the Alexandrian bo∣dy, and eat it up bones and all, without so much as offering to touch or smell at any of the Six Roman-Catholicks bodies that lay be∣fore them. One of the Viceroy's Chief Ser∣vants continuing to rail against Popery, and the Emperor for forcing it upon his Subjects, was hanged by the thigh upon an Iron hook

that was driven into a Tree; and after having hung thereon for some time, for persisting in his railing, he had his Tongue cut out; the Viceroy himself being secretly put to death a few days after. The Emperor having none now to deal with but the Peasants of Lasta, advanced towards them in person with a great Army; and having beat them out of three or four of their strongest Mountains, was in hopes to have reduced them all to his obedience in a short time; but the sturdy Peasants were so far from being terrified into a submission by those ill successes, that they fell upon the Viceroy of Begameder in his Quarters; and having made a great slaughter among his men, * 17.7 obliged him to retreat in great disorder. The Emperor, who was grown old and ti∣merous, apprehending the Peasants to have been much stronger than they were, and fearing lest he might be hemmed in by them among the Mountains, retired in a great Con∣sternation, his Rear being closely pursued by the Peasants for some Leagues. The Alexan∣drians observing the Emperor's Spirits to be much dejected by the disgrace of this Campaign, renewed their Remonstrances to him, some of them asking him, * 17.8 Whether he thought it made a Prince look great in History, to have been conti∣nually fighting with his own Subjects, and especially his Peasants? Others telling him plainly, That if he did not speedily grant his Subjects a Toleration, that he would be Deserted by his whole Army, who would fight no longer against their Countreymen, only for defending the Religion of their Forefathers, and which they themselves were of, no less than the Pea∣sants.

The Emperor promised them to speak to the Patriarch about it; and having accord∣ingly sent for him, he told him again, That he could not but be sensible of his having done all that lay in his power for to have established the Roman Faith in his Empire; * 17.9 and that whereas he had endeavoured to force his Subjects to embrace it, he was now satisfied that there was no bringing them to it by that Method, it being visible to every body that his having used it had had no other effect but to increase his peoples aversion for that Religion. He told him farther, that he had reason to fear, That if he did not quickly grant a Toleration, that he should be Deserted by his whole Court and Army; but not being willing to do any thing in that matter without his consent, he had therefore sent for him to advise with him about the manner of it; adding, Something must be done, and that speedily, to quiet the minds of the people. The Patriarch, who was extreamly troubled to hear the Emperor speak of a Toleration again, made answer, That his Highness was mi∣serably misled by evil Counsellors, who under pre∣tence of a Toleration, designed the utter Extirpation of the Roman Faith; but the Emperor urging still the necessity there was thereof, the Pa∣triarch was forc'd to promise to give way to the Toleration of all such Habassin Customs as were not contrary to the Roman Faith; but upon condition that the said Toleration should not be proclaimed, that so it might look more like a Connivence than a Toleration: Whereupon it was concerted betwixt them, that the Habas∣sins should be Tolerated as to Three things, one was the observation of Saturday; the Second, the

Fasting on Wednesdays and not on Saturdays; and the third was, that they might use their an∣cient Offices according to his Emendations of them.

The Alexandrians being acquainted by the Emperor with what the Patriarch was willing to grant them, seemed to accept of it very thankfully; only they told him it must be pro∣claimed, for if that were not done, it would have no effect at all on the minds of the people; which was the only end for which they had desired it; and not for their own sakes, who pretended to be so abundantly satisfi'd with the Doctrines and Customs of Popery, as to wish the people could without disturbing the Peace of the Empire, be brought to embrace it. And so having prevailed with the Emperor that it should be proclaimed; proclaimed it was, and that with extraordinary Solemnities; first in the Camp, * 17.10 and afterwards over the whole Em∣pire, to the great Joy of the people; they that understood how it truly was, reckoning it however a good beginning; but for the gene∣rality they believed it to be a Toleration of the whole of their Religion.

The Patriarch hearing of the Toleration having been proclaimed; * 17.11 and of the people rejoicing at it, as a Toleration of their whole Religion, he immediately drew up the following protestation against it, and sent it to the Emperor.

NOtwithstanding I told your Highness, That your Subjects might be allowed to fast on Wednesdays instead of Saturdays, and might

use their Offices, as by me amended; and excepting Easter and the Festivities depending thereon, that they might observe their Holidays as formerly; neverthe∣less I declared to your Highness at the same time, that it was not to be done by Proclamation, which as he that publisheth them, publisheth them as he thinks fit; so all that hear them, do understand and interpret them as they like best, as we see it has happened in the present case; for though I am satisfi'd that your Highness designed to grant no more by your Proclamation, but what was agreed on between us; yet as I am told, all the news every where is, that your Highness hath by a Proclamation commanded all your Subjects to return to the Alex∣andrian Faith; upon which conceit there have been extravagant rejoicings in your Highness's own Camp, to the great Mortification of all true Catholicks. Whatever it was that induced your Highness to do this, know you certainly, that God will one day call you to a strict account for it. And that I and the Bishop to whom the Holy Ghost hath committed the Government of this Church, which Christ purcha∣sed with his blood, as it is said in the Acts of the Apostles, may not be partakers of the same Condem∣nation, We do jointly declare to your Highness, That in this Proclamation you have not observed that order that you ought to have done, which being a business of an Ecclesiastical nature, the publication thereof did not belong to your Highness, but to us.

Your Highness would do well to remember what the high Priest Azarias said to King Ozias, in the Twenty Sixth Chapter of the second Book of Chronicles; O Ozias, it is not your Office to of∣fer Incense to the Lord, but it is the Office of the

Priests and the Sons of Aaron, who were Conse∣crated to that Ministry. Therefore come forth of the Sanctuary, and despise not, for this thing will not be for your Honour in the sight of God. Your High∣ness would do well likewise to remember the punish∣ment which immediately befel that King thereupon. And since it was not thought sufficient to have these Proclamations published only in the Church, but it must be done also in the Camp, your Highness be∣fore you ordered that, ought to have consulted with some of the Fathers, or some other of your Chaplains, or with some person authorized by us to that pur∣pose, who would have taken care to have prevented the offence that it has given; for we are informed by some that were present at the Solemnity, that the people after the Proclamation were heard to say open∣ly, That now they were to have all their old Of∣fices again without our amendments of them; and were to observe all their old Holidays, not excepting Easter and the Festivities that depend thereon; and that they were not left to their liberty, but were commanded not to fast on Saturdays, but on Wed∣nesdays. Wherefore, that the last error may not be worse than the first, your Highness must set forth a Second Proclamation with all necessary Explana∣tions of your mind, at the framing whereof I do appoint Father James Mattos to be present in my place; and whereas it is not convenient that it should be done without the concurrence of Abeto Basilides; I do in the name of God require your Highness to acquaint him with it; and I do far∣ther admonish you to pray to the Father of Light for Light, that so you may not fix your eyes so much on an Earthly Kingdom which is transitory, as to lose that of Heaven which is Eternal, and that on Earth likewise.

The Emperor, though nettled with this Protestation, complied so far with the Pa∣triarch's desires, as, with the concurrence of Father James, to publish a second Proclamation, wherein he declared, That there was nothing he desired so much, as to have all his Subjects of the Roman Faith, and that his intention in his former Proclamation, was only to Tolerate Three Customs that were not contrary to that Faith, and that he would never have done that, had not the Patriarch given his consent to it. Nevertheless, he reckon∣ed he was bound in Honour to return a sharp Answer to the Patriarch, for his having made so bold with him in his Protestation, which he did in the following Letter.

The Letter of the Emperor Seltem Saged, cometh to the Patriarch with the Peace of God, who is Blessed for ever.

HEAR: * 18.1 We have received a Paper from Your Lordship, and do understand all that is contained therein, relating to the matters your Lord∣ship gave us leave to do, in order to put a stop to Re∣bellions, and to quiet the minds of our People, that they may no longer fight against the Faith: The particulars were, That they might Fast on Wednesdays, and observe their Festivities as formerly, and use their old Offices with your Corrections: And being at Dancas, we were desired by our whole Camp, since your Lordship had been pleased to Dispense with our People as to those Customs, to acquaint them therewith by our Pro∣clamation; which we consented to, the rather,

that the Rebels might not think that they had frighted us into such a compliance with them, which they would have done had we delayed the publishing of it any longer; but being now informed that their minds are pretty well quieted by what I have done, I have published a second Proclamation, according to your Directions; neither in this whole matter have we done any thing but what was con∣certed between us: As to what your Lordship saith, of their publishing what they please that publish Proclamations; and of their un∣derstanding them as they please that hear them; that can proceed from nothing, but from your Lord∣ship's having been misinformed; for, How dare they who publish our Proclamations, publish them any otherways than as they are; or they that hear them, understand them otherwise? So that I cannot ima∣gine, that any body should have the impudence to say, That Thad changed the Faith to the great mor∣tification of Catholicks; when it is so plain that I have not made the least alteration therein; neither did the Hereticks rejoyce so much as you speak of, they having been all told before, that they were not to use their former Offices without your Emendations of them: They must therefore have been People of Factious Spirits and of Ill designs, that have put such stories in your head, since we have done no∣thing but what your Lordship had agreed to; nei∣ther did they, who published our Proclamation, ei∣ther add or diminish any thing. Things being thus, your Lordship might very well have spared your bidding us Remember Ozias, and comparing us with one who was Punished by God with the Leprosie for having taken the exercise of the Priestly Function upon himself; which as

he ought not to have done, so we have never offered to do it; having only published a Proclamation, where∣in there was nothing that you had not agreed to when the Roman Faith first took footing in Ethio∣pia; * 18.2 it was neither introduced into it by the Preaching of the Jesuits, nor by any Mira∣cles that were wrought by them, nor by no other means, but by our being convinced, that your Faith agreed with our Books, and that the Church of Ethiopia must therefore be in an Error; it was this induced us to Establish the Ro∣man Faith by our Commands and Proclamations, contrary to the Humour of our People, because we believed it to be true; all which we did of our own accord, despising a visible Kingdom in hopes of one that is invisible. As to your Lordship's admo∣nishing us to fix our Eyes not on a Temporal but on a Heavenly Kingdom; How many Sub∣jects have I had Slaughtered? And how ma∣ny Provinces have I lost for having done so? I need not tell you their Numbers, you know them as well as I do my self; so that I cannot for my life see, wherein I have offended God in this whole mat∣ter. Had we been forced to have embraced your Faith, you might then have had some cause to be jealous that we have a mind to forsake it, but having vo∣luntarily embraced it, we cannot undo what we have done, nor destroy what we have built. * 18.3 I would therefore advise your Lordship for the future, not to have your Ears open to false and wicked men, that put such things into your head.

This Letter, though it gave the Patriarch several Reprimands, as it did also his whole Order, in denying that any of them had

ever wrought any Miracles in Ethiopia; which is very strange, considering how many they pretend to work on all such occasions: Yet for the notice it gave him of a second Pro∣clamation, and the assurance of the Empe∣peror's resolution to continue stedfast in the Roman Faith, he was so well satisfied with it, that he judged all things to be set pretty well to rights again; and resuming his ancient courage thereupon, ventured to do a thing, which gave a terrible blow to his Patriarchal Authority. * 18.4 The case was this; A certain Judge having turned Monk, denied to pay a yearly Pension, which some Lands which he kept still in his hands were charged with, to a certain Parish Priest; of which the Priest ha∣ving complained to the Patriarch, he presently commanded the Monk to pay the Priest his dues; but the Monk, instead of obeying, denied that he had any Jurisdiction over him, appealing from him to the General of his Order, as the proper Prelate in all such cases; and the Cause coming to be Tried at Court, the Patriarch was cast, the Judges having given their Opinion, That the Patriarch having no more Power than their former Abuna's, had no Authority over the Monks, which the Patriarch had hitherto pretended to, and had constantly exer∣cised; having in this, and an hundred things besides, extended his Jurisdiction beyond what any of the Abuna's had done.

The Country being put in a pretty good humour by the Toleration, which, according to the Patriarch's fears, was every where ex∣tended beyond its intention, the Emperor sets

about raising a great Army to go against the Peasants; who would not be satisfied with any thing under the Re-establishment of their Old Religion, and the Banishing the Patriarch and the Fathers out of Ethiopia, as the Causes of all the Blood that had been shed in it for several Years. But the raising of such an Army as the Em∣peror designed, requiring time, his Brother, by the advice of the Alexandrians, was sent before to streighten them with a Flying Ar∣my. Raz Cella upon his being denied his Old Troops, which were intirely at his devotion, would fain have been excused from going on this Expedition; but the Emperor pressed him so hard, that he saw he must either break with him, or do it; and as his heart misgave him all the way he went, so his Success was answer∣able to his forebodings, for he was no sooner got among the Mouniains, * 18.5 than he was fallen upon by a Body of Twenty thousand Pea∣sants; and being Deserted by his own Men, most of which went over to the Enemy, he narrowly escaped being made Prisoner. The Alexandrians, who it is probable had sent him against the Peasants on purpose to be beat by them, could not conceal their joy on the oc∣casion of this Defeat; the blame whereof they laid wholy at his door, which sunk him so low, that he was never able to rise again to do the Roman Church any service. The Em∣peror fearing least the Peasants might upon this advantage have advanced towards Dancas, retired from thence to Gojam, to be at a greater distance from them; where having made up an Army, that consisted chiefly of

Gauls, being afraid to trust his own Subjects any longer, he went to offer the Peasants a Battel; who since their late Victory over Raz Cella, had ventured down into the Low Coun∣tries, reckoning themselves strong enough to Fight any Army the Emperor could bring against them. The Two Armies having looked each other in the face for some Hours, the Emperor, * 18.6 who had placed a stout Body of Gaulish Horse in the Front, ordered them to fall on, which they did so furiously, that at the first Onset, which is commonly the last too with the Habassin Armies, they broke through the Peasants main body, which Dispersed immediately, and Throwing down their Arms, fled towards the Moun∣tains; the Gauls pursued them till night came on; * 18.7 so that though few or none of them were killed Fighting, there were Eight thou∣sand of them found dead next morning; whereas had they had the Courage to have fought it out, they might, with half that loss, have had a Victory; for had they but rout∣ed the Gauls, who charged them first, it is certain the Imperial Habassins would either have gone over to them, or have thrown down their Arms. The Court-Alexandrians, though they were extreamly mortified by this great blow, yet did so manage the matter, that they gained their point by it; for having persuaded the Emperor to go next morning to view the Field, which was covered all over with dead bodies, and observing him to be touched with so direful a sight, they came about him, and with Tears in their

eyes told him, Six, You see how many dead bodies are lying here; Whose were all these? Were they the Bodies of Mahometans or Heathens? No, not so much as one of them, but they were all to a man your Highness's Natural-born Subjects, and our own Blood and Kindred; we do therefore beg of your Highness to consider, That this is a War in which, whether you Conquer or are Beat, you thrust a Sword into your own Bowels. Neither were these poor wretches, you see lying here, dissa∣tisfied with your Highness for any thing, but for forcing a New Religion upon them: How many Thousands have already lost their Lives in this Quarrel? and how many Thousands more must be Massacred before Popery can be established in Ethi∣opia? Wherefore, for God's sake, Sir, * 18.8 let your People alone with the Religion of their Fathers; which you must either do, or resolve to destroy your Empire with your own hands. We must tell your Highness farther, That the very Gauls and Heathens do condemn us for what we are doing, calling us Apostates and Renega∣do's for having forsaken the Religion of our An∣cestors. And that they might clinch the mat∣ter, the Prince and Amana Christos, had got the Gauls, as the Emperor passed by them, to cry out, That they would serve him no longer, be∣ing quite weary of Cutting poor Mens Throats for no other reason but because they would not leave the Religion they had been Born and Bred in. The Empress interposed likewise, and desired him for God's sake, and his own, and his Posterities, not to go on destroying his Subjects at such a merci∣less rate; and to consider that in all his Wars with them, he did, as it were, but cut off his left hand

with his right; and whether any thing could be more dishonourable, than for a Prince to employ Foreigners and Heathens to Massacre his Christian Subjects; and all this to introduce a Religion into Ethiopia, which it was plain to all the World, it would never be reconciled to?

These passionate Remonstrances one upon the neck of another, together with the sad sight of so many dead bodies, did affect the Emperor so much, that instead of returning to Dancaz in triumph after so great a Victory, he returned thither so extreamly disconsolate, that he did not care to see or speak with any body.

The Patriarch, Bishops, and Fathers, hear∣ing how things went, hastened to Court, not to Congratulate the Emperor upon his late Victory, for that their Friends had told them, he could not bear, but to see if they could get him out of the hands of the Alexandrians, who at present were in full possession of him, the Champions of the Roman Faith being all either Dead, or in Disgrace at Court.

We are not told what passed betwixt the Emperor and the Patriarch at his first Audi∣ence; but whatever it was, a great Council was called a few days after, to consider the state of the Empire, and by what means the Peace thereof might be restored; in which it was quickly agreed, That there was no other way of doing it, but by restoring all the Alexandrian Rites and Customs, and by leaving People to their Liberty to be of which of the two Religions they pleased. This Resolution is said to have been opposed by one Abithaca Johanes, a Nephew of the Empe∣peror's,

who told the Council boldly, That all the Miseries of Ethiopia were owing to their Sins, and not to Popery's having been Established in it. To whom the Council gave no other answer, but that something must be done to restore the Em∣pire to its former peace; and that there was nothing would do it, but what they had agreed to do. The Patriarch being alarm'd with this resolution of the Council, * 18.9 sent immediately to demand an audience of the Emperor; and having obtain∣ed one with some difficulty, he went on the Twentieth of June 1632, attended by the Bi∣shop of Nice, and Five Fathers, to wait upon him; to whom lying in Bed very pensive, he deliver'd the following Speech, the Bishop and Five Fathers standing behind him.

SIR, I thought we had had the Victory in the last Fight, but I now begin to understand that we had the worst on't; for notwithstanding in rea∣lity the design of the Rebels was to have taken your Crown from you, nevertheless what they gave out was, that they fought only to have the Religion of their Fathers restored; so that if they should gain that point, though they were beat, they may be reck∣oned to have been Victorious; but as before the En∣gagement was the proper time for the making of Vows and Promises, so now is the time for fulfilling them. In order to Engage God to confer more such mer∣cies upon you, who by this last Victory has as it were set his seal to all the former, and that for no other end but to oblige your Highness to advance his holy Faith, under the banner whereof you obtained it. Besides, it was the Catholicks that are in your Ar∣my

that did the work, and who are not so few as your Highness is told they are. The reason why they do not appear to be numerous, is because they have no favour shew'd them; whereas if your Highness would but be pleased to call them about your Per∣son, and bestow all Offices of Honour and Trust up∣on them, you would quickly see how they would mul∣tiply, and how by that means both your Empire and the faith would flourish; whereas of late they have been kept from coming near you, none but Ser∣pents having been admitted into your Councils; a whole Nest of which Serpents did on Friday last assemble together in the Hall of your Palace, where they treated no longer about the out-works of Religion, but laid the ax to the root, consulting to∣gether how they might destroy the Catholick Faith; which they agreed at last, to put to the Vote, by lea∣ving the People and Soldiers to be of which Religion they like best; who whenever they are asked whe∣ther they will have Christ or Barabbas, will certainly prefer Barabbas, for having been of their own Office and Profession. Sir, Matters of Faith are not to be treated in such a manner, but are to be setled by Councils consisting of great numbers of Bishops, where they may be had, or else of Grave and Learned Priests and Friars: For though in Matters of State, these very men do not think fit to consult with every body, but only with persons of known Prudence and Experience; nevertheless in Matters of Religion, the Otadores, Gauls, Mahometans and Heathens, are reckoned to be good Counsellors; and are all called in by them to determine which is the true, and which is the false faith. I would have your Highness call to mind the many mercies God hath conferred on you since you

embraced the Roman Faith; and though it is true there have been many Rebellions, which is a Plague Ethiopia never was, nor never will be free from, until the Faith is deeply rooted therein; yet God has always been so kind to you, as to lay the Rebels at your feet, and particularly in the last Fight, when your affairs were come to a crisis; so that your Arm is not shortned, but extended. Remember likewise, that you did not forsake the Faith of Ethiopia out of fear, the Fathers being in no condition to oblige you to do it by force of Arms, but you did it purely upon your being convinced of its falshood, and of the truth of that of Rome: Neither must you forget, that I did not come to you of my own head, but was sent by the Roman Pontiff, and your Brother the King of Portugal, upon your having writ to them several time to send you a Patriarch and some Bi∣shops; in which affair if there was any delay, it was occasioned by the jealousy they had of the fickle∣ness of the Habassins, which we now begin to ex∣perience; and which the King of Portugal had for∣merly had experience of when he sent Don Chri∣stopher De Gama hither with a stout body of Troops, by whom this Empire was rescued out of the hands of the Mahometans (who had Conquer'd it) and that not with an intention of keeping it to themselves, but of restoring it to your Ancestors, as they did: Neither had the King of Portugal ever any other view, nor did he expect any other reward for what he did for you, but only your Friendship, and the union of this Empire with the Roman Church; to which end I and the Bishop that is here behind me were sent by his Holiness and his Majesty to you: Neither did we come among you as Beggars, but well stored with Books, and Pontifical Vestments

and Ornaments, they not being willing to charge your Highness with so much as the Maintenance of our persons. Consider, Sir, how just cause those Princes will have to be displeased with you; and though they may be at too great a distance to have due satisfaction, God nevertheless, who is every where, will not fail to require it of you: Consider likewise, what a blot this will be in the Scutcheon of the Li∣on of Judah, and what an eternal stain both to your own and your Empire's honour, and how many Souls you will ruin by your Apostacy; which, that I may not live to see, nor the Divine Judgments that will befal you thereupon, * 19.1 let me beg it of your Highness to command my head to be here struck off before you.

At these words the Patriarch, Bi∣shop, and Five Fathers, threw themselves at the Emperor's Feet, to receive his answer. At which sight, notwithstanding the By-standers seemed to be all touched, the Emperor himself did not appear to be in the least affected with it, in so much that the Patriarch saith those Verses of the Poet were very applicable to him.

Nec Magis incepto vultum Sermone Movetur. Quam si Dura Silex vel stet Marpesia cautes.

Only making a sign with his hand that they should rise, he asked the Patriarch with what face he could say that he had not shewed favour to the Catholicks, since he had favoured none else but such? but the Hereticks, said he, are nume∣rous, and all that have rebelled against me, have given no other reason for their doing it, but my ha∣ving changed the Religion of my Countrey. How

many Thousands have I killed already in order to introduce Popery? And how many Thousands more must I kill before I shall be able to do it? My People are all weary of cutting one another's Throats, and are all upon the point of deserting me; I can do no more than I have done. Besides, We are not medling with the Faith, but only with some Customs; or if any are about changing it, they have not acquainted me with it; if you are told otherwise abroad, you must inquire abroad whether it be so or not. For my own part, I do here Promise, That I will never Decree any thing about Religion, without first Consulting with your Lordship: The Emperor stopping here, The Patriarch Replied, That as to the Customs of Fasting on Wednesdays, and of using their Old Offices as he had mended them, and of Observing the Festivities as formerly, which were all that his Highness had de∣sired of him, he had granted them all already, and was ready to grant them every thing that was in his Power, and not contrary to the Faith; where∣fore since his Highness did not intend that there should be any Alteration made in Matters of Faith, he beseeched him to put forth a Proclamation, declaring, That as he was of the Roman Faith himself, so it was his Will and Pleasure, That all his Subjects should be of the same; and that as to matters of Custom he was ready to comply with them therein, so far as the Faith would permit him: In which request the Bishop and Five Fathers seconded him with great earnestness, but to no purpose, the Emperor telling them plainly, That he could do no more for Popery than he had done.

The Patriarch, who was for leaving no stone unturned, went from the Emperor to wait upon the Prince, and having told him the same story he told his Father, the Prince seemed to be surprized with the news, and returned such Answers as would have imposed upon a weak Man; but the Patriarch know∣ing him to be Master of a most profound Dissimulation, and an inveterate Enemy to the Roman Church, gathered from his ambi∣guous Answers, That without a Miracle the Ro∣man Faith could not be much longer supported in Ethiopia. So they all returned to the Patri∣arch's Palace desperately afflicted with the present sad prospect of their Affairs.

The Alexandrians, that they might bring the Emperor under a necessity of executing what had been agreed on in Council, had in∣dustriously spread a report, That on St. John Baptist's day their Ancient Faith was to be re∣stored to them; which report having brought all the Countrey to the Camp to be present at the Solemnity, they then told the Emperor, That there was no remedy but he must either Restore to his People the Religion of their Fathers, or run a great hazard of his Crown, since the Pec∣ple, who were come in such vast multitudes in hopes of having it done, if they were disap∣pointed would be thrown into such a Fury, that no body could tell where it might end: The Emperor made answer, That he was willing his good Subjects should enjoy their Old Religion; but that he might not be worse than his word to the Patriarch, he commanded some of his Servants to go and wait upon him, and ac∣quaint

him with the necessity there was of gratifying his People with a Toleration of the Alexandrian Faith.

Za Mariam, who was in the number of those that were commanded to carry this Message to the Patriarch, being admitted to speak with him, told him in the Emperor's Name and words, We have embraced your Faith, and have been at much pains about it, but our Peo∣ple do not care for it; so, though it was really out of hatred to Raz Cella, that Julius took up Arms, nevertheless the pretence that helped him to an Ar∣my, was, that he would defend the Old Religion; who, with vast multitudes of People that had flocked in to him, was destroyed: Cabrael and Guergis used the same pretence, and had the same success: And Cerca Christos, and the Peasants who are now in Arms, have no Quarrel with me, but for having prohibited them the exercise of their Reli∣gion. The Faith of Rome is not bad; but as I have told you formerly, my People do not under∣stand it, and are very well contented to live and die in the Religion they were brought up in: I am resolved therefore, since they are so fond of it, to let them alone with it; and if there are any that are inclinable to the Roman Faith, they shall have free Liberty to Profess it, as the Portugueses, who have been among us ever since the Reign of Asnaf Saged, have had. When Mariam had done speaking, the Patriarch asked him, Whether it was by the Emperor's Express Order that he had delivered him that Message? Mariam told him it was: The Patriarch made no other re∣ply, But that Ethiopia had never been without Wars before the Roman Faith was known in it,

and that he would return an Answer to the Empe∣ror after he had advised with his Brethren: Who having consulted together, drew up the fol∣lowing Manifesto, which they sent to the Em∣peror by Father Manuel.

YOUR Highness has sent me word, * 19.2 That being upon the point of losing your Empire for your Zeal to establish the Roman Religion, you are resolved to let your People alone with their Old Faith, and that you will at the same time grant Liberty to all that shall have a mind to em∣brace Popery.

Sir, My Affection for you is nothing inferior to that I have for the King of Portugal; being as ready to condescend to every thing that is for the Interest of your Kingdoms, as you can desire, provided it do not clash with the Purity of the Faith; for as whatever is a Sin can never be for the good of any Kingdom, so neither can I grant any such thing, neither ought your Highness to desire it of me. There are two things to be observed in this great Affair; the one concerns the Peasants, who ha∣ving never embraced the Roman Faith, your Highness may for some time wink at their living in the Heresie of their Fathers; the other, concerns those who have embraced the Roman Faith, and Communicated with that Church, and not only so, but have obliged themselves by Oaths to be always Obedient to her: Now to these your Highness cannot say, You may, if you please, live in the Faith of your Fathers, since it would be a grievous Sin against God in you to do so, as it would be in me likewise if I should either advife you to it, or consent to your doing it: And were it lawful for one that is a

Foreigner, to meddle with your Government, or to give advice about it, I would tell you, that it is my Opinion, That your Highness will certainly Ruin your Empire by granting Liberty of Conscience, which must necessarily fill it with Dissentions and Civil Wars; For what but Blood and Wars can follow, upon one part of your Subjects being for the Roman, and the other part for the Alexandrian Faith? And must not the having of an Abuna for one Party, and a Patriarch for the other, in∣fallibly end in Two Kingdoms, and Two Kings?

Whether the Patriarch believed the Popish Party to be so Numerous in Ethiopia as to have made a considerable division therein up∣on a Toleration, or talked so only to terrifie the Emperor; it is certain, that the Tolerati∣on was no sooner published, than the whole Body of the Court and Countrey returned to their Old Religion; insomuch that Father Manuel happening, after he had delivered the Patriarch's Manifesto to the Emperor, to tell him, That by granting Liberty of Conscience he would undoubtedly Ruin his Kingdom; the Emperor taking him up short, asked him, How that was possible, since he had no Empire left to Ruin? And so dismissed him. And whereas formerly the Fathers, when they left the Emperor, used to be conducted out of the Court with Ceremony, there was no body now took the least notice of Father Manuel, unless it were to make Faces at him as he passed through the Rooms; but the Fa∣ther was not got out of the Court, when the Drums beat for the Publishing of the Procla∣mation

which he came to have put a stop to; the Proclamation was as followeth:

HEAR, * 19.3 Hear: We formerly gave you the Roman Faith, believing it to be true; but innumerable multitudes of my People having been slain upon that account, under the Command of Julius, Guergis, Cerca Christos, &c. as now also among the Peasants; We do therefore Restore the Religion of your Fathers to you, so that your Priests are to take Possession of their Churches again, and to officiate therein as formerly.

Never was any Proclamation received with greater expressions of Joy than this was, there being nothing to be heard in or about the Camp for some Hours for the noise of the Trumpets, * 19.4 and of innumerable multitudes of People continually ecchoing each other from all quarters of the Camp with acclamations and shouts of, God Bless the Emperor, and let the Alexandrian Faith Flourish. At Night the whole Camp and Countrey was Illuminated with Bonfires; into which most, if not all of the Popish Converts threw the Beads and Re∣liques that had been given them by the Fathers; and that with so much Contempt and Indignati∣on, as abundantly manifested that they had never had any inward Respect for their New Religion, but had only profess'd it out of fear.

The Patriarch and Fathers, though morti∣fied to the last degree by this sudden change of things, nevertheless since the publick Exer∣cise of the Roman Worship was not prohibited, they went on faying their Masses as formerly;

and on the Sunday following the Proclamation, * 19.5 The Patriarch himself Preached in the Camp, with some Passages of whose Sermon, (for he could not forbear reflecting severely upon what had been done) the Alexandrians were so much in∣raged, that he was advised by his Friends to forbear Preaching, till the storm the late Proclamation had raifed, was a little abated, which, they said, it would be the sooner for its being so extreamly violent.

But the Alexandrians, who could not pre∣sently forget how hard they had been rid by the Patriareh and Fathers when they were in the saddle, were never satisfied till they had all their Churches and Lands taken from them; * 19.6 and had obtained a second Proclama∣tion, which Commanded all the People of Ethiopia to be of the Alexandrian, and of no other Faith. The Emperor did not long sur∣vive this Revolution, dying the September fol∣lowing of an Hectick Fever, in the Sixty first year of his Age. The Fathers will have him to have died in the Communion of their Church. But however that were, it is cer∣tain, he was buried by the Habassin Monks, and with their Offices, in the Church of Ganeta Jesu, which they had taken from the Fathers.

The Prince Basilides being Proclaimed Em∣peror so soon as the breath was out of his Father's Body, Raz Cella coming amongst the rest of the Grandees to Swear Allegiance to him, was received by him with all the marks of Honour and Affection that his near Relation to him could pretend to; the Emperor, among

other kind things, telling him, That hereafter he should look upon him, and treat him as his Fa∣ther, rather than as his Uncle.

But whatever was the matter, this kindness betwixt the Nephew and Uncle was not long-liv'd; the Fathers pretend that Raz Cella's constant Zeal for their Religion, was the cause of it; and particularly, his having ac∣quainted the Emperor with his Father's having appeared to him, and commanded him to tell him, that it was a madness to lose an Eternal Kingdom, to secure one that was Tempora∣ry: But what is certain is, that the Emperor giving no credit to his Uncle's Vision, * 19.7 had him arrested and committed to Prison as a Tray∣tor, disarming the Patriarch and Fathers at the same time, and commanding them from all parts of the Empire, to Fremona in Tigre, the Viceroyship of which Kingdom he had bestowed upon one who he was certain would enter into no Cabals with them. The Order run thus:

HEAR, * 19.8 My Lords, what We say and write unto you; You cannot be ignorant of our being ingaged in a War with the Peasants of Lasta, and of our Empires not having had one hours Rest since this War begun: You must therefore send us the Muskets and Carabines, and all your other Arms; together with all the Powder and Bullets that you have in your keeping: We have sent Daniel and Miserata Christos to receive them, to whom you must not fail to deliver them; and when the War is over, they shall all be restored to you again; or if you are willing to sell them,

they will give you your price for them. There is an Alex∣andrian Abuna arrived here, he has been for some time Incognito in the Kingdom of Narea; and who when I desired him to Confer holy Orders, made me answer, He could not do it so long as there was a Roman Patriarch about us; for which reason we command your Lordship to repair to Fremona, and to take all your Fathers, and Books, and Goods with you; we shall take care to appoint a Captain to attend you thither with a strong guard; with which Orders the Messengers carried a verbal In∣struction, which was, That if any opportunity for the Indies should offer, the Patriarch, Bi∣shop, and Fathers, had free leave to make use of it.

The Patriarch when he was served with this Order, complained the Emperor was ve∣ry hard upon them, and that he could not judge otherwise but that his design in taking their Arms from them at the same time he ba∣nished them to Fremona, was, that they should be all Murthered by the way; as to the Arms, he said, they owed nothing to Ethiopia, and as he was resolved never to give them away, so he was no Gunsmith to sell Arms. Never∣theless if they were resolved to have them from him, they might find them in such a place, but that he would declare to all the World that he was robbed of them; but having before the Messengers had seized the Arms, received advice that Father James was likewise served with an order, to deliver all the Cannon, Muskets and Armour for Man and Horse that were in his Custody; He

sent for the Messengers and told them, That he now saw plainly what the Emperor's design was in demanding their Arms, and that he would therefore write to his Highness about it before he parted with them; but the Mes∣sengers being very urgent to have the Arms out of his Custody, he agreed that they should be deposited in the hands of any per∣son they would name, till he had an answer from the Emperor.

The Patriarch's Letter to the Emperor.

DAniel Miserata Christos, * 20.1 and Danaceos, have by Virtue of an Order from your High∣ness demanded all my Guns, Muskets, and other Arms; I presently shewed them all the Arms I had, and which are now deposited in safe hands, until I have an answer from your Highness. On the same Ships with these Arms, there came several Cannons and Muskets which were all carried back to the Indies; only for the guard of my person, the King's Officers gave me Twenty four Muskets, and a few Carabines; of the Carabines I have not one left, having parted with them all to your Father, and some of the Grandees; and of the Muskets, I gave Fourteen to your Father, Two to Raz Cella Christos, one to Caba Christos, and one to Guergis, keeping Six only for the guard of my own House and Person; which, as they are all I have, so they are all very much at your Highness's service; though at the same time I cannot forbear telling your Highness, that your Father on several occasions sent Catabines both to me and the Fathers, with which

we never did harm to any body, nor were they of any other use to us, but to affright Robbers, and other ill-disposed people. And whereas your High∣ness is pleased to Banish us to a place, to which we cannot go but thorough vast Deserts, we might rea∣sonably have expected that you would have done us the same favour; but instead of that, to take the Six Muskets from me which are my whole guard, is in effect to take away all my Church-Ornaments and Books, which are my whole Treasure, if not my Life, this being to give the world to understand, that they have free leave to Murther the Bishop and the Fathers: This I know very well is the design of those that gave you this advice, though they will not let your Highness know so much; for though I am sensible how pure an heart lodgeth in your High∣ness's breast, and how like you are to your Father; yet you have undoubtedly those about you, that are contriving how they may have us all Murthered; and as there are several things, which they have Extorted from your Highness by their Importuni∣ties; so this of banishing us to Fremona is one of them, which is done by them with an Intention of having us all Murthered, either by the way, or when we are there, of which your Highness is to know nothing until it will be too late to remedy it. The Lion when his Teeth and Claws are broke, becom∣ing the sport of the Monkies; and notwithstanding the guilt of our Blood may lie upon others, the dis∣grace thereof will fall upon your Highness: For what can the world say but that you disarmed us on purpose that we might be Robbed and Murthered; and that after having ty'd us hand and foot, you threw us in the way of Soldiers and Robbers? I am in∣formed likewise, that your Highness has sent the

same Orders to all the Fathers, which is really to treat us as Rebels, none but such having their Arms taken from them by the Government; so that with our Arms you take away our Honour and Lives. Now this being our case, your Highness would do us a great favour if you would command us all to be slain here, where our bodies will not be de∣voured by Wolves; or if you would be so kind, as to command us to be put to death in the Camp; I do promise to come in my richest Pontificals to un∣dergo that Blow which would I hope be precious in the Sight of God. May the same God preserve your Highness.

O. Patriarcha.

This Letter having had no effect upon the Emperor, whom the Patriarch for all his gi∣ving him such sweet words, * 20.2 and throwing all the blame of things upon his Counsellors, knew to be the most inveterate Enemy the Roman Church had in Ethiopia; Miserata Chri∣stos was sent back with a verbal Order, com∣manding the Patriarch immediately to surren∣der his Arms, and to declare upon Oath that he had delivered all he had. The Patriarch took this so heinously, that he told the Mes∣senger, That he neither could nor would take any such Oath, Bishops being prohibited by the Sacred Canons to swear: adding, His Highness might venture to take his Muskets from him, who being a Clerk was to make use of no other than spiritual Arms; but that it was more than he durst do to a private Portuguese Centinel, who do not use to part with their Arms, but with their Lives. The Messenger perceiving the Patri∣arch

was not to be persuaded to Swear to the Delivery of the Arms, desired that Two of the Fathers might do it; which being granted, the Fathers delivered all their own and the Patriarchs Arms, declaring upon Oath that they had delivered all they had; but when the Messenger urged the Patriarch after he had Disarmed him, to begin his journey to Fremona; He made answer, That he would neither go, nor promise to go thither, before he had an Answer to a Letter he designed to write to his Highness.

The Patriarch's Letter to the Emperor.

DAniel Miserata Christos, and Danaceos, * 21.1 have in your Majesty's name commanded me and all the Fathers, to go straightways into the Province of Tigre; and have given us the reason why your Highness has thought fit to banish us to that Kingdom: My Answer to them was, That I would neither go, nor promise to go thither before I had your Highness's Answer to this Letter.

Sir, I did not come into Ethiopia of my own head, but was sent hither by the Roman Pontiff, who is the Supream Governor of the Church; and by your Brother the King of Portugal, after your Father had intreated him by several Letters to send a Patriarch; and as it was at your Father's re∣quest that I was sent, so when I arrived here, I was received by him and the whole Empire as their Pastor and Father, all of them Swearing in my hands to be always obedient to the Roman Church.

I have served you all now these Seven Years, as Jacob kept the flock of Laban, according to the Talents God has bestowed on me, by Preaching, Ad∣ministring the Sacraments, and visiting Churches, as is known to all the world by several Books that have given an account thereof; and now all of a sudden you are for removing me from the Post God and your self placed me in; and for banishing me to Tigre, and from thencein a short time to the In∣dies or Portugal, there to be affronted by every bo∣dy that shall see me, since they cannot but think, that I who was so kindly entertain'd in Ethiopia, must have done some very ill thing, to deserve to be thus ba∣nished from thence. But supposing you should not send me to the Indies, but should suffer me to have my grave at the foot of the Patriarch Don Andrew D' Oviedo's Tomb in Fremona; all the Indies and Europe, any all the world, when they shall come to hear of my being banished thither, will and must conclude that it is for some great Miscarriage that I have been guilty of. Wherefore, that I may be able to give some account of my self to the world, I do in the name of God and Truth beg and re∣quire it of your Highness, and of all your Nobles, That you would be pleased to let me have the reasons in writing why you have thought fit to banish me the Court; whether it be for my having preached any false Doctrine, or for having been guilty of any scandalous Crime; or for not ha∣ving punctually compli'd with the obligations of my Pastoral function, or for having been Insolent in my words, or too rigorous in punishing, or for ha∣ving been slothful or careless, or for what other cause.

Your Highness may remember, that when your Father desired that his Subjects might be permitted

to return to some of their ancient customs, that I gra∣tify'd him fully in that matter; and that he happen∣ing at the end of our Treaty, to mention some other customs that he had not spoke of before; I told him, That I was ready to yield to every thing that was not contrary to the Law of God, one thing only excepted, which was the giving the Cup to the Laicks; which, though not con∣trary to the Law of God, the concession thereof be∣ing reserved to the chief Roman Pontiff, the Suc∣cessor of St. Peter, and Christ's Vicar upon Earth, it was not in my power to grant it; I promised ne∣vertheless, at the same time to write to his Holiness about it, and to lay the whole matter before him with great sincerity, that so he as a faithful and prudent Steward might Ordain what was most profitable. What I did then offer to your Father, I do now again offer to your Highness, and do declare, That if your Highness and your Empire will but continue in the Obedience of the Roman Church, the head of all Churches, and will but follow her faith, that I will grant you all that I can with a good Conscience in the form aforesaid. Finally I do beseech your High∣ness before you send me away, to assemble all your Learned men, to Treat and Dispute with me about their doubts in Matters of Faith; for confiding in the Mercy of God and their good Judgments, I do not in the least doubt but that I shall be able to convince them of their being in several errors, and to oblige them to confess, that the Chair of St. Pe∣tor is such, That the gates of hell can never prevail against it. This in my opinion would be the best course you could take to quiet the minds of your people; for that if this should not be yielded to, what can the common people say, but that the

Learned men of Ethiopia were afraid to appear before the Light of the Roman Doctors; but ha∣ving shut their eyes, do throw themselves into utter darkness. What is offered in justification of their not yielding to this, to wit, that they shall incur an Excommunication if they do it, is intolerable; since the Patriarch of Alexandria, no nor the Pope him∣self, has not power to lay an Excommunication upon his Subjects on that account; and the reason is, because such an Excommunication would tend to the Destruction of the Faith, which is known and made manifest by the Disputations of Learned men. It is likewise contrary to the express command of God, and his Apostles, St. Peter and St. Paul; Christ having commanded his Disciples, and in them his whole Church to go and teach all Nations, Jews, Gentiles and Hereticks; and again, to seek and they should find, knock, and it should be open∣ed unto them. And how is truth sought, or how are its gates knocked at, but by Disputations? It is also contrary to what St. Peter ordered, who com∣mands all Christians to be always prepared to give satisfaction to all that should desire a reason of the hope that is in them; and in the last place, it is a contradiction to St. Paul, who told his Disciple Ti∣mothy, that a Bishop ought to be a Doctor; and writing to Titus, he declares wherein that Doctor∣ship consists, and that it does, in being so powerful in sound Doctrine, as to be able to convince Gain∣sayers. Wherefore if your Learned men do think that we contradict the truth, why do they not endeavour to convince us of it, and not seek to excuse their not endeavouring it, by pretending that by ingaging in a Disputation with us, they should fall under the Ex∣communication of Three hundred and Eighteen Fa∣thers;

there being no manner of foundation for that pretence, since Hosius, Victor, and Vincentius, the Presidens of that Council, were all the Legates of Pope Sylvester, the Master of Constantine the Great; who undoubtedly never drew the Sword of Excommunication against themselves to thrust it in∣to their own Bowels; wherefore to flee to Excommu∣nication in such a case, is to trust to a covering that cannot hide the ignorance of him that seeks to cover himself with it.

Since your Highness has been pleased to take all my Arms from me, if I must go to Fremona, I desire the favour of you, to let my Servants have the Muskets to Guard me thither, and they sholl be sent back to you again; and if this should be denied, I hope your Highness will appoint a strong Guard of Portuguese Soldiers with Fire-Arms, to see me out of danger.

O. Patriarcha.

Though one cannot but be touched to see a Person, who but a few Months before was in so high a Post, treated thus rudely; yet at the same time one can scarce forbear smiling to find a Roman Prelate advancing the Princi∣ple of the Seekers so high, * 21.2 as to make it to be destructive of Religion, and contrary to the Com∣mands of Christ and his Apostles, to forbid People under pain of Excommunication, to dispute about Matters of Faith, denying it to be in the Pope's Power to rob People of this Liberty; notwith∣standing he could not but be sensible that it is what the Pope does every where; and that there is no Doctrine whatsoever for which the In∣quisition would sooner Burn a man, than for

maintaining such a liberty of Inquiry into the truth of Doctrines of Faith, to be the undoubted Privilege and Duty of every Christian. But this is not the only instance we have of the Jesuits affirm∣ing, That the very same Doctrine may be true in one Countrey, and false in another. The Patri∣arch's Letter having been read in the Coun∣cil, it was Debated therein, Whether they should gratifie him with a publick Disputation; and though that was carried in the Negative, it was judged convenient, however, that an Answer in the Emperor's Name should be re∣turned to it: Which was as followeth.

The Letter of Seltem Saged, cometh to the Patriarch, with the Peace of God.

My Lord,

HEAR what we say and write to you: * 22.1 We have received your Letter, and do un∣derstand all that it contains: As to your desiring to know why we have turned you out of the Post wherein God and the Emperor had placed you: Your Lordship cannot but be sensible, that so long as we were under our Father the Emperor, we never disobeyed him in any one thing; nor did we ever so much as open our mouth against any thing that he did; but were so submissive to him in all things, that we never said, I will have this, or I will have that; or I like this, or dislike that; insomuch, that I do not remember, that during his life, I ever did any thing of my own head, but did still what he Commanded me. As to the business of your Religion, our Soul never entered into its Councils,

neither did we ever joyn with any Counsellors ei∣ther to build it up, or destroy it. We need not be told that the Emperor sent for your Lordship, and that the Fathers likewise came with his Consent; as we need not, that ever since your coming he has been continually embroiled in Wars for endeavouring to establish your Faith; Fighting sometimes with his Sons, and at other times with his Slaves, whom he had raised from the dunghil to great honours: Insomuch that from the first hour we were able to bear Arms, we have never done any thing, but fight in obedience to our Father's Commands, which we al∣ways obeyed. After the Battel I had in the begin∣ning of this Winter with Ognadega, our Learned Monks and People having assembled themselves together in the Camp, took the confidence to tell my Father their thoughts freely in the following words; Sir, How long are we to be plagued thus, and to tire our selves about things that are good for nothing? We desire to know, When we are to give over fighting with our Kinsfolk and Brethren; or cutting our right hand off with our left? What great difference is there betwixt the Roman Faith and ours? For do they of Rome teach, That there are Two Na∣tures in Christ; and have not we always believed and taught the same, in affirming that our Lord Christ is perfect God and perfect Man; perfect Man as to his Humanity, and perfect God as to his Divinity? But whereas those his Two Natures are not separated, his Divinity being United to the Flesh, and not separated from it, and his Flesh to the Divinity; we do not for that reason affirm them to be Two, but One; being made so out of two Causes, and that not so as to Confound and

Mix those Natures in their Beings; but on the ac∣count of their being one and the same Principle, we call them by the name of that Union; so that our Controversie with them in this matter is of small importance: Neither was it the cause of our ha∣ving had so much fighting, but it was because they denied us the Blood in the Communion, not∣withstanding Christ has told us positively in his Gospel, that unless we eat the flesh of the Son of man, and drink his blood, you shall not inherit eternal Life. And notwithstanding that Christ himself, when he Instituted the Sacrament, after having given his Body to his Disciples, and re∣ceived it himself, did not say, The blood is in my flesh which I have given you; but on the contrary, he said, Take and drink, and divide it among you: His Disciples doing as he Command∣ed them, and as he gave them to understand by saying, Do this in remembrance of me. Nei∣ther was this the only thing that discontented the People; but moreover the prohibiting them to Fast on Wednesdays; which St. Peter and St. Paul, and no fewer than Eight Synods, had Commanded them to do, upon pain of Excommunication. Nei∣ther was that all, but because they saw us Eat and Drink in the first week of Lent; Eating on the Morning of Good Friday; from which time till Easter they do never taste any thing: They heard likewise, that we received the Sacrament in the Morning on Fasting-days; and that the Roman Church permits People on Fasting-days to eat Milk and Butter, and to drink Water; having changed all the Festivities of the Year, and suffering Men and Women promiscuously to enter into the Church, without keeping any out for being unclean. But

the things of all others for which they abhorred us the most, was for saying, That they Baptized themselves as if they were Heathens and Publi∣cans; whereas, in truth, there is no great diffe∣rence betwixt the Romanists and them as to that point: And because the Romanists treated their Priests and Deacons, as if they had not been in Holy Orders, giving them Priesthood up∣on Priesthood, and Diaconate upon Diaco∣nate; and for burning some of their Altars for no other reason, but because they were made of Wood, and Consecrating those again that were made of Stone, as if they had been Profane before; The Monks were also inraged against the Romanists for not living like Monks, who are not to be left to their liberty whether they will Fast or not; and because the Fathers took state upon them, and did not visit them according to the Custom of Monks.

For these and divers other reasons, the People far and near were much discontented, and said to the Emperor, Hear what we have to say, and either give us leave to live quietly, or knock us on the head, since the War does thicken upon us daily. When the Emperor was told this by all his People, he, without our joyning with them in it, finding that there was no other way to quiet their minds, and that he would not be able to punish them much longer, commanded his Counsel∣lors to advise together what was best to be done; who after a serious consult came to this Resolution, That they must all return to their Ancient Religion and Customs.

Your Lordship in being acquainted with this, will know the reason why you are turned out of your Place, which God and the Emperor had be∣stowed

on you; and that the very same Emperor that sent for your Lordship, and gave you your Au∣thority, was the Person that deprived you of it: Wherefore since an Alexandrian Abuna is on his way hither, and he has sent us word, that he cannot be in the same Countrey with a Roman Patriarch and Fathers; we have ordered you to Repair to Fremona, and there to remain. As to what your Lordship now offers, which is, That if the People of Ethiopia will but continue in the Obedience of the Roman Church, that you will dispense with them as to all matters which are not contrary to the Faith; that comes too late now; for how is it possible for them to return to that which they have not only forsaken, but do abominate, now they have had a taste of their Old Re∣ligion again? For can a grown Man be born again, or enter a second time into his Mother's womb? Your Lordship further desires, That we would assemble our Learned Men to Dispute with you before you depart, about matters of Faith: This ought also to have been done in the beginning; besides, Is that Cause like to be supported by Arguments, which has been maintained hitherto only by Force and Violence? By taking Estates from some, * 22.2 and throwing others into Prison, and Punishing others more se∣verely; and that for no other reason, but be∣cause they would not embrace your Faith? And as if that had not been sufficient, you have dragg'd great multitudes out of the Desarts, who would have been contented to have lived there upon Herbs, and confined them to Pri∣sons; nay, the poor People that would have been glad to have Buried themselves in Caves, not

having escaped your Persecution. Now what a Barbarity would it be, to go and tease poor Peo∣ple with Arguments, who have suffered so much in Desarts and Banishments? It would certainly be a very unjust thing, both in the sight of God and Man. As to your Lordship's desiring to have a Portuguese Guard to attend you, that cannot be; but we shall appoint a very Honest Man, and who has a great train of Servants, to convey your Lordship, and all your Goods in safety, to the place whither you are to go.

This Letter gives us a great deal of light into the Affairs of Ethiopia at this time. For First; We see plainly thereby, that Popery, as to its Persecuting spirit, is the same in all Climates; it having no sooner got the Power of the Government of Ethiopia on its side, than it made the penalty of not embracing it, the loss of Estate, Liberty, and Life; and Herbs were reckoned too high a Diet, and Caves and Desarts too good a Dwelling for those that left all, and fled to them, to preserve a good Conscience. Secondly, That their denying the Cup in the Sacrament to the Laity, and the validity of the Alexandrian Ordinations, and not their believing that there were Two Natures in Christ, were among the chief causes of the Habassins having such an Aversion for Popery. Lastly, That Pope∣ry owed all the footing that it ever had in Ethiopia to Violence; so that it no sooner lost the assistance of the Secular Arm, than it came to nothing. There are two passages likewise in this Letter, which do seem to make it evi∣dent,

That the Habassins do not believe Tran∣substantiation; the one is, where they do absolutely deny our Saviour's Blood to be in the Element of Bread; and the other is, where they seem to intimate, That our Saviour made his Disciples understand what he meant, by calling the Bread and Wine in the Sacrament, his Body and Blood, by bidding them Celebrate it in Memory of him.

The Patriarch finding that there was no remedy but that he must go to Fremona, and that the Emperor would neither lend him his own Arms, nor appoint him a Portuguese Guard, did thereupon desire him to charge some Responsible Man with the Books and every thing else that belonged to the Church; declaring that if that was not done, That he would not take them with him: The Answer the Emperor returned to this petition was very short, which was, That for his part, he did not know how to pack Goods, and that he must therefore e'en do it himself, and having done it, be gone with them. And the Patriarch having de∣sired to know who it was that was to be his Convoy; he had word sent him on Holy Thursday, That they were two Messengers, and two Nobles, who would go well attended with Servants, and that he must begin his Journey next Morning; which being come, the Patriarch made his Farewel-Sermon; and after that was ended, * 22.3 he took off his Shoes, and having shaked the Dust that was on them in the Air, he put them on again, and begun his Journey; on the Second day whereof he dispatched the following Memorial to the Em∣peror.

Now that your Highness's Counsellors do reckon that the security of your Empire dos consist in the Extirpation of the Roman Faith, * 23.1 which is the on∣ly true Catholick and Apostolick Faith; and in the Banishment of the Patriarch, Bishop, and Fathers; I for my part, notwithstanding I know your Highness is most miserably abused by those men, do say with Jonas, Take me and throw me into the Sea, it being better that one man should die, than that a whole Nation should perish. However your Highness must know that the Roman Faith can never be destroyed, it not being founded on the mud wherewith the Nile fills Egypt, but on the firm Rock of St. Peter's Confession, to whom Christ hath promised, that the gates of hell shall never pre∣vail against it; having also said to him at ano∣ther time, Peter, I have prayed to my Father for thee, that thy faith may not fail. Where∣fore being now banished for having preached the Gospel, I can say with St. Paul, I labour even unto bonds, nevertheless the Word of God is not bound.

Wherefore as Fathers when they come to die, or when they are to part with their Children for any long time, do speak to them as Jacob did to his Twelve Sons, or as old Tobit did to the young one, and as Christ when he ascended into Heaven did to his Disciples; so upon my departure, I will speak to your Highness and your whole Empire all the truths which it imports you to be acquainted with.

In the First place, I do testify to your Highness, before God and Christ Jesus, who is to Judge the

quick and the dead, That the Church of Rome is the Mother, Mistress, and Head of all Churches, Christ having commanded her in the person of her Founder St. Peter, to confirm his brethren, and feed his sheep; that is, all the faithful of the world, who are all the Sheep of Christ; so that none can have God for their Father, but they who have this holy Church for their Mother, out of which there is no Salvation, no more than there was out of the Ark in the time of the Deluge; And I do farther declare, That your Highness and all that are in your Empire, who have violated the Oath you made in my hands, To live and die in the Faith and Obedience of the Roman Church, have incurred thereby the Excommunication which was pronoun∣ced by me and divers Priests in the name of God at that time, and by the Authority of St. Peter and the Roman Pontiff his Successor, from which you can∣not be absolved before you return to the Obedience and Union of holy Mother Church.

In the Second place I do declare, That I, so long as I do live, and am not loosed from that bond of Spi∣ritual Marriage, which I have Contracted with the Church of Ethiopia, am the true Patriarch and Pastor, and Abuna thereof; and that whosoever is or shall come from any part, is a stranger, and cannot enter into it by the door, it not being opened to him by the faithful and prudent Steward, to whom Christ has delivered the Keys of his House. Such a one therefore must be an Adulterer, in taking ano∣ther man's Wife while her lawful Husband is living. I have been placed in this Chair by the true Successor of St. Peter, and that with the same Authority as St. Peter placed his Disciple St. Mark in the Chair

of Alexandria; all that are in that Chair, and do deny Obedience to the Pope and his Successors, being Patriarchs only in name, for the branch cannot bear fruit of it self if it continueth not in the vine.

In the Third place, I am to put your Highness and the whole Empire in mind of those words of St. Paul, Be not deceived, for God, no nor men, will not be Mocked by your pretending that you have not forsaken the Roman faith, but only in some customs; for it is plain you have departed from her by divers Heresies; namely, the using of Circumci∣sion together with Baptism, the repeating of Bap∣tism, the keeping Saturday, and the ceremonial Law about Legal uncleannesses, and distinctions of meat; and in dissolving Marriages, many of you affirming that Christ is the Son of God by grace on∣ly: Others affirming that there are Two persons in Christ; others that he has one person made of Two, and that he has not two Wills nor two Operations; others that he died without his Divinity, others that the Humanity is equal to the Divinity, and is every where. You do affirm likewise, that water squeezed from dry grapes may be Consecrated, and that the Souls of Children are derived from their Parents, with a great many other things that are repugnant to the holy Scriptures, and have been Condemned and Anathematized in divers Councils.

In the Fourth place, I do beseech your Highness by the Precious Blood of Christ, and by the Bowels of Our Lady the Virgin Mary; and I do in the name of God, and by the Authority which he hath given me by the Pontifical Oil that was poured on my head,

as upon that of Aaron, on the day of my Consecra∣tion, command you neither by force nor promises to endeavour to oblige the Portugueses that shall re∣main here to renounce the true Roman Faith: Nor to set any Captain over them that is not a Catho∣lick by Descent, and chosen by Catholicks. And I do pronounce the greater Excommunication to be Ip∣so facto incurred, and do invocate the Indignation and Curse of Almighty God, and of the holy Apo∣stles, St. Peter and St. Paul, and of St. Tho∣mas, the Patron of India, and of St. James the Great, the Patron of Spain and Portugal, on all that shall any ways offend in this mat∣ter, or who shall at any time forsake the Roman Faith.

In the Fifth place, I do advertise your Highness, and all and every one in your Empire, that there is no Nation under Heaven that has the like Obligati∣ons to another, as Ethiopia has to Portugal. The Portugueses not having come among you, as the Children of Israel went into Egypt with Asses, to have them laden with Provisions to satisfy their hunger; but were moved to it purely out of Charity and Zeal for the faith. It is not above an Hundred years since they were sent by their King to his great cost laden with Arms and Muskets, and accompa∣nied with a train of Artillery which is at this time in your Camp, with the Royal Arms of Portugal upon them, with their Pockets full of Money, and that not to make themselves Masters of Ethiopia, nor to Conquer it for their King, but to deliver the Habassins out of a Mahometan Captivity, and to free them from the Yoke which that cursed Sect had laid upon their necks; for which great Service,

they have been so ill rewarded, that their Children and Grandchildren were reduced to that Penury, that the King of Portugal was obliged to allow them a yearly Maintenance. Wherefore I do beseech your Highness, to let them enjoy the Privileges which their Fathers purchased for them with their Blood; and which have been granted them by former Kings for their services.

In the Sixth place, I would have your Highness remember, that several of the Fathers of the Society who are Eminent for their Piety and Learning, have come into Ethiopia at divers times, not to seek after Honours or Riches, but to serve God and your people in much humility; and to teach them the true faith, some of them having given the greatest Testimonies of love that are possible, in having laid down their Lives for their Friends; which Three of them did, one after having been several years a pri∣soner at Matzua, and the other two at Adel; and those that are now alive have served your Father with all the fidelity of Doctors, Servants, and Slaves, as he himself has many times told me; all which notwithstanding, after they had built several Churches and Houses, they are now turned out of them all; and that in the midst of Winter their Churches and Goods being all given to the Enemies of the Roman Faith; the Fathers that were at Gorgora having in little more than three Months time been sent from three several places; they that were at Dembea and Gojam having been likewise turned out of all; notwithstanding all which hard usage, they continue to pray to God to Establish your Highness's Empire for ever; and that he would give you a House that has the true faith for its Foun∣dation,

and Heaven for its Roof. Furthermore I would have your Highness remember, That your Father desired the Bishop of Rome to send a Pa∣triarch and Bishops into Ethiopia; at whose request he sent me and a Bishop; we were both Masters of Divinity, and Readers of the holy Scriptures: Nei∣ther did the most Catholick Powerful and Munifici∣ent King of Portugal, expect that your Father should have remitted Gold to him to defray the charges of our Mission, or that he should have taxed his Nobles on that account; but he took the whole charge thereof upon himself, which amounted to several Thousand Oquea's giving us also many rich pieces to make Presents of, some of which are at this time in your Royal Palace, and in several great Houses in Ethiopia: Neither did he so much as charge your Father with the Maintenance of our persons, having sent me yearly an Hundred Oquea's to support my Dignity. Now all the return you have made to your Brother the King of Portugal, and to the Bishop and me for all the charge and trouble that we have been at, is to throw us out of all at a blow, and to entertain another without knowing who he is, or from whence he comes; threatening us like Caterpillars, against whom when they come, the whole Countrey is up in Arms; so that according to the word of David, I am cast out like a locust; you, in what you do, fulfilling what Christ said to the Jews, I came in my Fa∣ther's name, and you received me not; another will come in his own name, and him you will re∣ceive; the Children of Israel when they went out of Egypt carried not only their own goods, but the Egyptians also which they had borrowed; where∣as we are forced to leave a great part of our own

goods behind us; but since we must leave them all when we come to die, that gives us but little trou∣ble; but what afflicts us most is, that your Highness should send the same Message to us, which another King delivered with his own Mouth to Moses and Aaron in the Twelfth of Exodus; Arise and go from among my people; and that with the same haste as he forced the Jews out of Egypt by night, it being said the Egyptians pressed the Hebrews to depart suddenly, saying, if they do not depart this night, we are all dead men; imputing the death of their First-born to the presence and detention of the Children of Israel; whereas in Justice they should have attributed it to the hatred they bore to the Hebrews, who had been their deliverers, and to their own cruelty, in having thrown their Sons into the Nile. After the same manner Ethiopia ought to impute the just punishments they have received at the hand of God, to the unjust hatred they have for the Portugueses their restorers; and to their Manifold publick and scandalous Sins, some where∣of I shall just mention:

Most of their men are for having several Wives, and their Women are for changing their Husbands. Their Monks care not to have any thing more of Monks than the habit, chusing the Houses of the Court of Ladies for their Monasteries. The Nobles are for making themselves Lords of the Church and her Lands, indulging the flesh in all things, and would have their Pastors to be as so many Statues, in having neither Eyes to see their Sins, nor Mouths to reprove them, nor hands to chastise them.

N••w so long as these Sins continue in Ethiopia, the Sword will never depart from it. Open your Eyes, Sir,

and follow the truth according to your knowledge thereof, and suffer not the good Nature and Un∣derstanding which God has given you, to be ruin'd by evil Counsellors; but do justice to your Subjects, re∣membering what God hath said by the Ecclesia∣sticus, That Kingdoms are Translated from one to another, and from one Family to ano∣ther, by reason of Injustice. And since we are not to see one another again, before we meet at the Tribunal of God's Justice, I must tell you plainly, That though I should not accuse you there, you will accuse your self; your Empire, the Gospel, the Coun∣cils, and the Books of the Fathers, and Doctors of the Church which I brought for your Instruction, and you have rejected, will all accuse you there.

Nevertheless, I, the Bishops and Fathers, imitating our Master Jesus Christ, who when he was on the Cross prayed for his Murtherers, not attending to the hatred wherewith they persecuted him, but to the precept of his Father's and his own willingness to die for them; do from our hearts pray, that God of his great Mercy would pardon you and your whole Em∣pire, and remove from you and it the Scourges of his wrath, which the examples in holy Scripture threaten them withal who will go on in their Sins. And whereas the Gauls since the time your Ance∣stors broke the Oath they made to the Portugueses, That they would receive the Roman Faith, have become Masters of the greatest part of your Em∣pire; so I pray God, that the remaining part thereof may not be lost on this occasion wherein there have been so many Oaths and Excommunications, with such a clear knowledge of the truth; insomuch that what Saint Stephen said of the Jews, ••ay be truly appli'd to you; You do always resist the holy

Spirit after the Example of your Fathers. May that Divine Spirit, which is the Temple and For∣tress of Truth, enlighten and strengthen your High∣ness to know and love the Roman-Catholick Faith, which is the true way and life.

Offonso Patriarch of Ethiopia, Banished for Jesus Christ.

The Patriarch having been rifled by the way by a company of Banditties, arrived at Fremona on the 24th of April; and not being able to think of returning to the Indies to live there as a Private Friar, and where he knew his Conduct would be censured, if for no other reason for its having been unsuccessful; he be∣gan to consider whether he might not, in case the Emperor should command him to de∣part his Kingdoms, which he every day ex∣pected he would do, find some Nobles that would undertake to protect him against him; but being sensible that that was not to be done any other way, but by giving assurances, that a Portuguese Army would come in a short time to succor them, he immediately dispatched four Fathers to Goa, * 23.2 to sollicit the sending of an Army to them, as the greatest Service that could be done either to God or the Crown of Portugal; and having done this, he thought he might very well encourage some of the Grandees to take them under their protection by promises of a Portuguese Army being ready to embark at Goa, to come to their assistance; and being in∣formed that Prince John Kay, the Heir of their old friend Bahurnagays, was living, discontent∣ed,

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upon his own Lands which were Mountai∣nous, and not far from the Sea Coast, he sent two Fathers to him, to try if they could persuade him to undertake their protection, by pro∣mises of great things the Portuguese Army that was coming would do for him. The Envoys managed matters so, that they brought O Kay to promise to protect them, it being agreed be∣twixt him and them, * 23.3 That whensoever the Em∣peror should command the Patriarch and Fathers to leave Ethiopia, that he should send a Troop of Horse to fetch them from Fremona into his own Lands; where, when he had them once, he promi∣sed to defend them till the Portuguese Army arrived.

This O Kay you must know was one of the chief Leaders in Guergis's Croisade for the extirpation of Popery; * 23.4 which, though the Patriarch knew well enough, yet being sensible that he was discontented with the Emperor and the Court, and believing Ambition to be much stronger in him than Religion, he thought he might be a man proper enough for his purpose, the very Peasants of Lasta being made use of by the Fathers against me Emperor, as we shall see hereafter. The Emperor, who was too jealous of the Pa∣triarch and the Portuguese, * 23.5 not to have his Spies upon them, having received advice, That the Patriarch was caballing with O Kay, sent an•• Express with a precise order to the Patriarch and Fathers, immediately to depart his Em∣pire, telling them if they would go to Matzua, there to embark for the Indies, that he would write to the Basham of that Port, to treat them civilly, and help them to a passage.

The Order they were served with, run thus: From the day that Popery came first into Ethiopia, our Empire has never had one day of Peace, which was what it always enjoy'd before. Wherefore since our Empire is very near having been ruined by you, we do strictly command you all to depart presently; which, if you will do quietly, and go to Matzua, we will recommend you to the Bashaw of that place. The Patriarch, whose business it was to gain as much time as possi∣ble, writ thereupon a very submissive Letter to the Emperor, begging most passionately of him, not to deliver him and the Fathers to the Turks, the most inveterate Enemies both of their Reli∣gion and Nation, which he would do if he forced them to go to Matzua, a Port which be∣longed to those Infidels. But the Emperor was so far from being prevailed with to revoke his Order, that he renewed it with greater rigor in the following Answer to the Patriarch.

The Letter of the Emperor Seltem Saged cometh to the Patriarch, Bishop, Fa∣ther James, and the rest of the Fa∣thers.

HEAR what we say and write: * 24.1 Asma Guergis, Taca Christos, and Melch Christos, have acquainted us with all that you have said, and with all your excuses when they commanded you in our name to return to the place from whence you came. In the first place you say, You did not come hither of your own accord, but were sent hither after you had been invited by di∣vers

Letters. What, have you forgot the reasons I gave you formerly, why I was obliged to send you away? and I do much wonder that you should offer to give me the trouble of repeating them to you again; I need not tell you what hath happened betwixt you and the people of Ethiopia, and what a struggle you have had with them to oblige them to embrace your Religion; but one thing I must tell you, That if you continue not to regard either the power of God who is above, or of the Emperor here below, that you shall not live Two and Twenty years, no nor one year, no nor half of one in Ethiopia. There is no need of telling you what Infinite Multitudes of people have lost their lives because they would not turn Papists, or how great Troubles and Persecutions my Father en∣dured for your sake, since you cannot but be sensible of them, as you are also of his having given over your Religion, when he saw plainly he was not able any longer to support it; so that as it was he that first introduced it, so it was he that put an end to it. After which he returned to the Foundation of his Fathers, which is the Rock of the Faith of Alexan∣dria, and fortified it so by his Proclamations, that it is never to be removed.

As to your putting us in mind of the valiant Por∣tugueses, who came hither in the time of Asnaf Saged to defend the Faith, it is what we very well know, and we do confess that they did us very good service in helping us to peace; but as they never of∣fered to destroy the Religion of Ethiopia, which was delivered by the Fathers and the Apostles; so our people never offered them any violence; but as they deserved much for having delivered us out of the hands of the Mahometans, so they were all well

rewarded by the Emperor, having Lands given them where they had no Inheritance; which Lands are enjoyed to this day by their Posterity, none ever asking them the question, What do you make here?

As to what you say, of your having reserved the Absolution of the Excommunication you have laid upon Ethiopia, so to your self, that none but you can Absolve her of it; That is easily answered: For when the Fathers began to Preach Popery in Ethiopa, By what means did they oblige the Peo∣ple to embrace it? Was it by Excommunications, or by doing any thing that looked like a Miracle? No, it was by neither of those methods, but it was purely by the force of the Imperial Authority: And did not the same hand that threw them into Pri∣sons, set them at liberty again? Neither can you but be sensible, that there was not so much as one Person in Ethiopia that embraced your Religion vo∣luntarily.

As to what you have said of Ethiopia being your Wife, it was no where ever Written or Decreed, That a Woman shall be bound to a Husband contrary to her own Consent, only because her Father and her Mother will have it so; for which reason your Lordship cannot but be sensible that Ethiopia was never your Spouse; since, as we have observed, There was not one Person that belonged to her, that embraced your Faith voluntarily. As to the Vow you speak of, it admits of several distinctions; some make a Vow to relinquish their Estates without turning Monks; some Vow to live and die Virgins; and others, not being Virgins, for the Love of God, to live Chastly: The force of all which Vows is resolved into their having been voluntary; which, when they are, they Sin that

do not observe them; the faculties of the Will and Consent being so in the nature of the Soul, as to Govern its animal Powers, which are the Flesh: This is a true account of the nature of Vows. And as to your pretending that you can∣not leave Ethiopia, because you are under a Vow to her, that need not trouble your Conscience, since you have not left her, but she has left you; neither do you flee from her, but she flees from you, as a Coward does from a Battel. We are ready to be your Lordship's Witnesses, that you Loved Ethiopia very much; as we are ready to be her Witnesses too, that she could never endure you, who have given her so many bitter Potions: Wherefore what we have to say to you, is, in a word, Be gone all of you to your own Countrey in Peace: And we do call God to witness of our ha∣ving been no ways accessary to any injuries that you may have sustained; for as it was the Emperor our Father who invited you hither, so it was he that dismissed you, we having had no hand neither in the one or other; on the contrary, we have hither∣to Protected you, and are at this time fighting with the Xague that Robbed you, with an intention of restoring all your Goods to you that we can recover; and as you have no reason to complain of us for your having been plundered, so that you may not be Robbed a second time, we have appointed Za Ma∣riam, and the Nobles of Sararoa and Amestea, to convey you safe to Matzua; where, if you please, you may buy a Ship to carry you home; having also writ to the Bashaw of that Port, in Arabick, to use you kindly, and to suffer you to part in peace. As to the motion you have made, of returning to the Indies by the way of Dancaly, and the Port

of Bahur, a way, which your self excepted, none ever yet came; the Fathers and all the other Por∣tugueses, having come continually by Matzua; we must tell you, that now your Expulsion is deter∣mined, it is to no purpose to alledge reasons why you cannot go; and that if you should shuffle any longer with our Orders, that it will be your Ruin. Have we taken any thing from you that you have got in Ethiopia, that you should disobey us, and say you will not go? this is not right. Be gone therefore, without making any further reply or excuse, your Expulsion being determined, as you will understand by the Order you will receive.

The Patriarch perceiving that if he staid any longer at Fremona, he must either go vo∣luntarily to Matzua, or be sent thither in Chains; the new Abuna who was now got to Court, and who I reckon had the chief hand in all all these severe Orders, having as little com∣passion for the Romanists, as they, when they were in Power, had had for the Alexandrians; he dispatched a Messenger to O Kay to acquaint him with the danger he was in, * 24.2 and to desire him to send some Soldiers presently to help him to make his escape; sending the Coadju∣tor and Six of the Fathers at the same time privately to a discontented Nobleman in the Saroa, to try if they could persuade him to joyn with O Kay in protecting them; but though that Grandee, like a Brutal Man as he was, told the Bishop and his Companions, That he would have nothing to do with them; O Kay, according to his promise, sent his Bro∣ther with a good Body of Men to a passage

within a few Leagues of Fremona, whither his Confederate Tecla Mariam, who had been gained likewise by the Patriarch, had under∣took to convey them in safety. The manner of their escape being concerted, the Patriarch and Fathers having put themselves in a disguise, so soon as it was dark, stole out at their back∣door; and being come to the place where Tecla waited for them, they were conducted by him to O Kay's Brother, who conveyed them to O Kay, * 24.3 by whom they were received with all testimonies of kindness, and for their security, were lodged by him in an im∣pregnable Mountain in the Province of Bur, where they had not been many days before the Coadjutor and his Six Companions came to them, not having been able to bring any of the Nobles they had visited, into an Asso∣ciation to Secure them.

The Emperor was much troubled when he heard of O Kay's having undertaken to Protect the Patriarch and Fathers against him in Ethio∣pia, and being sensible that nothing but an assurance from them of a Portuguese Army could have tempted one of his Principles, who had on all occasions shewed himself a Zealous Alexandrian, * 24.4 to have done it; he resolved to send to O Kay, and to grant him every thing he would desire, on condition he would sur∣render them to him, to dispose of them as he should think fit. O Kay, though overcome by this Proposition when it was made to him, yet had too much Honour to deliver People, who, upon his having promised to Protect them, had put themselves into his hands, up to the resentments of

an inraged Prince; neither would he upon any terms yeild to the cutting off of Father Lobo's Head, on which the Emperor insisted much, knowing him to have been the most active promoter of an Association against him amongst his Subjects: All the Court could bring O Kay to, * 24.5 was to carry the Patriarch, Bishop, and Fa∣thers to Matzua, and there to leave them to shift for themselves as well as they could, and to suffer them to be notified in the Emperor's Name, to depart Ethiopia in two days upon pain of Death.

The Patriarch, when the Messenger had notified him, and asked him, Whether he thought he had not been the cause of bloodshed enough al∣ready in Ethiopia? Made Answer, That he was under an higher obligation to the Emperor of Heaven not to leave his Sheep; for whom he was ready to lay down his life among devouring Wolves. And having obtained leave to speak with O Kay, he asked him, What he intended to do with him and the Fathers now he had them in his hands? He made Answer, Not to deliver you to the Em∣peror, but to convey you in safety to Matzua, where you will not be long before you will meet with an opportunity of returning to Dio, or some other Port belonging to the Portugueses in the Indies. The Patriarch not at all satisfied with this An∣swer, after having told him, That it was only to have avoided being sent thither by the Emperor, that they had desired his Protection; and that he had promised them oftener than once, to secure them in his Province until the Portuguese Fleet, which they daily expected, arrived with Succors: Asked him again, Whether he had determined to violate

his Faith with them? To which O Kay returned this short Answer, That there was no remedy for it, and that they must prepare themselves to begin their Journey to Morrow. The Patriarch finding there was no good to be done with O Kay, ad∣dressed himself to the Company, conjuring them in the Name of God, To consider what a wicked thing it was to be the Executioners of the expulsion of a true Pastor and Patriarch, and of the Preachers of the Gospel; and that by having a hand therein, they would all incur the greater Ex∣communication, from which the Pope only was able to Absolve them. But he could have no other Answer from them, But that they would venture that, being resolved whatever were the Consequence of it, to execute the Emperor's Orders.

In the Morning the Patriarch being spoke to, to begin his Journey, instead of that begun an Harangue, which was heard quietly by the Company till he came to inveigh bitterly against the Emperor and his Counsellors for what they had done to him. Whereupon the Ha∣bassins interrupted him, telling him, They would not hear their Prince railed at so without a cause, and that he must come away presently, for the Company waited for him to guard him to Matzua, and not to hear him Preach, or rather Declaim against Ethiopia and its Prince. The Patriarch finding there was no staying for him in Ethio∣pia, prevailed with O Kay, who, it seems, had a mind to play a double Game before he began his Journey, to wink at the Coadjutor and Father Jacinto stealing away to Cafla Mariam, and Father Luis and Father Bruno to Canti∣bazard, who had both promised to suffer them

to abscond in their Lands till a Portuguese Ar∣my should come to relieve them; and upon the Journey, he persuaded O Kay himself by the same argument, to carry two of the Fa∣thers back with him to abscond in his Terri∣tories, promising so soon as he got to the In∣dies, to hasten the sending of a Fleet that would make them all Princes quickly.

O Kay having conducted the Patriarch to the Gates of Arkice, * 24.6 and delivered him to the Go∣vernor of that Port, returned home with the two Fathers that were to abscond with him; and the Turk having been told that the Patriarch had a vast Treasure with him, did, in hopes of a great Prey, not only receive him at the Gate with Ceremony, but car∣ried him home with him to his House, where he treated him with a Respect that is not usu∣ally paid by Men of his Nation and Religion to Christians of whatsoever Quality they are; but this Complaisance was too unnatural to last long; for upon the Officers, whom he had appointed to search the Baggage, returning and whispering him in the Ear, that they had met with nothing of any value, besides two small Silver Chalices, he dismissed his Guests very abruptly, commanding them to be carri∣ed straitways to the Custom-house to be searched there; which having been done with less success than the Baggage, there being no∣thing found upon them besides two small Silver Crosses, and a few Reyals of Plate, the Go∣vernor was put into such a rage by the disap∣pointment, that he commanded them to be conveyed immediately to Matzua, where ha∣ving

landed about Midnight, they were con∣ducted by the Baneans, the Friends of Mankind in general, to a house which they, upon ha∣ving received notice that they were coming, had provided for them; but they had not been many hours in their Lodging, before the Governor, who was resolved to squeeze something out of them before they went to Suaqhem, (the Bashaw whereof had, upon the same Information of their having a great Treasure in Gold and Jewels, sent an Order immediately to bring them before him) arrived in the Island; and the Fathers very well knowing what it was that had brought him thither, went by times in the Morning to wait upon him with a Present of Six hundred Pieces of Eight, which they had borrowed of the Baneans; the Governor, though he took the Present, did it after such a contemptuous manner, as sufficiently intimated that he expect∣ed a great deal more from them before he parted with them. But finding there was no more came, he, upon some pretence or other, or∣dered a Boy that was in the Patriarch's Train, to be taken up, threatning to sell him to the Arabians if he were not ransomed with Sixty peices of Eight within half an hour; which Sum was likewise borrowed of the Baneans, * 24.7 and paid within the time. After a Months stay at Matzua, they were all embarked for Suaqhem, where when they arrived, the stately Bashaw would not so much as see them; but having ordered their Persons and Baggage to be searched, he sent them word, That under Thirty thousand Crowns they were not to think of

having leave from him to go to the Indies. Ne∣vertheless, after much Bartering, the Baneans having brought him down to Four thousand, paid the Money; and having provided a Ship to carry them all to Dio, as they were upon the shoar ready to have Imbarked, word came from the Bashaw, That he had given leave only to Seven to depart, of which number, the Patriarch was not to be one; pretending to detain him till he had advice from Dio how matters stood there as to their Com∣merce.

Seven of the Fathers, * 24.8 Two remaining be∣hind with the Patriarch, embarked on the 6th. of August 1634. and after a Voyage of Eight days, during which time they suffered a thousand affronts from their fellow-Passen∣gers, who were going Pilgrims to Mecha, and who reckoned it to be meritorious to abuse Christian Priests, they were put ashoar at Dio; where two of the Fathers, who were sent by the Patriarch from Fremona to solicit for Troops, were arrived but a few days be∣fore, the other two having died in the Voy∣age, which had been extreamly tedious. By the first opportunity that offered, Father Ma∣nuel, and Father Jerom, embarked for Goa; * 24.9 where being arrived, they were at the Vice∣roy Don Michael de Noronha, day and night, for to send a Fleet with some Troops to Ethiopia; representing the taking of the Ports of Suaqhem and Matzua, as a thing that Five hundred Soldiers, with Two Men of War, would do with ease; and magnifying the advantages the Crown, as well as the Church,

would reap from the Portugueses being Masters thereof. But though there was never any thing pressed with greater heat and zeal than this Expedition was by the whole Clergy of Goa, Secular and Regular, who were all possessed by the Two Fathers, That the Re∣duction of another Europe to the Obedience of the Church of Rome, would infallibly be the consequence of it; * 24.10 Yet all they could obtain of the Viceroy, was only Commendations of their Zeal, with a general promise of undertaking that work so soon as the posture of his Affairs would allow him to do it. But the Fathers knowing where their business stuck, endeavoured to obviate all the Political Arguments that could be brought against it, affirming with the greatest confi∣dence, That the conquest of those two Ports would open another Indies to the Portugueses; and that the Customs of them alone would do much more than defray the Charges of Conquering and Keep∣ing them; and that there was no reason to think that the Turks would not sit down quietly with the loss of two such important places, since they had lately lost the whole Kingdom of Gemen, and the Ports of Moqha, Odieda, and Cameran, which were all places of greater moment to them than Suaqhem or Matzua, without ever so much as attempting to recover them again.

But tho the Viceroy had neither Ships nor Troops to spare at this time for an Habassin Expedition, he no sooner heard of the loss of Momboca, a Port belonging to the Portu∣gueses upon the same Coast with Suaqhem, but which is much nigher to Goa, and more in the way of Trade, than he found * 24.11 Both to

send thither; the History of which loss was, in short, as followeth.

The Governor of the Citadel of Mom∣boca, a place, saith our Historian, that seemed to have Tyrannical Governors entailed upon it, having upon some pretence or other, in the year 1614. put the King of that Countrey, who was a Mahometan, to death, he sent the Prince, his eldest Son, who was but a Boy, with his Father's Head to Goa, where being put into the hands of the Austin Friars, he was Converted by them, and Christened by the Name of Hierom, and after Thirteen years residence among them, was Married to a Portuguese La∣dy; and having solemnly Submitted himself and his Kingdom to the Pope, was sent home with his Queen, with a promise of having his Crown restored to him again. But the Go∣vernor of Momboca, though he allowed Don Hierom the Title of King, treated him much more like a Slave than a Prince, not suffering him to exercise the least Authority, nor to have a hand in any publick business. The Royal Title, without any thing of Power, making Don Hierom uneasie; and having nothing else to do, he stole frequently by night to the place where his Father's Corps lay buried; where, after having bitterly bewailed his unfortunate end, he still performed some Mahometan Ceremonies to his Ghost; which having been observed one night by a Portuguese, he went presently, and acquainted the Governor therewith; who concluding from thence, as well he might, that Don Hierom, though he professed himself a

Christian, was a Mahometan in his heart, in∣tended to have him apprehended in order to send him to the Inquisition of Goa, as an Apostate: But the King, having by some way or other had advice of what the Governor intended, resolved to be beforehand with him, and either to send him to the Inquisition of Heaven next morning to answer for his Tyranny, or to lose his Life in the Attempt; which, know∣ing what the Inquisition of Goa was, he reckoned to be preferable to being lodged in it; and having, in pursuance of this resoluti∣on, by night with great secrecy got Three hundred of the stoutest and faithfullest of the Caffrees together in a Body, he surprized the Citadel betimes next Morning, where ha∣ving Killed the Governor Peter Leytam de Gam∣baa with his own hand, he put the whole Garison, not sparing the Governor's Lady and Daughter, to the Sword; and having done his work in the Citadel, he Marched into the Town, and before night had not left one Portuguese, Ecclesiastick or Laick, alive that he could lay his hands on. So soon as the Massacre was over, he went to the Lady Church, where having mounted the Pulpit, and commanded all the Natives who had turned Christians, to be brought before him, he made the following Discourse to them.

* 25.1THE High Ala hath for many years suffered the Insults of Men; but the time appointed for their period being come, he would endure them no longer; having now in one hour revenged the Crimes of several Ages. The Portugueses came

from the dark shades of the day, into this Countrey, where the true light shines; who after having de∣stroyed great numbers of African and Asiatick Kingdoms, and having been Pyrates in both Seas, had the impudence to pretend that they had no other business with us, but to teach us Policy for the Earth, and to instruct us in the way to Heaven. As if either Divine or Human Laws did di∣rect the destroying and robbing of men on purpose to bring them to embrace true Do∣ctrines; is not this wonderful Doctrine, to put a Cross into our Hands, that they may take our Scepters out of them, and our Crowns from off our Heads, and to rob us, as they have done all other Nations, of our Liberty?

Their coming at first into these Parts, though drawn hither by nothing else but their unsatiable covetousness, and desiring to have a Trade with us, was well enough; but to force us to it, whether we would or not; and instead of helping us to Goods, and Honour, to encourage us to trade with them, to fleece us to our very Souls if we did it, or refused it is, such an Heavenly or earthly Law, as I must own I do not understand. Let us for once grant them, That we are, as they say, without the Knowledge of the True God; What then? Can there be any such God as shall command us to be Robbed of our Lands, Crowns, Lives, and Liberties, and of our Wives, Children, Brethren, and Kinsfolk, that so we may be brought to the Knowledge of him? No, most certain it is, that there can be no such God; since to be God, is to be Just: So that the Robberies which we of Africk and Asia do daily suffer at the hands of these enor∣mous

Strangers, are Injustices which will infallibly be punished at his Divine Tribunal; for the very Men that do plunder us, do at the same time teach us, That when the Son of God sent his Ministers to Preach his new Law over the World, that one of his Instructions to them was, that they should propose it to the Gentiles, and if some refused to hear them, that they should go then and tender it to others: For had this work been to have been done by Viclence, their Master was sufficiently able to have done one of these two things for his Ministers, either to have endued them with such a Divine Power as could not be resisted, but must have obliged all People to have surrendred them∣selves to them; or have given them Armies to have forced the World to a submission. Whereas it is most certain, that those Ministers had no order to take any thing from any body, or to compel any to receive their Doctrines: Which makes me wonder how the Portugueses, who pretend to be such Singular Ministers of those Doctrines, should first force us by War to embrace them, and after we have embraced them, should Rob us: What shall I call such People as these? The Preachers of the Divine Law, or the Doctors of Human Covetousness? Who call us Barbarians before we hear them, and after we have heard them, make us their Slaves? With what plausible pretenees did they first come ashoar here? And how did they after∣wards make themselves so far Masters of this City, as to oblige my Ancestors to accept of their own Crown from their hands; and who, after they had served them faithfully, were rewarded by them with Reproaches, Treachery, Violence,

and Death. But to pass over what is ancient, and to go no higher than my Father; Who among you, though your Bowels were nests of Scorpions, or of worse creatures, if there be any, do not lament the Memory of what he suffered at their hands, even to the taking away of his life by barbarous and ty∣rannical Methods? I have a thousand times, and a thousand to that, visited the Tomb of my good, but unhappy Father; and I never did it once, but I heard his blood crying to God for Justice, as also for vengeance upon my Soul; which made me consider, how he had provoked the Portuguefes to Murther him as they did, or what I had done to de∣serve the same treatment. As to my Father, he was easily justified; and as to my self, I am not sensible that I ever did any thing to offend them, unless it were by turning Christian; which, though it may seem strange, yet lively Experience assures us, that it is their common practice to Respect and Reverence us so long as we continue to profess our own Religion, and to persecute and abominate us so soon as we are persuaded by them to profess theirs. I need not tell you, that I was bred up among them at Goa, where I saw so much of their Insolence, that I do much more wonder at their not having committed greater here, than at their having committed those they have at Goa. I saw the King of Ormus thrown into Jayl, and his Crown taken from him and given to another, only upon a pre∣tence that he was Mad; though all his Madness was, his having refused to give them as much to let him keep his Crown, as he to whom they gave it had offered for it; for with them we are Catholicks, or in our Wits, according as we give; If we give them much, though we

are Infidels, they reckon us Christians; and though we are Fools, they reckon us Wise; on the contrary, if we give them but little, then let us be never so Wise, we are reckoned Mad; and though Christians, are reckoned Infidels; so that it must be our Purses, and not our Minds, that must justify us with this Nation, which boasts so much of Politeness and Justice. If their Religion teacheth them these things, it cannot be a good Re∣ligion; but if it does not, they then must be very Wicked to dishonour it as they do by their innumera∣ble Insolencies; but however that is, I am certain, we have reason to seek to secure our necks, and ei∣ther to forsake their Religion as bad, or to abominate them as the worst of men, which I will always be sure to do, but will at the same time acknowledge, that were their Actions conformable to their Preach∣ing, that they would not be ill men. Nevertheless we have the Law of our own great Prophet to save us, and which of all other Laws will do it the most ef∣fectually: Neither shall I fail to take severe Venge∣ance on my self for having forsaken it for their Law, and that without seeking to excuse my self, by my having been converted by them at an age when I was not capable of understanding their Cheat, or of foreseeing my own ruin thereby. But this I must say in my own justification, That I discovered the error I had committed at the same time I came to the use of my reason; and retracted it in my heart, though till this day it was not possible for me to do it publickly; but though I have been slow in doing it, I do hope the glorious atchievements of this day will abundantly compensate for that my slowness, being confident that our most just Prophet will obtain a pardon for me from the sublime Ala

for my having delivered this his people from that shameful slavery they have been so long held in by vile Portuguese Tyranny, called by its professors the Catholick Church, whose mischiefs are now legible in their sufferings; it being God's property to cha∣stise horrible Insolencies, and to favour regular pro∣ceedings; so we see they are all fallen by the edge of our Swords, and the flight of our Arrows; and be∣ing tied hand and foot by the enormity of their Crimes, none of them have offered to make the least resistance, neither have any of them escaped. Where was that Courage they so much boast of, and that Justice which they pretend favours them? By this you may all see plainly, that we are Superior to them, both as to a righteous Law, and in true Courage; as also that you were cheated by their cunning per∣suasions, to leave the breasts of our true Religion, wherein you had been Educated, in returning to which you shall have me for an example. As to those who have never Apostatized, I have nothing to say to them upon this point; but what I am now about to say, concerns you all equally; which is, That you join together to recover your ancient Liberty, and to defend your Ancient Kingdom, reviving the glory of your forgotten Cavalry, which in former ages was fa∣mous all over the world. You now know by Experience what the Portugueses are, who when they first Con∣quered this City, took advantage of our unwariness; but whereever people are watchful, there they are either beat, or depend on their craft for that, which we expect only from our Arms. Let them come now when they will, and they shall find what their courage or craft will signify to them; for as I am resolved to believe nothing that they say, so having upon this happy day cleared this place of them, whenever they come,

I will defend it with more vigor than I attacked it; and how should they be able to retake this City, who when they had it in their possession, were not able to keep it? Wherefore do but observe my Orders, and you shall live in honour and safety, and be freed from Tyranny in your Houses.

The Portuguese Historian, who relates this Speech, makes the following reflections upon it; Thus this blasphemous man harangued his infa∣mous Sect, in which he was become learned, re∣viling our Religion, of which he was not ignorant, but was spitefully set against it; but as to all other things mentioned by him relating to the temper and government of the Portugueses, they were, saith he, spoke by him, and so much is the more pity, with more of truth then passion: adding, Nei∣ther could this Prince be said to be Disloyal in ha∣ving made such an Insurrection; * 25.2 for whereever Tyr∣ranny becomes Exorbitant, and is not to be curbed by gentle Methods, it cancels all the Bonds of Alle∣giance; Self-Preservation, whether Natural or Po∣litick, being a thing that is indispensably necessary; for would it not be a pleasant thing, that one should load another with insufferable Insolencies, trusting to this, That the injured person will not offer to de∣fend himself, for fear, forsooth, of being thought disloyal, though at the same time he has no other way to remedy himself but by being so? For it is un∣doubtedly a much less fault to be unfaithful to a Ty∣rant, than to establish a Succession of Tyrants by a tame obedience.

But the Viceroy not having the same thoughts of the Revolution of Momboca as our Historian, so soon as he heard of it, dispatch∣ed

his Eldest Son with a Fleet of Sixteen Ships and Five Hundred Soldiers, to recover it, and to chastise the Renegado King and his Caffrees; but they defended themselves so bravely, that after a close Siege both by Sea and Land for some Weeks, they obliged the Portugueses, * 25.3 af∣ter having lost most of their Soldiers, to return to Goa with disgrace.

The Habassin Solicitors, who had desired the same number of Ships and Men for Mat∣zua, having put down this loss in their Book of Judgments, and finding there was nothing to be done for them at Goa, resolved to send Father Hierom to the Courts of Lisbon, Madrid, and Rome, to see what could be done there; as also to give such a Narrative of the Change in Ethiopia, as would vindicate the Jesuits Conduct in that Empire, which they had reason to fear would be blamed for it in Europe.

Father Hierom, * 25.4 after a tedious Voyage from Goa to Angola, and from Angola to Brasil, and from Brasil to Cartbagena in the West-Indies, and from Carthagena to Cales, arrived at last at Lisbon on the Eighteenth of December, 1636; where having given in a Memorial to the Infanta Dona Margaret, who was Governess of Portu∣gal at that time, and finding there was no∣thing to be had at that Court, on the Twen∣tieth of January he begun his Journey to Ma∣drid, where the King and the Conde Duke ha∣ving given his long story the hearing, sent him back to Lisbon with some, though small hopes of doing something for Ethiopia; but being returned to Lisbon, he found a Letter

from the Portuguese Assistant of the Jesuits at Rome, commanding him to repair thither with all possible expedition; a true narrative of the late Revolution in Ethiopia being a thing their Order stood in great need of at that Court. The Father being got to Rome, gave his General Mutio Vitelleschi a full account of that whole affair; and after that, was admitted to kiss the Pope's foot, to whom he delivered a long Memorial of all that had passed in Ethiopia, and of all that was to be done for the recovery of it; and the Pope having laid that whole business before a Junto of Cardinals, the Father solicited them continually to come to some effectual resolution about it, but to little purpose, he being able to obtain nothing of them but good wishes and blessings, of which the Pope himself too is said to have been very liberal. But the Father, * 25.5 who was a great Traveller, knowing that Matzua and Suaqhem, as weak as he had repre∣sented them to be, were not to be taken by such Ordinance; and finding that there was no other to be expected from that spiritual Court, trudged back again to Madrid, where by his Incessant Sollicitations he obtained a Letter to the Viceroy, recommending the bu∣siness of Ethiopia to him, so soon as the affairs of the Government would permit; with which Letter, which signify'd just nothing, the Father returned to Goa; upon whose illsuccess, Father Tel∣lez makes the following Exclamation; This was an occasion wherein all the precious Jewels of Spain ought to have been sold, and all the sacred Treasures of Rome to have been opened; but for our Sins, those fervors of Christianity which discovered themselves in the Croi∣sado's

which were undertaken for the recovery of the Holy Land, and the Zeal of Converting the world, and of reducing Ethiopia, are now in a manner extin∣giushed. * 25.6

But what reflected the most on the Devo∣tion of the State of the Indies, was their ta∣king no care to Ransom the poor Patriarch and Fathers, who remained Slaves still at Suaqhem; and who finding they were forgot at home, were forced at last to give Commission to the Baneans to treat with the Bashaw about their Ransom; who having brought him down to Four thousand pieces of Eight, they advanced the Money, and embark'd the Patriarch and his two Companions on a Ship that was bound for Dio; where being arrived after a months Voy∣age, and finding a Ship ready to Sail for Goa, they went on Board, and being got thither, revived the business of Ethiopia again, but with no better success than its former Solicitors.

But to cast our Eye back upon Ethiopia, * 25.7 O Kay, in whose Lands the Bishops of Nice and the three Fathers had absconded for near five Years, finding the Promises of a Portuguese Army he had been so long fed withal, came to nothing, he treacherously deliver'd them all into the hands of the Emperor, who having ordered them to be brought in Chains to the Camp, they were all four try'd and condemn'd to Death as Traytors. But it not being the Custom of Ethiopia, say the Jesuits, to put People to Death, though condemned to it, for Treason, (they should have excepted the time when they govern'd the Court, for then no Body was spared that was convicted of it); that Sentence

was changed into Banishment, * 25.8 a Favour that was but of little use to them; for being sent into the Country of the Agau's, the Mob ris upon them, and hanged them all four upon one Tree, pelting them furiously with Stones as they hung.

But notwithstanding Father Hierom's Nar∣rative of this Revolution, which was un∣doubtedly favourable enough to his Or∣der; * 25.9 there did not want those at Rome, who imputed it chiefly to the rash and furi∣ous Conduct of the Portuguese Jesuits, who they say by not following Father Peter's Ex∣ample of introducing Popery by degrees, but having got the Emperor and his Brother on their side, were for doing it in a day, had ruin'd that whole Design by their Precipitation. Neither was it only the Enemies of that Or∣der, of which it never yet wanted good store among the Clergy that talked thus; the Car∣dinals De propaganda fide, having themselves declared, That they had the same thoughts of it, by taking that Mission out of the hands of the Portuguese Jesuits, and committing it to French and Italian Capuchins. Neither were the Cardinals much mistaken in this matter; for in truth, the thing that ruined the Interest of Popery in Ethiopia, was the Portuguese Fa∣thers, even when they were most in favour with the Emperor, caballing still with Princes and Governors, who were their Converts, to Canton Ethiopia into several Independent Kingdoms; together with their presuming, that with four or five Hundred Portuguese Sol∣diers, they should be able at any time to re∣duce Ethiopia to the Roman Church, which

conceit made them the less fearful of com∣mitting Errors, or of precipitating things. This design of breaking the Habassin Empire into several Independent Principalities, how∣ever they might condemn it at Rome for not having succeeded, they could not in general condemn it either as impolitick or sinful; it be∣ing visible to all the World, that the great Fabrick of the Papacy was erected and established by the same course; that is, by its having broke the Roman Empire into a great many Indepen∣dent Kingdoms; for which reason, the keep∣ing of those Kingdoms from ever consolida∣ting again into one great Monarchy, is visibly the chief care of the Court of Rome; which, let the most Catholick, or the most Christian, express never so much Zeal for their Religion, immediately turns their Enemy, whenever they begin to think of being Universal Mo∣narch.

Now, though I cannot say, That the great Palafox, Archbishop of La Pueba de los An∣geles had the miscarriage of this Mission in his eye, when he called upon Innocent the 10th in his second Letter to him, bearing date the 8th of January, 1649. to weigh the Services and Disservices the Jesuit Order had done the Church in an equal Ballance; nevertheless, considering how the Fathers by caballing with Princes, and plunging themselves over head and ears into Politicks in Ethiopia, did, as it were, in one day destroy all the Effects of their long and great Labours in that Empire, what that Learned and Pious Prelate has said, is so very pat on this occasion, that I shall lay it be∣fore the Reader.

As I do voluntary confess, saith Palafox, a∣bout the middle of the Letter, That the Jesuits have by their Virtues, no less than their Writings, and both by their Words and Examples, done great Service and Honour to the Church of God; so I do assure your Holiness, that by some troublesome Qualities, not to speak of Defects which belong to them, they have done the Church more harm than good; it is there∣fore your Holiness's business to weigh the one against the other in your Apostolical Balance, to see which does preponderate. For, as a Prebend or Benefice is unprofitable to him that injoys it, when its Charges exceed its Revenue; so a Religious Order may be said to be prejudicial to the Church, when it brings more damage than profit to it; and especially, when there are other Orders and Ecclefiasticks, who may be as serviceable to the Church, without being prejudicial to her.

Suppose all the Jesuits to labour hard in the Service of the Church, yet what do all their labours signify, if they themselves destroy all the effects of them, or make them groan un∣der the feet of the Grandure and Authority they have usurped to themselves? What ad∣vantage can a Bishop derive from their Assi∣stance, if they dishonour and persecute him, whenever he does any thing that they do not like? What fruit can the People reap by their Instructions, if they raise Troubles and Com∣motions among them? Of what advantage is it to Parents to have their Children taught by them, if they rob them of their sweet Com∣pany

by taking their Children from them, and afterwards throwing them many times off shamefully for trivial reasons? Furthermore, What advantage have Ministers of State, Grandees and Princes, by being sometimes well-served by them in their Courts, if the greater part of them are so far from being in∣gaged by necessity, in such Affairs, that they intrude themselves into them of their own ac∣cord with a Presumption, which is prejudicial to the State, and does very much diminish that esteem Spiritual Ministers ought to be had in, rendering themselves thereby odious to the Laity, by entering into all the Intrigues and Secrets of Families, which they pretend to govern no less than the Masters thereof; and all this under the colour of the Spiritual Go∣vernment of their Consciences, tumbling no less scandalously than perniciously from Spi∣ritual to Politick Matters, from Politick to Prophane, and from Prophane to Criminal.

What does it signify, that the Jesuit is more flourishing than any of the other Orders, if out of a secret jealousy, it darkens and op∣presses all its Credit, and all its Power, Riches, Learning, and Pens, by publishing Books that do it? And what is the Church profited by its Books, if at the same time she is disturb∣ed by the many dangerous Opinions intro∣duced by its Fryars, who have transformed, if not destroy'd the Wisdom which is truly Christian, and have rendred the truth of Chri∣stianity it self doubtful. What the Apostle teacheth being certainly true, which is, That the Knowledge of those who will learn things

which do not belong to them, is destructive. Which lesson ought to teach both them and us, not to seek after a Knowledge that will not be governed by Charity. In a word, If it please your Holiness, what other Religious Order has ever been so prejudicial as this to the Catholick Church, or has filled all Christian Countrys with so great Commo∣tions?

The Cardinals De propaganda fide, being resol∣ved, it seems, That neither the Portuguse Jesuits nor Government should have any thing more to do with the Conversion of Ethiopia, named six French Capuchins to go thither; * 25.10 who ha∣ving by their King's Interest at the Port, ob∣tained Letters of Safe Conduct from the Grand Signior to pass through Egypt; four of them repairied thither, the other two being order∣ed to try if they could find a passage into Ethiopia by the way of Magadaxo and Pale; but those two having, as the Jesuits tell us, more Fervour than Experience, came short home, and were murthered by the Caffrees so soon as they came among them; two of the four that went to Egypt, * 25.11 having got into the Kingdom of Tigre, by the way of Matzua, in the Habit of Merchants, upon their being dis∣covered to be Popish Priests, were presently put to Death; the Emperor having made a Law, requiring those that discovered any to be Popish Priests or Fryars, immediately to kill them, without troubling his Court with them. The other two who had landed at Suaqhem, finding there was no getting into Ethiopia, from thence returned to Matzua, where hear∣ing

of the Death of their two Companions, they thought it was better to stay where they were, than to go any further; so that the French Capuchins, as the Jesuits, who I doubt were not over-well-pleased with their being employ'd, tell their story, made a very short business of their Habassin Mission.

But though they would send no more Je∣suits from Rome to Ethiopia; there were two of the old Fathers remaining still in the Coun∣try, and who had ever since the Patriarch's Departure absconded in the Lands of Za Ma∣riam, the Prince of Dembea, a Province in the Kingdom of Tigre; and who, now John O Kay had served them such a dirty Trick, was to be King of Tigre, when the long-look'd for Por∣tuguese Fleet and Army came; they were Fa∣ther Bruno an Italian, and Father Luis Cardegra a Portuguese; the Court having had intelligence that Za Mariam nothwithstanding he was in Arms in Confederacy with the Peasants of Lasta to defend the Alexandrian Faith, * 25.12 which they still pretended was in danger, had two Roman Priests concealed in his Country; sent to Za Mariam, either to deliver them up to the Emperor, or to put them to Death himself, hoping by this discovery to make the Peasants of Lasta jealous of him, as a secret Friend to the Roman Church, notwithstanding all his high Pretensions to the contrary; and upon Za Mariam having denied that he had any such Priests in his Country; the Viceroy of Tigre to spoil the Double Game he was playing, writes a Letter to the Monks, that were among the Peasants, to let them know what

a Champion for the Alexandrian Faith they had in Za Mariam, who had for several years kept two Roman Priests concealed about him, in hopes that a Portuguese Army would be sent to conquer Ethiopia; to prove the truth of which, if they would not take his word for it, he offered to send them two unquestionable Wit∣nesses; the one an Habassin, who had been bred among the Jesuits; and the other a Portuguese, whom he had intercepted, coming with a Message from the Indies to Za Mariam: But as God would have it, say the Jesuits, notwith∣standing it was all true, that the Viceroy had writ to the Monks; yet Za Mariam having lodged the two Fathers privately in the Mountain of Amba Salama, did face it down so, as a Trick of the Viceroy's to break the Confederacy; that the Peasants and Monks not believing a word of it, continued still to look upon Za Ma∣riam as a true Alexandrian, and on the Empe∣ror and the Court as still Popishly affected, for having attempted to create a misunderstanding betwixt him and them: Now, this was a plea∣sant turn enough for to bring the Peasants of Lasta, when they could get none else to do it, to serve the ends of Popery, the thing in the World they hated the most, and which they thought they were then fighting against.

The Emperor finding the Peasants were not to be undeceived, ordered the Viceroy of Tigre to march against them with a numerous Army, who having brought them to a Battel, routed them totally; and their Head, Za Ma∣riam, being taken the day after the Fight, was cut in pieces by the Soldiers, who were

so inraged by their General's being kill'd, * 25.13 that they gave no Quarters: In Za Mariam, say the Jesuits, the last Pillar of the true Faith, and the Foundations of all our hopes in Ethiopia fell to the ground.

The two Fathers having lost their Prote∣ctor, were quickly discovered, and being put into the hands of one Lessano, a violent Alex∣andrian, he carried them to a great Fair that was in the Neighbourhood, where he hanged them both in the Market-place, after whose Death there was not a Jesuit of any Nation left in Ethiopia.

In the Year 1646. * 25.14 the Congregation De pro∣paganda fide sent two Italian Capuchins to Ethio∣pia, who having got to Suaqhem by the way of Grand Cair, they found one of the French Fryars of the former Mission there, and ha∣ving consulted together, what course they were to take, the wise Italians were for wri∣ting to the Emperor for leave to come into his Country to preach the Gospel in it; which being agreed to, they writ a Letter to him, wherein, contrary to the course that had been taken by the Portuguese, who were still for making the difference betwixt the Alexandrian and Roman Faith as wide as they could possi∣bly; they were for persuading the Emperor that he and they were of the same Faith, and that being so, * 25.15 they hoped his Highness would not be against their coming into Ethiopia to preach the same Faith that his Highness pro∣fessed.

But the Emperor was so far from being overcome by this Capuchin Complement,

which contradicted all the Jesuits had told him of their Heresies; that upon reading the Let∣ter, he roared out as if he had been mad, saying, What is it not enough, that I have been persecuted for so many years for my Religion by Portuguese from the East, but that I must have Italians come from the West to persecute me for it afresh. And instead of returning any Answer to their Letter, * 25.16 he writ to the Bashaw of Suaqhem, who valued himself much upon his being a Renegado Christian, To ease him of these, and all the Fryars that should come to his Port at any time, complaining that he could not have one days quiet for them in his Kingdom; and that having rooted out the Portuguese, a new set of People were come to disturb him with new pre∣tences.

The Bashaw being glad of the opportunity of at once gratifying the Emperor, and his own Renegado Zeal, commanded the two Italians to be murthered in his Presence, * 25.17 and the French Fryar who had a Passport from the Grand Signior, to be assassinated, sending their three Heads to the Emperor, who as a Re∣ward, made him a Present of three Bags of Gold Dust; promising him as many Bags of Gold Dust, as he should at any time send him Heads of Roman Pryars. Upon which Correspondence betwixt the Emperor and the Governor of Suaqhem, a report was rais∣ed of Basilides having turned Mahometan not long after he had banished the Patri∣arch.

The Patriarch being extreamly desirous to revive, if it were possible, the Jesuits lost in∣terest in the Habassin Mission, in the year 1646. sends and Dedicates a Book he had writ on the Six First General Councils, and a Catechism he had made in Ethiopia for the use of that Church, to the Congregation de Propaganda fide; from whom, the year follow∣ing he received the following Answer.

Most Illustrious and most Reverend Lord:

THE Books composed by your Grace, with great diligence and study, (as appears from the frequent testimonies of Scripture which are in them) together with your most Elegant Epistle Dedicatory to this Holy Congregation de Pro∣paganda fide, have been received by the most Emi∣nent Fathers of the said Congregation, with a joyful mind; and who have ordered two things concerning them, the one is, That the said Books be delivered to the Portuguese Assistant of the Jesuits Order, that so all that is in them relating to the Habassin Errors, and all that your Grace has writ in Confutation of them, may be noted, and being digested into a Book, may be Printed in the Press of the said Holy Congregation, for the use of the Missionaries of Ethiopia. The other is, That some Persons, Secular or Regular, of which there is great plenty in this City, be deputed to Exa∣mine them, and give in their Opinion of them.

All which, with their Thanks for having De∣dicated those Books to them, the said most Emi∣nent Fathers have ordered to be imparted to your Grace: Which I here do in their Name, and in their Presence, with great chearfulness; as I do also

offer you my own Service, beseeching Christ to pro∣sper you.

Your Grace's most Affectionate Brother, Aloysius, Cadinalis Caponias.

At Rome the 14th. of October, 1647.

This Letter, though very civil, did not an∣swer the Patriarch's design in his Present; for notwithstanding there is mention in it of an Habassin Mission, there is not one syllable of restoring it to the Jesuits.

In the year 1648. * 26.1 the Patriarch, who con∣tinued still at Goa, sufficiently mortified by the Congregation de Propaganda fide reflecting so much upon his Conduct, as to take the busi∣ness of his Church out of the hands both of his Order and Countrey, notwithstanding he had complied so far with what was ordered at Rome, as not to send a Portuguese; yet he ven∣tured to send an Italian Jesuit to Suaqhem to try if he could get into Ethiopia to send him intelligence how matters stood there.

Father Torquato, which was the Jesuit's name that was sent, having put himself into the habit of a Merchant, embarked upon an Eng∣lish Ship at Surat that was bound for Suaqhem, which having touched at Moqha; the Father, who was sent to Ethiopia chiefly for Intelligence, pretended to meet with the News there, of Basilides having declared himself a Mahome∣tan, and of his having sent into Arabia for

Priests of that Sect to come and instruct his people therein.

This News put Father Torquato into such a passion, that he resolved without using any precautions, * 26.2 to run presently into Ethiopia to confound those Infidel Priests, before they had time to spread their contagion there. But be∣ing on the wrong side of the Sea, and fearing that he had not Faith enough to cross it upon his Coat, as many a Friar had done a greater Sea, and when they had not half so much business; he resolved when he came to Matzua, to be go∣verned by Father Anthony, the French Capu∣chin, whom he expected to have found there, as to his going on that Errand. But whether there were any colour at that time for this story of Basilides being about to turn Mahome∣tan, if he was not turned already; it is no news for Monks and Friars to throw such scandals on Princes that have any ways vexed them; witness their stories of the Iconaclasts Emperors being sometime turned Jews, and sometimes Mahometans; and of our King John having offered the Emperor of Morocco, if he would assist him, to be of his Religion; and of Charles Martel's Soul being some years after his Death seen in Hell for his Sa∣crilege.

On the 6th. of May, the English Ship the Father was on Board, sailed from Moqua, and on the 12th. touched at Dela, the biggest Island in the Red-Sea, it being Twelve Leagues in Length, from whence they sailed directly to Suaqhem; where being come to an Anchor, the Master sent ashoar for pratick,

which he had sent to him at first word, with a Present of fresh Provisions from the Gover∣nor. The Father, who walked upon the Deck as if he had been the Supercargo, ha∣ving enquired of the Watermen that came aboard, How the Christians that were in Suaqhem did? * 26.3 They made Answer, That they knew of none that were there; some that were there former∣ly being gone into Ethiopia. Next day the Fa∣ther went ashoar with the Master to enquire farther about the Friars, but was not able to learn any thing concerning them, only he was told by some of the Baneans, That the Fathers that were there had been for some time dead: But the Master of the Ship having ob∣served that the Father was much troubled that he could learn nothing of his Brethren, told him, He needed not enquire any farther after them, for he could assure him they had been all Three Murthered by the Order of the Bashaw; which was afterwards confirmed to him by a Banean, who told him farther, That the Bashaw had strictly forbid all People to speak of it.

The Father being now satisfied that the Friars were all Murthered, his next business was to get their Bodies, or some part of them at least, to carry with him to Goa; which, with the story of Basilides being turned Maho∣metan, he reckoned would make him wel∣come there; but here he was at a greater loss than he was before, considering the hatred, say the Jesuits, that the English Hereticks have for all Sacred Relicks; nevertheless, being resol∣ved to carry something home besides his Moqha News, for I do not find that it was confirmed

at Suaqhem, he ventured to speak to an English Sailer, the Master having forbid him to go any more ashoar, for fear of bringing the Ship in∣to trouble, to go to a certain Island, that lay but a little way off, and if he found any dead bodies there, to bring them to him, promising to pay him well for his pains; the honest Sailer told him he would do his best, and going ashoar he picked up Two Skulls and a Bone, and having brought them privately aboard, deli∣vered them to the Father; who, though he had never seen any of the Friars, knew the Skulls at first sight to be the Heads of the Two Italians that came last; * 26.4 and which was altoge∣ther as difficult, he knew the Bone to be the Bone of Father Antony's right Arm; which was as lucky as could be, for had it happened to have belonged to either of the Skulls, which were both visibly Italian, he must then have either sent his Sailer ashoar again to have busked for more Bones, which was not to be done without danger, or which would have been a sad thing, he must have gone home without a Relick of the French Friar.

With this rich Treasure, and his Moqha News, Father Torquato returned well satisfied to Goa, where he was made welcome by the Patriarch, and was reckoned by all, but espe∣cially the Capuchins of that City, to have made a good coasting Voyage. The Patriarch having paid his devotion to the Relicks, did, contrary to the custom of his Order, to en∣courage the Capuchins in their New Mission, part with this noble Treasure to them, but upon condition, that if the Congregation de

Propaganda fide should at any time demand what Evidences they had of their being true, * 26.5 that they should remit an exact information thereof to it. The Patriarch hoping, it is like, by this means to satisfie the Congregation, that the Jesuits, for all their having represented the Capuchin Conduct in the Habassin Mission to have been one continued blunder, were so far from their being displeased with their being solely employed therein, that they hazarded their lives to help them to the Relicks of their Martyr'd Brethren.

I have not been able to learn, whether the abovenamed Congregation did ever give it self the trouble of enquiring into the truth of these reliques; but most certain it is, that if it did, that their want of natural Evidences was abun∣dantly supply'd by such as were Miraculous; for they having been, as all new-found reliques are, undoubtedly much prayed to, if Ten out of a Thousand that pray'd to them when they were sick did but happen to recover, there were just so many substantial Witnesses of their having a Miraculous Virtue in them to demonstrate them to be true; and for the faith∣less Nine hundred and ninety that died, their unsuccessful Prayers were never heard of to confront the Testimony of Ten living Witnes∣ses; and being thus attested, the Congregation could not have deni'd them its Approbation, such Testimonies as these being all the Evi∣dence the Church of Rome has for the greatest part of her Sacred Reliques: Neither would its having been afterwards discovered, as it was, that the Heads of those Three Friars

were sent by the Bashaw who cut them off, as a Present to the Emperor of Ethiopia, have been any argument at all against the truth of those which were lodged at Goa, there being nothing more common in the Church of Rome, than to have the same individual Reliques, and especially Heads, at the same time in several Countries, and all of them working Miracles in Confirmation of their be∣ing genuin.

The Patriarch that he might not lie at Goa, doing nothing for his Title of Illustrissimo, in the Year 1650, sent a Banean and an Habassin, * 26.6 who were both Romanists, with a Commis∣sion to one Bernard Nogueiro an Habassin Priest, but of Portuguese Extraction, to be his Vicar-General in Ethiopia, during the time of his ab∣sence from it.

The Banean and Habassin having got to Moqha, were detained there a whole Year by the War that was broke out betwixt a King in Arabia, and the Bashaw of Suaqhem; but the Envoys that they might do something for their Money, sent the Patriarch some News, which notwithstanding it did not agree very well with that Father Torquato, had picked up at the same place not long before, they knew would be pleasing to him. The News was, That his Successor Mark had been Deposed, for having been guilty of all the Crimes that they could think of; namely, for having Danced frequently with his Gatar in his hand, thorough the Streets with publick Strumpets; and that a Monk, whose name was Michael, was made Abuna in his place. In October 1651, the two Envoys having got to

Matzua, * 26.7 stole by night from thence to a place in Ethiopia called Engana, from whence having sent an Express to Father Bernard, he was with them in a few days; and having gladly accepted of the Commission they brought to him, he wrote by them to the Patriarch, complaining that the Portugueses seemed to have forgot that there was any such Countrey as Ethiopia; where they had been expecting succors from them till they were weary, telling a lamentable Story of what Raz Cella Christos had suffered because he would not turn Alex∣andrian, and how his Gout, though extreamly violent, did not torment him half so much, as the disappointment of the Portuguese Troops he had been so long promised. But we have that Prince telling his own Story in the fol∣lowing Letter, which came to Goa about this time.

Most Illustrious Bishops and Governors of the Indies.

The Letter of Raz Cella Christos cometh with Peace and Health in our Lord Jesus Christ, To all most Christian Catholicks, and to all the faithful of the true Church of our Lord.

TO tell you the Truth, * 27.1 I do not know with what Tongue or Words to begin to relate to you, the Persecutions of our Mo∣ther which I am at this time lamenting. O Holy and most Merciful Christ Jesus, nailed to the Cross, do Thou reckon them up, and make them to be

known to all the Friars, Rectors, Prelates, Bishops, Archbishops, Viceroys, Kings, Princes and Gover∣nors, that Rule on the other side of the Sea; I ne∣ver in the least doubted, but that you would so far have concerned your self for the Catholicks that are here, as to have delivered them from the Tyranny of this Perverse and Barbarous Nation, and that the doing thereof would not have been so long de∣layed but for my Sins which are Infinite: You seem to have been all dissemblers; formerly when there was not so much as the name of a Church, or of a Ca∣tholick in Ethiopia, the Portuguese came to our Assistance, and delivered us out of the hands of the Mahometans; but now notwithstanding there is an Infinite number of faithful people in it, there is no body seems to remember us, all our Brethren, and all those whom the Zeal of the House of the Lord did eat up, seeming to be dead.

What, is the Pope, our true Pastor and most belo∣ved Father, removed from the immoveable Foun∣dation of the Roman Church? if he is not, Why does he not stretch forth his Rod and Staff of Consolati∣on to these his Sheep, before we depart this Misera∣ble Life, or before we are eat up by the Alexandrian Hereticks. Is it possible that there is not one Prince left in Portugal, that has the Zeal of Don Christopher Da Gama for Christianity, no nor so much as one Prelate left to procure some remedy for us either from Heaven or Earth; I can say no more, but though my Mouth is stopt, my Tears are not; but being co∣vered with Sackcloth and Ashes, I do most humbly beg succor from all the Faithful, and that with all Expedition, before all be lost. I am at this time in Chains in a Prison, and am daily tempted with pro∣mises of liberty, if I will but return to the Alexan∣drian

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Faith; the Hereticks seeking in me to de∣stroy all the Catholicks in Ethiopia, and to Extir∣pate the Roman Faith out of it.

Wherefore if there be any Christians left beyond Sea, or any that have a Zeal for God, let them know and understand that we are their Brethren in Christ Jesus; and that we shall then, and not be∣fore, believe that they have us in their hearts, when they shall deliver us out of the hands of He∣reticks, and out of this our Egyptian Bon∣dage.

This Unfortunate Prince is said to have suf∣fered Death not long after this, * 27.2 for his Religi∣on, or rather for holding a Correspondence with the Portugueses, for whom the Emperor was possessed with so strong an Aversion, that he made it Death for any of that Nation, or for any of the Roman Faith to come into Ethiopia.

In the Year 1656, * 27.3 the Patriarch was no∣minated by the King of Portugal, to the Arch∣bishoprick of Goa; which Dignity he did not live to take possession of, having departed this life on the Twenty ninth of June before the arrival of the Fleet, by which the nomination was sent. He died in the Seventy Seventh Year of his Age, having been Sixty Three Years a Friar of the Society; of whom though his Brethren the Jesuits have wrote great things, the poor Ethiopick Church might justly apply to him what Moses's Ethiopick Wife said to him in a passion, Thou hast been an Husband of blood to me.

Basilides having by a total extirpation of Po∣pery out of his Empire, * 27.4 quieted the minds of his Subjects, set about recovering the Provin∣ces his Infidel Neighbours had during the Ha∣bassin broils about Religion, tore from his Pre∣decessors; and was so prosperous in his Wars as to regain most of them, having, if Morad the Habassin Ambassador at Batavia, did not stretch, extended his Empire Northward to the confines of Nubia, and Southward to Ha∣dea, the people of which Kingdom were con∣verted by him to the Christian Faith.

Basilides having Reign'd Two and Thirty Years, * 27.5 was after his Death succeeded by his Son Aelaf Saged, in the Year 1665. Aelaf swayed the Ethiopick Scepter Fifteen Years, without doing any thing that was Memora∣ble, only having heard of the greatness of the Dutch power in the Indies, he sent one Morad, an Armenian, his Ambassador, in the Year 1672, to the Governor of Batavia.

Aelaf dying in the Year 1681, * 27.6 was succeed∣ed by his Son Jaso Adian Saged, who sent Morad a Second time to the Governor of Ba∣tavia in the Year 1689. The account Morad gave of his Master, was, That he was exceed∣ing tall of Stature, had a fierce Countenance, and was very brave and wise, and of indefa∣tigable application to business; and as to his affairs both at home and abroad, he affirmed them to be in a most flourishing condition. The Letters of those Embassies, together with the Dutch Governors answers to them, are pub∣lished by the great Mr. Ludolphus at the end of

his Commentaries, as are also the Answers which were given by the said Ambassador, to the Questions which that Learned Person had sent some Years before to the Indies, for which I refer the curious Reader to that Learn∣ed Book.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Two Je∣suits are sent in a disguise to Ethiopia.
• * 1.2

  They were dis∣covered and made Slaves in Arabia.
• * 1.3

  A Maronite Jesuit is sent in dis∣guise to Ethiopiá.
• * 1.4

  He is dis∣covered and put to death for having professed himself a Mahome∣tan.
• * 1.5

  The Pope sends an Italian Bishop to Ethiopia.
• * 1.6

  Who be∣ing disco∣covered was Mur∣thered by the Turks.
• * 1.7

  The Archbi∣shop of Goa sends one Sylva a Secular Priest into Ethiopia.
• * 1.8

  Sylva un∣der the disguise of a Banean Sailor gets into Ethio∣pia.
• * 1.9

  The Archbi∣shop of Goa writes to the A∣buna to submit himself to the Pope after the example of the Pa∣triarch of Alexan∣dria. The Alex∣andrian submissi∣on he re∣fers to, was a mere trick.
• * 1.10

  The Je∣suits erect a College at Dio.
• * 1.11

  Father Pe∣ter, a Spa∣nish Jesuit, steals into Ethiopia.
• * 1.12

  Jacob the Natural Son of Malac Sa∣gued was then Em∣peror.
• * 1.13

  Jacob is Deposed, and Za Danguil made Em∣peror.
• * 1.14

  The Em∣peror in∣vites Fa∣ther Peter to Court.
• * 1.15

  Father Peter sends the Secu∣lar Priest home be∣fore he went to Court. Some In∣stances of the Jesuits sacrificing all other Interests to that of their own Order.
• * 2.1

  Father Peter is highly Comple∣mented by the King and the whole Court.
• * 2.2

  The Em∣peror dis∣covers his intention to Father Peter to turn Ro∣man-Ca∣tholick.
• * 2.3

  The Em∣peror's Letter to the Pope.
• * 3.1

  Father Pe∣ter with∣draws from Court up∣on a slight pretence.
• * 3.2

  A Rebelli∣on breaks out pre∣sently af∣ter.
• * 3.3

  The Em∣peror marcheth against the Rebels.
• * 3.4

  The Em∣peror is Killed Fighting.
• * 3.5

  Father Pe∣ter repairs to the Vi∣ctorious Rebels.
• * 3.6

  Finding them di∣vided, he retires, to wait to see where the Crown would fix.
• * 3.7

  The Gran∣dees are divided, so me be∣ing for restoring Jacob, others for Crowning Suseneus, and some for them∣selves.
• * 3.8

  Suseneus proclaims himself Emperor.
• * 3.9

  Upon Ja∣cob's de∣laying to come to the Ar∣my, he is chose Em∣peror by them.
• * 3.10

  A Mes∣sage is sent to him by the Army.
• * 3.11

  The Ar∣my upon receiving a Letter from Ja∣ceb, chan∣geth its mind, and declare for him.
• * 3.12

  Jacob comes to the Army.
• * 3.13

  Jacob makes Su∣seneus great of∣fers, pro∣vided he would give over pretend∣ing to the Crown.
• * 3.14

  Suseneus will have the Crown or no∣thing.
• * 3.15

  Jacob marcheth towards Suseneus.
• * 3.16

  Jacob's General goes over to Suseneus.
• * 3.17

  Jacob and Suseneus come to a Battel.
• * 3.18

  Jacob is Killed fighting.
• * 3.19

  Two Fa∣thers are sent from Fremona to Congra∣tulate Su∣seneus, who took the Name of Seltem Sa∣ged.
• * 3.20

  The Em∣peror sends to Father Pe∣ter to come to him.
• * 3.21

  The Em∣peror of∣fers to write to the King of Portugal and the Pope, and is en∣couraged by Father Peter to do it.
• * 4.1

  The Em∣peror's Letter to the Pope.
• * 5.1

  His Let∣ters to the King of Spain.
• * 5.2

  These Let∣ters were probably forged by some Mis∣sionary.
• * 6.1

  Athana∣teus's Let∣ter to the King of Portugal.
• * 7.1

  His Letter to the Viceroy of the Indias.
• * 7.2

  A Mock Emperor set up and Murther∣ed.
• * 7.3

  The Em∣peror and his Bro∣ther Ras Cella Chri∣stos con∣vinced of Christ ha∣ving two Natures.
• * 7.4

  Cella Chri∣stos turns a Zealous Roman Ca∣tholick thereup∣on.
• * 8.1

  The King of Spain's Letter to Emperor of Ethiopia.
• * 9.1

  The Pope's Letter to the same Emperor.
• * 9.2

  The Popes are civiler to remote Hereticks than Do∣mestick ones.
• * 9.3

  Embassa∣dors are sent from Ethiopia to Partugel.
• * 10.1

  The Em∣peror's Letter to the Pope.
• * 11.1

  Cella Chri∣stos's Let∣ter to the Pope.
• * 11.2

  A particu∣lar ac∣count of the Em∣bassador's Journey.
• * 11.3

  They industri∣ously are sent out of their way.
• * 11.4

  They are kindly received by the Comical King of Gingiro.
• * 11.5

  The Em∣bassadors are stopt by the Prince of Combute upon an intimati∣of their not ha∣ving been sent by the Em∣peror.
• * 11.6

  They are suffered to proceed on their Journey.
• * 11.7

  They are thrown into Jayl by the King of Alaba, and after∣wards sent home stripped.
• * 11.8

  The Cour∣tiers find∣ing that none but Papists were fa∣voured, turn civil to the Fa∣thers and their Reli∣gion.
• * 11.9

  The Countrey is much alarm'd there with.
• * 11.10

  Several publick Conferen∣ces about Religion.
• * 11.11

  An Edict is publish∣ed by the Emperor prohibi∣ting any to affirm that there is but one Nature in Christ. The Abu∣na comes to Court, and is an∣gry with the Con∣ferences that had been held without his leave.
• * 11.12

  The Con∣ferences are renew∣ed before him.
• * 11.13

  The Abu∣na leaves the Court in wrath, and Ex∣commui∣cates the Emperor.
• * 11.14

  The Em∣peror is provoked thereby to publish a Proclama∣tion Com∣manding all his Subjects to turn Roman Ca∣tholicks. The A∣gau's thereupon take up Arms. The Abu∣na pro∣motes an Associati∣on in de∣sence of their Re∣ligion. Julius en∣ters into it, and takes the Field a∣gainst the Emperor.
• * 11.15

  The Em∣peror is addressed to not to trouble his Sub∣jects about their Reli∣gion.
• * 11.16

  He is deaf to all such addresses.
• * 11.17

  The Abu∣na being invited to Court, goes thi∣ther well guarded.
• * 11.18

  The Abuna and the Monks wait on the Empe∣ror in a Body.
• * 11.19

  Upon the Emperor slighting their com∣plaints, they leave the Camp in a rage.
• * 11.20

  Father Peter Builds the Emperor a standing Palace.
• * 11.21

  An at∣tempt is made up∣on the Emperor's life.
• * 11.22

  Julius the Emperor's Son-in-Law takes up Arms for the defence of their Religion.
• * 11.23

  He Marcheth with a great Croi∣sade a∣gainst the Emperor.
• * 11.24

  The Abu∣na goes a∣gainst him in person.
• * 11.25

  He fights the Em∣peror's Army and is killed.
• * 11.26

  The Croi∣saide is totally defeated, and the old Abuna slain.
• * 11.27

  The Em∣peror up∣on this Victory prohibits his Sub∣jects to observe Saturday.
• * 11.28

  A severe Libel comes out against the Emperor.
• * 11.29

  The Em∣peror by a Second Proclama∣tion com∣mands all his Sub∣jects to work upon Saturdays.
• * 11.30

  A Rebelli∣on breaks out upon it.
• * 11.31

  An ad∣dress is made to the Empe∣ror not to trouble his people with Po∣pery.
• * 11.32

  The Ad∣dressers are punished.
• * 11.33

  The Em∣peror's Speech thereup∣on.
• * 11.34

  The Em∣peror sends an Army a∣gainst the Rebels, and routs them.
• * 11.35

  The Da∣motes take up Arms for their Religion, and are routed.
• * 11.36

  The Em∣peror re∣conciles himself to the Church of Rome.
• * 12.1

  The Ge∣neral of the Jesuits, makes the Emperor's submission from the Pope, without any com∣mission from him to do it.
• * 12.2

  He sends a Nuncio to him to acquaint him therewith.
• * 13.1

  The Em∣peror publisheth a re∣proachful Manifesto against the Alexandri∣ans.
• * 13.2

  The Em∣peror grows jea∣lous of his Brother.
• * 13.3

  He sends him a∣gainst Ca∣brael, who was at the head of a Croisade.
• * 13.4

  A Patri∣arch of Ethiopia is consecra∣ted at Lis∣bon.
• * 13.5

  The Pa∣triarch ar∣rives at Goa.
• * 14.1

  The Em∣peror's Letter to the Patri∣arch.
• * 15.1

  Raz Cellas's Letter to the Patriarch.
• * 15.2

  The Pa∣triarch Lands at Baylar.
• * 15.3

  The Pa∣triarch comes to Court.
• * 15.4

  He is gra∣ciously re∣ceived by the Em∣peror.
• * 15.5

  The day is fixt for the Emperor's submitting himself and his Empire to the Pope.
• * 15.6

  The Pa∣triarch preacheth before the Emperor.
• * 15.7

  The High Chamber∣lain's Speech.
• * 15.8

  The Em∣peror's Submissi∣on.
• * 15.9

  The Sub∣mission of the Prince, Grandees, and Ec∣clesia∣sticks.
• * 15.10

  A new re∣venue is setled on the Patri∣arch.
• * 15.11

  The Je∣suits do reckon their work done be∣fore it was well be∣gun.
• * 15.12

  Pretty stories sent from Habassia.
• * 15.13

  Two Ma∣bassin Mis∣sionaries are Mur∣thered for saying the Roman Mass.
• * 15.14

  A fifth Croisade raised against the Emperor.
• * 15.15

  It is rou∣ted, and the Gene∣ral of it, who was the Empe∣ror's Son-in-Law, is taken.
• * 15.16

  A Lady is put to death for her Reli∣gion.
• * 15.17

  The won∣derful change Popery had wrought on the tempers of its Con∣verts.
• * 15.18

  An inhu∣mane per∣secution is raised against the Alexandri∣ans.
• * 15.19

  The Pa∣triarch Excom∣municates a great Man for keeping Church-Lands.
• * 15.20

  Raz Cella is accused of plot∣ting with the Portu∣gueses to make himself Emperor.
• * 15.21

  One of the chief Wit∣nesses against him is murthered by his order.
• * 15.22

  The Agus take up Arms in Defence of their Religion.
• * 15.23

  The Em∣peror is obliged to employ his Bro∣ther a∣gainst them.
• * 15.24

  He is ac∣cused of treachery.
• * 15.25

  The Prince a∣bandons the Roman, and goes intirely into the Alexandri∣an interest.
• * 15.26

  The Ro∣manists lose ground at Court daily.
• * 15.27

  Their great Champi∣on Kebo is sent into Tigre to be Sacrificed.
• * 15.28

  The Pa∣triarch hastens the down∣fall of Po∣pery by two in∣discreet acts.
• * 15.29

  He oppo∣ses a To∣leration when pro∣posed to him by the Em∣peror.
• * 17.1

  Urban's Letter to the Prince.
• * 17.2

  The Em∣peror's Zeal revi∣ved by this Letter, and a Jabilee.
• * 17.3

  The Viceroy of Gojam thereupon proclaims the Prince Emperor.
• * 17.4

  The Prince is displeased with the Viceroy for what he had done.
• * 17.5

  He marcheth against him.
• * 17.6

  He routs the Croi∣sade and sends the Viceroy prisoner to his Fa∣ther.
• * 17.7

  The Em∣peror is defeated by the Peasants of Lasta.
• * 17.8

  He is pas∣sionately addressed to for a Tolerati∣on.
• * 17.9

  He speaks to the Patriarch about it, and will not be deni'd.
• * 17.10

  The Tole∣ration is proclaim∣ed.
• * 17.11

  The Patri∣arch's pro∣testation against it.
• * 18.1

  The Em∣peror's an∣swer to the Patri∣arch's Pro∣testation.
• * 18.2

  The Je∣suits never wrought any Mira∣cles in E∣thiopia.
• * 18.3

  The Em∣peror de∣clares his Resoluti∣on to con∣tinue a Roman Ca∣tholick.
• * 18.4

  The Pa∣triarch is baffled in a great point of Jurisdicti∣on.
• * 18.5

  Raz Cella is routed by the Pe∣sants.
• * 18.6

  The Em∣peror marcheth against them.
• * 18.7

  He ob∣tains a great Vi∣ctory.
• * 18.8

  He is mo∣ved by the passionate Remon∣strances of the Gran∣dees and others, to restore the Alexandri∣an Religi∣on.
• * 18.9

  The Pa∣triarch and Fathers wait upon him to di∣vert him from do∣ing it.
• * 19.1

  The Em∣peror continues immovea∣ble in his resolution.
• * 19.2

  The Pa∣triarch's manifesto against it.
• * 19.3

  The Pro∣clamation for resto∣ring the Alexandri∣an Religi∣on.
• * 19.4

  Excessive Joy and Festivities thereup∣on.
• * 19.5

  The Pa∣triarch is advised by his friends to give over preaching.
• * 19.6

  The Ro∣manists have all their Churches and Lands taken from them. The Em∣peror di∣eth, and is Suc∣ceeded by his Son, Basilides.
• * 19.7

  Basilides throws his Uncle Raz Cella into Pri∣son.
• * 19.8

  He sends for the Pa∣triarch and Fa∣thers Arms, and Banisheth them all to Fremo∣na.
• * 20.1

  The Pa∣triarch's Letter to the Empe∣ror there∣upon.
• * 20.2

  The Em∣peror re∣news his orders for banishing and dis∣arming them.
• * 21.1

  The Pa∣triarch's second Letter to the Empe∣ror.
• * 21.2

  The Prin∣ciple of the Seekers is advan∣ced by the Patriarch.
• * 22.1

  The Em∣peror's answer to the Patri∣arch.
• * 22.2

  The Cru∣elty of the Persecuti∣ons raised by the Jesuits.
• * 22.3

  The Pa∣triarch be∣gins his Journey to Fremo∣na.
• * 23.1

  His Me∣morial to the Em∣peror.
• * 23.2

  The Pa∣triarch so soon as he arrived at Fremona, sends Four Jesuits to the Indies to sollicit for Troops.
• * 23.3

  He sues to O Kay a discon∣tenred Lord for protection against the Emperor.
• * 23.4

  O Kay un∣dertakes to protect him.
• * 23.5

  The Em∣peror hearing thereof, commands the Patri∣arch and Fathers to leave Ethiopia.
• * 24.1

  The Em∣peror's Letter to the Patri∣arch to depart.
• * 24.2

  The Pa∣triarch sends to O Kay fo•• a Guard.
• * 24.3

  The Pa∣triarch and Fa∣thers are lodged safe in O Kay's Territo∣ries.
• * 24.4

  The Em∣peror treats with O Kay to deliver them up to him.
• * 24.5

  O Kay will not yeild to that, but pro∣mises to carry them to Matzua.
• * 24.6

  The Pa∣triarch and most of the Fa∣thers are put into the hands of the Turks at Matzua.
• * 24.7

  The Go∣vernor ha∣ving squeezed all that he could out of them, sends them to Squqhem.
• * 24.8

  Seven of the Fa∣thers pur∣chase leave to go to Dio, but the Patriarch is detain∣ed.
• * 24.9

  The Fa∣thers be∣ing got to Goa, do so∣licit the the Vice∣roy hard to take Matzua and Ark••∣co.
• * 24.10

  But can obtain nothing but fair promises.
• * 24.11

  * The Viceroy, who had no Ships nor Troops to spare for Ethiopia, finds both for Momboca upon its having re∣volted.
• * 25.1

  The King of Mombo∣ca's Speech to his Sub∣jects after he had Massacred all the Portuguese that were in the City.
• * 25.2

  The King of Mombo∣ca justifi'd in part by a Portu∣guese Hi∣storian.
• * 25.3

  The Por∣tugueses are baffled before Momboca.
• * 25.4

  Father Hierom is sent into Europe to solicite for Troops, and to ju∣stify the Jesuits Conduct in Ethio∣pia.
• * 25.5

  He ob∣tains no∣thing at Rome but Blessings, and at Ma∣drid and Lisbon but fair pro∣mises.
• * 25.6

  The Patri∣arch gets to Goa.
• * 25.7

  O Kay find∣ing no Portuguese Succours come, de∣livers the Bishop of Nice, and three Fa∣thers, who by his conni∣vence re∣mained behind in his Coun∣try, to the Emperor.
• * 25.8

  They are all four condem∣ned as Traytors, and exe∣cuted by the Mob.
• * 25.9

  The Con∣gregation De propa∣ganda fide, being dis∣satisfied with the Conduct of the Por∣tuguese Je∣suits in Ethiopia, takes the Mission thereof from them, and gives it to the Capu∣chins.
• * 25.10

  Six French Capu∣chins are sent by se∣veral ways into Ethio∣pia.
• * 25.11

  Four of them are murther∣ed, and the other two con∣tinue at Matzua.
• * 25.12

  The two remaining Jesuits in Ethiopia, are pro∣tected by the Peasants of Lasta.
• * 25.13

  The Pea∣sant's Ge∣neral is kill'd, and the two Fathers taken, and hanged.
• * 25.14

  Two Ita∣lian Capu∣chins come to Suaqhem.
• * 25.15

  They write to the Empe∣ror for leave to come into his Coun∣try.
• * 25.16

  The Em∣peror writes to the Ba∣shaw of Snaghem, to rid him of them.
• * 25.17

  The Ba∣shaw murthers them all three, and sendstheir Heads to the Empe∣ror.
• * 26.1

  Father Torquato is sent by the Patri∣arch to Suaqhem for to bring him Intelli∣gence.
• * 26.2

  Father Torquate meets with the News at Moqua, of Basilides being turned Mahome∣tan.
• * 26.3

  At Sua∣qhem he hears of the three Capu∣chins ha∣ving been Mur∣thered.
• * 26.4

  He is for∣tunate in finding the Skulls of the two Italian Friars, and a Bone of the French.
• * 26.5

  The Pa∣triarch is so kind as to give these Sa∣cred Re∣liques to the Ca∣puchins of Goa.
• * 26.6

  The Pa∣triarch sends an Habassin and a Ba∣nean into Ethiopia with a Com∣mission to a Priest to be his Vi∣car-Gene∣ral.
• * 26.7

  The Priest accepts of it, and writes for Portuguese Troops.
• * 27.1

  Raz Cella writes passionate∣ly for Troops.
• * 27.2

  Raz Cella is put to death.
• * 27.3

  The Pa∣triarch is named to the Arch∣bishoprick of Goa, but was dead before his nominati∣on arrived.
• * 27.4

  Basilides having ex∣tirpated Popery, recovers most of his lost Pro∣vinces.
• * 27.5

  After a happy Reign of Thirty Two years is succeed∣ed by his Son Aelaf Saged.
• * 27.6

  Aelaf is succeeded by his Son Adjam Sa∣ged, the present Emperor of Ethiopia.