Cambria triumphans, or, Brittain in its perfect lustre shevving the origen and antiquity of that illustrious nation, the succession of their kings and princes, from the first, to King Charles of happy memory, the description of the countrey, the history of the antient and moderne estate, the manner of the investure of the princes, with the coats of arms of the nobility / by Percie Enderbie, Gent.

THE ANCIENT AND MODERN BRITTISH and WELSH HISTORY. Beginning with BRƲTE and continued untill KING CHARLES the First. (Book 1)

The First Part.

THe state of every Kingdom well managed by prudent government, seems to represent a humane body guided by the soveraignty of a reasona∣ble soul: the Country and the Land representing the one; the Actions and State-affairs the other.

The Island of Great Brittaine containeth the Kingdoms of England and Scotland, and is of many counted the greatest Island in the world, though Justus Lipsius gives that praise to Cuba in America, as the Ori∣ental Navigators unto Sumatra, (taken from Ptolomey's Taprobana) or to Madagascar the Island of St. Laurence, both which are neer or un∣der the Equinoctiall line; in which we will not contend, as pleasing our selves with her other praises, far exceeding her Greatnesse; yet with this Honour also, that it was without Questi∣on the greatest Island of the Roman world, and for any thing yet certainly known, of all the rest: concerning whose positure in respect of Heaven, Lucretius the first of the Latine Writers that names Brittain, seemeth to place it in the same parallel with Pontus; where he saith,

Nam quid Brittannum cœlum differre putamus, &c.

What differs Prittains Heaven from that of Nile, Or Pontus welking from Gades warmer Isle.

It is by experience found to lie included from the Degree Fifty and thirty scruples of latitude; and for longitude extended from the 13 degree and 20 minutes, unto the 22 and 50 minutes, according to the observation of Mercator. It hath little Brittain, Normandy, and other parts of France upon the South; Germany, Denmarke, and Norway upon the East, the Iles of Orkney and the Deucalidonian sea upon the North, Hebrides upon the West: and from it all o∣ther Ilands and Ilets which doe scatteredly environ it, and shelter themselves, as it were, under the shaddow of great Albion (another name of this famous Iland) are also accounted Brittish.

Brittaine thus seated in the Ocean hath her prayses not onely in this present sense, and use of her commodities, but also in those honourable Eulogies, which the learnedest of Antiqua∣ries have collected out of the noblest Authors, that he scarce doth seem to have left any glea∣nings; neither will we transplant them out of his flourishing gardens, but as necessity com∣pels, since nothing can be further or otherwise better said.* 1.1

That Brittaine therefore is the Seas High-admiral is most Famously known, and the fortu∣nate Island supposed by some, as Robert of Amesbury doth shew; whose Aire is more tempe∣rate (saith Cæsar) then France; whose foyle bringeth forth all graine in abundance (saith Tacitus;) whose Seas produce Orient Pearle, (saith Suetonius;) whose fields are the Seat of a Summer Queen; (saith Orpheus) her wildest parts free from Wild Beasts, saith the ancient Panegyrick; and her chiefe City worthily called Augusta, saith Amianus. So as we may truly

say with the Royall Psalmist, Our lives are fallen in pleasant places, yea we have a pleasant In∣heritance; which whatsoever by the goodness of God, and industry of man it is now, yet our English Poet hath truly described unto us the first face thereof, thus:

The Land which warlike Brittaines now possesse, And therein have their mighty Empires rais'd, * 1.2In ancient time was savage VVilderness, Ʋnpeopl'd, unmanur'd, unprov'd, unprais'd.

And albeit the Ocean doth at this present thrust it selfe between Dover and Calice dividing them with a deep and vast entrenchment, so that Brittaine is thereby of a supposed Penisle made an Island; yet divers have stifly held that once it was joyned by an arm of Land to the Continent of Gallia, to which opinion Mr. Spencer further alluding thus closeth his Stanza, * 1.3

Ne was it Iland then, ne was it prais'd. Amid the Ocean waves, ne was it sought Of Merchants farr for profits therein prais'd, But was all desolate, and of some thought By Sea t'have been from the Celtick mainland-brought.

Which was a matter meerly conjecturall (because it is not plain that there were no Ilands nor hills before Noahs stood.) I leave at large Virgil, sure of all the Poets the most learned; when describing the Shield which Vulcan forged (in Virgils brain) for Æneas, he calls the Morini (people about Calice) the outmost men, doth onely mean, that they were Westward the fur∣thest inhabitants upon the Continent; signifying withal, that Britaine as being an Iland lay out of the world, but yet not out of the knowledge of men; for the commodities thereof invited the Famous Greek Colonies of Merchants which dwelt at Marsilia in France to venture hi∣ther, as hath been well observed out of Strabo.

And as Julius Cæsar was the first Roman which ever gave an attempt to Conquer it, so will we close its prayses, with a late Epigram concerning the outward Face of the Isle, and the motive of Cæsars coming thither.

Albions high Tops, her woody locks fore-shew. With quires of chaunting birds, those woods resounding: Her downes and meadowes clad in verdant hue Meadowes and Downs with flocks and heards abounding. * 1.4Latium had greater wealth, yet Cæsar thought, To Brittish glory Latiums wealth was naught.

* 1.5Our most ancient Historians begin with Brute, and so continue the succession of Kings till CHARLES the First; which Brutus divided the Kingdome into three parts: To Locrinus he gave Loegria now England, to Camber his second sonne he gave Cambria now VVales, and to Albanist or Albanact, Albania now Scotland.

* 1.6Ptolomy naming Britaine the great and the less, hath been by some mistaken, as so dividing the Island into two parts; but his proportion and distance from the Equator, compared with his Geographical description will evince, that he calleth this our Island Great Britaine, and Ireland Brittaine the lesse.

Howbeit some later writers indeed do make the South and more Champion to be called Great Britaine, and the North and more Mountanous, Britaine the lesse: whose Inhabitants were Anciently distinguished into Majatae,* 1.7 and Caledonii, and now by the Scots are into High-land-men, and Low-land-men; but the Northern Clime being more piercing for the Romans constitutions, and lesse profitable and fruitful, they set their bounds not farre from Edenburgh, and altogether neglected the other parts of Scotland more North-wards.

* 1.8The nearer part of Brittaine they sub-divided into two parts, for the more Southern tract together with VVales, Dio termeth the higher, and that more North-ward the lower, as by the seats of their Legions may appeare; For the second Legion call'd Augusta (which kept at Caerleon in South-wales) and the twentieth called Victrix (which remained as some say at Che∣ster) he placeth in the higher Brittaine:* 1.9 but the sixth Legion named also Victrix resident at York served as he writeth in lower Brittaine, which division as seemeth, was made by Severus the Emperor, who having vanquished Albinus General of the Brittaines, and reduced their state under his Obedience, divided the Government thereof into two Provinces, and placed two Prefects over them.

* 1.10After this again, the Romans did proportion Brittaine into three parts, whose limits our great Antiquary assigneth by the Archiopiscopal seats, grounding his conjecture on the saying of Pope Lucius who affirmeth, that the Ecclesiasticall Jurisdictions of the Christians accorded with the precincts of the Roman Magistrates, and that their Arch-Bishops had their Sees in those Cities wherein their Presidents aboad, so that the Ancient seats of the three Arch-bishops here, being London in the East, Caerleon in the West, and York in the North, Londons diocesse as

seemeth made Brittannia prima, Caerleon Brittannia secunda, and York Maxima Caesa∣riensis.

But in the next age, when the power of the presidents began to grow over great,* 1.11 they again de∣vided Brittaine into five parts, adding to the three former Ʋalentia and Flavia Cæsariensis; the first of which two seemeth to have bin the Northerly part of Maxima Cæsariensis, recovered from the Picts and Scots by Theodosius the Generall under Ʋalens the Emperour, and in ho∣nour of him named Ʋalentia; and Flavia may be conjectured to receive the name from Fla∣vius the Emperour (sonne of Theodosius) for that we read not of the name Brittannia Flavia before his time.

So as these five partitions had their limits assigned after this manner.* 1.12 Brittannia prima con∣tained those coasts that lay betwixt Thamesis and Severne, and the Brittish sea. Brittannia secunda extended from Severne to the Irish sea, containing the Countrey which we now call Wales. Flavia Cæsariensis was that which lay betwixt the Rivers Humber and Tyne; and Ʋa∣lentia from the said Tyne and Picts wall reached to the Rampire neer Edenburgh in Scotland, the furthest part that the Romans possessed when this division was in use. For the severall peo∣ple inhabiting all those parts with their ancient names and borders (whether designed by the Romans or old Britains) together with our modern names and Shires, answerable to each of them, you may read in Mr. Speed, Ortelius, and others.

The whole Province of Brittain, as in our Histories doth appear, was highly esteemed by the Emperors themselves, assuming as a glorious sirname, Brittannicus, coming thither in per∣son over those dangerous, and scarce known Seas; here marrying, living, and dying; enact∣ing here Laws for the whole Empire, and giving to those Captains, who served here, many Ensigns of great honours: yea Claudius gave Plautius the first Prefect of that Province,* 1.13 the right hand as he accompanied him in his Triumphs; and his own Triumph of Brittain was set out with such magnificence, that the Provinces brought in golden Crowns of great weight, the Governours commanded to attend, and the very Captains permitted to he present at the same. A naval Coronet was fixed upon a pinacle of his Palace: Arches and Trophees were raised in Rome, and his self upon his aged knees mounted the stairs into the Capitol, support∣ed by his two sons in Law; so great a joy conceived he in himself for the Conquest of so small a portion of Brittain.

How the Romans found it, held it, and left it, God willing I will endeavour in this ensuing Treatise, to lay open to the Readers view.

Many, and those as different, have been the opinions of men both learned and skilfull in History, concerning the Nomenclation, or name of this Island. Sir Thomas Eliot,* 1.14 a sound and able Antiquary, takes it from a Greek Fountain or Spring, to wit from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but what his conceit was for this derivation, I mean not to beat my brains about it, being too far off to look after. Mr. Floyd, or Lloyd, a Cambro-Brittaine, and one who for his knowledge may justly challenge an eminent place amongst our Antiquaries, will give the honour to his own Language, and tels us that it is derived from PRID-CAIN, a fair and beautifull form or pro∣spect, and thinks he hath hit the nail on the head. Pomponius Laetus will fetch it out of Ar∣morica, or little Brittain, but let him be merry with his conceit, whilst Becanus his brain being full of conception, brings forth another issue, called Mrs. Bridania, for that the Danes wan∣dering to finde new habitations named this Isle so, putting Brye, for Free, as it were, Free-Denmark: and yet our Histories speak not of any Danes inhabiting this Kingdom, till long after Christianity flourished, which those cruel Pagans most cruelly persecuted: by reason of which villanies and outrages by them committed, it might rather be called the Captived, and enthralled Denmark, then Denmark the free. Others will have it denominated from Prute∣nia, a Province or Region of Germany. Another good fellow, as it seems will have it called Brittania from Brithin, which as Atheneus tels us, was a certain kinde of drink which the Grecians much used; yet I am confident neither the Brittains, nor the Welch (though their Cwow exceeded even Greece it self, if we speak of Liquor) were never so addicted to bib∣bing as to new name their Country in an Alehouse, nor after any sort of Tipple whatsoever. Another to dash out the brains of this monstrous birth, will have it to be called Brittannia from a sort of people in Italy called Brutii.

Concerning the Inhabitants Mr. Cambden saith,* 1.15 they are of a most excellent composure of bo∣dy, singular wits, modest, and civil manners, and most haughty stomacks and courage, whose admirable vertue and prowess both in Civil and Martial affairs, is most manifest to the whole world.

As for their manners and customs of this Isle before the Inhabitants were Civilized, Authors write diversly. Dio Nicaeus saith, they Till or Plow not their Fields,* 1.16 but live by prey and hunting, and such fruits as the Trees naturally produce. Fish, although nature hath fur∣nished them with great plenty, they make no use of. They live for the most part in Pavilli∣ons, or Flutes, naked, and without shoes; their wives are in common,* 1.17 and so they breed up their children: The Commons for the most part bear the sway; thieving is a pastime, they war in Chariots, and though their horses be but small, yet very fleet. The foot men are very agile and nimble: their Arms a Buckler or small Shield, with a Javelin, at whose lower end or butt is a pomel hollow, which, whilest they offend, maketh a noise, and terrifieth the enemy, they have also daggers or poniards; but above all with singular patience they endure hunger,

cold, and labour; insomuch that plunged in deep Marishes, or Pools, even to the very neck, for divers days together they endure hunger with great resolution: In the Woods, the rinds of Trees and Roots suffice for food. They make a certain kinde of meat, of which whosoever shall take a quantity of a Bean, for a long time shall neither thirst nor be hungry.

* 1.18New fashioned apparel, nay even the ordinary use of Garments is altogether unknown to them, only they deck their necks and shoulders, as also their wastes with Iron, taking as much pride and content in that adornment, as did the Barbarians in their gold: Their bo∣dies depicted with the forms of all kinde of Animals, so that to put on cloaths was deemed prejudicial, lest thereby those pictures should be hid. A Nation most warlike, and thirsty after blood and slaughter; content with a small Shield and Javelin, yet having a sword ap∣pendent to their naked bodies: brest-plate, or helmet they undervalue as obstacles and impe∣diments to the passing over Fords and Rivers.

* 1.19Plinie treating de Magia, or Art Magick, saith that the Brittains so admirably honoured it with uncough Ceremonies, that they may seem to have sent it unto the Persians. Another Author saith, that the Brittains far exceed the French in Stature and bigness of body: affirm∣ing,* 1.20 that he himself had seen Brittish youths in Rome to surpass their tallest men in height at least half a foot, Diodorus Siculus saith, Brittains spend their time after the custom of their ancient Forefathers; and in wars used Chariots, as did the Grecians in time of the Trojan war (and who knows,* 1.21 but that custom might be continued from their first founder Brutus.) Their houses compact of wood, reed, or thatch; their sheafs of Corn they stored under dry roofs, threshing out every day as much as served for present use; honest and just in conver∣sation, much differing from the subtilty and cunning of our men, content with ordinary and indifferent Diet, detesting the gurmandizing of gluttons and Epicures; the Isle replenished with multitude of men.

In matters concerning the Inhabitants of this Isle, Mr. Cambden is very copious, producing several opinions; but I finde no Commander in chief, whether King, Duke, or General na∣med (Brute excepted) of whom he saith, shall I (so mean a man) give a determinate sen∣tence in so weighty a matter? I leave it to the Senate of Antiquaries undecided. In the mean time I deny not Brute, but leave every one to his own best liking and opinion. So that it is manifest Mr. Cambden, naming no other principal Commander or Guide of that people, who first Colonized and Inhabited this Land, doth not altogether deny Brute, but leaves it to the Counsell, Consent and Decree of the Learned Parliament and Senate of Antiquaries. Let us hear what others write, Mr. Broughton out of an old Brittish History saith, Having thus in∣vincibly proved by all Antiquities, that there were among the Gentiles, especially in this Kingdom of Brittain, not only Flamens but Arch-flamens, and they seated in the principal governing Cities in several Provinces, and how after the coming of Christ, even from the A∣postles time, and by their Ordinance and Institution, their Residences were to be changed in∣to Archiepiscopal or Metropolitan chief commanding Sees in the Christian Religion: If we had no other particular proof in this but in general terms. St. Edwards Laws, the testimony of Gildas, Nonnius the Antiquities of Landaff, St. Isiodore, who as Pope Eleutherius also calleth this Nation, Gens Bruti, the off-spring and Nation of Brute; Thomas Archbishop of York a Norman by birth, in time of King VVilliam the first, Thaliessianus above a thousand years since; VVilliam of Malmesbury, Henry of Huntington, Gualterus Calenus, Sigibertus, with many others before Galfrid Mon. wrote, and Vicunnius himself with innumerable after both of this and other Nations, and publick Parliament; as that in the time of Edward the first at Lincoln, who after most diligent search of Antiquities, and due examination as the greatest matter the right of a Kingdom required, sent his Apologetical Letters to the Pope of Rome sealed with an hundred Seals and Witnesses, wherein is declared and justified that in the time of Hely and Samuel the Prophets, Brutus the Trojan landed here, and by his own name called the Country Britannia before named Albion. And having three sons, Locrinus, Camber and Albanact did at his death divide the Land into three parts or portions; Leegria now England to Locrinus, his eldest Son: Cambria Wales to Camber; and Albania Scotland to Albanact. This might suffice for this business, but being testified by so many Domestical and Forreign, private and publick witnesses, that the Tripartite division was here from the first n••me and beginning of Brittain, we must needs for every several part and Province as∣sign a several Government and order therein, as their Rulers and Governers were divers and distinct.

But our Antiquaries carrie us further, and inform us that not only London, Caerlegeon and York, were the several chief Cities in this division, but the Kings which founded them for such, ordained them likewise to be the Seats and Residencies of three several Archflamens, or Pr••••••••amens: for the glory and nobleness of London, thereupon named Augusta, it is the common opinion of Antiquities, that it is the most ancient Citie of this Iland builded by Bru∣tus, as not only the Brittish History, Galfridus, Vicunnius, and our English Antiquaries after them, but G••ldas, Sigibertus, and others sufficiently witness: And except Mr. Stow be decei∣ved in his Authors Aethieus an old Pagan Philosopher testifieth no less, affirming that Bru∣tus named this Kingdom Brittannia; and John Harding in his plain Verses, with others Re∣cordeth, how he there from the very first beginning, Instituted an Archflamens Seat.

At Troynovant he made full especially An Arch-flamine his See,* 1.22 Cathedral certain A Temple thereof, A policy to obtain By Trojan Law.

This is commonly written to have been a thousand years before Christ, and it is a common received opinion among our Antiquaries, that Ebrincus son to Mempricius, builded the City of York; of which more hereafter in its due place.

That this Island was called Albion before the coming of Brute, all Authors seem to agree, though there seem to be some difference; the just and most rational Writers call Albion ab al∣bis Rupibus, from the high and white Cliffs and Rocks discovered by Navigators, as they sailed by it: yet some will be more quaint, and fetch it further, as if far fetcht and dear bought were always good for Ladies, and tell of a Damasella, called Albone or Albina, daugh∣ter of Dioclesian King of Syria, and this some of our Histories seem to aver, notwithstanding no Authentick Writer as yet ever produced any such King to bear sway and Government, ei∣ther over the Syrians or Assyrians; nor that he had thirty daughters, who all slew their Hus∣bands, of which this Albine is supposed one, and came into this Island, from whole body sprung those Giants which Brute here found at his first arrivall. Such peradventure might be, but rather conveyed hither by shipping, then produced by the copulation of any such murder∣ing Harpies.

This Isle is encircled by Neptunes curled tresses and watry furrows round;* 1.23 and extends it self in length from the South to the North. The longitude from Totness in Cornwall to Cate∣ness 800. miles, and in latitude from St. Davids or Menevia in Wales to Dover Clifts most men account 300. miles, and from Menevia to Yarmouth in Norfolk, as divers affirm, it containeth 300. miles. Venerable Bede saith, that it is 200. miles over. First,* 1.24 therefore we see it was cal∣led Albion. Secondly, Brittain from Brute. Thirdly, Egbert commanded it to be called Auglia from a Nation of which himself descended; some forsooth will have it so called from a Queen thereof, whose name was Auglia, but if you consult with skilfull Astrologers, and such as pretend Art in calculating and casting Nativities (with which sort of people this Island now aboundeth, especial cashierd Troopers) they will positively tell you, that this Lady was born in Ʋtopia, and much about the Greek Kalends: Albeit this Island hath had but three several names, yet hath it been four times conquered; first by the Romans; secondly, by the Saxons;* 1.25 thirdly, by the Danes; and fourthly, by the Normans.

Brute descended of that ancient, noble, warlike off-spring of the so much admired Trojans, had to his Fore-father Æneas, who had married Creusa a legitimate daughter of Priamus, who descended from Dardanus second son of Camboblascon, and his wife Electra daughter of Atlas. Italus King of Italy, the eldest brother of this Dardanus was called Jasius Janigena, who mar∣ried Cibeles, and lived in such happy condition, that now there wanted not any terrene,* 1.26 or earth∣born delight or felicity, which might make this happy-seeming Potentate more fortunate, mighty or contentfull; but it is a common humour of Fortune, that amidst the thickest and most abundance of her graces and favour, she in some angry or fantastick imagination, sud∣denly snatcheth away her so liberally bestowed gifts, and leaveth the late possessors thereof involved and wrapt in a world of the miserablest unhappiness and foul vexations that may be invented as by the fatal Success and end of this Kings life most plainly appeareth. For when Dardanus his younger brother; a man indeed of a proud heart, great courage and inward ambition, saw his brother Jasius thus to float on the calmer Seas of prosperity, and to taste of the sweet cup of Nectar, he infinitely repined as living privately, and without command, as an inferior or some base born person or slave; whereupon he goes to his brother to demand leave and licence, that he might depart out of the Country to seek his better fortunes, which request Jasins refused to condescend unto, and would by no means allow of his purposes. Whereupon Dardanus began secretly to enter into deadly hostility, and to gather many Fa∣ctions and Parties to his side, which by reason that he was exceeding well beloved grew to a great number (this hapned much about the time, saith my Author,* 1.27 that Sharan King of E∣gypt persecuted Moses and the children of Israel.) The fire of discontent between the two brothers being now wholly set on flame, and divers attempts passed between them: it hapned that Dardanus received the worst, and upon many encounters was still put to his shifts, so that in the end he awaited a time when the King his brother went privately to a fountain to bathe himself, where Dardanus most unnaturally slew him, which done, terrified with his own con∣science, he presently ships himself at the next Haven, and with all his Jewels, and what else riches portable, he could carry with him away, with many of his Friends, Followers and Servitors, he secretly set sayl, and departed.

After long travel Dardanus comes to Altius the younger, who was of the same blood and descent and in respect thereof willingly entertains him, and in fine, desires of him (his Country being over peopled, and victuals scarce;) That since he must needs send forth such people for the finding out of new places, that he would bestow the Charge, Conduct, and leading of them upon him, and that he would joyn with them for the provisions and necessa∣ries needfull and convenient for the setling of themselves in such their new places of abode.

This thing King Altius very willingly entertained, especially for that Dardanus was of his own kindred and consanguinity.

This request of Dardanus thus obtained, he knew no other means to requite so great a fa∣vour, and to be occasion to draw on further kindness, but to offer unto Altius, and utterly to resign all his right, title, interest and claim in the Kingdom of Italy for one of his sons, unto which of them the Father was contented. This proffer of Dardanus being well considered, was thankfully accepted by Altius, in lieu and exchange whereof was alotted unto Darda∣nus, a certain quantity or piece of Land in Phrygia for him to erect and build a City upon: Thus Dardanus with his people and associates began to build in Phrygia,* 1.28 and in short space fully finished a City, which he called after his own name Dardania, which was before the Incarnation of the Son of God Christ Jesus 1487. and before the building of Rome by Romulus, 427. years, and before the City of Paris 70. years, as Eusebius, and most writers do affirm: In few years Dardanus began to grow unto great mightiness, riches and power, who had also a neighbour Prince of mighty puissance, wealthy and fortunate, whose name was Teucrus, whereupon many Authors call this place Teucria,* 1.29 and the Inhabitants Teucri, and this Teucrus was the son of Scamander, and Idea, and had also himself a beautifull and fair daughter, which he married shortly after unto Dardanus, which was called Batea, of whom Dardanus begot a son called Ericthonius, who succeeded him in the Kingdom of Phrygia; this Erictho∣nius in process of time arose up unto a wonderfull greatness and large possessions, who (as ma∣ny writers do affirm) was accounted to be one of the richest Kings in those days in that part of the World, who had at the least three thousand horses of his own continually feeding in his Pastures. This Ericthonius begat a Son whom he named Tros, whom he left to succeed him, and from whom the people were after called Trojans. This Tros very much enlarged and beautified the City of Dardania, now called Troia, * 1.30which name long time after it re∣tained. This King had three Sons Ilus, Assaricus, and Ganimedes, all which he brought up in the knowledge of Arms, and Martial Discipline, unto which kinde of study he himself was much addicted, and had many years together maintained Wars with the King of Grete, na∣med Jupiter, the fourth of that name there. In which Wars his Son Ganimedes was taken prisoner, even by the hands of Jupiter himself, who for that in his Ensign and Colours * 1.31 he gave an Eagle (being his arms) it should seem that Poets for that cause, have feigned that Ga∣nimede as he was hunting was snatcht up to heaven by Jupiter, then transformed unto an Eagle, and that he is now taken for one of the 12. Signs of the Zodiack called Aquarius. Some other Authors also write, that one Tantalus King of High Phrygia and Paphlagonia, a most miserable, covetous, and avaricious Prince had laid certain snares and private means to en∣trap Ganimede, and to take him prisoner, as he used to sport himself in Hunting, thinking by that devise to get a mighty ransom from Tros, for redeeming of him; and that this Tantalus sent him to Jupiter, for to secure him, and to have half the ransom that should be payed for his delivery; and hence it may be that the Poets feign that Tantalus is plagued and tormented in Hell standing up to the chin in water, and apples hanging down to his lips, and yet can neither touch the one, nor taste the other. Tros thus having lost his son, studied upon re∣venge and in the mean time comforted himself with his two other sons Ilus and Assaracus, and this Ilus called Troy afterward Ilion, who begot a son named Laomedon, the father of the re∣nowned Priamus; and of Assaracus issued and came Anchises who was father to Æneas, who as we said before married Creusa, a legitimate daughter of King Priamus; so that we see both by the Male and Female line in this marriage, our Warlike Brute, derives his lineal descent from Dardanus, and so from Noe.

Æneas after the fatal destruction of Troy, gathered together the remnant and parcel of the War-shaken and distressed Trojans, with whom he embarked and hoysing sail, committed himself with the lives and fortunes of all his followers and fellow Adventurers to Fate, and the protection of the Supream and highest Providence; three years was he tossed, not only with the merciless billows of the ever-unconstant Ocean, but also by such Destinies as seemed no ways to favour his designs: at last smiling fortune wasted his weather beaten Navy unto the Italian Continent, where no sooner arrived (having scarce refreshed his over-toyled Troops) but Mars puts him upon present action. Latinus king of the Country endeavours to impeach his setling, and denies him admittance; from words they come to blows, Bellona seems to take no small pleasure to hear the groans of souls departing from their bodies, ready to forsake their long enjoyed habitations; many are the assaults, approaches, conflicts and com∣bats, which daily pass betwixt the two enraged parties; the one labouring to encroach, the other to keep his own. Venus not willing to have Mars too long kept from her charming and soft embraces, contrives to set a period to those bloody broyls; a match must be concluded be∣tween the unparalleld Trojan Heroe, and the fair Lavinia, Latinu's daughter, and sole inheritrix of that vast Kingdom. Lucina favours the design, and from this new married Couple of Match∣less Progenitors, in due time is born a son, from whose loyns, the worlds greatest Emperours, and Brittains Warlike Kings deduce their Progenies: From this branch budded forth our Brutus: Some Writers will have him to descend from Silvius Posthumus Policronica, Guido de Columna, with others affirm, that Ascanius the first son of Aenaeas by his first wife had a son named Sylvius Aenaeas, who was Father to Brutus.

It is commonly held that the mother of Brutus died in Child-bed of this son, and that at his coming to the age of fifteen years casually (many and secret are the designs of the Ce∣lestial Star-chamber) shooting at a wild and savage beast unfortunately, though not ungra∣ciously, as being an act contrary to his will or intention, slew his own Father; for which Act (divine Providence having designed him for this our Iland) by the common consent and de∣cree of the Magistrates of Latium, he was adjudged to exile, and for ever to be banished from his Country: Necessity compels him to shift for himself; neither yet so distressed or ill belo∣ved, but that he is followed by Troops of the noblest and most Heroick Spirits of his time, who partly attracted by that worth which they finde innate in him, and partly pusht forward with an ardent desire to purchase honour to their never dying fames, engage both lives and fortunes ••ith him; being now sufficiently stored with all manner of Provisions, they put to Sea, shaking hands for ever with their beloved Country, Friends, and Parents, as having Spirits not confin'd to any one place. Their propitious stars bring them to a province of Greece, where they find encouragement, as finding there many scattered Trojans, so that of this unexpected aid, I may say with the Prince of Poets,

Quid minime veris Graia pandetur ab urbe.

The Prince or King of this place, according to some was called Vandrasus; other Writers call him Vandarus: Geffery of Monmouth proceedeth further, and tells us, that he was line∣ally descended from Achilles, that mortal enemy of the Trojan glory, and Hectors valour; but Brute gathering these dispersed, or it may be captived and enthralled Trojans which he found there, and old Innicie received from Ʋlisses, Agamemnon, and other Chieftains of Greece, sticking in their stomacks of the firing of old Ilium, and the Dardanian Towers, galls the al∣most closed sore; whets his memory to call to mind things past, and those once raked out of the embers of oblivion, gather new flames, and set all on fire with an unquenchable desire of Revenge, which is so sweet and tickles the souls of those male-contents, that nothing but fire and sword will serve their turn. Pandrasus is assaulted in his own Court, and so hardly put to ••, that he is enforced to purchase his own peace by bestowing his daughter Ignogen upon Brutus, and such other conditions as the almost conquering strangers please to demand; the Solemnitie of these constrained Nuptials orderly finished; the Trojans mutually consent to leave that place, and put themselves upon new Adventures: Ships are provided, and que∣stionless Vandrasus is not backward in the business, willing to be rid of such unruly Guests, who will take all things upon score, at their own price and rates; once more to Sea goes this gallant Chieftain, with his new espoused Consort; and Post varios casus, & tot discrimina re∣rum, the whole Fleet safely arrives at an Isle in Africa (as saith Guido and others) called Ler∣gesia or Leogetia, in which the Superstitious and mis-believing Pagans many Ages past (but now ruinous) had erected a sumptuous Temple to Dina Diana. This when Brute understood, his zeal moving, and his particular devotion to that Goddess seconding it, thither attended with his whole Train, as an humble Supplicant and Votary he bends his course, and Religi∣ously, according to the manner of those profane Rights and Ceremonies (if that may be re∣ligious, which is profane in the highest superlative) and there prostrates his Princely knees, and from a soul (as he imagines) full fraught with pleasing vows and gratefull Orasons, to his ado∣red Goddess, he thus declares himself:

Dina potens Nemorum, Terror silvestribus Apris Cui licet Amfractus ne per aethereos Inferuasque Domos, terrestria jura resolve Et dic quas terras, nos habitare velis Dic certam sedem qua te venerabor in aevum Qua tibi virgineis Templa dicabo choris.

These verses are translated in Fabian, and because they smell of Antiquity, I judge it bet∣ter to leave them as they are, then to dress them in the garb, mode, and stile now in use in England, and therefore courteous Reader, be pleased to accept of them; as also the others which follow in answer, in the Language in which they were writ:

Celestial Goddess, the weldest Frith and Wood, The wilde Bore and Beasts, thou fearest by thy might; Guider of Shipmen, passing the Rageous flood, The Infernal Houses for, and the Earth of right, Behold and search, and shew where I shall light; Tell the certain place where everlastingly A Temple of Virgins I shall to thee edifie.

These Ceremonies, Rights and Occasions ended, the Goddesse pleased with the Sacrifice of his Devotions, sends Morpheus in a thick and drowsie Mist, who with his somniferous Rod lulls this humble Votary, locking up all his sences within the sable curtains of a most pro∣found

sleep, whilst the courteous Diety in a Vision or rather imaginary Fancy, distills and in∣fuseth into his sollicitous Soul this Oracle:

Brute sub occasum solis, trans Gallica regna, * 1.32Insula in Oceano est, undi{que} clausa mari. Insule in Oceano est, habitata Gyantibus olim, Nunc deserti quidem Gentibus apta tuis: Hic de sobole tua Reges nascentur & ipsis, Totius terrae subditus Orbis erit: Hanc pete nam{que} tibi sedes erit illec perennis, Hîc fiet natis altera Troja tuis.

In ENGLISH thus:

Brute for the West over the Land of France, An Ile in Ocean, there is all closed with the Sea. This Ile with Gyants whilone inhabit by chance, Now being desert as apt for the people and thee. In this of thy body Kings born shall be And of this Isle thou shalt be Lord and King, Search this for here a perpetuall Sea to thee And here to thy Children a new Troy shall be.

When our Pilgrime awaked, the Vision had so fully possest him, that deliberating with him∣self what was best to be done, he pitcht upon this Resolution, to call together and Assemble the Noblest and best able for Judgement, Wit, and Experience of all his Colonie; which done, he imparted the secret unto them which begat a general rejoycing in them all; and all Una∣nimously decree a Thanksgiving to be due unto the Goddesse, and therefore out of hand, the Flamen takes Milk, calls for divers Aromatick spices; and several Liquors, of which he com∣poseth an offering of most sweet and precious Perfumes, to offer to the Diety; great Fires are made, and Wine cast into them according to the Pagan rights, and when things were per∣formed in thankfulnesse to the Numen, in a joyful procession they hast towards the Ships not willing to admit of any delay. In an instant as it were (so desirous was every one to see the event of this specious Oracle; and enjoy quiet (the object and end of all travel and labour) the Sayls are hoist, and the Canvas filled with such prosperous gales, that in a trice, the Navy is without ken of Land, bending their full endeavours for the West, Thus they sayled for the space of thirty dayes, passing by many adventures and dangers; as of Philenes, The Lake called Lacus-Salinarium, the place where Salt is made, as also the River Maeloa and Hercules Pillars; at length they enter the Turon or Tyrrhen Sea, where they met with a small Fleet, and those also Trojans, whereof Corineus Nephew to Brute was Admirall; great were the acclama∣tions and expressions of joy for this so fortunate though accidental meeting, an happy omen of future successe; and being thus joyned together to sayl to a Province of Gallia called Guyan whose Prince was Groffarius, to whom was brought ••iding of the approach of this unexpected Fleet, He wisely to prevent ensuing danger, musters his Souldiers and in a full body marcheth towards the Sea coast, there intending to fight his (as yet unknown) Enemy, before he should get any firm footing within his Territories; but the Trojans whose resolution was either to win or die, so behaved themselves that Groffarius with all his Knights had the worst and were put to flight, whilst the Trojan bravely maintain'd & kept the Field. No joy on earth so absolute and compleat, but it is intermingled with some sorrow or disaster; great questionlesse was the solace and mirth of the Trojan for this so fortunate a Victory; but when the dead bodies were viewed, amongst those who had ended their lives in the bed of honour, was found Turonus a Nephew to Valiant Brute, which caused a petty Ecclipse to their Victory; but to eternize the Name and perpetuate the never dying honour of his deceased Nephew and couragious fellow-souldiers: Brute built that well known City in France, which to this very day is called Turon.

After the atchievment of this Victory, and of the City Brute, which Corineus and the rest of the Trojans betook themselves again to the Seas, as yet not having attained to the Iland appointed by the propitious Goddesse,* 1.33 which hapned about iiii M. lxx. before the building of Rome (saith Mr. Fabian) following the foresaid account iiii C lxx, before the Incarnation of Christ xi. C. xxxvi. and before Alexander the Great conquered the world viii C. xi. also before any King reigned over the Frenchmen Monarchally, or that they were free from Tribute to Rome xv. C. lvi.

The Arrivall of Brute in Albion.

Brute having now past the pikes of many hazardous passages and exanclated dangers, arrives at last at the long hop'd for Haven of his fore-promised happinesse: the first thing he did, was to progresse the whole Iland to view and consider the comodiousnesse thereof which he found

no way to frustrate his hopes and longing expectation, he finds it fertile and well stored with Woods, garnished with pleasant and enamel'd Meadows, and embroidered with many goodly Rivers and purling Brooks and Rivulets (replenished with abundance of Fish) like so many veins and arteries running through the whole body of the Iland; these things could not but please, but yet they are not solely to be enjoyed without some danger; for as the Trojans passe from place to place to view the scituation and opportune places to inhabit, they are oft encountered with grisly creatures exceeding humane proportion, who give them but rude and savage welcome; and these were they whom the Goddesse meant, when she said, habitata Gygantibus olim; amongst these prodigious Caitiffs one exceeded all the rest in bulk and robustiousnesse, who was called Gogmagog, with whom Corineus Nephew to Brute wrestled; who although he had a rib broken by this Monster, yet so foiled him that he cast him down from the Cliffs; for which cause the place afterwards was called, The Fall of Gogmagog, (I have heard some say that in Glamorganshire there is a place which the Inhabitants in their own Mother tongue, call Cwymp y Cawr, which is as much as to say, The Gyants fall or overthrow,) but that Name being changed, it was afterwards called, The Fall of Dover. For this most valiant Act and speciall good Services Brute gave and allotted unto Corineus, the Province or Country now called Cornwall.

Brute having destroyed that race of Gyants formerly mentioned, after a perfect discovery of the whole Island, passing by the River of Thames for his Recreation, and finding a place in all respects fit to build a City to make the Capital and prime habitation of his new atchieved Kingdome; set Workmen, of all Arts and Callings to accomplish and finish this his Design; which being brought to perfection, to renew like a Phenix out of Ashes Old Troy, he caused it to be called Troynovant (i.) new Troy which name continued till K. Lud enjoyed the Scepter and rule in Great Brittaine, upon that time (saith my Author) of M. lxviii.* 1.34 who then caused it to be called Luds Town, and now London.

This now Glorious City, (Rome it self was not built in one day) and formerly as glori∣ous a stile, being called Augusta, for we read in divers Grave and Learned Authors, that St. Augulus was Bishop of Augusta, viz. London, in England, as both Catholicks and Protestants expound it, and among them one in a Sermon before K. James, saith, Your City hath been anciently stiled Augusta: for we read both in the ancient Roman Martyrologe, St. Bede, Ʋsu∣ardus, Ado Vandalbertus, Petrus de Natalibus and others that this Augulus was Bishop of Au∣gusta in Brittannia, Augusta or London in Brittanny and was a Martyr; Augusta in Brittannia natalis beati Auguli Episcopi qui aetatis cursum per Martyrium explens aeterna proemia suscipere meruit: Baronius saith, he cannot tell when he suffered, Quo tempore passius sit hactenus mihi obscurum. But if we compare the name of London at that time it was called Augusta with o∣ther circumstances, and with the Catalogue of the Bishops of London after the time of K. Lucius, we shall very probably find that this our worthy Saint Bishop of London is to be reckoned one of the first Bishops that were consecrated in this Kingdom, and long before our common Conversion in the dayes of K. Lucius, and so consequently of St. Peter, or his Disciple St. Ari∣stobulus, no other then being here with eminent Authority to consecrate him Bishop and settle him Bishop of Augusta: London or first, this City was not called Augusta in the Reign of K. Lucius when this Nation was generally converted, but onely Londinum, London; nor never since that time or by any before but by the Romans at their first setling here in the time of Claudius; and that the general opinion was that London was called Augusta Dio. And Xiphe∣linus writ, That Legio Augustalis non nata hibernabat in superiore Britannia, The Roman Legion so termed wintered in the upper Brittany near London as is thought; it was long before Dio∣clesian's time when it was thus called, in the dayes of Cæsar Augustus or soon after,

A late French Author of this our Brittain in his History, seemeth to say or think, that Caer∣legeon was in the time of Julius Agricola and by him named Augusta, which if it were so, it only varyeth the particular place of his Martyrdome (viz. St. Augulus) nothing detracting from him or the glory of this Nation, and that this Saint was Bishop of Augusta, (i.) London, and not Augusta Caerlegion, this reason may conclude, for that Tremonius and St. Dubritius be the first that be named Bishops of Augusta Caerlegion. Certainly Mr. Cambden observeth very well, That London was called Augusta, quia ea dignitate floruit Londinum, ut Augusta dici cae∣perit and many forraign Cities very famous were called Augusta in that Respect: as Augusta Taurinorum; Aug. Trieastinorum; Aug. Veromanduor m; Aug. Valeria; Aug. Emerita; Aug. Bracchara; Aug. Acilia; Aug. Tiberii; Aug. Vindeliciorum; Aug. Cæsarea; Aug. Ve∣storum; Aug. Trevirorum.

Now as concerning Bishops, not onely Augusta London, St. Anacletus, (it being ordered by the Church to constitute Primates where Pagans had their Arch-flamens,) but also other places ordered by his Tome or the Catalogues of St. Peter, St. Clement,* 1.35 & ex Anacleto hujus in∣sulae divisionem Canterbury, London, Caerlegeon, York and Alba in Scotland (by some taken to be the now St. Andrews) urbs legionum, (observe in the Latin Caerlegion (i.) urbs Legionum put in the first place) Cantuaria, Londonia, Eboraca and Alba, unde Albania Provincia, were designed Sees of such Primates, as Giraldus Cam. Sir John Price, Matthew Parker. 1 Arch. B. Pro. do testifie.

Thus much concerning this famous and renowned City of London not without cause called Augusta. Brute having finished this structure and given name to it to perpetuate the

memory of that City of which the Poet saith, Nunc seges est ubi Troja fuit, gave also a name to the whole Iland, calling it Britania, à Bruto; so did Romulus by Rome, Alexander by Alexan∣dria, and Cæsar by Casarea; and so divers other great and eminent Commanders and Po∣tentates, named both whole Kingdoms, Ilands and great Cities after their own names, that in them their Memories might live for ever. Brute having accomplished the thred of life allot∣ted by the fatal Sisters, and having left Rules for his Britons to live in civil Amity and or∣derly Government; after a prosperous Reigne, and happy in a hopeful posterity, he bethinks himself of setling his Estate whereby to avoid all Contention and Discord betwixt his Sons, which were three, Locrine, Camber and Albanact, betwixt these three he divides his new ac∣quired Kingdom; to the eldest he gives Troynovant, with all the Countries adjacent which are now called England, containing East, West and South; but (as his Father had called the whole Iland Britannia and his Subjects Britannos or Britones,) so Locrinus after his name called his Share Loegria, and at this very day the Welsh call England Lloegre; to his second Son Camber, he bequeathed that part which after the Saxons call Wales, which Nomen-clation it yet keeps; and Camber imitating his Father and Brother, named his Moiety from Camber Cambria: This partition or Cambers portion was formerly divided from that of Loegria by the River Severne in the East, and on the North side by the River Dee, and on the South by the River Vaga now called the River Wye at the Castle of Stringlinge,* 1.36 (a name which I find not elsewhere) or rather Chepstow Castle, but of this place what Mr. Cambden speaks, take these his own words,* 1.37 Hinc fluctuoso volumine descendit in Austrum Vaga in quo Copiosa est Salmonum piscatura à Septembri ad Aprilem, (and by the way give me leave to tell you that when Sal∣mons grow out of kind or season in Wye, in the River Ʋsk which runneth through Caerlegion but ten Miles distant in the same County, Salmons come in season, so that in the County of Monmouth all the whole year Salmons are fit to be presented to an Emperors Table,) and if a Wye Salmon chance to come into Ʋsk or e contra, the Fishermen are so skilfull as to tell you this is an Ʋsk Salmon, this of Wye) limes hodie inter Glocestrenses & Monumethenses, olim inter Anglos & Wallos juxta illud Nichami versiculam.

Inde Vagos Vaga Cambrenses, hinc respicit Anglos.

Qui cum jam ad ostium ferè devenerit Chepstow præterfluit (id est) si e Saxonico interpreteris, Forum (viz.) Negationis locus, Brittannis Castle-went, (and is this day called Cass. Gwent) Op∣pidum hoc est celebre, clivo a flumine surgenti Impositum, manibus circumvallatur magno cam∣bitu quæ agros & hortos in se includunt, Castrum habet ad occiduum latus, flumini impeudens (in which Castle there is a stately Fabrick called Longius or Longinus Tower, supposed to be built by that Centurion who was present at the death of our most sacred and blessed Saviour, and out of this opinion it is hard to beat many of the Natives; but who so pleaseth to read Surius, xv. Martii, shall find, That Longinus the Centurion, one of the Jews who thirsted after his blood, (who most willingly shed it for the Redemption of Mankind,) signis & prodigiis, discussis tene∣bris, veritatis splendorem, Christi ipsius gratia quem in Crucem sustulerat videre meruit; and dete∣sting the impiety of the Jewes freely manifested the most glorious Resurrection of our Lord Jesus; this his so confident and publick affirming of the truth, for Crucis ei custodia ut Centu∣rioni mandata; postquam autem vivificum Christi Corpus sepulturae mandatum fuit eadem sacro∣sancti corporis custodia Longino commissa fuit; caused the Jews to procure from Cæsar a Sen∣tence of death against him: Longinus flies from Hierusalem (leaving all his military Prefer∣ments,) with some religious and devout Christians, he betakes himself into Capadocia, where he converted many by his instruction and exemplar Life and Vertues, to the faith, knowledge and adoration of the true Messias, Jesus Christ; In Capadocia he is aprehended and there ob∣tains the glorious Crown of Martyrdome, his Head as a great Trophee is sent unto Pilate, who to ingratiate himself and please the perfidious and stony-hearted Jews, caused the holy relique to be placed before one of the Gates of that once holy City Hierusalem, so that Longinus could not be the Founder or Erecter of that Edifice before spoken of. But to follow Mr. Cambden a little further concerning Chepstow, he continueth his Discourse, saying; Et e rigione stetit Pri∣oratus cujus parte meliore demolita, quod reliquum est, in Ecclesiam parochialem convertitur, Pons vero quo Vaga jungitur, sublicius est & admodum excelsus, quia accedente aestu in magnam altitu∣dinem fli vius exsurgit: hujus Domini fuerunt e Clarensium familia nobiles, a proximo castro Strigul quod incoluerunt Striguliae & Pembrochiae comites dicti, quorum ultimus Richardus vir infra∣cto animo, & projectissimis brachiis StrongBow cognominatus quod arcu intentissimo uteretur & nihil levi brachio ageret, &c. This place after by a Daughter and Heir came to the Bigots, and now the Earls of Worcester (or at least before the late Wars) enjoyed both Town and Castle, the eldest Son of that Family being stiled Lord Herbert of Chepstow.

To Albanact the third Son of Brutus was given the third part of great Britain, now called Scotland, which as it is now is called the second Kingdom of Great Britain, and the North part of this Iland hath on the East the German Ocean, on the North the Orkneys and Deucalidon Sea, the West affronted by Ireland, on the South it hath the River Tweed, the Cheviot Hills and the adjacent Tract, reaching to the Sulway Sands whereby it is separated from England.

This Kingdome is spacious and from the South borders spreadeth it self wide into the East and West, till again it contracts it self narrower into the Northern Promontories, furnished with all things befitting a famous Kingdom, both for Air, Soil, Rivers, Wood, Mountains, Fish,

Fowl, Cattle and Corn, so plenteous that it supplieth these with other Countries in their want; Their Nobility and Gentry are very studious of learning and all civil knowledge, for which end they not only frequent the three Universities of their own Kingdom (St. Andrews, Glasco, and Edenborough, the Nurseries of their Muses, but also much addict themselves to travel into Forraign Countries, especially France; whose King hath a Guard of Scots, the double Treshure florie in the Arms of the Kingdome, makes manifest the French Interest in former time in that Nation. If it is desired to know more of Scotland, read their own Authors; it is enough for me to say that Albanack from his own name called it Albania. This Country is divided from Loegria or England, as saith Venreable Bede, by two arms of the Sea, but they meet not: The East arm of which beginneth about two Miles from the Minster of Eburcuring in the West side of Penulton, The West arm had some time a strong City named Alclino, which in the Brittish Tongue was called Clincston and stood upon the River Clint.

Thus Brute having divided Britain into three Parts, after he had ruled twenty two or four years after most Concordance of Writers, he died and was interred in Troynovant commonly called London or Luds Town.

Locrinus second King of Brittain.

LOcrinus the first and eldest Son of the late deceased Brutus, takes possession of his Kingdom of Loegria, now England, in the year from the Creation of the World, four thousand fourscore and seven. This Kingdome as it was the largest, so was it the most beautifull, rich and commodious, both in respect of Navigable Rivers, Ports and Havens; as also fruitfulness of the Soils, and abundance of stately Woods and Groves, and according to the relation and assertion of Policronica and Guido de Collumna, it stretched forth and extended it self as far as to the River Humber, as now it is called, (a name when Locrinus entered into Soveraignty unknown.)

Locrinus thus invested in his Principality, (as much as could be in a Land not formerly, or at least by savage People or Gyants inhabited) made ready to his hand; His Brother with such Regiments as were allotted to him to Colonize and people his Part, being retired into his own Quarters or Patrimony, whilst by his own Industry and Advice of such as he made use of in a matter of so great importance, was endeavouring to frame a modell how to Go∣vern and Uphold this his new Plantation, an unexpected Enemy appears; Humber with a Navy arrives, and having with him a sufficient Army of war-like Huns, sets upon Albanact, whose thoughts were more busied how to settle his People and frame his Commonwealth, then to oppose an Enemy; distressed Albanact is put to his shifts, whilst the Scythian King, for so most ancient Writers onely call him, takes occasion by the Foretop, and making use of his opportunity fiercely assaults the Albanian Prince, and with bloody slaughter, and the death of Albanact, makes way for himself and Followers to intrude into his Possessions, who as yet had scarce time to call them his own.

Fame whose vigilant eyes never sleep, with an exasperating Trumpet quickly blowes this unfortunate Newes into the Eares of Locrinus; he to revenge the Dishonour done and the Death of his Brother, and also to enjoy that which now by right was fallen unto him; but above all to remove so dangerous and powerful a Neighbour, or rather Enemy, summons all his Nobles, and gathers together all the force he possibly could make; and with a mind full of Revenge, Resolution, and Courage Advanceth, and with speedy Marches setteth forwards to Fight the Scythian before he take to Deep root in Albania. Camber is not slow to second this action as a thing which he conceives deeply to concern himself; and therefore unites his Forces with his Brothers that thereby the Victory may be more certaine, and the losse lesse considerable. Desire quickens actions, and resolute souls seem rather to flye then walk; The Armies meet, the Brittains inflamed with revenge for the Death of Albanact, who was their fellow Souldier and Traveller, Son of their Deceased King, brother to the present, breath nothing but Death and Confusion. The Scythian with like Valour and Courage, thinks no danger too great to make good by the sword what he already purchast and gotten by the same. Terrible is the conflict on both sides, but fortune after long debate, with victory Crowns the Brittaines, the Scythians are put to Flight, and flying are so hotly pursued, that many are drowned and the King himself, (and as the Poet saith of Icarus, Icarus Icarias, nomine fecit aquas) put to such a straite that he was Drowned in that Famous River which from his name hath ever since been called Humber, of which Mr. Cambden saith, Est certe totius Britanniae aestuarium amplissi∣mum & piscosissimum the largest and most full of Fish throughout Britannie. Ex aestuantis oce∣ani accessibus adauctum, & iisdem retro remeantibus, suas illiusque aquas vehementissime vasto cum murmure non sine magno navigantium periculo agit; unde Nichanus.

Fluctibus æquoreis nautis suspectior Humber Submersis nomen contulit Humbris aquæ.

And another Poet much to the same purpose saith,

Dum fugit, obstat ei flumen, submergitur illic Deque suo tribuit nomine nomen aquæ.

Mr. Cambden in his Britannia setteth down these two Distichons, but speaks not a word of the cause, or the battel; and the reason is easie to be imagined, for should he expresse the death of Albanack and the just revenge of Locrine and Camber in behalf of their brother, he must needs grant Brute to be Progenitor of the Britains, and consequently of the Welsh, a Na∣tion which are very little beholding unto him.

Locrinus is now a Conqueror, no fear of further supplies to affront him, the day is absolutely his own; but unfortunate Prince, what a proud Foe clad in steel and with a courage equalizing that of Mars could not effect, is done by an Amorous Glance of a Female Creature; Estrild Humbers Daughter casts forth such piercing darts from her Charming Eyes, that maugre both steel and coat of Male, Locrine is wounded to the Heart; he sighs, complains, beggs com∣passion from her who is his Captive; and in conclusion becoms her slave, she his Mistress, in these bewitching Fetters he reposeth his happiness, her enriching Arms he deemes the Trophees of his Victories; but fond-man Gwendolena thy abused Lady disgests not a Corrival, shee will make thee know quidfoemina possit irata; she complains to her Father, he acquaints his deerest Friends, and all enter into an Association to be revenged; Locrinus awakes out of his effe∣minate dalliances, Armes himself to oppose the storme at hand and beat back the threatned danger; but too late, his Enemies are too powerful, the abused Gwendolena too well befriended, and leaves justice not to be controuled; and thus Locrinus a Conqueror after he Reigned by account of most Authors Twenty Years, through his intemperate lust and wanton affecti∣on, was deprived at one time both of Life and Kingdom, leaving his body to be interred in Treynovant.

Gwendolena Queen Regent of Brittain.

LOcrinus for his unjust and unlawful Love being thus justly punished, the States and Coun∣sellors of the Kingdom elect and chuse Gwendolena the abused and injured Queen during the Nonage and Minority of her Son, to fit at the Helm and manage the Affairs of the King∣dome; this Lady was daughter to Corinaeus, who joyned his navy and came along with Brute, and he who Encountered with Gogwagog on the Hills by Dover as some write, others say neer Plimmouth in Devon-shire, which place this day is called the HAW, a hill betwixt the Town and the Sea, on whose brow is a spacious and pleasant down, yeilding a delightful prospect, in which is a Sea mark called the Compasse to direct and guide Navigators passing that way, of this conflict betwixt Corineus and Gogmagog. Thus writeth a certain Poet,

Hos avidum belli robur Corinæus Averno Precipites misit, cubitis ter quatuor altum Gogmagog Herculeo suspendit in aere luctu Antaeum{que} suum scopulo detrusit in æquor Potavit{que} dato Thetis ebria sanguine fluctus, Divisum{que} tulit mare corpus Cerberus umbram.

Gwendolena to the eternal memory and glory of her Name and Sex governed this Iland for the space of Fourteen years, and then her Son coming to maturity and fit age to undertake so great a burden, with the general applause and acclamations of all, resigned her Trust and Authority to Madan.

Madan Son to Locrine and Gwendolena Succeeds in the KINGDOME.

MAdan Son to Locrine and Gwendolena and Grandchild to Brute, being now past his mi∣nority, his Mother joyfully resignes her Regency, and is with generall applause and acclamations seated in his Throne and with all solemnity acknowledged King, about the year from the worlds Creation, 4122. Authors write very sparingly of the Acts of this King; only all agree that during the time of his Reign which continued for the space of Forty years (a time too long for any Tyrant) he ruled insolently with Oppression and Tyranny; Vindex no∣centes sequitur a tergo Deus; for being at his sports of Hunting, he was slain and torn to pieces by Wolves and other savage Beasts, leaving two Sons, Mempricius and Manlius.

* 1.38This King being Grandchild to Brute the Trojan, I think it not amiss to give my Reader some satisfaction concerning Old Troy; Si 300 annis stetit Regnum Trojanum, caepisse oportet ante 4 annos in Dardano 1. Rege 2520. sed Dardani regnum rectius sub finem Ducatus Moysis & ab hoc anno 2524. exortum putatur; Nam a Dardano ad Ilii excidium sunt anni 296. Conti∣git igitur Ilii casus anno nostro 2820. sic enim peritiores numerant hos reges. Dardanus regnavit annis 65. Erichtanus 46. Tros 40. Ilus 49. Laomedon 44. Priamus 52. Ex quibus colliguntur anni illi 296. hunc Regum Catologum ad suas neomenias reducit Scaliger. lib. 2. Can. sub finem & nostris annis probe consentit.

As for the Destruction of Troy, what Homer the Greek, and Virgil the Prince of Latine Poets have written, I pass by, as being Poetical fictions, each striving to advance the glory of his own Nation; But Gordon in the same Folio, tells us, Circæ hæc tempora, præsertini sub Ducatu Judicis Aod, ponitur Tros Dardaniae Rex tertius, quem sequuti sunt alii, Hic Tros (à quo Trojani) belium intulit Tantalo regi Phrygiæ ob raptum Ganymedem; and for this, Gor∣don cites Eusebius 99. cap. 8. and so proceeds, Juxta regum Catologum anno 2524. notatum sequitur hunc annum 5. quo regnavit Tros, quod recte consentet tum cum Ilii excidio, tum cum chronologia inter hunc Troem & Tantalum; ac deni{que} cum anno quo Pelopidae Mycenis soli reg∣naverunt, pulsis Heraclidis: à Trois autem morte us{que} ad Atreum Tantali ex Penelope nepotem vix sunt anni 71. juxta regum annos notatos; Dardania quidem anno Orbis 2524. & Mycaena∣rum 99. c. 8. Consurgunt quo{que} anni tantum 20. ab obitu Trois us{que} ad mortem Acrisii, cæsi à Perseo nepote quando cæpit Mycenarum regnum: nec ab his alienus est Tatianus qui Pelopei è Phrygia exitum refert ad Acrisii tempora.

De Trojano Excidio.

Si, quod supra indicavi, condita Troja est anno Orbis 2524.* 1.39 inquem incidit initium Ducatus Josue: Cum steterit Ilium annis 296. ut probatissimi Autores magno fere consensu testantur, ne∣cesse est excidium hoc incidisle in annum 2820, ab orbe condito, & recte sunt enim sic ab eversa Troit ad primam Olympiadem anni 407. quod intervallum doctissimi qui{que} probarunt. Scaliger. lib. 5. de Emen. pro hac suæ ac vera sententia veteres citat, Ephorum, Calisthenem & Damascen. Sane tabula Eratosthenis quam habet, cap. 18. an Appen. idem perspicue refert, Hanc tabulam laudat & sequitur. Dionysius Halic. Idem{que} intervallum ex Diodoro colligit citatus Scaliger; ab hoc autem excidio ad Palilia anni consurgunt 432. hunc numerum saepe repetit Dionysius Halicar. quem Glareanus & alii libenter sequuntur, &c.

MEMPRICIƲS.

MEmpricius the Eldest Son of Madan, his Father being dead, by right of Inheritance was Crowned with the Royal Diadem of Brittaine about the Year of the worlds Creation 4142. but long he enjoyed not his Soveraignty without Troubles and Opposition; for Man∣lius his younger brother, a man of an Ambitious spirit, Haughty and aspiring to Royal dignity, would not content himself with any Titles of Honour under the degree of a King; and there∣fore to bring this his Designe to his wisht for Period, he resolves either to subdue or to expell his brother: and to this purpose he insinuates himself into the bosomes of the Nobles, casts As∣persions upon his brother, Detracts and Malignes all his Actions; and so farre prevailes, that Rebellion is rais'd, and an unnatural Warre taken in hand, which was eagerly prosecuted on each part, and continued a long time; at length both Nobles and Commons finding Bellum minime bellum, and perceiving these intestine broyles, to wast their Country and threaten an utter Ruine, incline to peace; no fitter way can be thought upon then an attonement and re∣conciliation between the brothers; and therefore a day of meeting is appointed, and great hopes conceived of a final peace and Concord; but Mempricius having now got his brother under the fair pretence of becoming friends into his power, to avoid all Jealousies and Fears of future deceit and Treachery, becomes a Traytor himselfe, and by Treason caused his own brother to be slain, making that saying of the Poet good, Rara est concordia fratrunt. This perfidious and tragical scene performed, Mempricius, (his brother Manlius being taken away) enjoyes as he conceives a happy peace; this peace makes him forgetful both of his person and Honour, and now fearing nothing he contemns even the Deity, and precipitates not only himself but his subjects also into Sloth, Idlenesse, and Treachery; and when the Gate is set open, and free scope given to sin, though nemo repente fit pessimus, yet those who forsake Grace and Abandon themselves over to unlawful lusts and pleasures, fall from one sin to another till they arrive at last at the very Jawes of Hell: so fares it with Mempricius, his Wife or Wives give him not content, the fairest and choicest beauties must be his Concubines, and these as many as his own wandering fancy shall think fit, in these horrid sins he wallowes with all sen∣suality. I know some of Epicurus his Scholars or rather Atheists will excuse Mempricius for this his Platonick as it is now commonly stiled, love, and tell you that whatsoever is natural is no sin, and out of this deduce a most damnable consequence or conclusion, which chast ears abhor to hear: but this natural act as it is called, ••••••fied not Mempricius, he falls to that which is most unnatural, the sin of Sodomy, with wild and brutish Creatures, and by this means becomes hateful both to God and Man, but not without just punishment from Heaven: for intending to disport hemself in hunting becomes a prey to wild beasts, and by them is torn to pieces, after he had enjoyed the Kingdome twenty years, leaving to succeed him in his Throne, a son by his lawful wife called Ebrank. Mempricius his Reign is observed by those who write of him to have been Tyrannical. Plutarch though a Panim saith,* 1.40 that God doth serve himself of wicked Tyrants as of Hangmen to execute his justice upon others, no lesse or more wicked then they; and that as poysons are sometimes medicinable, and necessary to purge sad humors and cure diseases; even so Tyrants are necessary to purge the sins and cure

the vices of wicked Subjects, To which end (saith he) Phalaris the Tyrant was ordained by Almighty God to govern the Agrigentins, and Marius the Romans. As for the brutish sin of Mempricius, holy Gildas brings it in, as one amongst the rest, for which God so severely puni∣shed the Britains;* 1.41 and touching briefly the lives of some of the Kings and Princes that were in his time, as of Constantius, Aurelius, Conanus, Vortiporius, Cuneglasus and Maglocus, taxing them with Tyranny, perjury, sacrilegious murders and parricides, committed even before the holy Altars, &c. yea, and two of them of Sodomy; for which and other general corruptions and wickedness Gildas threatneth or rather prophesyeth the utter ruine and destruction which was to follow; which also Geffrey of Monmouth acknowledgeth saying, that King Cadwallader the last of the Race of the Britains used these words as he fled by the Sea into France with the reliques of the Brittish Nation, Vae nobis peccatoribus ob immania scaelera nostra, &c. And truly so great is the sin of Lust, especially in Kings and great Dukes and other Commanders in the sight of God (how little soever in these our sinful times we make of it) that whole Kingdomes for it have been destroyed. The Kingdom of Spain when it had flourished as well in Reli∣gion as Power from the time of King Richard (the first Catholick King thereof) for the space of 120 years, the wicked King Vitiza being a man given over to all lust and carnality infected and corrupted all Spain, not onely with the bad example of his one dissolute life (having ma∣ny Wives at once besides Concubines) but also with abominable lawes whereby he gave leave to all sorts of men to have as many Wives and Concubines as they listed; yea and forced Priests and such as lived Chast to Marry, by which means all Spain became within a while to be no better then a common stew or brodel: and although Almighty God according to his accustomed manner expected their conversion and amendment all the time of his Reign, and layed only the penalty thereof upon him, whom he deprived both of his Crown and of his Eye-sight by the means of Roderick who succeeded him in the Kingdome; yet when the said Roderick followed his steeps as well in his vicious life as in the maintenance of his abominable Laws; it pleased God of his justice to permit him to give the occasion both of his own ruine as also of the overthrow of all Spain by the sin of the flesh wherewith the whole Kingdome was, as it were, overflowed.

For as whereas King Roderick had sent a Kinsman of his own called Count Julian Ambassa∣dor into Africk, and in the mean time Ravished his Daughter, or (as some write) his Wife; the Count understanding it at his return, was so incensed therewith against the King, that for revenge thereof he practised with the Moores to bring them into Spain, who with his assistance Conquered it so speedily, and with such destruction of the people, that the punishment of God was most evident therein: for having first overthrown King Roderick (whose body could never after the battel be found) they subdued almost all Spain in Eight months or in Fourteen as some say, and slew 700000. of all sorts of people, besides great numbers of Captives which they sent prisoners into Barbary: and from that time forwards they remained in the possession of that Kingdome or in some great part thereof for the space of 700 years.

This example of the Conquest and subversion of Spain for the sins of the flesh, was so famous and so much observed by Godly and Wise men, at the same time when it hapned that St. Boni∣facius a Countryman of ours and Bishop of Mentz in Cermany, who lived in the same age and converted the Saxons and Frisons from Paganisme to the Christian Faith, proposed it to one called Etholbud King of the Mercians to withdraw him from his dissolute life, and tells him that in old Saxony where there was no Christianity, there if either Maid or Wife did commit Adultery or Fornication, she was first strangled and after burnt: and he that corrupted her, Hanged over her, or else she was stripped naked to the middle and whipped by chast Matrons from Town to Town, and prickt with sharp Knives till shee dyed therewith.

EBRANCK.

EBranck, after the unfortunate death of his Father, by the general consent and Approba∣tion of both Nobles and Commons, is invested in the Regal Dignity Anno mundi Creati∣onis,* 1.42 4182. Authors affirm, that he had a thing, in those times not unusual, one and twenty wives; by whom he was enriched with a plentifull and numerous off-spring, to wit, twenty Sons, and thirty daughters, whereof the most fair and beautifull was named Guales, or Gua∣lea; these daughters (intending to uphold the Trojan blood) he sent to Alba Silvius, the e∣leventh King of Italy, or seventh of the Latines, there to be espoused unto Trojans: This E∣branck, was a comely man, Majestical, and well proportioned; of incomparable valour, and as desirous of Martial Attempts, as his Progenitor Brutus; and therefore providing all War∣like Engines and Furniture correspondent to his designs, he attempts to invade France, which is testified by Jacobus Bergomas in the sixth of his Chronicles, and Jacobus Lessabeus in the de∣scription of Henalt affirmeth the same, and that he was driven back by Brunchildis Lord of Henalt, with some loss of his men: Yet Fabian affirmeth this Voyage to have been prosperous and successfull; insomuch that what by his own fancies, judgement and policie, being assist∣ed by the Trojan-Latines, or Latine-Trojans, where he had espoused his daughter, he over∣ran and conquered a great part of Germany. Some Authors ascribe this Conquest and good fortune to Assaracus the second Son of Ebranck, with the rest of the younger brothers, and

esteem it no great service or enterprise of moment; for that Europe was then scarce peopled and Colonized, unless towards the Sea Coasts, as Dalmatia, Italy, and the coasts of France: of these Brethren, had Germany the name, à Germanis fratribus, who subdued it.

Ebrank thus fortunate either in his own undertakings, or in these of his children, having setled his affairs to his hearts desire, begins to take into consideration, the beautifying and strengthning Britannia; and as Brutus about an hundred and fourty years (if he built it in the second year of his Reign) before to his eternal glory had built Troynovant, Ebranck, with no less ambition to continue and perpetuate his name and memory, layeth the foundation of a glorious City, calling it, being fully finished, after his own nomenclation Caer Ebrank, which now we call York.

A late learned Author saith, it is a common received opinion among our Antiquaries,* 1.43 that Ebrancus son to Mempricius, a hundred years after the building of London (or thereabouts) builded the City of York, calling it then Kair Baruch, as both Brittains and Saxons ancient and modern agree; where as Harding and Stow, with others, affirm he seated an Arch-Flamen.

He made a Temple in Ebrank City Of Diane where an Arch-Flamen he set,* 1.44 To rule Temples at that time was his det.

In the twentieth year of his Reign (saith Mr. Stow) he built Kaer Ebrank by the Saxons cal∣led Evorwick, now corruptly York, wherein he builded a Temple to Diana, and set there an Arch-Flamen, and was there buried, when he had reigned sixty years. Thus ancient these our Historians make Arch-Flamens in Brittain, as I have related their very words; not that I think the name and word Arch-Flamen, but only their Office and Calling among the Gentiles to have been so ancient, as the time assigned to our Brutus, but of younger continu∣ance and age by divers hundreds of years; the word Flamen, not known till the time of Nu∣ma Pompilius, and taken from a kind of Attire worn upon their heads upon Festival days, yet the Office of Flamen and Arch-Flamen, Pontifex and Summus Pontifex was always the same among the Pagans.

Three Arch-flamens, he made through all Brittain,* 1.45 As Arch-bishops now in our Laws been, Three Temples all to govern and Domaine, At Troynovant, one Logres to overseen, Her false gods to serve and to queme, At Ebranch another for Albany, And at Caerleon for Cambre one soveranly.

And this is so evident a Truth in Histories, that the Bishop himself, which before with one only opposed against Arch-flamens, freely confesseth that at this time Arch-flamens, Bishops, were placed in these three Cities in Brittain, and in them only,* 1.46 where so many (saith my Au∣thor) have testified, and shall testifie hereafter further, these Arch-flamens were resident. Thus he writeth. At what time Christian Religion was first publickly received in this Island, there were established in the same 28. Sees, or Cathedral Churches (which were the Seats of Arch-fla∣mens and Flamens, as shall be shewed hereafter with their names) whereof three were Arch∣bishopricks, York whose Province was Scotland, and the North of England, &c. Another Author saith, Eboracensi vero (scilicet Archiepiscopo) tota terra Northumbrina ab arcui Humbri fluminis cum tota Albania: To him of York all Northumberland from Humber, with all Albania (i. e.) Scotland, which is confirmed by these words, Eboracensi Deira & Albania, under York, Deira and Albania.

Giraldus Cambrensis according to the Tome or Book of St. Anacletus,* 1.47 which divided this I∣sland into five Provinces, relateth, as divers modern and others in this manner;* 1.48 as he saith he found it then both in Papal and Imperial Acts and Constitutions, Juxta Provinciarum nu∣merum quas tempore gentilitatis habuerit Insula, quinque Metropoles Juxta Tomum enim Ana∣cleti Episcopi Romani, sicut in Pontificalibus Romanorum gestis, & Imperialibus continetur di∣rectum Galliarum Episcopis; juxta statum Gentilium ante Christi adventum Britannia habuit pro∣vincias numero quinque Britanniam primam, Britanniam secundam, Flaviam, Maximiam, Va∣lentiam. Prima dicta est occidentalis Pars Insulae, Britannia secunda Cantia, Tertia Flavia, quæ & Mercia; Quarta Maximia id est Eboraca. Quinta valentîa scilicet Albania quæ nunc abusive Scotia dicitur. According to the number of Provinces, which it had in the time of the Pagans, the Island of Britany hath five Metropolitan Cities; for according to the Tome of Anacletus Bi∣shop of Rome, as it is contained in the Decrees of the Popes of Rome, and Emperors, directed to the Bishops of France, according to the State of the Gentiles, before the coming of Christ, Brittain had five Provinces, Brittain the first, Brittain the second, Flavia, Maximia, Valentia; the first was the West part of the Island, the second Kent, the third Flavia, called also Mercia, the fourth Maximia, that is to say York; the fifth Valentia; Albania, now corruptly, called Scotland: The Metropolitan City of the first Brittain was Caerlegeon: The Metropolitan of

the second Dorobernia, now Canterbury: In the third London; in the fourth York; and in the fifth, Alba taken to be the City now named St. Andrews. Thus far Giraldus of St. Anacletus Tome, extant in his time, as he hath witnessed:

* 1.49York is now esteemed the second City of England by some (though others think Norwich, and not a few Bristoll) both for fame and greatness; a pleasant large and stately place, well fortified and beautifully adorned, as well with private as publick Edifices, and rich and po∣pulous withall; seated on the river Ouse, which cutteth it as it were in twain, both parts be∣ing joyned together with a fair stone bridge, consisting of high and mighty arches. A City of great fame in the Roman times, and of as eminent reputation in all ages since, and in the several turns and changes which have befallen this Kingdom under the Saxons, Danes, and Normans hath still preserved its ancient Custom; adorned it was with an Archiepiscopal See in the time of the Brittains, nor stooped it lower when the Saxons received the Faith: Ri∣chard the second laying to it a little Territory on the west side thereof, made it a County of it self, in which the Archbishops of York did enjoy the rights of Palatines: and for a further lustre to it, Hen. 8. appointed there a Councel for the Government of the Northern parts, consisting of a Lord President, certain Councellors, a Secretary, and other Officers: And yet in none of these hath York been more fortunate, then that it hath adorned so many Princes of the Imperial Line of Germany, and blood Royal of England.

The Line of YORK.

1461.	36. Edward the IV. 23.
1483.	37. Edward the V.
1483.	38. Richard the III.

With the Title and Honour, Stile, and attribute of Otho of Bavaria, Earl of York. Gules two Lions Passant Gardant, Or.

[illustration]

• Edmund of Langley, fifth Son to King Edward 3. Earl of Camb. and D. of York.
• Edw. Plantagenet Son of Edmund of Langley, Earl of Rutland, and D. of York.
• Richard Plantagenet, Nephew of Edmund of Langley, by his Son Richard, Earl of Cam∣bridge, D. of York.
• Richard of Shrewsbury second Son to King Edw. 4. D. of York.
• Henry 2. Son to King Hen. 7. D. of York.
• Charles 2. Son to King James D. of York.
• James 2. Son of King Charles, D. of York.

Let us return again to our valiant and fortunate King Ebranck, who having happily and with great Successe finished his Forrain Wars, and living in peace, the mother of plenty, at home, lends all his cares and endeavours, both to beautifie and strengthen Brittania, as we may partly see in what is already declared of York: which work finished, he proceeded to a second Erection; and laid the foundation of Alcuid or Alcluid in Albania, now Scotland, which Hector Boetius,* 1.50 the Scotch Historian, in honour of his Country, imagines to be Dunbrit∣ta n: but another Author, to whom I give more credit, saith: And the old Flamens City Alcluid or Alclucht, was also founded by the same King (viz. Ebranck) of Brittain. There is a question where this City for certain was, but all agree, near the wall of division, and so the priviledges and power thereof must probably extend on both sides of that division. The City Caerlile or Lugugablia, was a place of this prerogative, builded by Leil, the seventh in number of the Brittish Kings; and out of doubt had power and prerogative in both sides of the wall, both in Leogria and Albania, having as our Antiquaries say, and experience yet proveth, in it, part of that famous Wall of Separation, habet hæc urbs aliquam partem illius muri famosi qui transcindit Northumbriam, Ranulphus Higedon, and others, placeth an old

City Ʋrbs Beble, Ʋrbs Regia, a Regal City upon the River of Twyde, super ripam Twydi, which divideth England and Scotland; and if it was a Flamen or Bishops See, as the ancient glory of it perswadeth to think, the jurisdiction of it must needs extend into Albania.

The third notable place which this Ebranck founded was the Castle of Maidens, which stand∣eth at the one end of the City of Edenbrough, a Castle by the Scots thought so impregnable that the grand Seignior himself with all his numerous Armies could not be able to surprize it, but the valour and courage of the English in these late wars maugre all their Scotch juglings, and sanctity, made them know the contrary, who now have it in their possession as a curb to check that—Nation. This Castle of Maidens or rather Edenborough it self was also an ancient Flamins City and Residence, and after Converted into an Episcopall See.

Ebrancus not yet content with such Edifices as he had already erected layeth a fourth Foun∣dation, and called it Bamburgh, but whether this was the place which we now call Bambury, Burgh, and Bury in their several Languages signifying the same thing I will not decide: if it were, Mr. Cambden saith, Hic Banburie quondam Bananbyniz primum perfundit ad quod Kinricus visisaxo Britannos pro aris & focis fortiter Dimicantes memorabili prælio olim fudit; & superiori saeculo Ricardus Nevill comes Warwicensis dum à Lancastrensibus partibus staret Ebo∣racenses profligavit, ut statim etiam ipsum Edwardum 4. consilii innopem caeperit & abduxerit: Nunc autem conficiendo Caseum notissimum. Here Kinricus the Visisaxon in a most memorable battle overthrew the Brittains most valiantly fighting for their lives, liberties and Religion; and in later times, Richard Nevill Earl of Warwick being for the Lancastrian party, so vanquished King Edward the Fourth that ignorant which way to turn himself, he took him and carried him away; the place is now famous for excellent Cheese, &c.

To end his dayes with famous glory, this heroick King laid the Foundation of that long conti∣nued and learned University now called Oxford, which was first known by the name of Caer Mennix, and after Bellesitum a name most fit for so pleasant a place, and after Caer Bossa Rhy∣dohen, in conclusion Oxenford of a certain. Ford called Isis, in English Ouse,* 1.51 and so instead of Ouseford, Oxenford or Oxford, upon which word a Student there, to prefer his own Univer∣sity before Cambridge for Antiquity, Quibles thus; the Ox went over the Ford and then Came¦bridge: Others call it Caer Mennip. Galfridus calls it Caer pen huelgoit, Leland from the Anti∣quities of Dover, writeth that it was a City before the time of K. Arviragus that builded the Castle adjoyning, and nameth it a most renowned city, and that King Lucius builded a Church in the said Castle, Referunt & idem Annales Lucium regem Britannorum, &c. Whosoever desireth a further and more large satisfaction concerning the erecting of the several Colledges Churches. Monasteries, Halls and Schools, let him peruse Mr. Cambden in Oxfordshire.

Ebranck after he had reigned Forty years and builded so many goodly Cities, departed out of this life, whose Corps were buried or burned, at York his Obsequies being celebrated with great solemnity, and left to succeed him in his Kingdome his Son Brutus the second sirna∣med. Green shileld.

BRƲTE GREEN-SHIELD.

BRute the Second, eldest Son of Evranck, succeeded in the Kingdome, and for that his Father had received a repulse as some write at the hand of Brunchildis Lord of Henalt, Ha∣nolt or Hannonia which lyeth on the East of Flanders, 60 miles long and 48 broad, containing 950 Villages and 24 Towns besides Castles. The chief are Banais supposed to stand in the same place where the ancient Belgium was built, Mons, Condè Valencennes, &c. he in revenge thereof Invaded Henalt with a great Army in the Fens and Marsh land at the mouth of the River Scaldis (in old time called Stadus) and encamped himself upon the River Hania where between Brutus and Brunchildis was fought a fierce and bloody battel in that place, which to this day is called Estambruges of the station and Camp of Brutus, as Jacobus Lessabeus writeth in his description of Henalt, This Brute of his lusty courage, was sirnamed Greenshield he reign'd twelve years and was buried at Caer Ebranck or York.

LEIL.

LEillus, or Leill Son of Brute the second commonly called Green-shield, began his Reign over the Kingdome of Great Brittaine in the year of the worlds Creation Four thousand two Hundred fifty four, he was a just man and one who highly esteemed Justice and Dignity, and imitating the worthiest of his Predecessors in erecting ornaments for his Kingdome; he laid the foundation and in time fully built the City of Carliele. The Romans and Brittains had several appellations for this place, sometimes calling it Lugu-vallum, and Lugu-ballium, and some∣times Lugu-baliam, and Caerliel. The Saxons after they had possest themselves of this Island called it Luell as St. Bede affirmeth, Ptolomeus as some seem to affirm called it Leucopibiam and Nennius caer Lualid; the old Prophesies of the Brittains, which Mr. Cambden calls ridicula

Britannorum vaticinia, indeed he never was Friend to the Brittains and Welsh.) Ʋrbem Duballi at this day well known it is by the name of Caerlile, and by the Latines, Caeliolum, Lugum or Lucum, priscis Celtis, who spake the same language with the Brittains, as Mr. Cambden imagineth and but imagineth; Pomponius Mela tells us it signified a Tower or Fortification, and Caerlile or Lugu vallum is as much as to say Turris or munimentum ad vallum; certain it is that this City flourished and was in high esteem with the Romans as may appear by several Monuments of great Antiquity which have been digged up and found there, and although it suffered great detriment and ruine by the irruptions and inroades of the barbarous Picts and Scots, yet it ever retained the stile and dignity of a City. In processe of time, to wit, in the 619 year of the Incarnation of our Lord and Saviour Christ Jesus, Egfridus King of the Northumbers gave it to St. Cuthbert, these are the words of the Donation, Donavi etiam civitatem quæ vocatur Caerlile Luguballia & in circuitu ejus xv.* 1.52 milliaria, at which time the walls were firme and whole: venerable Bede affirmeth, Cuthbertum duxerunt cives ut maenia videret fontem{que} in ea quendam Romanorum opere extructum, The Citizens led Cuthbert to behold the walls and view a Fountaine which the Romans formerly had made; who as saith the Register or book of Durham, congregationem sanctimonielium & Abbatissam ordinavit scholas{que} ibi constituit, who in∣stituted there a Cloyster of Religious Virgins or Nuns, and also Schooles; but the fury of the Danes afterwards so demolished and destroyed this City that for the space of near upon two hundred years it lay buried in its own ashes. William of Malmesbury saith, That in this City Visum erat triclinium Romanum ex lapidibus fornacibus concameratum quod nulla unquam tem∣pestatum injuria aut ignium flamma labefactare potuit, in cujus fronte scriptum erat Marii VICTORIA, some suppose this Marius was that gallant Arviragus the Brittain, of whom we shall have occasion to speak much hereafter. William commonly called Rufus reedified this so long buried Caerlile, and furnished it with stately Buildings, strengthing it with a Princely Castle, though some think that Richard 3. by reason of his Arms found there in the building, erected it. These are Mr. Cambden's words, Ad occidentem est castrum satis magno ambitu quod Regem, Ric. 3. ex insignibus vendicat: The same Author further saith, that Caerlile est Ʋrbs vetustissima à Septentrione Itunae, (i.) Eden, alveo, ab Ortu Peterillo (i.) Peterell, ab occasu Cauda (i.) Cauda & præter hæc defendentis naturae munimentis firmis maenibus è saxo, Castello, & Cita∣della quam vocant armata: And a little after, Ad ortum vero Citadella quam propugnaculis variis firmo opere posuit Hen. 8. defenditur. Thus much for the honour of our Brittish King Leill the Founder of this ancient and strong City, a Bulwark against the Scots, of which I could say more, but it may be it would be out of season; and therefore I will onely tell you that Caerlile hath given the honour of Earl onely to two Families.

• 1. To Andrew de Harcla, who did bear for his Arms, argent a cross gules, upon the canton point a Mertlet sable; but for proving a Traytor, his Armes reversed, his Spurs hackt from his heels, and all his Honours being taken from him, he was Drawn, Hanged, and, Quartered.
• The second, James Hay Viscount Doncaster, Created E. of Caerlile, 18 Jac. Sept. 17. James Hay, &c. Argent 3 escoucheons Gules.

King Leill also repaired Chester, which Ptolomy calls DEVNANA, Antoninus, DENAM from the River Dena or Dina. The first Inhabitants of this Isle, the ancient Brittains, called it Caerlegion, Caerleon Vaur, Caerleon or Dufyr Dwy; and Caer as who would say the City, or the only City in way of eminency and superiority. The Saxons called it Leze acentep, names which without all doubt were taken from the Legion which was called Victrix, sent into these remote parts, the Pretorian and Consular Legats standing in fear of it: Some, as Mr. Hen. Bradshaw for one, will bring and deduce the Name from a terrible Gyant long before Brute, and to make their invention good, they call this Gyant Leon Vaur; but being before Brute how he came by this Brittish name, my brains cannot find, and therefore as a fictitious ima∣gination and mere Chymera I leave it: but that the xx. Legion called Victrex resided in this City, it is most apparent by the Coyns oft found there: the one side having this Inscription, Col. DINANA LEG. XX. Victrix: but now there remains very few Marks and Signes of the Roman magnificence and state, unlesse some small parcels of checker or Mosaick, work, which are usually found where the Romans formerly inhabited. Hear what Ranulphus once a Monk of this City saith concerning these Antiquities, these are his words, Viae sunt hic subter∣raneae lapideo opere mirabiliter testudineatae, triclinia concamerata, Insculpti lapides prægrandes antiquorum nomina præferentes; hic & numismata Julii Cæsaris aliorum{que} illustrium inscriptione insiguita quando{que} sunt effossa; Here are passages under ground with stone-work most wonde∣rously vaulted over, banquetting rooms with arched roofs; vast stones inscribed with the names of ancient Romans; Coyns stamped with the Inscription of Julius Cæsar and other fa∣mous Commanders. Rogerus Cestrensis in Policratico saith, Intuenti fundamenta lapidum in viis, ingenio videtur potius Romano sive Gyganteo labore quam Britannico sudore sundata, Whosoever shall view the foundations and consider the vast proportion and huge bulk of the stones, shall judge the work rather finished by the toyl and labour of Gyants or the ingenious Roman industry, then by the sweat of any Brittish brow: the City is quadrate, the Walls containing four Miles in compasse; the building beautiful and neat, the prime Streets so deckt

with Galleries, that in rainy dayes passengers walk dry; the Castle is of late erection: this City hath been defaced several times, once by Egfride King of the Northumbers, after by the Danes; often repaired by Adelfleda Lady and Queen of the Mercians. Over the River Dena or Dee a fair stone-bridge leadeth, built upon eight Arches, at either end whereof is a Gate from whence in a long quadran-wise the Walls do encompasse the City, high and strong built, with four fair Gates opening unto the four winds, besides, three Posterns with four Watch-towers, extending in compasse 1940 paces.

On the South side is mounted a strong and stately Castle, on the North side is the Minster first built by Earl Lerfrick to the honour of St. Werburga the Virgin, and after most sumptu∣ously repaired by Hugh the first Earl of Chester of the Normans; Now the Cathedral of the Bishops See. Herein lyeth interred (as report doth relate) the body of Henry the 4. Emperor of Almain, who leaving his Imperial estate, led lastly an Hermits life.

Who built this stately and ancient City appeareth not, but in that it was repaired by the Brittish Leill, to him the glory must needs belong; to the Romans thanks belong for its first name, or at least to the twentieth Legion called Victrix; a Legion of the Romans (as Vige∣tius reporteth) contained 6000 Souldiers or more, and was divided into ten bands, the first exceeding all the rest both in number and estimation; For this band bare the Eagle which was the chief Standard of all the Romans; it contained 1105 Foot men, heavy armed; Horsemen 132. and was named Cohors Miliaria, that is to say, a company of One thousand and more souldiers. This Band hath the preheminence above all the Legions when they go to Fight; for they are placed in the Forefront and begin the battel. The second Band contai∣neth 555 Footmen and 66 Horsemen of heavy Armour, and is called Cohors Quinquegintaria. The third band hath also 555 Footmen and 66 Horsemen. The Fifth had as many. These Five bands are set in array in the first battel; The other Five bands have equally each band the like number; so that these ten bands make a compleat Legion, containing 6100 Footmen and 726. Horsemen. King Leill in the end of his Reign fell to sloth and lust, whereby civil dissentions arose, which ended not in his life. He reigned 25 years, and was buried at Caleile alias Chester, which hath given the honour of Earle to these honourable Families.

• 1. Hugh sirnamed Lupus, Azure, a Wolfs head erased Argent.
• 2. Richard Son of Hugh, Gules crutely Or, a Wolfs head erased Arg.
• 3. Randolph de Meschines, Or, a Lyon rampant with his tail erected Gules.
• 4. Randolph de Gernoniis, Gules a Lyon rampant with his tail erected Arg.
• 5. Hugh Kivilioc son of Randolph, Azure 6 garbs 3. 2. 1.
• 6. Randolph Blondevil Son of Hugh, Azure 3 garbs, Or.
• 7. John le Scot Son to the Lady Maud, eldest sister of Randolph, Or, 3 piles Gules.
• Edward eldest Son to K. Ed. 3. England, a label of 3 points.
• Symon de Montfort E. of Leicester, after whose death Chester was laid unto the Crown, and hath been since united to the Principality of Wales.

Lud or Lud Hurdribras alias Cicuber.

KIng Lud, his Father being Dead, with general applause and consent ascends the Royall Throne of great Brittaine, in the Year of the Worlds Creation, 4279. as Mr. Fabian ac∣counteth; the First businesse which he took in hand was to settle his Kingdom, for his Father towards the latter end of his Age addicting himself to sloath, and giving way to the youthful sin of lust, a vice most hateful in an old Man, gave occasion to his Subjects who lived in Ease, Wealth and Delights to stir up commotions and dissentions, these, broyls, Lud though young yet wisely endeavours by all means and diligence to suppresse, knowing that peace and quiet is the Object and chief effect which all distempers and Wars how just soever aim'd at; by his studious endeavours and assistance of faithful Friends and careful Councellours, he obtains his desire; and having settled all distempers and reduced them to their due order and mo∣tion he set his mind wholly upon the beautifying of Britanny, and therefore in imitation of his Royal Progenitors, he begins a City which he calls Caer gant or Kaer kin, which after∣wards the Saxons call Canterbury, which is to say, the Court of Kentishmen.

True it is that Canterbury is now a Metropolitan Church and Archbishops See, but it never had an Archflamen. St. Augustine out of an affection of his own (though some Authors affirm London according to the general rule of placing Archbishops where Archflamens were, and bi∣shops where Flamens was appointed by Pope Gregory) to be the place, there settled his Ar∣chiepiscopal chair.

For Canterbury, it was first a Flamens Seat, And the old Manuscript History called Abbre∣viatios Chronicorum saith in this time, and setling of Bishops in King Lucius his Reign, That the old Church of St. Martins was builded, tunc constructa est extra Cantuariam Ecclesia sancti Mar∣tini, and to notifie that he meant thereby a Cathedral and Episcopal Church, he addeth this when he speaketh of changing Flamens into Bishops; and all Histories testifie, that the holy Bishop Lethardus which came hither with Queen Bertha before St. Augustin's time, used it as his Episcopal See; And Canterbury besides the Arch-bishop had another Bishop in that

Church of Saint Martin divers hundreds of years, and Mr. Lambert the Antiquary of Kent saith from Antiquities, St. Martins Church built by the Romans in Canterbury was a bishops See untill the Normans came in, and so two in one City thus substitute to the Arch∣bishop.

* 1.53And that Canterbury was a Primates See, Mr. Broughton, fol. 178. out of other Authors, Ex Anacleto hujus Insulae divisionem, Canterburie, London, Caerlegion, York, and Alba in Scotland, by some taken to be St. Andrews, Ʋrbs Legionum Cantuaria, Londonia, Eboraca & Alba, unde Albania Provincia were designed Primate Sees, for such, as Giraldus Cambren∣sis in his second book to Innocentius the 3. Sir John Price, Matthew Parker the first Arch-bishop of Canterbury with others testifie.

Mr. Cambden calls this City Dorovernum, saying, that the River Stoure runs most swiftly by it, which seems partly to give name unto it, for that Durwherne signifies in the Brittish tongue a swift or fierce running river; he saith it is, Ʋrbs pervetusta Romanoque seculo proculdubio il∣lustris: And Malmesbury tels us, Nec adeo magna, nec euiliter parva, quæ & terrae positione so∣li assinis maxima ubertate, & integro murorum ambitu, fluviis irriguae, nemorum opportunitate inclyta, præterea maris vicinitate piscium faecunda: if any desire to satisfie himself further con∣cerning this famous and glorious Brittish City, let him read Mr. Cambden in his description of Kent.

The next City which King Lud founded was Caerguent; Ptolomeus and Antoninus call this City Venta Belgarum, the Saxons þinvancesvor, the Latines Vintonia, at this day Win∣chester: some seem to derive the Etymologie from Vento, others from Vine, and not a few from Wina the Bishop. But Lelands conjecture pleaseth better, who from the Brittish word Guin or Guen i. e. white, doth derive it, and so maketh Caer Guin, the White City; so ab albedine prisci latini Albam Longam, & Albam Regiam nominarunt; for this venta, as the other two Venta Icenorum, and Venta silurum, in the midst between Chepstow and Caerleon in Monmouth∣shire, in times past a Flamens Seat, a City, and an University or School of Philosophers, Nunc seges est ubi venta fuit, the high way ••or road is through the midst of it: This City was remarkable in the Romans days, In qua textrina sua sacra Imperatores Romani habuisse vide∣rentur, their weaving houses; for according to Guidus Pancirolus, illa Gynecia constituta sunt texendis principis ut militum vestibus, navium velis, stragulis, aliis, & ad Instruendas mansiones necessariis, to weave vestures and garments for Princes and Souldiers, sails for ships, linnen coverings or coverlids, and other necessaries to furnish habitations; the Cathedral Church of Winchester (saith Godwin) according to a respect that I finde in an old Manuscript, was first built and erected by King Lucius, and to speak further in his words; This Church was hal∣lowed and dedicated October the 29. 189. by Faganus and Damianus Bishops; and he proveth from the same Antiquity, that in the year 309. one Constance was Bishop there; and in Saint Dubritius time,* 1.54 by the Brittish History, Dinuanius was also bishop there, Episcopatus Guintonia Dinvanio decernitur; the same author produceth an old Manuscript, which testifieth another (Monasterie) founded at Winchester; only his error is (which the Antiquity doth not say, that it was the Cathedral Church, confounding them as one, whereas both the Brittish History and Matthew of Westminster, make them two several Churches; otherwise he thus truly writeth, a Church in Winchester, according to a report that I find in an old Manuscript, was first built and erected by King Lucius, who abolishing Paganisme, embraced Christ about the year of our Lord 180. and placing Monks in the same, allotted for their maintenance large Reve∣nues, which heretofore had belonged for the most part unto the Flamens, and other Heathenish Priests; and this Monasterie so continued untill the persecution of Dioclesian, when it was destroyed and the Monks martyred or dispersed; yet upon the ceasing of the persecution, it was presently within one year and thirty days new builded, and the Church hallowed and dedicated unto the honour and memory of Amphibalus (who was a noble Brittain) that had suffered death for Christ in the late persecution, by Constans bishop of Winchester, in the year 309. the 15. day of March, at the request of Deodatus the Abbot: The first Dedication of that Church in King Lucius time,* 1.55 by the two Legats Faganus and Damianus bishops was by that old Antiquity, October the 29. 189. The Antiquities of Winchester make it more ancient: and it thus continued a famous Monasterie until the year 519. at which time Cerdick the first King of the West Saxons, converted the Church into a Temple of Dagon, and either slew or chased away all the Monks. This was that holy Sanctuary, whither to the Altar of this Church one of the Sons of Mordred did flie for succour against Constantine the younger, who there cruelly slew him before the Altar, Constantinus filios Mor••redi caepit & alterum juvenem Win∣toniae in Ecclesiam Sancti Amphibali fugientem aute altare trucida••it, in the year 543. others say that it continued within 17 years of St. Augustin's coming hither, others continue Christi∣ans there for longer time.

Winchester hath honoured both Earls and Marquesses with their Titles; As first:

• 1. Saer de Quincy, E. a Fess. and labell of xi. points.
• 2. Robert de Quincy, Gules 7. Mascles, Or 33. 1.
• 3. Hugh de Spencer, Quarterly the first and 4. arg. the 2. and 3. each charged with a fret, Or, a bond sable.

• 4. Lewes de Bruges, Azure, 10 Mascles, 4. 3. 2 and 1. Or on a Canton Gules a Lyon passant gardant, of the second.
• 5. William Pawlett E. of Wiltshire and Marquesse of Winchester.
• 6. John Pawlett.
• 7. William Pawlett.
• 8. William Pawlett.
• 9. John Pawlet Marquesse of Winchester, 1657. Sable, 3 swords in pile, Argent hilts and pomels, Or, a mullet for difference.

The Third City which this King built was Caer Septon now called Shaftsbury, and Caer Paladur ut falso vulgus putabat, saith Mr Cambden; for he takes and draws what he can from Brittish glory: it seems the Welshmen gave him no liberal hospitality in his travels; for he is no friend of theirs, he will by all means ascribe the building of this place to King Alfred producing this Monument and Malmsburiensis for his Author.

Anno Dominicæ Incarnationis Elfridus Rex fecit hanc Ʋrbem DCCCLXXX. Regni sui VIII.

The Saxons called this place Scheafverbyryg it may be from the broach or spice, which in their language they call Scheaf, in this place one Aquila, whether Man or Eagle is in∣certain, by the report of Historians is said to have prophesied the future times of this Empire, and that after the Reigns of the Saxons and Normans it should again return unto the Govern∣ment of the Brittish Kings. In this City was St. Edward the Martyr Son of Edgar, and one and thirtieth Monarch of the English Nation interred, 972. being murdered at Corf Castle by his Stepmother Aelfrith to make way for her own Son to the Crown. But as concerning Mr. Cambden, who would gladly take away the glory of building this place from the Brittons the Predecessors and Forefathers of the Welshmen, so abusively called by their Enemies, and confer it upon the Saxons; Hear what a learned Writer saith, and a deep Searcher into An∣tiquities, having demonstrated where the Primates and Metropolitans of this Ile have their Sees (which I will shew you as occasion requires) after tells you where the Suffragans or ordi∣nary bishops had theirs; taking two Rules for his direction, From Antiquity the one, that they were placed as the custom was in our Brittish Cities; the other, that they were ordained where the Pagan Flamens were before. Gildas writeth that Brittain had 28 Cities besides strong Castles, bis denis bis{que} quaternis civitatibus instructa, but he names them not; but Ranulphus Higeden the Monk of Chester citing Alfridus, tells us thus, Regio Britanniae erat quondam civitatibus nobi∣lissimis 28 Insignita; The Country of Britain was in old times adorned with 28 Cities, beside innumerable number of Castles defensed with strong Walls, Towers, Gates and Locks. The Names of the Cities were these, Caer Lud, (i.e.) London. Caer Ebrane, (i.e.) York. Caer Kent, Canterbury. Caergorongon, Worcester. Caerlyrion, Leicester. Caer Glau, Glocester. Caer Golden, Colchester. Caerrei, Chichester, which the Saxons anciently called Cissancester. Caer Ceri, Cirencester. Caer went, Winchester. Caergrant, Cambridge. Caerlile Luguba∣lia, Caerlile. Caerperis, Porchester. Caer drom, Dorchester. Caerludcoit, Lincoln. Caer Merthin, (i. e.) the City of Merlin, Caersegen, Silcester was, is seated upon Thames not far from Reading. Caerthleon or Caerlegion, (i. e.) the City of Legions, which first was called Lenscester, but now Chester. Caer Badon, Bath, which sometime was called the City of Acha∣mannus. Caer Paladur, (now ut falso credebat vulgus, good Mr. Cambden here are Authors above vulgar people) Septona now called Shaftsbury; there are also other names of Cities sound in Chronicles. This King reigned 29 years, or as Fabian saith 39. who calls Septon or Shaftsbury Mount Paladur, by reason that it is seated upon a Hill.

BLADƲD the Son of Lud Hardibras

BLadud the Son of Hardibras, took upon him the Crown of this Iland in the year of the Worlds creation, 4318. This King was much addicted to Learning, insomuch that he undertook a Journey to Athens, the most famous City in the World, for the knowledge of Philosophy, Astrology, and all other Sciences whatsoever, there fully to be instructed by the grave Philosophers of that place; neither was he content to become learned himself, learning indeed being the greatest ornament a Prince can have, but he endeavoured likewise to confer so great a Treasure upon the Nobles of his Court and Subjects of his Realm, and to that end he brought from Athens with him into our Brittain, four learned Philosophers to lay a plat∣form, and found an habitation for the Muses and Nursery for Learning making choice of Stam∣ford

in Lincolnshire for his design and purpose. Mr. Cambden according to his wonted cu∣stome not willing to write any thing which may advance the glory of the Welsh or Brittish Nation, giveth a slender account of this place, saying that the Saxons called it Sveanford ex Saxo structili; and that Edward the Elder, built them a Castle against the Danes, which at this day is quite demolished; and that Henry the Second, gave totam Villatam de Stanford quæ erat in Dominio suo exceptis feodis Baronum & Militum ejusdem Villae Richardo de Humetz sive Humete, &c. and that afterwards Gulielmus comes Warrenae eandem tenuit per voluntatem Regis Joannis; that in the time of Edward the 3. by reason of a division and falling out a∣mongst the Scholars of Oxford, the one Part came hither and here opened Schools and began a third University, of which as yet the Citizens boast: but the intestine broiles between the Yorkists and Lancastrians so defaced this famous place, that as yet it hath scarce recovered its pristine glory; yet it so flourisheth at this day, that it hath an Alderman and twenty four Brethren, seven parish Churches, two Hospitals, the one very fair and ancient, built by a Citizen of that place, called William Brown; the other of late Erection, founded by William Cecill Baron of Burleigh, the Nestor of his times.

But let us look a little beyond the Saxons by Mr. Cambden's leave; the Author cited in the Margent writing of K. Bladud saith,* 1.56 Hunc principem diustuduisse Athenis, inde{que} secum abdux∣isse quatuor Philosophos qui Scholas aperirent in Britannia eo loco quo post Ʋrbs dicta Stanfordia structa fuit, & quo universi litterarum artium{que} studiosi magno numero undicun{que} convenerunt adeo ut Juvenalis Saty. 15. dixerit.

Nunc totus Graias nostras{que} habet Orbis Athenas.

This Prince studied long at Athens, and from thence brought with him four Philosophers who taught School at Stanford, whither such as desired Literature and the knowledge of Arts flocked from all places; nay, he further bringeth in Caius Plinius, lib. 3. c. 1. to tell you that propter illicitas artes Magicas usitatas in Britannia, scripserit Magiam esse transgressam quoque Oceanum, & ad inane naturae provectam, honorari quidem tantis ceremoniis in Brittannia, ut ipsa illam Persis dedisse, atque in ea re toti mundo quanquam ignoto sibi longe{que} distanti consentire videatur.

* 1.57And again another Author, having spoken of Cambridge, proceedeth and saith; so may we more then probably hold of our other Schools and Universities in this our Brittain then, namely Stanford founded by King Bladud and furnished with Philosophers of Athens by him, and so continued a place of Learning untill the coming of St. Augustine hither, when it was by the Pope interdicted for Heresies.

This King not only founded Stanford and furnished it with Philosophers to instruct Youth in learning and other qualities to inform and beautifie the intellectual part, but built the famous City now called Bath, and so provided Waters and hot Springs that his Subjects might not alone take pleasure and delight in those warm and pleasing Baths, but even by their occult Vertue find ease and relief for their infected and diseased limbs and members. Wil∣liam of Malmesbury will have Julius Cæsar the Author of these Baths: But Richardus Vitus tells the old Monk, Id opus falso à quibusdam Julio Cæsari assignari cum ille ad illum locum nunquam pervenisset; That work is falsly attributed to Julius Cæsar who never came so far as that place: Another Monk will have St. David to have been Causer of the hot baths saying, At the place now called Glastenburie,* 1.58 He (viz. St. David) built a Church new from the ground; and coming thence to Bath, he cured the Infection of the Waters thereabouts, and with his holy prayers and benedictions, gave them a perpetual heat, and made them very healthfull and sove∣raign for many diseases ever after, as to this day is experienced, to the wonderfull comfort and commodity of all England. But this Relation is as true, as is that other of his, where out of ig∣norance, he placeth the Metropolitan See of Wales at West-chester; and that's as true as that the Sea burns; for I will make it appear in the sequel of this Book, that Caer leon upon Ʋsk, and not Caer leon gaur, was the Arch-bishops See. Ptolomeus calls this Caer Badon, Aquas folis & Thermas, and aquæ calidae; some called it Akmanchester (i. e.) the City of such as are sick or troubled with aches. Stephanus calls this city Badiza, the Latines Bathonia, the English Bath. Cambden will have this city to be Caer Paladur, that is the city of warm or hot-wa∣ter, but will not admit Bleyden cloyth (i. e.) Bleyden, the Magician to be the builder; and therefore rather then allow the Foundation thereof to a Brittain; he produceth no Founder at all. Solinus, cap. 24. saith, In Brittannia sunt fontes calidi opiparo apparatu exculti ad usus mortalium quibus fontibus præsul est Minervae numen, in cujus aede ignes perpetui, &c. In Brit∣tannie there are hot baths adorned with exquisite buildings for mortals use and convenience, dedicated to Minerva, in whose sacred Temple is kept perpetual fire which is never permitted to go out. Athenaeus scribit Herculi balnea consecrata esse quæ sua natura scatent è visceribus terrae, sane quidem Graeci Palladem Herculi post labores exantlatos lavacra primum administrasse den onstrant.

These two Acts of this learned King, had he proceeded no farther, had left his Name famous to all Posterity; as likewise his building a Temple to Apollo and placing therein a ••••amen, which after in King Lucius his time became the See of a Christian bishop; but pride and vain-glory made him become ridiculous, (as indeed these two Vices have the power to make all

men who follow them;) his vain thoughts being composed more of Air then any other Ele∣ment, tickle him with ambition to leave the Earth and live in the Air, he beats his brains how to bring this his new conceived invention to a timely birth, he provides feathers, wax, glew, and all such Utensils as his abused brains apprehended necessary to quillifie him into the nature of a fowl or rather a fool: and thus like Esops crow deckt with feathers not his own, he appears more formidable and monstrous then the Griffons in the Mountains of Armenia.

Et ignotas animam dimittit in artes Naturam{que} novat, nam ponit in ordine pennas A minima caeptas longam breviore sequente.

Et postquam manus ultima cæpto Imposita est, geminas opifex libravit in alas Ipse suum corpus, mota{que} pependit in aura,

Cœli{que} cupidine tactus Altius egit iter; rapidi vicinia Solis Mollit odoratas pennarum vincula ceras, Tabuerant cerae: nudos quatit ille lacertos, Remigio{que} carens non ullas concipit auras.

And so destitute of help he falls headlong, a just reward of his temerity, and breaks his neck upon the Temple of Troynovant, as some affirm, having Reigned 20 years.

The Greeks and Latines gave Names to this place according to the nature and condition of the Waters or Baths, there being 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 hot waters, Aquæ solis waters of the Sun. Bath is the chief City in Somersetshire, seated in a very low plain, and round about environed with Hills very high and steep; From whence come many Rivulets and fresh water-springs to the great commodity of the people; but that which brings most wealth unto the place, are not the Waters from without but those within, sending up from them much thin vapours and a strong scent withall, which springs are very medicinable for many diseases. Three of those Springs there are in all, the waters of which being received in large and fitting receptacles for the publick use, they call the Kings Bath, the Cross Bath, and the hot Bath: the Cathe∣dral a fair Church, but belonging to Moncks, found the heavy hand of K. H. 8. but it is now in indifferent repair. Earl it had none till the time of Hen. 7. since it hath had divers.

Earls of BATH.

• 1. Philbert de Chandew of little Brittain.
• 2. John Bourchier Lord Fitzwarren Created E. of Bath. Hen. 8. July 10.
• 3. John Bourchier.
• 4. William Bourchier.
• 5. Edward Bourchier.
• 6. Henry Bourchier.

Argent a Cross engrailed Gules inter 4 water bougets sable, a label of 3 points Azure charged with 9 flower de luces, Or.

[illustration]

LEIR the Son of BLADUD.

LEIR the Son of Bladud, (his Father through his own Arrogancy, Ambition and Vanity, or rather Foolery, saepe feruntur in altum ut lapsu graviore ruant; having soared to too high a place, and so in a hasty stooping broke his neck) began his Reign in the year from the Worlds creation, iiii M. CCC. XXXiii. This King was of a most Noble and Heroick mind, as being questionlesse bred under the Discipline of those Philosophers which his Father had brought from Athens, besides a natural Propension of his own to moral Vertue; insomuch that his Kingdom flourished in great Peace and abundance of Wealth.

This King to imitate his worthy Predecessors, laid the Foundation of a Famous city, calling it after his own Name Caerlirion, and after Leircester: this is one of those 28 cities where Flamens were. Mr. Cambden tells us that it was called Ligecestria, Leogora, Legeocester and Leicester, saying it rather savoured of Antiquity then handsomenesse; yet acknowledeth that it was formerly a bishoprick, but that the See being removed, it much decayed in renown, till at last Edelfleda optima Foemina the best of Women or a very good woman in the year 913. did repair it, and inclose it with new Walls; insomuch that Matthew of Paris in his lesser History saith, Legecestria Ʋrbs pulentissima & munitissim a muro indissolubili, qui si Funda∣mento roboraretur nulli Ʋrbium secunda fuisset; Leicester a most rich city with a wall unbreak∣able, had it had a sufficient Foundation, second to no city whatsoever. In the time of King Henry the 2. this Town was in great distresse and much affliction, by reason that Robert Bossu (i. e.) bunch-backt, Earl of Leicester attempting innovations and conspiracies against his Prince and Soveraign, forced, Henry; Propter contumaciam comitis Roberti contra Regem recalcibran∣tit obsessa est & per Regem Hen. subversa Nobilis civitas Leicestria & murus qui videbatur in∣dissolubilis funditus in circuitu dirutus, Ʋrbs enim muris Fundamento carentibus, sub fossis, & fulciminibus tandem combustis maenium fragmenta, ceciderunt quæ us{que} in hodiernum diem propter caementi indissolubilis tenacitatem scopulorum retinent cum integritate magnitudinem.

King Leir beginning now to be aged and full of years, having no Heir-male, he called unto him his three Daughters, Gonorilla, Ragan and Cordeilla, intending out of the discovery of their love and filial affection and duty towards Him to settle his Kingdome upon them: to the Eldest he said, Daughter, I shall desire you to expresse unto me, how well and dearly you love and esteem me your aged Father; the young Lady hearing a question of so high a nature and so much concerning proposed unto Her, First that her answer may not seem forged or to have any smack or rellish of dissimulation, calls the immortal Gods (being then the custome amongst Pagans) and all the celestial Powers to witnesse her Assertion, and then replies; My Princely Lord and Father, I love you more then my own soul: the feeble old man was much taken with this Answer, resting satisfied, that his Daughter did cordially and entirely love him: He calls for the second, propounds the same question; she thinking to out-vie her El∣dest sister, and thereby to endear and engratiate her self into the old Mans favour, spares no oaths or invocations and imprecations, assuring him that her Tongue was too slender a Messen∣ger to deliver the depth of her affection and duty, and that she loved him far beyond all creatures; Leir is tickled and exceedingly solaced with these two Answers and thinks no mortal Man more happy in his children then himself. Cordeilla is called for, the same interroga∣tory used; she wittily perceiving the deep dissimulation and fawning of her Sisters, replies; My dearest Father, I am much joyed to see you so well pleased with the expressive Answers of my two sisters; for my own part as a Father I have ever honoured, obeyed and loved you, and for ever shall and if you desire further expression from me, Know honoured Sir, That as much as you deserve to be beloved so much I love you and no more.

King LEIR being nothing pleased with the integrity of his third Daughters answer, Obsequium amicos veritas Odium parit; bethinks himself how he may best dispose and bestow his two eldest Daughters to their most content, honour and advancement, the Eldest therefore he espouseth to the Duke of Cornwall, the second to the Duke of Albania, which is now called Scotland, dividing his Kingdom betwixt them in Reversion, and a Moiety for their present maintenance and livelyhood, nothing being left for the poor Lady Cordeilla, whose tongue was the true Embassador of her heart, and whose heart hated all dissimulation and hypocrisie.

Fame who is never slow in reporting the transactions of eminent persons especially Kings, sounds this passage of King Leir in France, and with a shrill Note ecchoes forth, the beauty, modesty, vertue, and all the adorning graces which wait upon Cordeilla. Aganippus (an eminent personage and by some stiled King of France, through a great mistake; for as Policro∣nicon, Petrus Pictaniensis, Robert Gagwine, Antonius Episcopus, and divers others affirm the name of France was not then known, neither were there any Kings, the inhabitants being called Galli and Tributaries to the Romans, and so continued till the time of Valentinianus the Emperor,) hearing Cordeilla's beauty so highly extolled, her vertue so superlatively com∣mended, deems her a fit companion for his Princely bed and fortunes, if so rare a Jewel may be purchased: Upon a mature resolution he sends his Agents to the court of King Leir with

full instructions to demand Cordeilla in Marriage: The offerd Fortune pleaseth the King, yet he fears the success; by reason of his own folly which had given all to the two sisters, and left nothing for the third: Leir returns thanks to Aganippus by his Embassadors, shews a willing∣ness to comply with their Masters request; and withall lays open his unsufficiency to bestow any Dowry upon her; Aganippus enformed by Letters of these passages, is glad his suit and mo∣tion finds friendly acceptance, and far valuing the rich endowments of his so much affected Cordeilla before all terrene riches so he enjoy the beloved treasure of his heart, desires no more: the espousals are with all solemnity celebrated, and Cordeilla answerable to the greatness of her birth and quality, conveyed to Aganippus, who (by the opinion of those who write that France was then governed by twelve Kings) was one, and so Cordeilla a Queen.

Leir having thus happily as might be thought, disposed of his three daughters; being aged, betakes himself to ease and quietness, and so intends to spin out the remnant of his time, but his Sons in Law Monaghlanus and Henninus the Dukes of Cornwall and Albania, envy the happy tranquility of the feeble old King; and each daughter, for all their deep and large ex∣pressions of filial love and duty, Patris inquirit in annos: Leir lives too long, too much at ease, his bones would better become a Sepulchre, then a Throne; and since the fatal Sisters will not of their own accord cut off his thred of life, his daughters by the hands of their ambiti∣ous and covetous husbands will undertake that task: nothing is now heard in Brittaine but the clashing of arms, neighing of horses, thundering of Trumpets, and warlike Musick. The impotent King is begirt on all sides with Martial Troops, and not able to resist two such powerfull enemies, to preserve that small span of life, is forced to flie for succour, being quite forlorn, to his daughter Cordeilla, whom formerly he had so much slighted; The arrival of the Father is not long unknown to the daughter, who acquaints her husband with so sad an accident; Aganippus out of an heroick spirit, compassionating the calamity of a distressed Prince, especially his wives Father, puts on a resolution to chastise and revenge so gross an in∣jury, and to reinvest him in his throne again. Cordeilla is not idle in the mean time, but with all obsequious behaviour like a dutifull childe cherisheth her drooping Father, accomodates him with all Princely provision, with pleasant speeches drives away his melancholy thoughts, and leaves nothing undone or said, which may add vigour and alacrity to his pierced heart: Aganippus arrives in Brittain with his Father in Law, gives battel to the disobedient Rebels, gives them the overthrow, and again establisheth Leir in his Regal dignity; but the Author of so great happiness lived not long after, leaving Cordeilla a sad and disconsolate widow.

King Leir once more holding and guiding the stern of the Brittish Monarchy, passed his time with perfect quietness, the space of three years; after which time he left this transitory world, leaving his daughter Cordeilla, as well she deserved, to succeed him in his Kingdom; his body was buried at Leicester in a Vault under the River side,* 1.59 which he himself had built and consecrated to Janus Bifrons, where the workmen of the Town, when the solemnity of the day came, began all things which they had to do the year following.

Those who undervalue the Brittains call this History in question; yet divers Authors relate it, out of which I will produce one in the same Language, in which he writ, Cum in Senectutem vergere Leir coepisset,* 1.60 Regnum dividere filiasque tres suas idoneis Maritis in manus cum parte regni bene gubernanda tradere cogitavit; Prius tamen ex amore singularum tentare voluit quæ∣nam illarum potiore regni parte censeretur digna. Itaque Gonorilla interrogata respondit, Pa∣trem sibi chariorem esse corde atque anima suæ propria qua viveret; Ragana dixit ipsum super omnes creaturas se diligere. Cordeilla videns his adulationibus acquiescere senem, vicissim tentan∣do quæsivit An usquam filia sit quæ patrem plus quam patrem amare presumat. Ego te semper ut patrem dilexi & diligo, siquid amplius requiris audi signum amoris in te mei: Quantum enim habes & quantum vales tantum te diligo. Pater Iratus eam cum stomacho sic loqui putabat quasi suam senectutem sprevisset: proinde dixit illam cum sororibus nullam in suo regno partem habi∣turam, & consilio procerum regni duas primas nuptui dat, Cornvalliae & Albaniae ducibus, una cum parte media Insulae donec ipse viveret & alteram dimidiam post obitum ejus accipere jube∣bat. Quo tempore Francorum Rex Aganippus fama motus pulchritudinis Cordeillae nunciis missis eam petit in matrimonium sibi dari: Quibus humaniter acceptis pater ait, se daturuni, sed sine terra vel pecunia: Aganippus qui tertiam Galliae (ut Zerixaeus ait) Belgicae partem possi∣debat; virgine tam nobile sola contentus erat.* 1.61 Quam Polidorus Virgilius naturâ præcocis ingenii fuissi dicit, sed interogatam de amore in patrem respondisse; se quidem i lum oculis ferre sem∣perque laturam licet deinde contingeret (de Marito intelligens) amaret ardentius; Quo responso tam etsi pleno sapientiae Leir indignatus indotatam nuptui collocat Regulo Gallo (inquit Polido∣rus) puellae forma capto. Sed haud multo poste à generis ejus mortem expectare censentibus esse nimis longum, spoliatus regno ad Cordeillam fugere coactus est, a qua restituitur in Regnum & ge∣neris interfectis triennium regnat. Hanc inter novem Bellicosas hujus insulae foeminas numerat Ge∣rardus Leighus: Thus much I have added, to confirm the History of our Brittish Leir, and his daughters; I forbear to translate it, having already out of other Authors related the same in effect.

Robert Bossu having put his Soveraign King Hen. 2. to much trouble in repentance of these mischiefs, built the Monastery of St. Marie de Pratis, wherein he became a Canon Regular; and for fifteen years continuance, in sad lamentation, served God in continual prayers: with the like devotion Henry the first, Duke of Lancaster, built an Hospital for an hundred and

ten poor people, with a Collegiat Church, a Dean, twelve Canons Prebendaries, as many Vicars, sufficiently provided for with Revenues, wherein himself lyeth buried; and it was the greatest ornament of that City, untill the hand of King Henry the eight lay over heavy upon all the like foundations, and laid their lofty tops at his own feet: In this City also was buried another Crouch-back, viz. Richard the third, in the Church of the Gray-Friers; but now nothing remains of his Monument, but only the stone chest, wherein he was laid, a drink∣ing Trough now for horses in a common Inne.

This place hath given the Titles of honour to many Honourable Families.

• [year 1057] 1057. 1. Algar the Saxon.
• [year 1103] 1103. 2. Edwin died 1071.
• 3. Robert de Bellamonte, Gules a cinquefoyle Ermine.
• 4. Robert de Bellamont.
• 5. Robert de Bellamont L. Steward.
• 6. Robert de Bellamont, L. high Steward.
• 7. Simon de Montfort married Amicia sister and coheir to the last Earl Robert, L. high Steward.
• 8. Simon de Montfort, L. high Steward, Gules a Lion rampant, his tail double forked salteir wise Argent.
• 9. Edmond Earl of Lancaster, L. high Steward.
• 10. Tho. Earl of Lancaster L. high Steward.
• 11. Hen. D. of Lancaster, L. high Steward.
• 12. Henry D. of Lancaster, L. high Steward. England a Label of 5. points Ermine.
• 13. William of Bavaria, Earl of Heinalt, married the Lady Maud of Lancaster, Bendis losengè, Argent and Azure.
• 14. John of Gaunt, D. of Lancaster, L. high steward. Henry D. of Lancaster, Lord high steward. Quarterly France and England, a Label of 3. points Ermine.
• Robert Dudleigh, Lord Denbigh, &c. Or, a Lyon rampant, his tail double forked, Vert.
• Robert Sidney, Viscount Lisle descended, of a sister of the said Robert.
• Robert Sidney, Earl of Leicester. Or, a Phaon Azure.

CORDEILLA.

THis Heroine Lady, after just revenge taken upon her two sisters husbands, and her fathers and husbands death, by the consent of most Writers, by the joynt suffrages and votes of the Brittains, was admitted to the Royal Scepter, in the year from the worlds creation, four thousand, three hundred, and ninety eight years; she governed her people and subjects, for the space of five years, with great applause, and general liking; but the two sons of her sisters, Morgan of Albania, and Cunedagius of Cambria and Cornwal, envying her prosperity, and thinking themselves injured in their birth-right; their grandfather Leir having divided the kingdom equally betwixt their Mothers upon their Marriages, conspire together, and mu∣stering their forces, invade Cordeilla, and reduce her to that necessity, that she is taken pri∣soner, and by her merciless Nephews cast into Gaol, which she patiently a while endured, but perceiving no hopes to regain her freedom, or repossess her kingdom; scorning to be any longer a slave to her insulting enemies; seeing she could not free her body from bondage; with true Trojan and masculine Heroick Spirit, she makes a divorce between her purer soul and encaged carcass, giving it free power to pass into another world, leaving those parts which participated of drossie mold, to be interred again in the earth, from whence at first it came, at Leicester in the Temple of Janus by the Sepulchre of her father.

Cunedagius and Morgan.

THe obstacle which hindered the designs of these two aspiring Princes (Cordeilla the gal∣lant Brittish Amazon and Virago, being by violent death perpetrated by her own hand, taken out of the way) divide the kingdom betwixt them; and became both kings, in the year of the world, four thousand four hundred and three; but this gallantry lasted not long; for the Court-Gnats, whose life is a perpetual buzzing of news and flatteries, fall upon the ear of Morgan, and so fill his head with projects, that he highly conceives he is injured by the equal dividing of the kingdom, and thus discourses with himself, And am not I the son of Gonorilla, and she the eldest daughter of my Grand-father; to me then as lawfull Heir, Brittains Crown belongs? Why then do I admit a corrival, competitor, and co-equal; one firmament ad∣mits not two Suns, nor one kingdom two kings; no reason I should lose my birth-right, no I am resolved, I will not: Cunedagius shall know that Morgan can rule the Brittains without his help: this fire once kindled, his flattering parasites bring fewel enough to augment it: Cune∣dagius must bear rule no longer, a private life or none at all, must content him; it is no small policy for Princes to have Spies in neighbouring Courts: Cunedagius is quickly enformed of all the passages of his Cozen Morgan, and thinks there is no security in delays; and therefore puts himself into a posture as well to offend as defend; yet to make his case the better, and to ingratiate himself with the subjects, he sends Messengers to Morgan (who is already firing and destroying his Territories) to Treat of a reconciliation and atonement; but Morgan puft up with his imagined good success, and thinking the offer of his kinsman to proceed either from fear or want of ability to resist him, lends a deaf ear to the Treaty of peace, and will have no other Arbitrator but the sword; Cunedagius now resolved, comes into the field and offers battell to his enemy, his cause being just, the Celestial powers seem to second his attempts, and he who would have all or nothing is put to flight; where the Conqueror makes use of his advantage, and taking occasion by the foretop, to prevent all hopes of recruiting, and rallying again, so hotly pursues his victory, that Morgan is chased from place to place, from Province to Province, till being beaten into Cambria, now Wales, a Territory belonging to his Mortal Foe, and there being most sharply put to it, lost his life; yet with this honour, that that Country ever since from him hath had the appellation of Glanmorgan, which is as much as to say, in the vulgar tongue, Morgans Land; and thus after two years joyntlie reigning with his kinsman, Morgan departed this life, leaving Cunedagius to rule alone.

Cunedagius to shew an humble thankfulness to his Gods for so great a Victory, having fully setled his Kingdom, erects a stately Temple to Mars at Perth (which is now St. Johns town) in Albania, now abusively called Scotland, then a part of Brittannia, and inhabited by the Brittish Nation.

We finde, saith my Author, in several Authors and Antiquaries, to speak in their words, that 800. years before the coming of Christ, Cunedagius, King of all Brittain,* 1.62 builded a Temple of Mars at Perth, that is now St. Johns town in Scotland, and placed there a Flamen: Therefore we may not singularly deny unto this old city a Flamens Seat, which Antiquaries generally grant unto all such in this time, to have been changed into a Bishops See. If any one ask what I have to do with Scotland, my Scene being only the Brittish History? I answer, that to the great glory of the Brittains, that which is now called Scotland, was formerly Al∣bania, and was a part of Brittany; for in the conversion of the Scots, which hapned in the time of Pope Victor; for Sacerdotibus præceptoribus quos victor pontifex maximus ad Christi dogma propalandum in extremam miserat Albionem: which farthest part of Albion is 300. miles distant from that part of Albania which joyned with Loegria, England; Therefore we see clearly that the Scots only, then lived in the furthest and most remote parts of Albion, or some Ilands thereof, and possessed not our great Albania, the Brittains Country and possession; and in such sense they may call their small places of abode Scotia or Scotland, yet could it be very small when Josephus in the Age before had testified that it had no Land at all,* 1.63 Scotia ter∣ris nil debet; of which and there place of habitation, hear what Mr. Cambden saith, That nei∣ther Cæsar nor Volanus penetrated so far (into Brittain) as the Caledonians; for as Plinie doth testifie in his time, three years after Claudius, the Roman Arms knew no further of Brittany then to the Caledonian Woods; for Julius Agricola under Domitian,* 1.64 was the first who entred Caledonia, where Galgacus commanded (Galanc ap Liennanc) who is reckoned one of the three Heroes of Brittany, a man of strong courage, and valiant spirit, who so stoutly defen∣ded his Country (the 11. Legion of the Romans being put to the worst) that he never gave over, till Fortune rather seemed to forsake him then his own valour or courage. These Nor∣thern Brittains were the last, who enjoyed the Liberty, and also the furthest part of the Iland according to Catullus.

Cæsaris visens monumenta magni Gallicum Rhenum, horribiles & ulti. mosque Britannos.

In the time of the Emperour Severus (as Xiphilinus reporteth) Argeticoxus a petty King reigned in those Northern parts now called Scotland, but then Albania, or Caledonia, whose Lady be∣ing upbraided and taunted by Julia Augusta, answered, We Brittish Ladies, if we transgresse it is with Noble men both of valour, worth and quality; whereas you Roman in hugger-mugger prostitute your selves to every base varlet and inferiour groom. Not far from the River Taw stands Perch, in Latine St. Joannis Fanum, vulgarly St. Johns Johns, a place of late erection; the ancient Town of the same name long since being swallowed up by the waters, of which Nichanus,

Transis ample Tai per rura, per oppida, per Perch Regnum sustentant ist••us. Ʋrbis opes.

* 1.65But of Cunedagius the builder, because a Brittain, not a word from Mr. Cambden.

Cunedagius having founded Perch in Albania, casts his eye upon Cambra, and there in the remotest part begins a new Erection at Bangor; which Mr. Cambden also calls Banchor a choro pulchro, from the fair Quire, or as other derive it Locus chori, the place of the Quire, Owen Glendoverduy the most wicked and arch Rebel, amongst many other Towns and Cities of Wales set this also on fire and consumed it,* 1.66 which was again in the time of Henry the 7. reedi∣fied by bishop Henry Den•• or Denaeus, but not to the pristine glory; for formerly it was so large and ample that for the greatnesse thereof, it was called Banchor vaur, and fortified with a Castle whose very Ruines are not now apparent.

* 1.67We may have some apprehension of the great Devotion of our Brittains both men and women in this age (viz. 4. Age) to chast and monastical life, by the Example of St. Ʋrsula, and so many thousands of holy Virgins with her devoted to that Profession, which we may further confirm unto us by the Examples of the Brittains,* 1.68 which were then in that part of Brittany now called Wales more free from the Saxons persecution, whose Antiquities, although not well preserved, not naming many Archbishops of Caer legion, and very few bishops in that Province, having many from the first receiving of their faith; yet they do propose and re∣cord unto us many Monasteries, and of great name and honour, as that of Bangor, stiling it Fumatum Collegium, where Pelagius before his Heresies lived, and by some was Abbot Præ∣positus there, having 2100 Monks in it, and divided as it were into seven Monasteries, every one of them having 300 Monks; which Monastery, as St. Bernard, our late Authors and o∣thers write, was the head or chief of principal Monasteries and brought forth many thousands of Monks. In vita Malachiæ Hibernensis Episcopi Bernardus Clarovallensis hunc locum tradit primorum extitisse Monasteriorum Caput & multa generavisse Monachorum mille. This was the most noble Monastery of this Country, nobilissimum Monasterium, as St. Bede and others term it, and so justly did, having so many Monks, that being divided into 7 Companies under 7 Pryors, under their chief Abbot, every one had 300. or more Monks, and amongst them most Learned men; Viri doctissimi plures de Nobilissimo Monasterio Bancornabury lingua Anglorum, Inter cæteras erat in civitate Bangor quædam Nobilissima Ecclesia in qua tantus fertur fuisse nu∣merus Monachorum, ut cum in 7 portiones esset cum præpositis sibi Prioribus Monasterium divisum, nulla harum portio minus quam trecentos Monachos haberet.

Cunedagius builded a third place in Cornwall where he was born, but yet I cannot come to a certain knowledge of the place, where he erected a Temple and a Flamen to Mercury. He Reigned thirty three years and was buried at Troynovant or new Troy now London.

An Author calleth Perth before spoken of Berth, and saith, no lesse strange, but more lamen∣table is the remembrance of the great innundation, hapning by the sudden rising of Tai, which bare away the Walls and Town of Berth or Perth, and with it the Cradle and young Son of King William into the Sea, wherein the Royal Infant with many others perished, the King and his Courtiers scarcely escaping the Danger: The ruine of this Town raised another called St. John's Town.

RIƲALLƲS.

RIvallus the Son of Cunedagius, took upon him the Government of this Kingdome in the year of the Worlds creation, four thousand four hundred and thirty eight; this King was stiled the Fortunate and Peacefull: for that during the time of his Reign he governed his Sub∣jects with all lenity, meeknesse and prosperity; yet Authors leave little recorded of this Prince; for indeed Tragical Acts and Warlike Scenes better please most Writers in smooth and calm times: yet it is noted that whilst Rivallus governed Brittanny for the space of three dayes it continually rained Blood, out of the corruption whereof were ingendred a multitude of those which we call animalia insecta, which are Vermine, divided as it were between the head and belly, having no flesh, blood or sinews, as flies, gnats, pismires, caterpillars, and such like, which ••id so swarm and grew infectious, that by the contagion many people died; and that again, caused a great and strange mortality, insomuch that the Island seemed in a manner un∣peopled. Thus after Rivallus had Reigned 46 years he departed this life, and was buried at York.

In the Reign of this King, Rome was builded by the two brothers Romulus and Remus 356 years after Brute came into England, Et ejus (speaking of this King, saith Vitus) Tempore Ro∣mam in Italia per Remum & Romulum fratres esse conditam post adventum Bruti Prisci ad Bri∣tanniam anno plus trecentis quinquagesimo sexto: Sane quidem Alexander ab Alexandris l. 2. c. 22. In Palilibus sacris inquit hoc custoditur ne qua mactetur hostia, quia eum diem qui patriæ natalis est, à caede & sanguine deceret esse parum, fuit enim is dies 12. Calendas Maii quo fausto & fae∣lici omine jacta sunt primum fundamenta urbis Romae, quo die mos erat ovilia purgare, flammas transilire, sapa & milio sacrum facere, geniales Dies agere, caenas apparare, à litibus abstinere, quæ singula prosperos rerum successus decernebant: Sed quia Gaufridus per consequentiam literarum scribit undecimo Calendas Maii qui est 21. Aprilis conditam esse Romam, fortasse mendosus est Codex Alexandri, per literas numerales Scriptas ad 12. Calendas qui esset Dies 20. Aprilis. Nam Plutarchus in vita Romuli scribit Romam fuisse conditam 21. die Aprilis & Palilia esse celebrata prius quam urbs Roma conderetur, circiter annum tertium Olympladis 6. est autem Olympias spatium 4. Annorum sic appellatum quod inter duos ludos Olympiacos haberetur, eorum fiebat initium, ut in Theatro suo Lycosthenes scribit, anno 19. Amulii Silvii Regis Latinorum, qui erat ab orbe condito super ter mille ac contum annus ••8. cui si addantur Olympiades quin{que} cum an∣nis tribus Olympiadis 6. atque sic 23. anni, videbitur Roma condita fuisse anno undecimo supra ter mille ducentos, at{que} sic 26. Rivallonis.

In his time (viz. Rivallus) Rome in Italy was built by Remus and Romulus after the coming of old Brute into Britany 356. Alexander ab Alexandris, lib. 2. c. 22. saith that in the Pali∣libus (or Festival days of the Shepherds in honor of Pales their Goddess) order is taken that no Hostia (or Sacrifice where in blood was shed) should be offered, because being the Birth day of the Country, as it were, it ought to be pure and clean, and not polluted with any slaughter or bloodshed; this day hapned on the 12. of the Kalends of May, in which with happy and auspicious Omens the foundation of Rome was laid, in which day the Custom was to purifie and purge their Flocks, skip over fires, to Sacrifice in boyld or burnt wine, millets or hyrse; to keep Wakes or Gaudy days, and to make bunquetting and delicious Suppers; and to abstain from all debates; all which they imagined betokened prosperous success in the succeeding affairs: but because Gaufridus writes Rome to have been built, it may be the book of Alexander may be faulty, or mistaken in the numeral Letters, concerning the xii. of the Calends, which is the 20. day of April; for Plutarch in the life of Romulus saith, that Rome was built the 21. day of April, and that the Palilia, or Shepherds Festivals, was celebrated be∣fore the building of Rome, about the 3. year of the 6. Olympiade, containeth 4. years, which was the space between two Olympick Games, which Games as Lycosthenes in his Theater writes, had their beginning in the 19. year of Amulius Sylvius, King of the Latines, which was in the three thousand one hundred and 88. year since the worlds Creation, to which if you add five Olympiads, and three years of the 6. and so 23. years, it will appear that Rome was built the 26. of Rivallus: others as Fabian, say that Rome was built 470. years after London, and in the 32. year of Rivallus.

GƲRGƲSTIƲS.

GƲrgustius the son of Rivallus, whom some call Gorbodian, and his father Reignald began his Reign over the Kingdom of Great Brittain 4483. the flower of Histories saith, that he reigned thirty and eight years, otherwise little mention is made of him in History, onely Mr. Howes in his continuation of Stow saith, that he was a common drunkard, whereof fol∣lowed all other vices; he died after a Reign of 38. years, and was buried at York, leaving no issue behinde him to succeed.

SISILLIƲS.

SIsillius, or according to Sylvius, the brother of Gurgustius, as affirmeth the old Author, saith Fabian, was elected King of Brittain, in the year of the worlds Creation, 4521. he is called by the English Chronicle Seizil; little is recorded of this King, only some Authors say, that he reigned only two years; but the most common opinion is, that he was King 49. years, and after died and was buried at Caer Badon or Bath, leaving no issue of his own body.

JAGO or LAGO.

JAgo or Lago the cozen of Gurgustius, and his next heir took upon him the Government of this Iland, in the year of the worlds Creation, 4540. whether this Kings life, as the two pre∣cedent, was so foul, that Learned and modest Writers were ashamed to let them come to light,

or that they lived in such sloth and ease, that nothing was done worth recounting, I cannot affirm; all that is recorded of him is, that he ruled 25. years, and through ill and disordi∣nate living, he fell into a Lethargy, whereof he died, and was buried at York without issue.

Kymmacus or Kynimacus.

KYmmacus or Kynimacus, the Son of Silvius, or more likely, as saith the old Chronicle, the brother of Jago, was invested in the royal dignity of this Island, in the year of the worlds Creation, 4595. as little is said of this King, as of his three immediate predecessors, only that he ruled 54. years, and was buried at York, leaving after him a son, who as testi∣fieth Flos Historiarum, was called Gorbodug.

GORBODƲG.

GOrbodug the Son of Kynimacus was made King of great Brittain, in the year of the worlds Creation 4650. this King crod in the footsteps of those whom he followed, leaving no∣thing to be recorded, only that he ruled to compleat the account of Histories 63. years; so that these five last Kings, Rivallus, Gurgustius, Jago, Kynimacus and Gordobug died ingloriously leaving nothing to perpetuate their memory, saving that they were Kings, the last whereof was buried at Troynovant, and left two sons to succeed Ferrex and Porrex.

FERREX and PORREX.

FErrex and Porrex the Sons of Gorbodug were joyntly made Rulers of Great Brittain, four thousand, seven hundred and eleven, or as some say, thirteen; this amity continued for a while betwixt the brothers; but ambition of sole command, and a Spirit not brooking a Col∣legue, so inflamed Porrex the younger, that he intends to lay violent hands upon his elder brother; these tidings are brought to Ferrex; but the warning comes not so speedily, but that the danger is at the heels of it; and the elder brother, to avoid the snares laid for him, hath no other way but to flie into Gallia, and there as an humble suppliant to crave aid and succour of a Duke whom Gaufride calls Gunhardus or Suardus; who most willingly accords to his desire, and furnishing a Navy well provided with Munition, as well men as weapons, and the very nerves of war, sends him back into Brittain: Porrex who lets no occasions slip which may advantage his design, attends his landing, and at his very arrival, scarce afford∣ing him leisure to order and marshal his forces gives him battel; wherein Bellona was so pro∣pitious unto him that victory crowned his Souldiers, although with the death of his brother, and loss, or at least discomfiture of all his Army. Porrex (though some mistake, who make Fer∣rex the surviver) being now an absolute King without a Competitor, makes himself sure of all the kingdom, but long he enjoyed not his unnatural Conquest. For the more unnatural mother, Idone, Widen, or Idone, whose affection more enclined to her elder Son, vows revenge, and arming her self with cruelty, cruelty indeed before not heard of, and taking her Maids to assist her in the night, enters Porrex Pavilion, where finding him profoundly sleeping, these she devils became his Hellish Executioners, and after inhumanely tear him to pieces; after this most horrid murther followed a Race of people wholly addicted to war and bloodshed, daily inventing and contriving broyls and seditions, and even in the quietest times of peace blood thirsting, insomuch that the weakest went to the wall; and he who imagined he had strength enough, presumed he had right enough to the Kingdom; thus had the Brittains dai∣ly domestick Wars, till at the length the whole power came into the hands of five Tyrants, or petty Lords and Governours, who Ruled questionless with Arbitrary power, with a sic volo sic jubco; but deserve not to be named as Kings of this Island.

Gaufride affirmeth, that after the death of Ferrex and Porrex, great discord and civil dis∣sension arose amongst the Brittains, which continued long; insomuch that five Kings were erected, which was a great plague and oppression to the Country: Guido de Columna relateth, that the Brittains so abhorred the linage and off-spring of Gorbodug, partly for the unnatural quarrels and hatred betwixt the two brothers; but above all, for the horrid, inhumane and barbarous cruelty of the mother, that had there been any Lawfull Heir to succeed, they re∣solved none of that issue should enjoy the Government: this caused a mighty distraction in the Commonwealth; insomuch that one took upon him the guiding of Albania, or Caledonia now Scotland: another seized upon Loegria, or England: a third took Cambria, or Wales: and the fourth usurped Cornwall for his share: a fifth there was, but by many Authors not distinctly specified. This difference continued till Mulmutius, which Fabian saith, was 51. years: and to give some light what the names of those five Kings should be, he brings,

An Addition of Robert Record thus.

The five Kings that be omitted here, are found in certain old Pedegrees; and although their names be much corrupted in divers Copies, yet these are the most agreeable.

• Rudaucus King of Wales.
• Lotenus King of Cornwall.
• Pinnor King of Loegria.
• Statorius King of Scotland.
• Yevan King of Northumberland.

Quocirca Piremen Loegriæ Regem aggreditur & prælio interfecit;* 1.69 inde factus victor arma tendit in Rudacum Cambriæ Regem, qui fædere inito cum Albania Rege Staterio conabatur junctis viribus exercitum movere in provincias Mulmutii, quibus ille obviam & comitatus triginta millibus fortissimorum virorum, comissoque diu prælio, cum videret differri victoriam, usus est fraude similitudinis armorum quibus induti erant hostes ejus, atque sic pessundatis regibus ipsis cæteros pa∣lantes fugavit ad urbes & oppida, quibus incensis agrisque devastatis totam omnino insulam suæ potestati suæque Jurisdictioni subjecit, ac primus ex auro factum Diadema capite gestavit. Quis erat rex quintus Cantii nescitur ex historia Brittanica, quæ numerat reges quinque, nec alios quam cos qui bella gesserunt commemorat tres, fortasse quod illi reliqui in societatem venerint, aut sponte se subjecerint.

Where Mulmutius sets upon Piremen (or Pinmor as the other Author calls him) and kills him in the field; and being now victorious, and a Conqueror in his first attempt, full of courage and boldness, he bends all his power and forces against Rudacus King of Wales, who having made an offensive and defensive League with Statorius King of Albania, with joyned forces, and banner displayed, had invaded his Territories; Mulmutius delays no time, but being in the head of a gallant Army; consisting of thirty thousand experienced Souldiers, gives them the meeting, and joyns Battell; but thinking victory to hover too long before she enclined to his pa••t, he makes use of a stratagem, and counterfeiting the Arms, Weapons, and habits of his enemies, in a friendly appearance gives them a most discourteous and unfriendly over∣throw, insomuch that the two Kings being quite overthrown, he pursues the stragling Soul∣diers, who flie to Towns and fortified places, which he presently sets on fire, and destroying all round about, brings the whole Kingdom under his own power and subjection; and being an absolute Monarch, he encircles his conquering Temples with a Diadem of purest Gold, being the first of the Brittish Kings that ever did the like.

Who was the fifth King either in Kent (or as others say) in Northumberland, the Brittish Histories do not fully declare, only the three who waged war against Mulmutius, are expresly treated of, the other, either for that they combined or submitted, are silently passed over.

After the death and murder of Ferrex and Porrex, ended the lineal descent of old Brute; but here a curious diver into Antiquities may object, How then was the promise in the Pro∣phecy by the Oracle made good, that to the Kings of his seed,

Totius terrae subditus orbis erit, This Ʋniverse shall them obey.

If after the space of 600 and some few years his Race should be extinct; this objection is nothing to the Oracle; for it was not specified, whether it should be fulfilled in the direct or collateral Line: so that if any of a Brittish off-spring should obtain the Dominion over the whole world, that is, so far as ever any Emperour had command, the prophesie is fulfilled: which was made good in Constantine the Great, who as both King of Great Brittain, and son of Hellen, the daughter of Coillus, a Brittish King, born in this Isle, and Emperour of Rome, which is as much as to say, of the whole world; Rome being stiled, Totius terrarum orbis Re∣gina or Domina, Lady and Queen of the whole world.

Vitus sets down the order and succession of the Kings of Brutus his Lineage, with the terms and continuance of their Reigns, but differs much from the account of Fabian, and other Writers; for he saith.

• 1. Rex Brutus Priscus, began in the year from the worlds Creation, 2855. and Reigned four and twenty years.
• 2. Locrinus 2879. and reigned 10.
• 3. Madanus 2889. and reigned 40.
• 4. Membritius 2929. and reigned 20.
• 5. Ebrancus 2949. and reigned 40.
• 6 Brutus Junior, 2980. and reigned 12.

• 7. Leilus 3001. and reigned 25.
• 8. Rudibras 3026. and reigned 39.
• 9. Fladus 3065. and reigned 20.
• 10. Leir 3085. and reigned 60.
• 11. Cordeilla 3145. and reigned 5.
• 12. Morganus & Cunedagius began to reign 3150.
• 13. Rivallo 3185. and reigned 46.
• 14. Gurgustius 3231. and reigned 38.
• 15. Sisillius 3269. and reigned 49.
• 16. Jago 3318. and reigned 25.
• 17. Chynemarces 3343. and reigned 54:
• 18. Gorbodio 3397. and reigned 63.
• 19. Ferrex & Porrex 3460. and reigned 5.

Which computation, as he tells us, compleats six hundred and ten years; during all which time the Progeny of Brute held the Scepter of Brittany, and then followed the Pen∣tarchy.

Epilogus Libri Primi.

BY reason that divers and various are the opinions of Authors and Antiquaries, concerning the computation of years since the Creation of the world, and framing of the first Adam, the overthrower of mankinde and his whole posterity, unto the birth of the second Adam, that sacred Messias, that long lookt for Emanuel, and most blessed Jesus, who repaired that loss by his Incarnation, death and passion, opening to the sons of Eve, the gates of the Celestial Paradice, which untill his glorious Ascension were close lockt up against all mankinde; It will not be amiss to give a brief Compendium and abridgement of the variety of opinions: The Hebrews account from the said Term three thousand, nine hundred and fourty three. The seventy Interpreters, assign five thousand, one hundred, ninety and nine: others there are, who number five thousand, two hundred and twenty eight. In the third or fourth Book of Policronicon, there are other conceits and judgements shewed concerning calculation of these years; whereof (saith Fabian) the most certain is five thousand, and two hundred years; there are not wanting others, whereof some reckon some more, some less: some account from the first building and structure of Rome; some from the overthrow and subversion of the most famous City of Troy, others from the founding of Troynovant or London; and not a few from divers Edifices and Foundations. But since that the account of the Septuagint, or seventy In∣terpreters both by venerable Bede, and other Learned Writers is esteemed as most authentick; I will follow their judgement; and accordingly give you to understand, in what year of the world Brute first entred this Isle then called Albion now England.

First, therefore from Adam to Noe, was two and twenty hundred and fourty two years.

From Noe to Abraham, was nine hundred and fourty two years.

From David to the captivity of the Jews, three hundred and five years.

And from the Captivity to the Incarnation of our blessed Saviour Jesus Christ, five hundred fourscore and ten.

The which in all make 5199 years.

After which accompt (although divers Authors have their several Computations) the an∣cient, and glorious City of Troy was subverted and felt its dismal Catastrophe by the hands of the Conquering Grecians, as Learned Eusebius, and others testifie in the year of the worlds Creation, four thousand and twenty three.

* 1.70And according to the same Eusebius, the foundations of Rome were laid in the eleventh year of Hezekiah then King of Judah; the which year maketh after the computation of the said Authors, 4470. who also affirm that the said City was edified, after the destruction of Troy, four hundred and fourty seven years, so that it must by consequence follow, that it was built Anno mundi, as before.

Peter Pictaniensis, and others, testifie, that Brute entred first this ••sle of Albion, called now England in the eighteenth year of the Priest and Judge of Israel, named Hely; and Hely, as divers Writers avouch, began to rule the Israelites, the year of the third Age, that is, from Abraham to David, eight hundred and fourty one years, which maketh the years of the world four thousand and five.

Whereunto if there be joyned the abovesaid eighteen years, then must it follow that Brute entred this Land, Anno mundi four thousand sixty three; to this agreeth the Author of Poli∣cronicon, who saith that Brute entred Albion fourty years after the subversion of Troy, which forty years joyned to the former saying of Eusebius,* 1.71 compleat the number of four thousand and fourty three years.

Another Historian called Jacobus Philippus saith, that Troy was taken by the Grecians in the third year that Abdon or Labdon judged the Israelites, who began his Rule over the said Isra∣elites,* 1.72 after the accord of most Writers Anno mundi, four thousand and twenty, whereunto if

there he added three years for the third year of his rule, in which year, as before is declared,* 1.73 Troy was sacked and destroyed; and forty years which passed before Brute entered Albion: It must follow, that Brute came into this Island in the year of the worlds Creation,* 1.74 four thou∣sand threescore and three.

MƲLMƲTIƲS DƲNWALLO.

MƲlmutius Dunwallo, or as others please Dunwallo Mulmutius the Son of Glotene Duke or King of Cornwall, as the English book and also Gaufride affirm after he had fully subdu∣ed and conquered the five petty Kings or Princes before mentioned, and had brought the Iland into a Pentarchy took upon him the Government of Brittany in the year of the worlds creation 1748. This Prince in some Histories is called Donebant,* 1.75 and was of a Noble and He∣roick Spirit; but much (after he came to be fully setled in his Government) inclined to peace, insomuch that in the City of Troynovant, in a place, which now as some are of opinion is called Blackwell-Hall, he builded a Temple, calling it the Temple of Peace or Concord: The Laws which he made and established, were of such Authority and esteem, that holy Gildas translated them out of the Brittish Language into Latine, and Aluredus King of England out of Latine into English; Vitus tells us, that these Laws, or at least the heads of them were, Ʋt deorum templa tantam dignitatem consequantur, nequis illo confugiens extrabi possit prius quam ab eo quem laeserat veniam impetraverit: That the Temples of the Gods should enjoy such immu∣nities and priviledges, that no malefactor flying unto them for succour should be drawn from thence, untill he should obtain pardon from him, whom he had offended. Ʋt hujusmodi privi∣legium immunitatis habeant etiam ipsæ viae quæ ducunt ad templa & urbes: that the high ways, leading to the Temples and Cities should enjoy the like immunities and priviledges, Immo & jumenta quoque illa quæ rei rusticæ subserviunt, denique Colonorum aratra ipsa tali prerogativa libertatis perfruantur; nay even the Cattle which were imployed in husbandry should have like priviledges; Ne qua terra vacaret cultura, neve populus inopia rei frumentariæ premeretur, aut ea minueretur si pecora sola occuparent agros qui ab hominibus coli deberent, constituit quot aratra quælibet Diaecesis haberet, ac pænas statuit per quas ille numerus aratrorum minuere∣tur: Least any Land should lie until'd, or the people be famisht for want of bread-Corn; or Grain be diminished, by feeding Herds and Flocks, where Tillage ought to be; to which end he appointed how many Ploughs should be in every Diocess or Shire, inflicting a punishment upon whomsoever should diminish the number of them: Item vetuit bovem aratorem pro de∣bito pecuniæ assignari creditoribus si alia bona creditoris essent; He also prohibited the working Oxen, or Plough-bullock, to be distrained upon for any debt, if any other Chattels or per∣sonal estate be to be found: Ita fore ne compendii causa homines pecuarii agros incultos redde∣rent, sic enim fore nequid earum rerum quas natura præbet hominibus usquam deesse posset, that by that means Grasiers and Drovers for their own private interest should not deprive their fel∣low Subjects of natures benefits, and liberal gifts; Optimus iste Rex viros incumbentes ad bonas artes & opibus & favore juvit adeo ut exemplo suo principes regni ad faciendum idem & juven∣tatem totam ad virtutes capessendas excitaverit. This good King was such a patron to those who endeavoured to learn Arts and Sciences, that he not only graced them with his counte∣nance; but also assisted them with competent subsistance; by which his example he invited other Nobles of his Realm to do the like; a great encouragement to youth to endeavour to train themselves up in vertuous education: Item pondera & mensuras rebus emendis venden∣disque posuit, fures & omne noxium genus hominum severissime punivit. Ita{que} sub hoc principe latrocinia, rapinae saevitia generis omnis aberat à populo, nec audebat quisquam vim alteri in∣ferre vel injuriam propter exquisitam legis observationem; He caused weights and measures to be made for buyers and sellers: Thieves and all loytering idle vagabonds he severely bani∣shed; so that none was found who durst to offer either force or violence to any man, being ter∣rified with the severity of the Laws.

Having now regulated all things for the due and requisite Governing of the Commonwealth, by the general request and advice of his Nobles and Council, he caused a Diadem of Gold to be made, with which according to the Rights and Ceremonies of those times he was so∣lemnly Crowned, in so much that properly speaking we may call him the first King or rather Monarch of Great Brittaine.

He caused several Cities and Towns to be made, amongst which Malmesbury seems to have been the chief, a verity which Mr. Cambden seems not much to deny: Dum exilis est Malmesbu∣rie collem sibi imminentem substringit recepto{que} profluente fere incingit. Oppidum sane elegans & pannis laneis sane celebre, quod ut in Historiarum Eulogio le itur, Dunwallo Mulmutius Brittan∣norum Rex una cum Lacok, & Tetbury castris adjacentibus construxit & Caer Bladon nomina∣vit, Malmesbury a polite and neat Town, and famous for Wollen Cloaths, which as it is written in the Eulogy of Histories was founded by Dunwallo Mulmutius as also the Neighbouring Ca∣stles Lacock and Tetbury, which Town he called Caer Bladon. The Saxons called this Town in their tongue Ingelborn which appellation continued a long time till Maildulphus a Scot, a man of singular learning and piety being much taken with the shades and solitarinesse of the

Woods and Groves, he resolved there to live an Heremetical life; and there setting up a schoole, he himself together with his Scholars and Auditors addicted himself to a monastical rule of living, so that from this Maildulphus, the old appellations both Caer Bladon the Brittish and Ingleborn the Saxon, being by little and little worn out, the Town got a new name and was called Maildulfesburge, Bede calls it Maildulphi Ʋrbs, others Meldunum, corruptly Malmes∣bury. Amongst the Disciples of this Maildulph the chiefest and most remarkable was Adelmus his appointed Successour: who by the help of Adelmus a West Saxon Bishop, to whom the ju∣risdiction of that place belonged, built there a most famous Monastery, and was therein the first Prior or Abbot, insomuch that in an ancient manuscript this Town is called Adelmesberg: but this new nomenclation quickly vanished, though the memory of Adelmus continued in esteem, he being canonized and registred amongst the happy number of the Saints; (after his death, not as the Saints in these our times who are Saints while they live, and I know not what after death) upon the feast day of this St. the Fair is kept, where souldiers were appointed to guard and watch, least jangling and discord should arise amongst so great concourse of peo∣ple; Truly (saith Mr. Cambden) he deserved that his name should everlastingly flourish, being the first who writ in Latin, and taught the English Art of Poetry and versifying as he himselfe witnesseth.

Primus ego in patriam mecum modo vita supersit Aonio rediens deducam vertice Musas.

If Heaven lend life, from Helicon I'le bring Th' Aonian Muses in this Isle to sing.

Athelstane the great who had made choice of this Saint for his patron, for his sake honoured this Town with many priviledges, and enriched the Monastery with many princely gifts, making choice of it for the place of his Sepulchre, as the Inhabitants will inform you to this day, shewing his Monument. From Athelstanes time this Monastery flourished in abundance of wealth, and was the prop and upholder of the Town, when by the love and expenses of Robert Bishop of Salisbury, it was fortifyed with a Castle and inclosed with Walls in the time of the Wars, betwixt Henry the Son of Matilda, and King Stephen: in which season it indured a siege by Hen. 2d. but shortly by the permission of K. John in favour of the Monks it was de∣molished, thereby to inlarge the precincts of their Monastery, and so continued till the fatal hand of Henry the 8. laid it level with the ground; yet a wealthy and rich Clothier whom Mr. Cambden colls Stumpuis, partly by petitioning and supplications; but without doubt not with∣out emptying his bags; obtained that the Church might stand which is now the Parish-Church.

This Town saith a new Author Anonymus, was by Antoninus in his Itinerarium called Cunetio from the River Kennet, and Marleburgh as being seated in a Chalkie soyle, which in some pla∣ces still well called by the name of Marle. Here Hen. 3. held a Parliament in which were many statutes; and as the preamble saith, right necessary for the peace and tranquility of the people; now a title of honour and hath given stile of,

EARLE to

• 1. James L. Ley L. Tr. Created Earle of Marlborough 1. Car. Feb. 7.
• 2. Henry Ley.
• 3. James Ley, E. of Mal. Argent a cheveron between 3 Bears Heads Couped Sable.

The next place which Mulmutius Dunwallo built was The-Vies, which Florentius Wigornien∣sis calls Divisio, another De vies, and Nubrigensis, Divisae: Here was a Castle built by Roger the rich Bishop of Salisbury, for scituation and workmanship giving place to none: but For∣tune is a Goddesse both blind and fickle; for he who even now was the second Head in the Kingdom, by the frowns, or rather avarice of K. Stephen, is not only plunder'd of his vast and almost inexhaustible Treasure, but also cast into a loathsome Gaol, where the poor old Man with Hunger, and what with Afflictions and Miseries, betwixt the fear of death and tor∣ments of his life, would feign have died yet knew not how to die.

Mulmutius Dunwallo having with great honour rul'd the Brittains by the space of forty years, yielded to death what was mortal, and was buried in the Temple of Troynovant, which he had built, leaving his two Sons Bellinus and Brennus, joyntly to succeed in the Kingdome.

BELLINƲS and BRENNƲS.

BEllinus and Brennus the two Sons of Mulmutius, began to Reign joyntly as Kings of great Brittain, in the year of the World, four thousand eight hundred and eight. To Bellinus, according to the agreement of Partition, fell Loegria, Cambria and Cornwall; that is to say, England, Wales and Cornwall; and to Brennus, by the same accord, all the Land beyond the River of Humber. This Partition, according to Policron and others, pleased and gave full content to both the Brothers for the space of five years. The reason why Bellinus had the bigger and better share, was, Quia erat primogenitus,* 1.76 & Trojana consuetudo requirebat ut dig∣nitas Hæreditatis perveniret ad eum. Hanc vero fuisse consuetudinem Trojanorum scribens Herodotus; ad Alexandrum, ait, non erat perventurum Regnum, cum Hector & major natu,* 1.77 & virtute præstantior quam ille, Regnum defuncto Priamo suscepturus esset. Idem scribit Messala Corvinus, in libello de Augusti Progenie, Troem, à quo dicta Troja est, Regem Trojanorum habuisse duos filios Ilum & Assaracum, at{que} Ilum defuncto patre quod ipse major natu esset obti∣nuisse Regnum;* 1.78 Deni{que} is qui dicitur Dares Phrygius in libro de excidio Trojæ narrat Priamum commone fecisse filios quos habebat multos, ut majores natu minoribus Imperarent, ex quo sequitur, ut minores majoribus subderentur. Adeo{que} Legem hanc latam in Anglia esse propter ius istud Trojanæ consuetudinis, at{que} servatam esse scribit Andreas Taraquellus in præsatione primogenitorum:* 1.79 & Bartolus ad l. 1. Codicis de summa Trinitate; Consuetudinis est in Anglia inquit ut primogeni∣tus succedat in omnibus bonis; Because he was eldest, and the Trojan custome was, that the In∣heritance should fall to the Eldest; and this to have been the Trojan custome, sheweth Hero∣dotus, saying, that the Kingdom of Troy after the death of Priamus was not to fall to Alexan∣der but to Hector, who was both the more Valiant and also the Eldest by birth; and Messala Corvinus, in his Book of the Progeny of Augustus, confirms as much, saying, that King Tros from whom Troy took its Name, had two Sons, Ilus and Assaracus, and that Ilus, his Father being dead, for that he was the Eldest enjoyed the Kingdom; and he also (who is called Da∣res Phrygius) in his Book of the Destruction of Troy, tells us, That Priamus, who had many Sons, admonished them, that the Elder should have Power over the Younger, &c. and this Law to have taken root in England, as being derived from the old Trojan Custome, affirmeth Andreas Tarquellus. After five years thus in brotherly love and amity expired, Brennus suppo∣sing himself injured and intending to enlarge his Territories, raised Forces, and in hostile manner sets upon his brother Bellinus: but as his quarrel was unjust, so the sequel proved Fa∣tal; for he was totally Routed, and to save his life, compelled to fly into Armorica, now cal∣led Little Brittain, or as Gaufride will have it, into the Country of the Allobroges; others affirm, that without the knowledge or consent of his Brother, he sailed into Norway, and there mar∣ried the Daughter of Elfunge or Elfinge, Duke of that place; which tydings when they were brought to Bellinus, he seized into his hands all the Lands of Brennus and fortified his Cities, Castles, and other strong Holds with his own Garrisons. Fame quickly brought these Ru∣mours to Brennus, who neglected no time, but gathering a strong Army of Norwegians, ships himself for his own Principality, where by the way he was met by Guilthdacus or Guiclidacus, King of Denmark, who being inflamed with the Love of the Lady, whom Brennus had espoused, awaited his coming; and being now met, the two Fleets strongly encounter each other, and in short time come to grappling, a most bitter and bloudy Conflict ensueth: But the Danish King, having surprized the Vessel, in which the Object both of his love and anger was imbarked, though he had totally dispersed his Enemies Navy, pursued no further, thinking himself highly rewarded with the beautiful prize which he had already taken, and there withal resolves as a most victorious Conqueror to return to Denmark; yet whether Fortune to shew her accustomed fickleness and cross the Designs of such as think themselves most fortunate and her darlings, or rather Neptune incensed to see so violent a Rape committed within his watery Kingdom, with his revenging trident turned up and undermined the calm waves and ploughed them into hideous ridges; such a tempest arose, that the Heavens were darkned, the winds blustered, the billows roared and made such a hideous noise, that Guilthdacus each minute ex∣pected to be swallowed up in the mercilesse surges of the angry Ocean; this death-threatning storm continued for the space of five dayes; at the end whereof, the skies began to clear, the winds and waves to leave their Violence, and the Danish King to understand he was driven upon the coasts of his Enemies Country, for his tattered Fleet so much as was left of it was now arrived in Northumberland.

Bel••inus to make good that he had already begun, and to prevent all opportunities which might help and further his Brother at his landing, was now in Northumberland; and having in∣telligence of the Danish Kings Arrival, with so small a Company, he commanded his person with the rest of his Followers to be secured and committed to safe Custody; upon which discovery Brennus sends peremptorily to his brother, not only to surrender his territories injuriously (as is complained) taken from him, but also his then (in his possession) a prisoner, violently ravisht from him by Guilthdacus the King of Denmark: These Proposals or rather Demands, Bellinus absolutely denies; insomuch that Brennus having gathered together his scattered and dispersed

Navy, new rigs his Fleet, reinforceth his Army, and with fresh Supplies and strong Recruits, once more puts forth to Sea, and with more prosperous gales and auspicious fortune, arrived in Albania; and having given a short refreshing to his Souldiers, marcheth towards his Brother (already resolved to give him a hot Entertainment) near Calaterium, a well known and famous Wood; there these two incensed Brothers meet, the Officers and ordinary Souldiers equally bent to live and die in their Commanders quarrel; The signal is given to battel, and a strange confused noyse from both the Camps pierceth even the skies; terrible was the Encounter, and with Martial and Heroick mettle and courage maintained on both sides; the groans of dying men, whose souls (as the phrase now goes) left their bodies in the beds of Honour, were hide∣ous, and so great a destruction and havock was made that day, that forty thousand bodies wanted Forms to give them being. Victory at length decided the businesse and crowned Bellinus with a trimphant Laurel; compelling Brennus with his forreign Adherents and Assi∣stants to fly from his native Soil.

Bellinus now thinking himself to have run through all his Disasters, applies his mind to re∣ctifie things and settle his people: and in the first place casting his eye upon the Danish King and his beloved Lady (as then his Captives) he released Guilthdacus upon Articles of Agree∣ment and Composition, That he should hold and do Homage for the Kingdome of Denmark unto the King of Brittany, and pay a yearly Tribute of one thousand pounds: Upon this accord Hostages being given, the captive King had free liberty to depart for his own Coun∣try; and Bellinus prosecutes and makes good that which his deceased Father had designed and begun, (to wit,) the finishing of the four High-Wayes; the first of which was named Foss, stretched out of the South into the North, and began at the Corner of Totness in Cornwall and passed forth by Devonshire, Somersetshire, and so by Tutbury upon Cotteswold, beside Co∣ventry and Leicester, and from thence to Newark, and endeth at the City of Lincoln.

The second Way was named VVatling-street, the which stretcheth overthwart the way of Fosse over the South East into the Northast, this began at Dover and passeth by the middle of Kent, over Thames, besides London, by West of VVestminster, and so forth by St. Albans, in the West side of Dunstable, of Stratford, of Touceter and of VVedon, and by South Killingborne or Killebourne, by Athriston unto Gilberts Hill, that now is named VVrekin, and so forth by Seuarum, passing by VVorcester, and thence to Stratton and so to the middle of VVales unto a place called Cardigan.

The third Way was named Erming-street, the which stretcheth out of the West, North-west unto the East, South-East and beginneth at Menevia at St. Davids in VVales, and so stretcheth forth unto Southhampton.

The fourth and last Way was called Kikeneldis-street the which stretcheth forth by Worcester, by VVickham, by Bermingham, by Lichfield, by Derby, by Chesterfield, by York and so forth unto Tinemouth, the which was sufficiently made. Belinus granted or confirmed unto these pla∣ces all such priviledges as formerly Mulmutius had done; which together with other Lawes made by the King, are translated out of the Brittish tongue by Gildas, but are here for brevity sake omitted.

Whilst Belinus thus imployed his time in providing for his Countrey and Subjects necessa∣ry conveniences, Brennus after his late and almost irrecoverable overthrow, like a forlorne Pilgrime spends his time in Gallia, and there summons all his wits to Counsel how he may in some sort recover his Countrey and former Glory and Renown; and as great spirits will leave nothing unattempted to bring their designes to the wished period; so he resolves being accompanied only by twelve Cavaliers to addresse himself unto a Duke who had great power and command in those parts: where it is to be observed by the way that (as Ʋtropius and other writers affirm) the Galli at that time possessed divers Counries; upon which ground Ti∣tus Lavius who writ the Acts of the Romans, tells us that those Souldiers who followed Brennus when he sacked Rome were Galli Senonenses, to wit, those who inhabited the Countrey where the City Sena stood and yet doth, (as testifyeth the Author of Cronica Cronicorum and others) in a part of Italie, in succeeding ages known by the name Etruria; which Sena, as divers affirm was built by Brennus when he there inhabited, before the Incarnation of our Saviour Jesus Christ, iii. C. lxxx. and vi. years.

Brennus finding favourable admittance into the Court of Duke of Seginus of Allobroge (for so Gaufride calls him) which after was called Armorica, and now little Brittaine according to Policronicon and the English Chronicle; the Duke beholding the comely person, manly proportion, and princely carriage and behaviour of Brennus, and much condoling and com∣passionating the calamity of his Fortunes, which he with a singular grace had declared, (set out in the most lively colours and flowers of Eloquence,) entertained him in a most friendly manner, and observing that he delighted and was most expert in hunting and hawking, and was fully accomplisht with all the parts belonging to a Gentleman, cast such favours upon him, that in short time he became the most eminent man in the Court, and the only favorite of the Duke; insomuch that Seginus being in admiration of his endowments, and gallant behaviour, resolves to make him his Son in law; with this promise also, that if the Gods shall call for him hence without other Heir, that then the issue of Brennus should succeed in the Duke∣dome; or at least, in case the Duke should be made happy by the birth of a Son, that then he would use all possible endeavours to reestablish Brennus in his own Possessions, and upon

these Conditions and Articles the Duke espouseth his only Daughter and Heir to this Heroick Brittish Prince: these Nuptials are no wayes displeasing to the Nobles of Allobroge, they all jointly giving their approbation and full consent. Not long after, death summons Seginus to appear before a greater Tribunal then his own, and a convenient space being allowed to the Dutchesse Dowager, the term whereof expired, she was found not to have conceived nor to be with child; all sorts did Homage to Brennus as their lawful Leige and Supreme. Brennus being not only a titular Prince, but possessed of large Territories; and finding great plenty of Treasure congested by his wary and careful Predecessours, was not close-fisted, but with a liberal hand imparts a large Proportion to men of Action and gallant Resolution, and de∣termines once more to hazard both life and fortunes with his Brother, rather then lose Alba∣nia. The sons of Mars and fierce youthful spirits, applaud their Princes gallant Resolution, and each equipps himself to the rank of his birth and height of his desire. Bellinus hearing of these great and warlike Preparations like a prudent Prince, perceives this threatning cloud to bend its course towards Brittany; and therefore seeing he cannot prevent the coming thereof, makes such provision that wheresoever it shall disgorge it self, it may do as slender hurt as may be; thus he stands in a readinesse with Weapons to receive this menacing storm with the point of his Sword. Brennus maugre all oppositions arrives with his Navy: These heavy tidings pierce the very soul of Connuvenna or Conwenna the poor afflicted Mother, whose affectionate love was equally divided betwixt her dearest children; and having long time been deprived of the tender imbracements of her younger Son, carried with the most Noble passion of love, she casts her self betwixt the Brothers, and with most bitter sighes and floods of tears shews those brests which once they both had suckt; she pleads, commands, intreats, nay begs to make them friends. An ancient Poet in few Verses makes Conwenna to speak thus:

Proh dolor hic quid erit, quid Vos, mea viscera turbat? Fraternas a cies quæ mala causa movet? Tota tenere nequit modo vos Brittannia, quondam Quos tenuit venter unicus iste meus Non vos maternae lachrimae sparsi{que} capilli Nec quæ suxistis ubera nuda movent?

Oh Heavens I my Sons why do you let me see your naked swords unsheath'd for butchery? Cannot you two in one great Kingdome live? my narrow Womb life to you both did give Behold my Tears, my Locks with Age grown Gray, the Breasts you suck't, then cast your swords away.

The brothers with this unlookt for spectacle stand gazing each at other, which Convenna wisely perceiving, takes time fast by the fore-top and prosecutes her complaints with the very depth of sorrow, and rising up with a discreet motherly compassion, now embraceth the one, now the other, and never leaves till she locks them close in the Armes of a most firm and bro∣therly reconciliation, and so as it were hand in hand to the amazement of both Armies, but unspeakable joy of the overjoy'd Convenna they came to Troynovant; where after a due set∣ling of the affairs of Brittaine, those forces who not long before were mortal Foes are now be∣come confederates and fellow souldiers, and uniting strength to strength, a new employ∣ment is set on foot; Gallia is the mark aim'd at, at which they level so directly, that as Gau∣fride, they sayled into a part of Gallia burning and wasting the Country without regard or pitty, and in short time subdued a large proportion not only of Gallia, but also Italy and Ger∣many. As yet Belmus and Brennus according to Gaufride were together and performed many worthy deeds and feats in Armes; but because Livius makes only mention of Brennus in the Roman Histories, I suppose Belinus was again returned for Brittany, his own Kingdome, leaving the managing of what followed to his brother. What hereafter I shall speak of Brennus I have collected out of Plutark, in the life of Camillus, whose words translated by Sir Thomas North Kt. are these. Now as touching the Gaules they came of (as they say) the CELTAE, whose country, being not able to maintaine the multitudes of them, they were driven to go seek after other countries to inhabit in, and there were amongst them many thousands of young men of service and good souldiers, but yet more women and little children by a great number; of those people some of them went towards the North Sea passing the Mountaines Riphei and did dwell in the extreme parts of Europe, others of them remained between the Mountaines Pirenei and the Mountaines of the Alpes near unto the Senones and the Celtorii; there they continued a long time untill they fortuned in the end to tast of the wine, which was first brought out of Italy to them; which drink they found so good, and were so delighted in it, that suddenly they Armed themselves, and taking their Wives and Children with them they went directly towards the Alpes to go seek out the Countrey that brought forth such fruit, judging all other Coun∣tries in respect of that to be but wild and barren. It is said that the first man that did bring wine to them, and did procure them to passe into Italy was a Noble man of Thuscany called Ar∣ron, and otherwise of no ill disposed Nature; how be it he was subject to this misfortune fol∣lowing.

He was Tutor to an Orphan Child, the richest that was in that time in all the Coun∣trey of Tuscany, and of complexion wondrous fair, he was called Lucumo. This Orphan was brought up in Arrons house of a Child, and though he was grown to state, yet he would not depart from him feigning he was well and to his liking: but indeed the cause was that he loved his Mistress, (Arrons wife whom secretly he had enjoyed a long time, and she him) that made him like his continuance there. Howbeit in the end love having so possessed them both, that neither party could withdraw from other much lesse conceale it, The young man stole her away by force from him, and so kept her; Arron put the matter in suite but he prevailed not, for Lucumo over-weighed him with Friends, Money, Gifts and Charges: which he took so grievously that he left his Countrey and having heard talk of the Gauls he went unto them and was their guide to bring them unto Italy. So they conquered at their first coming all that Countrey which the Tuscans held in old time, beginning at the foot of the mountains, and stretched out in length from one Sea to the other, which invironeth Italy as the names themselves do witness: for they call yet that Sea which looketh unto the North the Adriatick Sea, by reason of a City built some time by the Tuscans, which was called Adria: The other which lieth directly over against the South is called the Tuscane Sea; all that Country is well planted with trees, and hath goodly pleasant pastures for beasts, and cattel to feed in, and is notably watered with goodly running Rivers. There was also at that time, eighteen fair great Cities, all of them very strong and well seated, as well to inrich the Inhabitants by Traffick, as to make them live delicately for pleasure: All these Cities the Gauls had won, and had expulsed the Tuscans; but this was done long before time. Now the Gauls being entred further into Tuscany, did besiege the City of Clusium, thereupon the Clusians seeking ayd of the Romans, besought them they would send Letters and Ambassadors unto those barbarous people in their behalf. They sent unto them three of the best and most honourable persons of the City, all three of the house of the Fa∣bians. The Gauls received them very courteously because of the name of Rome, and leaving to assault the City,* 1.80 they gave them audience. The Roman Ambassadors did ask them what injury the Clusians had done unto them, that they came to make Wars with them; Brennus King of the Gauls hearing this question, smiled, and answered them thus, The Clusians do us wrong in this; they being but few people together, and not able to occupy much Land, do not∣withstanding possess much, and will let us have no part with them that are strangers, and out of our Country, and stand in need of seat and habitation; the like wrong was offered unto you Romans in old time by those of Alba, by the Fidenates and Ardeates, and the Volsci, against whom ye have taken, and do take Arms at all times, and as oft as they will let you have no part of their goods, ye imprison their persons, rob, and spoil their goods, and de∣stroy their Cities; and in doing this you do them no wrong at all, but follow the oldest Law that is in the world, which ever leaveth unto the stronger, that which the weaker cannot keep nor enjoy, beginning with the gods, and ending with beasts; the which have this property in nature, that the bigger and stronger have ever the advantage of the weaker and lesser; therefore leave your pitty to see these Clusians besieged, lest you teach us Gauls to take compas∣sion also of those you have oppressed.

By this answer the Romans knew very well there was no way to make peace with King Bren∣nus; wherefore they entered into the City of Clusium, and incouraged the Inhabitants to sally out with them upon these barbarous people, either because they had a desire to prove the valiantness of the Gauls, or else to shew their own manhood and valour: so the Citizens went out and skirmished with them, hard by the wals, in which one of the Fabians, called Quintus Fabius Ambustus, being excellently well horsed, and putting spurs to him, did set up∣on a goodly big personage of the Gauls, that had advanced himself far before all the Troop of his Companions; he was not known at the first encounter, as well for the sudden meet∣ing and skirmishing together; as for that his glistering armour dimmed the eyes of the enemies. But after he had slain the Gaul, and came to strip him. Brennus then knew him, and protested against him,* 1.81 calling the Gods to witness how he had broken the Law of Arms, that coming as an Ambassador he had taken upon him the form of an Enemy. Hereupon Brennus forthwith left skirmishing, and raising the Siege from Clusium, marched with his Army to Rome gates. And to the end that the Romans might know that the Gauls were not well pleased for the in∣jury they had received; to have an honest colour to begin war with the Romans, he sent an Herald before to Rome, to demand livery of the man that had offended him, that he might punish him accordingly. In the mean while he himself came marching after, by small journeys, to receive their answer. The Senate hereupon assembled, and many of the Senators blamed the rashness of the Fabians, but most of all the Priests, called the* 1.82 Faeciales; for they followed it very closely, as a matter that concerned Religion, and the honour of the Gods, declaring, how the Senate in discharge of all the residue of the City for the offence committed, should lay the whole weight and burden of it upon him alone, that only had done the Fact. (Numa Pompilius, the wisest and most peaceable of all the Kings of Rome that had been, was he that erected the Colledge of those* 1.83 Faeciales, and did ordain that they should be Keepers of Peace, and Judges to hear and allow all the causes for the which they should justly begin any War) Nevertheless the Senate in the end turned over the ordering of the whole matter to the Will and Judgement of the people, before whom also the Faeciales, or Heralds did accuse Fabius

Ambustus: The people made so little account of their propounded Religion, and honour of the Gods in that case, that instead of delivering this Fabius to the enemy, they did choose him for one of the Tribunes of the Souldiers with his brothers. The Gauls understanding this, were so furious and angry thereat, that they would no longer linger their journeys, but mar∣ched with all speed to Rome. The people that dwelt by the High-wayes where they should passe by, were marvellously afraid to see the multitude of them and their brave and gallant Furni∣ture, & beginning to doubt the fury of their rage, they imagined that first of all they would de∣stroy the Champion Countrey before them, and afterwards would take the strong Cities. They contrariwise did take nothing at all out of the Fields, neither did any hurt or displeasure unto any body; but passing by their Cities, cryed out, They went to Rome, and would have no Wars but with the Romans, and how otherwise they desired to be friends with all the world. These barbarous people march on in this wise towards Rome, the Tribunes of the Souldiers brought their Army to the Field to encounter them: they were no lesse in number then the Gauls; for they were 40000 Foot men; howbeit most part of them were raw souldiers that had never served in the Wars before. They were very carelesse of their Gods, and dissolute in matters of Religion; for they passed neither for good signes in their Sacrifices, neither to ask councel of their Soothsayers, which the Romans were religiously wont to doe before they gave any battel. To make the matter worse; the number of the Captains, having Power and Authority alike, did as much (or more then the rest) disorder and confound their doings; for oft-times before, in far lesse Matters and Dangers then these,* 1.84 they did use to choose spe∣cial Officers that had sole and soveraign Authority, which they called Dictators; knowing very well of how great importance it is in dangerous times to have but one Head and General to command all, to have supreme Authority of justice in his hands,* 1.85 and not to be bound to deliver account of his doings to any. The injury also which they had too ungratefully done to Camillus, brought great mischief then and inconvenience upon them; for the Captains after him durst no more command the people roughly, but ever after did flatter them much. When their Armies were now brought into the Field, they Encamped themselves by a little River called Allia, about the eleventh stone from Rome, and not far from the place where the same River falleth into Tiber; thither came Brennus with his Army to them, who overthrew them in battel by their disorder and lack of Government: For the left point or wing of their battel was broken off at the first by the Gauls, who charged them so furiously that they drave them headlong into the River. The right wing then retiring out of the plain before they had any Charge given, and having gotten certain Hills hard by them, they had little hurt, and most of them did recover Rome again; the rest that escaped after the Enemies were weary of killing, fled by night unto the City of Veies, thinking Rome had been lost, and all the City put to the Sword: this overthrow was on the longest day in Summer, the Moon being at the Full. The Romans were very superstitious in dayes Fortunate and Unfortunate, which I here passe over as not material to our businesse in hand.

The day of this overthrow is one of those which the Romans take for one of the unfortu∣natest dayes that ever came unto them. Now after the battel lost, if the Gauls had hotly pur∣sued the chase of their flying enemies, nothing could have saved Rome from being Taken, and the Inhabitants thereof from being put unto the Sword; for the Romans that fled from the battel brought such a fear upon those that received them, and filled the whole City of Rome with such grief and trembling that they wist not what to doe. The Gauls again believing lit∣tle their Victory was so great as it was, fell to make good cheer for so great a joy received, and divided among them the spoil of their Enemies goods they found in the Camp. So gave they time and leisure by this means to the multitude of people that fled out of Rome to seek them some place of safety, and to such as remain still they left good hope to save themselves and to make some provision for defence.

Thereupon they all fortified themselves within Mont Capitol, and storing it with all kind of Victuals, Armour, and Ammunition they wholy did forsake the rest of the City; but the first work they took in hand was this, they did bring into their said Fort, part of their sacred re∣liques, and the professed Vestals brought thither all their holy Fire, and all their holy Monu∣ments, &c. Furthermore the Priests of other Gods, and the most honourable old men of the City of Rome (that had been Consulls aforetime or had past the honor of triumph) had not the heart to forsake Rome; but putting on all their costly Robes and Vestments did vow and most willingly sacrifice themselves unto the fortune that should befall them for the safety of their Countrey. And using certain words and prayers which their high Bishop Fabius had taught them, they went even thus apparelled unto the great market place, and did sit them down there in Chaires of Ivory, expecting the good will and pleasure of the Gods what should become of them. Within three dayes after Brennus came to Rome with his Army, who finding the Gates of the City all open, and the Walls without watch, he doubted some devise in it, and feared some privy ambush had been layed, as one hardly, believing to have found the Romans of so base a mind as to forsake their City. After being informed of the truth, he entred into Rome by the gate Collina, and took the same: little more then 360 years after it was first builded, if it be true at the least that there remained any certaine Chronicles of those times unto this present day; considering the trouble and confusion of that time hath made many things more certaine then that, doubtful unto us; but so it was that the rumor ran to

Greece incontinently how Rome was taken, but yet withal somewhat doubtfully and uncertain; but Brennus having now entred Rome did appoint part of his souldiers to besiege those that were gotten in Mont Capitol, and he with the residue of his Army marched on towards the market-place, where when he saw the ancient Senators sit gravely on their Chaires and speak never a word, nor offered once to rise, though they saw their enemies come Armed against them, neither changed countenance nor colour at all, but leaned softly upon their staves which they had in their hands seeming to be nothing affraid nor abashed, but looked one upon another; he wondered marvailously at it; this their so strange manner at the first did so dump the Gauls that for a space they stood still, and were in doubt to come near to touch them, fearing least they had been some Gods; until such time as one of them went boldly to Marcus Papirius and laid his hand fair and softly upon his long Beard,* 1.86 but Papirius gave him such a wrap upon his Pate with his staffe, that he made blood run about his Ears. The Gaule was in such rage with the blow, that he drew out his sword and slew him, the other souldiers also kil∣led the rest afterwards, and so they continued many dayes afterwards spoyling and plundering all things they found in the houses; and in the end did set all on fire and destroyed them every one,* 1.87 for despite of those that kept the Capitol, and would not yield upon their Summons, but valiantly repulsed them when they scaled the Walls. For this cause they rased the whole City and put all to the Sword that came into their hands, young and old, man, woman and child. Now this Siege continuing long and the Romans holding them out very stoutly, victuals be∣gan to grow very scant in the Camp of the Gauls, insomuch as they were driven on force to seek it abroad without the City; Hereupon they divided themselves, whereof some remained still with them at the Siege of the Capitol and the rest went a foraging and spoiling all the Champion Country and Villages there abouts, scattered as it were by Bands and Companies, some here, some there, fearing nothing, nor passing upon watch or ward, they lived in such se∣curity of their Victory. Howbeit the greatest Company amongst them, went by fortune to∣wards the City of Ardea where Camillus dwelt living like a private man medling with no matters of State from the time of his Exile, until that present: But then he began not to be∣think himself as a man that was in safety and might have escaped the hands of his enemies, but rather sought how to devise and find all the means he could to subdue them if occasion were so offered: whereupon considering that the Citizens of Ardea were enough in number to set upon them, though faint-hearted and cowardly by reason of the sloth and negligence of the Governours and Captains who had no manner of experience in wars, he be∣gan to cast out these words among the young men. That they should not think the Romans misfortune fell upon them through the Valour of the Gauls, nor that their Calamity (who had refused good Councel) had hapned unto them by any work or act of the Gauls having done nothing for their part to make them carry away the Victory, but that they should think it was no other thing but fortune alone, who would needs shew her power. Therefore it were now a notable and honourable Enterprize (although somewhat dangerous) to drive those strangers out of their Country, considering that the onely end of their Victory was but to de∣stroy and consume as fire all that fell into their hands; wherefore if they would but onely take a good lusty heart and courage, he would with opportunity and place assure them the Victory without danger. The young men were pleased with these words of life and comfort; whereupon Camillus went to break the matter also unto the Magistrates and Counsellours, and having drawn them by perswasions unto this Enterprize,* 1.88 he armed all that were of age to carry Ar∣mour, and would not suffer a man to go out of the City for fear lest the Enemies (which were not far off) should have intelligence of the same.

Now after the Gauls had run over the Champian Country, and were loaden with all sorts of spoils, they did encamp themselves negligently in open fields, and never charged Watch nor Ward; but having their full Carriage of Wine, laid them down to sleep, and made no noise at all in their Camp.* 1.89 Camillus being advertized thereof by his several Scouts, caused the Ardeans, with as little noise, as might be, forthwith to go out into the fields, and having mar∣ched somewhat roundly the distance between the City and the Camp of the Gauls, they came thither much about midnight: Then he made his Souldiers make great shouts and cries, and the Trumpets to be sounded on every side to put a fear in their enemies, who yet with all the loud noise they made, could hardly be made to wake, they were so deadly drunk; yet there were some notwithstanding, that for fear to be taken tardy, did bustle up at this sudden noise, and coming to themselves fell to their weapons to resist Camillus, which were slain by and by: the rest, and the greatest number of them, lay here and there scattered in the middle of the field, without any weapon, dead asleep, stark drunk with wine, and were put to the sword, and never struck stroke; those that fled out of the Camp that night (which were but few in numher) were overthrown also next day by the horsemen, which followed, and killed them as they took them straggling here and there in the Field. The bruit of this victory was blown abroad incontinently through all the Towns and Villages thereabouts, which cau∣sed many young men to come, and joyn themselves to Camillus; but especially the Romans desired the same, who had saved themselves in the City Veies, after the battel lost at Allia, who made their moans among themselves, saying, O Gods, what a Captain hath Fortune taken from the City of Rome? What honour hath the City of Ardea by the valiantness and worthy deeds of Camillus? and in the mean season, his natural City that brought him forth, is now

lost and utterly destroyed; we for lack of a Captain to lead us are shut up here, within others walls, and do nothing but suffer Italy in the mean space to go to ruine and utter de∣struction before our eyes; why then do we not send to the Ardeans for our Captain? or why dowe not arm our selves and go to him? for he is now no more a banished man; nor we poor Citizens, since our City is possessed with a Forreign power of our hatefull enemies; so they all agreed to this counsel, and sent to Camillus, to beseech him to be their Captain, and lead them. But he made answer, he would in no case consent unto it, unless they that were be∣sieged in the Capitol had lawfully first confirmed it by their voices; for those, said he, as long as they do remain within the City, represent the State and body thereof; therefore if they commanded him to take this charge upon him, he would most willingly obey them; if other∣wise they misliked of it, that then he would not meddle against their good wills and command∣ment. They having received this answer, there was not a Roman amongst them, but greatly honoured and extolled the wisdom and justice of Camillus. But now they knew not how to make them privy to it, that were besieged in the Capitol; for they saw no possibility to convey a Messenger unto them, considering the enemies were Lords of the City, and laid siege unto it. Howbeit there was one Pontius Cominius, among the young men (a man of a mean house, but yet desirous of honour and glory) that offered himself very willingly to venter to get in, if he could, so he took no Letters to convey with him to them that were besieged; for fear lest they might be intercepted, and so they should discover Camillus intention, but putting on an ill favoured gown upon him, he conveyed certain pieces of Cork under it, and travelling at noon days, kept on his way without fear, untill he came to Rome, bringing dark night with him; and because he could not pass by the bridge, for that the Gauls kept watch upon it, he wrapped such cloaths, as he had, about his neck (which were not many nor heavy) and took the River, and swimming with these Corks which he had brought, at length he got over to the other side, where the City stood; then taking up those lanes where he thought the enemies were not, seeing fire, and hearing noise in other places, he went to the gate Carmentall, where he found more silence then in other places, on the which side also the hill of the Capitol was more steep and upright, by reason of the great rocks that were hard to clime up upon: But he digged and crept up so long amongst them that he got up with great pain unto the wall of the Fortress, on the which side also the enemy kept no watch; and saluting the watch of the Capitol, he told them what he was, so they plucked him up to them, and brought him to the Magistrates that ruled them, who caused the Senate to assemble presently, to whom he told the news of Camillus Victory, which they had not heard of before; and therewith also he did declare unto them, the determination of the Roman Souldiers that were abroad, which was to make Camillus their Captain and General, and did perswade them also to grant him the Charge, for that he was the only man abroad, whom the Citizens gave consent to obey; when they heard this, all that were within the Capitol consulted thereupon among themselves, and so did choose Camillus Dictator, and returned the Messenger, Pontius Cominius back again, the self same way he came unto them; this fortune in returning back was like unto his co∣ming thither, for the enemies never saw him: And so he brought report to them that were a∣broad of the Senates decree and consent, whereof they were all marvellous glad. Thus came Camillus to take this Charge of General upon him, and found there were twenty thousand good fighting men abroad and well Armed. Then got he further ayd also of their Allies, and Confederates, and prepared daily to go and set upon the enemies. So was Camillus chosen now Dictator the second time, and went into the City of Veies, where he spoke with the Ro∣mane Souldiers that were there, and leavied a great number of Allies besides to go fight with the enemies as soon as he could. But whilst Camillus was thus preparing, certain of the Gauls in Rome walking out by chance on that side of the Capitol where Pontius Cominius had gotten up the night before, spied in divers places the prints of his feet and hands, as he had griped and gotten hold, sti••l digging to get hold, and saw the weeds also, and herbs growing upon the Rocks, and the earth also in the like manner flat trodden down; whereupon they went pre∣sently unto the King, to let him understand the same, who forthwith came to view the place, and having considered it well, did nothing at that time; but when dark night was come, he called a company of the lightest Gauls together, and that used most to dig in Mountains, and said unto them, our enemies themselves do shew us the way how to take them, which we could not have found out but by themselves; for they having gone up before us, do give us easily to understand that it is no impossible thing for us to clime up also, wherefore we were utterly shamed, having already began well, if we should fail also to end well, and to leave this place as invincible; for if it were easie for one man alone, by digging, to clime up to the top there∣of, much less is it hard for many to get up one after another, so that one do help the other. Therefore Sirs, I do assure you, those that do take the pains to get up, shall be honourably re∣warded according to their just desert; when the King had spoken these words unto the Gauls, they fell to it lustily, every man to get up, and about midnight, they began many of them to dig and make steps up to the Rock one after another, as softly as could possibly, with catch∣ing hold the best they could by the hanging of the Rock, which they found very steep, but nevertheless, easier to clime then they took it at the beginning, so that the foremost of them being up to the top, were now ready to take the wall, and to set upon the Watch, that slept; for there was neither man nor dog that heard them. It chanced then there were holy Geese

kept in the Temple of Juno, which at other times were wont to be fed till their crops were full: But victuals being very strait and scant at that time, even to finde the men, the poor Geese were so hardly handled, and so little regarded that they were in a manner starved for lack of meat: This Fowl indeed naturally is very quick of hearing, and so also very fear∣full by nature, and being in a manner almost famished with their hard allowance, they were so much the more wakefull and easier to be afraid: upon this occasion therefore, they heard the coming of the Gauls, and also began to run up and down and cry for fear, with which noise they did wake those that were within the Castle. The Gauls being bewrayed by these foolish Geese, left their stealing upon them, and came in with all open noise and terrour they could. The Romans hearing this Alarm every man took such weapon as came first to hand, and they run suddenly to rescue that place, from whence they understood the noyse; amongst those the foremost man of all was Marcus Manlius, a man that had been Consull, who had a lusty body, and as stout a heart. His hap being to meet with two of the Gauls together, as one of them was lifting up his Ax to knock him on the head, he prevented him and struck off his hand with his sword, and clapt his Target on the others face so fiercely, that he threw him backward down the Rock, and coming afterwards unto the Wall with others that ran thither with him, he repulsed the rest of the Gauls that were gotten up, who were not many in num∣ber: Thus the Romans having escaped this danger, the next morning they threw the Captain down the Rocks from the Castle, who had charge of the Watch the night before; and gave Manlius in recompence of the good service he had done, a more honourable then profitable reward, which was this, every man of them gave him half a pound of the Country Wheat which they call Far: and the fourth part of the measure of wine, which the Grecians call Cotile, and this might be about a Quart, being the ordinarie allowance of every man, by the day.

After this Repulse the Gauls began to be discouraged, partly for that their victuals failed them, and durst no more forrage abroad in the fields for fear of Camillus; and partly also for that the Plague came amongst them, being lodged amongst heaps of dead bodies, lying in every place above ground without burial, and amongst burnt houses destroyed, where the ashes being blown very high by the wind, and vehemency of heat, did give a dry piercing ayr, that did marvellously poyson their bodies, when they came to draw in the breath of it. But the greatest cause of all their mischief, was the change of their wonted Diet, who coming out of a fresh Country, where there were excellent pleasant places to retire unto to avoid the discomodity of the parching heat of the Summer, were now in a naughty plain Country for them to remain in, in the later season of the year. All these things together, did heap diseases upon them, besides the long continuance of the siege about the Capitol (for it was then about the 7. moneth) by reason whereof there grew a marvellous death in their Camp, through the great numbers of them that died daily and lay unburied.

But notwithstanding all the death and trouble of the Gauls, the poor besieged Romans were nothing holpen, and the Famine still did grow upon them: And because they could hear no∣thing of Camillus, they were almost grown into despair; and send unto him they could not, the Gauls kept so strait a watch, upon them in the City; whereupon both parties finding them∣selves in hard estate; first, the Watch on each side began to cast out words of peace amongst themselves; and afterwards by consent of the heads, Sulpitius Tribune of the Souldiers came to parley with Brennus. In which parley it was articuled, that the Romans should pay a thou∣sand pound weight of gold; and that the Gauls should incontinently, after the Receit of the same depart out of their City, and all their Territories; this decree being passed by oath from both, the gold was brought: And when it came to be weighed, the Gauls at the first, pri∣vily began to deal falsely with them; but afterwards they openly stayed the balance, and would let them weigh no more, whereat the Romans began to be angry with them; then Bren∣nus in scorn and mockery, to despite them the more, pluckt off his sword belt and all, and put it into the balance where the Gold was weighed. Sulpitius, seeing that, askt him, what he meant by it? Brennus answered him, What can it signifie else, but sorrow to the vanquished? This word ever after ran as a common Proverb in the Peoples mouths. Some of the Romans took this vile part of theirs in such scorn, that they would needs take the Gold from them again by force, and so return unto their Hold to abide the Siege still, as they had done before; others were of opinion to the contrary; and thought it best with patience, to put up this scorn of theirs, and not to think it was shame to pay more then they had promised; but only to pay it by compulsion as they did by misfortune of time, was rather to think necessa∣ry then honourable.

And as they were debating the matter thus, as well amongst themselves as the Gauls, Ca∣millus came to Rome gates with his Army, and understanding all that had passed between them, he comands the rest of the Army to march fair and softly after him in good order; and he himself in the mean season, with the best choice men he had, went before with all speed. As soon as the other Romans within the City had spied him, they shouted for joy, and every one with great reverence received him, without any more words, as their Soveraign Prince and Captain, who had power over them all: And Camillus taking the gold out of the scales, gave it unto his men, and commanded the Gauls presently to take up the scales, and to get them going; for said he, it is not the Romans manner to keep their Country with gold, but with

the sword: then Brennus began to be hot, and told him it was not honourably done of him to break the accord that had passed between them before by oath, whereunto Camillus stoutly answered him again, that accord was of no validity; for he being Dictator was before all other Officers and Magistrates whatsoever; and their acts by his election were made of no authority: And seeing therefore that they had dealt with men that had no power of them∣selves to accord to any matter, they were to speak to him, if they required ought; for he alone had also late power to pardon them if they repented, and would ask it; or else to pu∣nish them, and make their bodies answer the damage and loss his Country had sustained by them: These words made Brennus as mad as a March Hare, that out went his blade; then they drew their swords on all sides, and laid lustily one at another, as they could within the houses, and in open streets, where they could set no Battel in order; but Brennus suddenly remembring himself, that it was no even match for him, retired with his men about him into his Camp before he had lost many of his people. The next night following he departed out of Rome with all his Army, and went to encamp himself about threescore Furlongs; from thence in the high way that goeth towards the City of the Gabians, Camillus with his whole Army, well appointed, went after him immediately, and shewed himself at his Camp by break of day. The Romans having taken heart again unto them, did lustily give them Bat∣tel, the same continued very long cruel and doubtfull, till at length the Gauls were overcome, and their Camp taken with great slaughter: As for those that did escape the fury of the Bat∣tel, they were killed some by the Romans themselves, who hotly followed the chase after the Battel broken; and the residue of them, and the greatest part were slain by those of the Ci∣ties and Villages near abouts, that did set upon them as they fled here and there scattering in the field: Hitherto Plutarch; and most likely it is, that the Heroick Brittain, the most cou∣ragious Brennus, here also perished; and therefore we will return to his brother.

Belinus, now absolute Monarch of Brittain, after he had lest his Brother in Forreign Coun∣tries, and returned into his own Kingdom, built the famous City of Caerleon upon Vsk, for confirmation of which verity there are many witnesses, as the Brittish History, Galfridus, Vi∣cunnius, Matthew of Westminster, Ranulph, Hegen, Caxton, Harding, Stow, Hollinshead; and to write in his words, Most part of all our Writers. Galfridus calls this City Kaerose: Vicun∣nius nameth it Kaer Vsk, Matth. West. Kaer Vsk, Higeden Caer Huth; and it was one of the three Arch flamens Seats of Brittany. The Priests amongst the old Romans, were called Fla∣mins, by reason of certain little narrow hats which they did wear upon their heads, as if they had called them Pilamines; for Pilos in Greek signifieth a Hat: Numa Pampilius, is said to have been the first Founder of the Flamens, by reason that he added to the Priests of Jupiter and Mars a third, who was called Flamen Quirinalis.

This City, in succeeding times, was called Caerlegion, that is to say, the City of Legions, and was the See of an Archbishop; to which was subject all Cambria or Wales, then adorned with seven Bishops, now with four Suffragans, Sedes Archiepiscoporum in Brittannia tres fue∣runt tempore Lucii regis, Brittannorum primi Christiani, videlicet apud London, apud Ebora∣cum, apud Caer-hursc, urbem Legionum in Glamorgancia, quibus tunc subjecti fuerunt 28. E∣piscopi Flamines tunc vocati, &c. Vrbi Legionum subjacuit tota Cambria 7 tunc Episcopis nunc vero quatuor suffraganeis insignita, quam flumen Sabrina tunc Secernebat à Loegria,* 1.90 which Severn then separated from England: and in this City, faith a French Author was King Lucius born. The same Author speaking further; the Sees of these three Arch-flamens,* 1.91 being the three most noble Cities of Brittain, which were London, Everwicks, and the City of Legions upon the River Vsks in the County of Glamorgan in Wales, not far from Severn, which is a place delicious, and passing in Riches all other Cities.

As concerning the Arch-bishops of Caerleon, they have been many, and of great note,* 1.92 Learning, and Sanctity; We must account (saith Godwin) St. Dubritius the first Bishop, Not that I deny any other to have sate there before him; but because be is the first whose name is re∣membred: And it is probable he had no Predecessors, because the memory of his Successors is so carefully preserved: But as this mans Authority is so weak to be rested upon (saith Mr. Brough∣ton) that it hath often before deceived them who builded upon it; so his reason here alledged is of as feeble strength; for the memory of the Successors hath been so carelesly preserved by his own confession after, that he having cited two different Catalogues of their names, only above twenty in number, concludeth in these terms against himself before; Of these fore∣named Bishops, until Sampson, there remaineth little or no memorial, but their names only. And in the names themselves, there is difference in the memorials of them.* 1.93 And both of them omit their most renowned Archbishop Elbodus, who joyned with St. Augustine and his com∣pany, and wrote against his own Brittains and Scots for their untrue observation of Easter. Some think he was created Archbishop by St. Augustine. Mr. Harris seemeth to be of opi∣nion, that St. Fugatianus, one of Pope Elutherius Legates was first Archbishop of Caerleon, and St. Damiunus the other Legat Archbishop of London, yet with the common opinion he had pla∣ced St. Thean there before, both which may stand with truth in due construction if St. Damia∣nus resigned it to St. Thean, who, as he saith, was Archbishop there eighteen years; and see∣ing we find no final departure of these two holy Legats from hence, but rather a continual a∣bode here, after their return from Rome, as though they were wholly designed for the spiritual good of this Kingdom, if we joyn here with what eminent men and Bishops they were, we

may not deny them any chief place of honour, according to their worth and deservings here.

The old Writer of St. Gudwalus Life, Surius Haraeus, and others say, he was Archiepiscopus Britannus, an Archbishop of Brittany, and by his life and aboad of no other place, but our old Caerlegion; And if we should follow their opinions, which hold, that Caerlegion was Au∣gusta, where our renowned Archbishop Augulus was martyred, we must also make him Arch∣bishop there; and the old Brittish History with divers other, testifieth, that Tremonus was Arch∣bishop here,* 1.94 Tremonus urbis Legionum Archiepiscopus, long before St. Dubritius. And it was foretold long before, probably, St. Dubritius was born, or Tremonus was Archbishop of Caer∣legion, that this Archbishops See should be translated from thence to St. Davids, and there the Archbishops Pall of Caerlegion should be worn, Menevia Pallio urbis Legionum induetur, which was after verified in the time of St. David; as also the prophecie of the translation of London to Canterburie by St. Augustine: and the seventh Archbishop of York going into Ar∣morica, performed by St. Sampson, all foretold at one time altogether long before: There∣fore as in London and York there were Archbishops, so in this City also of Caerlegion there were such wearing the Pall, justifying the undeniable change and performance of that Predi∣ction.* 1.95 After this time all Histories agree of St. Dubritius, St. David, Eliud, Theelianus, Ki∣nocus immediatly succeeding one another, and Elbodus in St. Aug. time. And a late Writer saith further: In which three Cities of London, York, and Caerlegion upon Usk, there had been before time three Arch-flamens erected unto Apollo, Mars and Minerva, but now rased to the ground, and three other Churches builded in their steads by Lucius, to the intent that the Countreys round about, might have indifferent access unto those places, and therewithall under∣stand for certain whether to resort for resolution.

The Persecution under the Roman Emperors being generall to all Churches and places, even in the beginning thereof came to the City of Caerlegion, where the Church being destroyed, and the School founded by King Lucius overthrown, the holy Priests and other Christians there, had their part therein. Amongst others St. Julius and St. Aron were then cruelly mar∣tyred in that City, being by consent of all, Citizens and Inhabitants, there: Aron & Julius Legionum urbis cives, most cruelly torn in pieces, by torments never heard of before, passi sunt inaudita membrorum discerptione in testimonium Dei excelsi. Others say, it is evident in Histories they were learned men, brought up in the Colledge or School, there founded by King Lu∣cius;* 1.96 thus write two late authors, Ex Sanctorum Historiis constat Amphibalum Aaronem & Ju∣lium Sanctissimos Dei Martyres cœlestem Christi Doctrinam, apud urbem Legionum inter literas tradidisse. Ex nobili Gymnasio urbi Legionum viri multi summa pietatis & doctrinae laude con∣spicui prodierunt, ut Amphibalus Julius & Aron. By which Authorities, and Testimonies joyning these holy Martyrs for Education, School, Learning, Preaching and professing Christ with that most renowned Priest and Bishop St. Amphibalus they incline to hold and teach that they also were Clergy men. This persecution at Caerlegion when these holy Martyrs were put to death, was at the destruction of the Cathedral Church there, being at the same time when the like desolation was at Winchester long before St. Albans Martyrdom, I must needs say the same of these Saints, as the Annales of Winchester do of their Martyrs. And this the rather, because our Antiquaries have told us, that S. Amphibalus who converted S. Alban, was born, bred, instructed in learning, and remained at Caerlegion, and being there in all probable Judge∣ment, when these troubles began there, was as our Brittish History witnesseth, pursued, and in present danger to be apprehended by the Persecutors, when St. Alban gave him entertainment and succour; and addeth plainly, that when St. Amphibalus thus fled from Caerlegion, St. Ju∣lius, and St. Aron were, Absque cunctamine, presently Martyred there, having their members so torn in pieces, as the like had not been heard of before. Inter cæteros utriusque sexus summae magnanimitate in acie Christi præstantes, passus est Albanus, Julius quoque & Aron urbis Legi∣onum cives;* 1.97 quorum Albanus charitatis gratia fervens, confessorem suum Amphibalum à per∣sequitoribus insectatum, & jam jam comprehendendum, in domo sua occuluit; cæteri veri Duo inau∣dita membrorum discerptione lacerati ad egregias portas Hierusalem absque cunctamine cum Mar∣tyrii trophæo convolaverunt. The very same testimony hereof is given by St. Gildas, both for St. Amphibalus then flying the persecution, and the martyrdom of these saints at that time. St. Bede also is witness that St. Alban entertained St. Amphibalus flying the persecutors, Cleri∣cum quendam persecutores fugientem hospitio recepit. And that St. Aron and St. Julius were martyred at that time, Passi sunt ea tempestate Aron & Julius urbis legionum cives: The like have others; therefore Giraldus Cambrensis doth worthily call them our two Protomartyrs in this time, only in dignity, second and next to St. Alban and St. Amphibalus, but in time first and before them, Duo nobiles & post Albanum & Amphibalum præcipui Brittanniae Majoris Protomartyres.* 1.98 These our two Protomartyrs are wonderfully commended in our Histories: St. Gildas saith of them, that they stood out in the Army of Christ, with greatest magnanimi∣ty,* 1.99 Summa magnanimitate in acie Christi præstantes dico. Giraldus Cambrensis is witness that amongst the Martyrs of that time, they were the chiefest next to St. Alban, and St. Amphiba∣lus, Post Albanum & Amphibalum præcipui martyrio coronati, Julius & Aron: How they were honoured of the holy Catholick Christians of that time, with Churches dedicated to them, Pilgrimages to the places of their Martyrdom, and they both there, and in other places ho∣noured, invocated and prayed unto, presently upon the ceasing of the Persecution.

Now it will suffice to conclude with that their title of glory and renown, which the anci∣ent and learned Bishop of their Nation before hath given them, and the due and honour to the place of their triumphant death, Jacent hic duo nobilis Brittanniæ Majoris Protomartyres & ibidem Martyrio coronati Julius & Aron. Here lie (at Caerlegion) the two Noble Proto∣martyrs of great Brittain, Julius and Aron, and there crowned with Martyrdom. This title to be the first Martyrs of Brittain in the most terrible persecution, and with such exceeding magnanimity, and Christian constancy, as hath been related, in induring torments till then never heard of, without any example going before them, but giving themselves the first ex∣ample hereof, so wonderfull patience, love of Christ, and Heroical true fortitude to so many thousands, which by their singular example, with invincible courage imitated them therein, is the greatest honour we can yeild to such blessed Saints on earth; their Festivity is celebra∣ted by the old Roman Martyrologie upon the first day of July.* 1.100 On which day as Baronius plainly writeth, many others suffered Martyrdom with them, Julius & Aron Martyres cum aliis plurimis in Brittania sub Dioclesiano primo die Julii. So likewise affirmeth the English Writer, and the Roman Martyrologe which Baronius glosseth upon, may very well carry that construction, for setting down for a certain truth, that these two holy Martyrs were put to death in Brittany upon the first day of July, Primo die Julii in Brittannia Sanctorum Marty∣rum Julii & Aron, qui in persecutione Dioclesiani passi sunt; it presently addeth, quo tempore ibidem quam plurimi diversis cruciatibus torti & saevissime lacerati ad supernæ civitatis gaudia consummato agone pervenerunt: At the same time, in the same place very many tortured with divers torments, and most cruelly torn, having ended their combats, came to the joys of heaven.

And St. Bede saith, that ea tempestate, at that time when St. Julius and St. Aron were mar∣tyred, divers others, both men and women were put to death, Alii utrius{que} sexus passi sunt ea tempestate. So hath Henry of Huntington, Passi sunt eo tempore Julius & Aron alii quo∣que plures utriusque sexus: And we cannot probably think that these raging Persecutors, who in places where there were not in any degree so many Christians, as in this renowned City an Archiepiscopal See, and Christian University put them to death by thousands, sent these here by cruel Martyrdom to heaven alone; These holy Martyrs by all Antiquities suffered Martyrdom at Caerlegion, and both Giraldus Cambrensis and Ranulphus, Higeden writing at Winchester: As also our late Antiquaries of the same Country, plainly say it was at Caerle∣gion in Monmouthshire, which was the Archiepiscopal City and School, distinguishing it from Winchester, by some called Caerlegion; also I will only cite one Englished to my hand by a Modern; In this Region Monmouthshire is seated, the most ancient and most noble City of Le∣gions, which our Countrymen call Caerleon on Usk, that is to say, the City of Legions upon Usk for difference sake, between it and the other which is built in Northwales, upon the River Dee; of which Giraldus writeth thus. The same was a Noble and ancient Town, the tokens where∣of remain as yet, an huge Palace, a Giant like Tower, goodly Baths and Hot-houses, Re∣liques of Churches and places like Theaters, compassed with beautifull walls, partly yet standing; also buildings under the ground, Conducts, secret passages and Vaults under the Earth, framed with wonde••full Workmanship. There lyeth Julius and Aron, which had Churches dedicated unto them, Ʋna Julii Martyris altera Araonis. In the Church of St. Ju∣lius which is now called St. Julians, and is distant from the now Caerleon a mile, seated fast by the River of Ʋsk, which runneth through the Town, belonging to the Right Honourable Edward Lord Herbert of Cherbury and Castle Issand, a most stately house in this Church, for∣merly Virgineo choro de corata, was a Nunnery: for in this Town were two famous Monaste∣ries one of Monks, or Canon Regulars, the other of Nuns,* 1.101 dedicated to St. Julius in which Queen Guenhumara wife to King Arthur did after receive the habit of Religion Guenhumara Regina in Monasterio Julii Martyris inter Moniales habitum Religionis suscepit.

Not far from Caerlegion, is a place called St. Albans, standing on the ascent of a hill, at the bottom whereof runneth the River of Vsk, where by an old Tradition, the Inhabitants believe St. Alban was put to death, and will not be perswaded out of their errour by any reason; wherefore to convince that mistake,* 1.102 though the circumstances of the place be some∣thing alike, where St. Alban was put to death; for St. Bede writeth, that the people who came to behold his Martyrdom were so many, that being to passe over the River by a Bridge, if St. Alban had not so miraculously dryed up the River, they could hardly have gone over by the Bridge before night, Ita fluminis occupabat pontem ut intra vesperam transire vix posset: There was scarcely any left in the City, Cunctis pene egressis, a great multitude of both Sexes, divers Estates and Ages came thither by instinct, Vtriusque sexus conditionis diversae & aetatis quæ sine dubio divinitatis instinctu ad obsequium beatissimi confessoris ac Martyris vocabantur. There∣fore so many of divers conditions, being thus called by the inspiration of God to such an ho∣ly purpose, we cannot but think many of them were there converted at that time. St. Bede setetth this to be done at St. Albans death before the great miracle of Angels, appearing and praising of God, and honouring St. Alban, the night following at his place of burial: and so soon as this miracle appeared, the Pagans presently came thither in great numbers to hear and see it publikely, professing that those Miracles were wrought by the power of Christ the Sonne of GOD, and so being converted unto him, a thousand of them at one time took their Journey to seek Saint Amphibalus in those parts, which we

now call Wales so far distant from Verulamium (now St. Albans in England) where by the help of divers Christians in their company among other others, him that took up St. Albans Crosse which he held in his hands at his Martyrdom, which all to be spotted with his blood, they presented to St. Amphibalus whom they found preaching to the people of that Country,* 1.103 and they were Instructed, Catechized, and Baptized by him in Christian Religion. Cum ad hoc spectaculum subito fieret concursus Paganorum, unus ex omnibus in hanc vocem prorupit. Hæc miranda quæ vidimus Christum Dei Filium liquidò operari constat, eamus & inquiramus virum Dei, quia sicut nostis Albanum prædicando convertit ad Christum: Cum{que} omnibus ista sententia placuisset, ad mille hominum versus Walliam iter arripiunt & virum Dei Amphibalum ibi inve∣nerunt regionis illius hominibus Verbum Dei prœdicantem;* 1.104 cui adventus sui causam exponentes, Crucem quam suo quondam Albano commendaverat cruore respersam obtulerunt; at ille gratias Deo agens, novis auditoribus fecit de Religione Sermonem, cui mox illi consentientes signaculum qùod in Christo est ab ejus sacris manibus alacriter susceperunt.

Some Authors will have these thousand Martyrs to have suffered at Lichfield, because there were so many in that persecution Martyred there; and the very name Lichfield signifieth a Field of Blood, and the bearing the Arms accordingly belonging thereto: but this Contro∣versie is decided before, when our Antiquaries assure us, that it was in the County now cal∣led Wales, in which Lichfield never was nor can be accounted, neither was it the way of these persecutors thither, from Verulamium; nor so long and tedious a journey; Iter tam laboriosum as they went Dictum est quod omnes pro quibus tam laboriosum iter susceperant in extremis finibus perierunt; Certainly great and cruel was the Massacre; for these cruel Pagans Diabolica in∣vecti furia slew all they met; the Son not sparing his Father nor the Brother his Brother, no Man his Neighbour;* 1.105 but sine respectu sanguinis, ætatis, aut reverentiae, vicini vicinos, & amicos amici neci tradunt, & atrociter in ore gladii mille viros pro Christo occidunt, ex hoc sacro Colle∣gio unus omnino superfuit qui in via corporis infirmitate detentus adesse non potuit. Thus much concerning Caerleon in this place.

Bellinus having built Caerleon upon Ʋsk, built also a Gate in London, to this hour called Bellinus Gate,* 1.106 In cujus summa (saith Ri. Vitus) Turrim aedificat & in imo portum appellentibus per Tamesim navibus idoneum; item aliam Turrim in colle Londini, Quam hodie (secundum Jo∣annem Lelandum) Turrim Londinensem vocamus quod non est improbabile, nam Peredurus Rex postea captus in ea custoditus; Hanc igitur arcem Londinensem, inquit Polidorus Virgi∣lius satis munitam & multis Turribus (unde nomen habet) exstructam, falso vulgus Anglorum præ∣dicat à Julio Cæsare conditam esse, qui de Londino non meminit quippe quod eo non pervenerit. In whose top or highest place he caused a Tower to be made, and at the Fort or Basis a Har∣bour and safe landing place for ships sayling up the Thames; He also built an other Tower on the hill of the mount of London, as affirmeth John Leland, which at this day we call the Tower of London, nor much unprobable for that Peredurus, King of this Island, being surpri∣zed,* 1.107 was there kept prisoner; Polidorus Virgilius is of opinion (as Vitus tells us) that this Tower being strongly built and garnished with many smaller Towers, from whence it takes its name, was not built by Julius Cæsar, as the vulgar opinion is, for that he maketh no men∣tion of London nor ever came so far.

Bellinus autem cum regnasset annos viginti & unum solus, diem obiit nobili{que} ceremonia in ig∣nem conjectus uritur primus quidem omnium Brittannorum Regum qui crematus est, & cineres in urnam auream conditi ponuntur, super fastigio portae Bellinæ; Bellinus after he had reigned alone the space of one and twenty years, finished the course of his natural life, whose body with noble but unusual ceremony was cast into a fire, being the first of all the Brittish Kings, whose body was consumed with Funeral flames; his ashes being gathered together, were put into a golden Vessell or Urne, and placed in the highest part of his late built Arch or Gate.

You have already heard how Brennus the heroick Brittish Prince sackt Rome, besieged the Capitol, compelled the Senators to compound with him for a thousand pound weight of Gold, and how lastly he was pursued by Camillus the Dictator, and how he was vanquished and his whole Army routed and put to the Sword, partly by the country Peasants and neighbouring Towns and Villages, in which sad condition Plutark leaves: but he was a Roman Writer and may speak partially in the behalf of his own Country. Let us hear therefore what Count Pa∣latine thinks of the matter; he was born in this Island and will speak as much for Brennus as did Plutark for Camillus;* 1.108 and therefore tells you, Brennus autem domitis Pannoniis & audita Victoria suorum qui Belgio Duce Macedones vicerant preda{que} relicta discesserant, adunatis cen∣tum quinquaginta millibus equitum erumpit in Macedoniam; sed pauci à pluribus, trepidi à va∣lentibus facile vincuntur. Ita{que} cum victi Macedones se condidissent intra muros Ʋrbium, Victor Brennus nemine impediente totius Macedoniæ agros deprædatur, inde quasi spolia sorderent, con∣vertit animum ad Deorum immortalium Templa, joco dicens oportere Deos locupletes hominibus dona largiri: statim igitur Delphos iter vertit, Religionis aurum pro præda Deorum offensae præ∣fert, eos ait nullis opibus indigere; ita{que} cum in conspectu Templum Apollinis haberet, diu deli∣beravit an confestim rem aggrederetur, an vero fessis via militibus daret spacium noctis ad resu∣mendas vires. Emidanus & Thessalonus duces qui se junxerant ad prædaesocietatem jubent moras amputari dum hostes forent imparati & sui adventus eis esset terrori; sed Galli ex inopia longa cum invenirent rura referta vino, cæteris{que} commeatibus, se per agros sparserant desertis{que} signis

ad occupanda omnia pro victoribus vagabantur. Prius ergo Delphi viribus sociorum aucti præ∣munierunt Ʋrbem suam, quam Galli vino veluti prædæ incubantes ad signa evocantur. Brennus habebat ex omni exercitu lecta Sexaginta quin{que} Millia peditum. Delphorum sociorum{que} non e∣rant nisi militum instructorum quatuordecim Millia, quorum contemptu Brennus præ numero suorum de victoria non dubitat; sed ad acuendos animos militibus ostendit ubertatem prædæ statuas{que} cum quadrigis fusas auro solido: quarum rerum animadversione Galli magis incitati ac pridie vino pleni, ruunt in bellum sine ulla cogitatione periculorum. Delphi contra plus in Deo quam in viribus suis subsidii ponunt, Gallos{que} scandentes de summo vertice montis Parnassi quo templum Apollinis est, partim Saxis partim Armis obruunt, maximo{que} terræ motu parte montis ejusdem erupta, Gal∣lorum Exercitum prostravit, confertissimi{que} cunei vulneribus dissipati cadebant; Dux ipse Bren∣nus cum non poterat amplius ferre dolorem vulnerum suorum vitam pugione finivit. Brennus having vanquished the Inhabitants of Pannonia, and hearing of the Victory which his Soul∣diers had obtained under the Command of Belgius their Commander against the Macedoni∣ans, who fled away leaving the booty and spoils behind them, rallying up fifty thousand foot, and fifteen thousand horse, he suddenly and with great violence enters Macedonia; where whilst he plundered, ransackt, and destroyed both Fields and Villages, Sosthenes with an Army well appointed made Head and Resistance against him: but being far fewer in number, and overwhelmed with multitudes of his Enemies, he was forced to Retreat and give way to his present Fortune: the Macedonians being thus put to the worst, by necessity are compelled to hide and secure themselves under the protection of their walled and fortified Townes and Castles; mean time Brennus having none to oppose him, fleeceth and wasteth the Countries round about; and seeing these spoils too slender for his avaricious and aspiring mind, he de∣vours and swallows up in his all-devouring thoughts the opulency of the Gods; deridingly, and as he thinks wittily though profanely, saying, The wealth-abounding Gods must supply the indigent wants of poor distressed mortals; and therefore bends all his power for Delphos, preferring their rich and massie oblations, and consecrate golden offerings before the just and most deserved anger of the Gods, saying, The Gods could never want; busying himselfe with these imaginations, he comes within the sight and view of great Apollos Temple, where he pauseth, considering with himself, whether it were better suddenly to assault, or rather give that nights rest unto his wearied Souldiers to refresh their tired bodies: Euridanus and Thessalonus Captains of great skill and experience, who had associated themselves meerly for lucre and spoil, advise him by all means to cut off delays as dangerous, and suddenly to set upon the attempt; the Enemy as yet being altogether unprovided, in regard whereof a sud∣den motion would strike them into a terrible fear. But the Gauls having suffered hunger and hard marches, finding the Country well furished with Wines and other welcome Provisions, leaving their Colours, disperse themselves every one according to his own pleasure and liking, and as if already all were their own, like Conquerors they strut it up and down. This re∣misnesse gives opportunity to the Delphians by the Auxiliary Forces of their Friends and Neighbours to fortifie their Town and reinforce their Garrison; which Brennus perceiving, sends out Command for every man speedily to repair to his Colours, whose minds were set upon nothing but looking to their bellies and quaffing lusty bowls. The Army of the Gauls consisted of sixty thousand Foot; the Citizens of Delphos had only fourteen thousand fighting Men, Brennus undervaluing this slender handfull of Men in respect of the numerous Troops of his Souldiers, made himself cock-sure of the Victory; and therefore to encourage his Men the more, he wish'd them to behold and consider, the richness of the Treasure, and greatness of the Spoil which was like to fall unto their share, the Statues and Images together with their Chariots if not made, at least covered over with pure and solid Gold. The greedy Souldier easily swallowed up his golden Bait, and elevated, and inebriated with the blood of the lusty grape, without either Order or command (being sufficiently armed with Bachus to set all danger at defiance) runs headlong into Battel; on the contrary, the wary Delphians, confi∣ding more in the protection of their God than strength of their humane Forces, from the high and towring Top of the cloud, kissing Parnassus, (where stood Apollos stately Temple) with stones and other such Materials, besides the help of their Weapons, beat down, and headlong precipitated the aspiring Gauls: this their endeavour was seconded by a sudden and hideous Earthquake, which so broke the Ranks of the amazed yet furious Assailants, and so disordered their best ordered Squadrons, that what with a sudden fear & what with those unwonted kinds of wounds, they were totally disperst and overthrown. Brennus whose haughty spirit not long before was puft up with presumption of winning golden Mountains, is now no longer able to endure his late received wounds; and therefore with one stroke to put a period to all his mi∣series, he sheatheth his fatal Dagger with a more then manlike thrust in the most remote angle of his own entrails.

Bellinus together with his brother began their Reign anno Mundi according to Fabian, four thousand eight hundred and eight; according to which Author jointly and alone: elli∣nus reigned twenty six years, leaving a Son after him called Gurguintus, Gurguint, Brabituc or after some Writers, Gurguint Barberous, that is to say, Gurguint with a red Beard.

Finis Libri primi.

To the High and Mighty PRINCES,

• THOMAS HOWARD, Duke and Earl of Norfolk, Earl of Arundel and Surrey, Lord Howard, Fitz Alan, Mow∣brey, Matravers, Segrave, Bruse and Clun.
• SEYMOUR or De S^to Mauro, Duke of Somerset, Mar∣quesse and Earl of Hertford, Baron Beauchampe and Seymour, &c.
• GEORGE VILLIERS, Duke, Marquesse and Earl of Buckingham, Viscount Villiers and Baron of Whaddon, Knight of the Noble Order of the Garter.
• CHARLES STEWART, Duke of Lennox and Richmond, Earl of March and Lichfield, Lord Awbigney, Darneley, Tarbolton and Nethven in Scotland, and Baron of Leigh∣ton Bromswould in England.
• GEORGE MONCK, Duke of Albemarle, Earl of Tor∣rington, Baron Monck of Potherige, Beauchampe and Teyes, Capt. General and Commander in Chief of all his MAJESTIES Land Forces in his Kingdomes of England, Scotland and Ireland, and all other his Majesties Dominions and Territories, Knight of the most Noble Order of the Garter, Master of his Majesties Horse, & one of the Lords of his Majesties most Hon^ble privy Councel.

The Duke of Norfolk.

ROBERT commonly called Consull, Earl of Glocester, Son to King Hen. 1. by Nest Daughter to Rees ap Tewder, K. or Prince of South-Wales, which Rees married Gladis, Daughter and sole Heire of Rees ap Kenvin Prince of Powis.
Randolph sirnamed De Gernoniis E: of Chester.	Matildis or Maud, Daughter of Robert E. of Glocester.
Hugh Kavilioc Earl of Chester	Bertrude Daughter of Simon Earl of Montford:

William de Albeneio Earl of Arundel.	Mabell Daughter to Hugh Kavilioc and Sister and Co-heir to Randolph Blundevill her Brother.
John Fitz Alan Lord of Clun and O∣walstre, two Lordships in Wales.	Isabell D. and Coh. (after the death of her brothers William and Hugh) to William de Albeneio or Albany.
Richard Fitz Alan Grandchild to John 1. E. of Arundel of that Name.	Alizan D. to the Marquesse of Sluce in Italy.
Edmund Fitz Alan E. of Arundell.	Alice D. of William and Sister and Co-h. of John, E. Warren and Surrey.
Richard Fitz Alan E. of Arundel, &c. Lord of Yale, Bromfield, Chirkland and Dinas Bran in Northwales.	Elinor D. to Henry Plantagenet, E. of Lancaster.
Richard E. of Arundell, &c.	Eliza. D. to William de Bohun, E. of Northampton.
Thomas E. of Arundell, &c.	Beatrix base D. to John King of Portugall.
Thomus E. of Arundell, &c. sans Issue, so the Lands of the Earldome of Surrey were divided betwixt the Sisters, and the Earldome of Arundell fell to John Fitz Alan being entailed.
John Fitz Alan E. of Arundell, Knight of the Garter, great Grand-child to John.	Maud. D. and H. of Robert Lovell and Eliz. his wife D. and Co-h. to Sir Guy Bryan. To John Fitz A∣lan and Elinor his wife, sister and Coh. of Henry Lord Maltravers.
Humphrey Earle of Arundell, sans Issue.
William Fitz Alan Uncle and Heir to Humphrey.	Margaret D. of Richard Woodvile, E. Rivers, Sister and Co-h. to E. Rich. her Brother.
William Fitz Alan Earl of Arundell.	Ame D. of Henry Piercy Earl of Northumberland, by which Match this Honourable Family also de∣scends from the Welsh Line, as in that Pedegree shall appear.
Henry Lord Maltravers, sans Issue.
Thomas Howard Duke of Norfolke.	Mary D. and Co-h. of Henry Fitz Alan, Earl of Arundell.
Philip Howard eldest Son of D. Thomas did assume the Name and Title of Earl of Arundell.	Anne D. of Thomas Lord Dacres of Gilestand and Si∣ster and H. of George Lord Dacres.
Thomas Howard Earl of Arundell.	Alathen D. and Co-h. and at last sole H. to Gilbert Talbot E. of Shrewsbury, by which Match the Ho∣nourable Family descends from the Welsh Line, as in its proper place shall appear.
Henry Earl of Arundell, &c.	Eliz. D. to Elsme Stewart D. of Lennox, by which Match this House again springs from the Welsh blood, as the Princely Line of the Stewarts do shew.
Thomas Howard Duke of Norfolke.
Henry Howard second Son Heir ap∣parent.	Anne Daughter to Edward Marquesse and Earl of Worcester, &c. by which Conjunction the Welsh Alliance is strengthned.

NORFOLK is the greatest County of England next to Yorkshire, but far more popu∣lous then that, as comprehending in the whole 660 Parish Churches, of which 27 are Mar∣ket Townes. The soyl according to the variety of places is of different nature; some fat, rank, and full of moisture, in others very light and sandy, yet so that one contributing to the other, and the Sea giving help to both; it is a very plentifull County for Corn, Sheep and Fish. It is observed by a great Antiquary of this Kingdome, that in this County are 100 Families of

ancient Gentry were never attainted of High Treason. The Dukes and Earls of Norfolke have been as followeth.

• [year 1070] 1070. 1 Ralph de Ware Earl of Norfolk.
• 2 Hugh Bigot.
• 3 Roger Bigot.
• 4 Hugh Bigot.
• 5 Roger Bigot.
• 6 Roger Bigot.
• 7 Thomas de Brotherton Son of K. Edw. 1. E. of Norfolk.
• 8 Margaret Daughter of Thomas de Brotherton, Duch. of Norfolk.
• 9 Thomas Lord Mowbrey, Son of Marg. D. of Norfolke, Duke of Norfolk.
• 10 John Mowbrey, D.
• 11 John Mowbrey, D.
• 12 John Mowbrey, D.
• 13 Richard D. of York and Norfolk.
• 14 John Lord Howard Descended from the Lady Marg. Daughter to Thomas Duke of Norfolk.
• 15 Thomas Howard, D. Lord Treasurer and Admirall.
• 16 Thomas Howard, D. L. Treas.
• 17 Thomas Howard, D. of Norfolk.
• 18. Thomas Howard, D. of Norfolk. 1660.

The Duke of Somerset.

THis Honourable Family hath been Seated formerly in Wales, whose Habitation was Pen∣how in Monmouthshire, where I find their Arms cut in stone, and depicted in glasse in the Church Windows; which Church was Dedicated to St. Maurus, from which Name question∣lesse that illustrious Family took the Name De S^to Mauro; and yet to this day there is a Piece of Ground called Park Seymour: and to confirm this, I judge it not amisse to shew you parcel of an ancient Record.

The Saturday after the Feast of St. Michael in the full Court of Strigull, in the 55. year of Hen. the Son of K. John, before William de Walste, then Steward of Strigull, who ought to have House, Bote and Hey-bote in Wentwood.

The JƲRY.

The Abbot of Tynterne, the Prior of Strigull, Lord Robertson of Pagan, William Bloet, William Denford of Creeke, Richard de More, Robert de St. Maure, Bartholomew of More, Knights, Matthew Denbane, Robert de More, and John Morbell, who say in their Faith, that William Lord Bloet, ought to have to his House at Langston, House, Bote, by complaint or request: Lord William de St. Maure to his House (or Castle) of Penhow by the same means, &c.

Henry Gray Marquess Dorset and Duke of Suffolk, Descended from Sir John Gray, Kt. Lord Powis, who married Jane Daughter and one of the Heirs of Edward Charleton Lord Powis, Son of John of another John Charleton, who married Hawis, Daugh. and sole Heir of Howel ap Griffith, lineally descended from the Princes of Powis.	Frances D. and Co-h. to Charles Bran∣don, D. of Suffolk, and Queen Mary, D. to Hen. 7. who by Owen Tudor descended lineally from the Princes of Southwales, and from Rees ap Tew∣dor King of Demetia, who died 1090. and was buried at St. Davids.
Edward de Sto. Manro Earl of Hertford.	Joan D. to L. Hen. Piercy E. of Nor∣thumberland, by which Match this Fa∣mily is the 3. time descended from Wales.
Edward Seymour E. of Hertford and Duke of Somerset.	Katharine D. to Henry Grey and Fran∣ces D. and Co-h. to Charles Brandon D. of Suffolk and Mary Queen of France.

William Seymor Duke of Somerset, who married Sister and Co-heir to Robert Earle of Essex.
Seymor Lord Beauchampe.	Daughter to the Lord Capell, that Loyall and Heroick Spirit, who lost his life on the Kings behalf.
SEYMOR now DUKE of SOMERSET. 1660.

Somersetshire is a Country of a fertile Soyl both for Corn and Pasture, exceeding populous (as comprehending in the whole 385 Parish-Churches, whereof 33 are Market Towns,) and furnished also with commodious Havens for Trade and Traffick; in the parts towards Wilts, it is hilly and stony, which places about Mendip especially afford rich veins of Lead; the rest of the Country is very fertile, abounding with rich Meadows and Pastures: it hath formerly been known by the name of Somertonshire, but now it is ordinarily called Somerset∣shire, by which name it hath given the Honorary Title of,

Dukes and Earles of Somerset.

• 1 William de Mohun, E.
• 2 William Longespe, E. of Salisbury and Somerset.
• 3 Reynald de Mohun.
• 4 John Beauford eldest Son of John of Gaunt by his 3. wife.
• 5 Henry Beauford.
• 6 John Beauford, D. of Somersetsh.
• 7 Edmund Beauford, E. and D.
• 8 Henry Beauford, D.
• 9 Edmund Beauford, D.
• 10 Edmund 3. Son of Henry 7.
• 11 Henry Fitz Roy, base Son of Henry 8. D. of Somerset and Richmond.
• 12 Edw. Seymor, Lord Prot. of Ed. 6. D. of Somerset.
• 13 Robert Carr, E. of Somerset.
• 14 William Seymor, D. of Somerset.
• 15 Seymor now D. of Somersetshire. 1660

The Duke of Buckingham.

GEorge Duke of Buckingham married _____ _____ sole daughter and heir of Thomas Lord Fairfax, and _____ _____ his wife sole daughter and heir of the Lord Vere, by which affinity this illustrious Family is derived from the Brittish blood, as shall more at large appear in the pedigree of the Earls of Oxford.

George Villers Duke, Marquiss, and Earl of Buckingham, &c. married Katharine, the sole daughter and heir of Francis Mannors, Earl of Rutland, by which match this honourable Family apparently is derived from Brittish Noble Progenitors, as is copiously declared in the Genealogy of the Earls of Rutland.

Buckingham, as it is supposed, takes it name from Bucken, that is, Beech Trees, with which the Country is well stored. It is generally a rich and plentifull soyl, equally good for Corn and grazing, and lyeth all along on the bank of Thames, confronting Berkshire; it contains in it 185. Parish Churches, eleven of which are Market Towns, and amongst them, the chief in name is Buckingham, a Town of no great note, when it was at best, but more considerable heretofore then at present, being once fortified with a Castle, now hardly to be found in the very ruins; as also with a Rampire and certain Sconces built for the defence thereof against the Danes, now more invisible then the Castle; the greatest honour it can challenge, that it hath given titles of highest honour to many a brave and worthy personage, as well of the

Blood-Royal, as other Families, who by the Kings of England have been hence deno∣minated,

Dukes, Marquesses, and Earles of Buckingham.

• 1 Walter Giffard, Earl.
• 2 Walter Giffard, E.
• 3 Richard Strongbow, E.
• 4 Thomas of Woodstock, E.
• 5 Humphrey Plantagenet, E.
• 6 Humphrey Stafford, Duke.
• 7 Henry Stafford, D.
• 8 Edw. Stafford, D.
• 9 George Villiers D. Marq. and E. of Buck.
• 10 George Villiers D. Marq. and E. of Buck.

The Duke of Richmond.

GHARLES STEWART Duke of Richmond, Earle of March and Lichfield, &c. 1660. by that Royal Progeny is descended from Cadelm. King of Southwales, Meruin K. of Powis, Anarand King of Northwales, and Gwaith voyd K. of Cardigan, and by the genealogy of the Martiners from Gladiis Daughter and H. to Prince Llewelin, and by the Daughter of Henry the 7. from Owen Tudor, as is manifest in the Royal Descents of his Majesty, King Charles the second and James Duke of York.

Richmondshire is no County of it self but a part of Yorkshire, lying towards the Northwest; the chief Town is Richmond, first built by Alane E. of Bretagne the first Earl thereof after the Norman Conquest, who fenced it with a Wall and a strong Castle, and gave it the Name of Richmont, as a place equally participating of strength and beauty. The Earls of Bretagne for a long time together continued in the Titles and Possession of this Country: since it hath been bestowed upon other Families, who in their several Times have been adorned with the Stile of,

Dukes and Earles of Richmond.

• 1 Alan the Red, E.
• 2 Alan the black, E.
• 3 Stephan E.
• 4 Alan E.
• 5 Conan E.
• 6 Jeof. Plantagenet who married Const. D. to Conan, E.
• 7 Arthur the Son of Jeof. E.
• 8 Guido Viscount Towers 2. Husband of Const. E.
• 9 Randolph of Chester by his wife, E.
• 10 Peter de Dreux, D. of Bret.
• 11 Peter de Savoy Uncle to Queen Elinor.
• 12 John de Dreux, D. of Bret: E.
• 13 John de Dreux, D. of Bret.
• 14 John de Dreux, D. of Bret.
• 15 John de Dreux, D. of Bret.
• 16 John to Montfort, D. of Rich.

• 17 John of Gaunt, D. of Lan. E.
• 18 John de Montfort sirnamed the Valiant E.
• 19. Ralph Nevill, E. of Richmond durante vita.
• 20 John D. of Bedford.
• 21 Edm. of Hadham half brother to K. Hen. 6.
• 22 Henry E. of Rich. after K. of England.
• 23 Henry Fitz Roy, D. of Rich.
• 24 Lodowick Stewart, D. of Lennox, E. of Rich.
• 25 Esme Stewart, D. of Rich.
• Stewart, D. of Rich.
• 26 Charles Stewart, now living, 1660. D. of Rich.

The Duke of Albemarle.

George Monck Duke of ALBEMARLE.

Sir Thomas Monck of Powdrich or Potheridge Com. Devon. Knight.	Eliz Daughter of George Smith of Madeworthy juxta Exceter, Kt.
Anthony Monck de eodem Armig. one of the Deputy Lieutenants Com. Devon.	Mary Daug. of Rich Arscot of Ashwater, Esq Com. Devon.
Thomas Monck, Esq de eodem.	Frances 2. D. and Coh. to Arthur Plantagenet, Viscount Lisle, who as being an Inheritrix brought unto the Family of her Husband, these Coats, quarterly in the first, France and England, quartered in the 2. and 3. Ʋlster, and in the 4. Mortimer a batune Argent.
Arthur Plantagenet, Kt. of the Garter, natu∣ral Son to Edw. 4. by the Lady Eliz. Lucy, as is supposed, was created Viscount Lisle at Bridewel in London, the 26 of April, 1533 This Arthur was Lieutenant of Calis, which Town some of his Followers intended to betray to the French, for which with their Fact he was sent unto the Tower; but the truth appearing after much search, K. Hen. the 8. sent him a Ring from his Finger, with such comfortable words, that at the hearing thereof, he was so overjoyed, that in the same night he died.	Eliz. Daughter of Edward Grey, Viscount Lisle, Sister and Coh. to the Lord John Grey her brother, in whose Right her Husband (after the Surrender of Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolk) he was Viscount Lisle.

King EDWARD the Fourth.

Richard Plantagenet, Duke of York.	Cecely D. to Ralph Nevil first E. of Westmerland.
Richard Plantagenet, E. of Cambridge.	Anne D. and Heir to Edmund Mortimer, E. of March and Ʋlster, her Brother.
Roger Mortimer, E. of March.	Elinor D. of Thomas Holland, E. of Kent.
Edmund Martimer, E. of March.	Philip only D. and Heir of Lyonel Plantagenet, D. of Clarence and E. of Ʋlster.
Roger Martimer, E. of March.	Joan D. and Heir of Peter Tenivil or Genevil Lord of Mede, Vancolour and Trim in Ireland.

This Roger lineally in the Male Line descended from Sir Ralph Mortimer, Lord of Wigmore, who married Gladis, Daughter to Prince Llewelin (and Sister and Heir to David by the whole blood) who had Issue Roger Mortimer, Lord VVigmore, and by right of Inheritance, Prince of VVales.

ALBEMARLE.

AƲmerle or Albemerle is the Name of a small Town and Territory in the Dukedome of Normandy, it belonged heretofore to Stephen Son of Odo, descended from the Earls of Champagne, who William the Conqueror made Earls of Albemarle as being the Son of his half sister by the Mothers side, and gave unto him for the further Maintenance of his Estate, the Territory of Holderness in Yorkshire; this Title he enjoyed and left to his Posterity who enjoyed it also; and when his Issue failed, the Kings of England honoured others with it though they had long since lost their Estate in Normandy. The Dukes and Earls whereof take thus in order.

Dukes and Earles of Aumerle.

• Stephen Son of Odo, Earl of Bloys,
• ...William le Gros.
• William de magna Villa, E. of Essex, who married Hawys D. to William le Gros.
• ...VVilliam de Fortibus.
• ...VVilliam de Fortibus.
• ...VVilliam de Fortibus.
• ...Thomas de Fortibus.
• Thomas of Woodstock, D. of Glocester.
• Edw. Plantagenet, D.
• Thomas D. of Clarence, E.
• Richard Beauchampe, E. of VVarwick, created E. of Aumerle by K. Hen. the 6.
• George Monck created Duke of Albemarle by King Charles the Second, in the Twelfth year of his Reign, 1660.

THE ANCIENT AND MODERN BRITTISH and WELSH HISTORY, Beginning with BRƲTE, and continued untill KING CHARLES the First. The Second Book.

GƲRGƲINTƲS.

GƲRGƲINTƲS or Gurguint Brabtruc, or according to others, Barbarous, which is as much as to say, with the red Beard or red-bearded, the Son and Successor of the Renowned Bellinus, began to sway the Scepter of Great Brit∣tain, in the year of the worlds Creation, 4834. This King in the English Chronicle you shall find named often Corinbratus or Corinbatus; Vitus Comel. Palatinus calls him Gurguntius Ahenobarbus, and saith,* 1.109

He was Vir admo∣modum prudens, qui gesta patris imitanda sibi proposuit, maximus amator pacis & aequitatis;

A most prudent man, and one who set before his eyes the glorious Acts of his Father as a pa∣tern for himself to follow and imitate, a great lover of equity, peace and justice.

Being now fully setled in his Regal Throne, and having purchased the Loyal affection of his Nobles and Commons, he begins to cast his eye upon Denmark (which as you have heard before, by the taking of Guilthdacus the Prince thereof, was made Tributary unto the Brittain by imposing a yearly Tribute of one thousand pounds to the Successive Kings of this Isle) which by what reason induced, or upon what hopes encouraged, utterly refused to be any lon∣ger subject to a Forreign Power; Gurguint not willing to be baffled by those whom his Father had subdued, nor desirous to pocket up the losse of a thousand pounds per annum, musters up his Forces, and in short time appears in the head of a gallant Army; which being in all points equipide, he ships his men in a Navy furnish'd, and with prosperous successe, in short time arrives in Denmark; where not delaying any opportunity, he falls to destroy, waste and ran∣sack the Country, supposing that to be the speediest and most ready way to bring his businesse to a wish'd Catastrophe. The Danes startle at the sudden and unexpected approach of so dan∣gerous and unlook'd for a Guest; the Danish King at his wits end, not knowing which way to turn himself, seeing all things go to rack, and no way to give redresse or remedy, thinks it bet∣ter to enjoy his Kingdome, paying a small Tribute, rather then to be unking'd and thrust out of all, and compell'd to beg Assistance from neighbouring Princes be reinvested: Upon these cogitations, he consults with his Nobles and Barrons, who all accord to avoid the extre∣mity of peril, to pay the Tribute, and to give what security the conquering Enemy shall think fit. Gurguintus is not mispleased with their submission, but after so victorious an enterprize, with great glory and triumph, endeavoureth a speedy return into his own Kingdome; but

being now with his whole Fleet on the main Ocean, a Navy of about thirty sayl is discovered upon the Coast of the Isle of Orcades, which seemeth to make towards them; yet upon a nea∣rer approach they appear to be Men, Women and Children, who being expulsed from their native soyl. wander up and down to seek some place of rest and habitation. Gurguint com∣mands the Commander in Chief, whom our Histories call Bartholomew, to be brought aboard his ship; who after some few interrogatories, in a lamentable Oration setting forth both his own and his Companions disasterous calamities, he gave the King to understand that they were of Spain, and of that Province whose Inhabitants were called Balenses, and that they had long travelled and wandered up and down to find some propitious Prince who would com∣passionate their most sad and lamentable condition, and grant them some small Angle or Can∣ton to settle themselves and Posterity; for the obtaining of which laudable favour, they would become his most faithful Liege-people and Subjects; otherwise, their Victuals and Pro∣vision being now almost quite spent, they were in all probability like to starve and be utterly ruined. These sad accidents were spoken with such a doleful Expression by Bartholomew that Gurguint being a King endued with the vertues of Justice and Mercy, gave compassion free accesse into his bosome, and consulting with his Councel, it was generally decreed that they should have allotted unto them the then void and wast Country, which was and is the furthest of all the Isles towards the West, called Ireland, which was in the time of Aristotle or the an∣cient Author of the Book 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, of the world called Ierna; so doth Theodoret name it: Claudius Ptolomaeus calls it Ivernia or Hibernia, and Claudianus Hyberne:

Scotorum Tumulos flevit glacialis Hyberne.

And if Ireland hath been at any time named Scotia or Scotland,* 1.110 it was only among the Scottish and Irish Writers, and such as followed them therein, these Irish Historians willing to give that denomination unto it, because many of the Scots with other people dwelt there, when the true name and among strangers was not so, but as I have declared before from ancient Histo∣ries,* 1.111 and to speak out of a late Writers mouth, whose words are these; Ireland, which some of the Ancients called Hibernia, others Ivernia, Innernia, and Irene and Ogygia, and by the Irish themselves Erim, called by Ptolomy little Brittaine, lies between Brittaine and Spain; where we see the Name of Scotland is never attributed simply unto it by these Authors judge∣ments, either by the Irish themselves or other Writers Late or Ancient.

Concerning the Nomenclation Ogygia, the Count Palatine citing Cambden, tells us,

Si sit verum quod Hiberni Historici narrant, eorum insula merito dicta fuit Ogygia, id est per∣antiqua; Cesaram enim ante Diluvium incoluisse scribunt; post secula plurima Hiberum & Her∣mionem, Hispanos Gurguntis Regis Brittannorum permissu Colonias deduxisse in hane Re∣gionem pestilentia exhaustam Historia Brittanica demonstrat. Hæc ne{que} affirmare ne{que} denegare mihi in animo est, inquit Cambdemus; certe ut Hiberniam antiquitus habitatam crediderim, cum genus humanum seminaretur per universam terrarum orbem; ita perspicuum est ex Brittania primos Incolas illic migrasse; nam in Hibernico Sermone vis infinita est Brittanicarum aictionum; at{que} vetus cultus Hibernorum, ut ait Cornelius Tacitus, non multum differt à Brit∣tanico. Deni{que} à Scriptoribus antiquis omnibus Insula ea Brittanica nominatur, præfertius cum Romani suum imperium undi{que} propagassent, multi proculdubio ex Hispanis, Gallia & Brittannia se receperunt in Hiberniam, ne potentiæ Romanæ subjicerentur, quæ res fecit Juli∣um Agricolam persuadere Romanis capere Hiberniam, si Britannos in officio continere vellent. Attamen Hibernia licet ipso situ fuerit Imperio Romano summè necessaria, ejus{que} aditus & Portus per commercia cognita Romanis, & Julius Agricola quendam Hibernum Regulum seditionis expulsum retinuerit ad occasionem capiendae Insulæ, nunquam tamen à Romanis in ditionem accepta fuit.

If it be true which the Irish Writers affirm, their Island may justly be called Ogygia (that is, very ancient;) for they aver Cesara to have there inhabited before the Deluge; and the History of Brittany avoucheth, that Hiberus and Hermio, two Spaniards many ages after, by the appointment of Gurguint King of Great Brittaine, inhabited it with their Colonies and Planters; I will neither say it nor gain-say it, quoth Cambden, but certainly it is very proba∣ble that Ireland was very anciently Inhabited when mankind was dispersed and spread abroad over the face of the whole earth; and manifest it is, the first Inhabitants to have come thither out of Brittannia; for in the Irish Speech there are a multitude of Brittish words and accents; and as Cornelius Tacitus tells us, the mode of the Irish differs not much from the Brittains. And for a Conclusion of this Discourse, by the most ancient Writers, that Island is called Brittanica or Brittish; and evident it is, that when the Roman valour and glory had con∣quered and spread it self almost throughout the whole known world, divers as well out of Spain as France and Britttain fled thither for shelter, not willing to submit their necks and shoulders under the Roman yoke, which was indeed the very cause that moved Julius Agicola to perswade the Romans to get Possession of Ireland if they ever meant to keep the Brittains in s bjection. And although that Iland was of great consequence and necessary to the Romans, neither were their Ports and Haven by reason of the constant and dayly Commerce and Tra∣fick to them unknown; And Julius Agricola having got a certain Irish petty King into his clutches, driven by sedition from his native soyl, intended to make him his decoy to seize

and fasten upon the Irish jurisdictions; yet for all these stratagems Ireland never came un∣der the Roman slavery or obedience.

Gurguint being hitherto victorious and fortunate, returns home, having his head enriched with Laurels of choicest honour and renown, being a Prince of singular prudence and ju∣stice, and having laid the Sword aside, he applies himself to build Cities and Towns for the great beauty of his Kingdome; The first place which he erected, was (as saith Howes citing J. Rouse) Caierwerith, that is, Lancaster; of which place the Learned Cambden speaking,* 1.112 hath these words; 'Ʋbi sub Britanniarum duce ut est in Notitia Provinciarum, numerus Longovi∣cariorum, qui è loco suum nomen sunt mutuati, stationem habuit; Whereas we find in the notice of Provinces, a company of the Longovicarians under the Lieutenant General of Brittain lay, which took their name from the place, that is, from the River Lon, which gave name also to Loncaster, and Longovicum; this is onely a Market town at this day; the ancient Town stood where after was a Cloyster; at the foot of the hill are fragments of old walls, and oft-times Roman Coyns are found; but above all, there are the ruins of a very antique structure, which is called Werywall:

Recentiori ut videtur hujus oppidi nomine: Hoc enim oppidum, saith Mr. Cambden, ilii Caerwerid (i. e.) Ʋrbem viridem dixerunt à viridanti forsitan illo colle;

This Town the Brittains called Caerwerid, that is to say the Green town, perchance taking its Name from the Green hill which is there.

The first time this place became an Earldome was when K. Hen. 3. conferred that Title on his second Son Edm. and it was destinate to greatnesse in the first Foundation, there being laid unto it at the very first, besides this County, the whole confiscated Estates of the Earls of Lei∣cester and Derby, and the Barony of Monmouth. And into this by Marriages accrued in time the great Estates of William de Fortibus, Earl of Aumerl and Lord of Holderness, Beauford and other goodly Lands in France, the Earldom of Lincoln and good part of that of Salisbury, the Lordships of Ogncare and Kidwelly in Wales which were once the Chaworths; John of Gaunt added thereunto the Castles and Honors of Hertford and Tickhill, and his Son Bullingbroke a moiety of the Lands of Bohun, being Earl of Hertford, Essex and Northampton, so that it was the greatest Patrimony (as I verily think) of any Subject Prince in Christendome. Lan∣caster finally was made a County Palatine by King Ed. the 3. and hath been honoured with these

Dukes and Earles of Lancaster.

• Edmund Plantagenet 2. Son to K. Hen. 3. E. of Lan.
• ...Thomas Plantagenet.
• ...Henry Plantagenet.
• Henry Plantagenet first D. of Lan.
• John of Gaunt Son to K. Ed. 3. married the Lady Blanch Daughter of Henry D. of Lan.
• Henry of Bullinbroke, Son of John of Gaunt, after King of England, by whom this County Palatine and all the Lands and Honors belonging and incorporate into the Dutchy of Lancaster, were brought unto the Crown of England, though governed as an Estate apart then by its proper Officers, as it continued till the time of K. Ed. 4. who did appropriate it to the Crown, and dissolved the for∣mer Government thereof; to which it was restored again by K. Hen. 7. and so still remaineth under the guidance of Chancellor and other Officers of the same.

The next Town which Gurgunstus (as Howes calls him) built, was Porchester in Hampshire, of which place Cambden speaking of those parts, saith;

In cujus interiori recessu olim floruit Port Peris ad quem Vespasianum appulisse nostri produnt. Saxones novo Nomine Portchester dix∣erunt, non à Porta Saxone sed à portu; Ptolomæo enim 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (i. e.) portus magnus vo∣catur; castrum{que} sanc amplum superest quod in subjectum portum longe late{que} prospectat;

where in times past Port Peris flourished, where in succeeding Ages our Writers affirm,* 1.113 Vespasian when he came into Brittain first landed, the Saxons changed the Name into Portchester, but not deriving it from Porta the Saxon Chieftain, but from Port (i. e.) Haven or Harbour, in which sense Ptolomy useth 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the great Harbour or Port; this by the ancient Brit∣tains was called Caer Peris, and was one of the eight and twenty Sees where the Flamens were seated; in our times it is a Garrison, where in King James his time Sir Cornewallis was Captain.

The third and last place which this Fortunate Prince built was Warwick; Cambden saith,* 1.114 That the Saxons called this place Warryng-wyc. Mennius and the Brittains Cair Guarvie and Caer leon, all which Names seem to take their derivation from the Brittish word Guarth, which signifieth a Garrison, Sconce or place of Defence;

Hoc illud oppidum est quod præsi∣dium Romanis in Brittannia dicebatur, ubi ut est in provinciarum Notitia præfectus equitum Dalmatarum sub dispositione Ducis Brittanniorum egit;

The situation of this place is most

pleasant upon a Hill rising from the River, over which is a strong and fair stone Bridge, and her sharp stream upon the Town side checked with a most fair and sumptuous Castle: It seemeth this Town hath been walled about, as appeareth by the Trench in some places seen, and two very fair Gates, whose passages are hewed out of the Rock, as all other into the Town are; over which two beautiful Chappels are built; that towards the East, called St. Peters, and on the South-west St. James; two fair Churches are therein seated, called St. Maries and St. Nicholas; beside these in and about the Town suppressed, St. Laurence, St. Michaels, St. John Baptist and St. John of Jerusalem, and the Nunnery in the North of the Town; the Castle which we named, was ruinous, but was of late Repaired at the great cost and charges of Sir Fulk Grenil, the late Lord Brook, who therein dwelt; so was it anciently the Seat and abiding Place of the

Dukes and Earles of Warwick.

• 1 Henry de Newburgh, E.
• 2 Roger de Newburgh.
• 3 William de Newburgh.
• 4 Walleran de Newburgh.
• 5 Henry de Newburgh, L••sengè, Or, and Azure on a border Gules 8 plates.
• 6 Thomas de Newburgh, Chechy Or, Azure and a Cheveron ermin.
• 7 John Marshall first Husband of Margery, Sister and Heir of Thomas de Newburgh. Gules a bend fusile, Or.
• 8 John de Placetis, second Husband of the said Margery. Ar, 6 annulets, Gules 321.
• 9 Walleran de Newburgh, Uncle and Heir of Thomas de Newb. Losengè, Or and Azure on a border gules 8 plates.
• 10 William Manduit Son of Alice, Sister and Heir of Walleran. Ar, 2 bars, Gules.
• 11 William Beauchamp Son of the Lady Isabella, Sister and Heir of William Manduit.
• 12 Guido Beauchamp.
• 13 Thomas ••eauchamp, E. Marst.
• 14 Thomas Beauchamp.
• 15 Rich Beauchamp, Reg. of France.
• 16 Henry Beauchamp, D. of Warwick. Gules, a fess between 6 cross croslets, Or.
• 17 Richard Nevill who married Anne, sister of Henry Beuchamp, D. of Warwick, Gules, a saltoir arg. a label of three gob. A & B.
• 18 George D. of Clarence, who married Anne D. of Ri. Nevill, England and France, quartered on a label of 3 points, arg. as many cantons G.
• 19 Edw. Plant. Son of George, arma paterna.
• 20 John Dudley descended from the Lady Margaret, Daughter of Rich. Beauchamp, E. of War.
• 21 Ambrose Dudley. Or a Lyon rampant, his tail double-sorked, veet.
• 22 Robert Lord Rich, created E. of VVarwick, 16 Jac. Aug. 2.
• 23 Robert Rich. Gules, a cheveron between 3 cross croslets Or.

* 1.115After Gurguint had ruled this Kingdom by the space of twenty nine years in great peace and tranquillity, he departed out of this transitory life, and was buried at Caerleon, leaving to succeed him his Son Guinthelinus or Guintellius.

GƲINTHELINƲS.

GƲINTHELINƲS or Guintellius the Son of Gurguint, his Father being dead, took upon him the Government of this Island, and was crowned King of Great Brittain, in the year of the World, four thousand eight hundred fifty and three. The English Chronicle cal∣leth this Prince Gwentoline, a man of singular Parts and Education, understanding exactly both the Greek and Latine Language; he governed his Subjects with such moderation and judgement, that his Memory deserveth to live for ever; and to make him the more glorious, the heavenly Providence bestowed upon him a Lady for his wife, who equalized him in all the Excellencies that can be exprest in her Sex; she was so transcendent being but a woman, that she had beautified her intellectual parts with the knowledge and perfection of many Sci∣ences, insomuch that she might justly be stiled learned; but above all, these rich Treasures of her mind she imployed not to ostentation or vain-glory that thereby she might be praised, but made use of them for the common good and utility of the Kingdome. Martiae who was the Paragon of her time and nature also, she composed a Law so conducing to the good of all, that in memory of her, it was called the Martian Law, and continued in full force and power many years, and so well approved of by Aluredus the Saxon Prince, that he thought it an honour to him to translate it himself out of the Brittish Language for the good of his Subjects into the Saxon Tongue, and called it Mathehelage, that is, the Law of Martia; great was her assistance to her Kingly Consort in the Administration of the Republick, inso∣much that after his decease, their Son being in his minority and very young, all Orders of the Kingdome, as well Nobles as Commons, for her great Wisdom and Discretion made choice of her to be Queen Regent, till her Son came to full Age, and in this condition she ruled for the space of some years; though they be not numbred, by reason that her Son had the Title of King, yet the Count Palatine tells us, That

Deinceps Martia uxor ejus,* 1.116 à qua conditæ sunt Martiæ Leges, regnat annis septem cum Filio suo;

and then (viz. after the death of her Hus∣band) Martia his wife who made the Martian Law, reigned jointly with her Son seven years.

De quo Polidorus,* 1.117 Nutu Dei factum (inquit) est ut Guintolinus ad Regnum civilibus dissensionibus quassatum perveniret, quod reduceret illud in pristinum statum, id quod graviter fecit; Eo enim potitus, Rempublicam Brittanicam ejus Legibus ac moribus velut de integro condere ac ornare maxime studuit; sed ante omnia civiles discordias quæ adhuc tanquam reliquiæ factionum dura∣bant, penitus sedavit. Huic uxor erat nomine Martia mulier præter cæteras pulchra & sapiens, quæ peperit unicum filium Sicilium; iste mortuo patre cum nondum esset maturus imperio, Martia multarum rerum perita Regni curam interim suscepit, quod Reipublicæ erat id imprimis sibi fa∣ciendum rata, leges tulit quas posteri Martianas appellarunt.

This King was called by some Guttelinus, and by others, after the Roman Dialect, Guinte∣linus; who after he had ruled six and twenty year left this world, and was buried at Troyno∣vant or London, leaving his onely Son Sisillius to succeed him in his Kingdome.

SISILLIƲS.

SISILLIƲS or Cecilius Son to Guinthelinus, began his Reign over the Brittains, in the year of the World, four thousand eight hundred seventy and nine. The English Chronicle calls this King Seizill; either he lived in great peace and tranquil••ity, as well he might, his most worthy Parents both the heroick Prince his Father and beautiful and prudent Queen his Mother, having quite extinguisht all, even the least sparks of Sedition and Rebellion, and left the Realm in perfect quietnesse, or else the Records of his life perished; for Writers relate very little of him; only Mr. Howes tells us (as the Scotch Writers say) that he Reigned seven years, and that in the very first year after his coming to the Crown,* 1.118 the Picts arrived in Brittain and possessed those parts, which now be the Marches of both Kingdomes betwixt England and Scotland, and confusedly makes no distinction betwixt Scots and Picts; whereas Authors affirm that the Highland-men, the natural Scots indeed, are supposed to descend from the Scythians, who with the Getes infesting Ireland,* 1.119 left both their Issue there and their manners, apparent in the wild Irish and Highlanders even to this day. And from Scythia as is thought the name of Scots grew; for so the Netherlands by Scutten expresse indifferently the Scythian and Scot: so Gildas calleth the Irish Brittains, Scythians; so King Elfred in translating the History of Orosius turneth Scots in Scyttan; and so saith Walsingbam from one and the same Original, Scythe Scytici, Scotae Scotini take their names, as from Getae Getici, Goti Gotici have done.

As for the Picts (saith the same Author) anciently inhabiting part of that Kingdome, they were Inborn Brittains, and such as thither fled to avoid the Romans servitude; whose Names began first to be distinguished under Dioclesian the Emperour, when they were termed Picts from painting their bodies like the Brittains, as saith Flavius Vigetius, which is more

strengthned, for that the Northern Brittains converted by St. Columb, are called Brittan Picts; but the Conversion of that Nation may more properly be attributed to Saint Ninian;

Ninianus Bernicius ex Regio Brittannorum sanguine procreatus, Italiam adhuc adolescens lite∣rarum studio petit; Romae apud divini Verbi ministros mysteria Veritatis edoctus ad plenum, celer in-patriam remigrabat; ubi Magister & Paedonomus non vulgaris concreditum à Deo Ta∣lentum per Brittannorum, Scotorum, Australium{que} Pictorum, terras latissime profudit. Hujus pia industria Picti primum relicto Idololatriæ cultu,* 1.120 veram Christi fidem percepere;

Ninian born of the Royal Brittish Bloud, being yet a youth, went into Italy to follow his Studies, and at Rome was fully taught the Mysteries of Truth by the Teachers of the divine Word, and then returned into his own Country; where becoming a Master and Instructor above the ordinary pitch of men, he distributed the Talent bestowed upon him by Almighty God amongst the Brittains,* 1.121 Scots, and Southern Picts, cast off the bondage of Idolatry, and embraced the sweet yoak of Christianity. And for those holy labours was in former times, as our Histories testifie by all, throughout all Brittanny called by the title of Doctor and Inctructor of the Scots, Picts and Brittains;

Scotorum, Pictorum, Britonum{que} Doctor & Pædonomus non vulgaris; & eo nomine omnibus qui Albionem incolunt vel hac nostra ætate in multa veneratione habitus;

and in that respect was had in great veneration by all the Inhabitants of the Kingdome of Albion. The first King I read of, of that Nation that was Christian, was Hiergustus, King of the Picts, who with his Pictish people and subjects were Christians,* 1.122 and publickly professed that Reli∣gion: but in the time of Maximus all the Scots were banished out of this Land, which was in the year of Christ,* 1.123 379. 'Annus à Christi adventu in carnem, tricentesimus septuagesimus nonus; the Picts were generally and publickly instructed and professed Christians. And also in the days of King Fincomark of Scotland, who reigned 47 years, and died multis virtutibus nobilis; and in the year of Christ, 358. 'Salutis humanæ anno trecentesimo quinquagesimo octavo, the Picts had received the Faith of Christ, and before that time; For whilst King Fincomark reig∣ned,* 1.124 Fincomarko Rege Scotis adhuc imperante, By divers Writers many of the Irish people received the law of Christ, by means of a worthy Christian woman of the Picts, as the Scottsh and other Histories testifie.

Per id tempus mulier Christianae pietatis cultrix, Pictici eam fuisse sanguinis, Scotici asserunt Annales, Regina insinuata Christi nomen illi mirifice prædicavit re∣verendum{que} effecit.

This our Brittish St. Ninian deserveth eternal memory for converting the Picts.

Interea Sanctus Ninianus Australes Pictos quibus adhuc error gentilis inhærens Idola venerari ac colere compellebat, aggrediens Evangelii veritatem sequentibus signis prædicabat; caeci vident, claudi ambulant, leprosi mundantur, surdi audiunt, mortui resurgunt, oppressi à daemonibus liberantur; sic{que} fides suscipitur, error abdicatur, destructis Templis Ecclesiae eriguntur, currunt ad salutis lavacrum divites, pauperes gratias Deo agunt in insulis quæ procul sunt habitantes. Ordinavit Presbyteros, Episcopos consecravit, & totam terram per certas parochias divisit.

In the mean time St. Ninian going to the Picts, which yet were Pagans and worshipped Idols, preached the Truth of the Gospell unto them, with these signes following; The b lind see, the lame walk, lepers are cleansed, the dead are raised, and they which were oppressed with Divels are delivered. And so the Faith is received, Error abandoned, Pagan Temples are destroyed, Christian Churches erected, Rich and poor are baptized, those that inhabit in the Isles a far off, give thanks to God. He ordained Priests, consecrated Bishops, and divided the whole Land by certain Parishes.

* 1.125And having thus converted and confirmed the people unto and in the Faith of Christ, being the chiefest end of his Mission and coming hither, he returned to his Church, Confirmatis in fide omnibus ad Ecclesiam suam est regressus; This House and Episcopal Church which he now returned unto, was the same which he had built before of stone, called, for the rarenesse of such building in Brittain, that being the first, as our History saith, and thereby named Candida Casa, the white House or Church, at a place called Witerne, between Scotland and England, as they are now termed, upon the Sea coast quite environed with the Sea, excepting the pas∣sage on the North side thereof.

Candida Casa vocatur locus in extremis Angliæ juxta Sco∣tiam finibus ubi beatus Confessor Niva requiescit, Natione Brito, qui primus ibidem Christi prædi∣cationem Evangelizavit. Nomen loco ex opere inditum quod Ecclesiam ibi ex lapide polito Brito∣nibus miraculum fecerit.

The Count Palatine will have this King to have reigned fifteen years alone, and speaks some thing favourably in his behalf; Regina Martia (saith he) gubernaculum 7 annorum accepit cum filio unico adhuc puero, qui Sisillius eo nomine secundus appellatur, & feliciter insequutus vestigia patris, administrat quindecim annos postea solus, & mortuus Caerleili sepelitur. To this account of fifteen years agreeth the English History, saith Fabian; but the Flower of Histories alloweth unto his Reign onely seven years: howsoever Death demanded his due, and summoned this King into another world;* 1.126 whose Body, as Mr. Howes saith, was buried at Caerleon, and not at Caerlile; but the nearnesse of the Names questionlesse breeds the mistake. He left behind him his Son Kimarus to succeed him.

KIMARƲS.

KIMARƲS Son of Sisilius, after the death of his Father, was with all solemnity ad∣vanced to the Throne and Crown of Brittain, in the year of the worlds Creation, four thousand eight hundred fourscore and six. The English Chronicle calleth him Kymor. Fabian saith, that there is no mention made of this King either concerning his deeds and course of life, or concerning the length of his Reign; yet he alledgeth an old Chronicle to aver, that he was a wild young man, and lived after his pleasure; wherefore as he was at his disport of Hunting, he was by his Ill-willers slain when he had ruled scarcely three years: but the Count Palatine saith, he was killed by wild Beasts;,

Illius filius (saith he, speaking of Sisilius) Chimarus in imperando successit, moribus adolescens improbus, sui{que} in rebus omnibus agendis arbitrii ac voluntatis, adeo ut post tres annos quibus rexit à feris bestiis dum venabatur occisus est.

Kimarus succeeded, a young man of most dissolute life and behaviour, who swayed all things according to the humour of his own vain and fantastick imagination, and not according to the rule of reason and judgement; insomuch that after the three years of his Reign he was devou∣red of wild Beasts. It behoves Princes as well as others to have a care how they live: For the holy Writ tells us, Fire, hail, famine and death,* 1.127 all these things are created for mans punishment, the Teeth of Beasts for the utter extermination of the wicked.

It is great reason that Princes should regulate their lives after the true square of vertue; for a Prince cannot with reason expect that the severity of Laws, or other Politick means shall re∣presse in his Commonwealth, any Vice which shall be Authorised by the Example of his own Practice. For as the Poet saith,

—Totus componitur Orbis Regis ad exemplum; nec sic inflectere sensus Humanos edicta valent ut vita Regentis.

That is to say, all the World is framed after the modell of the King; and no Laws or Edicts can so move the mind of men as doth the life of the Governour; which Plutarch confirmeth notably, saying, That even as a Square or Rule must be streight in it self before it can make other things streight; so the Prince who is, as it were, the Rule of his Subjects, ought first to rectifie him∣self before he go about by Laws or other means to rectifie his Commonwealth; for he that is falling, saith Plutarch, is not fit to uphold others, nor he that is ignorant to teach, nor he that is incor∣rigible to correct, nor he that is himself disordered to put others in order.

ELIANƲS.

ELIANƲS the Son of Kimarus, whom some also call Danius, as the Flower of Histories affirmeth, but Gaufride saith, he was Kimarus Brother, was Crowned King of Brittain, in the year of the worlds Creation, four thousand eight hundred fourscore and nine. This Prince by the English Book is called Howan: one Chronicle will have Kimarus and Elianus to be one and the same person, though others think otherwise, and that he reigned two years; little or nothing being left to posterity of any memorable Acts of his, either good or bad: only the Count Palatine tells us,

Frater eum sequitur Elianus, natura stupidior, & legum spretor, quocirca rem administrabat imprudenter, bellis & seditionibus undecun{que} vexatus, ne{que} pacem habere potuit vel publice vel privatim, illis decem annis quibus imperabat;

Elianus his Brother succeeded him, of a most stupid nature, and a contemner of all Laws, which was the cause that he governed with great indiscretion his Kingdome and Commonwealth, being continually vexed and troubled with insurrections and seditions, insomuch that during the ten years of his Reign he could never enjoy either privately or otherwise one hour of peace; this was one amongst the Brittish Princes, for whose sake, as Gildas the wise writeth, the whole Nation suffered.

MORINDƲS.

MORINDƲS the Bastard-son of Elianus, as Gaufride affirmeth with others, took upon him the Crown and Government of this Island of Great Brittain, in the year of the worlds Creation, four thousand eight hundred and ninety. Elianus begat this Prince upon Tanguestula his Concubine, who proved as Bastards commonly doe, being gotten in the heat of Courage, a most resolute and couragious Chieftain, but so over-swayed by his own passions, especially that of anger, that in his fury no mans life was secure. To the matchlesse

strength of his body, Nature added all those features which might make him the most hand∣some and accomplisht Gentleman in all his Kingdome; these his admirable endowments he beautified with a most Princely liberality, being very open-handed when the least merit re∣quired. During the Reign of Morindus, there arrived out of Mauritania (which Country according to Strabo is seated between Hungaria and Fohemia,) a war-like and most cruel people, which with Fire and Sword consumed all before them. Morindus having tidings brought to him of those insolences and misdemeanours, with all speed Levied an Army, and with speedy Marches encounters his Enemy, and after a most bloody Conflict, compels the greatest part of the unwelcome Intruders back to their Ships; the rest he sacrificeth to his own anger, causing some to be dismembred, others cast into the fire, some chopt in pieces, not a few strangled; death acted several parts in this most horrid execution; no manner of torment imaginable to Morindus was left uninflicted, so great was the tyranny of his blood-thirsting revenge. After this great overthrow and most cruel Massacre, this Brittish King progressing a long the Sea coasts for his Recreation, chanced to discry a most hideous Monster coming out of the Irish Ocean. Morindus is overjoyed at this presented occasion to try the edge of his matchlesse Valour; and therefore putting spurs to his Horse, stays not but pre∣vents the coming of this hellish Fury, and with most Knightly Courage and Gallantry (as Guido de Columna and others aver,) gives a most fierce Encounter to the Fiend; but after a long and cruel Conflict, having quite spent his spirits, he is swallowed up and devoured by that Fish, Fiend or Monster, after he had Reigned, according to most Writers, eight years, leaving after him, five Sons, Gorbomannus or Gorbonian, Archigallus, Elidurus, Vigenius or Nigenius, and Peredurus;

Morindus (saith the Count Palatine) quem Elianus ex Tangustula Concubina suscepit, Rex creatur. Is magnà quidem probitate morum futurus erat vir clarus ad omnem temporum aeternitatem, nisi nimium indulsisset asperitati, crudelitatique, & incitatus ad iram se tam insolenter & superbè cum hominibus gessisset, ut omnino parceret nemini, furore{que} percitus nec etiam amicos suos vellet ab hostibus internoscere; nam quod ad cætera pertinet, homo fuit aspectu pulcher, muneribus{que} dandis largiter assuefactus; tantæ vero fortitudinis, ut cum eo luctari vel armis congredi nemo auderet. Maurorum rex quidem ingressus, magna vi militum di∣cebatur Northumbriam divastare, cui Morindus, collecta manu juventutis, fit obvius, ac præ'ium instituens fertur plus efficisse solus, quam reliqua pars totius exercitus; nam ubi Victor evasit, ne quidem unum ex hostibus reliquit superstitem; jubebat homo immanis ordine singulos captivos ad se produci, ut quemlibet ita seorsim perimendo suam feritatem exsatiaret; cum{que} fatigatus quodam∣modo nec dum cessaret ardor ille sanguinis humani profundendi, hoc amplius jubebat eos qui adhuc superessent pelle detracta de toto corpore protenus comburi, qua ex re famam & gloriam consequi sperabat; ideo cum ex Hibernico mari bellua quædam inauditae feritatis & magnitudinis quasi monstrum naturæ aliquod certum emersisset, appulisset{que} in Brittaniam, & Maritimos populos vehementer divexasset, ipsemet Rex clam suis satellitibus ad littora pergit, & solus cum immani bellua marina congreditur; eam{que} sicut ipse interemit, sic ab ea vicissim interfectus est postquam novem imperasset.

GORBOMANNƲS.

GORBOMANNƲS, or as the English Book calls him, Granbodian, his Father being dead, is Crowned King of Great Brittain, in the year of the worlds Creation, four thou∣sand eight hundred ninety eight: A Prince, as saith Gaufride, just in all his actions, insomuch that we may call him our Brittish Numa; for his first care was the honour of his Gods, unto whom he erected Temples for divine Honour, add repaired such as were ruinous and decayed; to his Subjects he did Justice, and to all men Right, exactly observing that excellent rule of morality, Quod tibi fieri non vis, alteri ne feceris; in his time Brittaine flourished in abun∣dance of Wealth and Riches; for Peace begot Plenty, and that plenty caused the Subjects to Honour their Prince as the very Author thereof.* 1.128

Gorbomannus primo natus ascendit regni soli∣um, quo viro justior vel amantior æqui nemo repertus est, aut qui majore cum cura populum guber∣naret. Assiduus illi mos erat, primum. Deis debitum honorem impendere, populis deinde jus reddere; in ferè omnibus civitatibus Deorum Templa collapsa instaurat, & ex integro nova condit. Arte tanta divitiarum honeste parandarum utebatur, quanta nullus in insula princeps unquam; quippe colonos ad agriculturam excitabat, eos ab injuria virorum potentium defendebat, ado∣lescentes potissimum idoneos ad bellum gerendum benigne accepit, eos{que} crebris pecuniarum lar∣gitionibus à rapinis faciendis. abstinebat: deni{que} talem inter cives operam suaviter & amice vivendo præstabat, ut eo regnante, damnum dare aut vim inferre nemo auderet, ne quidem ille qui cæterorum pessimus vulgo existimaretur; cum hac innata sibi bonitate morum postquam Brit∣tanos opibus affluentes rexisset undecim annos, vita functus est, Ʋrbe Trinovanta sepelitur:

Gorbomannus the eldest Son is inaugurated King, surpassing all in his time for justice, mercy and careful governing of his Subjects; His first thoughts called upon him to offer up unto the Gods all due reverence and honour, and after that to doe right unto every man; in each place he repaired the ruinous and decayed Temples, and in many Towns founded new; He exceeded all the Princes his Predecessors in gathering Riches, and that in so upright a way,

that he was rather highly to be extolled then any way to be grudged at; for he animated the harmlesse Husband to agriculture and closely to follow his Plough, keeping them under his protection, and defending them from the oppression of griping Land-lords, and over-top∣ping great-ones: Youth which he esteemed fit to be trained up for Martial Discipline, he fur∣nished with large Donatives, Salaries and advance-Monies, whereby to keep them from plun∣dering and such peccadillio's as are incident to men of that profession. To conclude, he gave such Example by his temperate and just living to his Subjects, that even he who was branded with the infamy of the basest Varlet, durst not presume to offer an injury or out-rage unto his Neighbour. This good King after he had Ruled Brittain in the height of wealth and prospe∣rity, gave way to Fate, and was buried at London.

This King in his devotion towards his false gods, having repaired and new built so many Temples, questionlesse allotted Flamens or Druids to offer the wonted sacrifices; the Druids were of high esteem amongst the Brittains, and of large Antiquitie; for Pontalion saith, their beginning was in the year of the worlds Creation, 2900. But the profession of the Druids, which the Brittains, the Inhabitants of Gallia, and a great part of Germany, had many hundreds of years followed and practised, was impious, false and idolatrous, damnable and diabolical. They worshipped for gods, Jupiter, Apollo, Mars, Mercury, Audate, Berecynthia, and some o∣thers.* 1.129 Their religion and themselves had continued by that Name and flourished in the world from the time of Druius the great King and high Priest; Druius Germanorum Pontifex, who reduced the Gentils Religion into this Order, Founded them a Colledge, and gave them their denomination about the year of the worlds Creation, 2900.

Druius ille apud Germanorum Celtas, vir magnae authoritatis Gentilitiam religionem in ordinem redegit, at{que} Druidorum Col∣legium religionis ergo constituit, à quo etiam Druides apud Gallos & Germanos dicti.

And the Town in Normandy Dreux also was named from him, as their Histories say, and the River Druentia running thereby; what was the exact time of their beginning is not certain: Pan∣talion saith it was in the year of the world, 2900. Joannes Frisius saith in the year thereof 2070, and 1892 before Christ. Bernard Giunti will have it in the 420 year after the Flood of Noe. Nicholas Vignier ascribeth the Reign of King Dryus or Cruius unto the year of the World 2200. Therefore I cannot be of the mind of those late Writers, which say, they were called Druides of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 an Oak in Greek, because they used to be sometimes under Oaks in woods, for so we might call all old Idolators Druids; for the Scriptures witnesse, they sacri∣ficed in woods and groves; so doth Pliny, Lud. Caelius and others, Lucos & memora consecrant. And the Greek Writers as Eutropius, Herodian, Dio, Zosimus and the rest, are silent of this sect, as the Latines also, but when they speak of Brittain, France and Germany, where onely and no where else this Religion remained: And Julius Casar is plain, there were no Druids in Ger∣many, but they differed much from the Gauls in Religion; Germani multum à Gallorum con∣suetudine differunt; Nam ne{que} Druides habent qui rebus divinis præsunt. And the Scottish Hi∣storians say, the ancient Name of those men in the Language here was Durcergliis, and they were Romans who spake not Greek, who gave them the first Name Druides à Druius, to make the strange Name to take Latine Declension,

Hos Romani scriptores Druides, ut peregrinum vocabulum inflectionem caperet Latinam, appellant.

And here were no Greeks in these parts to give them a Greek Name, neither did their Sect come nere any part of Greece at any time, or howsoever we will pronounce the Greek word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 an Oak, Drys or Drus, we should by the deriving them from thence, call them Dryssets or Drussets as of Chus and Huss we call Cussits and Hussits, and not Druides or Druids. But for their Antiquity truly they might make it of so great continuance.

Neither was their honour and glory in Brittain or where else they lived of a low degree;

Vestitus eorum valde preciosus at{que} ornatus insignis; nam collo torques, manibus annuli, lacertis armillae addebantur; vestes erant tinctae & auro pictæ:

Their apparrell was very precious, and attire singular; for they wore Chains of gold about their necks, Rings on their hands, and Bracelets on their arms; their Garments were dyed and embroidered with Gold. And their Habitations and Dwellings were no lesse stately, the chiefest of them seated in the best Cities of Brittain, and their Mansions converted after to be Archbishops and Bishops Pallaces; sometimes they resorted to woods, as all ancient Witches, Magicians and Idolaters did, to ex∣ercise their Sorceries, and offer their Sacrifices, especially to such Oaks as bore Misseltoe, na∣turally medicinable for divers infirmities, and therefore to the rude people they ascribe a certain Divinity to such Trees:* 1.130 Their Houses as themselves also had exemptions from all Services, Exactions and Troubles; They were chief Judges in all matters both Temporal and Spiritual, having all men obedient to their Order, Sentence and Determination, under the greatest penalty of abandoning and exilement from the society of Men, and such like, and death it self at their pleasures, designing whom they listed to be cruelly sacrificed to their Divels and Idols, whom they termed Gods: the chiefest of them had for a singular sign of ho∣nour, Fire born before him; 'Ante quem ignis dignitatis honoris{que}; insigne deferretur. Ammi∣anus Marcellinus speaking of these men giveth this praise unto them, That they were of great Wits, and lived in Companies or Colledges, according as Pythagoras ordained; they were lifted up with questions of hidden and high things, and despising humane matters, pronoun∣ced that mens souls were immortal;

Druidæ ingeniis celsiores, ut Autoritas Pythagorae de∣crevit, sodalitiis astricti consortiis, questionibus occultarum rerum altarum{que} erecti sunt, &

despectantes humana, pronunciarunt animas immortales.

Which opinion of theirs of the souls immortality Julius Cæsar with divers others also confirmeth, but in a leud sense of Transmi∣g••ation or going from one body to another;

Hic volunt persuadere non interire animas sed ab aliis post mortem transire ad alios.

And if any man was dangerously sick, in war or peril, and would offer sacrifice or vow, they used the Druids as Ministers to offer it;

Qui sunt afflicti gravioribus morbis, qui{que} in præliis periculis{que} versantur, aut pro victimus homines immolant, aut se immolaturos vovent, administris{que} ad ea sacrificia Druidibus utuntur.

Diodorus Siculus who lived in the same time with Julius Cesar, giveth this reason, that the Druids were thus used for Priests in all sacrifices of the Brittains and Gauls, much to their honour in their opinion, who were ruled by the Druids, because they hold that sacrifices should be offered by them, which be acquainted with the divine nature, and are skilful of the language of the gods; and they think that by these mens intercession good things should be asked of the gods, by whose Counsel they enjoy peace and war;

Est apud eos moris, nullum abs{que} Philosopho sacrificium facere; existimant enim per divinae naturæ conscios sacra fieri oportere, tanquam linguæ deorum peritos, at{que} horum intercessione bona à deis censent petenda, quorum consilio & pace & bello fruuntur.

The Authors of the Theatre of Great Brittain make Cesar and ancient Writers to speak in this manner; The Druids Office was imployed about holy things; for they had the managing of publick and private sacrifices, and to interpret and discuss matters of Religion unto them, do resort great numbers of young men to learn at their hands, and they be had in great reverence; for they determine almost all Controversies and matters in variance as well pub∣lick as private: and if there happen any thing to be done amiss, or if there be any murther com∣mitted, if there arise any controversie concerning inheritance or bounds of Lands, they take the matter into their power and award either recompence or penalties in the Case; and if there be any (be it private person or be it Corporation,* 1.131) that will not stand to their judgement, they inter∣dict him with punishment; among them it is held most grievous: They that are so excommunicated, are accounted in the number of the wicked and ungracious; All men shun them, all men fly their company and communication. This is one of the chiefest things that they labour most to beat into mens minds, that their Souls die not, but do after death, pass from one to ano∣ther, and hereby they think men should be most stirred unto vertue, when fear of death is nothing re∣garded. Also they dispute many other things, as of the stars, of their movings, of the bignesse of the world and the earth, of the nature of things, of the strength and power of the immortal Gods, and do therein instruct their youth. Thus we have heard what those Druids and their Follow∣ers were.

Now let us a little examine their cause by their own Writers and their own proceedings; for to write at large of their most grosse and inhumane absurdities, would require a Volume from me, as the like had done of other Writers against such Pagan Gentils their superstitions, whereas all Creatures cry out unto us, especially the more noble as the Celestial bodies (in searching whose natures and effects these men were most conversant) that there is an eternal and omnipotent Maker and Causer which created all things, who being without beginning or ending, was made or caused by no other; Coeli enarrant gloriam Dei, & opera manuum ejus anunciat firmamentum.* 1.132 And divine worship is onely due unto him, for his Almighty Excel∣lency, and the benefit which man a reasonable Creature received and further expecteth and needeth to receive from him, which we commonly call Religion, a Releiging, Religation, or dutiful binding of man informed with a reasonable intellectual and immortal Soul, ordained as it were the Lieutenant and Viceroy of God to govern this inferior world, and by his bet∣ter eternal part assured that better and eternal things are ordained for him, if he doth not deprive himself of them, but find out and perform the Will and Commandment of so infinite good and bountiful a Creator, Preserver and Maintainer of all things, especially for the use and end of Man, so dignified and exalted among his Creatures, which these Druids and their Disciples were so far from effecting, that they gave him no honour at all, never remembring him among those that they worshipped, but doing the greatest dishonour they could unto him, in giving that glory and majesty which is only proper and due to him, to his rebellious Creatures and professed Enemies, damned and infernal souls, hundreds of thousands before them, and divers of these by probable Historical accounts of later Time and Creation then the Author of their own Sect, Druius was. And if we will follow Julius Cesar, who of all writeth most of their pretended Religion living in the time of their chiefest Sway, and best knew what they professed; he writeth of the Germans that they differed much from the French and their Druids in their Religion, having no sacrifices, and only accounting for their gods whom they see, and by whom they are manifestly helped, as the Sun, the Moon, and such visible things, and heard not of any God;

Germani multum à Gallorum consuetudine differunt; Ne{que} sacrificiis student; deorum numero eos solos ducunt quos ceruunt, & quorum aperte opibus juvantur, Solem Vulcanum & Lunam;

yet the German Writers are so confident that the Druids ruled there in Religion, that they shew unto this day in Germany, as far as Bavaria, two especiall places where they were wont to assemble under great Oaks to exercise their su∣perstitions; and in detestation thereof, two Monasteries called Oberaltaich and Nederaltaich were founded to blot out their Memory.* 1.133

In Bavaria quoque inferiore sub quercu magna su∣periore & inferiore suam superstitionem exercebant, quæ loca postea in Monasteria conversa etiam∣num Oberaltaich & Neberaltaich appellantur.

Therefore these could not be Professors

and Teachers of the true God, his Worship and Religion, which for divers People and Countries, and for themselves also had such variety and change of gods and Religion in divers times and places; and yet all of them professing most grosse and stupid ignorance or woeful Idolatry, the greatest irreligion that can be.

And as they thus proved themselves to be Atheists, leaving no possible true God to be worshipped; so by their error of transmigration of souls from one body to another, they fell into one of these absurdities, that one soul should in the end inform many, even hundreds of bodies; or else cease at the last to inform, cease to be, and made mortal. And as Chimeri∣cal a fiction it was of them, to say (as Lucan expoundeth them) that when a soul left a body in this world, it went into another world, and there informed another body.

Vobis Autoribus umbræ Non tacitas Erebi sedes Ditis{que} profundi Pallida Regna petunt; Regit idem spiritus artus Orbe alio longe.

For so they must needs make more worlds where generation and corruption is, besides this terrestrial and sublunary, where we inhabit; and therefore justly doth the same Author call their profession barbarous Rites, a false manner of worship, and singular against all the world besides,

Et vos barbaricos ritus morem{que} sinistrum, Sacrorum Druidæ positis repetistis ab armis; Solis nosse Deos, & Cœli sydera vobis Aut solis nescire datum.

St. Gildas tells us, that the monstrous Idols in Brittain were not inferior in number to those of Egypt, commonly esteemed the most idolatrous Nation of the world, and some of them with deformed lineaments remained to be seen in his time; and the people of Brittain gave divine honour even to Mountains, Hills and Rivers. And yet besides these had Errors and I∣dolatries common with other Nations.

Non omittentes priscos communes{que} cum omnibus gentibus errores, quibus ante adventum Christi in carne omne genus humanum obligabatur obstrictum, nec enumerans patria portenta, ipsa Diabolica pene numero Egyptiaca vincentia,* 1.134 quorum nonnulla li∣neamentis adhuc deformibus intra vel extra deserta maenia solito more rigantia torvis vulti∣bus intuemur; ne{que} nominatim inclamitant montes ipsos aut colles aut fluvios olim exitiales, nunc vero humanis usibus utiles, quibus divinus honor à cœco tunc populo cumulabatur.

The same have other later Writers, and the sacrifices which they offered to those abominable idols, were the most detestable, and for such not unworthily ranked by the Pagan and Christian Wri∣ters amongst the most cruel and barbarous savages of the world.

Pro victimis homines immo∣lant, administris{que} ad ea sacrificia Druidibus utuntur; Publicé{que} ejusdem generis habent insti∣tuta sacrificia.

They offer men for Sacrifices,* 1.135 and the Druids be the Ministers of such sacri∣fices, and such sacrifices be instituted by publick Authority among them; thus hath Cæsar and others. Cicero speaking of these Druids, saith,

His quicquam Sanctum ac Religiosum videri potest, qui etiamsi quando aliquo metu adducti Deos placandos esse arbitr••••tur, humanis hostiis eorum aras ac Templa funestant, ut ne Religionem quidem colere possint, nisi eam ipsam scelere violarint: Quis enim ignorat eos usq ad hunc diem retinere illam immanem & barbaram consuetudinem hominum immolandorum? Quamobrem quali fide,* 1.136 quali pietate existimatis eos esse qui etiam Deos immortales arbitrentur hominum scelere & sanguine facilè posse placari?

Can any thing be accounted holy and religious with those men, who when they are afraid of any thing and would have their Gods pacified, do prophane their Altars and Temples with sacrificed men, so that they cannot exercise their Religion, except they first violate it with wickednesse? For who is ignorant that even to this day they retain that savage and barbarous custome of sacrificing Men? Therefore can you think those men to have any Reli∣gion or Piety who think the immortal Gods may be easily appeased with the wickedness and blood of Men? The like hath Dio, Cassius, Amianus, Marcellinus, and others among the Gen∣tils, all crying out against those most barbarous proceedings, and yet termed with them Re∣ligion; and to fill up the measure of this their most inhumane irreligion, as Julius Cæsar with others testifieth, These men had Idols of huge greatnesse, whose members being made of wands, they filled full of men alive, and so setting them on fire, burned them;

Immani mag∣nitudine simulachra habent, quorum contexta viminibus membra vivis hominibus complent, quibus succensis circumventi flamma exanimantur homines.

And Pliny with others is witnesse, that they were so far from doing any homage or duty unto God, that they bestowed all such upon the Divels, his enemies, and were so far and so long time in his dayes practised in Magick and Invocation, and worshipping Divels, that he supposeth the Persians so far distant and given o∣ver then to that most horrible dishonouring of God, had learned it and received it from hence, where the chief Masters and Practisers thereof remained.

These Druids permitted many wives to one man; for Cæsar saith,* 1.137 Ʋxores habent deni & duodeni inter se communes, & maxime fratres cum fratribus & parentes cum liberis; the like

hath Zonoras, and in this Country the people went naked; nudi degunt, mulieribus promiscuè utuntur; and this was accounted a vertue and an honour amongst them, as Queen Bunduice did publickty professe in her prayer to her Goddesse Audraste or Audaste; qui cum caeter ae omnia, tum liberes & uxores communes inter se putant; they think wives, and children and all things Common. Thus much of the Druids, their Antiquity and Institution with their abo∣minable sacrifices and superstitions, of whom as occasion shall serve we shall speak more here∣after.

* 1.138Gorbomanuus is reported to have Founded Grantham in Lincolnshire, of which place Mr. Cambden maketh onely this mention; post Paunton visitur Grantham, oppidum non infre∣quens, Schola à Richardo Foxo Wintoniensi Episcopo, & Templo specioso exornatum, cujus sacrae Pyramis admirandam in altitudinem surgit, & fabulis est famigerata; Grantham a Town well peopled, and adorned with a free School built by Bishop Fox, and a very fair Church, whose Broach or Steeple is of such height, that it is spoken of far and near.

The same Gorbomannus builded (as the English Chronicle seems to affirm) Cambridge, anciently called Granta,* 1.139 Caer Grant and Grantchester; yet Mr. Broughton out of other Au∣thors saith, that Cambridge was Founded by Cantaber a Spaniard many hundred years be∣fore Christ and walled about by Grantinus,

Sint{que} Doctores & Scholares illius celeberrimae ma∣tris Philosophiæ civitatis Cantabrigiæ â Cantabro aedificatae, nec non à Grantino Comite hono∣rabiliter muratae, ab omni calumnia, inquietatione & scandalo liberi;

Let the Masters and Scho∣lars of that famous Mother of Philosophy, the City of Cambridge, built by Cantaber, and walled about by Count Grantinus, be free from all Calumny, molestation and disturbance whatsoever; which divers Oxford Men and Antiquaries (though no Friends to the glory of Cambridge) yield unto. But of this place more hereafter in the Lives of Lucius, Morpen-dragon, Arthur and Cadwalader.

ARCHIGALLO.

ARCHIGALLO the Son of Morindus, after his Brother had Reigned by consent of most Writers, the space of eleven years, ascended the Throne of Brittain in the year of the worlds Creation, four thousand nine hundred and ten. This Prince in the English Chronicle is called Artogail, who utterly forsaking the model of exact Government which his Brother had left behind him for him to follow, he lent too facile an ear to flatterers and sycophants; and where no just cause could be found, faults were contrived and invented whereby to entrap the Nobles, and new Plots discovered which never were thought upon but by the Contrivers, whose Machiavillian brains hatch'd them for the destruction of the valiant and wealthy, were they never so innocent: a point of policy so palpably manifest in these latter dayes, that the weakest judgement may see it, but the greatest dare not gain-say it. These state tricks pleased Archigallo; the ancient Nobility are thrust out of all command and power in the Commonwealth, Delinquency laid to their charge, or at least a disaffection to the present Government; and upon these pretences, many are secured, and more utterly ruined, either being put to such an intolerable Composition for their Estates, that they ne∣ver after rec••er the losse, or else are utterly thrust out of them, and new Upstarts put in, whose Predecessor never knew how to write himself Gentleman, nor ever bore Coat unlesse a thred-bare one, in which peradventure he held an other mans Plough, or used some poor and sordid mechanick Trade; but by these sinister means Archigallo cram'd his Coffers, and raised to dignities such as best suted with his disposition; so that Beggars ride on horse back, and Nobles go on foot; And set a Beggar on horse-back and ride to the divel; but too much of one thing is good for nothing, and the poorest Worm trod upon will turn again. The Nobles and Commons begin to grow sensible of their just sad Condition and heavy Taxes and Impo∣sitions; after which followeth a general grudging and murmuring, when presently dispair sends fury amongst them, and furor arma ministrat; the intolerable yoak will be no longer endured; all joyn in an association to take revenge upon the common Enemy Archigallo, whom they suddenly set upon; and before he could provide means to defend himself, he is unking'd, and quite difrobed of all princely Command, after he had worn the purple (by con∣sent of most Writers) five years.

It concerns Princes and great Commanders to make choice of Counsellors who not only have the reputation of vertue and Religion, but also that be indeed truly vertuous & religious; For two Causes; The first thereby to obtain the assistance of God's grace, which how necessary it is for the illumination of mans understanding in all matters of Counsel, is most evident to all good Men. The second Cause why it behoveth a Counsellor to be truly religious and vertuous, is, for that such is the force of vertue that it giveth credit to the Possessors thereof, and maketh them the more easily believed, and their Counsel better accepted; And therefore we see that all men of discretion and judgement do demand Counsel rather of those who are reputed wise and vertuous, then of wicked men who have onely the reputation of wisdom; For as St. Ambrose saith,* 1.140 Where wisdom and vertue are conjoyned, Magna erit Consiliorum salu∣britas, there is all good and wholsome counsel to be had, and all men are willing to hear the wise

and vertuous man, as well for the admiration of his wisdome as for the love of his vertue. In which respect he also saith, that men addresse themselves commonly for Counsel to those who are more vertuous then themselves; for no man hath reason to think him who is inferior to him∣self in manners, to be his superior in Wisdom and Counsel. Furthermore, such is the dignity and authority of vertue, that evil men bear a reverend respect thereto, and stand as it were in awe of good men, whereof we have an Example in Herod, who although he held St. John Baptist in prison, and would not follow his counsel in the matter of his divorce, yet for the reverence he bore to his vertue, he consulted many other things with him, and followed his advice therein; and as the Scripture also saith, metuebat eum, be feared him: and no doubt but wise and vertuous Princes much more esteem and respect the Counsel of wise men that are vertuous, then of others of equal wit and judgement that are vicious and wicked, knowing that as Solomon saith, Consilia impiorum fraudulenta, the counsels of wicked men are fraudulent;* 1.141 and that he who hath no care of his Conscience, will have no care of his Duty towards Men. Basilius the Emperor advised his Son to choose those for his Counsellors who had given Proof and Experience of their Wisdome in the good Conduct and Direction of their own private Affairs; and it is very necessary that Counsellors in Conference with their Prince use all sincerity, truth and plainnesse, without flattery; for although the common Proverb say, Ob∣sequium amicos, Veritas odium parit; Flattery gaineth Friends, and Truth hatred; Yet as there is nothing more pernicious to Princes then flattery, so by consequence, there is nothing more unfit to be used of Counsellors whose Office is and special care should be to undeceive their Prince in all things wherein they are any way deceived, and to labour therein so much the more, by how much less other men do it, seeing one of the greatest infelicities of Princes is, that all or most men flatter and sooth them in all things; in which respect Seneca saith, Quid omnia possidentibus deest? ille qui verum dicat: What wants he who hath all? marry one to tell the truth. And Quintus Curtius saith, Regum opes, The States of Princes are oftener overthrown by Flattery then by Force.

But this must be done with great moderation and discretion; for commonly those do offend in this kind (I mean of being forward and rigorous in admonishing) who presume over much either of their own wits and power, or of their Princes weaknesse, or of his over great favour and familiarity, or of the need he hath of them, or else perhaps are of nature severe, insolent or passionate; for such sometimes do forget themselves, yea and take a pride in contradicting or admonishing their Princes with less duty & respect then were convenient; and such an one was Callisthenes of whom Arrianus writeth, that he made himself odious to Alexander the Great, Tum ob intempestivam libertatem, tum ob superbam stultitiam, both for his unseasonable liberty of speech, and also for his proud folly. But Hæphestion Counsellor to the same A∣lexander, avoided that error; for he alwayes admonished him discreetly and freely as occa∣sion served, yet he ever did it in such sort that it seemed rather to be Alexander's Will and Pleasure that he should so doe, then that he challenged any right to himself; yea, a Coun∣cellor though he should fear to incur displeasure for his plainness,* 1.142 yet he ought to discharge his Conscience, and to say as Themistocles said to Euribiades (who took up a staffe to strike him for his free speech) strike me, so you hear me after: Seneca most excellently saith, Sunt duo contraria Consilio, festinatio & ira; Two things are contrary to Counsell, haste and anger. And again, saith he, Deliberandum est diu quod statuendum est femel; The thing that is once to be determined is to be deliberated by leisure. And Aristotle tells us, That a wise Man ought to counsel slowily, and execute speedily. Had Archigallo followed with his Councellors these Rules and Principles, he had not been thrust out of his Throne.

ELIDƲRƲS.

ELIDƲRƲS third Son to Morindus and Brother to Archigallo, was by common con∣sent and applause of all the States of the Brittains, chosen and crowned King, in the year of the World four thousand nine hundred and fifteen. This Prince in the English Chro∣nicle is called Hesider or Esodir; he was of such a temperate and mild disposition, that his Sub∣jects called him Elidure the Meek; but I suppose this Appellation of Meek, in Latine Pius, came upon another occasion; for the Count Palatine thus delivers unto us the Kings life;

Elidurum tertio natum Morindi statuunt Regem, qui totidem annos Rempublicam, sed diversa ratione humanitatis & benevolentiæ fratri sc. per omnia dissimilem tenebat. Archigallo jam privatus imperio à provincialibus Regnis ad quæ proficiscitur, auxiliares copias petit. Nusquam auditus pro animi disiderio redit donium, militibus{que} decem tantum modo comitatus visit eos quos nuper habebat amicos; transit nemus Calaterium, in quo Rex venebatur, qui forte temerè casit Fratrem non speratum intuens, pietate motus, amplectitur eum, & secum ad Arcluidam perducit. Ibi concilium cum proceribus capit de fratre restituendo in Regnum, quam ejus co∣gitationem graviter & iniquo animo omnes tulerunt, quod nihil pro sano ab Archigallione spe∣rarent; usus igitur arte quad am fingendi morbum, vocat ad se singulos, & secreto ingredienti∣bus persuadet ac minatur etiam, nisi Archigallioni ut & tanquam Regi suo fidem spondeant; deinde per alia Cubicula educi & singillatim custodiri, quibus ita concitatis fratri per terrorem,

sua{que} oratione confirmatis de morum ejus commutatione, ducit Elidrus Archigallonem Ebora∣cum, de{que} suo Capite demptum Diadema imponit Fratri; A quo raræ pietatis erga Fratrem exemplo cognomentum adeptus est, ut apud omnes homines Elidurus merito Pius cognominatus est.

Elidurus the third Son of Morindus, was chosen King of Brittain, who ruled as many years as his Brother had done before him, but of a far more excellent temper and behaviour, nothing in condition like him. Archigallo being now expell'd his Kingdome, flies to the Pro∣vincial and Neighbouring Princes, and there craves Aid and auxiliary Forces to reestablish him in his Throne; but finding each ear close shut and deaf to his demands and desires, is constrained to return into his native Country, being attended or accompanied by only ten Persons; there he visits those whom he supposeth to be his Friends, casually travelling through the great Wood Calaterium, where it fortuned that his Brother was taking his pleasure in Hunting; who suddenly, and beyond his expectation beholding Archigallo, struck with a brotherly love and affection, he with tender embraces expresseth how welcome is his Com∣pany, taking him along with him in his Presence to the City Alcluid. Here Elidurus falls into most serious consultations with his Nobles for the Restitution of his Brother to his Regal dignity; but they all give the Italian shrug, and shake their Heads, having no conceit or o∣pinion that ever any good can be hoped or expected from Archigallo. The King in esse Sum∣mons all his Wits together to bring his designed purpose to perfection, and counterfeiting a sudden and dangerous sicknesse, he sends for his Nobles one by one, and as they come, he useth all possible perswasion, and fearing not to prevail, he addeth Threats and Comminati∣ons, whereby to induce them to reenstall his Brother, and causing them to be secured and closely kept severally in several places, he perswades them through fear to him who formerly had been their King; and by a perswasive Speech and Oration in the behalf of his Brothers reforming all former Errours, and a future happy Government, prevails so far with them, as to promise faithful Allegiance and Subjection: and having obtained what he so cordially desired, coming to York, takes the Diadem from his own Head and setts it upon his Bro∣thers; By which heroick Act, he purchast to himself eternal fame, with the Title of Elidurus Pius, Elidure the Pious.

ARCHIGALLO.

ARCHIGALLO being thus by the unparallel'd affection of his Brother Elidure the Pious re-enthron'd, made good what was promised on his behalf; he suffered not his whispering Parasites to abuse his Ear, but with singular care employed all his endeavours to the right administration of his Affairs and the good of his Kingdome; and in short time by doing justice and right to all, became so beloved amongst the Brittains as if he never had been the man that had wronged them. Afflictions oft bring Mortals to the true knowledge of themselves; for it tempereth and setleth the exorbitant humours of men, who so abound commonly in continual prosperity, that their judgements are greatly blinded and hindered thereby; in which respect the famous Lady Queen Katharine of England, and Daughter to Fardinand King of Spain, was wont wisely to say, that if she must needs make choice either of continual prosperity or continual adversity, she would choose the latter; For in affliction, said she, n•• good man can want consolation, whereas in prosperity most men want wit.

Iterum regnat Archigallo decem annos (tells us Comes Palatinus) quibus assumit viros genere, virtute{que} claros, ad Reipublicæ munia capessenda; obscuro loco natos qui minus idonei sunt ad res gerendas, re∣pellit; quod{que} est suum cujus{que} id unicui{que} liberum esse permittit; in omnes deni{que} homines ju∣stitiæ officium & æquitatis exercet; tandem languore quodam extinctus Leircestriæ sepelitur.

Archigallo admitted again, reigneth ten years, making choice of Gentlemen sprung from ancient families, and eminent for their education and virtues, to supply the places of Go∣vernment in the Kingdome, utterly excluding base-born brats from intermedling in matters of honour and consequence, as altogether unworthy of such preheminence; and being fur∣nisht with such worthy Assistants,* 1.143 he gives to every one what belongs unto him, makes justice flourish, and every man enjoy what is his own, and in this glory he finished his dayes, being seized upon by a disease which stop't his vital spirits. His body was buried at Leircester, or as the English Chronicle saith, at Caer Ebrank or York, and so also saith Howes.

ELIDƲRƲS.

ELIDƲRƲS once more for his admirable and singular virtue which he shewed in his first Government, is now the second time, though as Fabian saith, much against his will, (for well he knew Regnum to be but dulce venenum, a sweet and gilded poison) by the general Votes and Suffrages advanced, or rather thrust into the Throne of this Land: But

Quota pars moritur tempore fati! Quos foelices Cynthia vidit, Vidit miseros abitura dies;* 1.144 Rarum est foelix idem{que} senex.

The two younger Brothers intoxicated with ambition and desire of Princely Rule (not like Elidurus, who freely surrendered the Scepter to his displaced Brother;) Vigenius and Pere∣durus, sollicit, tell their Friends, and what with present Advance-mony, and what with fair Promises, raise an Army; and in a most mutinous and rebellious way, lay violent hands upon their Brother, and cast him Prisoner into the Tower of London: after which unworthy Act they divide Brittany betwixt them. Vigenius is to enjoy all from Humber that famous River, to the remotest angle Westward; and Peredurus Albania. And thus for seven years space they Reign in amity, peace and mutual League and concord. After which time, Pere∣durus (Vigenius being dead) becomes Lord and Master of all, and so continues his Reign two years longer; and with so great applause of all sorts, by reason of his equity and indulgence towards his Subjects, that he is extolled above all the rest of his Brethren, whose praise is in every mans mouth; nothing to be heard but his Panegyricks; insomuch that even the Name of Elidurus the godly, or Elidurus Pius, is lockt up in the greatest darknesse and obscurity of Oblivion. Such is the vanity and inconstancy of the Vulgar, varium semper & mutabilo vulgus; the best Princes are soonest forgot, and no longer thought upon then their present Fortunes cause them to be present and remembred. This Peredurus builded the Town of Pickering in Yorkshire. Cambden speaking of this place, saith, Memorandum nihil occurrit, nisi Pickering Lancastrensis patrimonii oppidum non parvum, colli affixum, & veteri Castello munitum ad quod plurimi circumsiti viculi spectant, unde vulgi Pickering-Leith, libertas de Pic∣kering, Forresta de Pickering, quam Edmundo filio suo minori Lancastriæ comiti Rex Hen. 3. elar∣gitus est, regio adjacens nominatur. Nothing occurs here worth memory, except Pickering belonging to the Lancastrian Family, placed upon a Hill, and fortified with an ancient Ca∣stle, unto which many neighbouring and adjacent Villages belong, being called the Leith, Liberty and Forrest of Pickering, which Hen. the Third gave unto his Son Edmund Earl of Lancaster. Guido contrary to all other Writers, saith, that Peredurus was cruel and tyrannous to the Brittains, and slew and murthered many of the Lords; he caused him to become so odious, that they rebelled and slew him.

ELIDƲRƲS.

ELIDƲRƲS now the third time is made King, 4941, and ruled four years in the same equity and Princely demeanor as formerly, and then died, and was buried at Caerleil or Karlile. The Count Palatine gives this Character of him, Vir omni genere virtutum præ∣stantissimus, animi magnitudine superans ipsam fortunam, adeo ne{que} prosperis rebus elatus, ne{que} adversis dejectus esse voluit; diceres fortunam cum eo certasse ut Rex esset, ne{que} tamen animum ejus infractum constantem{que} vincere potuisse; quo magis abnuebat, eo frequentius ad regendum vo∣cabatur; sic honor & gloria persequentes fugit, & fugientes persequitur, ut umbræ Corpus; after his death he left a son named Gorgonianus or Gorbomannus to succeed him.

Fabian in the beginning of his Chronicle hath a Caveat for the Computation of years from Elidure to Lud, which I thought convenient here to insert. To make Histories agree and to keep the order of years begun, we must observe as Ranulph of Chester tells us, with divers o∣thers, that Julius Cæsar made Brittain Tributary to Rome, anno 48 ante Christum natum, or in the year of the World, 4150. which was in the ninth year of Cassabilane.

From whence taking from the time of Cassabilane before the Tribute paid nine years, and for the time of the Reign of Lud, eleven years, it followed evidently that King Lud did begin his Reign in the year of the World, 5131. and so from the last year of Elidure unto the be∣ginning of the Reign of Lud or in the time of the 33 Kings there passed 186 years.

GORBOMANNƲS.

GORBONIANUS or Gorbomannus, the Son of Regni and Grandchild to Elidure, was Crowned King of Brittain, in the year of the World, 4945. The Count Palatine speak∣ing of Elidurus saith,

Ei Gorbonias filius Gorboniani succedit, Patri similis in rebus pru∣denter agendis; mira fuit in omnes benevolentia ejus, at{que} modus ipse quo in administratione re∣rum utebatur, fecit illum universis esse gratissimum: Ita{que} cum post annos decom quibus optime regit, moreretur, publico luctu plangebatur, honoré{que} funeris publico majore quam cæteri Sepulchro condebatur.

Gorbonias the Son of Gorbonian succeeded his Uncle in the Kingdome, treading in the same paths of good Government; his Benevolence was admirable, and his Decorum

in managing his Affairs so plausible, that he was generally beloved of all men: Thus when he had ruled with universal good liking of every one, he departed this life; whose death was lamented with a general and most doleful mourning, and his Funerals celebrated with grea∣ter pomp and solemnity then any of his Predecessors.

MARGAN.

* 1.145MORGAN or Margan succeeded in the Kingdome; he was a younger Son of Archi∣gallo, and governed this Land for the space of fourteen years in great Peace and Tran∣quillity, following the Example of his Forefathers.

EMERIANƲS.

EMERIANƲS Brother to Margan succeeded, sed longe diversis moribus, but of quite an other temper and disposition; for he swayed all things after his own Will and Pleasure, and not according to Reasons law and dictamen, practising Tyranny towards both No∣bles and Commons, which rendered him so odious unto all, that after the space of seven years, he was deposed and quite thrust out of all Government and Princely Authority.

YDWALLO.

YDWALLO or Ivall the Son of Vigenius, was promoted unto the Regal Throne who being admonished by the evil Example of Emerianus, had learn'd a better Lesson; he was very indulgent to his Subjects, avoiding Tyranny as the very bain of Princes, and ad∣ministred justice and equity to all men; bonos in officio continebat, upholding honest men in their places, & malos qua debuit indignatione persequebatur, correcting the wicked with con∣digne punishment; and like a good Steward relieved as well the one as the other, in their wants and necessities. After thus he had Reigned twenty years, he forsook this World, and left to succeed him.

RIMO.

RIMO the Son of Peredurus, a Prince adorned with true and perfect Nobility, and ambitious of Honour; who after he had most happily Reigned sixteen years, highly re∣nowned for his heroick Spirit, and activity and glory in martial Affairs, he gave way to Ge∣runtius to ascend the Regal Throne.

GERƲNTIƲS.

GERƲNTIƲS the Son of Elidure, with the general good liking of all, is Crow∣ned King of Great Brittain; a great lover of goodnesse, Peace and justice; he com∣manded a strict observation of the Laws, by which means he preserved Unity and Concord among his people, and became highly honoured of them; yet for all this, after he had reig∣ned twenty years, death seized upon him, to the great grief and sorrow of all the Kingdome, leaving to succeed him his Son

CATELL or CATELLƲS.

CATELL or Catellus the Son of Geruntius, is solemnly invested with the Royal Ensigns of the Brittish Monarchy, a great Benefactor to the poor and distressed; insomuch that he caused all Oppressors to be taken and hanged: Were such justice put in Execution in these our dayes, such heavy Oppressions would not break the hearts of honest-meaning men. This King Reigned in great peace ten years, and then died.

COILƲS.

COILƲS Reigned ten years in great peace and quiet.

PORREX.

PORREX the second a vertuous and gentle Prince, Reigned five years.

CHIRIMƲS.

CHIRIMƲS or Chirinus, through his drunkennesse Reigned but one year; drunk∣ennesse is a vice so far unbeseeming a Prince, that we commonly say As drunken as beg∣gers; yet in our potting times it is now come to that passe, that we say as drunk as a Lord; drunkennesse hath been the overthrow of Chieftaines, Armies and Kingdomes, as we may read in sacred writ of Holofernes that great General; Borro Holofernes jacebat in lecto nimiae ebrietate sopitus, when Judith percussit bis in cervicem ejus, & abscidit caput ejus; and the Army of the Gaules under the command of Breunus was full of wine when Camillus totally routed it; neither had our Brittains so foolishly been Massacred and lost their Kingdome to the Saxons, had they not been drunken at the entrapping banquet on Salisbury Downes or Plaines; for as there are three things which do maintain and uphold a Common-wealth, and for the which God doth blesse and prosper it; the first Religion and Piety towards God, the second Justice and Equity amongst men, the third good Discipline in Life and Manners: so there are three other things contrary to those, which do subvert Common-wealths and provoke the wrath of God against them.

The first is all sorts of false Religion, Superstition, Idolatry, Heresy, and Schisme, and such sins as do belong thereto. The second is all sort of Injustice, as Rapine, Immoderate exactions, Oppression of the poor, effusion of innocent blood, and calumniation or slander and such like, for the which God punisheth Kingdoms and States, at the Holy Ghost signifyeth in Ecclesiasticus, saying, Regnum de gente in gentem transferetur, &c. A kingdome is transferred from Nation to Nation for injustice, injuries, calumniations or slanders and divers deceits. The third kind consisteth of Licentiousness, Drunkenness, and dissolutness of life and man∣ners. This Drunken King left after him three Sons, Fulgenius, Eldad, and Androgeos, who successively Reigned in this Kingdome.

FƲLGENIƲS.

FƲLGENIƲS the Eldest Son of Chirimus, was Crowned King of Great Brittain, but enjoyed his Kingdome only two years.

ELDRED or ELDREDƲS.

ELDRED the second Son of Chirimus, and brother to Fulgenius, was Crowned King, but enjoyed that honour but one year.

ANDROGEOS.

ANDROGEOS the third Son of Chirimus, and brother to the two precedent Kings, was Crowned, but lived only one year after.

ƲRIANƲS.

URIANƲS the Son of Androgeos, wholly gave himself to lust and the sin of the flesh; homo (saith Comes P.) voluptati deditus more pecudum, he was King only three years; lust hath been the overthrow of many Countries, and cause of much blood shed: had not

Paris seen Helena in the Isle of Cythera, in the Temple of Venus, whether this Lady out of cu∣riosity to behold the Trojans under pretence of performing some vowes was come; and Paris hearing of her presence and beauty, entered into the Temple in all Princely bravery; as they mutually beheld each other, they became so enamoured with the scorching flames of unlaw∣ful love, or rather lust, that presently being now linked together in equal desires, and haud caret effectu quod voluere duo, they embark together, which lustful act caused not onely a ten years siege but also the utter destruction and subvesion of Troy.

Hereunto I may add another notable example of the overthrow of the Lacedemonians, and the losse of the Empire of Greece by the just judgement of God, as both Diodorus Siculus and others affirm; the story is this.

Two Lacedemonians passing over the plain of Leuctra, were lodged and courteously enter∣tained in the house of one Scadasus, who had two handsome Women to his daughters, and re∣turning that way shortly after, and finding the two young Women at home and their Father absent, first ravisht one, after kill'd them both; their father at his return finding his daughters slain, and understanding who had been the doers of it, went to Lacedemon to crave justice against the Malefactors; but so potent were they and their friends there, that he could by no means obtain it: whereupon after infinite maledictions poured forth in the sorrow of his heart against them and their state, he went home and desperately kil'd himself upon the grave of his Daughters. Not long after Wars growing between the Thebans and the Lacede∣monians, the soul of Scadasus appeared to Pelopidas (one of the chief Captaines of the The∣bans) and encouraged him to give battel to the Lacedemonians in the plain of Leuctra, where he and his daughters were buried: telling him that their death should be there revenged, and so afterwards it fell out; for the Lacedemonians lost not only the battel, but also the Empire of Greece: we will omit the burning of Sodome and Gomorah for the sin of lust, and also the rape which those of the town of Gabaa committed upon the wife of a Levit, for which percussit eos Dominus in conspectu filiorum Israel, who killed of them 25100 men that bore Armes.

But come a little nearer to our times; concerning the punishment of the sins of the flesh, we have a notable and fearful example thereof in the Kingdom of Spain, conquered by the Moors, and possessed by them 700 years for that offence. For when the Kingdome had flourished as well in religion as power, from the time of K. Recared (the first Catholick King thereof, the space of 120 years: the wicked King Vitiza being a man (like this our Ʋrianus) given over to lust and carnality, infected and corrupted all Spain, not only with the bad example of his own dissolute life, (having divers Wives at once besides many Concubines) but also with abo∣minable Laws, whereby he gave leave to all sorts of men to have as many Wives & Concubines as they listed, yea and forced Priests and such as would have lived chast to marry, by which means all Spain became within a while to be no better then a common Stew or Brothel. And although Almighty God according to his accustomed mercy expected their conversion and amendment all the time of that Kings Reign, and laid onely the penalty thereof upon him whom he deprived both of his Crown and his eye-sight, by the means of Roderick who succee∣deed him in the Kingdome: yet when the said Roderick followed his steps as well in his vici∣ous life as in the maintenance of his abominable Laws, it pleased God of his justice to per∣mit him to give the occasion both of his own ruine and also of the overthrow of all Spain by the sin of the flesh, wherewith the whole Kingdome was as it were overflowed.

For whereas King Roderick had sent a Kinsman of his own Count Julian Embassador into Affrick, and in the mean time ravished his Daughter, or (as some write) his wife; the Count understanding it at his return, was so incensed therewith against the King, that in revenge thereof he practised with the Moores to bring them into Spain, who with his assistance conque∣red it speedily, and with such destruction of the people, that the punishment of God was evident∣ly seen therein. For having first overthrown King Roderick (whose body could never after the Battail be found) they subdued almost all Spain in eight Months, or in fourteen, as some say, and slew 700000 of all sorts of people, besides great numbers of Captives which they sent Prisoners into Barbary; and from that time forward remained in the possession of that Kingdome, or of some part thereof for the space of 700 years.

ELIƲD.

ELIƲD Reigned five years; he was a great Astronomer, Astrologiae peritissimus Rex. This vain study, especially of judicial Astrology in these our dayes, is much in request even amongst Troopers disbanded; some of whom I know so ignorant that they cannot write true English, nay scarce read. The Professors of this Science, especially such as would seem to be learned, would make it very ancient, fetching the Original from the Egyptians and Babylonians, the most ancient of all Mortals:

Jactabant olim Astrologi Chaldæos qua∣dringinta & septuaginta annorum millia in periclitandis, experiendis{que} pueris quicunque nasce∣rentur, posuisse,

To have spent forty and seventy thousand years, and yet the Chaldeans had their beginning at the destruction of the Tower of Babel: And Picus Mirandulanus in his se∣cond Chapter of his 12. Book, to disprove the Name and forged Antiquity of Astrologers,

saith he can shew no Students thereof before the time of Nebuchodonosor:* 1.146 and Benedictus Pire∣rius in a Book which he writes de divinatione Astrologiæ:

Tanta est Astrologorum (qui vulgo Judiciarii appellantur) vel impudentia vel Amentia, ut etiam sibi divinam Scripturam suf∣fragari suæque Astronomatiæ fidem & Authoritatem firmare jactent: etenim verba illa quæ dixit Deus creans luminaria, Et sint in signa & tempora, &c. ad suam referunt divinationem Astrologi∣cam, per quam ipsi profitentur ex observatione siderum futura rerum eventa posse prædici: quo∣circa B. Basilius & Ambrosius, aliique permulti patres in explanatione eorum verborum bene longam & acuratam in refellendi istiusmodi Astrologorum prædictionibus orationem posuerunt; quorum nos Patrum exemplis provocati & gravissimis Dei sententiis contra Astrologos multifa∣riam in divina Scriptura proditis permoti, quin etam justissimo adversus Astrologos odio propter fraudulenta & perniciosa eorum figmenta librum hunc ad confutandas eorum prædictiones à no∣bis scriptum, gratum multis & utilem fore existimamus; scripsit adversus Astrologos quidem co∣piose Joannes Picus Mirandula: sed multos ab ejus lectione deterret prolixitas operis. Nos licet in prædiviti & uberi versemur argumento, eo tamen breves erimus, quod non omnia quæ disputari possent, sed aptiora duntaxat causae firmior aque tractabimus: quinque autem erunt hujus libri & disputationis adversos Astrologos capita; primo enim docebimus sacrae & Ecclesiasticæ doctrinae aivinationem Astrologicam esse contrariam; tum ostendemus Astrologos esse rerum cælestium impe∣ritos; Deinde divinatricem istam artem rectae rationi ac Philosophiæ adversari demonstrabimus; ad hæc probabimus astra non solum non esse causas efficientes rerum futurarum, verum nec esse certa figna quæ res futuras præuotent ac præmonstrent; ad extremum, cur nonnulla Astrologorum præ∣dicta sint vera, causas exponemus.

This Author reduceth his book into five principall heads against Astrologers. First he sheweth Astrology to be contrary to sacred and Ecclesiastical do∣ctrine. Secondly, Astrologers themselves to be ignorant of Celestial things; and that that divining Art is opposite both to sound Reason and Philosophy; and that the Stars are not the efficient causes of future things, no not so much as certain Signs to point out or shew us things to ensue: and lastly, he makes appear the Causes why some Astrological predictions may prove true. I wish every man of learning would read Pirerius, to laugh at the folly of our Age, wherein every paltery Almanack-maker will make him to open the Closets and Cabi∣nets of Princes Counsels, and condemn Personages of high and eminent Quality to violent and untimely deaths at their pleasure; where the best of them, even Ly-Ly himself is obser∣ved to tell Lyes in the plural Number, and Verites scare in the singular.

DEDANTIƲS.

DEDANTIƲS or as other call, Dedacus, was after his Predecessor, King of Great Brittain the space of five years also: of this Prince no further mention is made; atque per tot alios, (scil. quinque annos) Dedacus inde tenuit. Dedacus, Com. Pal.

DETONƲS.

DETONƲS Reigned two years, as affirmeth Mr. Howes; Com. Pa. speaketh nothing of this Prince, but after Dedacus, saith, Enimvero Clotenus nisi duos annos regnabat; and Fa∣bian also next to Dedacus puts Clotenus, and then Gurgenites, and tells us that Lanquet leaveth these out; Com. Pal. puts one Gurguineus, it may be the same which Fabian calls Gurginetes, to rule three years.

MERIANƲS.

MERIANƲS by consent of all Writers, was King two years.

BLADƲNƲS.

BLEDƲƲS as Fabian saith, or Bladunus, as others, ruled two years.

CAPENƲS.

CAPENƲS or Cap, was King three years.

OVINƲS.

OVIMƲS, Oenus or Owyn, ruled other three years.

SISILIƲS.

SISILIƲS or Silius, governed the Bittains two years.

BLEDGABREDƲS.

BLEDGABREDƲS or Bledgabridus, wore the Brittish purpure ten years, as Mr. Howes affirmeth, Fabian saith twenty; he loved and studied Musick, in so much that Com. Pal. tells us tanta canendo excellentia superavit omnes homines ut quidem in arte Musica deus esse videretur, he so far excelled all mortal men in the art of singing, that he seemed to be the god of Musick; this he confirmes in his notes, figure the 18. Deinde Galfridus lib. 1. c. 22. Bel∣gridus omnes cantores quos aetas præcedens habuit, plurimum excellebat tum in modulis, tum in om∣nibus musicis instrumentis, ita ut deus faculatorum esse videretur. Belgridus so far excelled all the singers of the precedent age, as well in Madrigall and voice as all other Musical instruments, that he was called the god of mirth, or merry companions; nam ita Cajus, Belgabridem homi∣nem regem (inquit) tantum fuisse musicum constaet, ut propter excellentem musices cognitionem musi∣corum deus appellaretur. Belgabride a Princely man was so rare and skilful in the Art of Mu∣sick that for his excellency therein, he was called the god of Musitians, I dare not say Min∣strils, least some should think the King a Fidler; many great Princes, Kings and Empe∣rours have singularly affected the heavenly melody of Musick; and much may be spoken in praise thereof, which I forbear; yet I am of an opinion that no man can be of a good nature who loves it not.

ARCHIMALƲS.

ARCHIMALƲS, Archimelus or Archemall, Reigned two years: Isti frater Archi∣malus in regno suffectus est, qui & ipse post annos duos accepit Eldolum successorem.

ELDOLƲS.

ELDOLƲS, Elden or Eldell, was King of the Brittaines four years, in whose time of Go∣vernment many prodigious signs were seen as Globes of fire bursting out of the air with great noyse; ignei Globi de nubibus erumpentes cum aeris maxime strepitu.

RODIANƲS.

RODIANƲS or Redian was King two years.

REDARGIƲS.

REDARGIƲS Reigned three years, Com. Pal. calls him Roderecius, saying, Rodere∣cius hunc sequitur pro tribus annis; but Fabian is so far from speaking of this King, that he quite leaves him out, making no mention of his name.

SAMƲLIƲS.

SAMƲLIƲS was King two years; Samulius pro duobus, Com. Pal.

PENISILLƲS.

PENISILLƲS Reigned three years; rursum pro tribus Penisellus; Com. Pal. Fabian saith that Samul Penisel was but one individuum, and that he Reigned five years.

PYRRƲS.

PYRRƲS, whom Fabian calls Pyr Phyrrus, Reigned two years.

CAPORƲS.

CAPORƲS whom Fabian calls Capoir, Reigned two years.

DINELLƲS.

DINELLƲS the Son of Caporus, whom Fabian calls Glyguell Dinell,* 1.147 ruled the Brittain•• four years; Com. Pal.

Dinellus autem Caporii filius, gerendarum rerum scientissimus prin∣ceps, pro summa suavitate morum & erga singulos benignitate laudatur. Quanquam homines ex infima plebe nascerentur, tamensi erant bene periti earum rerum quæ in deliberatione ponebantur, ipsorum sententias libenter audiebat, ne{que} magis à quo quamquæ ad rem præsentem utiliter di∣cerentur attendebat; etenim consilia sciebat non ex persona suggerentium sed sua vi esse ponderan∣da. Idcirco viri conditione humilis opinionem sapenumero præserebat sententiae viri nobilis ac illustris domi; pœnas male facientibus infligebat, foris annonam & omnia militibus necessaria pro∣curabat, aegros ac debiles corpore visebat; nec eo contentus, res quibus indigebant, liberaliter suppeditabat, extinctus morte cum annos regnasset septem;

Dinellus the son of Caporius, a Prince excellently well seen in managing his Affairs, for his love and affable carriage towards all men had in high esteem; In his consultations his judgement reflected not upon the persons of men, whether mean and born of low degree, or sprung from noble and illustrious Families; but alwaies, in all debates, he gave ear to such as spoak most to the purpose, not regarding who the speaker was, but what he spake: for he rightly knew that matters were not to be bal∣lanced after the quality & condition of the Relator, but according to the essence and truth of the thing: which caused him often to prefer a mean mans opinion before a Courtiers, or No∣bles; at home he caused condigne punishments to be inflicted upon malefactors, and abroad he was very sedulous and careful to provide all things convenient and necessary for his Soul∣diers; The infirm, weak and sick he often visited; not that alone but whatsoever they wanted, he took order that it should be brought unto them: after all which good deeds he left this world, having Reigned seven years. Howes and Fabian say but four.

HELY.

HELY Son of Dinellus, governed the Brittains one or not fully one year:* 1.148 of this Prince the Isle of Ely took it Name, saith Geffrey.

Hoc vero nomen (saith Mr. Cambden) Beda ab anguillis deduxit, unde nonnulli Insulam anguillarum dixerunt; Polidorus Virgilius à Greco 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 quod paludem denotat; alii ab Helig Britannico quod salices significat, quarum, cum aliarum arborum sit impatiens, est feracissima tum soli natura, tum quod contra irrumpentium omnium impetus satæ, saepius{que} caesa innumera hærede, ut Pliniano verbo utar, profuerunt, ex quibus hic & alibi corbes texuntur, quas nunc Brittanni Baskes vocant.

The Name of Ely (saith Mr. Camb∣den) Beda deriveth from Eeles, insomuch that some call it the Isle of Eeles; Polidor Virgil will have it named from the Greek word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which signifieth a Marrish or Fennish place; others bring it from the Brittish word Helig, which signifieth an Osier or Sallow, which kind of twigs grow there in great abundance, though otherwise the Isle is bare of Trees and Tim∣ber; but these grow partly from the nature of the soil, and partly are planted to stop and hinder the irruptions of the water, and bring such a numerous encrease, that they supply Tradesmen for the making of Baskets not only there but in the Countries round about. This Isle hath in it a City of the same Name, had in account for the repute and holinesse of Votary Nuns residing there, built first by Audrey wife of Tombreta Prince in this Province, who had in this place a part of her Dowry;* 1.149 she having departed from her second Husband Egbert King of Northumberland by his leave and consent, devoted her self to the service of

God, and built there a Monastery whereof she became the first Abbesse; This in the Danish desolations was destroyed, but soon after reedified by Ethelwold Bishop of Winchester, who stored it with Monks, unto whom King Edgar granted the jurisdiction over four hundred and a half, within these Fens and the East Angle-limits, which to this day are called the Liber∣ties of St. Audrey. After whose Examples the Nobles so enriched it with large Revenues, that as Malmesbury saith, The Abbot thereof laid up yearly into his own Coffers, a thousand and four hundred pounds. And of latter times the Monks thereof became so wealthy that their old decayed Church they renewed with new and stately Buildings, which is now the Cathedral of the Diocesse, and for beauty giveth place to no other in England. Comes Pal. speaking of this Hely saith, A quo splendor Imperii Brittannici coepit in orbe Romano per filios maximos belli duces apparere: From whom the splendor and glory of the Brittish Empire through the Va∣lour of its Martial Children began first to display its beam in the Roman Orb or Hemisphere. Com. Palat. (though others allow, as Howes and Fabian, but one year to his Reign) saith, He∣lius Regnum annis quadraginta gubernat, tres filios generat, Luddum, Cassuellanum, Nen∣nium; whose very names manifest a certain excellancy: And he further saith, that Giraldus affirms, Pirrhi mansionem fuisse Castrum Manubri, quod aetate sua fuerat adhuc turribus & pro∣pugnaculis eximium, ab occidente portum habebat extensum, à Circio & Borea sub ipsis mae∣nibuss vivarium egregium tam sui venustate quam profunditate aquarum valde conspicuum.

LƲD.

LƲD the Son of K. Hely, by right of Inheritance, and general applause of all the Brit∣tains, is Crowned King of this Island: The first Act worthy of Observation which he took in hand was to immure the City of Troynovant, which he inclosed with strong Walls, garnishing the same with many lofty and stately Towers; which done, he gives command to the Citizens to Erect their Structures and Edifices within the Compasse of the same: the mo∣tion proceeding as it were out of an innate love and respect which he bore to that place, in which he spent most of the time which he had spar'd from war-like Affairs and the publique Administation of justice. In this City he built (saith Com. Pal.) Palatium egregtum, a stately and sumptuous Pallace; and on the West side thereof, a strong & defensible Gate of large big∣nesse and solid work, which to this day is called Lud's Gate. Trinovant being now beautified with most delicate and pleasing Buildings, peopled and inhabited by rich & wealthy Citizens, began to shake hands with its old Name, and bid it adieu, resuming a new Nomenclation from its present Benefactor and Restaurator, and begins to be better known by the Name of Luds Town then Trinobant, now corruptly London, then Troynovant. This King Lud sir∣named Imanuentius, was a Prince of a most heroick and warlike Spirit, and remarkable for the Courtship which he used, in inviting his Nobles and Chieftains to costly Feasts and Ban∣quets; but amongst all these Interludes and Princely Pastimes, the provident King forgot not to root out such overgrown and inveterate Customes, as he observed to be ob∣noxious to the Commonwealth; and what by experience he found irregular, he quite abro∣gated, instituting new and commodious Laws and Edicts in their places; and knowing that no Republick can be well governed without a due Observation of Religion and Piety, he builded many goodly Temples in the honour of his gods: It is in my judgement worthy ob∣servation, how zealous Pagan Princes have been to build places of adoration to their false gods; and in the infancy of Christianity and primitive Church, with what devotion and piety, not onely Christian Emperours, Kings and Princes, but even Noble Men and private Citizens bestowed their Wealth and Patrimonies in erecting Churches to the honour of our most Bles∣sed Saviour and his holy and glorious Martyrs; and how those who in our present times call themselves Saints (sunt autem intus Lupi rapaces,) pollute, contaminate, deface and destroy Churches, and Chappels, pull down the Fonts wherein they received the badg of Christianity, the sacred Lavacre of Baptisme, draw down the monuments and shrines of Martyrs, Sepul∣chres of those whose Memories are held in Veneration, unclapper the Bells, sacrilegiously take away the Ropes, (sed dabit Deus his quoque funem;) if these be acts of Religion, or a Re∣formation (as forsooth they term it) then will I say, That Gardiner rectifieth and reformeth a good Orchard, planted with the choicest Fruit-bearing Trees, when he pulleth up by the roots all those goodly stocks, and leaves the ground digged and turned up by the profane snouts of Hogs and wild Boars, and taketh no care to replant young Saplings and Graffts in their places.

King Lud began his Reign in the year of the World five thousand one hundred and thirty one; who after he had governed the Brittains with great justice and moderation eleven years, ended the period of his days, and was buried in the Temple which he had built nere Ludgate in Caer Lud or London, for so hereafter we must usually call it; leaving two Sons, Androgeus and Tenancius or Temancius.

CASSABILAN.

CASSABILAN brother to King Lud, began to govern the Brittains, in the year of the world five thousand one hundred and forty two; The Nobles and Commons made e∣lection of this Prince, in regard that the two Sons of his deceased brother were so young, that the eldest of them was held unfit to govern: Cassebilan, as witnesseth the old Chronicle, and also Flos Historiarum, was not Crowned long, but only elected Protector during the Nonage of his Nephews; but Ambition and the dazling aspect of a princely Diadem are able with out the grace of the Almighty, if it were possible, to overthrow even honesty and justice it self: yet Cassabilan a Pagan shews far more civility and natural tenderness, then Richard the third a Christian, who murdered his Nephewes being their Protector; Cassabilan lets them enjoy that breath which God & nature had bestowed upon them; but so cunningly by his wily practises, by doing justice, shewing himself liberal and bountiful to the subjects, he insinuates himself into their hearts and bosomes, that as a man immediately sent from the Gods, with ge∣neral Votes and suffrages he is Crowned King of Brittain: yet had he an after-game to play full of hazard and difficulty; his two Nephewes are living: had Machiavel been his Tutor, he had sent them long ere this to their Graves; and whilst the lawful Heirs are in being, the unjust possessor upon what title soever can never be secure; Cassibalan to stop the mouths of all such as should find themselves aggrieved with the disinheriting of the Orphans, gives unto Andro∣gias the City of London, with the Dukedome or Earldome of Kent; And unto Tenantius the Earldome of Cornwall; but men deprived of their Birth-right will make hard shift, rather then not obtain their Right, or at least be revenged; This was the present condition of Brittany, about the four and fiftieth year, before the Birth of our Saviour Jesus Christ: Cæsar being the Governour of Gallia for the Senate and people of Rome, and having brought some part of that Countrey under obedience, intended a Voyage into Brittany, partly upon pretence of revenge (for that the Brittaines had divers times aided those of Gallia in their Wars against the Romans) and partly to satisfie himself with the sight of the Island: and knowing the In∣habitants and their custome, whereby he might be perhaps the more readily induced by reason of his own natural Inclination to undertake great and difficult attempts, and with the encrease of his own glory to enlarge the limits of the Roman Empire: unto which at that time the Soveraignity of the whole world was by divine providence Allotted; And to this end he thought good to be first informed of the nature of the people, and of such havens in the Isle as were most commodious to receive any shipping that should come thither; which things where in a manner unkown to the Gaules, by reason the Flanders suffered none to have accesse to them but Merchants onely, neither knew they any other places then the Sea Coasts, and those parts of the Isle that confronted the continent of Gallia; wherupon Cæsar supposing it necessary to make some discovery before he adventured himself in the action, sent Caius Volu∣semus in a long boat, with instructions to enquire of the quantity of the Island, of the condi∣tions of the Inhabitants, of their manner of making War, of their Government in Peace, and what places were fittest for Landing; After which dispatch made, he himself with all his For∣ces, (which were newly returned from making War beyond the Rhene) Marched into the Country of the* 1.150 Morini, from whence was the shortest cut into Brittany, for there he had ap∣pointed his shipping to meet him.

In the mean time his purpose being known to the Brittains, by report of the Merchants (that traded with them) divers states of the Isle (either fearing the greatness of the Roman pow∣er, or affecting Innovation for some private respects) sent over Ambassadours, who promised in their names to deliver Hostages for assurance of their obedience to the people of Rome; but Cæsar though he was fully resolved to enter the Island, curteously entertained their offer, exhorting them to continue in that good mind, as a means to draw on the rest in following the example of their submission; for the better effecting whereof he appointed Comius the chief Governour of the Attrebates (as a man whose wisdome and faith he had tryed, and whom he knew to be respected of the Brittains) to accompany the Ambassadours in their return, giving him in charge to go to as many Cities as would permit him acoesse, and to perswade the Rulers to submit themselves as some of their Nation had already done: and further to let them know, that himself with all convenient speed would come thither.

The Princes of the Isle being yet altogether unacquainted with any civil kind of Govern∣ment, maintained quarrels & factions among themselves, whereby one sought to offend another, and to enlarge his own part by encroaching upon his Neighbors (not observing that what they gained in particular one of another, they lost altogether in a general reckoning) they made an open passage in the end for the Roman to Conquer the whole (a thing common to them with other Nations, who have found the like effects, to proceed from the like cause) for the most part of the Brittains in those dayes, delighted in War, neglecting Husbandry, or perhaps not then knowing the use of it; Their manner of living and customes were much, like to those of the Inhabitants of Gallia; Their Diet was such as nature yielded of her self without the in∣dustry of man; for though they had great store of Cattle, yet they lived (especially in the In∣land

Country) with Milk; It was held among them as a thing unlawful to eat of a Hare, a Hen, or a Goose, and yet they nourished them for Creation sake. Their apparel was made of the skins of Beasts, though their bodies were for the most part naked and stained with woad, which gave them a blewish colour, and as they supposed, made their Aspect terrible to their Enemies in Battail. Theirb 1.151 Houses were compact of stakes, reeds and boughes of trees fastned together in a round Circle. They had ten or twelve wives a piece common among them, though the issue were alwayes accounted his that first married the Mother being a Mai∣den. They were in stature taller then the Gauls; by this time Volusenus (who durst not set foot on land to hazard himself among the Ilanders) returned to Cæsar (to wit, the fifth day after his setting forth) and made relation of such things as he had seen and heard by report in roving up and down the Coast in view of the Iland.

Cæsar having composed some Tumults in the hither part of Gallia, that he might leave no Enemy behind him to annoy him in his absenee, pursued the Enterprize of Brittain, having to that end prepared a Navy, which consisted of about fourscore Ships of burden (a number sufficient) as he thought, for the transportation of two Legions, besides his long Boats, wherein the Questor, the Lieutenant, and other Officers of the Camp were to be embarked; There were also eighten ships of burden (that lay wind bound about eight miles from the Port) appointed to waft over the Horse-men. P. Pulpitius Rufus, a Lieutenant of a Legion was commanded to keep the Haven it self with such power as was thought sufficient. These things being thus ordered, and a good part of the summer being now spent, Cæsar put out to Sea about the third watch of the night, having given direction, that the Horsemen should embarke in the up∣per Haven, and follow him; wherein while they were somewhat slack, Cæsar with his shipping about the fourth hour of the day Arrived upon the Coast of Brittain, where he beheld the Clifts possessed with a multitude of people rudely armed, but ready to make resistance.

The nature of the place was such, as by reason of the steep hills (encloasing the Sea on each side in a narrow strait) it gave great advantage to the Brittains, in casting down their darts upon their Enemies underneath them. Cæsar finding this place unfit for landing his Forces, put off from the shore and cast Anchor, expecting the rest of his Fleet; and in the mean time calling a Council of the Lieutenants and Tribunes of the Souldiers, he declared unto them, what he had understood by Volusenus, and directed what he would have done, warning them that (as the state of War, and especially the Sea service required) they would be ready to weigh Anchor and to remove Too and Fro upon all occasions at a beek, and in an instant.

This done, having advantage both of Wind and Tide, he set forward with his Navy about four League from that place, and then lay at Anchor in view of the open and plain shore; But the Ilanders upon intelligence of the Romans purpose had sent thither (before Cæsars coming) a company of Horsemen and Chariots called Esseda (which they then used in their Wars) and following afterwards with the rest of their Forces, empeached their Enemies from Landing, whose ships by reason of their huge bulks (drawing much water) could not come near to the shore, so as the Roman Souldiers were thereby enforced in places unknown (their bo∣dies being charged with their Armour) to leap into the water and encounter the Brittains, who assailed them nimbly with their Darts, and drove their Horses and Chariots with main force upon them. The Romans being therewith terrified, as Men unacquainted with that kind of Fight, failed much of the wonted courage which they had shewed in their former land Services; and Cæsar perceiving it, caused the long boats which seemed more strange to the Brittaines, and were more serviceable by reason of the swiftnesse of their motion, to put off by little and little from the great Ships, and to Row towards the shore, from whence they might more easily charge the Ilanders, with their Arrowes, Slings and other Warlike Engines, which (being then unknown to the Inhabitants, as also the fashion of the ships and motion of the Oares in the long Boats, having stricken them with fear and amazement) caused them to make a stand and afterwards to draw back a little. But the Roman Souldiers making no haste to pursue them, by reason of the water which they suspected in some place to be deep and dangerous, the Standerd-bearer of the Eagle for the tenth Legion, praying that his attempt might prove succesful, then the Legion cryed out with a loud voice saying, Fellow Souldiers leap out of your Boats, and follow me, except you mean to betray your Standard to the Enemy; for my own part, I mean to discharge the duty I owe to the Commonwealth, and to my Generall; This said, he cast himself into the water, and carried the Standard boldly against the Brit∣tains; whereupon the Souldiers exhorting one another to follow the Ensign what fortune so ever befel, with a common consent leapt out of their long Boats, one seconding another, and so wading through the water, at length got to shore, where began a sharp and bloody Fight on both sides. The Romans were much Incumbred by reason that they could neither keep their ranks nor fight upon firm ground, nor follow their own Standard; for every one as he came on Land, ran confusedly to that which was next him; some of the Brittains who knew the flats and shallow places, espying the Romans as they came single out of their ships, pricked forward their horses and set upon them, overlaying them with number, and finding them unwieldy and unready to make any great resistance, by reason of the depth of the water, and weight of their Armour, while the greater part of the Natives with their Darts assailed them fierely upon the shore, which Cæsar perceiving, commanded the Cock-boats and Scouts to be Manned with Souldiers whom he sent in all haste to rescue their Fellows.

There was a Souldier of Cæsars Company called Cassius Scaeva, who with some other of the same Band, was carried in a small Boat unto the Rock, which the ebbing Sea in that place had make accessible. The Brittains espying them, made thitherwards: the rest of the Romans escaping, Scaeva was left alone upon the Rock, to which Island the fury of the enraged mul∣titude assailed him with their darts, which he received upon his Shield, and thrust at them with his Spear till it was broken, and his Helmet and Shield lost: then being tyred with ex∣treme toyl, and dangerously wounded, he betook himself to flight (carrying two little Har∣nesses on his back) with much difficulty recovered Cæsars Tent, where he craved pardon for making so bold an attempt without commandment of his General. Cæsar did both remit the Offence, and rewarded the Offender by bestowing upon him the Office of a Centurion. This was that Scaeva who afterwards gave good cause to have his Name remembred in the Roman Histories for the memorable service he did to Cæsar, in the time of the civil Wars be∣tween him and Pompey at the battail near Dyrrachium. The Romans having at length got footing on the dry land, gave a fresh charge unto the Brittains, and in the end forced them to turn their backs, and leave the shore, though they could not pursue them far into the Land for want of Horsemen, Cæsars accustomed Fortune failing him in this one accident.

The Brittains after this overthrow assembling themselves together (upon consultation had amongst them) sent Embassadors to Cæsar, promising to deliver in pledges, or to do whatsoe∣ver else he would command them: With these Embassadors came Comius of Arras, whom Cae∣sar had sent before out of Gallia into Brittain, where having delivered the Message he had then in charge, he was apprehended and committed to Prison, and now after the battel re∣leased. The chief States of the Brittains, seeking to excuse their attempt, laid the blame upon the multitude, who being the greater number, and wilfully bent to take Arms, would neither by perswasion nor Authority be restrained: And they pretended their own ignorance as be∣ing a free people, and not experienced in the Customes of other Nations. Cæsar although he reproved them for making War in that manner, considering that of their own accord, they had sent Embassadors to him, before his arrival in Brittany to desire peace; yet was content to pardon them upon delivery of pledges, whereof some he received presently, and the rest being to come from remote places, he appointed to be sent in by a set day; so the Brittains were dismissed to return into their Countries; and in the mean time there came divers Prin∣ces from other parts of the Isle to submit themselves and their Cities to Cæsar. The fourth day after, the Romans Landing the ships before mentioned, appointed for Transportation of Cæsars Horse men, having a favourable Gail of wind, put out to Sea from the upper Haven; and approaching near the Island in view of the Roman Camp, a suddain storme arose and scattered them, driving some back again to the Port from whence they came, and some others upon the lower part of the Island Westward, where after they had cast Anchor, (their Keeles being all most overwhelmed with the Waves) they were carried by violence of the storm in the night into the Main, and with very great peril recovered a harbour in the Continent.

The same night the Moon was at the full, at which time commonly the Sea in those parts is much troubled, and overfloweth the banks by reason of the high Tides (a matter unknown unto the Romans) insomuch as the long Boats which transported the Army, then lying upon the shore, were filled with the flood, and the ships of burden that lay at Anchor were beaten with the storm and split in pieces, the greater number of them perishing in the water, and the rest being made altogether unserviceable (the Anchors lost and Tacklings broken) wherewith the Romans were much perplexed, for that they neither had any other ships to transport them back again, nor any means to repair what the Tempest had Ruined; and Cæsar had former∣ly resolved to winter in Gallia, by reason he was unfurnished of victuals to maintaine his Ar∣my, during the Winter season: which being known to the chief States of the Brittains (who had met together about the accomplishment of such things as Cæsar had commanded them) they supposed a fit opportunity was offered them to revolt, while the Romans wanted Horse∣men, shipping and all manner of provisions; the number of their Forces seeming also the lesse, in respect of the small circuit of their Camp (Cæsar having transported his Legions, with∣out any Carriages, or such like Warlike necessaries) whereupon they concluded to keep them from Victuals, and to prolong the War till Winter; assuring themselves that if they could ei∣ther vanquish the Romans, or bar them from returning thence, there would no Forraigne Nation after them adventure to set foot again in Brittany; and hereupon they conveyed them∣selves by stealth out of the Roman Camp, and gathered company to them privily from di∣vers parts to make head against their Enemies.

Cæsar, albeit he was ignorant of the Brittains purpose, yet supposing that the State of his Army and the loss of his ships were to them known, and considering that they had broken day with him, in detaining the pledges contrary to the contract, he suspected that which afterwards proved true; And therefore to provide remedies against all chances, he causedb 1.152 Corn to be brought daily out of the Fields into his Camp; and such ships as could not be made fit for service were used to repair the rest, and such other things as were wanting thereto, he appoint∣ed to be brought out of the same continent; by which means and the diligence of his Souldi∣ers, by losse of twelve ships, the rest of the Navy was made able to bear sail, and brook the Seas again: while these things were in doing, the seventh Legion (according to custome) was sent forth a Forraging, till which time the Brittains revolt was not certainly known, for that

some of them remained abroad in the Fields, and others came ordinarily into the Roman Camp; The Warders in the station before the Camp, gave notice to Cæsar that the same way which the Legion went, there appeared a greater dust then was wont to be seen; Cæsar mi∣strusting some new practice of the Brittains, commanded the Companies (that kept Ward) to march thither, appointing two others to supply their rooms, and the rest of his Forces to Arme themselves with speed and follow him; when he approached near the place discried, he per∣ceived his Souldiers to be over-charged by the Brittains, who assailed them on all sides with darts; For the Brittains having commanded their Corn from all other parts (this onely ex∣certed) and suspecting that the Romans would come thither, lay in the woods all night to in∣texcept them: and finding them dispersed and unready, they suddenly set upon them (as they were reaping) killing a few of them and disordering the rest with their Horses and Chariots.

* 1.153The manner of their fighting in Chariots was thus; First they used to ride round about their Enemies Forces, casting their Darts where they saw advantage, and often times with the fiercenesse of their Horses, and whirling of their Chariots wheels, they broak their Ene∣mies ranks: and being gotten in among the Troops of Horsemen, they would leap out of their Chariots and Fight on Foot. The Chariot-drivers in the mean time withdrew them∣selves by little and little out of the battle, and placed themselves in such sort, as their Masters (being over matched by their Enemies) might readily recover their Chariots, so that in their Fighting they performed the Offices both of Horsemen in swiftness of motion, and also of Footmen in keeping of ground: and by daily use and exercise they were grown so expert in managing their Horses as driving them forcibly down a deep hill, they were able to stay or turn them in the midway, yea to run along the beam, to stand firm upon the yoak, and to return thence speedily into their Chariots again.

The Romans being much troubled with this new kind of fight, Cæsar came in good time to the rescue; for upon his approach the Brittains gave over the Skirmish, yet keeping still their ground as Masters of the Field; and the Romans for fear, retired themselves to their Gene∣ral, who thought it no point of wisdome to hazard his Forces in a place unknown: but ha∣ving staid there a while, conducted the Legions back again to his Camp, and in the mean time, the Brittains that were in the Field dispersed themselves and shrunk away. After this there were many dayes together continual tempests, which kept the Romans in their Camp, and hindred the Brittains from making any open attempt; though they sent Messengers se∣cretly into divers parts of the Ile, publishing abroad what a small number of their enemies were left, what hope there was of a rich booty, and what apparent likelyhood of recovering their liberty, if they drive the Romans from their Camp: and hereupon in short time they assembled a great number of Horse and Foot men to put their purpose in execution. Against the which (Cæsar understanding thereof) made preparation for Defence, having gotten also about him thirty Horse men, (which Comius of Arras brought over with him) whose service he supposed very necessary, if the Brittains (according to their wonted manner) should seek to save themselves by flight; The Legions were placed in battle Array, before the Camp. Then the Brittains began to Fight, which had not long continued, when they gave back and fled, the Romans pursuing them as far as they durst, killing many whom they overtook, and burning Houses and Towns as they returned to their Camp. The same day the Brittains sent Embassadours to Cæsar desiring peace, which after long sute was granted upon Conditions, that the Pledges (which was before required) should be now doubled, and speedily sent over into Gallia. For the Aequinoctial drawing neer, Cæsar made haste thither, doubting his crased ships would not be well able to brook the Seas in Winter: whereupon taking advantage of the next fair wind, he embarqued his Forces about midnight, and with the greatest part of his Fleet Arrived in the Continent. The Roman Senate (upon Relation of these his Services) decreed a Supplication for him, for the space of twenty dayes.

In the spring of the year following, Cæsar having pacified some tumults in Gallia, prose∣cuted the enterprise of Brittain, and to that end he had prepared a Fleet of new ships, all ap∣pointed and commodiously built for landing his Forces, (the want whereof he had found before to his great losse) and a sufficient Army consistent of five Legions, and a proportionable number of Horse which he embarked at* 1.154 Portus Iccius about Sun setting: having a faire Southern wind to set them forward, which failing them about midnight, the Tide diverted their course, so as in the morning he discovered the Island on his left hand, and then follow∣ing the turning of the Tide, he commanded his Souldiers to use their Oares, that they might reach that part of the Isle, where they had found the best landing the summer before; wherein they took such pains, as their ships of burden kept way with their long boats and lighter Ves∣sels; about noon they landed on the shore, where there appeared no man to make resistance; the cause whereof was (as Cæsar afterwards learned by such Prisoners as he took) for that the Brittains having assembled themselves together in Armes at the Sea side, were so terrified with the sight of the ships (which of all sorts were esteemed above eight hundred sayle) that they left the shore, and ran to hide themselves in the Upland Countries; Cæsar (upon intelligence of Fugitives, where the Brittish Forces lay) leaving at the Sea side ten Chariots, and three hundred Horse to guard the ships then lying at Anchor (whereof Quintus Atrius had the charge) Marched forward with the rest of his Army in the night about twelve miles into the

Land, where he espied a multitude of Brittains flocking together neer a river, having gotten the upper ground, from whence they began, to charge the Romans with their horse and Cha∣riots, but being repulsed by Cæsars Horsemen, they fled and hid themselves in the Woods in a place which being notably strengthned both by nature and art, they had used as a Fortresse in their civil War, among themselves; for by reason there were many great Trees cut down and lay'd overthwart the passages round about, there could hardly any entrance be found into the wood: Howbeit the Brittains themselves would oft times, sally forth upon advantage, and empeach the Romans where they attempted to enter, hereupon Cæsar commanded the Souldiers of the seventh Legion to make a* 1.155 Testudo, and to raise a Mount against the place; by which means after loss of men on both sides, the Romans in the end got the Fort, and cha∣sed the Brittains over the wood; but Cæsar would not suffer his Souldiers to pursue them; for in regard the place was unknown, and a great part of the day being spent, he thought it fit to bestow the rest in fortifying the Camp. The next day in the morning he sent out Horsemen and Footmen three several wayes to pursue them that fled; but before they had gotten sight of the Brittains, certain Horsemen sent from Quintus Atrius (who had charge of the shipping) brought news that a great Tempest the night before had distressed his ships, and beaten them upon the shore, the Anchors and Cabels being not able to hold them, nor the Mariners to guide them, or to endure the force of the storm; whereupon Cæsar caused the Legions and Horsemen to be sent for back again, and marched with speed towards the Sea side, where he found his Navy in ill plight; forty of his ships being clean cast away, and the rest with great difficulty seeming likely to be recovered: for effecting whereof he took some ship-rights out of the Legions, and sent for others out of the Continent, writing to Labienus who had the charge of certain Legions there, and the guard of Portus Iccius, that he should prepare as many ships as he could to be sent over to him with expedition; and though it were a work of great toyle, yet he thought it necessary to have all the ships haled on shore, and to be brought into the Camp where his Land-forces lay, that one place might be a safe-guard to them both; in the accomplishment hereof he spent ten dayes (the Souldiers scarce intermitting their labour in the night time) till all was finished.

Cæsar having fortifide his Camp, and left there the same Forces, (which were before ap∣pointed to keep the harbour) returned to the place whence he dislodged, upon Atrius his in∣formation, where he found the number of the Brittains much increased by confluence of people from sundry parts within the Island; The chief Commandment and direction for the War, was by publick consent of the States of the Isle assigned to Cassibelin, the bounds of whose Territorie were divided from the Maritime Cities, by the River Thamesis, and were cast out from the Sea about fourscore miles. There had been of long time continuall War between him, and some other Princes of the Countries near adjoyning: but now (both parts fearing to be over-run by a Forraign Enemy) neglected private respects, and joyned their Forces to∣gether, appointing him to be their Leader, as a man of whose valour and sufficiency in mili∣tary Affairs they had good experience. The Roman Army being come in view of their E∣nemies Camp, the Brittains pressed forward to begin the Fight with their Horsemen and Cha∣riots, and Cæsar sent out his Horsemen to Encounter them, so as the battle was maintained with great resolution on both parts, and the event thereof seemed doubtful, till in the end the Brittains gave ground, and fled through the woods to the hills, many of them being slain in the Chase, and some of the Romans also who adventurously pursued them so far.

Not long after the Romans (suspecting no danger) were occupied in fortifying their Camp, the Brittains sallyed suddenly out of the Woods and made an Assault upon the Warders that kept station before the Campe; to whose aid Cæsar sent out two Cohorts (the chief of the two Legions) which making a lane through the middest of the Brittish Forces joyned them∣selves with their distressed Fellowes, and rescued them from the peril, though Quintus Liberius Durus, a Tribune of the Souldiers, was slain in that Enterprize: But new Cohorts coming to supply the former, the Brittains were repulsed, and sought to save themselves by flight. By the manner of this Skirmish (which was fought in view of the Roman Camp) the Romans per∣ceived the Advantage, which the Britains had of them, and how ill themselves were appointed for such a fight, when by reason of the weight of their Armour they could neither pursue such as fled, nor durst leave their Ensignes, nor were able (without great disadvantage) to en∣counter the Brittish Horse men, which oft-times gave ground on purpose; and having with∣drawn themselves a little and a little from the Legions, would leap out of their Chariots and fight on foot; the manner of their fighting with Horse and Chariots, being alike dange∣rous to those that retired, and to those that pursued; Besides they divided their Forces into Companies (when they fought) and had several stations, with great distances between them; one Troop seconding another, and the second and fresh men yielding Supplies to the woun∣ded and wearied. The day following, the Brittains were discried upon the Hills afaroff, scattered here and there in great numbers together; being not very forward to begin a new Fight, till Cæsar having sent out three Legions, and all his Horse men under the Conduct of C. Trelonius the Lieutenanant to go a forraging, they flocked suddenly together from all parts, and set upon the Forragers, not sparng to assail the Ensignes Legions themselves who strongly resisted them, and made them turn their backs, when the Roman Horse men also eagerly pur∣sued them, never giving over the chase (as being confident in the aid of the Legions that fol∣lowed

them) untill they had driven them headlong before them, killing all those they over∣took, and giving the rest no time, either to gather themselves together, or to make a stand, or once to forsake their Chariots: after this overthrow many of the Natives (who had come from divers parts to aid their Countrymen) shrunk away; and Cæsar understanding what course the rest of the Brittains meant to hold in prosecuting the War, led his Army to the bounds of Cassibelins Country upon the River of Thames, which was passible on Foot in one place onely, and that with some difficulty; when he came thither, he perceived that the Brit∣tains had great Forces in readinesse on the further side of the River, the banks whereof were fortified with sharp-pointed stakes or piles (about the bignesse of a mans thigh, and bound a∣bout with lead) pitch'd near the shore, to impead their passage, and some others of the same kind, (the remnants whereof continue to this Age) were planted covertly under the water in the main River; of this, Cæsar having intelligence (by some Fugitives and prisoners that he had taken) commanded the Horse men first to enter the River, and the Legions to follow, so as (the dangerous places being discovered) the Romans waded through (their heads onely appearing above the water,) and charged the Brittains with such violence, as they forced them to forsake the sh••••e and betake themselves to flight.

Cassibelin seeing no likelyhood to maintain the War any longer by Force, dismissed the great∣er part of his power, and keeping with him, about four thousand Chariots only, retired into the Woods and places of most Safety, driving Men and Cattel before him out of the Fields all that way by which the Romans should passe with their Army, whose Horse men as they ran∣ted up and down to plunder, he surprised with his Chariots, and distressed them in such sort as they durst not march forward, but keeping themselves in their strength gave over their former purpose; and from thenceforth sought onely to annoy the Brittains by spoiling and burning their Houses and Towns.

In the mean time the* 1.156 Troynobantes, one of the chief States of those parts, sent Embassa∣dors to Cæsar, promising to submit themselves and to be at his Commandment. There was also one Mandrubratius who had fled over to Cæsar, when he was in Gallia, and was now be∣come a Follower of his Fortune, while preferring the satisfaction of his own discontented humour, before the advancement of the common Cause, he served as an instrument to be∣tray his native Contrey, abusing the credit which he had with his Countrymen, by working their subversion to his own dishonour, and advantage of a Forraign enemy. His Father Ima∣nentius (having been sometime chief Ruler of the City of Trinobantes, and well esteemed a∣mong them) was slain by Cassibelin the present Governour, against whom the Citizens de∣sired Cæsar to protect Mandubratius, and to commit unto him the Government of that City, which Cæsar granted upon delivery of a certain number of Pledges, and a sufficient propor∣tion of Victuals for provision of his Army. Hereupon divers petty states thereabout sent Em∣bassadors, and yielded themselves to Cæsar, who understood by them that Cassibelina his Town (being well stored with Men and Cattle) was not far from thence; this Town was only a circuit of ground inclosed with wood and marshes, or else entrenched with a Ranger of Earth about it: Cæsar coming with his Legion to this place (which he found very strong, as being fortifyed Naturally, and also by the industry of man) began to assail it on both sides. The Brittains having expected a while the event of the enterprise, and perceiving themselves unable to withstand the assault, issued out at a back way, where many of them being slain, and some taken as they fled, the Town it self and all the provisions within it were left as a spoil to the Romans: while these things were doing among the Trinobants, Cassabelin dispatched mes∣sengers into Kent or Cantium that lyes upon the Sea. The Inhabitants of these parts were better furnished to make War then any other of the Isle; the Country at that time was Go∣verned by four Kings, as Cæsar himself calleth them, either for that they had among them a kind of absolute Government in several, or else for that being the Register of his own Acts, he supposed it would be more for his glory to be reputed a Conqueror of Kings; their names were Cingetorix, Carvilius, Taximugulus, and Segonax, whom Cassibelin then required to raise all the power they could make, and on the sudden to assail the Roman Forces that Guarded their ships at the Sea side. This was attempted accordingly, but with ill successe, for that the Romans having timely advertisement of their purpose, prevented the execution thereof, by setting upon them as they drew near the Roman Army: and so after a great slaughter made of the Brittains (Cingetorix a Noble Captain, and one of the Princes being taking prisoner) the Romans returned safe to their Camp. Cassibelin hearing of the unhappy issue of his enterprize, after so many losses sustained on his part, his Country being wasted with War, and himself in a manner forsaken, by the revolt of the Cities round about, which most of all disc••uraged him, sent Embassadors to Cæsar by Comius of Arras, offering to sub∣mit himself upon reasonable conditions. Cæsar determining to winter in Gallia (the state of his affairs there requiring it) and the summer being almost spent, commanded that he should deliver certain pledges for assurance of his obedience, and that he should offer no wrong, nor give cause of offence to Mandubratius or the Troynobants, whom he had taken into special pro∣tection; and then having imposed a Tribute to be paid yearly by the Brittains to the people of Rome, he marched towards the sea side, where he embarked his Forces, and arrived with them safely in the Continent.

Thus Cæsar having rather shewed some part of Brittain to the Romans then made a Con∣quest

of the whole, supposed he had done sufficiently for his own glory in undertaking a matter so rare and difficult in those Times. At his coming to Rome he presented there cer∣tain Captives (which he had taken in the Brittish Wars) whose strangenesse of shape and be∣haviour filled the peoples eyes both with wonder and delight; He offered also in the Temple of Venus Genetrix a Surcote embroidered with Brittish Pearl as a Trophy and spoil of the O∣cean, leaving to posterity a perpetual remembrance of his Enterprize in this Iland, to the ho∣nour both of his own Name and of the Roman Nation.

After the death of Julius Cæsar (by reason of the civil Wars among the Romans) the Isle of Brittain was for a time neglected, and Augustus Cæsar being setled in the Empire (which was then grown to such greatness as it seemed even cumbred therewith) accounted it good policy to contain the same within it known bounds; Besides the attempt was like to prove dan∣gerous, and a matter of very great expence to send an Army so far off to make War with the Brittish Nation for desire of glory only, (no special cause besides moving thereto.) Howbeit as some Writers Report above Twenty years after Julius Cæsar's first Entrance, Augustus intended a Voyage hither in person, alledging for pretence of the War, the wrong offered to the Roman State by such Princes of the Isle as had for certaine years witheld the Tribute which Cæsar his Prædecessor had imposed upon them; intelligence whereof being got, the Brittains sent over Embassadours, who meeting the Emperour ina 1.157 Gallia Celtica, declared their submission and desired pardon; And the better to win favour, they had carried over certain gifts of good value to be presented as offerings in the Roman Capitol (having already learned the Art to flatter for Advantage, and to appease Princes by rewards) Hereupon a conditional peace was granted them, and the Emperour having pacifyed some troubles in Gallia, returned to Rome: then began the Ilanders to pay Tribute and Custome of all kind of Wares which they exchanged with the Gaules; as namely, Ivory boxes, Iron chaines, and other trinkets of Amber and Glasse which were Transported Too and Fro, both out of Gallia and Brittain. The year following the Brittains having failed in performance of Conditions, he prepared for another expedition; but being set forward on his Voyage, the revolt of theb 1.158 Cantabrians andc 1.159 Assyrians stayed him from proceeding any further therein; after which time the Brittains were left to themselves to enjoy their Liberty, and use their own Laws with∣out molestation of forraign Invaders; for that the Romans having found the sweetnesse of peace (after long civil Wars) sought rather to keep in obedience such Provinces as had been before time brought under subjection, then by attempting new Conquests to hazard the losse of that they had already gotten.

In those dayes the Countrey of the Troynobants in Brittain was Governed by Conobelin, who kept his residence ata 1.160 Camalodunum; he began first to reclaim the Brittains from their ill customes, and to make his state more respected, he afterwards caused his own Image to be stamped on his Coyne after the manner of the Romans, a custome never used by the Brittains before his dayes, and but then newly received by the Romans themselves; for before that time the Brittains used Rings of Iron, and little plates of Brasse of a certaine weight instead of Coyne; During the time of his Government, the divine mystery of humane Redemption was accomplished by the birth of our Saviour Christ Jesus; Augustus Cæsar then possessing the Roman Empire, which he afterwards left to Tiberius his Adopted Son, a Wary and Politick Prince, who following the advice and example of Augustus, did never attempt any thing in Brit∣tain, nor maintain any Garrison there: Howbeit the Brittains at that time were well affected to the Romans, as appeared by the entertainment which their petty Princes gave to some Soul∣diers of the Roman Army in Germany, who crossing the Seas were by force of weather cast upon the coast of Brittain, and from thence in courteous manner sent back to Germanicus their General.

This Conobelin or Kimbelin, was in Rome when the blessed Tidings of the Incarnation of the Son of God were declared through the world; for Augustus after the death of Julius Cæsar, successor in the Empire (as say our Antiquaries both ancient and late) by the will of God had established most sure peace through the world; our Redeemer Jesus Christ, true God and Man was born in the 42 year of his Empire, in the fifth year of the Reign of Cunobelin or Kimbelin in this Kingdome of the Brittains. A little before which time, by the great providence of God, to make this our Brittain more timely and particularly partaker of such heavenly tidings before other Nations, Augustus intending an expedition against this Kingdome, Embassadours came from Brittain to Rome, entreating for peace, swearing fealty in the Temple of Mars, offering gifts in the Capitol to the Gods of the Romans, and submitting part of the Isle to Augustus;* 1.161 they gave him for security, so many great Nobles of this Land for Pledges and Hostages, that all here were so quiet, that one band of Souldiers and a few Horsemen were sufficient to keep the Isle in the Roman possession.

Now by such means the Romans did ever here secure themselves of the Brittains, from their first invasion by Julius Cæsar, carrying away from hence, and keeping at Rome for their glory, honour and quiet not only many of our chief Nobility, Men, Women and Children: but of the Regal race, and blood, and Kings themselves; Among which we find that Androgius Son and Heir to King Lud lived and dyed there; Cassibeline his Uncle, who was subdued by Cæsar, gave Hostages, and made this Kingdome Tributary to the Roman Empire. Theo∣mantius his Nephew and Successor in the Kingdome payed Tribute to the Romans, which Cas∣sibeline

had granted and Reigned quietly. And his Son Cunobeline King after him, (his Fa∣ther) was one of his Fathers Hostages in Rome, and was Knighted there. Adaminus Sonne of King Cunobeline, was kept at Rome by Cajus; thus much and much more Mr. Broughton that eminent Antiquary in his first and second Folio, out of divers Authors by him there cited, which I here for brevity omit.

Augustus Cæsar the Emperour being urged by the Romans to be made a God, after the Heathenish manner then, or about the very time when Christ was born, before he would con∣sent unto it, consulted with Sybilla Tiburtina, then renowned for her Prophesies.

Sybillam Tiburtinam super hoc consuluit, quæ post trium dierum jejunium respondit in hunc modum; Judicii in signum, Tellus sudore madescet; De cœlo rex adveniet per secla futurus: Quorum ver∣suum capitales literae hunc reddebant sensum, Jesus Christus Dei filius salvator. Eo illico apertum est cœlum; & nimius splendor irruit super eum, & vidit in cœlo pulcherrimam virginem stantem super altare, puerum tenentem in brachiis, & miratus est nimis, & vocem dicentem audivi, Hæc ara filii Dei est. Qui statim projiciens in terram adoravit, quam visionem Senatoribus retulit, & ipsi mirati sunt nimis.

After she had fasted three dayes, Sybilla answered in these Achrostical known verses, whose first letters make this sence, Jesus Christ the Son of God our Saviour; and presently the Heaven opened, and an exceeding brightnesse fell down upon the Emperour, and he saw in Heaven: a most beautiful Virgin standing upon an Altar, holding a Child in her Armes, and he marvelled exceedingly, and heard this voice saying, This is the Altar of the Sonne of God; whereupon presently prostrating himself upon the ground, he adored, which Vision he related to the Senators, who marvelously wondered at it.

And this miraculous preaching of Christs birth so far off, then at Rome, was so much more publick and general, that at or a little before this time the same Emperour, as Suidas witnes∣seth,* 1.162 in their than greatest sacrifice, was told by their Oracle that an Hebrew Child command∣ed the Gods (as they termed them) to silence; whereupon

Augustus ab oraculo reversus in Ca∣pitolio aram erexit, Romanis{que} literis inscripsit, Hæc Ara est Primogeniti Dei. Augustus return∣ing from the Oracle, erected an Altar in the Capitol, and made this inscription upon it in Ro∣man Letters;

This it the Altar of the first and only begotten Sonne of God; our English Histo∣rians with others proceed to more such publick testimonies concerning Christ at Rome,* 1.163 and at that very time;

hoc ipso die quo natus est Christus, trans Tyberim fons olei emanavit, ac per totum diem largissimo rivo fluxit; tunc etiam circulus ad speciem cælestis arcus circa solem appa∣ruit; etiam statim ut virgo peperit, illa statua aurea corruit in Romuliano Palatio quam Romu∣lus posuerat dicens, Non cadet donec virgo pariat.

The very day on which Christ was born, be∣yond Tiber at Rome, a fountaine of oyl flowed, and ran with a most large stream all the day: The circle like to a heavenly bow appeared about the Sun; also presently so soon as the Virgin brought forth her Son, the Golden Statue in the Palace of Romulus fell down, which Romulus placed there (above 700 years before) saying, it shall not fall untill a Virgin be brought to bed of a Child.

Upon these and other such motives this Emperour was so fully perswaded of the Messias then born, that he highly reverenced all testimonies thereof; the Prophesies of the Sybills which are so clear for almost all Mysteries of Christ, as his Nativity, Life, Passion, Resurrecti∣on, Ascention, with the rest, as if they had been present witnesses, rather then Prophets or E∣vangelists of those things,* 1.164 he so respected, that as Suetonius a Pagan writeth, Quidquid fatidicorum librorum Graeci Latini{que} generis nullis vel parum idoneis autoribus vulgo ferebatur, supra duo millia contracta, undi{que} concremavit, & solos retinuit Sybellinos, hos quo{que} dilectu habito, condidit{que} duobus forulis auratis sub Palatini Apollinis basi; he gathered together all books of South-sayers Greek and Latine, and he burnt about two thousand, whose Authors were either un∣known or of little credit; he only preserved the books of the Sybills, making also the best choice of them, and those he layed up in two guilded chests under the Base of Apollo Palatinus; And was so convinced in his understanding by these means of the truth of Christ, that as our moderne Writers with others write, when the Romans came to him & said,

Te volumus adorare quia deus est in te: si hic non esset, non tibi omnia tam prospere succederent;

we will adore thee, because God is in thee: if he were not here, all things could not succeed so prosperously with thee; yet he being the greatest Conquerour that ever was in the world, and was never Conquered and overthrown in battel; Quum ipsum pro Deo colere vellent Romani, prohibuit, nec se Dominum appellari permisit; when the Romans would haue worshipped him for God, he forbad it, and would not suffer himself to be called Lord.

And if we may follow our Brittish Histories, Mathew of Westminster, a Man as all tell us, ex∣cellent for History and supputation of years, Quantum ad Historiam, in recta annorum supputa∣tione singularis, and our late Writers; By computation of time, our King Kymbeline was then in Rome;* 1.165 for we are told,

Post Tenantium ad culmen regale Kimbelinus filius suus miles stre∣nuus quem Cæsar Augustus nutriverat, promotus est;

After Tenantius Kimbeline his Sonne, a Valiant Knight, whom Augustus Cæsar had brought up and promoted to the Kingdome of Brit∣tain; Kimbeline was but young, when Augustus Cæsar first brought him up, and he stayed in Rome so long that as divers, and also Verunnius affirmeth, Augustus made him Knight, quem Aug. Cæsar nutrierat & armis decoraverat; and if we follow this exact supputator of times, Mathew of Westminster, he was come from Rome to be King here but five years before the birth of Christ. Anno Dominicae Inacrnationis quinto Kimbelonus Rex Brittaniam decem annos

tenuisset. And most certain it is by all Histories of our Noble and Renowned Brittish Hosta∣ges resident in Rome all the time of Augustus Cæsar, and after that we had many worthy Brittains there, both ear and eye witnesses to know these passages by themselves, and to testi∣fie them to their Countrymen and Friends at home.

This Kimbeline Sonne of Tenantius was made King of the Brittains in the year of the world 5180 of his Reign. Authors write diversly, some shewing no years, others very few,* 1.166 which agreeth not well with the Computation of other Writers. The Author of the Flower of Hi∣stories, affirmeth, that he Reigned thirty five years; after which time gloriously spent, he died, and was buried at Caer Lud, leaving two Sons, Guiderius and Arviragus.

The Brittish History (written by a namelesse Author,) yet some suppose him Noble, and for private reason to have conceal'd his Name, maketh little mention of Tiberius concerning our Brittish Affairs; but because certain passages with happened during the time of his Empire, will redound to the glory of the Brittish Nation, it is expedient, and I hope will not offend the Reader, to write some things hapning in his life time. Kimbeline continued King of England till the 15 or 16 year after Christs Nativity, which must needs he in this Tiberius his time,* 1.167 when the true knowledge of Christ was more clearly manifested unto the world, and among others, to some Brittains of this Nation, especially such 〈◊〉〈◊〉 then lived in Rome; For as in the time of this Emperour our Saviour began and ended his preaching, and suffered his Passion for our Redemption: so those things in such order as they were accomplished in the Land of Jury, they were presently and truly declared and sent to the Emperor at Rome and others there. Matthew of Westminster, and Ranulphus Higeden, consent in this with others, that Tiberius was truly informed at Rome of Christs miraculous life and preaching long before his Passion;* 1.168 and being afflicted with a Leprosy, was so confident in the heavenly power of Christ, esteeming him then at the least for a great Prophet, Saint and worker of Miracles, that he sent with great solemnity Volusianus to Hierusalem to entreat Christ Jesus to come with him to Rome, to cure him of his incurable Malady; but the Jewes had caused Pilate to put him to death before.

The Magdeburgians with others, have published to the World an Epistle of Lentulus out of the Annals of the Roman Senators, to this Emperour Tiberius before the death of Christ, thus beginning;

Apparuit his temp ribus & adhuc est homo magnæ virtutis nominatus Iesus Christus, qui dicitur à Gentibus Propheta, quem ejus Discipuli vocant filium Dei, suscitans mor∣tuos, & sanans omnes languores: There appeared in these time and still is a man of great vertue named Christ Jesus, who is called of the Gentils a Prophet, whom his Disciples call the Son of God, raising the dead, and curing all diseases.

And presently upon the death of Christ, as it is proved both by our own and Forraign Antiquaries, ancient and later, Greek and Latine; Pontius Pilate wrote unto Tiberius the Emperor of Rome of the Passion of Christ in this man∣ner. De passione Dominica Pilatus Tiberio Cæsari scripsit in hunc modum.* 1.169

Nuper accedit quod & ipse probavi, Judæos per invidiam se suos{que} posteros crudeli damnatione peremisse; nam cum promissum haberent Patres eorum quod Deus illis mitteret de cœlo Sanctum suum, qui eorum qui eorum merito Rex diceretur ut hunc se promiserit per Virginem missurum ad terram, iste me praside Hæbræorum Deus cum venerit, ut vidissent eum cæcos illuminasse, leprosos mundasse, paralyticos curasse, Dæmones ab hominibus fugasse, mortuos sucistasse, ventis imperasse, super mare siccis pedibus ambulasse, & multa alia mirabilia fecisse, cum omnis populus Judæorum hunc Dei Filium dicerent, invidiam contra eum passi sunt Principes Sacerdotum, mihi{que} tradide∣runt, & alia pro aliis mentientes, dixerunt illum magum esse, & contra eorum legem agere; ego autem credidi ita esse, & flagellatum tradidi arbitrio eorum; At i••i crucifixerunt eum, & sepulto ei custodes adhibuerunt; ille vero militibus meis custodientibus eum tertia die resurrexit. Sed in tantum exarsit nequitia eorum ut darent eis pecuniam, dicentes, Dicite quia Discipuli ejus corpus ipsius rapuerunt; veruntamen milites cum accepissent pecuniam, quod factum fuerat tacere non potuerunt; nam & illum resurrexisse testati sunt, & à Judæis pecuniam accepisse; & ideo suggessi hoc, ne quis aliter referens mentiatur, & existimet credendum Judæorum mendaciis.

Pilate wrote unto Tiberius of our Lord's Passion in this manner; It lately chanced which I have made proof of, that the Jews through envy have destroyed themselves and their posterity with cruel damnation. For when their Fathers, had a promise, that God would send unto them his holy One from Heaven, who worthily should be called their King, and promised him to be born of a Virgin to the Earth: This God of the Hebrews when he came, I being Præsident, when Men had seen him to cause blind men to see, to have cleansed the Lepers, cured the diseased with Palsies, to have driven Divels from Men, to have raised the dead, commanded the winds, to have walked upon the sea with his Feet, and to have done many other marvellous things, when all the people of the fews said he was the Son of God, the principal of the Jews were malicious against him, and delivered him unto me, and devising many lyes, said, he was a Magician, and did a∣gainst their Law, and I believed it was so: and having whipped him, delivered him to their will: but they crucifyed him, and being buried they appointed Keepers unto him. But he rose again the third day, my Souldiers keeping him: but their iniquity so flamed out that they gave Money unto them saying, Say you that his Disciples took him away: but the Souldiers when they had received the Money, could not conceal that which was done; for they both witnessed that he rose again, and that they had received Money from the Jews. And therefore I have suggested this, lest any Man relating it otherwise, should make a Lye, and think we should give credit unto the Lyes

of the Jews; Hitherto the words of the Epistle of Pontius Pilate himself to the Emperour, not only allowed by our English moderns and other our Authors, the greatest Chronographers of their time by their Judgement, but word for word so justifyed by the German Writers; Ter∣tulian and almost all ancient Writers and others treating of that age, approve of it.

And Tiberius the Emperour having sent Volusianus (as before) to to invite Christ to come unto him to heal his Leprosie, Christ being put to death before Volusianus his coming thither, he brought from thence with him, as our English Authors witnesse, that miraculous Image of Christ which he gave to St. Veronica in a handkerchief, wherewith he wiped his Face going to his Passion, and with great reverence presented it to this Emperour at Rome, and he as reve∣rently received it;* 1.170 for say these Authors,

Cæsar viam pannis sericis sterni fecit, & imaginem sibi præsentari fecit. Qui mox ut eam fuit intuitus, pristinam assequutus est sanitatem; & hæc imago us{que} hodie Romae in ecclesia Apostolorum Principis, populo demonstratur, quæ & à portatri∣ce, & a quibusdam Veronica appellatur:

Cæsar caused the way to be spread with cloaths of silk, and commanded the Image to be presented unto him, who presently as he had beheld it, obtained his former health; And this image even to this day, is shewed to the people in the Church of the Prince of the Apostles at Rome, and is called by the name of her that carried it Veronica; and although Pilate as before, had so excused himself, and acknowledged Christ for the Messias unto his Emperour, yet say the German Writers, Narrat Nicephorus Pilatum ideo maximis Romae affectum esse contumeliis, quod Maria Magdelena Romam adierit, & salvatoris res ibi retulerit; Nicephorus maketh relation that Pilate suffered most great reproaches at Rome, for that Mary Magdelen went thither, and there related the things of our Saviour in Tiberius time, whereby Tiberius was so moved and convinced for acknowledging the truth of Christs Doctrine, that these English Authors thus confesse with St. Gildas, Tertullian and many others,

Tunc Cæsar cum suffragio magni favoris retulit Epistolam ad Senatum, postulant ut Christus Deus haberetur; sed Senatus consecrationem Christi recusavit, indignatione commotus quod non secundum morem prius Epistola sibi delata fuisset;

Cæsar with his voyce of great favour, related the Epistle of Pilate to the Senate, requesting that Christ should be accounted God; but the Senate refused the consecration of Christ, moved with indignation, because the Epistle was not first delivered to them, as the custome was.

* 1.171Sabelicus with others writeth that Pilate did truly repent him of delivering Christ to the Jewes, was actually a Christian, and obtained pardon for his sinns; Non defuerunt qui træ∣diderunt Pilatum suæ impietatis pœnitentiam egisse, meru isse{que} adeo veniam; And that in this be∣ginning of the Gospel, the Faith of Christ might be every where received, without let, or con∣tradiction as the ancient Learned Father Ferculphus saith, God put it into the mind of Tiberius the Emperour,* 1.172 to give it way and suppress the persecution of the Senate:

Quod profecto divina providentia jam tunc Cæsaris sensibus ingessit, ut abs{que} ullo obstaculo in ipsis dun∣taxat initiis Evangelii sermo undiqua{que} percurreret.

And our Learned Countryman St. Gil∣das with others witnesseth, he threatned death to those that should accuse Christians: Tem∣pore summo Tiberii Cæsaris, abs{que} ullo impedimento Christi propagatur Religio, comminata, Se∣natu volente, à Principe, morte delatoribus militum ejusdem; which is proved and confirmed by all sorts of Writers.

Tunc Senatus edicto constituit, Christianos ab urbe esse exterminandos. Sed Cæsar hæc indigntatus, accusatoribus Christianorum mortem comminatus est.

Then the Senate ordained by an edict that Christians should be driven forth of the City; but the Emperour being therewith offended, threatned death to the accusers of Christians. Occasion being here offered to speak of the Incarnation of the Messias our most blessed Saviour Jesus Christ; Fa∣bian tells us from the first creation of Adam, to the birth of Christ, was five thousand one hun∣dred and ninety nine, the which account is approved, as he saith, by Isidore, Beda and others; thus he brings his account.

From No'es Flood or after, two thousand nine hundred and forty seven years. After Abraham, two thousand and seventeen. After David King of Israel, one thousand threescore and fifteen. From or after the Transmigration of the Jewes, five hundred and ninety: After Brute entered Brittain, eleven hundred and thirty six. After Alexander the Great, near upon a eleven hundred and twenty five. After the building of Rome, seven hundred and twenty nine.

GƲIDERIƲS.

GƲIDERIƲS the first Son of Kimbeline, was advanced to the Legal command of the Brittains, who were under his Fathers subjection: he was invested in the year of the world, 5216. Anno Dom. 170. This King was potent and abounded in Treasure, which indeed are the sinews of War, and was alwaies a Prince of Haughty courage: and where wealth and cou∣rage meet, almost miracles may be wrought, if the cause be good, and guided by a celestial providence; but self-Love, Pride and Arrogancy often bringeth confusion; Guiderius bol∣stered up with these supporters, denies the covenanted Tribute to the Romans: which, if thus

confirmed by Authors, Expletis diebus vitae suæ, cessit gubernaculum Regni Guiderio;* 1.173 cum ergo Tributum quod appetebant Romani, ipsis denegaret, supervenit Claudius qui in Imperium sub∣rogatus fuerat; When Kimbeline was dead, Guiderius succeeeded in the Kingdome; therefore when he denied the Tribute, the Roman Claudius came hither being then Emperor.* 1.174 And I have read in a very good Author, That in Claudius the Roman Emperors time, he with his Romans brought the Orchades, and after them Anglesey under the Roman subjection; though this Act be commonly ascribed to Julius Agricola. Fabian confirms my Authors Assertion, saying, Wherefore Claudius who was Uncle to Caius Caligula the Fourth Emperor of Rome, arrived in Brittain with a great Army; and not only as writeth Polychronican, constrained the Inhabitants to pay the Tribute, but also subjected to the Roman yoke the Iles of Orchades, or Orkeys, which are scituate beyond Scotland, and at the end of six Months returned to his Imperial City. In this Army (as tells us the English Chronicle and Gaufride) was a Captain called Hame or Hamo, who to compasse his purpose against the Ilanders, changed his Armour and Shield, arming himself like a Brittain, and in this Disguise did extreme Damage unto his Enemies; and still pressing forward, at length came to the very place where King Guiderius was fighting, and by this unexpected Stratagem and Policy slew him; which his Brother Ar∣viragus perceiving, used the like policy, immediately investing himself in Princely Array, that the Fall of the King was not perceived; and thus personating a Soveraign in his Regal Ensignes, he encouraged the Brittains, and by his own Example, Courage and Valour, so animated them, that they did Feats beyond belief, insomuch that they put the Romans to flight.

Thus was Guiderius by the opinion of several Authors slain by Hamo, after he had reigned the space of twenty eight years, leaving his Brother Arviragus, by reason that he had no Issue of his own to succeed him.

ARVIRAGƲS.

ARviragus the youngest Son of Kimbeline, and brothor to Guiderius, was Crowned King of Great Brittain in the year of Christs Incarnation forty and four. The English Chroni∣cle calls him Armiger; he was a Prince of a high Spirit, and skilful in warlike Affairs, maintai∣ning with great resolution and prosperous successe his Wars against the invading Romans, neither suffered he the death of his Brother to passe unrevenged; For with his own hands he slew Hamo, the Murderer of Guiderius, near a Port or Haven, which by reason of that Fact, was called Hamons Haven, and now with some alteration South-Hampton; a Town, populous rich and beautiful, from which the whole Shire deriveth her Name; most strongly walled with square stone, containing in Circuit, one thousand and two hundred Paces, having se∣ven Gates for entrance, and twenty nine Towers for Defence, two very stately Keyes for Ships arrivage, and five fair Churches for God's divine Service; besides an Hospital called God's House, wherein the unfortunate Richard, Earl of Cambridge, beheaded for Treason, lyeth inter'd. On the West of this Town is mounted a beautiful Castle in form Circular, and wall within wall, the Foundation upon a hill so topped, that it cannot be ascended but by stairs, carrying a goodly prospect both by Land and Sea, and in the East without the Walls a goodly Church sometimes stood, called St Maries, which was pulled down, for that it gave the French direction of Course, who with fire had greatly endangered the Town; instead thereof is newly Erected a small and unfinisht Chappel. In this place, saith Learned Camb∣den, stood the ancient Clausentium, a Fort of the Romans, whose Circuit on that side extended it self to the Sea: this suffered many depredations by the Saxon Pirates, and in Anno, 980. was by the Danes almost quite overthrown. In K. Ed. 3. time it was fired by the French, under the conduct of the King of Sicills Son, whom a Countryman encountred and struck down with his Club, he crying, Rancon, that is, Ransome; but he neither understanding his Language, nor the Law that arms doth allow, laid on more soundly; I know thee a Francon, and therefore thou shalt die. And in Richard the Seconds time it was somewhat removed, and built in the place where now it is. In this Clausentium Canute to evict his Flatterers, made tryal of his Deity, commanding the Seas to keep back from his Feet; but being not obey∣ed, acknowledged God to be the only supreme Governour, and in a religious Devotion gave up his Crown to the rood at Winchester.

Earls of this Southampton have been

• * 1.1751 Bevis of Hampton, that famous Souldier so much talked of, Azure 3 Lyons passant gardant, Or.
• 2 William Fitz-Williams. Losenge arg. and Gules.

• 3 Thomas Wricthesley L. Ch. created E. by Ed. 6. and King at Arms.
• 4 Henry Wricthesley.
• 5 Henry Wricthesley.
• 6 Thomas Wricthesley. 1641. Azure a Cross, Or, 4 fulcons closed argent.

* 1.176After divers changes and alterations in War and Peace, an Agreement was concluded be∣tween Claudius the Roman Emperor and Arviragus, insomuch that the Emperor sent to Rome for his Daughter Genniss or Gennissa, and espoused her to the Brittish King, who had by her his Son and Heir Marius, his Successor in the Kingdome. This King Reigned in Brittain when St. Joseph came hither,* 1.177 who gave to him and his Followers a place of Residence, in lateribus suæ Regionis, in the outside of K. Arviragus his Countrey, in Regionis suæ finibus, saith the first Protestant Archbishop of Canterbury in the very end of his Dominion.* 1.178

A late Writer speaking of King Arviragus, saith,

Quidam Historici testantur, ipse omnium Regum Brittannorum primus;* 1.179 Fidem Christi cum Sacramentis Christianis, Christianus factus suscepit.

Some Historians witness that of all Brittish Kings he was the first that being made a Christian, received the Faith of Christ with the Christian Sacraments. Another thus plainly writeth of St. Joseph, He converted to the Christian Faith Marius and Coillus Son and Nephew to Arviragus; and John Harding is Author, that he both was a Christian, and Converted by St. Joseph, and plainly alledgeth Nennius Authority. Thus he writeth:

Joseph converted this King Arviragus By his Preaching, to know the Law divine; And baptized him, as written hath Nennius, The Chronicler in Brittain Tongue full fine, And to Christ's Law made him incline: * 1.180And gave him then a Shield of silver white, A Cross end long overthwart full perfect.

Thus writeth this Author, but without Warrant of any thing I can find; for whereas as he citeth Nennius to have written thus in the Brittish Language, it is evident by all Antiquities, that Nennius which wrote in that Tongue, was long before the Birth of Arviragus or St. Joseph, and dead 50 years before the Nativity of Christ, and was Brother to King Lud and Cassibelin, and was named Nennius Helius, and he could not write any such thing; the other Nennius called Bancharensis, as all Authors agree, wrote onely in Latine, and consequently could not write so in the Brittish Tongue, as that Author thinketh, or our best modern Authors affirm; they find no such thing in any copy of Nennius,

Codices ii quos consuluisse me Nennii anti∣quos contigit, hnjusce rei parum sunt memores; Neither is King Arviragus, or St. Joseph named by him.

The places which he allowed to St. Joseph and his companions, were, propter munitiones Arundineti,, & fluminis, & paludis: so compassed and invironed with Reeds, River and Fens, that they builded a poor Oratory themselves of such base Elderwands, as that Fenny wilder∣nesse afforded, which giveth sufficient testimony how far Arviragus was from being a Chri∣stian, that had nothing but such abject and outcast things to allow to Christ and his servants; when for the maintenance of the Pagan Idolatry, which he professed, both as the Brittish Hi∣story Matthew of Westminster, Ponticus Virunnius, and as well Modern as Ancient are witnesses; he was Author of stately and sumptuos buildings, and so far from diminishing any honour that was then given to the false gods of the Brittains, that he added more unto them, namely, worshipped the wicked Emperor Claudius (whose Bastard-daughter he had taken as wife) as god, dedicated a costly Temple unto him, soon after his death; yet after this his acquain∣tance with S. Joseph; for as I find in an old Manuscript-history (and others do not dissent) the City of Gloucester then Caer Glou,* 1.181 the City of Claudius, was built by King Arviragus in the year of Christ 66. This City was first won from the Brittains by Chenlin the first King of the West Saxons about the year of Christ 570. and afterwards under the Mercians it flourished with great honour, where Offirick King of Northumberland by the sustenance of Ethelred of Mercia, founded a most stately Monastery of Nuns, whereof Kinelburgh, Eadburgh and Eve Queens of the Mercians, were Prioresses successively each after other.

Edelfled a most renowned Lady, Sister to King Edward the Elder, in this City built a fair Church, wherein her self was interr'd; which being overthrown by the Danes was afterwards rebuilt and made the Cathedral of that See, dedicated unto the honour of St. Peter; in this Church the unfortunate Prince, King Ed. 2. under a Monument of Alabaster doth lie, who being murdered at Berkley Castle by the cruelty of the French, Isabell his wife was there in∣tombed: And not far from him an other Prince, as unfortunate, namely Robert Curthose, the eldest Son of William the Conqueror, lyeth in a painted wooden Tomb in the midst of the Quire, whose eyes were pluckt out in Cardiff Castle, where he was kept Prisoner twenty years with all contumelious indignities, until through extreme anguish he ended his life, and

before any of these, saith our Brittish Historian, the body of Lucius our first Christian King (or rather at Caerleon in Monmouthshire) was Interred, and before his days the Brittain Arviragus.

This City hath given Honourable Titles to these Dukes and Earls.

• 1 Robert Base Son to K. Hen. 1 Earle. Gules three rests Or.
• 2 William
• 3 John Sansterre, Son to K. Hen. 1 who Married Isabell Daughter and Coheir of Will. E. of Gloucester. England a bend Azure.
• 4 Geofry de Mandevile, E. of Essex. 2d. Husband of Isabell. Quarterly Or and Gules, over all an Escurbuncle Pomet and Flory Sable.
• 5 Almerich de Evereux, Son of Mabell, another Coheir of E. William; some put this Almerich before Geofry, but erroneously as I conceive. Partly perpale endented Arg. and Gules.
• 6 Gilbert de Clare, Son of Annice, another of the Coheirs.
• 7 Rich. de Clare.
• 8 Gilbert de Clare, who Married Joan of Acres Daughter to King Edw. 1. Or 3 Cheverons Gules.
• 9 Ralph de mont Hermen, 2^d. Husband of Joan of Acres. Or an Eagle displayed Vert, membred and leaked Gules.
• 10 Gilbert de Clare, Son of Gilbert and Joan. Or three Cheverous Or.
• 11 Hugh de Audley, Married Isabell sister and Coheir of Gilbert. Gules Alfret Or. border argent.
• 12 Thomas of Woodstock Duke of Gloucester, and Lord Constable. Quarterly France and England a border arg.
• 13 Thomas Lord Spencer, Grand-son to Elinor, Coheir of Gilbert Earl. Quarterly the 1. and 4. or 2. and 3. Gules there on a fret Or, a bend sable.
• 14 Rich. Plantagenet, Brother to K. Edw. 4. Lord Adm. and Constable D. Quarterly France and England, a Label of 3 Ermine, as many Cantons Gules.
• 15 Humphrey Plantagenet, son to King Hen. 4. This Hump. place immediately before Rich. Quarterly France and England, a border argent.
• 16 Henry 3d. Son of the late King Charles, declared by his Royal Father Duke of Gloucester, Anno 1641. but not create.

And to demonstrate that he both lived and died a Pagan, this King Arviragus was, and that by his own order, buried in that Pagan Temple, in the year of our Lord Christ 73. ten years after St. Josephs coming hither,

Arviragus ut dies suos explevit, sepultus est Claudiocestriae in quodam templo quod in honore Claudii dedicaverat ut construxerat.

And Scut. Virunnius fur∣ther addeth, that he did every month offer sacrifice in that Temple, after the Pagans manner; so much be loved him; singulis mensibus sacrificabat, tanto eum amore prosequibatur. And it is fur∣ther evident by many Antiquities, that Arviragus did many publick acts besides this which Christian Religon could not permit; as that after he had been long time Married to Voada sister to Cataracus King of the Scots, and had divers Children by her, he disinherited the Children, put away and imprisoned the Mother, and Married Genuisse the supposed Bastard, Daughter of Claudius, and kept her, the other yet living, and left the Kingdome to Marius her Son: and was so far from repenting this barbarous act, contrary to Christian Religion, that being challenged for that impiety, he wrote a book in defence of this his wickednesse,* 1.182 affirming therein that it was lawful for him to have plurality of Wives, because that neither the Ro∣man, nor the Brittish Pagan Laws, as he avouched, denyed that to Princes, never speaking of or regarding the Law of Christ; and in this state he lived and died.

Moreover all Antiquaries whatsoever of any credit, tell us plainly that Arviragus was no Christian, but persisted in his Pagan Religion; First William of Malmsbury saith,

Rex qui tunc regnabat fuit Barbarus, & prædicationi eorum consentirie noluit, nec Paternas traditiones commutare volebat: The King which then reigned was a Pagan, and would not consent to their preachings ••or would he change his Ancestors Traditions.

The Antiquities of Glas••e••••ury, Cap∣grave and many other Ancients write,

Rex Barbarus cum sua gente tam nova audiens & in∣consueta, nec prædicationi eorum renueb••t. The Pagan King with his people hearing such new and unaccustomed things, as St. Joseph and his fellows taught, would not change his Ancestors traditions for the better, but refused their preaching;

The first Protestant Arch-Bishop of Can∣terbury with his followers affirmeth,

Quorum prædicatione Rex Arviragus cum proceribus suis, ab inveterata Druidum religione abduci noluit.

King Arviragus with his Nobles, would not by the preaching of Joseph and his companions be drawn from the inveterate Religion of the Druids. Thus we see it manifestly declared, that King Arviragus, was in all his actions, life, and death far from being a Christian in profession.

Fabian tells us that after the departure of Claudius, Arviragus progressed through his Domi∣nions, and with great cost, care, and expences repaired Cities and Towns which were dis∣mantled and defaced by the Roman Souldiers, and behaved himself with such gallantry, that he was more beloved, and also feared then any of his Prædecessors; in tract of time he accu∣mulated heaps of Treasure: but wealth begot pride, and that again a presumption of his own strength and power, which caused him to deny payment of the Tribute: but the Senate having speedy notice of his Transactions, Caius Caligula is speedily dispatched with order to reduce him to his former obedience; who with certain Legions (a Legion consisteth of six thousand, six hundred and sixty six men) arrives in Brittain, forceth him to pay Tribute, or rather he is perswaded so to do by his Wife Genissa,

Caius Caligula had a meaning doubtlesse to have invaded the Ile of Brittain, had not his rash entrance into the Action,* 1.183 and his ill successe in the German War overthrown the Enter∣prize, by reason whereof he brought nothing to Effect, but onely made a ridiculous expedi∣tion, (answerable to the vanity of his humour, bringing an Army into the hither parts of Belgia, and there having received into protection Admimus or Adaminus (whom Cunobelin his Father had banished) and certain other Brittish Fugitives that came with him) he Writ vaunting Letters to the Senate as though the whole Iland had yielded it self, giving special charge to the Messenger, that his Letters should be carried in a Chariot to the Forum, and not delivered to the Consuls but in a full Senate, and in the Temple of Mars: afterwards drawing his Forces down to the sea coasts of Belgia, where with wonder he beheld the high cliffs of the Ile possessed with the Natives, he placed his Souldiers in Battell-array upon the shore, and himself entring into a Long-boat, was rowed a little way upon the 8ea: but not daring to adventure further, he returned speedily to land, and then commanding a charge to be sounded, as though he would have began to fight, he appointed his Souldiers to ga∣ther Cockels and Muskels in their Helmets, terming them spoils of the Ocean, and meet to be preserved as offerings due to the Capitol. For this Exploit he after coming to Rome, was not ashamed to demand a Triumph, and divine honours to be assigned him; but finding the Senators for the most part to be unwilling to give their Assent, he burst out into threats, and had slain some of them in the place if they had not speedily avoided his fury. After this, himself in open Assembly made a Declaration of his journey, and what adventures he had passed in the Conquest of the Ocean (as himself vainly termed it,) whereat the common people either for fear or flattery gave a general applause; which he taking as a testimony of their de∣sire to have him placed among their gods, rewarded in this shameful manner, he caused a great quantity of gold and silver to be scattered on the ground, and certain caltrops poysoned of Iron to be cast among them, whereby many were killed, partly with those envenomed En∣gines, and partly with the press of one another (each Man being earnest in gathering, and supposing another Mans gain his own losse, so naturally was he inclined to all kind of wickednesse; as he spared not the lives even of those whom he thought to deserve best at his hands.

Yet we read not among the many Vices which he had, that ever he was a persecutor of Christians: for those Outrages which he committed against the Jews, which amongst others our own Histories do report, were rather in revenge against the Jews for the death of Christ, and the persecuting Christians, then for any hatred to Christian Religion. And it was a just punishment of God towards that incredulous people and their holy Temple, that had been so long renowned for the true worship and sacrifice of God, To see it now polluted with the Idolatrous sacrifices of the Gentils,* 1.184 the Idol of Jupiter, and the Emperor himself a vile and wic∣ked man, to be worshipped and adored there as the Lord of Heaven and Earth.

Cæsar templum quod erat Hierosolymis jussit prophanari sacrificiis Gentilium; Jovis statuam ibi collocat, se{que} ut Dominum cœli & terrae coli & adorari præcepit;

When as concerning Christians, he permit∣ted the favourable Edict of Tiberius to remain in force. He banished Pilate, by whom Christ was crucified. He deprived Herod of his Kingdom, and together with Herodi•• his brothers wife which he kept (the occasion of the Martyrdome of St. John Baptist) he drave into ba∣nishment; and these and such favours and justice he extended unto Christians, that although he seemed to make War against the Brittains, it was not for Religion sake.

Though mention be made concerning several passages betwixt Claudius and Arviragus, yet the Reader must know that Caligula preceded in Government, Julius being first, Augustus second, Tiberius third, Caligula fourth, and Claudius fifth; but to conclude with Arviragus, Fabian saith, That after he had nobly Ruled the Brittains thirty years, he died, and was bu∣ried at Caergloin, Caerloon, Claudiocestria or Glocester, leaving after him one Son, named Marius or Maurius.

MARIƲS.

MARIƲS the son of Arviragus, was crowned King of Brittain, in the year of Christs Incarnation threescore and fourteen; the English Chronicle calleth this Prince Westmer-Gaufride saith that he Governed his Subjects in great Affluence, Peace and Tranquillity; some dispute hath been, whether this Marius was a Christian or not. Harding and other wit∣nesse that he was of a Child brought up at Rome, with the Emperour Claudius and his Mo∣thers kindred.

Who nourished was at Rome in his Juvent•• With his Mothers Kin, the best of the Empire,* 1.185 With Claudius also, that was his own Grandfire.

And not returning into Brittain untill the death of Arviragus his Father, to inherit the Kingdome after him for any thing we read in History; and by the common computation of Antiquaries, King Arviragus and St. Joseph, dying within three years together, it is not a thing to be easily believed that Marius did or could learn Christianity of St. Joseph; Neither did or could Christian Religion allow Marius, a notorious known Bastard, to inherit the Kin dom of Brittain as Heir to K. Arviragus, he having divers legitimate children by his law∣ful Wife Voada, Daughter of King Cara••••cus; Ex qua filium unum & duas filias susceperat. All which, by Christian Religion, should have inherited before him; and he whether they had been living or dead, by that could not claim Title to inherit or possesse the crowne of Brittainas he did. And the Scottish Historians, who had best reason to keep these things in memory, do tell us that he was so far a Roman, as by all Antiquities, by his Mother and Education he truly was; They stile him Marius the Roman: Marius nobilis Romanus. And he was so far from having any true Title to the Crown by being the bastard son of Arviragus, that he was declared King by the Emperors Authority; Cæsaris autoritate Britonum Rex ap∣pellatus; and to take all controversie away, was forced to marry his own Sister by his Father, the eldest Daughter of Arviragus, and his lawfull wife Queen Voada; Harum natu majorem ut jam Insulae status pacatior foret, Matrimonis sibi copulavit, which all men know no Christian could doe. And yet this was after the great Victory of Marius against the Scots and Picts, with their Captain Rodericke; which was as Matthew Westminster and others write, not above a year before the death of St. Joseph, that chancing in the 75. and in the 76. year of Christ; In which battel the two Daughters of Queen Voada (their brother as it seemeth, being dead,) were taken Prisoners, and the oldest the next Heir of Brittain, after the matters pacified, which was not in any probability before St. Joseph's death, was as is said before, married to Marius her bastard-brother; which Marriage (if I may so term it) was still continued; and by them was begotten in it Coilus, after King and Father to our first Christian King Saint Lucius.

So that if we speak properly and strictly of Christians, and name them onely such, which actually and really both in Faith and Profession do hold onely the Christian Religion, and no other, it is evident, that none of these three Kings of Brittain, Arviragus, Marius, or Co∣illus, was a Christian, much less converted or baptized by St. Joseph. But if we speak of Christianity in an ample and extended sense, as Tertullian and some Ancients have done of Tiberius Caius, and some other Emperors, not actually Christians, but so affected especially in some points, as as he doth of Pilate, which washed his hands, and said, he was innocent of the putting of Christ to death; Innocens sum à Sanguine justi bujus; I am innocent of the blood of this just person; that he was in conscience a Christian, pro sua conscientia Christianus; We may speak the like of these Kings; and go so far with Harding's Author, as to say with him:

Joseph converted this King Arviragus By his preaching, to know the Law Divine.

For it is not unprobable, but he was perswaded the Law and Religion which St. Joseph pro∣fessed, was true: But whereas Harding addeth,

And baptized him, as written hath Nennius, A Chronicler in Brittain Tongue fall fine.

Except we take Baptizing in a very large and amplifying construction, and say Harding a Poet did thereby understand the true knowledge of Baptisme, and not the receiving there∣of, neither Nennius, nor any approved Author doth or can prove any such thing; By this also we are sufficiently assured, that neither St. Joseph of Arimathea, nor any of his company though otherwise most Holy and most Renowned Saints and excellently deserving of this Na∣tion, none of them converting either the King, Nobles, or People of Brittany, as so many worthy Authors and Antiquaries have told us, may be named the Apostles which converted this Kingdome to the Faith of Christ,* 1.186 or first founded Christian Religion here.

Marius King of Brittain by the opinion of all, was both a Friend and Benefactor unto Christians, confirming unto the Eremits of Avalon, St. Joseph and his Associats, those dona∣tions, liberties and immunities which his Father Arviragus had formerly granted unto them; and the Emperour Vespasian was so friendly and favourable unto holy Christians, that when he was in Brittain before he was Emperour, as Harding from more ancient Authors hath te∣stifyed, he procured those immunities and exemptions for S. Joseph and his company, which King Arviragus endowed them with: and I do not doubt but that he was so far a Christian in judgement, that I may recount him in the number of those first Emperours of whom Ter∣tullian writeth;* 1.187 The Emperours themselves would have believed in Christ, if the Emperours had not been necessary to the wo••ld, or Men that were Christians might have been Emperours; Sed & 'Cæsares credidissent super Christo, si aut Cæsares non essent saeculo necessarii, aut si & Christiani potuissent esse Cæsares.

This King Marius as Matth. Westm. and divers others do testifie, died the 78. year of Christ,* 1.188 and left Coillus his Son his Successor in the Kingdome, Anno gratiae 78. Marius Brit∣tannorum Rex ab hoc saeculo transiens, Coillum Filium habuit successorem; by whom he reigned but a short time, not above six years: Others affirm that he reigned a far longer time, the Publisher of the Brittish History ascribe,* 1.189 52 years. Harding avoucheth that he died

When he had Reigned sixty years and three; His Tribute paid full well to Roman City, * 1.190Of Christs Faith somewhat he was informed; But much more he needed to have been reformed.

But howsoever the question about his Regiment, long or short be resolved, certain it is that he was a Friend to Christians; and if he Reigned long, longer was their peace by his per∣mission.

Fabian in the life of this King tells us, that the Chronicle of England calls him VVestmer: and that during his Reign, a certain Chieftain, whom Gaufride calleth Londricus, of the Picts, Landing with a great Navy, in the Province of Albania now Scotland, began to make havock with fire and sword; which ungrateful tidings being brought to Marius, he leaveth a considerable Army and marcheth towards his Enemies to give them battle; in which Londri∣cus, or as others call him, Rodicus, with a great part of his Army was slain; In remembrance of which Victory, King Marius caused to be erected a great stone and thereon to be ingraven Marii Victoria or the Victory of Marius; but VVilliam of Malmsbury is of opinion, that this stone was erected in memory of Marius the Roman Consul, the country round about being cal∣led Fince, that time Westmaria, and now VVestmerland; and it pleased K. Ri. the second to add unto the Titles of the Nevills of Raby the higher and more eminent stile of

EARLS of Westmerland.

• 1 Raph Nevill Lord of Raby, Sir Marshall.
• 2 Raph Nevill.
• 3 Raph Nevill.
• 4 Raph Nevill.
• 5 Hen. Nevill.
• 6 Charls Nevill.
• ...Gules a Salton Argent.

• Francis Fane Eldest son of Mary Lady Dispencer, descended from the Nevills, Earl of VVestmerland, created Earl of VVestmerland, 22. Ja. Decemb. 29.
• Mildmay Fane Earl of VVestmerland.
• Azure 3, left hand Gauntlets Or.

The Picts being thus slain and vanquisht, those who where left undestroyed, with all humble submission requested of King Marius to graunt them a place of habitation, who assigned unto them an angle or canton in the remotest parts of Scotland, which by some Authors was called

Cathenesia, which these people the Brittains disdaining to give them their Daughters, the Irish contracted their children, which in processe of time increased into a great Colony, and the Country as affirmeth Policronicon in the 37. Chap. of the first book, was first called Ireland: Secondly Pictania, and lastly Scotland; Marius giving way to fate, was buried at Caerlile.

Having in short shewed you the Lives and Deaths of the Brittish Kings and Princes, to the death of Marius; let ut cast our eyes a while upon the Romans, and view the remainder of their proceedings, not yet, related, in this Isle. Thea 1.191 Boduni then living under the Govern∣ment of theb 1.192 Cattieuchlani, betook themselves to the protection of Plautius, who leaving Ga∣risons in those parts, marched towards a River, over which the Brittains supposed that the Romans could not passe without a Bridge: and therefore imagined themselves safe, having pitched their Camp on the other side of the water; But Plautius sent over certaine Germans, (who being accustomed to swim over Rivers with swift currents) even in their Armour, found an easie passage to the further bank, and there set upon the Brittains, wounding the Horses, withdrew their Chariots, and by that means overthrowing their Riders, and disordering their whole power; Then was Flavius Vespasian (who had the leading of the second Legion,) and Sabinus his brother, appointed to passe over and to charge them on a sudden as they were dis∣persed; if we follow John Harding, he will tell us that St. Joseph and his Religious company came hither with Vespasian Lieutenant to the Roman Emperour; and that by the intreaty of Vespasian, the then King and Queen of the Brittains, Arviragus and Gennissa, those Fa∣vours and Freedoms which by our Histories he enjoyed at Glastenbury, were bestowed up∣on him; for thus speaking of Vespasian, he saith,

With whom Joseph full holy and full wise Of Aramathie with his fellowes fourteen Into this Land then came, and gave content, For whom so then Vespasian pray'd the King, The Queen also, to him to be good Lord And good Lady, which they granted in all thing; When Vespasian returned to Rome home again, The King indued Joseph in Meatrine.

Which relation wanteth no probability to make it good; for Vespasian came hither out of Ger∣many, by which St. Joseph must needs passe in his journey towards Brittain, from the Asiati∣cal Gallia, and the adjoyning Countries; neither was Vespasian an Enemy, but a Friend and lover of Christians, of whom we shall have occasion to speak more, when we come to the time of his being Emperour.

Some of the Brittains being slain, and others taken prisoners, the night made an end of the skirmish; The next morning the rest of the dispersed rout shewed themselves upon the shore, and gave occasions of a new Fight, which continued a long time with equall advantage, till C. Sydius Geta being in danger to have been taken, recovered himself, and at the last enfor∣ced the Brittains to retire; For which service he had afterwards triumphal honors assigned him, although he were no Consul; in this conflict Vespasian (being beset round about with the Brit∣tains) was in great danger, either to have been slain or taken, if he had not been timely res∣cued by Titus his son, who then exercised the office of Tribune of the Souldiers, and began in his tender years to give some proof of his valour; After this battle, the Brittains withdrew themselves to the mouth of the River Thamesis, near the place where it falls into the Sea; and being skilful in the shallowes, and firm grounds, passed over in safety, when as the Romans that pursued them (not knowing the dangerous places) were oftentimes in great hazard; Some of the Germans that were most forward to adventure, by reason of their skill in swim∣ming, as soon as they had got to the further shore, were compassed about and killed by the Natives, and the rest of the Roman Army that followed was much distrested in the passage, and sharply assailed at their comming on land, where began a bloody fight, in the which Togo∣dumius a Brittish Prince, one of Cunobelines Sons was slain, whose death did nothing abate the courage of the Brittains, but rather enflamed them with desire of revenge; for the effecting whereof, they gathered together new Forces from divers parts of the Isle. Plautius fearing the greatnesse of their power, and being straightned in a place of disadvantage and danger, pro∣ceeded no further at that time, but fortifying only such Townes as he had already taken, advertised Claudius of the doubtful state of his Affairs.

In the mean time Vespasian was imployed in the other parts of the Isle, where fortune seem∣ed to lay the Foundation of that greatnesse, unto which he afterwards attained; for in short space he fought thirty times with the Brittains, overcoming two Warlike Nations, and tame∣ing the fiercea 1.193 Belga: whose Ancestors coming hither out of Gallia Belgica at the first, either to take booties, or to make war, gave the name of their own Country to such places as they had subdued (a custome commonly used amongst the Gaules, when they seated them∣selves in any part of this Island.)

Which like fortunate successe Vespasian proceeded in attempting, and conquering the Isle Vectis that lyeth on the South side of Brittain; when Claudius the Emperour being now fur∣nished of all things necessary for the Brittish expedition, set forward with a mighty Army,

consisting of Horsemen, Footmen and Exphanes; He marched first to Ostria, from hence to Masselia the rest of the Voyage he made by Land toa 1.194 Gessoriacum in Gallia, where he embar∣ked; His forces being safely transported into the Isle, were led towards the River Thamesis, where Plantius and Vespasian with their power attended his coming; so the two Armes being joyned together, crossed the River again; the Brittains that were assembled to encounter them, began to Fight, which was sharply maintained on both sides, till in the end a great num∣ber of the Ilanders being slain, the rest fled into the woods, through which the Romans pursu∣ed them, even to the Town ofb 1.195 Camolodanum, which had been the Royal seat of Canobeli•••• and was then one of the most defensible places in the Dominions of the Trynob••b••; this town they supprized, and afterwards fortifyed, planting therein a Colony of old Souldiers to strengthen those parts, and to keep the Inhabitants therein obedience; Then were the Brit∣tains disarmed, howbe•••• Claudius remitted the confiscation of their goods, for which favour the Ilanders erected a Temple and an Altar unto him; honouring him as a God. Now the states of the Country round about, being so weakned by the losse of their Neighbours, and their own civil dissensions, as they were unable to resist the Roman power any longer, began to offer their submission, promising to obey and live peaceably under the Roman Govern∣ment, and so by little and little the hither part of the Isle was reduced into the form of a Province.

In honour of this Victyro, Claudius was divers times saluted by the name of Imperator, con∣trary to the Roman custome, which permitted it but once for one expedition; The Senate of Rome also upon advertisement of his successe, decreed that he should be called Brittanicus, and that his son should have the same Title, as a surname proper and hereditary to the Clau∣dian Family; Massilina his Wife, the monster of her sex, for impudency and lasciviousnesse, had the first place in council assigned her (as Sivia the Wife of Augustas sometime had) and was also licensed to ride in a Chariot at his return to Rome (which was the sixth month after his departure thence, having continued but sixteen dayes onely in this Isle) he entred the City in triumph, performed with more then usual ceremonies of state, whereat certaine Pre∣sidents of Provinces and banished men were permitted to be present; On the top of his pal∣lace was placed a crown set with stems, and fore-parts of ships which the Romans called Corona Navalis, as a sign of the conquest of the Ocean; divers Captains that had served under him in Brittany, were honoured with Triumphal ornaments, yearly playes were appointed for him, and two Arches of Triumph adorned with Trophies, were erected, the one at Rome, the other at Gessoriacum, where he embarked for Brittany, to remain to succeeding Ages: as perpetual records of his victory, and a work of such merit to have subdued so small a part of this Island.

About this time (as it may be probably conjectured) Christian Religion being yet green, and of small growth, began to cast forth some small sparkes of her brightnesse in the Isle of Brittain; whether Christians of Rome and other countries, then flying persecution, resorted for safety and quietnesse, as to a place remote, and by reason of the Wars and Troubles there, not much subjected to inquisition; whereas also divers Brittains remaining at Rome (where Christianity then increased) either for Hostages,* 1.196 or detained as Prisoners, or haply for some private respects of profit and pleasure, had opportunity and liberty to converse with the Ro∣man Christians, and to be by them instructed and confirmed in the Faith of Christ. The gate being now set open by this Author to discourse of our Famous and Saintly Brittains, who even with the very first submitted themselves to the most heavenly and sweet yoak of their divine Master and Lord eternal, Redeemer of Mankind, God and Man Christ Jesus; I shall endeavour to make it evident by the Testimony of Learned and apporved Antiquities, to the great glory of the Brittish Nation, that divers of them were the adopted sons and children of their eternal Father, and the never-erring Catholick Church their Mother, within few years after the Death and Passion of our most blessed Redeemer.

To begin therefore this intended Relation, I will begin with St. Mansuetus the Disciple of St. Peter the Apostle, and by him ordained the first Bishop of Tullum or Teul in Lorain, who was born in that part of Brittain which now and for many years hath been called Scotland: but whether he was a Brittain or a Scot, will more fully appear hereafter; and that he was by birth (that part of the Ile now called Scotland, being at that time a part of Brittain, and long after) which among others, Martial the Poet maketh manifest for that time: who wri∣ting to Quintus Ovidius, who was to to travel into those parts, saith,

Quinte Caledonios Ovidi visure Britannos. a 1.197Quintus Ovidius Roman called so; To view the Caledonian Brittains now doth go.

* 1.198In the time of this Emperor we read that St. Peter the Apostle consecrated our holy Coun∣tryman St. Mansuctus (whom he had Christened before in the time of Tiberius) a Bishop, and sent him to Tullum in Loraine. The inhabitants of Tullum in Loraine had for their Apostle and first Bishop of their Faith in Christ, St. Mansuetus a Scot by Nation, the Disciple of St. Peter the Apostle, and companion of St. Clement. This is testified also by many others, as Gulielmus, Eisengrenius, Antonius, Democharez, Petrus de Natalibus, with others, saying, Mansuetus by

Nation a Scot (so they term our Northern Brittains according to the last Name thereof,) born of a Noble Family, the Disciple of Simon Bar-Jonas the chief of the Apostles, fellow of Saint Clement the Bishop of Metz, was consecrated by Saint Peter the first Bishop in the city of Tullum.

Hitherto these Authors; onely the difference I find between them, is this,* 1.199 that Arnoldus Mirmanunus saith, St. Clement whose companion Mansuetus was, was Bishop of Metz by St. Peters appointment in the 40 year of Christ when Caius Caligula was Emperor: and Eisengre∣nius, tells us, that St. Mansuetus was Bishop of Tullum, in the year 49. eight or nine years after, which may easily be reconciled together, by saying St. Mansuetus was sent by St. Peter, in the year of Christ 40. and took not upon the charge of Tullum untill the year 49. in the mean time being otherwise or elsewhere imployed in preaching the Gospel of Christ. Neither will it avail or prove any thing to the contrary for any man to object, that S. Peter was not yet come to Rome, nor after until the beginning of the Empire of Claudius; for although he came not thither to make any residence there til about that time, yet this nothing hindred many of these Western Nations moved with the Love of Christ, and Fame of St. Peter, to resort unto him in the parts of the East, where he remained to be instructed by him: And he both by himself and his Disciples sent from him had Founded many Churches, in divers parts of the Western World before this time; as namely at Tauremonium the 39 year, and at Syracuse the same year. And to have Founded the Church of Christ in Sicily the same time.

This our Countryman St. Mansuetus was either in the Reign of Caius Caligula or Clau∣dius Bishop of Tull••••s, and Founded the first Episcopal succession there; And no Man will think that he alone of this Nation, was either consecrated Bishop or Priest, or became a Chri∣stian. It is a thing scarcely heard of in Histories that any one Man should only be call'd to that high dignity and calling in the Church of God, and to leave his Country to preach to strangers, except his own Nation was otherways supplyed with Clergymen & other Christians, and except some storme or violence of persecution should separate him from his natural friends and coun∣try, which neither is nor can be pretented in this case; For neither at any time, nor all the life of St. Mansuetus ••••ing very long, yet (he not returning into Brittain) was there any pro∣secution of Christians, but quiet in this Kingdome, and favour and friendship of all in office and authority to that Religion; and not this only, but a general inclination and disposition in the whole Island, to be instructed in, and receive the faith of Christ; And so whether we will say this Holy Bishop of Brittain, went from hence to St. Peter in the Eastern countries, or St. Peter was there then in these parts, when he consecrated him Bishop or Priest; no man can be so unadvised to think, that he was the onely Bishop, Priest, and Christian of this Nation then. This cannot enter into a reasonable judgement;* 1.200 If we said St. Mansuetus went out of this Nation to St. Peter in the Eastern countries (which our late Authors will rather agree to) this maketh as much for the honour of that Apostle, and the love and reverence of our first Christians unto him, to draw them by such forcible bands thereof, to undertake so long and dangerous a journey, to be instructed by that holy Apostle; And this holy Bishop being associ∣ate to St. Clement, a Roman born, and so returning by Rome from these Eastern countries, being their direct way to Metz, Tullum and those places where they preached; but at their passing by Rome, St. Mansuetus visited those Brittains of this Nation, which then were Hosta∣ges and Pledges there; whereof some at that time in true judgement must needs be thought to be Christians; as namely, the Parents of the Lady Claudia, which both were Brittains; And that they then were Christians before the beginning of Claudius his Empire, or St. Peters coming to Rome, in the beginning thereof, the Romans themselves shall witnesse; for they tell us, that the House of Pudens, Husband of our Counntrywoman St. Claudia was the first lodging of St. Peter in Rome, and there the Christians first assembled to serve God. And yet certain it is that this St. Pudens was either but a very young child or not born when St. Peter came to Rome and so young that a late Writer saith of him and Claudia, Pudens and Claudia were two young persons when St. Paul remembred them in his second Epistle to Timothy, which they say was in the last year of Nero, or without doubt not long before, 24 or 25 years after St. Peters coming to Rome, in the beginning of Claudius his time by all our Accounts. And these Authors further say, they were so young that they were not in their judgements married untill the latter end of Trajans time or about the beginning of Domitian. And the Ancient Martyrology it self is witnesse, That when St. Peter came to Rome, St. Pudens was not a Chri∣stian but baptized by him. Therefore it was not St. Pudens, then not born, or a young child and not Christned but after, that did or could give the first entertainment in his House to St. Peter, or make his House a Church for Christians. Besides, evident it is that this Saint Pudens was born in Ʋmbria in Italy far from Rome, and his dwelling place was there at Sabi∣num; of which St. Claudia his wife took another Name unto her, as more hereafter. There∣fore I must entreat the Romans to give me leave to think that this House which was the first Lodging of St. Peter in Rome, was the House of the Holy Christian Parents of our renowned country woman Claudia, and they then Christians, and some of the Hostages of Frittain at Rome when St. Peter came thither at first, and were so charitable to the Saints of God, that they gave entertainment to that Holy Apostle before any of the Romans, and made their House the House of God, and serving him.

Not unprobable it is that those Holy Brittains then in Rome which first received St. Peter

there, were first converted by their holy Countryman, St. Mansuertur disciple of St. Peter, as be returned from that great Apostle at Antioch, or thereabout, with St. Clement by Rome into those parts, whither St. Peter sent them Bishops; And by this happy means of that holy Apostle St. Peter, our Disciple and his Christian countryman at Rome, much spiritual good redounded after to this Kingdome; neither can we think but very many here in Brittain, were also then converted by the means of St. Mansue••us, and some other of his holy companions, both in this journey to Antioch to St. Peter, and in his return into these Countries again to preach the Gospel, especially in the more Northern parts of Brittain; of which Nation he is supposed to be, and named Scotus a Scot, as all the Brittains of the North part beyond the wall or trench of the Emperours Adrian and Severus were named, because they were so mixed with the Scots, that in time the Scots were the stronger and greater Nation in that part, and of that time; and in this sence, it is most properly true for any thing which we read particularly in the Histories of the Magdeburians,* 1.201 which divers also of this Kingdom both ancient and mo∣dern seem to say; Petrus Cluniacensis (and I may add Tertullian) tells us, that the people of Brittain in the North (where the Scots now be) were the first Christians; Petrus Cluniacensis calleth the Scots the more ancient Christians; and hereto we may add the testimony of Ter∣tullian, who saith, the places of the Brittains which were unaccessible to the Romans, were sub∣ject to Christ, and addeth of the Brittains, the name of Christ reigned among them, which our English late Authors, in their Theatre confirm in this manner; It is certain that the Brittains were with the first Converts; and Tertullian who lived within 200 years of Christs Nativity, shew∣eth no lesse, who the more to provoke the Jewes against whom we wrote, calleth to witnesse the fruitful encrease of the Gospel of salvation through many countries and nations, and among them nameth the Brittains to have received the word of life; The power whereof saith he hath pierced into those places whither the Romans could not come. Whence Petrus Cluniacensis supposeth the Scottish men the more ancient Christians.

The like have other late Writers, and those their cited Authors which cannot be otherwise verified, but by applying this preaching of the faith of Christ unto those Northern Brittains, either by this their holy Countryman St. Mansuetus, the first Bishop we ••••n find of this King∣dome, or some other associate of his, sent hither at or about that time 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the same holy Apo∣stle St. Peter; for in all other respects, whether we speak of the Brittish Christians here in the time of Claudius or Nero (of which these modern Antiquaries will tell us more hereafter) or the coming of St. Joseph of Arimathea in his Religious companions into this Kingdome, in the days of Nero, or the general conversion of the Kingdome of Brittain, unto the trenches of Severus in the time of King Lucius by Elutherius; all these were long before the conversion of the Scots, in the time of K. Donaldus, either by Pope Victor, or Zepherinus, as Harrison rather supposeth; the first time which is assigned by any, being in the 203 year of Christ: and if it was under Pope Zepherine, it was after that time; for he was not chosen Pope until the year 209. before which time, or the beginning it self of the papacy of St. Victor, which was in the year 198. this our Brittain, on this side the division, had generally and publickly recei∣ved the faith of Christ; And the very words of Tertullian living and dying before the con∣version of Scotland, within the first two hundred years, writing in his book against the Jews, that the places of Brittain which the Romans could never conquer or come to, did acknowledge Christ and his name did reign in them, do manifestly convince it to be so; For Tertullian li∣ving and writing in Affrica, could not possibly take notice of things done here in an Island so far off, presently after they were first effected, and by no means could either he, or any other Writer speak of things done so long after; truly to report them done so long before, he had been the greatest prophet that ever was.

St. Claudia of whom mention is formerly made, was the daughter of Brittish parents, which then lived as Hostages at Rome to the Emperor for this land and Kingdome of Brittain, and by that means it was their happiness and honour to give the first entertainment to that bles∣sed Apostle St. Peter, at his first coming thither, as that Roman tradition of that their house; after by marriage with the holy Brittish Lady Claudia,* 1.202 their daughter and heir, with Pudens the Senator;* 1.203 and so long after this coming of St. Peter to Rome, named the house of Pudens, the Senator, assures us, which I prove by another undoubted tradition of the Romans; That St. Peter was 15 years in Rome, before St. Paul came thither; so writeth Florentius Wigorn, with the common consent of Antiquity and Writers both ancient and modern. And the Ro∣man Martyrology tells us of this Pudens the Senator,* 1.204 that he was baptized by the Apostles; And there calleth him plainly Pudens the Senator, Father of St. Pudentiana the Virgin, so that being baptized by the Apostles, St. Peter and St. Paul (for no others were then in Rome) this could not be by true account, untill at the soonest fiveteen years after St. Peter was first received in that house; And if the Martyrology could carry that interpretation, to under∣stand by the Apostles in the plural number one Apostle (one proper constructoin) yet by this Friendly, and more then lawful interpretation, he must needs be baptized by St. Peter; and so also a most unprobable thing, that divers Christians then being in Rome, St. Peter would first commit himself to a Pagan or Catechumen, and he and the Christians of Rome make such an house their chiefest Church and place of Assembly for Divine things;* 1.205 This Lady Claudia, though born of Brittish parents, yet was not born in this Isle; Martiall, saith Claudia caeruleis cum sit prognata Brittannis, but not in Brittain; only she is called of the same Poet, peregrina

a stranger, as the children of strangers usually are termed, both with us and other people; And the time of her birth and age so convince.

And whereas we find no memory at all of any natural parents of St. Pudens dwelling at Rome, we have sufficient testimony not only of the permanent dwelling both of the Father and Mother of St. Claudia there, but that by divers probable Arguments they dwelled in that very House, where Pudens continued with them, after his marriage with their Daughter, and were holy and renowned Christians, although their native Country of Brittain hath hi∣therto been almost wholly deprived of their honour, and so must needs be by the Roman Tradition, the first entertainers of St. Peter in Rome; for as a late Author writeth, Pudens and Claudia were two young persons, but faithful Christians,* 1.206 at that time unmarried when Paul writ the second Epistle unto Timothy, which was in the last year of Nero as all men suppose that I have read, except Baronius, and that they were married in the later end of Vespasian, or about the beginning of Domitian. Therefore Pudens being so young in the end of Nero his Empire, although we grant him then newly married, yet this was by all Computations, at the least 24 years after the coming of St. Peter to Rome, and so it could not possibly be Pudens but the parents of Claudia, our Brittains, that entertained first St. Peter in their House at Rome; who for certain being Brittains of Noble Order and Degree, and living in Rome as Hostages, by all judgement they enjoyed more freedome and liberty in matters of Religion, then the Romans did at that time. The Emperors of Rome then nor long after intermedling with the Brittains for matters of Religion, but leaving it voluntary and free unto them, as other Tributaries, to use the Religion of their Countries, or as they were best and most disposed, pri∣vately at the least, even in Rome it self without controlment. So by the great mercy and providence of God, the subjection and temporal captivity or restraint of divers of these our worthy Countrymen proved to be the most happy spiritual freedom in Christ, both of those our Hostages there and this whole Kingdome, afterward converted to the true Faith, from thence by this original so renowned and glorious for ever to this Nation, to have in Rome it self the first Harborours and Receivers of that most blessed and highest Apostle St. Peter, that the House where St. Peter was first received, was called the House of Pudens the Senator, may be because he long after was owner of it, as it was also called the House of St. Novatus, the House of St. Timothy, the House of St. Pudentiana the blessed children of St. Pudens and St. Claudia our Countrywoman, who all successively possessed it, termed by their Name for the time, as usually houses and places be by the owners Names, untill the time of Pope Pius the first, it was by the Donation of St. Pudentiana, as the Roman Antiquities themselves and their continual kept tradition do declare, absolutely converted to a Church, and ever since after her death called the Church of St. Pudentiana, which before was called the house of them, as they possessed it in order, or the house of them all; sometimes as the old Roman Martyrology calleth it, the house of all the four children of St. Fudens, and St. Claudia; for speaking of them all by name, St. Novatus Timotheus, Pudentiana and Praxedet; it addeth, The House of these being changed into a Church is called the Title of Pastor.

And it is evident by all probability that the Father of the Lady Claudia owner of this House where all his children long after lived, was yet living & possessor thereof both now and when St. Peter was first entertained there; For Martial the Poet which lived in this time, and wrote in the dayes of Domitian and Nerva, long after maketh an honourable Memory of the Father of the Lady Claudia, then living, calling him Socer of Pudens,* 1.207 the Father of his wife St. Claudia our Countrywoman by parents; for the word Socer hath no other mean∣ing then a Father in law, father to the wife, whose Father in law he is, or Father to the husband of that wife to whom he is sirnamed Socer. Evident it is also, that Pudens had no other wife but Claudia, and she long overlived her husband Pudens. And that this his Father in law was as noble for his Faith and Religion in Christ, as by descent and birth, we may easily inform our selves, if from no other ground, yet from the most holy and vertuous e∣ducation of his Daughter in that profession, who by the examples and documents of her pious parents, the best Tutors of children, their greatest charge, was by their instruction come to that perfection in the law of Christ, that being yet but young in all opinions, when St. Paul writ his second Epistle to Timothy a little before his death: she deserved the stile of one of four principal Christians in the judgement of that great Apostle as two great Doctors S. Chrysostome and Theodoret that part of his Epistle, Eubulus saluteth thee, & Pudens and Linus, and Claudia, & all the brethren. He remembreth them by Name whom he knew to be more fervent in Faith. And again, Theodoret upon that place, saith, Paul put in the Names of them which were the best and most loving of vertue: by which we may sufficienty see the great piety not onely of St. Claudia, but her holy parents also, the then honours of this Kingdome, that had caused her then under their charge to be taught and instructed in so excellent a manner in true Reli∣gion.

And if I may have the like licence to write for the Religion of this Father in law, which a late Author taketh to prove Pudens the son in law a Christian, I may do it with much more reason; for thus he writeth, That the same Pudens was a Christian,* 1.208 we have a great presumption in the Epigram of Martial, where for his vertuous carriage he calleth him S. Maritus; but a greater in another of the same Martial, wherein he yieldeth him thanks for perswading him to amend his Writings, that for obscenity and lasciviousness are indeed not to be endured by Christian oars: And this it is,

* 1.209Cogis me calamo manuque nostra Emendare meos Pudens libellos.

Pudens thou wilt that I the errors mend Which in my wanton Verses I have pen'd.

That by this kind of Argument the Father of Claudia our noble Countrywoman, was in all degrees as good or rather a better Christian then his son in law Pudens was, is most evi∣dent;* 1.210 for these Verses which Pudens did well like and allow, yet by the testimony of Martial himself might not be imparted to the Father in law of Pudens, but would seem light unto him occupied in more serious things. For he writeth unto Pudens,

* 1.211Commendare meas instanti Rufe Camœnas. Parce precor socero, seria forsan amat.

Rufus, my lines from thy wives Father keep, His thoughts are rap't with things more grave, more deep.

Where we see that the gravity of the Father in law of Pudens was greater then his 3. there∣fore much more may we presume from hence that he was a better Christian then the other, by that argument.* 1.212 And yet we have a better Author both for his Christianity and Name also; for the other three named by St. Paul to send salutations to Timothy from Rome at that time, for certain, except Eubulus the first, were continuing in one House; Pudens and Claudia were then married, as is evident in the ancient Roman Martyrology and others; and seeing by the Romans tradition and other testimonies, the house wherein they dwelt, was the chief lodging of the Apostles, St. Peter and Paul, and their successors until the time of Pope Pius the first, it was con∣verted to be a Church; we must needs account St. Linus the Bishop, the third which is here named, to be also of the same family for the most part; then how to single forth St. Eubulus, which here is first, either for Piety, or Nobility, or that he was the chief Pater-familias, or Master of the house,* 1.213 or all, and make him a stranger there, I cannot find it by St. Paul, onely repeating them of one family, or any other warrant; For it was plain here by the Apostle, that he was a chief and principal Christian in Rome, and first named among those worthies; and before St. Linus a Bishop then, and Pudens a Senator, and absolutely there set down as their chiefest receiver, friend and patron: which cannot agree 〈◊〉〈◊〉 any other better then to the Father of St. Claudia,* 1.214 this Father in Law to her Husband St. ••••dens, and first entertainer of St. Peter the Apostle in Rome, by the Romans tradition; for neither Dorotheus the continua∣tor of Florentius Wigor, nor any other that write of the Disciples there, place him among Clergy-men; and St. Paul which giveth him that honour in that place, clearly proveth he was none of his Disciples then in Rome; for he writeth in the same place, only Luke is with me; No Martyrology speaketh of him, neither any Historian or Interpreter of Scripture, to my reading setteth down of what Nation he was, but leave him for a stranger, as likewise many do St. Claudia. Therefore except better Authority can be brought against me, seeing he is by the Apostle so signified and placed the first in that family and salutation, Eubulus greeteth you,* 1.215 and Pudens, and Linus, and Claudia, there is no cause yet I find to deny him to be the owner and Master of that house that first entertained St. Peter in Rome, and he himself the first happy man that gave that glorious Apostle entertainment there; that he was our most re∣nowned Countryman of Brittain, and Father of Lady Claudia; for there is no other, by any probable conjecture was likely to perform this duty in that house; Pudens as before, was either then unborn or an Infant; of his own parents, Father or Mother, there is no mention in an∣tiquities, that either they were Christians, or that they dwelt at all in Rome, much lesse in that house, being inhabitants of Sabinum, and by Country Sabinites, far distant from Rome; And so there is none left unto us to be a Christian, and left to entertain that heavenly Mes∣senger and Guest S. Peter in that time and place, but the renowned parents of St. Claudia then dwelling in Rome, and there confined to a certain house and place of permanency by com∣mand of the Roman power; to whom with many other Noble Brittains; they were hostages and pledges for the fidelity and obedience of this Kingdome, to the Roman Emperours at that time.

* 1.216To strengthen this opinion, we may add that St. Paul sendeth to St. Timothy his Disciple the salutations of Eubulus before all others; of which sending the greetings of so few by name, it will be no easie search to find out a better or more probable reason then this, that St. Timo∣thy so neer and beloved a scholar of St. Paul, lodged usually in this house: he also was there with his Master entertained by Eubulus the owner thereof, and by that Title of his Hospitality, obtained the first place in that salutation; otherwise no man will doubt but S. Linus Bishop by calling, so honourable in the Church of Christ, ought and should have been named before him; And that this familiar acquaintance between St. Timothy and these our holy Christi∣an Brittains received original from their ancient entertainment of St. Timothy in their house in Rome many years before this their salutation, in the Epistle of St. Paul it is evident: for

St. Paul being now lately come to Rome, when he wrote this Epistle, neither he nor St. Ti∣mothy were after St. Pauls first dismission from prison there so long before; it is manifest that these, though the Lady young in years, were ancient Christians at that time, and we have an uncontroleable warrant from St. Paul himself, in his Epistle to the Hebrews, that St. Timothy was at Rome, when he was first prisoner there in the beginning of Nero his Empire; For thus he writeth, Know you that our brother Timothy is set at liberty; Thus St. Paul writeth from Rome, in the time of his first imprisonment there, and so maketh these our country Christians to be acquaintance of St. Timothy then, to be more ancient in the school of Christ then either St. Timothy or St. Paul at his first coming to Rome, when there was none to instruct either them, or others in Christian Religion at Rome, but St. Peter and his Disciples. I add to this the charge and warning which Martial the poet gave before to Pudens, Rufus, my lines from thy Wives Father keep; an evident testimony that they then lived in one house together, and so the poems sent to Pudens might easily come to his Father in law his hands and reading, except Pudens hae been so forewarned to keep and conceal them from him, whereof there had been no danger nor need of that admonition, if they had lived in distinct places, and not in one House. And thus much of the Father of the Lady Claudia.

Concerning her holy Mother also, so good a Nurse and Tutrix to so happy a child, we are not altogether left desolate without hope, but we may probably find her forth for the honour of this Kingdome her Country. And except the Roman Historians can find unto us a Chri∣stian Father to St. Pudens, and dwelling with his wife in the same House, as I have found unto them a Father unto St. Claudia, and Father in law to Pudens, an holy Christian dwelling in that house before Pudens his time, by Nation of this Kingdome, which by that is said before they cannot doe, seeing that Noble Matron, which is acknowledged by the Roman Writers, even Baronius, to have dwelt in that House, and Grandmother to St. Claudia her children,* 1.217 must needs be her Mother, her Fathers wife and Mother in law to Pudens. I am bold to as∣sign that glorious and renowned St. Priscilla, Foundresse of that wonderful and religious Church-yard to be the same Brittish Christian Lady. Baronius (though staggering sometimes in his opinion herein) saith plainly, There was a most Noble Matron in Rome called Priscilla, Grandmother of the Virgins, Pudentia and Praxedes, of whom there is mention in the Acts of Pudentia written by St. Pastour. The like he writeth in other places, whereas she is there by him called the Mother of Pudens: he must needs be understood to speak in their phrase, which ordinarily all Mothers in law use, by the absolute name of Mothers as the common cu∣stom is. Sometimes in other places Baronius saith, St. Priscilla was wife to Pudens, and Mother to St. Novatus, Pudentiana and Praxedes; so likewise doth Zepherinus Binius, when it is evi∣dent, that St. Claudia our Brittish Lady was the only wife of St. Pudens, and Mother to those Saints. Therefore to excuse the one from Errour, and the other from Contradiction, they must hold that both the Mother of St. Claudia, and her self also was sometime called Priscil∣la, as she was in Ʋmbria called Sabinella, of her Husbands house at Sabinum there; and this may sufficiently be gathered from those Antiquities Baronius citeth, in which one St. Pris∣cilla is called Priscilla senior the Elder, or old Priscilla, to make which justifiable,* 1.218 we must al∣so have Priscilla Junior, the younger or young Priscilla; and this is usual for distinction sake, where the Mother and Daughter, Father and Son be of one and the same name, to call the Father and Mother by their names, with the addition of Old, or elder; then the Sonne and Daughter with the distinction of young and younger added to them: and there be other di∣stinctions between these two; The eldest (Grandmother to these holy Children) as the Roman Martyrology with others testifyeth, who died at Rome, having imployed her self, and her goods to the service of Martyrs; where we see her Festivity kept upon the 16. day of February,* 1.219 and that she dyed at Rome; Of the other the younger, if by any called Priscilla, we find no such observation, nor that she dyed at Rome, but quite otherwise, that after her husband St. Pu∣dens death, she lived so long at his house at Sabinum, in Ʋmbria, that she thereupon took her name Sabellina, and by all writers died there, far from Rome. Secondly, St. Pastor who lived in the Apostles time, and familiarly in that our Brittish house, in witnesse (even Baroni∣us acknowledging it) that the elder St. Priscilla the Grandmother to St. Novatus, Timotheus,* 1.220 Pudentia and Praxedes, which were St. Claudia her Children, was foundresse of that re∣nowned Church-yard in via Salaria at Rome which bare her name, and was founded before St. Claudia was of years to be foundresse thereof; And it must needs be this, and no other, which prepared that most charitable, Christian, costly work: for we find no other Saints of that name, especially in that time, but only her, and St. Priscilla wife to St. Aquila, divers times mentioned by St. Paul being a Jew, who could not be Author of that foundation at Rome, being at Corinth, and there saluted by St. Paul, in his first Epistle to the Corinthians, and was with her Husband Coadjutrice to St. Paul in those parts, as the same Apostle testifyeth;* 1.221 Nei∣ther did she with her Husband stay so long at Rome to effect such a businesse; for as St. Luke proveth, they came from Rome upon the banishment of the Jews, from thence by Claudius,* 1.222 which was soon after their coming thither;* 1.223 and they were at or near Ephesus a little before St. Pauls death, as he proveth, writing in his 2d Epistle then to St. Timothy,* 1.224 Salute Priscilla and Aquila; and the old Roman Martyrology with others give evidence, they ended their lives in Asia the less upon the 8th. day of July, when the other St. Priscilla died (as before,* 1.225 at Rome) far from thence the 16. of Jan.

And Baronius who was an eye-witnesse of the chargeable work of that foundation found in his time, shall prove all the wealth both of this St. Priscilla, and her Husband St. Aquila (be∣ing but Tent-makers, as the scripture testifyeth) was not able to effect such a work; Baronius who had seen and often visited it,* 1.226 compareth it to a City for largenesse, and streets under the Earth, relating that the whole City of Rome was amazed to see it; so wonderful and charge∣able a work, with such streets, turnings, Churches, places for divine service, and Conventions, Images of Saints, and other things of great price: as they argue the rich and noble decree of the blessed Foundresse; so for a Lady of Brittain, a stranger, there to be at such excessive charge and expences, to provide such a sanctuary for the honour of Christ, safety, reliefe, and comfort both temporal and spiritual, of his servants in a Forraign Country must be a perpe∣tual Glory to this Nation; and too give further testimony, that this our renowned Country∣woman was Foundresse thereof, we find expresly that divers of her family, and posterity, namely, St. Pudens her son in Law, her Grandchildren, his Daughters, St. Pudentia and St. Praxedes, as likely St. Timotheus and Novatus were honourably interred there. And yet be∣sides this memorable foundation, for the publick good of the Church of Christ, these Romans themselves do tell us, and the late continued buildings do testifie, that there was another such secret Church-yard at her own house, to hide, protect, and bury holy Martyrs in; And thus we have found out now at the last, the house of our noble Christian Brittains at Rome, to have been the first lodging of the great Apostle St. Peter, there his first Church and seat, the harbour of St. Paul, and many of their Disciples and successors, Popes of Rome after them; the first Semi∣nary Colledge, or Mother of Christian Learning there, or in the Western world, the common and ordinary place of holy Christian Assemblies and Exercises: from whence as from the Originall Well and Fountain, the water of life did take course and current to diffuse it self unto all parts and Nations of the Occidental world; we may make some estimate and appre∣hension of the wonderful charitable help and assistance this most happy house of our Noble Brittish Christian parents of St. Claudia, yielded to the holy work, of converting this and all other Western Countries: if besides their extraordinary love to their own Nation, we do re∣flect upon that, the old Roman Martyrology hath told us of this Priscilla, imploying her self and her substance to serve the Saints and servants of Christ; That she and her husband were two of the chiefest of the Nobility of the Brittains, kept Hostages at Rome for this Kingdome: and yet after so many years spent, and their Honourable Revenues much exhausted in these pious works, in maintaining and relieving distressed Christians, by themselves, substance, and great number of Attendants and servants attending also to those holy ends, they left so much to posterity, that in the Family of their Grand-child St. Pudentia in the same House, there were Ninety six Christian men, ordinary Attendants, and St. Praxedes her sister being there, nineteen holy Christians were Martyred in that House at one time.

* 1.227As concerning St. Peters preaching himself in Brittain, the Theatre of Great Brittain saith, If Peter were here at all it was before he went to Rome, and that the Gospell was preached here before it was in Rome, if Peter were the first as some hold who preached there; both which may be more probable, if we consider the huge multitudes of Christians; 1500 saith Baronius, which dispersed themselves into all parts of the world, upon the Martyring of St. Stephen at Hierusa∣lem.* 1.228 And Baronius himself speaketh in this manner, When we knew that the rest of the Apo∣ples were not sent into the West, as into the Eastern parts of the world, except only Barnabas who a short time taught the Ligurians, or James, if we shall consent to them who deliver that quickly to re∣turn from thence, he went into Spain; it manifestly appeareth that none of the others were sent into the West part of the world. Therefore it was the Office of Peter, who having travelled very many provinces of the East in preaching the Gospel now which was left to doe, he should compasse the We∣stern world; and as Metaphrastes and others witnesse, penetrate to the Brittains, preaching the Faith of Christ; Where he maketh it a certain known truth, and manifestly apparent in Hi∣stories, That none of the twelve Apostles but only St. Peter preached the Word of God in Brittain. And among others he citeth Metaphrastes for that manifest Truth; and when he had alledged divers and approved Authors for Christs appearing unto St. Peter, and sending him into the West part of the World, he addeth, Metaphrastes consenting unto these, writeth thus: Our Lord appeared unto St. Peter in a Vision,* 1.229 saying, O Peter, arise and go to the West; for it hath need to be lighted by thy links, and I will be with thee. And he saith plainly for his own opinion, Peter admonished by our Lord so to do, came into the West, and setteth down the time of his coming hither into Brittain in the time of Claudius the Emperor.

But to come to things certain and undoubted, in this History of St. Peters living and teach∣ing in this Ile, it is an Historical Verity out of Question, that he was here both in the time of Claudius and Nero also: his being here in the time of Claudius, what time soever it was of his Empire, must needs be long before St. Paul, St. Joseph of Arimathea, or any other that is thought to have preached here or came into these parts; to which I add the Testimony of Gildas our most ancient and renowned Historian, who in his Book De excidio Brittanniae, of the Destruction of Brittain,* 1.230 thus writeth: So that this Iland might rather be deemed Roma∣nia then Brittania; and whatsoever coyn it had, either brass, silver or gold, it was stamped with the Image of the Roman Emperor: in the mean time, while these things were doing, Christ who is the true Sun, not onely from the temporal Firmament, but from the high Tower of Heaven, exceeding all times, shewing his exceeding brightnesse to the whole world,

doth first afford his beams, to wit, his precepts to this Iland, stiffe with frozen cold, by a long distance of Land removed from the visible Sun.

Therefore seeing this Nation did first receive the Faith of Christ, it must needs be in the time of Claudius, when first and never before this Iland was in that state.* 1.231 And this is that very time which so many Antiquaries, Sameon Metaph. Surius, Luppomannus, Cambden, Au∣drie, Chesne, and others agree upon, that St. Peter preached in this Kingdom. To which St. Paul himself, by his Epistle written to the Romans at that time, and amongst so many Chri∣stians in Rome then, which he remembreth, and never once saluting either St. Paul, St. Ari∣stobulus, (who some Authors say died here, and by Martyrdome, at Glastenbury, Arnoldus, Mermannus saith in the time of Domitian;) St. Clement,* 1.232 or any one that is supposed to have been in these parts with St. Peter, giveth no small allowance. And St. Paul saluting the Fa∣mily of Aristobulus in Rome, and omitting him, doth sufficiently insinuate, that St. Peter had acquainted him with this his Western Voyage, and taking St. Aristobulus with him or sending him hither before him; for except Identity of Name, both Sophronius and Metaphrastes deceive us: St. Aristobulus brother to St. Barnabas was Father in law to St. Peter and so fol∣lowing him did likely at the coming of St. Peter to Rome, remove his Family thither, and left it there, and he himself employed by St. Peter,* 1.233 and by him ordained Bishop of this our Brit∣tain, must needs be here or in his journey hither at that time.

Whether St. Peter was here, in or about the beginning of the Empire of Claudius, and his Invasion of this Nation, in the Fourth year of his Reign, as the common opinion of Anti∣quaries is, I dere not absolutely determine, though divers together with Baronius incline to that opinion, and reasons be not wanting to give probability to it. For if Pomponia Graecina, the wife of Aulus Plautius, the Emperors Lieut. in Brittain, was converted here to the Faith of Christ, this being before the persecution, which they say Claudius raised against the Christians the 49. year of Christ, Aulus Plantius then being returned to Rome, together with his Wife and Company to triumph there, therefore she could not be converted here by any which they say fled hither from Rome in the beginning of that persecution; and they can find no other Christians here, except St. Peter or some other sent by him, which they do not expresse (our late Writers) to perform that holy Office. Secondly, whereas it is manifest, that St. Peter after his coming to Rome, changed the darknesse of the West into most bright splendour, and was commanded to illuminate the West, the more dark or obscure part of the World, it carrieth great probability that he began this work before his coming from the East to Rome the second time, after the Assumption of the B. Virgin Mary, and had enterprized it here in Brittain before those dayes: for we read in our own ancient Authors (especially the Manuscript-An∣tiquity of Canterbury) that about the 49. year of Christ, Peter did take the Roman Chair a∣gain, which must needs be to make it true after his return to Rome out of some of these West parts. Thirdly, We find in the French Annals, cited by Gulielmus Eisengrenius, divers Bi∣shops consecrated by St. Peter in this time for our neighbouring Country of France; as namely, St. Maximinus or Maximus at Aquens or Aix, and St. Lazarus at Marsiles, in the year of Christ 46. St. Martial at Limoges, and St. Julian at Maus in the same year, St. Paulus Sergius at Narbon in the year 48. when St. Paul the Apostle was not come into these parts to place him there.

And to make this more credible, If we follow that Author with his Antiquities, St. Cle∣ment at Mentz and our Countryman St. Mansuetus at Toul in Loraine, who in this opinion may be thought to be left there by St. Peter in his first return from Brittain to Rome, being in his way from hence thither; and this the rather because many Historians testifie, he was or∣dained there by St. Peter: and yet not any one remembreth any place from whence he was directed thither, but only affirm, as he expoundth them, that he was consecrated Bishop of that place by St. Peter in the 49. year of Christ. And this more probable, because after this 49. year of Christ the French Historians, which take pains to set down exactly the very year, wherein their first Apostles and Bishops were ordained unto them, by St. Peter, which are ma∣ny, do not set down the year wherein any one after this time was Consecrated, until the 54 of the Nativity of Christ, by and before such time S. Peter was come unto Hierusalem, and the Eastern parts, the second time into these Western Nations of the world, when he both was, and stayed long time in this our Brittain.

And this giveth light unto us, that about this year of Christ 54. S. Peter came hither to stay long time in Brittain; for in this year, as the French Antiquaries write, S. Peter Conse∣crated many Bishops in France, in his way from Rome to Brittain; in this year, as they write he ordained S. Sabinianus, or Sabinus one of the 72 Disciples primate of all France, Archbishop of Sens; in which year also he Consecrated (as these Authors say) many other Bishops in France, as St. Nathaniell spoken of in the Gospell: and by some named Ʋrsianus, S. Amator, S. Poten∣tianus, S. Fronto and others; among which the rather to induce us to think that S. Peter was then in France, this S. Fronto then Consecrated Bishop by S. Peter, was a Frenchman born, as many Authorities prove unto us: and so most likely to be Consecrated in his own Coun∣try; and the Authority of S. Simeon Metaphrastes (who was as Godwyn calls him, An Author without exception) who of all others doth most particularly set down the travailes of S. Peter, will bring him into Brittain about this time, the second time as it seemeth of his being here; for bringing him to Rome as others do, in the beginning of the Reign of Claudius, he addeth

of him; when he had stayed not long with the Romans, and baptized many one, founded the Church,* 1.234 and ordained Linus a Bishop: he went into Spain, then into Egypt, and so into Hierusa∣lem by revelation for the transmigration of the Mother of God; then returned into Egypt, and through Africk returned to Rome, whence he came to Millan and Photice, and so into Brittain; which time being truly calculated, will teach us that he came hither in or about the 54 year of Christ, when in the way hither he made so many Bishops in France, long before S. Paul came, although as a prisoner, first to Rome, or any other Apostle thither, or any other Western Nation; For as it is proved before, S. Peter going up to Hierusalem by revelation, at the death of the blessed Virgin, did stay but a short time there, and in the Eastern parts in that Journey; but the charge of the Western world being more particularly committed unto him before, he returned unto it, to discharge his duty here, and although Metaphrastes bringeth him back again to Rome, yet he speaketh of no stay, he made there at his time; but presently bringeth him into Brittain.

And Mr. Broughton to confirm this Verity of St. Peters being in Brittain, hath these words; When St. Peter miraculously testified concerning the Church of Westminster in London, I have quoth St. Peter, a place in the West part of London, chosen to my self and dear unto me, which sometimes I did dedicate with my own hands, renowned with my presence, and illustrate with divine miracles, the name whereof is Thorney; which cannot litterally and truly be understood of any spiritual Vision wherein St. Peter in his only glorified soul should appear, as in the time of King Ethelbert we read he did, but of his personal presence there before his death, when and never after untill the day of Judgement and general Resurrection St. Peter had or at any time shall have proprias manus, his own Hands, or any part of his Body united unto his soul; and yet he speaketh plainly here, that he consecrated the place with his own Hands, which is not true either in a spiritual Vision, or where an assumpted Body is used: for an assumpted Body cannot be called the own body of any person.

Having thus passed over and related unto you the admirable sanctity, the constant faith, ardent charity, and pure and unfeigned zeal of our never to be forgotten pious Brittains; I will return again to the Roman Transactions in this our Isle. In those terms as you have heard before stood the state of Brittain, when Plautius the Lieutenant was revoked, and the perse∣cution of the War committed to P. Ostorius Scapula, who at his landing found all in an up∣roar; the Brittains (that were yet unconquered) ranging the confederate Country, aad using the greater violence; for that they supposed the new Captain as unacquainted with his Army (the Winter also being then begun) would not come forth to encounter them: but he knowing well that in such Cases the first successe breedeth either fear or confidence, drew together with speed his readiest Cohorts, and made towards them, slaying such as resisted, and pursu∣ing the residue (whom he found stragling abroad) least they should make head again; and that a Faithlesse or a cloaked peace might not give either the Captain or Souldier any time of idle repose, he Disarmed all those whom he suspected, and Hemmed them in with Garrisons, betweena 1.235 Antona andb 1.236 Pabrina.

The first that began to stir, were thed 1.237 Icenians, a strong people, and unshaken with Wars, as having of their own accord in former times, sought the Roman Alliance and Amity; The Countries also adjoyning neer unto them, following their example, prepared themselves to Fight, choosing a place that was compassed about with a rude trench, which had a narrow entrance to impeach the coming in of the Horsemen; That Fence the Roman Captain (not having the strength of the Legions) went about to force, with the aid of the Confederates a∣lone, and having placed his Cohorts in rancks, he set his Troops of Horsemen also in like rea∣dinesse; then giving the sign of battle, he assailed the Rampire, and brake it, disordering the Brittains, who being touched with a kind of remorse, for their rebellious attempts: and see∣ing the passages stopped up on all sides, shewed very great courage and valour in defending themselves (as it falleth out oft times, where extremity of danger it self takes away all fear of danger) In this fight M. Ostorius his son was Crowned with an Oaken Garland, as an Honou∣rable reward for saving a Roman Citizen; Now by the slaughter of the Icenians, the rest of the Brittains (who stood upon doubtful termes, as wavering between War and peace) were well quieted, and Ostorius led his Army against thea 1.238 Caugi, whose Countrey he spoil∣ed, and wasted, whilst the inhabitants doth not come into the Field, but privately, sur∣prised such as they found stragling behind the Roman Army, which was now come near to the Sea Coast that looks towards Ireland; when as certain tumults stirred among the Brittains, brought back the General, who thought it best not to enter into any new action be∣fore he had made all sure in those parts; howbeit upon his coming thither some few of the Brit∣tains (that first began to take Arms) being taken in and put to death, the residue were par∣doned and the Country quieted. For the General wisely considering that in such cases Le∣nity sometimes prevaileth, where Force and Rigour cannot, did seek to win favour of the Brittains by courteous usage of such as either fled unto him for protection or else by the for∣tune of War fell into his Hands; sometimes pardoning them, sometimes rewarding them, and sometimes using them in service against their own Nation, as he did Cogidunus a Brittish Prince,* 1.239 upon whom he had bestowed certain Cities in free gift, according to an ancient custome amongst the Brittains, who used even Kings themselves for instruments of bondage. But the Silures could neither by cruelty, nor fair means be held in, so as the General saw

there was no way to keep them under but with a Garison of Legionary Souldeirs; and to that end, the Colony of Camalodunum (consisting of a strong Company of old Souldiers) was brought into the subdued Country to defend it against such as should rebell, and to make the Confederates more willing to live in obedience.

This done, the Army marched against the Silures, who besides their natural boldnesse, relied much upon the strength of Caracticus their Leader; a man that had waded through great dangers, and had been fortunate in many adventures, having gotten thereby such re∣putation, as he was preferred before all the British Captains. But as in policy and know∣ledge of the Country, he had an advantage of the Romans; so perceiving himself to be une∣qually matched in strength, he removed the War to thea 1.240 Ordovices, who entering into the action with him (as fearing alone the Roman power) resolved jointly to hazard the chance of War; and hereupon they prepared for battle, having chosen a place very commodious for themselves, and disadvantageable to their Enemies; then they went to the top of an Hill, and where they found an easie passage up, they stopped the way with heaps of stones in manner of a Rampire; not far off ran a River with an uncertain ford, where upon the bank, a company of the best Souldiers were placed, for a defence in the foreward; the Leaders went about exhort∣ing and encouraging the common Souldiers, using such perswasions as may best fit their hu∣mors and the present occasion; and Caracticus himself posting up and down, protested that that day, and that battle, should be either the beginning of the recovery of their Liberty, or of perpetual Servitude. Then he called upon the names of his Ancestors, that had chased Cae∣sar the Dictator out of the Island, and had delivered them from Hatches and Tributes, and had protected their Wives and Children from shame and violence; while he uttered these or the like speeches, the people round about him made a noyse, and every man sware, according to the Religion of his Country, that neither the Enemies Weapons, nor their own Wounds should make them give over; that chearful cry terrified and astonished the Roman General; and the rather, when he considered how he was couped in, having the river beneath him, the Fort before him, the high Hills hanging over it, and all things on every side threatning dan∣ger and destruction to the Assailers: howbeit his fellow Souldiers demanded the battle, cry∣ing, That there was no thing which Valour could not overcome, using the like speeches, added courage to the rest.

Then Ostorius having viewed the places of difficulty led his Souldiers (being hot or eager of the Fight) unto the further side of the river, and from thence to the Rampire, where while they fought with their Darts, they had the first, but having broken down the rude compacted heap of stones with a Testudo, and both Armies coming to handy stroaks upon equal advan∣tage, the Brittains turned their backs, and ran to the Hill top, the Romans pursuing them, both with their light and heavy armed Souldiers, the one assailing with Darts, the other (as they marched thick together) breaking the ranks, and beating down the Natives, who had neither Head piece, nor Armour to defend themselves; so that being hedged in between the Legionary Souldiers, and the Auxiliaries the greatest part of them was slain in the place.

At this assault Caracticus his Wife and Daughter were taken prisoners, and his Brethren yielded to the Enemies, but himself driven to extremity, scaped by Flight into the Country of the Brigants, hoping to receive some aid of Cartismandua the Soveraigne Lady there; But as it falleth out commonly with men in adversity, to be forsaken and left succourlesse, so instead of finding the relief which he expected, he fell into the danger which he little doubted: for Cartismandua either fearing her own estate; or thinking to winne favour of the Conqueror (as Princes oftentimes make use of one anothers mis fortunes, to serve their own turnes) de∣tained him in prison a while, and afterward delivered him to Odorius, who was exceeding glad he had gotten him, and forthwith sent him to Rome, as a prize of great worth, and the hap∣py fruit of nine years service in the Wars.

The report of Caracticus misfortune was soon spread throughout the Isles and Provinces adjoyning; for his name was renowned in most parts of Italy, and each man desired to see him, who had so long time withstood, and continued that power, which held all the world in awe and obedience; The City of Rome for many dayes together was filled only with the talk of him, and expectation of his coming: and the Emperour himself as a Conquerour, by extol∣ling his own worthinesse, covertly added more glory to the Conquered; the people assemble together, as it were to see some notable and rare spectacle; the Emperours guard in Arms were orderly placed in the Field, before the Camp; after this preparation made, the Prisoners and Trophies were presented in this manner. First, The Vassals of Caracticus going for∣most, bowed their bodies to the people as they passed, and seemed by their Ruefull Counte∣nances to discover their fear; the Caparasons, Chaines, and other spoiles, taken in the War, were carried after them; then Caracticus, his Brethren, Wife and Daughters followed. And last of all came Caracticus himself; his body was naked for the most part, and painted with the figures of divers Beasts; he wore a Chain of Iron about his Neck, and another about his Middle, the Hair of his head hanging down in long Locks (curled by nature) covered his back and shoulders, and the Hair of his upper lip, being parted on both sides, lay upon his breast, the rest of his body was shaven all over; neither was his behaviour lesse noted then the strangenesse of his habit; for he neither hung down his head, nor craved mercy (as did the rest) but went on boldly with a settled and stern Countenance, till he came before the Empe∣rours

Tribunal Seat, and there standing still a while, he after spake these, or the like words.

CARACTICƲS his Speech.

IF either my vertues in prosperity had been answerable to the greatnesse of my estate, or the successe of my late attempts to the resolution of my mind, I might have come to this City, to have been entertained rather as a Friend, then as a Captive to be gazed upon; For it would have been no disgrace for the Romans to have admitted me into society with them, a man Royally Descended, and a Commander of many Warlike Nations. But what cloud soever fortune hath cast over my estate she is not able to take from me those things which the Hea∣vens and nature have given me (that is) the dignity of my Birth, and the courage of my mind which never failed me: I know it is a custome among you, to make your Triumphs the specta∣cles of other mens miseries; and in this my calamity, as in a mirrour you do behold your own glory; yet know, that I was sometimes a Prince furnished with strength of Men, and ability of War; and what marvell is it that I have now lost them, since your own experience hath taught you, that the events of War are variable and uncertain? I thought that the deep waters which like a wall inclose us (whom the Heavens seem to have placed far off in another world by it self) might have been a sufficient defence for us against Forrain Invasion; but I see now that your desire of Soveraignity admits no limitation, since neither the danger of an unknown Sea, nor the distance of place, can any longer warrant our safety and liberty: if you will needs command the whole world, then must all men become your Vassals, and live under a forced obedience; For mine own part, so long as I was able, I made resistance, being unwil∣ling to submit my Neck to a Forrain Yoak. The Law of natural reason alloweth every man to defend himself being assailed, and to withstand force, to which force had I yielded at the first, thy Glory and my Mishap had not been so renowned, but both of them would soon have been forgotten; Fortune hath done her worst, and we have now nothing left us but our lives, which if thou spare (having power to spill) thou shalt do that which best beseemeth a great Mind, and a Noble Nature.

The Emperour hearing his Speech, and wondering to see such boldnesse and constancy of a mind in dejected estate, pardoned both him and the rest of his company, commanding them to be unbound, and so dismissed them.

For many daves together Caracticus his fortune ministred matter of discourse to the Lords of the Senate who affirmed the spectacle of his Captivity to be no lesse honourable then that of Syphax the Numidian King, over whom P. Scipio triumphed, or that of Perses, whom P. Aemilius vanquished, or of any other Kings that had in former times been taken in War, and shewed to the people the publick honours of triumph were decreed for Ostorius, whose fortunes being now at the highest, began afterwards to decline by reason that either Caracticus, the ob∣ject of his valour being removed, he supposed he had made a full conquest, and therefore fol∣lowed the service more carelesly, or else for that the residue of the Brittaines having compassi∣on of the misfortune of so mighty a Prince, and being eager of revenge, renewed the War; for they assailed the Legionary Cohorts, which were left behind to build Fortresses in the Si∣lures Country, killed the Camp Master, and eight Centurions, besides some of the forewardest Souldiers, and they had put all the rest to the sword, if speedy rescue had not come from the Villages and Forts adjoyning; divers other sallies they made as time and place gave them ad∣vantage, prevailing sometimes by strength, sometimes by policy, and sometimes by chance; the principal motive that induced the rest to take Armes, was the example of the Silures, who were most resolutely bent, as being exasperated by reason of a speech that the Roman Empe∣rour had used, which was, that he would root out the name of the Silures, as the Sicambrians had been in former time; this made them bold and desperate to adventure as men knowing their destiny before hand; many skirmishes they had in surprising the scattered Troops of the Roman Souldiers, and oftentimes with good successe, in taking rich Booties and Prisoners, and distributing the spoiles among their Neighbours, by which means they drew them also to re∣volt; In the mean time Ostorius wearied with care and travel, ended his Life.

Claudius the Emperor being advertised of the death of Ostorius, sent Aulus Didius to take charge of the Army in Brittain, where notwithstanding all the haste he made, he found all out of Frame; Manlius Valens with his Legion having encountred the Brittains with ill successe, which by report of the Ilanders, was made greater then indeed it was, to terrifie the new Governor, who also made use of the same policy to serve his own turn; for by encreasing the Fame of that which he heard reported, he supposed either to win greater praise if he prevailed, or to purchase a more favourable Censure of his actions if he miscarriede. The Silures had made many roads into the subdued Country, wasting and spoiling round about, when Didius the Lieutenant upon his first arrival entering into the Field, restrained their outrage, and for a while kept them in some awe.

After Caracticus was taken, Venutius a Prince faithfull to the Romans, and protected by them (so long as Cartismandua his wife and he agreed together,) upon private discontentment

began a new rebellion; For Cartismandua whom the Romans specially favoured for the Deli∣very of Cataracticus) abounding now in peace, wealth and plenty, (which are commonly the Nurses of licentious living) fell in love with Velocatus one of her husbands servants, and forgetting in the end her own honour, preferred him before Venutius, who being deeply tou∣ched with such an open injury and disgrace, raised a power to expell her and her Paramour out of the Kingdome. The War seemed at the first to have been maintained between them∣selves and their private followers onely till Cartismandua by pollicy, had taken Venutius his brother and certain of his kinsmen, and then the Inhabitants round about fearing the event, and disdaining to be brought under the servile yoak of a Woman, declared themselves for Venutius, and with a choice number of youthful and well experienced Souldiers invaded the Country: whereof Didius having timely intelligence, sent certain Cohorts to encounter them. Hereupon issued a sharp Conflict; the Successe whereof was much doubted in the beginning, but in the end the Romans prevailed. The like Fortune also had Caesius Nasica with his Legion; for Didius himself as a man stricken in years and fitter to direct then execute, used for the most part the Ministery of other men, keeping that which his Predecessors had gotten, and building onely some few Castles and Places of Defence within the Land, to win thereby a Fame of augmenting the Office.

The year following, Claudius the Emperor by the treachery of Agrippina his wife, who pra∣ctised to prevent Brittanicus, and to prefer her own Son Nero to the Empire, died of poyson, leaving to posterity no greater Fame of any thing by him attempted during his Go∣vernment, then of his fortunate Expedition into Brittany.

Finis Libri Secundi.

To the Right Honourable and Illustrious EDWARD Marquess and Earl of VVorcester, Earl of Glamor∣gan, Lord Herbert, &c. HENRY Marquess Dorchester, Earl of Kingston, Viscount New∣ark, &c.

The Marquess of WORCESTER.

Bernard Newmarsh, Lord of Brecon.	Nest D. of Griffith ap Llewellyn Prince of Southwales.
Milo Earl of Hereford.	Sibill D. and H. of Bernard Newmarsh.
Henry Fitz Herbert, Lord o•• the Forrest of Deane.	Lucy Daughter and Coheir of Milo Fitz Walter, Earl of Hereford.
Peter Fitz Herbert.	Alice D. and H. of Blethin Broad-Spear, Lord of Lhanthloell in Monmothshire, a Welsh Prince.
Reinold Fitz Peter Lord of Llanthloell, jure matris.	Margaret Daughter of Sir John Welsh.
Adam ap Reinold Lord of Llanthloell.	Christian D. and H. of Gwaren ddy of Gwaren ddy, the armes belonging to this Family, are the same which Inyr King of Gwent did bear, Viz. party per pale S. & B. 3. de liz. Or.
Jenkin ap Adam.	Gwenllian Daughter to Sir Aron ap Bledry Lord of Kilsant.
Guillim Jenkin Esquire.	Gwenllian D. to Howell Vichan, ap Howel, ap Jorworth.
Thomas ap Guillim Jenkin Esquire.	Maud Daughter to Sir John Morley Knight.
Sir William Thomas Knight.	Gladis D to Sir David Gam Knight; this was that valiant Knight who when the French so over numbered the English, as to be ten for one, boldly told his King, there were sufficient to kill, sufficient to take prisoners, and a jolly company left to run away.
William Herbert Earl of Pembroke.	Anne D. to Sir Walter Devereux.
William Herbert Earl of Huntingdon.	Mary D. to Richard Woodvile, Earl Rivers.
Charles Somerset Earl of Worcester.	Elizabeth sole daughter and heir of William Herbert Earl of Huntingdon.
Henry Somerset Earl of Worcester.	Eliz. D. to Sir Anthony Brown.

William Somerset Earl of Worcester.	Christian D. to Edward Lord North.
Edward Earl of Worcester.	Eliz. D. of Francis Hastings Earl of Hun∣tingdon.
Henry Earl and Marquess of Worcester.	Anne Daughter and sole Heir of John Lord Russel, Son and Heir apparent to the Earl of Bedford, by which means also this fami∣ly descends from the Welsh blood.
Edward Earl and Marquess of Worcester, and Earl of Glamorgan.	Elizabeth D. to William Lord Dormer.
Henry Lord Herbert.	—D. to the Lord C••pel, Widow to the Lord Beauchamp, and Mother to the Duke of So∣merset.

The Marquess of DORCHESTER.

John Lord Talbot Earl of Shrewsbury, de∣scended from Gilbert Talbot,* 1.241 temp. Hen. 3. who married Gwenllian, D. to Rees ap Gruf∣fith Prince of Southwales, and assumed for his armes G. a Lyon rampant d' Or ala bor∣dure endente de mesne, which armes were Rees ap Gruffith's, Prince of Southwales.	Maud Daugher and only Heir of Thomas Nevil Lord ••urnival.
John Talbot Earl of Shrewsbury, Lord Ver∣don, by which family also comes in the Welshblood; for Theobald, Lord Verdon, married Maud daughter of Edm. Mortimer, L. of Wigmore, son of Ralph, who married Gladis d. and h. to Llewellyn ap Jorworth P. of Northwales.	Eliz. D. of James Butler, E. of Ormond.
John L. Talbot E. of Shrewsbury.	Iatherine D. to Humphrey D. of Buckingham.
George Talbot Earle of Shrewsbury.	Anne D. to William Lord Hastings.
Francis Lord Talbot Earle of Shrewsbury.	Mary D. to Thomas L. Dacres of Gilsland.
George Lord Talbot Earle of Shrewsbury.	Gertrude D. to Thomas Lord Mannors, by which match this Honourable Family a∣gain descendeth from a Welsh line, as in the descent of the Earls of Rutland.
Henry Talbot fourth son of Earle George.	Eliz. D. to Sir William Reyner.
Robert Pierpoint Earle of Kingston, &c.	Gertrude D. and coh. of Henry Talbot, Son to the Earl of Shrewsbury.
Henry Pierpoint Earl of Kingston, and Mar∣quesse of Dorchester.	Cecely D. of Paul Viscount Banning.

THE ANCIENT AND MODERN BRITTISH and WELSH HISTORY, Beginning with BRƲTE, and continued untill KING CHARLES the First. The Third Book.

The Succession of the Roman Emperors from Nero unto Domitian.

• 6 Nero 14 years
• 7 Galba 7 Months.
• 8 Otho 4 Months.
• 9 Vitellius 8 Months.
• 10 Vespasian 9 years 11 Months.
• 11 Titus 2 years.
• 12 Domitian 15 years.

LIeutenants under Nero. ...Veranius. ...Suetonius Paulinus. ...Petronius Turpilianus. ...Trebellius Maximus.

Lieutenants under Vespasian. ...Petilius Cerealis. ...Jul••us Frontinus. ...Julius Agricola.

Lieutenant under Galba. ...Trebellius Maxmius.	Lieutenant under Titus. ...Julius Agricola.
Lieutenant under Otho. ...Trebellius Maximus.	Lieutenants under Domitian. ...Julius Agricola. ...Salustius Lucullus.
Lieutenant under Vitellius. ...Vectius Bolanus.

The Princes and Men of Note among the Brittains,

In the time of Suetonius Paulinus Government under Nero the Emperor. Prasutagus Prince of the Icenians. Voadica (the Valiant) his Wife.

In the time of Julius Agricola's Government under Domitian the Emperor. Galgacus Prince of the Caledonians.

In the time of Sulustius Lucullus Government under Domitian the Emperor. Arviragus.

This was the state of the Affairs in Brittain when Claudius the Emperor died, leaving the Roman Monarchy to Nero his adopted Son who (after his first five years spent) being given over to all kind of Vice, neglected the Government both at home and abroad, not daring to enter into any military Action. And it was thought that he would have revoked the Ar∣my out of Brittain, if very shame in detracting from his Fathers glory, and losing that which he had won, had not withheld him.

About that time Veranius was Governour in Brittain, where the shortnesse of his continu∣ance suffered him not to effect any great matter; for he died in the first year of his Govern∣ment, and then was the Province assigned to Suetonius Paulinus, one of the most famous Men of that Age for military Affairs. His good Successe at his first entrance, in subduing Nations and establishing Garisons (where need required) made him bold to assail the Isle ofa 1.242 Mona (lying in the West part of Brittain) as having been a common receptacle for Fugitives du∣ring the War: in his passage thither he left the Country behind him as he marched unfurni∣shed in divers places, laying it thereby open to all opportunites of Annoyance. At his arri∣val, the Natives meanly armed, standing upon the shore, made shew of their purpose to Resist. The Women in mourning Attire, their hair about their ears, shaking burning fire-brands like Furies of Hell, ran up and down, and the Druids lifting up their hands to∣wards the Heavens, filled the Air with cries and cursings. These Druids (of whom mention is formerly made) were certain Priests had in great Reverence by the Brittains; they kepe their residence for the most part in shady and dark Groves (as fittest places for devotion.) A∣mongst all Trees they most esteemed the Oak, as hallowed, and without the which they could not perform their superstitious Rites. Their Sacrifices were both private and publick; they instructed the youth of Brittain, and decided Controversies Civil and Criminal: if any man refused to stand to their award, he was forbidden to be present at their Sacrifices, which was accounted the greatest punishment that might be; for thereby he was reputed a notorious Offender, exempt from the ordinary protection of the Laws, uncapable of any preferment, and all men would fly his company.

The strange behaviour of these religious or rather irrelegious Priests, and the out-cries of the people of Mona, so amazed the Roman Souldiers, that like men inchanted, they stood still without motion, till the Captain spake unto them and encouraged them to adventure, not fearing a flock of silly women or frantick people, and then boldly giving the Charge, he soon disordered and dispersed them, making himself Master of the Field; which done, the Roman Souldiers entered the Towns and placed Garrisons there, felling the Woods which the Inhabitants superstitiously reputed holy by reason of the Altars whereupon they sacrifi∣ced the blood of Captives, and prophesied of the Successe of their own Affairs by viewing the entrails of men whom they had killed.

* 1.243This Emperor Nero was the Tyrant who put Saint Peter to death, and after most mi∣serably murdered himself. The Body of this blessed Apostle, and to whose preaching the Inhabitants of this Isle owe their first Conversion, was buried by Marcellus his Disciple, by

Birth a Noble Brittain: 'Marcellus quidam Discipulus Sancti Petri accepit corpus Apostoli & 'lavit illud tali unguento quod nunquam posset putrescere, & postea misit illud in monumento. True, there was another Marcellus in this time, a Roman born, 'Marci Ʋrbis Romae præfecti 'filius, that sometimes followed Simon Magus, and was converted to the Faith of Christ by St. Peter, and wrote among other Works the Acts of St. Peter and St. Paul: but this man being thought to be Martyred by Nero, cannot so well be adjudged to have been the Burier of St. Peter, seeing St. Peters Martyrdome was one of Nero's Actions. And we may not doubt, but our Brittains that first received St. Peter in their house at Rome, and were ever afterward most faithful and true unto him, both at liberty and in prison, as we are taught by their love unto St. Paul in like case testified by himself,* 1.244 and brought up their children in such sort, that among other Acts of Christian piety, we find as in St. Praxedes that they bu∣ried the Bodies of the holy Martyrs:

Imperatore Christianos persequente, eos facultatibus, opera, consolatione, & omni charitatis officio prosequebatur; nam alios domi occultabat, alios ad fidei constantiam hortabatur, aliorum corpora sepeliebat: iis qui in carcere inclusi erant, qui in ergastulis exercebantur, nulla re deerat.

The wicked Emperor persecuting the Christians, she relieved them with her worldly Substance, with her own travels and labour, with sweet consola∣tions, and assisted them with all charitable Offices: some she concealed and hid under her own roof, others she animated and exhorted to prove constant in their faith: she interred the Bodies of those which died or were Martyred, and to such as were imprisoned and kept in Dungeons, she was never wanting in any thing.

In the mean time Prasutagus Prince of the Icenians, a Man renowned for his Riches, did by his last Will make the Roman Emperor his Heir (joyntly with two of his Daughters,) sup∣posing that thereby his Principality and Family should have been maintain'd in good Estate, and protected from Violence after his death: all which fell out contrary to his hopes; for his Kingdome was made a prey to the Souldiers: Voadica his Wife whipped, his Daughters de∣floured, such as were of the Family made slaves, and the wealthiest Men of his Country, ei∣ther by open force or surmised pretences, deprived of their goods and dispossessed of their inheritance; besides that Seneca one of Nero his Counsellors, having forced divers of the better sort of the Brittains to take great Sums of Mony of him upon Usury, did then for his private gain, exact the payment of the Principal upon a sudden, to the utter undoing of his Debtors; and Decianus Catus the Procurator in Brittany, renewed the Confiscation of their Goods, which Claudius the Emperor had pardoned. The Souldiers placed in the Colony at Camalodunum, had thrust the owners and ancient Inhabitants out of their Houses, terming them slaves and drudges, and abusing them in all shameful manner. The Temple erected in honour of Claudius was an eye-sore and a continual burning unto them, while the Priests Augustales that attended there, wasted the Wealth of the Inhabitants, under the pretext of Religion. To these common grievances of the afflicted people, the present occasion seemed to offer means of redresse while the Roman General was making War in Mona: whereupon they resolved to take Arms, inciting the Trinobants and other Nations (that were wholly brought under subjection) to doe the like. Then they began to discourse of their miseries of bondage, to lay their injuries together, aggravating them by their own constructions, and complaining that their patience had profited them nothing, but to draw heavy burdens upon them as men that would gently bear. That whereas in former times they had only one Com∣mander, now there was two thrust upon them; the Lieutenant to suck their blood, the Pro∣curator their substance; whose disagreement was the vexation of the subject, and agreement utter undoing; while the one burdened them with Souldiers and Captains, the other with wrongs and indignities. That the lust and covetousnesse of these their Enemies laid hold upon all persons without exception; that though in the field he that spoileth be commonly the stron∣ger, yet themselves were by Cowards and Weaklings (for the most part) dispossessed of their Houses, bereft of their Children, enjoyned to yield Souldiers for other mens behoof, as though they were such a kind of people as knew how to doe any thing else save onely to die for their Country. For otherwise there was but a handful of Souldiers come over, if they did but reckon their own number, considering withall that Germany had already shaken off the yoak, having no Ocean-Sea, but a River to defend it. That the causes then moving them to take Arms were just and honourable; namely, to recover their liberty, and to defend their Parents, Wives, Children and Country; whereas the Romans had nothing to provoke them to war but their own covetousnesse and wanton lust, and were likely enough to depart (as Julius Cæsar had done) if themselves would imitate the vertues of their Progenitors, and not be dismaid with the doubtful event of one skirmish or two, seeing that men in misery have commonly more courage (then at other times) and more constancy to continue: and now the Heavens themselves seemed to pity their poor estate, by sending the Roman Governour out of the way, and confining the Army (as it were) into another Iland, by which means opportunity of revenge and hope of liberty was offered: and finally, that being Assembled to advise and deliberate together, they had obtained the hardest point in an action of that nature; wherein it were more dangerous to be taken consulting then doing; with these and the like Speeches they stirred up one another, each man laying his own particular grievances, and adding them to the common cause.

About this time divers prodigious Signs were noted to portend the subversion of the Roman

Colony; as namely, an Image of victory falling down, reversed at Camalodunum, strange noyses sounding in the Air, strange apparitions seen in the Sea, the Ocean bloody in shew, and the prints of mens bodies on the Sands; diverse constructions were made of these things as o∣minous, whether that they proceeded of some natural causes (though not alwaies observed) or else that they do necessarily forgoe the ruine and change of great states: howbeit com∣monly in such cases mens minds do misgive them, while they frame the future event of things answerable to their own fearful imaginations, and great alterations falling out sometimes af∣ter like accidents, they superstitiously suppose them to be alwaies the certaine forerunners of destruction; the apprehension of these things at the first struck the Romans with great fear, by reason of the absence of their General, and thereupon they required the aid of Catus De∣cianus thea 1.245 Procurator, who sent a small company badly armed, to re-enforce the Garison. The old Souldiers that had been left within the Town (although few in number) yet trusting to the Frenchise of the Temple, and not doubting the secret conspiracies of their confederates, were in a manner carelesse, as in times of peace, following their pleasures, and making no provision for defence; The Brittains having in the mean time taken Armes under the conduct of Voadica, a Lady of the blood of their Kings (for in matter of Government they made no difference of Sex) and being informed of the state of the Colony, determined, first to assaile the Towns and Forts in their passage thither, which they attempted accordingly, and with no great difficulty surprised the greatest number of them.

The good successe the Brittains had in taking in some places of defence as they marched forward, made them desirous and adventerous to invade the Colony it self; and Voadica as their Leader, being a Woman of great Spirit, and comely Personage (apparaled in a loose Gown of divers colours, with a Golden Chain about her Neck, and a light Spear in her hand standing upon a heap of Turfes, the better to be seen (her Daughters on each side of her) with a shrill voice, uttered these or the like words.

The Oration of the gallant Lady Voadica, to the Brittains.

IT is no new custome for the Brittains to make War under the leading of a Woman, Enobled by their Birth and Discent; the examples of former times can well witnesse the experience thereof; howbeit at this present, I will disclaim all Titles of Dignity, and Prerogatives of blood: and what difference soever there is in our Estates, yet shall our Fortune in this acti∣on be indifferent, and common to us both; it shall not need to repeat that, which you all know but too well, namely, what miseries we have endured under the Tyranny of this proud Nation; you have had the triall both of Liberty and Bondage, and I doubt not but you find now how much the one is to be preferred before the other, and howsoever some of you here∣tofore for private respects have inclined to the Roman Governours, as Favourers of their u∣surped Sovereignty; yet I suppose you will now confesse with me, that freedome in a poor Estate, is better then Golden Fetters: for what abuse can there be named so vile, or indig∣nity so disgraceful, that hath not been offered us, without respect of Degree, Age or Sex; we Till our ground and sweat for other Men that reap the sweat of our Travels; the wealth that we gather together to maintain our selves, and our Families, is by other men wastfully and rio∣tously mispent; we have nothing our own, but what they leave us; and nothing left us, but la∣bour and vexation: our bodies and estates being consumed to satisfie their ambition and covetousnesse; we have not so much as our heads toll-free so narrowly we are sifted, from the highest to the lowest; Other subdued Nations are yet by death free from Bondage, but we even after death seem to live still in Thraldome, while we are inforced to pay Tribute, as well for the dead as the living; what? are we a Nation so contemptible, that we can serve to no other use then to be slaves, or so unhappy that death it self cannot acquit us from being miserable? How long shall we give way to our own wrongs? shall we hope for reformation of these abuses? nay we have hoped too long, and by patient bearing of one injury, we have drawn on another; why should we not rather seek to redresse them? for if we enter into due consideration of our selves, what are the Romans more then we? our bodies are as strong as theirs, our numbers greater; we have agility of body (our women no lesse then our men) to run, to leap, to swim, and to perform all warlike exercises; for which indeed we are natural∣ly more fit, then for the spade, plough, or handy-crafts; and howsoever the Romans may seem fortunate by the folly or weaknesse of other Nations, yet are they not comparable to us, whom nature hath framed to endure, Hunger, Cold, and Labour, and to be content with things necessary only; for to us every herb and root is meat; each river and spring yieldeth us drink, while we seek no further then to appease hunger and quench thirst; each tree serves for shelter against stormes in winter, and for shadow against the parching heat of Summer; we need no other beds then Earth, nor coverings then the Heavens, whereas they must have their joints suppled with hot Baths, sweet Oyntments, and soft Couches, and their bodies pampered with Wine, dainty fair, and all kind of effeminate nicenesse and delicacy; these

be the properties wherein they imitate their Master Nero, who hath only the shape of a man, being indeed a woman, or rather neither man nor woman, but a monster of nature, a Singer, a Fidler, a Stage-player, a Murderer, and one that excelleth other men as far in Vice, as he doth in preheminence of degree. Besides all this, the cause of our War is just, and the Di∣vine powers (that favour justice) have made our first attempt prosperous; and me thinketh that the necessity of our Case were able even to make Cowards valiant: your Ancestors could make Head against Julius Cæsar, and the Emperors Caligula and Claudius. The Germans have lately freed themselves by that memorable overthrow of the Roman Legions under the Conduct of Quintilius Varus; And shall not we (who scorn to be reputed Inferiour to the Ger∣mans in Valour) be confident in our own strength and boldly adventure? considering that if we prevail, we recover our lost liberty; if we be forced to retire, we have Woods, Hills and Marishes for our Refuge; and if we die, we do but sell those lives with Honour, which we cannot possesse with Safety. For mine own part, you shall find me no lesse ready to exe∣cute (when time serves) then I am now to Advise and Exhort you; my self having deter∣mined either to Vanquish or die: if any of you be otherwise minded, then live and be slaves still.

With these and the like Speeches she inflamed the hearts that were already kindled, and perswading the Brittains to pursue their Enemies as Dogs and Wolves doe fearful Hares and Foxes, she let slip out of her lap a quick Hare, at whose running through the Camp, the Brittains shouted, apprehending it as a matter ominous and fore-signifying the Romans flight. And thereupon they cried, that they might be speedily led to the Colony it self (as the seat of their slavery) which at the coming they surprised, killing, spoiling, and consuming all with Sword and Fire, except the Temple onely, into which the Souldiers fled as a Sanctuary, though it could not protect them from the Violence of the furious multitude. Petilius Ce∣realis the Lieutenant of the Ninth Legion, coming to succour the Garison, had all his Footmen slain, and himself with a few Horse hardly escaped. Catus the Procurator knowing himself to be odious to the Brittains (by reason of the extortions he had committed in his Office) fled secretly into Gallia.

Suetonius upon Intelligence of the Revolt, returned out of Mona, and led his Army with some difficulty towards London (a place not known at that time by the Name of a Colony,) but Famous only for concourse of Merchants and Traffick: there he stayed a while, as doubt∣ing what course to take, the small number and ill successe of Cerealis making him more wary, and he supposed it would be a work well worth his labour, if with the losse of one Town he could preserve the rest that were likely to Revolt. Whereupon furnishing his defective Com∣panies with such able men as were then in the Town, although the Londoners with tears im∣plored his Aid, and desired his aboad there for their own Defence, yet he marched forward, leaving behind him all such as either by reason of their age, sex,* 1.246 or other infirmities could not follow, or else for love of the place (as being bred and born there) would not abandon it. The Town being thus weakly guarded, was taken by the Brittains, and the people therein put all to the Sword. The like calamity befel the free Town of* 1.247 Verulamium, by reason that divers of the Brittains finding their own strength, forsook their Forts, and assailed the most notable and wealthy places, enriching themselves with the spoil of their Enemies, whom they hanged, burned, and crucified, exercising all kinds of Cruelty that a mind enraged with desire of revenge could devise. They took no prisoners either to preserve for ransome or to exchange, according to the Laws of War, but slew both Citizens and Confederates to the number of above Seventy thousand. Suetonius with the Fourteenth Legion seconded by the Standard-bearers of the twentieth, and some Auxiliaries, made haste to encounter the Brittains, and resolved without further delay to try the chance of a set Battle. Then he pitched in a place that had a narrow entrance with a thick Wood for a Defence behind him, and a fair wide plain before his Camp. The Legionary Souldiers were marshalled together in thick ranks, the light Harnessed enclosing them about, and the Horsemen making wings on both sides; Poenius Posthumus the Camp-Master of the second Legion, was appointed to lead the fore-ward, but he contemptuously refused the charge. In the mean time the Brittains ranged abroad in great Troops, triumphing for their late good Successe, and being encoura∣ged by the Example of Voadica their General, were fiercely bent to assail the Roman Camp, supposing now that no Force was able to resist them. And they brought their Wives with them in Waggons about the utmost parts of the plains, who were not dismayed to be the Beholders of their valiant Acts, and Witnesses of their expected Victory.

Suetonius being now ready to joyn battel, though he perceived that his Souldiers, with the sight of so great Numbers scattered upon the plain were not dismayd, yet he supposed it not unnecessary to use some Speech unto them by way of Exhortation, And therefore began in this manner.

SƲETONIƲS his Exhortation to his Souldiers.

I Cannot use many words to exhort you, the time permits it not, and the present occasion requires rather deeds then words; yet let not our small number discourage you, conside∣ring that your Ancestors with a smaller number have undertaken greater matters; and that where many Legions have been in the Field, a few Souldiers carried away the Victory; what a glory shall it be for you then, if with so small a power you can purchase the praise of a whole Army; there is no fear of Ambush, the Woods guard you behind, and on the Plain before you lyeth your Enemies Camp, wherein you may behold more Women then Men, and the Men themselves for the most part unarmed, and not likely to endure the points and stroaks of your weapons, which they have so often felt to their smart, it stands you upon now, to approve your selves the same men you are reputed to be; This is the time either to recover that is lost, or to loose that which ye shall never recover, you fight not for honor only, but for honor and life: Remember that you are Romans, whose glory is to doe, and suffer great things. The fortune of this battle will either give us peaceable possession of that our fore-fathers have won, or for ever deprive us of it; what shall become of you if you be taken? the woful experience of our Countrymen most miserable Massacred before your eyes may sufficiently testifie; revenge therefore both their wrongs and your own, and no doubt but the gods themselves (who never leave cruelty unpunished) will assist you; It is better for us to dye in this action, then by yielding or flying to out-live the p••a se of our own worthinesse; but whether we live or dye Brittaine shall be ours; for if we live and recover it, our posterity ever after shall be able to defend it; and though they should not, yet shall our bones keep continuall possession of it; take courage therefore and fear not the loud and vain shouts of a disordered multitude, but boldly give the assault, and keeping your selves close together, pursue the fight without think∣ing of the spoile till you have made a full end; for the victory once gotten, all things else will of themselves fall to your share.

With these or the like words, the old Souldiers were pricked forward, and Suetonius per∣ceiving it, gave the signal to battle, the Legions kept the strait, a place of defence till the Brit∣tains had spent their Darts, and then they sallied out into the plain (the Auxiliares and the Horsemen making the way) and pressed into the thickest Troopes of the Natives, who being unable to endure the fiercenesse of the assault, turned their backs thinking to save themselves by flight; but by reason of the Waggons placed about the plain, had hedged in the passages on all sides,* 1.248 few of them escaped, the residue as well Women as Men were put to the sword, and their dead bodies (mingled with the carcases of their horses and chariots) were heaped one upon another. The number of the Brittains slain in that battle was reported to be about fourscore thousand, and of the Romans about four hundred only, and not many more wound∣ed in the conflict; this days service was renowned among the Romans as comparable to those of ancient times in the free commonwealth. Voadica disdaining to fall in her enemies hands, ended her life by poyson; and Paenius Posthumus seeing the good successe of the fourteenth and twentieth Legion, for that by disobeying the General contrary to the discipline of War, he had defrauded his own Legion of their part of the glory in that action, for very grief slew himself.

That Voadica poysoned her self, is the opinion of Stowland, Howes, and Holinshed, who yet introduceth Dio Cassius, to affirm that she dyed a naturall death, and called her Voadica or Bonnica; The count Palatine saith Bunduica, vero vitam veneno finivit; but Ponticus Virunnis relates far other ways of this heroick Brittish Amazon Lady; for saith he,

facto congressu exer∣citum Romanorum delevit & Paulinum crudeliter pœna eadem affecit, venit in Galliam, cuncta superans, Italiam properabat delere, sed prope Alpes labore bellorum defessu aegrotavit, & periit mulierum gloria. Tunc tantus terror Romam innaserat Italiam quantus nunquam antea, ne{que} in adventu Brenni, ne{que} Hannibalis, ne{que} alterius ducis, erat mulier procera, flava & coma alba us{que} at crura, &c.

In the first onset she destroyed the Roman Army, and most cruelly sent Pau∣linus the same way after his Souldiers; after which she came into Gallia, destroying all as she pas∣sed, making all possible speed to bring Italy also to ruine and destruction, but not far from the Alpes being fatigated with the toyle and labour of War, she fell sick and so dyed; the honour and glory of women; she struck such fear and terror, not only unto Rome, but even unto all Italy, that nei∣ther Brennis, Hannibal or any commander whatsoever had ever done the like.

Then Suetonius having gathered together his scattered Troops, certaine Legionary Souldi∣ers, and Cohorts of Auxiliares were sent him out of Germany to re-enforce the Garisons and to make an end of the War, so of the Brittains that either openly resisted, or else stood doubt∣fully affected were put to the sword; and some that escaped the sword, died of Famine for lack of Corn (a calamity incident to them, as to people given rather to War then to Husbandry) the rest found means to relieve themselves by the Romans provisions; and though some over∣tures were now and then made for a Treaty of peace, yet the Brittains could not very readily hearken thereunto by reason they much doubted their safety, as imagining that their guiltiness of rebellion had excluded them from all hope of pardon, and they feared also the private dis∣pleasure

of the Lieutenant, who (though otherwise a singular man) yet seemed to shew too much haughty and hard dealing towards them that yielded themselves, and in some sort under the pretext of the publick service to revenge his own injuries.

Besides Julius Classianus (which was sent to succeed Catus) being at variance with Suetonius, had given out that a Lieutenant was coming, and that he was such a one as being void of malice or the pride of a Conquerour, would be ready to receive into favour all such as would yield themselves. He wrote Letters also to Rome, signifying to the Senate that they should look for no end of the War in Brittain, so long as Suetonius continued the government there; and that the ill successe which he had in the service, was to be attributed to his own ill carri∣age of himself, and the good to the fortune of the Commonwealth. Hereupon Nero sent Po∣licletus a Libertine into Brittany to examine and report the state of the Affairs there, and to enterpose his Authority, as a mean to reconcile the Lieutenant and the Procurator; and to win the Brittains to embrace peace. At his landing in the Ile the Roman Souldiers there see∣med to fear and reverence him, and the causes of his coming were diversly reported at the first. But the Brittains derided him; for as men being born free they knew not till that time the power of the Libertines (men made free) but rather marvelled that a Captain and an Army which had atchieved so great an enterprize, could be brought to obey and yield an account of their actions to a base bond-slave (as they termed him.)

These things howsoever they were censured by others, yet they were reported to Nero in such manner as the reporters thought might best content him; And Suetonius after the losse of some of his shipping, was commanded, the War being not yet finished, to deliver up his Ar∣my to Petronius Turpilianus, who had but even a little before given up his Counselship.

Turpilianus was a man of a soft spirit, and being a stranger to the Brittains faults; was more tractable and ready to remit them, by which means having composed his former troubles, he delivered up his charge to Tribellius Maximus, whose unfitnesse for action, and want of experi∣ence in military matters, gave the more boldnesse to the Brittains that began now to discover the defects of the Governours, having learned both to flatter and dissemble; in confirming themselves to the present time and occasion for their advantage, and for the most part yield∣ing themselves to those pleasures which security useth to endanger even in minds well-dispo∣sed by Nature. For Trebellius, besides his insufficiency, abused the authority of his place to enrich himself by polling the common Souldiers, and Roscuis Caelius Lieutenant to the twenti∣eth Legion, whetted them on against him, as against an ancient Enemy; so that in the end they brake out into hainous terms, the one objecting matter of crime against the other. Trebellius charged Caelius with factious behaviour, Caelius again Trebellius with beggering the Legions, and the discord between them grew so far, that Trebellius being despised as well by the Hides as the Legions (both of them sorting themselves to Caelius his side) was in great fear of his life, the danger whereof he sought to prevent, rather by flying away, then by executing any exem∣plary justice upon offenders; in the mean time the Souldiers neglecting the ancient disci∣pline of War fell to Mutiny and all kind of Riot, as men that had rather be doing ill, then do∣ing nothing. Afterwards Trebellius taking again his former place as it were by capitulation, seemed to govern onely at the discretion of the Souldiers, who finding his weaknesse and want of judgement to use his Authority, took upon them to do what they listed; and here∣with also the Lieutenant himself seemed contented, as being now given over altogether to a sloathful kind of life (terming it peace and quietnesse) for which the death of Nero the Emperour, and the civil discord at that time between Otho and Vitellius contending for the Soveraignty ministred some colour of excuse.

Not long before this time the fourteenth Legion (famous for many great attempts, and growing now more insolent then the rest) was revoked out of the Isle to have been sent to the streights about the Caspian Sea, though afterwards upon intelligence of the revolt in Gallia, Spain, (when Julius Vindex took Armes against Nero) it was retained about the City of Rome for a safeguard to those parts; in the turbulent times that ensued Nero's death; it took part with Otho against Vitellius at the battle near Bebriacum, where Otho was overthrown, and Vi∣tellius after the victory suspecting the Souldiers of that Legion (as knowing their great stomachs and ill affection towards him) thought it expedient to joyn to them thea 1.249 Battanian Co∣horts, that by reason of the inveterate hatred between them they might one oppose the other, and himself in the mean time remain more secure.

Vectius Bolanus a man not much unlike Trebellius in some respects, was sent over by Vitellius, during the time of whose Government the like disorders still continued in the Camp: (Vi∣tellius was third after Nero,) for Galba succeeded him, and continued Emperor for six months and a little more; him Otho slew, whose Empire continued a lesse time, for being in the fourth battle which he fought with Vitellius,* 1.250 conquered by him having had victory in the three former, impatient of his dishonour killed himself, bearing the name of Emperour but three months, and Vitellius which triumphed over him enjoyed as short and imperial a life; onely eight months or thereabouts, and his death for his cruel wickednesse was dishonourable, stab∣bed to death, cast into the River Tiber, and wanting burial,

Cum Vitellius multa crudeliter, ac nequiter Romae ageret minutissimorum ictuum punctionibus, est excarnificatus & ad ultimum in Tiberim mersus communi caruit sepultura,

saying that Bolanus by the mildnesse of his nature (being not touched otherwise in his reputation,) had purchased love and good will instead of

fear and disobedience; in this time divers choice men of War, taken out of the Legions in Brittain, were conducted to Rome by Hordonius Flaccus in aid of Vitellius; but when Vespasian made War for the Empire, Bolanus refused to send Vitellius any sucour, by reason that the Brittains finding the Romans state encumbred with civil dissension, began to revolt in divers places of the Isle; and some of them also shewed openly in favour for Vespasian, who had car∣ried himself honourably in Brittany when Claudius was there, and seemed now by many omi∣nous predictions to be a man specially marked for the Empire.

The death of Vitellius quenching the flame of civil broyles among the Romans, confirmed the possession of the Empire to Vespasian, who shewed the care and respect he had to the Isle of Brittain by employing great Captaines and good Souldiers there; of this Vespasian, saith that grave Author Mr. Broughton,* 1.251 we find in ancient Histories, Manuscripts, and others, written divers hundred years since, that this Vespasian being miraculously cured of a natural incura∣ble disease by the power of Christ, did plainly acknowledge him to be the Sonne of God, Fuist le filz de Dieu, and promised thereupon to revenge his death upon the Jewes, which he performed when he sacked Jerusalem, and slaved that people; for executing which justice of God, and desolation of the Jewish Nation, from this Kingdome of Brittain (though so far di∣stant thence) were present there,* 1.252 as both Hebrew and English Writers witnesse, 20000 soul∣diers; I read saith a learned Author, in Joseph Bengorion a very Authentical Hebrew Author, a testimony of passing of twenty thousand Brittains valiant Souldiers to the siege and fearful sack∣ing of Jerusalem, under the conduct of Vespasian and Titus the Roman Emperours; There∣fore so many thousands going so great a journey to fight under so Christianly minded a Ge∣neral, and for the quarrel of Christ, we cannot think but many of these were in judgement, also act, or both, Christian.

And so we may worthily Register Brittain for one of the first believing Nations, though so far distant from the place of the life, death, and first preaching of Christ; and boldly say it was the first, chiefest, principal and onely Kingdome that sent so great Forces, and so far off, through so great difficulties, to execute the just revenge of God upon his enemies. And the Christian either publick profession, or known disposition of many Brittish Souldiers there mix∣ed with the Roman, under Vespasian, must needs be a motive to justifie his words for true, to force Josephus to these forcible complaints to the Jews at that time, That they could not expect any help from God; for as they had forsaken him, so he also had forsaken them; and he that was wont to defend them,* 1.253 was gone to the Romans their enemies, who then worshipped the true God, whom the Jews had offended, & the true God was with the Romans.

Au præsidium speratur divi∣num at{que} auxilium de penetralibus? sed qui nos defendebat, ad hostem migravit, quoniam quem nos colebamus, Romani venerantur, nos offendimus; Quis autem ignorat cum illis esse Deum?

So that whithersoever we go where Brittains were in that time, either in Jury about Hierusalem, or at Rome in Italy, or in Brittain, then termed by Josephus and Egesippus another world,

Quid asseram Brittannias interfuso Mari à toto orbe divisas, & à Romanis in orbem terrarum reductas?

We find there were many Christians among them, and their chief Rulers even in temporal Affairs not unchristianly minded, as Vespasian in Jury, King Marius in Brittain, at Rome Coillus, a great Friend to Christians both there and in Brittain when he came to Rule.

The Lieutenantship which was assigned to Petilius Cerealis, a man that had given good proof of his sufficiency in former services, upon his first entrance into office, he invaded the Country of the Brigants, (the most populous state of the whole Province) the greatest part whereof (after many bloody Battels) was either conquered or wasted, and the hope of the Brittains greatly abated, when as Julius Frontinus (whose reputation was nothing impared by the Fame of his Predecessor,) took upon him the charge, which he afterwards executed with great commendation in subduing the strong and warlike Nation of the Silures,* 1.254 among whom he seemed to fight not onely with men (whose strength and valour was able to make opposi∣tion against his Attempts) but also with mountains, straits and places of very great and diffi∣cult accesse.

In this Estate Julius Agricola (having been trained up for the most part in the Brittish war) did find the Province at his first coming thither. He crossed the narrow seas about the midst of Summer; at which time as though the season of the year had been past to begin a new War, the Roman souldiers attended an end of their travel, and the Brittains a beginning of an annoyance to their enemies. Thea 1.255 Ordovices a little before he had landed, had al∣most cut in pieces a Troop of Horsemen that lay in their borders: upon which Attempt the Country being awaked as desirous of war, allowed the example, and some then staid to see how the new Lieutenant would take it. Agricola in the mean time, although the Summer was spent and the Bands lay dispersed in the Province, his Souldiers presumed of rest for that year, and divers Officers of the Army being of opinion, that it were better to assure and keep the places suspected then to make any new attempt; yet all this notwithstanding, he resolved directly to encounter the danger, and gathering together the Ensignes of the Legions and some few Auxiliaries (because the Ordovices durst not descend into indifferent ground) himself first of all (to give others like courage) marched up to begin the assault. And having in that Conflict destroyed almost all the whole Nation of the Ordovices, and knowing right well, that Fame must with instance be followed; (for as the rest should fall out, so the rest would suc∣ceed) he deliberated to conquer the Isle of Mona from the possession whereof Paulinus had been

formerly revoked by the general Rebellion of Brittany: But Ships being then wanting (as in an enterprize not intended before) the policy and resolutenesse of the Captain, devised a speedy passage: for he commanded the most chief of the Aids (to whom all the shallows were known, and who (after the use of their Country) were able to swim in their armour if need were, to lay aside their carriage, and putting over at once suddenly to invade it, which thing so amazed the Inhabitants (who supposed that the Romans would have a certain time for Ships and such like provision by sea) that now believing nothing could be hard or invincible to men, which came so minded to make war, they humbly intreated for peace, and yielded the Iland. This Agricola at his first entrance into office (which time others used to consume in vain o∣stentation and ambitious seeking of Ceremonies) entring withall into labours and dangers, became famous indeed and of great reputation. Howbeit he abused not the prosperous pro∣ceedings of his Affairs to vanity or braving in speeches; for he esteemed it an action not wor∣thy the name of a Conquest, to keep in order onely persons subdued by force, neither deck∣ed he with laurel his Letters of Advertisement, but stopping and suppressing the same of his doings, he greatly augumented it, when men began to discourse upon what great presumpti∣ons of future successe he should make so light an account of so great actions lately per∣formed.

As touching the civil Government, Agricola knowing how the Province stood affected, and being taught of others that Armies avail little to settle a new conquered State (if violence and wrongs be permitted,) determined at the first to cut off all causes of War and Rebellion: and beginning at home, he first of all reformed his own house (a point of more hardnesse to some men then to govern a Province.) He committed no manner of publick Affairs to Bond∣men or Libertines, he received no Souldier near his person upon private affection of partial Suiters, nor upon commendation or intreaty of Centurions, but elected the best and most ser∣viceable. He would look narrowly into all things, yet not exact all things to the very most; light faults he would pardon and the great severely correct, not alwayes punishing Offenders, but ofttimes satisfied with repentance, choosing rather not to prefer to office such as were like∣ly to offend, then after the offence to condemn them.

The augmentation of Tribute and Corn, he tempered with equal dividing of burdens, cutting away those petty extortions which grieved the Brittains more then the Tribute it self; for the poor people in former times were constrained in a mockery to wait at the barn-doors which were locked againg them, first to lay Corn, and after to sell at a low price: Several wayes also and far distant places had been assigned them by the purveyors appointmment, for carrying provisions from the nearest standing Camps to those which were far off and out of the way (petty Officers in the mean time making a gain thereof, by sparing some, and charging others at their pleasures) so as that which lay open to all at hand, was turned onely to the private profit of a few. By repressing these abuses in his first year, a good opinion was concei∣ved of the peace, which either by negligence or partiality of former Lieutenants had been no lesse feared then War. In times of service he was very painful, and ofttimes more adven∣turous in his own person then was fit for a General: for himself would alwayes appoint his ground for pi••ching the Camp, as also be the first man in pruning the Thickets, Bogs, or any other places of danger, nor suffering any corners or secret harbours unsearched, but wasting and spoiling everywhere with sudden incursions and assaults. Howbeit when by these means he had terrified the Brittains, then would he again spare and forbear, as hoping thereby to allure them to peace; whereupon many Cities (which before that time stood upon terms of equality ••••ave hostages and meekly submitted themselves, receiving Garisons, and permit∣ting the Romans to fortifie a work, performed with such foresight and judgement, as nothing was ever attempted against them while he continued in office, whereas before that time no fortified place in all Brittain escaped unsailed. Thus far had Agricola proceeded, when Newes came that Vespasian was dead, and Titus his Son invested in the Empire.

The Winter ensuing was spent in a most profitable and politick device; For whereas the Brittains were rude and dispersed, and therefore prone upon every occasion to War, Agri∣cola that he might induce by pleasures to quietnesse and rest, exhorted them in private, and commanded his Souldiers to help them to build Temples, Houses and places of publick re∣sort, commending such as were forward therein, and checking the slow and idle persons, see∣ming thereby to impose a kind of necessity upon them, while every man contended to gain the Lieutenants good will. Moreover the Noblemens Sons he took and caused to be instructed in the liberal Sciences, preferring the wits of the Brittains before those of the Students in Gallia: The Brittains also themselves being now curious to attain to the Eloquence of the Roman Lan∣guage, whereas they lately rejected the Speech; after that the Roman Attire grew to be in ac∣count, and the Gown much used among them, and so by little and little they proceeded to those provocations of Vices, namely sumptuous Galleries, hot Baths, and exquisite ban∣quettings, which things the ignorant people termed common civility, though it were indeed a badge of their bondage.

In the third year of his Government, he discovered new Countries, wasting all before him till he came to the Firth ofa 1.256 Taus; which thing so terrified the Northern Brittains, that although the Roman Army had been toyled and wearied with many sharp conflicts, yet they durst not assail it, whereby the Romans had the more leisure to encamp themselves and to

fortifie: wherein Agricola was either so skilful or so fortunate, that no Castle planted by him was either forced by strength or by conditions surrendered or as not defensible forsaken. In all these Actions Agricola never sought to draw to himself the glory of any Exploit done by another, but were he Centurion, or of other Degree that had atchieved it, he would faithfully witnesse the Fact and yield him alwayes his due commendation.

The fourth year of his Office was spent in viewing and ordering that which he had over∣run; and if the valiant minds of his Souldiers and the glory of the Roman Name could have so permitted it, there should have been no need to have sought other limits of Brittany then were at that time discovered. Forb 1.257 Glota andc 1.258 Bodotria, two arms of the two contrary Seas, shooting mightily into the Land, are only divided asunder by a narrow parti∣tion of ground, which passage was guarded and fortified with Garisons and Castles, so that the Romans were now absolute Lords of all on this side, having cast their Enemies as it were into another Island.

The Fifth year of the War Agricola subdued with many and prosperous conflicts, strange Nations before that time unknown, and furnished with Forces that part of Brittany which ly∣eth against Ireland; And this he did more for hope of advantage, then for fear of danger; for if Ireland might have been won lying as it doth betwixt Brittany and Spain, and commo∣dious also for Gallia, it would aptly have united to the use and profit one of another, those strongest members of the Empire; The nature and fashion of the Irish did not then much dif∣fer from the Brittish, but the Ports and Haven Townes in Ireland were more known and fre∣quented, by reason of greater resort thither of Merchants, Agricola having received a Prince of that Country (driven thence by civil dissensions) under colour of courtesie and friendship did retain him till occasion should serve to make use of him; It was afterwards reported that with one Legion and some few Aides, Ireland might then have been won, and possessed, and that it would have been also a means to have kept Brittany in obedience, if the Roman Forces had been planted each where, and liberty as it were even banished out of sight.

Now in the summer following, because a General rising in Armes of the further Nations beyond Bodotria was feared (the passages being all beset with the power of those people) he manned a Fleet to search the Creeks, and harbours of the ample Regions beyond it; backing them first of all with a Navy and a goodly shew, bringing War both by Sea and Land, and oftentimes it chanced that the Horsemen, Footmen, and the Sea Souldiers met and made mer∣ry in the same Camp, each man extolling his own prowesse and adventures, and making vaunts and comparisons, Souldier like; some of the Woods and high Mountains that they had passed, others of dangers of Rocks & Tempests that they had endured; the one of the Land, and the enemy defeated; the other of the Ocean, assaied and subdued; The Brittains (as by the prisoners it was understood) were much amazed at the fight of the Navy, supposing that (the secrets of their Sea being now disclosed) there remained no refuge for them, if they were overcome; whereupon the Caledonians arming with great preparation and great fame (as the manner is of matters unknown) began to assail their Enemies Castles, and some of the Roman Captaines which would seem to be wise, being indeed but Cowards, counselled the Generall to retire on this side Bodotria, and rather to depart of his own accord, then to be driven back with shame; In the mean time Agricola had knowledge, that the Brittains meant to divide themselves and give the onset in several Companies, whereupon least he should be inclosed a∣bout, and entrapped either by their multitude, or by their skill in the passages; he marched also with his Army divided in three patts; which when it was known unto the Calidonians, they changed advice on the sudden, and uniting their Forces together, jointly assaulted by night the ninth Legion, as being of weakest resistance; and having slain the watch (partly asleep and partly amazed with fear) they broke into the Camp, and were fighting within the trenches; when Agricola having understood by spies what the Brittains had taken, and following their footsteps, commanded the lightest Horsemen and Footmen to play upon their backs, and to maintain the skirmish: when the day drew near, the glittering of the Ensigns dazled the eyes of the Brittains, who being daunted with fear of danger on each side, began to draw back, & the Romans like men that were now out of peril of their lives, did fight more chearfully for their honour, freshly assailing the Brittains and driving them to their own Gates, where in the very streets the conflict was sharp and cruell; till in the end the Brittains were forced to flie, whilst the Roman Forces severally pursued them, contending with a kind of emulation, the one to have helped the other, and the other to seem to have needed no help; upon the success of this battle, the Roman Souldiers presuming, that to their power all things were easie, and openly cried to the General to lead them into Caledonia, that with a course of continual conquest they might find out the utmost limits of Brittain; Now such as before the battle were so weary and wise in adventuring, waxed forward enough after the event; and grew to speak gloriously of themselves (such is the hard condition of war, if ought fall out wel all challenge a part, misfor∣tunes commonly are imputed to one) contrariwise the Brittains (presupposing that no true valour but the coming of the General by using the occasion had carried away the victory) a∣bated not much their wonted courage, but armed their youths, transported their children and Wives into places of safety, and sought by Assemblies and Religious rights to establish an as∣sociation of the Cities together, and so for that year both parties as Enemies departed incensed away.

In the beginning of the next summer, Agricola sending his Navy before (which by spoiling in sundry places, should induce a greater and more uncertain terror) followed himself with his Army by land, having drawn to his party some of the valiantest Brittains (whom by long experience in peace he had found most faithfull) and so armed at the Mounta 1.259 Grampius, where the Brittains had lodged themselves before; For they were not altogether dejected with the unfortunate event of the former battle, but now as men prepared for all chances, they attended nothing else but revenge, death or servitude: and being taught at length, that common danger must be repelled with mutual concord (by leagues and embassages) they had assembled the power of all the Cities together, in number above thirty thousand Armed men (the view being taken) besides a great company of youths (which daily flocked unto them;) and lastly old men renowned in War, and bearing the badges due to their honour, at what time Galgacus for virtue and birth the principal man of all the Leaders, seeing the multitude hotly demand the battle, is said to have used this or the like Speech.

The Speech or Oration of Galgacus to his Souldiers.

WHen I consider the cause of this War, and our present necessity, I have reason (me seems) to presume that this day, and this our general agreement will give a happy be∣ginning to the freedom of the whole Island; for we have all hitherto lived in liberty, and now no Land remaineth beyond us, no Sea for our safety. The Roman Navy as you see surveying and environing our Coasts, so that combat and Armes, which men of vertue desire for honour, the dastard must also use for his security; The former battles which have with divers events been fought with the Romans, had their refuge and hope resting in our hands; for we the flower of the Brittish Nobility, and seated in the furthest part of the Isle, did never yet see the borders of those Countries which were brought under servile subjection, (our eyes being still kept unpolluted and free from all contagion of Tyranny) beyond us is no land, besides us none are free, us only hither to this corner and secret harbour hath defended; you see the ut∣termost part of the line is laid open, and things the lesse they be, which in knowledge the greater is the glory to atchieve them; but what Nation is there now beyond us? what else but water and Rocks, and the Romans Lords of all within the Land, whose intolerable pride in vain shall you seek to avoid by services and humble behaviour. They are the Robbers of the world, that having now left no Land to be spoiled, search also the Sea: if the enemy be Rich, they seek to win wealth; if poor, they are content to gain the glory to themselves; whom neither the East or West can satisfie, as being the only men of all Memory, that seek out all places, be they wealthy or poor, with like greedy affection; to take away by main force, to kill and spoile, they term Empire and Government, when all is wast as wildernesse, that they call peace; his Children and blood each man holds most dear, and yet even they are pressed for Souldiers and carried away to be slaves we know not where; our Sisters and Wives, though they be not violently forced as in open Hostility, yet are they under the colour and title of friends and guests shamefully abused, our goods and substance they daily draw from us, re∣warding us only with stripes and indignities, slaves which are born to bondage, and sold but once, and after are fed at their owners expences; but Brittain daily burieth, and daily feedeth, and is at charge with her own bondage, and as in a private retinue the fresh man and last comer is scoffed at by his fellow servants; so in this old servitude of the whole world, they seek only the destruction of us, as being the latest attempted, and of all others in their opinion the most vile, we have no Fields to Mannure, no Mines to be digged, no Ports to trade in, and to what purpose then should they keep us alive: considering that the manhood and fierce courage of the Subject doth not much please the jealous Soveraigne. And this corner (being so secret and out of the way) the more security it yieldeth to us, the greater suspition it worketh in them; seeing therefore all hope of pardon is past, it behoveth you at length to shew courage in defending and maintaining both your safety and honour. The Ige∣nians led by a Woman Fired the Roman Colony, Forced the Castles, and had the prosecution of the War, being answerable to so lucky a beginning; the Southern Brittains might have then with ease shaken off the yoak, and prevented our perill; we as yet never touched, never sub∣dued, but born to be free, not slaves to the Romans; we I say are now to make proof of our Valour, and to shew in this encounter what manner of men Calidonia hath reserved in store for her self. Do you think that the Romans be Valiant in War as they are wanton in peace; no, you are deceived; for they are grown famous not by their own vertue, but by our jars and discord, while they make use of their enemies faults, to the glory of their own Army, composed of most divers Nations; and therefore as by present prosperity it is holden toge∣ther, so doubtlesse (if fortune frown on that side) it will soon be dissolved, unlesse you sup∣pose the Gauls and the Germans, and (to our shame be it spoken) many of our own Nation (which now lend their lives to establish a Foreign Usurper) to be led with any true-hearted and faithful affection. No it is rather with terrour and distrust (weak-workers of

love) which if you remove, then those which have made an end to fear, will soon begin to hate. All things that may encourage and give hope of Victory, are now for us. The Romans have no Wives to hearten them on if they faint, nor Parents to upbraid them if they fly: most of them have no Country at all, or if they have, it is some other mens. They stand like a sort of fearful persons trembling and gazing at the strangenesse of Heaven it self, at the sea and the Woods. And now the Heavens (favouring our cause) have delivered them (mewed up, as it were and fettered) into our hands; be not terrified or dismaid with the vain-shew and glittering of their gold and silver, which of themselves do neither offend nor defend. And think that even amongst our enemies we shall find some of our side, when the Brittains shall acknowledge their own cause, the Gauls remember their old Freedom, and the rest of the Germans forsake them, as of late the Ʋsipians did; what then should we fear? The Castles are empty, the Colonies peopled with aged and impotent persons, the free Cities dis∣contented, and distracted with factions, whilst they which are under, obey with ill will, and they do govern and rule without right. Here is the Roman General and the Army, their Tributes & Mines, with other miseries, inseparably following such as live under subjection of others, which whether we are to endure for ever, or speedily to revenge, it lieth this day in this Field to determine; wherefore being now to joyn Battel, bear in mind I beseech you, both your Ancestors (which lived in the happy estate of Liberty) and your Successors, who (if you fail in this enterprize) shall live hereafter in perpetual servitude. This Speech delive∣red (with great vehemency of voice and action) was chearfully received by the Brittains, with a Song (after their fashion) accompanied with confused cries and acclamations.

As the Roman Cohorts drew together and discovered themselves, whilst some of the boldest pressed forward, the rest put themselves in array; and Agricola albeit his Souldiers were glad of that day, and could scarce with words have been withholden, yet supposing it fit to say somewhat, He encouraged them in this wise.

AGRICOLA his Speech to his Souldiers.

FEllow-souldiers and Companions in Arms, your faithful diligence and service these eight years so painfully performed, by the Vertue and Fortune of the Roman Empire, hath at length conquered Brittany. In so many Journeys, so many Battels we were of necessity to shew our selves either valiant against the Enemy, or patient and laborious above and against nature it self; in all which Exploits, we have both of us carried our selves, as neither I de∣sired better Souldiers, nor you other Captains. We have exceeded the limits, I of my Pre∣decessors, and you likewise of yours. The end of Brittany is now found, not by Fame and Report, but we are with our Arms and Pavillions really invested thereof. Brittany is found and subdued.

In your marching heretofore, when the passage of Bogs, Mountains and Rivers troubled and tired you, how often have I heard the valiant Souldiers say, When will the Enemy pre∣sent himself? Lo now they are put out of their holes, and here they are come; lo now your wish; lo here the place for trial of your Vertue, and all things likely to follow in a good and easie course if you win; contrariwise all against you if you lose. For as to have gone so much ground, escaped the Woods and Bogs, and passed over so many arms of the sea, are honourable testimonies of your forwardnesse; so if we fly, the advantage we have had, will become our greatest disadvantage. For we are not so skilful in the Countrey, we have not the like store of provision; we have only hands and weapons, wherein our Hopes, our For∣tune, and all things else are included. For mine own part, I have been long since resolved that to shew our backs is dishonourable, both for Souldier and General; and therefore a commendable death is better then life with reproach, (surety and honour commonly dwel∣ling together.) Howbeit, if ought should mishappen in this Enterprize, yet this will be a glory for us to have died even in the utmost end of the world and of nature: if new Nations and Souldiers unknown were in the field, I would by the example of other Armies encourage you. But now I require you only to recount your own victorious Exploits, and to ask counsel of your own eyes; these are the same men which the last year assailed one Legion by stealth in the night, and were suddenly and in a manner by the blasts of your mouths overthrown. These of all the Brittains have been most nimble in running away, and by that means have escaped the longest alive. For as in Forrests and Woods the strongest Beasts are chased away by main force, and the cowardly and fearful scarce only by the noise of the Hunters; so the most valiant of the Brittish Nation, we have already dispatched; the raskal herd of dastardly cowards only remaineth; and lo, we have now at length found them, not as intending to stay and making Head against us, but as last overtaken, and by extreme passion of fear, standing like stocks, and presenting to us occasion in this place of a worthy and memorable Victory. Now therefore make a short work of a long warfare, and to almost fifty years travel let this day impose a glorious end. Let each of you shew his Valour, and approve to your Country, that this Army of ours could never justly be charged, either with protracting the War for fear or upon false pretences, for not accomplishing the Conquest.

As Agricola was speaking the Souldiers gave great tokens of their fervent desire to fight, and when he had ended his Speech, they joyfully applauded it, running streight wayes to their weapons and rushing furiously forward, which the Roman General perceiving forthwith orde∣red his Army in this manner: with the Auxiliary Footmen he fortified the middle Battle, The Horsemen he placed in the wings on both sides, The Legions he commanded to stand behind, Before the Trench of the Camp, to the greater glory of the Victory, if it were ob∣tained, without Roman blood, or otherwise for assistance, if the forward should be distressed, The Brittains were marshalled on the higher ground fitly to shew and to terrifie their enemies: The first Troop standing on the plain, the rest on the ascent of the hill, rising up as it were by degrees one over another. The middle of the Field was filled with Chariots and Horse∣men, clattering and running round about. Then Agricola finding them to exceed him in number, and fearing least he should be assailed, on the Front and Flanks both at one instant, thought it best to display his Army in length, and although by that means the Battel would become disproportionably long, and many advised him to take the Legions: yet he confi∣dently rejected the counsel, and leaving his Horse, advanced himself before the Ensignes on Foot. In the first Encounter before they joyned both sides, discharged and threw their darts. The Brittains imploying both Art and Valour, with great Swords and little Targets defended themselves and wounded their Enemies, till Agricola espying his advantage, appointed threea 1.260 Battanian Cohorts, and two of theb 1.261 Tungrians to presse forward, and to bring the matter to Handy-stroaks and dint of sword, which they by reason of their long service were able readily to perform to the prejudice of the other side, in regard of their little Buck∣lers and huge Swords. For the Swords of the Brittains being weighty and blunt-pointed, were neither fit either for the close or open fight. Now as the Battanians began to strike them on the faces with the pikes of their Bucklers, and (having overborn such as resisted) to march up to the Mountains, the rest of the Cohorts (gathering Courage upon emulation) violently beat down all about them, and running forward left some of the Brittains half dead, some wholly untouched for haste, as desirous to have part of the glory in winning the Field. In the mean time, both the Chariots of the Brittains mingled themselves with their enemies Battel of Footmen, and also their Troops of Horsemen; (albeit they had lately ter∣rified others) yet now themselves beginning to fly were distressed by the unevenness of the ground and the thick ranks of their enemies, who continued the Fight till the Brittains by main weight of their own Horses and Chariots were born down one upon another; the ma∣sterless Horses afrighted, running up and down with the Chariots, and many times over∣bearing their Friends which either met them or thwarted their way.

Now the Brittains who stood aloof from the Battel, upon the top of the Hills, and did at the first in a manner, disdain the small number of their enemies, began to come downe by little and little, and sought to fetch a compasse about the backes of the Romans, which were then in train of winning the Field. But Agricola suspecting, as much opposed them with certain wings of horsemen, purposely retained about him for sud∣den dispatches upon all chances, and repulsed them as fiercely as they ran to assaile; So the council of the Brittains turning to their own hurt, the Roman wings were commanded to for∣sake the battle and follow the Flight; then were there pitifull spectacles to be seen, pursuing, wounding, taking prisoners and then killing such as were taking as soon as others came in the way. Then the whole Regiments of the Brittains (though armed and more in number) turn∣ed their backs to the fewer, others unarmed fought their own death, offering themselves vo∣luntarily to the slaughter; The fields every where were imbrued with blood; every where weapons lay scattered, wounded bodies, mangled limbs, some slain out right, some half dead, some yielding up the Ghost, and yet even at the last gaspe seeming by their countenances to discover both anger and valour; such of the Brittains as in flying recovered the Woods, joy∣ned themselves together again and intrapped unawares some of the Roman Souldiers that unadvisedly followed, not knowing the Countrey; and if Agricola had not, by his presence and direction assisted at need, setting about them his most expert Footmen (as it were in form of a Tayle) and commanded some of his Horsemen to leave them Horses (where the passage was narrow) and others to enter single on horseback where the wood was thin, doubtless the Romans had taken a blow by their own over much boldnesse; but after that the Brittains saw them again in good array, and orderly following the chase, they fled (not in Troops as before, when they attended each other, but utterly disbanded, shunning ill company) to∣ward the desart and farre distant places; the darknesse of the night and satiety of the blood, made an end of the chase; of the Brittains were then stain about ten thousand, of the Romans 300 and 40. amongst whom the chief man of note was Aulus Atticus, the Captain of a Cohort, who upon a youthful heat, and through the fierceness of his Horse, was carried into the middest of his Enemies; that night the winners refreshed themselves, taking pleasure in talking of the victory, and dividing the spoile; but the Brittains uttterly discouraged, crying and howling (both men and women together) took and drew with them their wounded persons, calling the not wounded, forsaking their own Houses, and in despair setting them on fire; then seeking holes abroad to lurk in, and having found them, straight awayes again forsaking them, some∣times communicating Councels together, conceiving some little hope, and then by and by de∣jected and desperate, sometimes moved with pity at the sight of their Kinsfolks and Friends,

and sometimes stirred with rage and envy in thinking and speaking of their Enemies (which was most lamentable) some of them by way of compassion and mercy killing their own Chil∣dren and Wives.

The day following did more plainly discover the greatness of the victory, by the calamity of the vanquished desolation and silence every where, the smoak of the houses fired appeared a far off: no sallies out of the woods, no stirring in the Mountains, no man to make resistance, or to meet with the Roman spies, who being sent abroad into all quarters, found by the print of the Brittains footsteps that their flight was uncertain, and that they were no where in compa∣nies together, but scattered in divers places, and altogether unable to make any new attempt upon the sudden; wherefore Agricola the summer being now spent in this journey, and the time past for any other imployment, brought his Army into the borders of thea 1.262 Horestians Countrey, where having received Hostages of the Inhabitants, he commanded the Admiral of his Navy (being furnished with Souldiers and sufficient strength for that purpose) to saile about Brittain, whether the Fame and Terror of the Roman Name was already gone before. Then he planted Garisons upon the borders between Blota and Bodotria, and disposed of his Foot∣men and Horsemen in the wintering places within the Province. Thus after many Conflicts about the space of one hundred thirty six years from Julius Cæsar's first entrance, the utmost limits of Brittany and the Isles of the Orcades, lying on the North side of it, were by the Va∣lour and Industry of Julius Agricola first discovered and made known to the Romans, and the South part of the Isle in the fourth year of the Reign of Domitian, being in the year of our Redemption 86, reduced into a full Province, the Government whereof was particular to the Roman Emperours themselves, and not at the disposition of the Senate.

This state of affairs here Agricola signified by letters (without any amplifying terms to Do∣mitian, the Successour of Titus his brother in the Empire) who after his manner with a chearful countenance and grieved heart, received the news, being inwardly pricked with anger and dis∣dain, to think that his late counterfeit triumph of Germany (wherein a shew was made of slaves bought for mony, attired like Captives of that Country) was had in derision and justly scorn∣ed; whereas now a true & great victory (so many thousand of Enemies being slain) was currant in every mans mouth: besides he esteemed it a most perilous point in a state, that a private mans name should be exalted above the name of a Prince; and he supposed that he had in vain suppressed the study of Oratory, and all other publick Arts, if he should in military Glory be excelled by another; for matters of other kinds, as he supposed might more easily be passed over, but to be a good Commander of an Army, was to be above a private estate, that being a private estate peculiar to a Prince; Domitian being tormented with these and the like conceits, and musing much in his closet above (which was commonly noted as a sign of some mischief in working) thought it best for the present to cloak and dissemble his malice, till the heat of Agricola's glory, and the love of his Souldiers were somewhat abated (for as yet Agricola remained in office: wherefore he commanded that all the houours of Triumphal Ornaments, the image Triumphal, and what else was usually bestowed in lieu of triumph, should in most ample and honourable terms be awarded him in the Senate: and then send∣ing a Successour, he caused a brute to spread, that the Province of Syria (which was then void, and specially reserved for men of great quality) should be assigned to Agricola; the common opinion was that Domitian sending one of his most secret & trusty servants unto him sent with all the Commission for the Lieutenancie of Syria, with private instructions, that if Agoicola at the time of his coming, should be still in Brittain, then it should be delivered; if otherwise it should be kept back; and that the same man meeting Agricola as he crossed the Seas, without speaking to him or delivering the message, returned again unto Domitian; whether this were true or fained upon a probable surmise, as agreeable to the Princes disposition, it could not be directly affirmed; But in the mean season, Agricola had yielded up the Province in good and peaceable estate unto (Neus Trebellius, or rather as some Authors report) to Salustius Lucullus.

Agricola least his coming to Rome should have bin noted by reason of the multitude of peo∣ple, which would have gone out to see and meet him, did warily cut off the occasion of that curtesie, entring the City by night (and by night as he was commanded) came to the Palace, where being admitted to the Princes presence, and received with a short salutation, and no further speech, he sorted himself with other Gentlemen of his rank, carrying himself ever after very temperately & warily in all his actions, as knowing the present state of those times, & the dangerous inclination of the Emperor himself, who being (as all other Princes are commonly) more fearful and jealous of the good then the bad, envyed in him those vertues & that honou∣rable reputation, whereof himself was not capable; yet, as good deserts cannot be hide (true worthinesse shining even in darknesse it self) so the retired life which Agricola led, did nothing diminish his glory, but rather like water sprinkled on a burning fire, encreased and conti∣nued the heat thereof. Divers times was he accused in his absence (which ministred to his ill-willers opportunity of working his disgrace) and as often in absence was he acquitted the opinion only of his good deserts, and no matter of crime giving occasion, while such as highly commended him to the Emperor (seeming his friends but indeed being the most pestilent kind of Enemies,) procured underhand his peril and ruine in the end. Howbeit the ill successe of the Roman Armies in divers Provinces at that time, serving as a foil to set out his Honourable Actions, drew him perforce into glory; and Domitian made pretences of his purpose to em∣ploy

him thinking thereby to satisfie the people who then complained of the want of good Leaders. But vertue that never continueth long time in prosperous Estate (as being the common object of envy) hastned the death of Agricola, who (as the constant fame went) was made away by poison; and that not without the Emperors knowledge and consent. These things concerning Agricola's Government in Brittain, I have set down particularly as they are reported by Cornelius Tacitus, who writ the Story of his life, which remaineth to the World as a perpetual Monument of the Doings of the one, and the Writings of the other.

Salustius Lucullus succeeding Agricola, left little Memory of himself, by doing any thing here, either for that no occasion was then offered to shew himself in action, or else for that the Fame of so worthy a Predecessor blemished his Reputation; for having held the Office but a short time, he was by commandment of Domitian put to death for suffering certain Spears of a new fashion to be called by his own name.

About this time, Arviragus a Brittain by birth and education, did Govern as King part of the Isle of Brittain: the Romans accounting it a point of policy to permit the Brittains sometimes to be ruled by Princes of their own Nation, whose Aid and Counsel they might use (upon occasions) to the pacifying of Rebellion, and the establishing of their own greatnesse. For the common people (whose affection doth oftentimes sway the Fortunes of Princes) are much more easily brought under the Obedience of their own Countrymen then of Strangers.

The Succession of the Roman Emperors from Nerva Coc∣ceius unto Honorius, in whose time the Romans gave over the Government of the Isle of Brittain.

• 13 NErva Cocceius, reigned one year and four Months.
• 14 Ʋlpius Trajanus (a Spaniard) 19 years and 6 months.
• 15 Ælius Adrianus, 20 years.
• 16 Antoninus Pius, 23 years.
• 17 M. Aurel. Antoninus Philosophus, 19 years: L. Verus his Colleague in the Empire.
• 18 Aurel Comodus (the son of Anton. Philos.) 13 years.
• 19 Ælius Pertinax, 6 months.
• 20 Didius Julianus, 7 months.
• 21 Septimius Severus Britt. 18 years.
  • Pessenius Niger Usurpers.
  • Clodius Albinus Usurpers.
• 22 Anton. Bassianus, Caracalla Britt. (the eldest son of Severus) six years.
  • Geta Cæsar Britt. the younger son of Sept. Severus.
• 23 Opilius Macrinus, 1 year 2 months.
• 24 Varius Heliogabulus (the base son of Caracalla) 4 years.
• 25 Alexander Severus (a kinsman of Heliogab.) 13 years.
• 26 Julius Maximinus, 3 years.
  • Balbinus Cæsars Elect.
  • Pupienus Cæsars Elect.
• 27 Gordianus the father with his two sons and his Nephew, 6 years. C. Valens Hostilianus Cæsar.

• 28 Philippus the Arabian, 5 years.
• 29 Decius Trajanus, 2 years.
• 30 Vibius Pallus Hostilian. (with his son Volusianus) 2 years.
• 31 Æmilius of Mauritania, 3 months.
• 32 Licinius Velerianus, 15 years.
• 33 Gallienus the son of Valerianus, 9 years.
  • Valerianus Brother of Gallienus Cæsar.
  • ...Cassius Labienus Posthumus Cæsar.
• 34 Flavius Claudius, 2 years.
• 35 Aurelius Quintillus, the brother of Claudius, 17 dayes.
• 36 Valerius Aurelianus, 5 years and 6 months,
• 37 Tacitus, 6 months.
• 38 Annius Florianus (brother to Tacitus) 60 years.
• 39 Valerius Probus, 6 years 4 months.
• 40 Carus Narbonensis, 2 years.
  • ...Numerianus Cæsars.
  • ...Carinus Cæsars.
  • Dioclesianus, 20 years.
  • ...Maximianus Herculeius Cæsar.
  • Constantius Chlorus, 4 years.
  • Galerius Maximus, 11 years.
  • ...Severus Cæsars.
  • ...Maximianus Cæsar.
  • Maxentius son of Maximian, 6 years.
  • Licinius, 14 years.
  • Constantinus Magnus, 30 years.
  • Magnentius, Usurper.
  • Constantinus the 3 sons of Constantine the Great.
  • Constans the 3 sons of Constantine the Great.
• 47 Constantius the 3 sons of Constantine the Great.
• 48 Julianus Apostata, 1 year 6 months.
• 49 Jovinianus, 8 months.
• 50 Valentinianus, 12 years.
  • Valens his Brother Cæsar.
• 51 Gratianus, 6 years.
  • ...Valentinians Cæsar.
  • ...Theodosius Cæsar
• 52 Theodosius, 3 years.
• 53 Arcadius, 13 years.
• 54 Honorius, 28 years.

Lieutenants in Brittain from Nerva Cocceius, his Entrance into the Government of the Empire, until the Reign of Honorius the Emperor.

Lieutenants under Nerva and Trajanus.

• There is no mention of any Lieutenants in Brittain during the time of their Government.

Lieutenants under Adrian Britt.

• ...Julius Severus.
• ...Priscus Licinius.

Lieutenants under Antoninus Pius.

• ...Lollius Ʋrbicus Britt.

Lieutenants under Antonin. Philos.

• ...Calphulnius Agricola.

Lieutenants under Commodus.

• ...Ʋlpius Marcellus.
• ...Helvius Pertinax.
• ...Clodius Albinus.
• ...Junius Severus.

Lieutenants under Pertinax.

• ...Clodius Albinus.

Lieutenants under Did. Julianus.

• ...Clodius Albinus.

Lieutenants under Sept. Severus Britt.

• ...Heraclianus.
• ...Virius Lupus.

For the time of Basianus Caracalla the Successor of Severus unto Constantine the Great, there is no mention in approved Histories of any Lieutenants in Brittain.

Deputies under Constantine the Great.

• ...Pacatianus.

Deputies under Constantius the youngest son of Constantine the Great.

• ...Martinus.
• ...Alipius.

Deputies under Honorius.

• ...Chrysanthus.
• ...Victorinus.

Princes and secular Men of special Note among the Brittains.

• In the time of Calphurnius Agricola's Government under Mar. Aurel. Antonin. Philos.
• Lucius sirnamed Lever-Maur, the first Christian Prince in Brittany.

• In the Reign of Aurelianus. Bonosus an Usurper of the Empire in Brittain.
• In the Reign of Constantius the youngest son of Constantine the Great.
• Magnentius Toporus, Usurper of the Empire of Brittany.

Archbishops of London from the time of King Lucius untill the coming of the Saxons.

• 1 Thean.
• 2 Clavus
• 3 Cador.
• 4 Obinus.
• 5 Conanus.
• 6 Paladius.
• 7 Stephanus.
• 8 Jetut.
• 9 Dedwinus.
• 10 Thedredus.
• 11 Hillarius
• 12 Guidilinus
• 13 Vodinus, who lived when the Saxons first entred the Land.

HItherto hath been declared the successe of times and affairs in Brittain, under the first twelve Emperours of Rome, the same being recorded by such Writers as had best means to understand the truth thereof, and were principal Registers of things done by the Romans in those times; as for the occurrents ensuing the death of Domitian, until the Reign of Hono∣rius (in whose time the Roman Government ceased) they are imperfectly reported, or a great part of them meerly omitted, so that I am forced of many things only to make a bare and brief relation; as unwilling by adding or diminishing, to a••ter in substance what Antiquity hath left us, or fill up blancks with conjectures, or projects of mine invention (saith the Author of thea 1.263 Brittish History) and therefore howsoever this book following (which comprehendeth the Acts of many more years then the former) may seem to carry with it a kind of dispro∣portion from the other two; and likewise in respect of the style and composition to be some∣what different from them, yet the cause thereof ought to be imputed to the very matters themselves, being for the most part Fragments and naked memorials (the loose ends of time) without observation of circumstance or congruity in substance, which will hardly admit any method befitting a continued History; and I owe so much love and reverence to truth, as I would rather expose her in the meanest and worst habit that time hath left her, then by dis∣guising her, to abuse the world and make her seem a Counterfeit.

After the death of Titus Domitian, his younger Brother taking the Empire upon him, as you have heard before, differed so much from his Brother and Vespasian, his father before him; that he fell into such great pride and impiety, that he caused and commanded himself to be called and worshipped as a god, and was the second after Nero; who setting forth his cruel Edicts, to that end persecuted the Christians; and the Church of Christ; which cruelty of his, although it did not extend to our Christian Brittains in Rome, still by the Roman Laws enjoying there their priviledges and immunities, from compulsion to square themselves in matter of Religi∣on, to the Emperial Laws and Edicts; at which time many of those banished, and persecuted Christians, as in the persecution of Nero before, as good Antiquaries tells us, fled into this our Brittain whether that persecution did not, nor could extend it self) for refuge and succour;

Domitian being now dead, Nerva revoked all his cruel edicts against Christians, and recalled such as were banished.

Nerva primo edicto suo cunctos exules,* 1.264 quos Domitianus relegavit re∣vocari precepit.

Nerva was a Prince much honoured for his Vertues, but in what estate the Affairs of Brit∣tain then stood, the Histories of those times make no mention; either for that the Emperour being a man stricken in years, and disposed to ease and quietnesse, employed himself rather in reforming abuses at home, then in maintaining War abroad, or else for that the short con∣tinuance of his Government, did not suffer him to enter into any great actions in places so re∣mote; for having held the Empire little above a year,* 1.265 he left the same by death to Ʋlpius Tra∣janus a Spaniard, whom he had adopted for his valour and wisedome, being then even the first president for electing strangers.

In his time some of the Brittains desirous to free themselves from the Roman tyranny, entred into Rebellion, but wanting means to effect what they had begun, they soon gave over the enterprize; howbeit Aelius Adrianus (who succeeded Trajan in the Empire) having intelligence that the Northern Brittaines made incursions into the Province, sent over Julius Severus to impeach their attempts; but before he could come to make an end of the War, he was revoked and sent into Syria, to suppresse the Jewish Rebellion; and Adrian the Emperour himself came with an Army into Brittany, where he encountred the Northern Riders; recoverd such Forts as they had taken, and forced them to tetire to the Mountains and Woods, whither the Roman Horsmen without danger could not pursue them; & then fortifying the borders of the Province, by raising a wall of Turues, about eighty miles in length (between the mouths of the Riversa 1.266 Stuna andb 1.267 Tina) to defend the Inhabitants thereof from the sudden assaults of their ill Neighbours, he returned triumphantly to Rome; This exploit won much reputation to the Roman Army, and no small honour to the Emperour himself, who was then called the Restorer of Brittain, and had the inscription figured in the stamp of his coyne.

Now the Brittains dwelling within the Province, seemed for the most part patiently to bear the yoak (which custome had made lesse painful) and they obeyed the more willingly, as standing in need of the Romans help against their own Countrymen, whose cruelty was now as much feared, as in former times the Invasion of strangers; Whereupon they conform∣ed themselves to the Roman Laws, both in Martial and Civil Affairs, which were then principally directed by Licinius Priscus, who had been not long before employed by Adrian the Emperour in the expedition of Jury, and was at that timea 1.268 Propretor of Brittain.

This Emperour Adrian, began his Empire about the year of Christ 123.* 1.269 in his first years he was a persecutor of Christians, among whom St. Euaristus the Pope was by his Authority put to death, and he caused to take away the memory of Christ, the statutes of Divels to be erect∣ed in the place of our Lords passion; and by Severus Sulpitius and others is termed the fourth persecutor.

In loco dominicæ passionis daemonum simulachra constituit; yet soon he corrected his error therein, forbidding Christians to be punished for their Religion. Quod sub Hadriano per∣secutio numeratur. Quam tamen postea exerceri prohibuit injustum esse pronuncians, ut quisquam reus sine crimine constitueretur;

And wrote so expresly, commanding Minutius Fondanus his Proconsul in Asia, moved thereto perhaps by Apology, and Oration of* 1.270 St. Quadratus unto him for Christians & the letters of Serius Granianus his legate in behalf of Christians, declare∣ing their innocency, and S. Aristides presented the like Apology unto him; and he was so much moved by these men, that one of our own Historians Writeth, that he was thereby instructed and informed in the Christian Religion.

Imperator Hadrianus per Quadratum Apostolorum discipulum, & Aristidem Atheniensem virum fide & sapientia plenum ac per Serenum Legatum libris de Christiana religione compositis instructius est & eruditus;

And Ælius Lampridius con∣firmeth as much more, when he saith, that this Emperour Adrian did intend to receive Christ for God; and caused Temples in all Cities to be erected without Pagan Idols, which remain∣ed so in Lamprideus time, and were called Adrians Churches, which he intended to the honor of Christ; but was kept back from performing it, by fear or flattery of the idolaters, told by their Oracles, that if he proceeded so, all would become Christians, and their Temples would be∣come desolate and forlorn;

Christo templum facere voluit Alexander, eum{que} inter deos recipe∣re, quod & Hadrianus cogitasse fertur, qui templa in omnibus civitatibus sine simulacris jusserat fieri, quæ hodie idcirco quia non habent Numina, dicuntur Hadriain, quæ ille ad hoc parasse dice∣batur, sed prohibitus est ab iis qui consulentes sacra, repererunt omnes Christianos si id optato eve∣nisset, & templa reliqua deserenda.

And these were motives in those dayes to very many to embrace Christian Religion, both at Rome, where the mind and judgement of the Emperour himself (a good Prince) was so known to be convinced by the constancy and innocency of the Christians, and their unanswerable Apologies for the only truth of their Religion, and evident errour and falsehood of the Pagans superstitious rites now made manifest in all places. I find in the Chronicles of Burton, under the year of Grace 141. and time of Adrian the Emperour, that nine Scholars of Granthe or Granta (now Cambridge,) were baptized in Brittain, and became Preachers of the Gospel there; but whether Taurnius Bishop over the Congregation of York who (as Vincentius saith) was executed about this time, was one or not, as yet, I do not certainly find.* 1.271

Antoninus Pius succeeded Adrian the Emperour, when (Lollius, Ʋrbicus being Lieutenant)

the Northern people made a road into the Province, but were beaten back by the Roman For∣ces that lay upon the borders; And then was there another wall of Turve built by the com∣mandment of the Lieutenant, to strengthen those parts with a double Rampire; in the mean time a new war was kindled among thea 1.272 Brigants, that annoyed some of the Roman Con∣federates; but by the discretion of the General, it was quenched before it came to a flame; for Lollius Ʋrbicus upon the first rumour of revoult, marched thither with part of the Army, leaving the rest behind to guard the borders; and Seius Saturninus, Admiral of the Brittish Fleet, being well appointed by Sea, lay upon the Northside of the Isle to defend the Coasts; and (upon occasions to further the Land service) by this means, the Brigants were easily re∣duced to obedience, even by the presence onely of the Lieutenant, who for his good service done in Brittany, during the short time of his imployment there, obtained the surname of Britannicus.

* 1.273Here give me leave to speak of St. Timothy a Brittain of this Nation, by his holy Mother St. Claudia Sabinella, who as divers Write, preached in this Kingdome, sent hither by the Roman Sea Apostolick, must needs be sent here about this time; for Authors testifie he was at Rome, and Martyred in the time of Antoninus;

Romæ Sanctorum Martyrum Marci & Timothei qui sub Antonino Imperatore Martirio coronati sunt; which Antoninus began his Empire in or a∣bout the year of Christ 138.

* 1.274Antonius sirnamed Pius, by Baronnis reckoning, was Emperor twenty two years, seven months, and twenty six dayes,

annis vigenti duobus, mensibus septem, & diebus viginti sex, which differeth not much from Orosuis and Marianus, who say, triginti & non plenis tribus annis,

And both Marius and Wigormensies say; Eusebius and Bede gave three months more then 23. years, because it was the custome of Historians to depute unto the Emperour that year where∣in he dyed; and therefore we may say (say they) that Antoninus Pius did not Reign full twen∣ty three years, because he lived not until the end of the year;

mensibus item tribus secundum Eusebium & Bedam, hoc est us{que} ad Calendas Novembris, in anno 134 post passionem Domini, qui autem mos erat Historicorum & Imperatori disputeretur annas in quo moreretur vel regno deficeret; Idio dici potest quod non plenis viginti tribus annis Antoninus Pius regnavit, quum non us{que} in finem anni vixit.

Antoninus Pius was so friendly to Christians, that as both Ancient and Moderne Writers witnesse, he wrote unto all places for them to be free from persecution;

Testatur Melito re∣ferente Eusebio Antoninum Pium generaliter ad omnes civitates pro Christianis scripsisse.

And in his Epistle to the people of Asia; recited at large by Eusebius, Nicephorus, and other Writers, he plainly affirmeth; That the Christians had been unjustly punished for worshipping the one true God, 'mortem ab singularis, & veri dei cultum appetere, and addeth further; That their persecutors did not observe the worship of God, and therefore did envy the Christians which wor∣shipped him, and persecuted them to death; and that divers Rulers of Provinces had written to his Father before against the Christians, to whom he writ again, that they should not trouble such men, except they could be proved to do any thing against the Roman Empire; and many having written also unto him of such men, to whom he answered, according to his Fathers sentence, whom he meant to follow: If any man having an action against a Christian, and accuseth him only as such a man, the Christian accused shall be absolved, although it be manifest he be such an one, and his accuser shall be punished in Judgement; And that Christians were farre more Dutifull and Faithfull to God, then their Persecutors were. And although divers years of this Emperours Reigne had passed before he established such publick order for the quiet of Christians, and much persecutions was in the beginning of his time; yet it cannot be thought to have had Warrant or Original from him. And it was almost in the beginning of his Empire the third year thereof (as some write) that Saint Justine wrote and delivered unto him, his Apology for Christians, and made him friendly unto them, 'Anno gratiae 141. Justinus Philosophus librum de Christiano Religione compositum Ant••nino Tradidit eum{que} benignum, erga Christianis Ifecit. And he was sirnamed Pius: Godly by some judgements for his Piety towards Christians, as well as for other res∣pects. 'Antoninus Pius geuer Adriani erat, erga Christianos Pius. And he himself is witnesse, that he proposed his adopting a Father in law Adrian, so friendly to Christians, to be imitated by him herein.

ANTONINƲS PIƲS being dead, Marcus Aurelius, sirnamed Philosophus, possessed the Empire; Calphurnius Agricola was made Lieutenant of the Province, who at his first Entrance into Office, understood of some new Tumults raised during the vacation; but partly by policy in preventing occasions, and partly by shew of force (his very name striking the terror into the Inhabitants by reviving the Memory of Julius Agricola,) he in short time appeased them, deserving thereby great commendation; though the glory of such Exploits was for the most part attributed to the Emperors themselves (the labour and peril in attempt∣ing, and commonly disgrace and envy after Victory) remaining only as towards their Mi∣nisters.

This Marcus Aurelius, by the command or direction of Adrian,* 1.275 who adopted Antoninus Pius, was to succeed, whom from his Infancy he had trained up in the Gentiles superstition when he was but eight years old he was put by Adrian into the Colledge of the Salii; most superstitious Priests of Mars, and was made a Priest, a chief Prelate or Ruler, a Southsayer and Master among them.

Octavo suæ aetatis anno ab Adriano in Saliorum Collegium est relatus; & in Saliatu functus Sacerdotio, & Præsul, & Vates, & Magister, & nonnullos inauguravit & exauguravit, nemine præeunte, quod ipse carmina didicisset;

So that there could be little hope, but this Man so superstitiously brought up, and such a maker and un∣maker of theirs Sacrificers and Enchanters, would still continue in the same, and professe himself an enemy to all Impugners of such proceedings as all Christians were, which he per∣formed when he came to be Emperor, raising a general persecution against Christians, which to omit, but as it concerned this Kingdome, and the Christians thereof, the holy house of our glorious Countrywoman St. Praxedes in Rome, which until then both in the time of Saint Novatus her brother, her holy parents St. Pudens and St. Claudia, Sabinella or Priscilla, and likely as before under her parents also Christian, Brittains had been a safe refuge, and a sanctuary for the persecuted Christians, was most cruelly ransacked,* 1.276 and twenty two holy Martyrs, together with the sacred Priest Simitrius most barbarously without any tryal, que∣stion or judgement presently put to death; of which blessed Company we may not but think divers of this Kingdome to have been, and St. Timothy himself returning from hence to Rome, upon the death of his brother and sister, St. Novatus and St. Pudentiana was Martyred there, and before the 62 year of Christ: if we will allow of Matthew of Westminster his computation, who saith, that Justus Bishop of Vienna, after long Exile was Martyred that year. As for our St. Timothy, St. Pius the Pope, in his Epistle to St. Justus, writeth of the Martyrdome of our St. Timothy; and by no account he lived not above four years longer, but was Marty∣red in this time. So by some accounts our glorious Countryman St. Marcellus, so diligent a procurer of the Conversion of King Lucius, was Martyred in this persecution. And to heap up the measures of fears for Christian Brittains, this Emperor did not only thus persecute us abroad but sent Calphurnius Agricola hither into Brittany with armed Troops, to keep the Brittains in subjection, as Roman Pagan Writers term it, but Brittains may say in slavery.

These and such were the worldly temptations which allured King Lucius and many noble Brittains, to be more timerous and lingering to professe the Christian Faith, with such con∣stancy openly as inwardly they firmly believed and honoured, untill the Emperor himself, convicted by the written Apologies, and Miracles wrought by Christians, was enforced to yield the honour to Christ, and abstain from persecution, and many of his noble Pagans im∣braced Christian Religion. 'Imperator victoriam suam gaudenter attribuit. And this I take to be the chiefest occasion of the mistakings in some Historians or their Scribes setting down so many and several times, when King Lucius received the Christian Faith or professed it; many saying it was in the year of Christ 156. Others in the year 164. and others 185, as William of Malmesbury and others. Henry of Hartford 169. and others in other and later times.

That such was the state of Brittany for spiritual Affairs in this Idolatry and superstition daily diminishing and decaying, and Christian Religion in all places and persons increasing and multiplying, both Authority and the known certain effect it self, the surest testimony in such cases shall witnesse. And this was the condition thereof until about the beginning of the Papacy of St. Soter, or in the end of the first year thereof, about the year of our Redem∣ption 175. when as it appeareth by the Edict of Marcus Aurelius Emperor, before the strange delivery of him and his Army by the Christians miraculous prayers, he suffered many Chri∣stians to live in quiet, and had a great number of them about him; Inveni{que} magnam eorum multitudinem; and seeing himself and his Army in distresse, sent for them and intreated them to pray for his delivery; Eos qui apud nos Christiani dicuntur ac accersivi ac rogavi Which he would not have done, being a wise and learned Emperor, but that either by the Apology of Athenagoras, the Vertues and miracles of many Christians, or some other invin∣cible Argument, his judgement was then wholly or almost convicted, that their Religion was holy and they also; and therefore likely to be powerable with God to procure his safety, which his own prayers and sacrifices to his Pagan gods were not able to doe; 'Deos patrios votis 'susceptis rogavi, sed cum ab eis negligerer, as himself publickly professed; and therefore pre∣ferring the prayers of the Christians appealed unto them. But after God by the prayers of the Christians which he procured them to make, had so miraculously delivered him and his Army, consisting but of four Legions, not 27 thousand Men, environed almost with a thousand thousands of Enemies, as the common reading is, 'Hostium nonagintorum & septuaginta 'septem millia; and his people distressed with thirst and hunger, not having drunk in five days, by sending a most cooling and comforting Rain into the Camp of the distressed Emperor, and Hail like fire and lightning among his Enemies, confounding and discomfitting them, he pre∣sently sent out his Imperial Letters and Edict, charging the Senate of Rome to confirm them with their Decree, wherein wholly ascribing this Delivery of his Army and himself, and confusion of his Enemies to the God of the Christians and their prayers unto him, wherein he gave free Liberty for any man to be a Christian. Concedamus talibus ut sint

Christiani. And no Man should be molested for being a Christian for Religion:

cen∣seo neminem quod CHRISTIANƲS sit, esse in Crimen vel Judicium vocandum.

And he that should accuse any Christian for Religion, should be burned alive; and that he that shall professe himself to be a Christian, shall be freed from all danger intended against him for that cause; and no Governour of any Province shall punish any such for his Religion, or deprive him of Liberty.

Volo eum qui Christianum accusarit, vivum exuri; illum vero qui se Christianum esse professus fuerit, periculo omni quod ob eam rem intendebatur, liberatum. Is cui provincia commissa est, nequaquam ad poenitentiam adigat aut libertatem ei adimat;

And he willed these things to be confirmed by the Senates decree, and this his edict to be proposed in open market place to be read; and that the prefect of the City then, Vetrasius Pollio should cause it to be sent to all Provinces, and no man should be forbidden to write it out,

Hæc autem Senatus consulto etiam sanciri volo, at{que} hoc meum edictum in foro Divi Trajani proponi ut legi possit; curae autem erit Vetrasio Pollioni præfecto urbis ut ad omnes provincias hæc consti∣tutio mittatur, ne{que} quisquam qui eam exscribere vel ipse uti voluerit, prohibeatur.

This was sent to the whole Senate of Rome, Senatui Populo{que} Romano, and by the Emperours publick charge and command, as into other Provinces, so likewise sent into Brittany for the priviledge of all Christians there, by the Emperours publick Officer in such Affairs, the Ruler of the Ctiy of Rome, ad omnes Provincias hæc constituo mittatur. Any man that would, might freely be a Christian; and no man under pain of cruel death to burnt be alive, might call any into question for that cause; And to give greater testimony of those things in Brittain, and see this Imperial edict for the freedom of Christians here take place and effect; whereas our English Antiquaries and others tells us,* 1.277 that Trebellius and Pertinax, the Roman Lieutenants here a∣bout this time were Christians, our Countryman Florentius VVigorniensis plainly affirm∣eth, that Pertinax was a chief Commander in the Emperours Army, when this miraculous victory was by the Christians prayers, and this edict written and decreed for their freedome and liberty, and probably was then converted to the faith by this miracle: and the Empe∣rour himself, who in his publick cited edict, doth say of Christians, that in equity he must think them now to be defended by God, whom before he accounted for wicked men, and alienated from God, must needs be a Christian in Conscience and Judgement, and he must needs at the least believe that true God, whom he said the Christians did bear in their conscience; And in no wise a learned Emperour could or would, in Judgement, Reason, Equity and Conscience, make a Law to condemn men to so cruel a death as burning alive, which he afflicted upon the accusers of Christians, except he knew or probably thought their accusation was unjust, and the cause of the accused, Lawful, Just, and Holy.

COILLƲS.

COILLƲS the Son of Marius, was after his Fathers decease made King of Brittain, in the year of our Lord 125.* 1.278 saith Holinshed, Fabian saith 126. This Coillus or Coill, had his youthful education amongst the Romans, in the very Imperial City it self; who being of a Martial spirit, applyed his time to warlike exercises, in which he so excelled, that he was both admired and beloved by the Romans; and to requite their favours, and to continue towards him their good affections, he payed without any grudging or seeming discontent their accusto∣med Tribute, by which means he spent his dayes in peace and tranquillity; he so far excelled in bounty & liberality, that he drew unto himself the hearts and good wills, both of the Nobles and Commons. The building of Colchester is ascribed to this King, which is the chiefest City at this day in Essex, wherein Lucius, Helena and Constantine, the first Christian King, Empress, and Emperour in the world were born, which made Nechan to sing as he did.

From Colchester there sprung a star, The rayes whereof gave glorious light Throughout the world in climates far, Great Constantine, Romes Emperour bright.

This City is walled about, raised upon a high trench of earth, though now much decaied, ha∣ving six gates of entrance, and three posterns in the West wall besides nine watch Towers for defence, and containeth in compasse 1980 paces, wherein stand 8 fair Churches, and two other without the walls for Gods divine Service; St. Tenants & the Black-fryars decayed in the sub∣urbs, St. Mary Magdelens, the Nunnery St. John's and the Crochiet Fryers suppressed: within towards the East is mounted an old Castle, and elder ruines upon a trench containing two Acres of Ground, where as yet may be seen the provident care they had against all ensuing assault.

This City was graced with the honour of a Viscount, by K. James, who Created Thomas Darcy, Lord Darcy of Chich 1621. Viscount Colchester in Essex, to him during his life; the remainder, to Sir Thomis Savage, of Roch Savage, in the County of Chester Knight and Baronet, who had Married one of his Daughters and Coheirs.

Thomas Lord Darcy.

Argent, 3 cinque foils, Gules.

John Savage Viscount Rochester, Colchester.

Argent, 6 Lyons ramp. 321 sable.

Now was the time come (namely about one hundred and fourscore years after the Birth of our Saviour,) when Christian Religion which many years together had been for the most part shadowed with dark clouds of Heathenish superstition, began to discover it self more openly in this Iland by the means of Lucius, sirnamed Lever-Maur; who by permission of the Roman Lieutenant, did govern as King a great part of the Province; For it appeareth by the testimony of some ancient Writers, that Brittain received the Christian Faith even in the Infancy of the Church, immediately after the death of our Saviour, whose Apostles and Disci∣ples (according to his Commandment) published and dispersed the same in divers Regions, partly by themselves in their own persons, & partly by their Ministers, among whom were sent into Brittany Simon Chananaeus that after his peregrination in Mauritania (as it is repor∣ted) was slain and buried in this Iland, Aristobulus a Roman,* 1.279 of whom St. Paul in his Epi∣stles maketh mention, and Joseph of Arimathea, a noble Man of Jury specially remembred of Posterity for his charitable Act in burying the Body of our Saviour; This Man was ap∣pointed by St. Philip the Apostle then preaching the Christian Faith in Gallia, to instruct the ancient Brittains, among whom he began first, as some write, to institute an Eremitical life in a place then called Duellonia, and afterwards Glastenbury, where himself and his Companions imitating the austerity and zeal of solitude, which they had observed in Mary Magdalen, (with whom they travelled out of Jury unto Marsilia in France) sequestred themselves from all worldly Affairs, that they might freely attend to the exercise of piety which they professed; yea some Writers of former Ages have writ, that the Apostles St. Peter and St. Paul, in their own persons at several times, came into Brittain; and that afterwards one Sueton a noble Mans Son of that Country, being converted by such Christians as first planted the Faith there, and called (after his Baptisme) Beatus, was sent by them to Rome unto St. Peter, to be better in∣structed and confirmed in Christianity, and that in his return homewards through Switzer∣land, he found in the Inhabitants there such a desire and readinesse to receive the Christian Faith, as he resolved to continue in that place, where he erected an Oratory to exercise a Mo∣nastical life, and departed the world about the year of Grace 110. but who were the very first Teachers, and at that time the Christian Faith was first of all received there, it is not cer∣tainly known (saith this Author.) Howbeit it is likely that in the Expedition of Claudius the Emperor, which was about the third year of his Reign, and twelve years after the Ascension of our Saviour, some Christians of Rome and Scholars of the Apostles themselves became first known unto the Brittains; who in processe of time were drawn by the Exhortations and Ex∣amples of their Teachers to embrace the Truth. The unblamable life of those religious Men, moving sometimes even their Princes (though yet unbelieving) to protect and regard them, (as is shewn in Arviragus and others) as Lucius then began to doe; besides that the Roman Lieutenants also as well in Brittain as in other places, did sometimes tolerate the exercise of Christian Religion, as not altogether disliking it; howsoever for worldly respects they forbare to shew themselves openly in favour of it. But Lucius declared his inclination thereunto after another manner. For inwardly disliking the prophane superstition then used among the Ro∣mans, by the great constancy, vertue and patience of the Christians at Rome and other places, suffering Persecution and Martyrdome for the Faith of Christ, the number of Christi∣ans (whom many men esteemed for the Miracles they wrought) as contrary to common expe∣ctation daily encreased: That Pertinax and Tretellius, two worthy Senators of Rome, had been lately converted from Paganisme to Christianity, that Marcus Aurelius the Roman Em∣peror then reigning; began to conceive a better opinion of them, then himself and his Prede∣cessors had done; and so much the rather by reason that not long before he had obtained a famous victory against his enemies, the prosperous Event whereof he attributed to the prayers of the Christians at Rome: Upon these considerations Lucius determined to be instructed in the Religion which they professed; and first of all commanded Elevanus and Meduinus (two learned Men of the Brittish Nation) to go to Rome where Elutherius was then Bishop, to require some meet persons to be sent into Brittain to instruct him and his people; for which purpose Fugatius and Damianus were specially appointed by Elutherius with all speed to repair thi∣ther, where they afterwards not without some danger by tempest upon the Seas arrived, and applyed themselves both by doctrine and examples, to perform the charge committed unto them, the successe therein proving answerable to their endeavours; for the prince and his Fa∣mily was by them baptized, some of the Inhabitants that had formerly received the Faith,

were confirmed therein, and others that remained as yet in their infidelity were converted to Christianity.

But Lucius the Prince having received instructions from the Sea of Rome, for direction of himself and his people, in the profession and exercise of Christian Religion, not desirous also to order his temporal estate according the Roman policy; and to that end sollicited Eluthe∣rius the Bishop, to send unto him the Lawes of the Empire, out of which he might elect and compose some certain Ordinances, for the Administration of civil justice; whereupon Eluthe∣rius sent Letters to the Prince, commending therein his former zealous disposition in embrace∣ing the truth; then exhorting him to read with humility, and reverence the holy Scripture (the divine Law) which he had lately received in his Dominions, and out of that, by Gods grace and advice of faithful Counsellors, to collect meet observations, for the framing of Laws necessary for the preservation of his estate; which observations so collected and Lawes so framed, he did affirm to be much better then the Imperial constitutions of the Romans, or any other whatsoever: that to make Lawes and execute Justice, was the proper office of a Prince, who was upon earth the Vicar of God himself, and received from him that Title and Authority, to the end he should use the same to the good of the Catholick Church, and of the people living under his obedience; hereupon Lucius began first of all to provide for establishment of that Religion, whereof he was become at the self same time both a professour and practiser; Then was the worshipping of Idols forbidden; the seats of the Arch-flamens at London, York, and Caerlegion, or Caerleon upon Ʋsk, were changed into Sees of three Arch-bishops in the same places; and those of the Flamens into so many Bishopricks, whereby the Temples vowed by Idolatrous Priests to prophane gods, were consecrated to the service of the only true God; the temporal estate he also adorned with good & profitable Laws, conformable to the rule of Christian Religion, whereupon ensued the blessings of plenty and peace in his dayes.

It is reported that he was Foundet of a Church at Cornhill in London, which he dedicated to St. Peter, placeing therein one Thean an Archbishop to have the superintendence over other Bishops within his principality; and the Metropolitan seat continued there in the succession of thirteen Archbishops (about the space of 400 years) until the coming of St. Aug. who trans∣lated it to Canterbury.

And now Christianity being thus Generally received amongst the Brittains, kept on her course, untainted and without opposition, till the time of Dioclesian the Emperour, who kind∣led the fire of that raging persecution (the last and longest in the Primitive Church) which consumed the lives of many Christian Martyrs, as well in Brittain, as other places; but return∣ing to the Reign of Lucius, and considering the state of Brittain under his Government, we may justly admire the Felicity of those times, ascribing to the Brittains for their greatest glory, that among all other Nations they had the happinesse to see and enjoy the first Christian Prince. Thus far compendiously and succinctly the Brittish History; but let us peruse a while (to the great renown of the Brittish Nation) the writings of that late, but rare light of Antiquity, the day star of his Countrey, Mr. Broughton, and consider what he expresseth concerning the passa∣ges and conversion of King Lucius; thus he begins.

They who write of King Lucius, his Nobles, and Countries conversion, do write also how he wrote for and entreated it by supplyant letters to Pope Elutherius (not to Evaristus as some have imagined) Gildas saith, that King Lucius was baptized with all his Nobles of Brittain, 164 years after the coming of Christ, and Nennius saith it was three year after; so that whither we will take the account of Gildas or Nennius, for King Lucius his time of conversion, though others make a greater difference by 20 years and more, we see that King was converted 44 years after the death of Evaristus, whom some will have the Instrument of his conversion; and 54 from his first entrance into the Papacy, seven Popes, St. Alexander, Sextus, Telesphorus, Higinus, Pius, Anicetus, and Soter, being between him and St. Elutherius, in whose time by all account, St Lucius was converted, of which two such renowned Writers could not be igno∣rant; much lesse may we judge without great injury and dishonour unto them, and bold rash∣nesse in our selves, that they would or could erre in so high a degree; the one of them Nennius the meanest stiled by our Catalogists of such men, both ancient and modern, The most excel∣lent Doctor of the Brittains, Principal or Arch-abbot of the renowned Monastery of Bangor, fa∣mous both for Wisdom and Religion. The other St. Gildas, by common consent of all Wri∣ters, is stiled Gildas the Wise, or sirnamed the Wise.

The first and principal means of the Conversion of K. Lucius is ascribed to certain learned Scholars of Cambridge:* 1.280 The Theatre of Great Brittain tells us, That there were Christians at these times, though some exceptions may be taken against the Monk of Burton, the Reporter thereof, who saith in the year 141, and Reign of Hadrian, nine Masters of Grantcester were baptized themselves, and preached to others the Gospel in Brittain. The ancient Charter which the Antiquities of Cambridge ascribed to K. Arthur, do give this honour or a great part thereof to the learned Scholars of Cambridge,* 1.281 which being converted to the Faith of Christ, and di∣vers of them now become Clergymen and Preachers, moved K. Lucius by their preaching to be a Christian; which is more confirmed by the ancient Bull of Pope Honorius, the first of that Name, to confirm the Priviledges of the University of Cambridge 1000 years since; and other Testimonies there are, that say, that both K. Lucius did confer and confirm by his pub∣lick

Charter, great Priviledges and Immunities to that School, and Pope Elutherius likewise;* 1.282 which he did not so for any thing we find in Histories, to any other School or University in the World, nor any of his Successors many years after. The chiefest motive of these exem∣tions and prerogatives to that place, we cannot interpret in any better sense, then that King Lucius had received much spiritual Benefit from thence, which he requited with temporal ho∣nour and dignity; and the holy Pope Elutherius bestowed such singular grace and favour to that School for the holy labours and fruitful effects it had wrought in the Church of Christ by their Conversion and Preaching, moving King Lucius and so many men of sundry de∣grees in Brittain to forsake superstitious Idolatry, and embrace the Christian Faith and Religion.

We find some Apostolick Men in this very time to have preached the faith in Brittain to King Lucius himself as well as to his Subjects, and these to have been of this Nation.* 1.283 Among those two are chiefly commended unto us in this businesse, Saint Timothy and Saint Marcel∣linus or Marcellus.

And to begin with St. Timothy, We find that he so far prevailed with King Lucius, that by his Learning our King was induced to the Religion of Christ: and to make this Opinion clear, Henricus Panta••eon writeth,* 1.284 That King Lucius of Brittain was the Disciple of St. Timo∣thy; for which he citeth the Magdeburgians, Stumphius and the Annals of Curre in Germany. And Naeuclerus with others writeth clearly, That one St. Timothy came into Brittain, and Lu∣cius King of Brittain and his Kingdome did receive the Faith of Christ from him. Mr. Brough∣ton affirmeth, That this our glorious Countryman St. Timothy was Son unto the Lady Clau∣dia, and Brother to St. Novatus, St. Pudentiana and Praxedes. Great honour it was for the first Christian King of this Nation, the first Christian King in the World, to be instructed in the Faith by so Noble a renowned Apostle of his own Nation! What were the Impediments in temporal respects which hindred King Lucius from publick profession of Christian Religion, wherein he was thus instructed until or near the Papacy of St. Elutherius, shall be shewed hereafter.

This St. Timothy was assisted by St. Marcellus a Britain also, and preached here; and the Annals of the Archbishops of Trevers say of this Man, That Lucius King of Brittain, now Eng∣land, was baptized by his preaching. The Historie of Tungers speaketh more plainly, That this St Marcellus did by his preaching convert Lucius Prince of Brittain with all his Nation to Christ. And the same Catalogue of Trevers saith, That King Lucius was made a Christian, and Baptized by this our Renowned Countryman St. Marcellus.

When the estate of Ecclesiasticall affairs had taken in Brittain so happy proceeding and effect, that both our King and many principall men were thus converted to the Faith of Christ, from their former errors and superstitions, and so great hope and forwardnesse there was, to have that faith publickly professed, which they privately embraced, and acknow∣ledged for the only Truth; many worldly temptations and oppositions did presently arise to hinder these new and untrained Souldiers of Christ, to make so bold and open profession of their holy Religion, as many holy Martyrs at that time, and they themselves not long af∣ter did, and the glory of that required;* 1.285 for as we may probably with many Antiquities af∣firme, that the favourable edicts of divers Emperours, and among them Antoninus sirnamed Pius yet Reigning, had somewhat encouraged them in temporal respects, actually to be bap∣tized in that Religion, which their internal understanding and judgement was by many in∣vincible motives and arguments convinced before to be only true; so now by like contrary worldly events and letts, they were for some time more slow and dull to professe it openly. They did perfectly understand, that not withstanding the pretended and expected favour from the present Emperour, either by his command or permission, two holy Popes (to omit many other places) St. Telesphorus and St. Higinus, procurers of their conversion, cruelly were put to Death for that Religion, even in Rome it self, under the Emperours sight, within the space of four years or little more, by all accounts: and because present and home dangers do most terrifie, they did see and taste that the present Emperour Antoninus, was at this time incensed against the Brittains, and had already sent Lollius Ʋrbicus with forces hither, and he had Fought some battles against the Brittains, as both our own and the Roman Historians testifie.

And to maintain and foster these conceived and ingendred humane fears and impressions, to live and continue longer then Antoninus was like to live, now being old and long time Em∣perour, when he came first to the Empire by the Adoption of Adrian, he was commanded or directed by him that Marcus Aurelius Antoninus,* 1.286 whom from his Infancy he had trayned up in the Gentiles Superstitions, should succeed him in the Empire; when he was but eight years of Age, he was put by Adrian into the Colledge of the Salii, most superstitious Priest of Mars, and was made Priest and chief Ruler of the Southsayers; So that there could be little hope but this man so superstitiously brought up, and such a maker and unmaker of their sacrifices, and an enchanter, would still continue the same, and professe himself an enemy to all Impugners of such proceedings, such as all Christians were, which he performed when he came to be Emperor, raising a general persecution against Christians; which to omit, but as it concerned this Kingdome, and the Christians thereof, the holy house of our glorious Countreywoman, St. Praxedes in Rome, which until then, both in the time of St. Novatus her brother, her holy

parents St. Pudens and St. Claudia,* 1.287 Sabinella or Priscilla, and likely before as under her pa∣rents, also Christian Brittains, had been a safe refuge, and as a sanctuary for persecuted Chri∣stians, was now cruelly ransacked, and tweny two holy Martyrs, together with the sacred Priest St. Simitrius, most barbarously without tryal, question, judgement, presently put to death; of which blessed company we may not but think divers of this Country to have been, and St. Timothy himself returning from hence to Rome,* 1.288 was there Martyred, if we may believe Matthew of Westminster his computation.

* 1.289These and such were the worldly temptations which allured King Lucius, and many Noble Brittains to be more timerous and lingering, to professe the Christian faith with such constancy openly, as inwardly they firmly believed and honoured, until the Emperour himself convicted by the written Apologies and Miracles wrought by Christians, was enforced to yield the ho∣nour to Christ, and abstain from persecution, and many of his noble Pagans embraced the Christian Religion;* 1.290 and this I take to be the chiefest occasion of mistaking in some Historian or their Scribes, setting down so many and several times when King Lucius received the Faith of Christ. or professed it: many saying it was in the year of Christ 156. others in the year 164. others 165. as William of Malmesbury with others. Henry of Hartford in the year 169. and others in other and later times, All which be true if we speak of the Religion of Christ which he held and believed from the very first of these assigned times; but for his and his Nobles publick profession thereof, and the Kingdome generally receiving it, with building of Churches, placing of Christian Bishops and Priests in them, & abandoning the superstitious rites of pagan Gentils, we must expect a later date in the time of Pope Elutherius. And this holy Pope had, long before he was Pope, the often occasion of K. Lucius; & others here writing & sending to Rome about this publick work might occasion some error in the Titles of Letters to Elutherius, when he was not yet Pope, but in high estimation with the Popes there, as a principal learned and holy Priest of the Church of Rome, as appeareth in the first Epistle of St. Pius to Justus Bishop of Vienna, wherein he only sendeth him Salutations from St. Soter after Pope, and Elu∣therius, as the chiefest Priests then in Rome, and so he recommendeth them; which Epistle was written,* 1.291 and this honour given to St. Elutherius by that holy Pope almost twenty years be∣fore Elutherius was Pope. And yet he must needs be a renowned Man long before that time, and so no marvel if divers Letters were written to him from Brittain, and from him hither before his Papacy; especially if we reflect and consider how probable a thing it is that he was most resident with our Christian Brittains there, and the Popes of that time committed unto him to have a peculiar care of this Country, with his great credit and familiarity with Pope Pius conversing so much with our Brittains there,* 1.292 and with such principal Men as were sent into these parts, such as St. Justus of Vienna then was, will induce to think. And our own Annals doe sufficiently witnesse, that the Fame and Renown of St. Elutherius was great here in Brittain before he was chosen pope. And that this his glory was so great in Brittain before he was Pope, those our both ancient and later Historians prove, which say, that King Lucius wrote unto him the first year of his Consecration, to take order for the general conversion of this Kingdome.* 1.293 So doth the most authentical and approved relation of this History testifie, that it was in the very beginning of his Papacy that King Lucius sent those Letters and solemn Embassage unto him about this business, which plainly proveth that same and honor of St. Elu∣therius so well known in Brittain, did not now begin here with his papacy, but was of far more ancient continuance and antiquity. For the very beginning of any ruler or Governour cannot give him so singular a commendation so soon, especially where his Regiment is so great and ample, that in so short a time he can hardly take notice of the state of those things which be∣long unto his charge, much lesse take so good order for them all, that his Fame and Honour should be for that doing reported in all the World. And King Lucius sending unto him in the first year of his papacy, and the very beginning thereof, could not possibly have notice of his so renowned carriage therein, consult with all his Nobles, Flamens and Arch-flamens so dispersed in this so large a Kingdome, and have their general consent, for a general conver∣sion, and send notice of this by solemn Embassadours so long a journey to be there in the be∣ginning of his papacy: but that this great honour and fame of St. Elutherius was here renow∣ned long before, and this publick and general assent to forsake idolatry and embrace Christian Religion had been formerly concluded and agreed upon in Brittain; and very probably as our Cambridge Antiquities have told us, not only St. Timothy was sent or returned to Rome a∣bout this businesse but Eluanus and Meduvinus also, as they write, being but Catechumens to be instructed and consecrated there towards the performing so great a work in this Kingdom.

Neither can we with equality of judgement think, that among so many Brittains now converted or so disposed here, these two onely went from hence thither to such end and purpose: But although these be the onely men remembred in Histories to have been there employed, as more worthy, or else designed and sent by King Lucius; yet there went many others about this time from Brittain thither, the better to enable themselves for a general Conversion of this their Country, and there continued to enable themselves with Learning and Religion, to be made fit Instruments and Workmen in those holy Labours, and were therein assisted both by the popes of those times (much conversant with our Country Brittains, and in their Houses at Rome) and others the most Renowned in the Clergy at that time, among whom St. Elutherius after Pope and happy Converter of this Nation was a chief Man. 〈…〉〈…〉

Lud in their opinion which held the Title Cardinall, was given to that holy Priest,* 1.294 which was the chief and most eminent commanding Priest in every Church; or Titulus in Rome, ac∣cording to the Institution and Ordinance of the Holy Popes, Saint Cletus, Saint Evaristus, and Saint Higinus, (in whose time we now are) I cannot but probably think that Saint Elu∣therius, so high in Dignity and Renown, both with Saint Higinus and Pius, and his brother Saint Pastor, to whose disposing and distribution the first Titles or Churches in Rome (founded by our Christian Brittains, and still called by their names, Saint Pudentiana, and Saint Praxedes, and to this day giving the names of Honour to the Roman Cardinals so stiled) were left, was an eminent Cardinall and chief Priest presently after this time,* 1.295 in one of those our Brittish Churches in Rome, which among other bonds tyed him so firmly in love to this Nation, and this Nation to him, that he is so often honoured in Titles of Letters and otherwise, by our Antiquaries above all other Popes; Some add another testimony, which if it be true, it greatly maketh for the especial honour wherewith our Historians a∣dorned him; thinking that Saint Elutherius came personally into Brittaine and preached here: and this is that opinion which Mr. Fox thus remembreth, Timotheus in his story thinketh that Elutherius came himself, which wanteth not probable Arguments if they speak of his preaching here beforn he was Pope, sent hither by St. Timothy our Countreyman or some others sent by any of the Popes before him.

Mr. Howes saith that King Lucius sent two Embassadours, Elevanus and Meduvinus (Brit∣tains most probably, though great controversies be amongst Antiquaries concerning the truth thereof) two learned men in the Scriptures, with his loving Letters to Elutherius Bishop of Rome, desiring him to send some devout and Learned men, by whose instruction both he and his people might be taught the Faith and Religion of Christ;* 1.296 whereof Elutherius being very glad, baptized these two Messengers, making Eluanus a Bishop, and Meduvinus a Teacher, and sent also with them into Brittain two Famous Clerks, Faganus and Damianus, by whose diligence Lucius and his people of Brittain were baptized and instructed in the Faith of Christ; There is (saith the same Author) and remaineth till this day in Somersetshire in the Deanery of Dunster, a Parish Church bearing the name of Saint Dervian, as a Church either by him Founded, or to him Dedicated; so likewise is there another in Glamorganshire called Saint Fagans, where every year is a very great Fair continuing many dayes, where also my honoured Patron, the Right Noble William Lewes of the Van Esq; Son to Sir Edward Lewes, and the Right Honourable Lady Beauchamp, Daughter of the Earl of Dorset, hath a stately Habitation, and if I mistake not, is Lord of the Mannor.

Betwixt this Elutherius and King Lucius many Letters passed, and the said Bishop granted many priviledges to Universities and places of learning in Brittain; as to Cambridge, Stanford, Cricklade or Greeklade, and in Glamorganshire (I suppose this place was either Caerwent or Caerleon, for all which is now called Monmouthshire, was then called Glamorgan) where they say learning flourished, as well as at Cambridge, before the coming of Julius Cæsar;* 1.297 and the Schoole of Glamorgan being so near Caerleon upon Ʋsk in that Countrey, where one of the three great Idolatrous Temples of Brittain, and seat of the Archflamen of those Western pro∣vinces was, and thereby a Nursery of Paganisme, which those holy men laboured by all means to root out; and for that cause, where Archflamens were, Archbishops were placed; and where Flamens, Bishops.

The Brittish Histories, Ponticus Virunnius and others, say of these Prelates, that they delive∣red the Brittains from Idolatry, and converted them to Christ; Radulphus de Diceto in his ma∣nuscript History proveth as much, that they converted all the Cities of Brittain, as well as their Flamens and Archflamens, by whom they were directed in their Idolatrous worship as others; And the principal states and members of this Kingdome, King Lucius, his Nobles, Universities, Philosophers, Flamens and chiefe Priests and Teachers of the Pagan Subjects, and their chief places of commorancy and command, being thus converted, the conquest over the Vulgar sort was easie and soon effected. The Author of the Brittish History testifyeth,* 1.298 that so soon as the people of Brittain knew that their King was a Christian, they gathered themselves together to be Catechised, and received Baptisme; and that those holy Legates did blot out Pa∣ganisme almost through all the Island; and Ponticus Virunnius saith, that they baptized all the people of Brittany; all this may easily be confirmed by divers Authors; but I will conclude with Harding.

Eluthery the first at supplication Of Lucius, sent him two holy Men, That called were Fagan and Dungen, That Baptized him and all his Realm throughout, With hearts glad and labour devout.

There were then twenty eight Flamens and three Arch-flamens to whose power other Judges were subject; and these by the command of the Pope his Legates delivered from Idola∣try; and where there were Flamens, they placed Bishops; where Arch-flamens, Arch-bishops. The Seats of the Arch-flamens were in the three most noble Cities, London, York and the City of Legions, which the old Walls and Buildings do witnesse to have been upon the River of Ʋsk in Glamorgan.

King Lucius sent to Elutherius not only for his assistance in spiritual matters, but also in his temporal,* 1.299 as the governing his people and making wholsome Lawes. The Lawes which were established here, were the old Brittains Lawes, ascribed for their greatest part to Mul∣mutius Dunwallo, corrected and made conformable to holy Christian Religion. We have all kind of Antiquities, Brittish, Saxon, French, Italians, Ancient and Modern for Witnesses. These Lawes were translated out of Brittish into Latine long before this time by the ancient Gildas, that lived about the time of the Birth of CHRIST, as many both ancient and late Writers agree, and continued here till late time, and in divers respects at this present.

King Lucius being thus informed and secured in conscience by Saint Elutherius his Letters and by his Declaration, that the whole Kingdome of Brittain with the Ilands belonged to his temporal charge and government; and that so much as he could, he was to win his Subjects to the Faith and Law of Christ and his holy Church, and provide for the peace and quiet of the same and the Members thereof: he did first in receiving and admitting these new cor∣rected Lawes by the advice of the Clergy and Nobles of his Kingdome see them so qualified, that they were for the defence and propagation of Christian Religion; and further, Founded many godly, costly and memorable Monuments, as Churches, Universities, or Schools, Mo∣nasteries, and other such comforts, helps and furtherances of that holy end. So that as he was the first King that publickly with his Kingdome professed Christ, so he won the honour to be the first Nursing Father among Kings of his holy Church, as the Prophet had foretold, Kings shall be thy Nursing Fathers.

He was also first among Kings called properly the Vicegerent of God, being the first King which so religiously performed his will. And that Title which the Pope gave to King Henry the 8. when he was better then he proved after, Defender of the Faith, was among Kings the first due and right of King Lucius, for his so heroical and Religious fortitude and magnani∣mity in defending the Faith and Church of Christ.

Being now come to celebrate the day of the death of our glorious King Lucius, for the joy that he enjoyed thereby,* 1.300 and bewail it for the unspeakable losse this Nation received thereby, we are to fall into some difficulties both of the time and place thereof.

William of Malmesbury in his Manuscript-History of Glasten. and other old Antiquities do prove, that St. Damianus and Faganus after they had converted this Kingdome, continued nine years at Glastenbury at the least; King Lucius still living and reigning here. Polidor, Lilly, Hollinshed, Stow and others, cleave to this Opinion.

A great Controversie ariseth where this King died; many Forreign Authors say, That he forsook his Crown and Kingdome, and became a Clergyman, went into Germany to convert that Nation, was Bishop of Curre and there was Martyred: the day of his death is agreed upon by all, to have been on the third day of December; but if those Authors who transport this our blessed King into Germany, look but upon what hath been said before, they shall find that it was not Lucius who was actually King of Brittain, and converted by the means of St. Elutherius, but another Lucius who was indeed Son of a King of Brittain, and might have been King himself, had he not been banished for the reason before related: and this was that St. Lucius who with his sister St. Emerita were both Crowned with the glorious Crown of Martyrdome in Germany.

That our first Christian K. Lucius could not be Bishop of Curre is evident; for having been so long King here, he was so disabled for Age, that he was nor capable of such a journey. Further, they which hold he was Bishop of Curre in Germany, and Martyred there, say his Martyrdome was about the year of Christ 182. whereas this our King was living nine years after; besides, they say that St. Emerita was his sister.

But it is evident by our Histories, that our first Christian King Lucius had neither brother, sister, nor child begotten by King Coillus in his old Age, having no other Child; whereby it is evident, that this King Lucius had neither brother nor sister; and with what probability can it be affirmed, that a King so holy and loving of his Countries good and quiet, having no Christian Heir to suceeed him, would or in conscience could forsake his Native Country and Subjects in such a case, that were in justice belonging to his chiefest charge, which no other could execute, to preach unto Forreigners, which many of his Subjects and others could, and at his request most willingly would have performed.

We read in Histories that many descended of Regal race, have in such cases been taken forth of their Monasteries and Religious Conversation to govern Kingdoms destitute of Heirs; but that a King so vertuous, wise, loving, and beloved of his Country, having no such Heir to succeed

him, but by such course to expose and leave his Kingdom to so many certain miseries and calamities, as fell upon Brittain by the death of King Lucius, and probably were foreseen of all wisemen, did, might, would, or could take such a course, Antiquities have no example, Justice denyeth it, Charity cannot allow it.* 1.301 Sebastian Manster saith plainly, that whereas there is a Vulgar report (he maketh no more of any Lucius preaching there) that one Lucius preached there, if it were so, it could not possibly be our first Christian King Lucius; for he never went out of Brittain, but very Godly lived and dyed here. Gaspar Bruchius doth also plainly reject all that History, as it is apply∣ed by some to our Lucius, and among other reasons addeth, that the great difference of years, will not permit it to be true. An old French Manuscript joyneth in the same, leaveth him living, dying, buried in Brittain. And if we come home to our own Historians and Antiquities, most likely to make the most true and certain relation of this their so renowned King, they set down the year, the day,* 1.302 and particular place of his death, and the very Church, one of his own foundation, where his body was interred: the day and year they say was the 201. year of Christ, the third day of October. For the place our old Brittish History saith, he dyed at Glocester, and was with honour buried there in the Cathedral Church; so likewise writeth Ponticus Virunnius. Matthew of Westminster setting down the time, as before, saith, he dyed at Glocester, and was honourably buried there in the Cathedral. The old Manuscript of St. Peters Church in Cornhil, at London, avoucheth from divers Antiquities, that he was buried at Glocester, where the Church of St. Francis was after builded, being at the time of his death, the Cathedral and Episcopal Church of the City. John Harding also witnesseth of this Kings death and bu∣rial at Glocester.

At Caerglove buried after his dignity.

And not to exclude the testimony of our later writers in this relation, in their Theater of Great Brittain, written and composed by divers able Historians,* 1.303 and pub∣lished with common applause, they make this History of King Lucius his death in Brit∣tain, a matter without question true, and thus scoffingly condemn those writers, which would carry him to end his dayes in Germany: That this Lucius be the Apostle of the Ba∣narians, or that his sister Emerita was crowned with the flames of Martyrdom,* 1.304 fifteen years after his death, I leave to the credit of Aegidius Schudus, and Hermanus Schedelius the Reporters: Others of them plainly say: Lucius was buried at Glocester: yet this general consent of Antiquaries, for his first burial at Glocester doth nothing hinder, but as the known devotion, both of the Brittains, as Saxons after them, towards holy Relicks did often and with great devotion and solemnity remove the bodies of holy Saints, or parts of them for their greater honour. So it might, or did after fall out with the whole body of this renowned King, or some part thereof. And the Tradition of Winchester is, that the whole body of King Lucius, or a great part thereof being, once removed be∣fore, (probably to Caerleon, for some say he was buried there) was the second time translated thither, and there lyeth in the body of the great Church under a marble stone, elevated about two foot from the pavement, the same stone being now broaken in two places, having upon it, and those holy Relicks, a cross of seven great brass buttons, whereof 5. are set down in length the other two making the perfect figure, and forme of the cross, one on each side of the others making the length. And this Reverend Tran∣slation of St. Lucius his body to divers places in Brittain, is sufficiently insinuated by the old Author of the French Manuscript History, who although he confidently affirmeth that King Lucius dyed at Glocester, yet he addeth that he was afterwards buried in the chief See at Caerleon, and this he saith was in the year of Christs incarnation, 196. four or five years sooner then others before have set down his death, except the Manuscript Compilation, which hath the same computation of his death, saying, Sepultus est anno In∣carnationis Domini 196. herede carens, he was buried in the 196. year after the incarnation of our Lord, wanting Issue or heir.

And both to assure us further of the undoubted truth of those Histories, which testifie the death and burial of St. Lucius to have been in Brittain, and not in any forraign Re∣gion, as also to give us better notion and trial, what honour, peace, and quiet, spiritual and temporal, with other happiness, this Kingdom enjoyed by King Lucius life, and lost them by the loss of him: it is the constant agreement of Antiquities, that Brittain now made by his death destitute not only of so worthy a King, but also of any certain heir or suc∣cessor of that Regal race, fell to intestine discord and variance, by which it was misera∣bly afflicted long time upon that occasion: a late Author tells us, King Lucius dyed without issue, by reason whereof after his decease, the Brittains fell at variance, which continued about the space of fifteen years, as Fabian thinketh, howbeit the old English Cronicle affirmeth, that the con∣tention among them remained fifty years, though Harding affirmeth but four; which his words of Hardings opinion, that this variance among them continued but 4. years, are to be a∣mended; for Harding setteth down the dissensions of the Brittains, as other Historians

do, and maketh them of as long continuance only, he saith that Severus the Empe∣ror came hither four years after the death of King Lucius to seek to appease things, so doth Matthew of Westminster, Florentius and others as far as Harding doth.

This holy King, graunted, made and signed, many writings, Charters and Donati∣ons, for the defence, maintainance and preservation of Religion, and the chief teachers, and professors thereof, as to the University of Cambridge, the School of Bangor, Monastery of Salisbury and such others, and to every Archiepiscopal or Episco∣pal See in Brittain, both for the assuring the old revenues and priviledges of the Archflamens and Flamens as others new and more ample, which he conferred unto them, and such as should sit and succeed them for ever.

And we find in Antiquities, that in the very time of King Lucius, besides the Ca∣thedral Churches in Great Cities, there were others also builded in them, as namely Glocester, Worcester, Caerleon, and others; for we read of divers kinds of Churches in them all, both Cathedral and others: King Lucius was buried at Glocester in the Church of the Chief or first Order. The same distinction is given for Winchester, which necessa∣rily inferreth other Churches, or a Church in either of them of inferiour Order; for the word first proveth a second; for the Inferiour Churches, besides the Cathedral in Caerleon they are remembred in Histories, (Viz. of St. Julius, and St. Aaron) so of o∣ther Cities not inferiour unto these, Glocester being then but a new, and no great City: we find others, as at Abington in Oxfordshire, Amsbury in Wiltshire, Cambridge, Stan∣ford and other places, where to have been Christian Churches in that time, there is still sufficient testimony left us.* 1.305 And to provide as well for the continuall maintainance and repair of the house of God, at the first founding and building thereof, these ancient Schools or Universities of this Kingdom, which all now had received the faith and Religion of Christ, and so were to be as Seminaries and Mothers of Christian Divinity and holy learning, for preservation and upholding of Gods Church, King Lucius endowed with great priviledges and Immunities, that they might more quietly and diligently employ themselves to their so profitable and holy studies.

This his Charter of priviledges to the University of Cambridge, the Antiquaries there∣of prove by divers Ancient Testimonies. The Bull of Pope Honorius 1000. years ago: the Charter of King Cadwalladrus, and King Arthur long before, wherein is con∣tained that he granted to the University of Cambridge, as King Lucius with other Kings had done before, to be free from all publick Vectigalls, and burdens, that they might the more freely and quietly attend their studies. The like I may affirm of Stanford, which from the time of King Bladud, untill it was interdicted by St. Gregory for the Pelagian heresie, continued an University, so of Glamorgan claiming but a little la∣ter original, Greeklade and Liechlade of such Antiquity, Bellisilum now Oxford as it pleadeth. Therefore whereas a late writer confidently sayeth, there were 600. Students, in ancient times, and others not so well remembred; to all which now converted to the faith of Christ, and training up spiritual Soldiers for the defence, profession and maintainance thereof, we have sufficiently grounds to affirm, King Lucius gave the like priviledges as unto Cambridge, one and the same reason being for all, and yet besides these, which he found founded before, he himself was founder of others, namely Bangor in Wales, which long continued in that State, untill it was after changed into so great a Monastery, that above 2000. Moncks, as our Histories testifie abode there. A late Author tells us of another University, for so he calleth it by the name of Accademia Legionensis, the University of Caerlegion, which he would to have to be Westchester, others rather take it to be Caerlegion upon Ʋsk in Glamorgan, making it a fourth distinct place from the Metropolitan Church, and the several Churches of St. Julius, wherein were sacred Nuns, and St. Aaron of Canon Regulars.

In the time of Sixtus Bishop of Rome, reigned here in Brittain, either Coillus or Lucius his son, according to the diversity of opinions of several Authors; but seeing all Anti∣quities and Antiquaries confess so many great and renowned things, and of such labour and difficulty to have been performed, for receiving generally Christian Religion and abandoning the Pagan superstitions in this Kingdom in the time of K. Lucius, we must not keep the crown of Brittain from him, long after the death of Pope Sixtus. Harding who saith his Father Coillus reigned but 13. years, will make him King, all this Popes time, which Matthew of Westminster doth confirm, with four years addition at least to the time of his reign, in the time of Pope Alexander before: And yet he maketh the years of his whole age, but 87 from which, if we deduct the whole terme between the year 124. when the Monck of Westminster, saith Lucius began his reign, untill the year 142. or 143. when St. Sixtus was Martyred, to prove by all accounts, King Lucius reigned in some part of the Papacy of Pope Sixtus, we make the time of his reign, being very younge at the death of his Father, not so many years as some ascribe; John Harding saith, Lucius King of Brittain reigned 54 years, others allow but 53 years.

Hollenshed in his History of England tells us, that Lucius having brought his people to per∣fect light and understanding of the true God, that they needed not to be deceived any longer

with the crafty temptations and feigned miracles of wicked spirits, he abolished all pro∣phane worshippings of false Gods, and converted such Temples as had been dedicated to their service unto the use of the Christian Religion, and thus studying only how to advance the glory of almighty God, and the knowledg of his word, without seeking the vain glory of worldly triumph, which is gotten with slaughter of many a guiltless person, he left his Kingdom, though not enlarged with broader Dominion then he found it, yet greatly aug∣mented and enriched, with quiet rest, good ordinances and (that which is more to be e∣steemed then all the rest) adorned with Christian Religion, and perfectly instructed with his holy word and doctrine. He reigned as some write 21 years, though others affirme but twelve. Again some testify that he reigned 77. others say 54. and Harrison 43. King Lucius dyed without issue by reason whereof ensued much trouble as is said before.

Concerning the first inclination of K. Lucius to christian Religion in the time of Pope Higinius, Mr. Broughton thus discourseth, Although I do not find it expresly affirmed by a∣ny Antiquary but Harding, that St. Higinius in that time Bishop of Rome did so particular∣ly give assistance and direction in this business of our Brittains conversion, yet many and ve∣ry renowned Writers give such testimony therein that we must needs grant that to be most true which Harding affirmeth, and that after-coming Scribes and Copiers of their Hi∣stories have done the Authors wrong by their negligence or ignorance in writing one man for another, Elutherius for Higinius: for among others St. Bede as he is extant, saith, that King Lucius of Brittain did write to the Pope of Rome in the year of the Incarnation of our Lord 156. that by his order and command he might be a Christian. The M. S. Antiquities of the Church of Landaff more ancient in probable judgment then St. Bede, and written by a Brittain, which should not be ignorant in that the greatest businesse of his Country, giveth the same testimony of the same year 156. The ancient author of the Brittish History also a Brittain maketh K. Lucius a christian in and before this year 156 in direct termes. So Testify∣eth the old History called Brutus, ancient Records belonging to Guild-hall in London, the Antiquities of St. Edwards lawes, Goceline in the life of St. Aug. so writeth Naucl. and di∣vers ancient manuscript writers, which I have seen, saith the learned Mr. Br.

This was the state of the Church in Brittain, when new troubles began to the disturbance of the Province. For the Northern Brittains making a breach in the wall,* 1.306 which Adrian the Emperour had built, and finding the borders but weakly guarded entered the province, and surprised the Roman General and killed many of his Souldiers, then ranging the Coun∣tries they wasted and spoyled everywhere without resistance, till Ʋlpius Marcellus, being sent over by Commodus the Emperor, stayed the fury, and with great difficulty forced them to retire within the wall, by which means the Province being quieted, he applied himself to reforme abuses in his Campe, reviving the ancient discipline of war, which had been for a time discontinued among the Roman Souldiers, whom long service and many victories had made bold to say and to do oftentimes more then became them. For Marcellus indeed was a man somthing austere in reproving and punishing, otherwise very temperate, dili∣gent in time of war, not idle in peace, his diet was the same which the common Souldier used, in quantity more sparing; for he would eat no bread, but such as was brought from Rome, which he did to the end he might avoid excesse, and take no more then sufficed nature, the staleness of his bread having taken away all tast that might either please the sense or provoke the appetite. The day time for the most part he spent in viewing his campe, and training young Souldiers, and giving direction to Officers. In the night he wrote letters and made dispatches into divers parts of the Province (as occasion required.) He slept very little by reason of his thin diet, and much business, wherewith he was conti∣nually occupied; for he thought that man who slept a whole night together, was no meet man to be either a Counsellour to a Prince or a Commander of an army. Every evening he used to write instructions upon twelve Tables made of Linden tree, which tables he de∣livered to one of his servants appointing him to carry them at sundry hours of the night, to certain of his Souldies, who thereby supposing that their General was still wa∣king and not gone to bed, were the more careful in keeping the watch, and preventing sud∣dain attempts in the night season: he was severe in execution of Justice, not to be led by favour, nor to be corrupted with bribe; he levied monies, only as necessary for the war, not to enrich himself or his friends, as other Governours in former times had done; for he never preferred his own private before the publick, nor a wealthy estate before an ho∣norable reputation. The fame of those vertues as they made him much respected, both of his own Souldiers and the Brittains, so they procured Envy which alwaies followeth vertue inseparably as a shadow doth the body. For Commodus the Emperor understanding how Marcellus had carried himself in Brittain was much displeased therewith, and thought it best to cut him off: but some accidents happening in the mean time to make him change that purpose, he only sent letters of discharge and so dismissed him of the Office.

After departure of Marcellus the army having been kept in by hard hand, and finding now the reine let loose, upon a suddain began to be mutinous, and refused to acknowledge Commodus for their Emperor; these disorders Perennius one of his favorites took upon him to redresse, by displacing such persons as he suspected, and committing

their Offices to Men of meaner quality, wherewith the Legions were much discontented? disdaining that instead of Senators, & Men of consular degree, they should now be governed by upstarts and base companions. In the heat of those broyles, about fifteen soldiers for∣sook the Army and went to Rome, where they exhibited to the Emperor, a bill of com∣plaint against Perennius whom they charged as the chief Author of the dissention in the Army, by bringing in new customes, by exceeding his commission, and doing things derogatory to the Majesty of the Roman Empire. These and other things (as well false as true) were objected against him by the multitude, who for the most part dislike such as exercise authority over them, and keep no measure in their affections, either in love or hatred. But that which touched to the quick, was an accusation of treason, put up a∣gainst him for conspiracy against the life of the Emperor, and in seeking to advance his Son to the Empire: this point was quickly apprehended by Commodus who thought that the suspicion of the fact, or the report only to have intended, it was a sufficient cause of condemnation, howsoever the party accused was either indeed guilty or innocent. Hereupon Perennius was declared Traitor, and delivered to the Soldiers, who stripped him of his apparel, whipped him with rods, and in the end cruelly murdered him.

Then Helvius Pertinax (a Man of mean fortune by Birth, as having risen from the State of a common Soldier to the dignity of a Commander) was sent into Brittain to appease the tumults there. He was one of them that Perennius had before discharged from bearing office, and sent into Liguria where he was born. At his first entrance he attempted by force to suppress the rebellion of the army, adventuring so far in a skirmish, that though he escaped with life, yet was he left among the dead, and supposed to be slain. Afterwards proceeding with better advice and success, he composed the troubles, severely punishing the principal offendors, and using some rigour in revenging his own injuries, by which means growing odious to the Soldiers, and distrusting his own safety, he made suit to be discharged of the Lieutenantship.

Then was the government of the Province assigned to Clodius Albinus, a Man of Noble birth, very forward, and for the most part fortunate in his attempts, for which the Emperor Commodus, either upon fear or favour did honor him with the title of Cae∣sar, though Albinus seemed unwilling to accept it, and afterwards discovered his dis∣position more openly in affecting the ancient free State. For upon a false report of the death of Commodus, he made an Oration to the Legions in Brittain, in favour of the Senate, whose Government he had commended, and preferred the same before that of Emperors. But Commodus being advertised thereof, sent Junius Severus with all speed to take charge of the army. This Emperor Commodus though he were a most wicked man, ex∣ceeding all that went before him in impiety,* 1.307 as Marcus Maximus, Lampridius, and in them the whole Senate of Rome with others are witnesses, yet as a scourge of God to the persecutors of Christians, he oppressed them, and was favourable to Chri∣stians, never molesting them, whether it was at the mediation of Marcia a Woman whom he exceedingly affected, and was as Dio saith, most friendly to Christians, Christi∣anorum studiosissima, or otherwise, I do not examine; he remained Emperor all Pope Eluthe∣rius his time.

In the mean time Albinus retired himself from affairs till Commodus was dead, and Pertinax elected Emperor, then he continued himself with Didius Ju∣lianus whom the Soldiers (that then made open sale of the Empire) had elected after the death of Pertinax. But Julianus being infamous for his Vices, and fail∣ing to perform his prom••se made to the Soldiers, was in a short time forsaken of them, and afterwards was murdered: upon report of Julianus his death, Septinius Severus (a Man adorned with excellent gifts of nature) was declared Emperor, and for that he feared Clodius Albinus (who then recovered the Government of Brittain) he made him his a••••ociate in the Empire, and sent Hereclianus to be Quietant of the Province, which Hereclianus soon after resigned to Virius Lupes. But desire of Soveraignty (that cannot long endure equal in decree) made the one jealeous of the other, and the fire of ambition (that had been smothered for a time) burst out at length into a flame, for Severus having pacified some tumults in the West part of the World, and after many conflict, subdued Pescenius Niger (who usurped the Empire in the East) pretended the breach of association, as a colour to make war upon Albinus, who understanding thereof, transported over the Seas a mighty army, furnished with a∣bundance of victual, out of the Isle it self, which then (through the industry of the In∣habitants, applying themselves to tillage and husbandry, yielded plenty of grain, and served the Romans, as a Garner of the West Empire out of which they carried year∣ly great quantities of corn to maintain their armies in Gallia and Germany.* 1.308 Neer Lug∣dunum in Gallia Severus encountered with Albinus, whose forces were there defeated, and him self slain.

Then Severus made preparation for his voyage into Brittain, which by reason of the often change of Governors was grown much out of order, and although the Brittains up∣on intelligence of his purpose did send over Embassadors to offer their voluntary submission

yet the Emperor in whom neither age nor sicknesse had abated the heat of ambition, would not directly accept thereof, but entertained them with delayes, till all things were in readinesse for his expedition (so earnest a desire he had to passe into the furthest part of Brittain, and to purchase the sirname of Britannicus, as an honourable addition to his o∣ther titles) his two sons Bassianus, commonly called Caracalla, and Getta, he took with him; as doubting their agreement in his abscence. To Getta his younger son, after his arrival in Brittany he committed the government of the Province there for civil causes, wherein Aemilius Paulus Papinianus the famous Lawyer (who as chief minister of Justice under him had his Tribunal at Eboracum) was commanded to assist and direct Him.* 1.309

Severus himself and Bassianus with the army marched Northward against the Meatae,* 1.310 a people bordering upon the Calidonians, and in league with them, Virius Lupus but a little before had assayled to enter the Country by force, when the Meatae, (standing upon their own strength) withstood him, and forced him in the end to purchase his peace with money. Then Severus hasted into Calidonia, where finding the pas∣sages uncertain, and dangerous by reason of the Fens, Woods, and deep Waters he caused Trees to be felled, and Bridges and Cawsies to be made for his Souldiers to march over. The Calidonians in the mean time sallied out of the woods, and charg∣ed the Romans, who were much encumbred for want of firme ground, and were often times forced to trace the Country, and to disperse themselves into several companies, seek∣ing places of advantage: by which means a great number of them perished, while the in∣habitants (lying in ambush and sometimes leaving their cattel abroad a train to draw them within danger) suddainly surprised and killed them, before they could recover their camp. This was an unfortunate journey to the Romans; who besides the losse which they susteined by their enemies, were afflicted with diseases, by reason partly of the unwhol∣some waters which they drank, and partly of the contagious air that infected their spirits, yea many times they killed one another; for such as for feeblenesse could not keep ranck in marching, were slain by their own fellowes,* 1.311 that they might not be left a prey to their persecuting enemies There died in this enterprise above fifty thousand Romans, yet would not Severus withdraw his forces thence; till the Calidonians made offer to treat of peace, whereto he then hearkned the more willingly, for that he saw the difficulty and (in a manner) impossibility to bring the Northern part of the Isle wholly under subjection, by Reason of the Rocks, Mountains, and Marshes, as also for that the county being (for the most part) Baron and unfruitful, the benefit thereof was not deemed likely to countervail the charge in getting and keeping of it. The conditions were, that the Calidonians should first disarme themselves, and deliver part of the coun∣try (lying next the Province) into the Romans possession, and that from that time for∣ward, they should attempt nothing against the publick peace; which articles agreed upon, and assurance taken for the performance, Severus retired himself into the pro∣vince, leaving his son Bassianus to take charge of the army, which after the Emperors de∣parture grew carelesse and dissolute; wherewith the General seemed nothing displeased, either for that he was by his own nature inclined to the worst; or else for that he hoped thereby to win the Souldiers favour as a mean for his advancement to the Empire after his fathers death, which he had oftentimes attempted by indirect practises most unna∣turally to procure.

In the mean while the Calidonians (notwithstanding the late contract) understanding what disorders were in that Roman camp, suddainly invaded it, killing and taking booty, which they shared with their Neighbours (borderers of the province) that had assisted them in in the enterprise. Severus being greatly incensed therewith, sent part of his ar∣my to pursue the Calidonians, expresly commanding, that they should be all put to the sword, without respect of age or fex. This sharp manner of proceeding, did somewhat quaile the hope of the Northren Brittains, who fled into remote parts of Calidonia; and Severus having rather stayed, then ended the troubles (as intending to prosecute the war with more advantage, spent some time in repairing and enlarging Adrians wall, which he carried thwart the Island from sea to sea, entrenching and fortifiing it, with Bulwarks and square Towers, in places most convenient (to give warning one to another up∣on any suddain assault) for defence of the borders. Then being wearied with age, sickness and travail,* 1.312 having his mind also much grieved with the disloyal and unnatural practises of his son Bassianus, he withdrew himself to Eboracum, a Colonie of the Romans, being then the station of the sixt Legion called Victrix, and afterwards growing to be one of the chief places of ac∣count among the Brigantes, for these stations of the Roman Legions were commonly the seed plots of towns and cities, both in this Isle and divers other parts of the Empire.

It was reported that in his passage thither, a Moor with a Cypress Garland on his head, did meat and salute him by the name of a God, and at his entrance into the City, he was by error of the Southsayer (that guided him) brought into the Temple of Bellona, and that black beasts being appointed for Sacrifice, did of themselves follow him to his pallace. These things howsoever thew fell out accidentally, yet they

were interpreted as ominous in respect of the event, and now Severus perceiving his death to approach called before him some of his Councellors and chief Captains, unto whom he is said to have spoaken in this manner.

It is now above eighteen years, since I was first declared Emperor by the army in Pannonia, during which time, with what care, pain, and travail I have weilded this vast body of the Empire, my continual employment in wars, both at home and abroad, may witness sufficiently. For at my first entrance I found the State encumbered eve∣ry where; and now I shall leave it peaceable even to the Brittains. The future prosperi∣ty whereof must depend upon the mutuall agreement of my two Sons. For neither multitude of men, nor abundance of treasure, are so available to defend and main∣tain Commonwealths, as amity and unity between Governors. For by concord we see that small things grow to greatness, whereas by discord the greatest fall to ruine. I must now leave to them (my Successors) the imperial Diadem, that which Bassianus hath so long thirsted after, though he know not yet, whether it be a thing to be wished or fear∣ed, as having not proved the difference betwixt a Prince and a private person. But ambition mindes are carried blindfold, they know not whether, in desiring that which having once obtained, they can neither keep without great care, nor leave without extream peril: such a thing is Soveraignty, whose greatness is not contained in it self, but consisteth for the most part in the opinion, and dependeth on the dispositions of other men, it is vertue only not glorious titles, which makes men truly great. My self at this present may serve for an example to shew upon what a weak foun∣dation, humane greatness is built. I have seen all things though now it avail me no∣thing, seeing I must pay my debt to nature, and after all my exploytes in the East and West parts of the World, I must dye, as I may say, out of the World in a strange Country, if any Country may be termed strange to the Romans, who have now by conquest made all Countries their own; I exhort you therefore as you tender the welfare of the Roman Empire, of your own selves, of your poste∣rity, be true and faithfull to my sons, as you have been to me, assisting them with your Councel, and perswading them to mutual concord, as the main pillar to support, both their Estates and your own.

When he had uttered these or the like speeches he turned a side and shortly after yield∣ed up the Ghost.

* 1.313Baronius with others confess, that Severus was descended of most noble Parents; Con∣stat Severum fuisse majorum Claritudine nobilissimum, and yet not able to describe his Auncestry, doth sufficiently prove him a stranger to those Countries and their Historians, and to make further manifestation herein, although he was born in Africk about Tropolis, so far from Brittain, yet he married a Brittish Lady, as divers of the same Authors and others testifie, and had by her Basianus his Son, after King of Brittain, and Emperor; also some say her name was Martia, and the first wife of Severus, and sister of Fulgentius the Brittain, that warred against and slew Severus at York. Fulgentius Matris Basiani Frater. And this Brittish Lady could not be married to Severus, after his coming into Brittain, but long before, where he then lived in the East parts of the World. For in Brittain he lived, but a short time by our Modern calculation in their Catalogue of the Kings of Brittain, four years; The Magdeburgians have the like account follow∣ing Eusebius. Florentius Wigorniensis maketh his aboad here but three years. The Monck of Westminster scarcely alloweth him two years continuance here. The like have others, all agreeing, he was old and feeble at his coming hither, yet Bassianus his Son by our Brittish Lady was so old at his death, that he succeeded him both in this Kingdom and the Empire, who being Emperor but six or seven years was, as Dio and others witnesse, at his death going on his 29^•h. year of age; Almost twenty years old when his Father first landed in Brittain.

* 1.314The Brittains continuing in variance and contention about a Successor to Lucius King of this Kingdom, Severus the Emperor came hither, some say to quiet the Debates, others affirm, to win honour to himself, he being accounted very greedy and ambitious thereof, and to reduce the Kingdom wholly to the Roman subjection; not willing that any Brittain here born should reign, and therefore as some write they made a decree and law among them,* 1.315 against such Government. Eo fere tempore post Lucium Regem Brittorum extinctum Romani gnari Brittannos Reges multarum in populo seditionum & rebelli∣onum in se fuisse autores, ut res Romana in Brittannia soret quietior, publico vetuere decreto, ne quispiam Brittanici sanguinis deinceps regia insignaretur dignitate. If there was any such decree of the Romans, it could neither be upon this surmised motive, that the Brittish Kings had been the occasion of any rebellions or seditions against the Romans; for it is e∣vident that in the time of the three last Kings, Merius, Coillus, and Lucius, peace was duely kept with the Romans, and their tribute paid unto them, and these Kings descended of Genuista a Roman Lady of the Emperors kindred, so as well as from King Arviragus

the Brittain, did participate both of the Brittish and Roman blood. And these were the onely Kings which were here, after the composition between the Romans and Brittains, in the time of Claudius and Arviragus, when Arviragus marrying the daughter of the Em∣perour, joining the Brittish and Roman Regal and Imperial lines together, thereby en∣ded all debates between them.

Neither did any such Decree probably pass the Roman Senate, that none born of Brit∣tish blood should afterwards be King of Brittain, if we will be guided either by reason or authority herein; for how could the Romans, then neither having such power or possession, take upon them such a definitive sentence.* 1.316 This had been the next way to have made a general defection from them here of all the Brittains. And the Brittains,* 1.317 except in some munici∣pal places, were governed by their own, and not by the Roman Laws. And for authori∣ty, we want not those that write how both our next Kings here, who came from Rome af∣ter this imagined Decree, Severus and Basianus his son and successor here, were Brittanici sanguinis born of Brittish blood, and yet both of them our Kings in Brittain, and Empe∣rours also, and by some Antiquaries, the next heirs to the Crown of Brittain. Harding in his Chronicle thus testifieth from antiquity of Severus.

Severus thus the worthy Senator, Descended down-right heir to Androgeos, The eldest son of Lud that was the Emperour, Out of Brittain went with Julius; Which Senator aforesaid Severus, To Brittain came and was inthronisate, And with a Crown of Gold was Coronate.

Therefore if Severus the Emperour was descended down right heir to Andro geos the el∣dest son of King Lud, the words of the Authors so obsolutely and consequently, not without good warrant affirming it, he must needs be both descended of the Regal Brittish race, and be also the undoubted next true heir to the Crown of this Kingdom at that time; all other lines which might by any probability make claim before him, being now extinct: and this of it self is more then any (Authour of like credit to him I have alledged) doth bring to prove, that Severus was not descended by lineal and lawful birth,* 1.318 from our Brittish Regal race; but some other, in which I find a silence in Antiquity: onely divers write, (and nothing hindering his Regal Brittish Genealogy) that he was born at Leptis, in the Province of Tripolis in Africk, and was the onely African that ever was Emperour; yet none of them denieth thereby his descent from Brittish Parentage; but some of them yield to that which confirmeth it; and his ancestors being strangers, so long out of Brittain as from Julius Cæsars time, no wonder if he was born in that place of Africk, for I have shewed before in the time of Vespasian, we had many thousands of Brittains went into those parts, and without question divers of them married, and continued there in their posterity. So did divers Brittains at other times, even with wives and children go to Rome, and from thence were disposed into divers parts, never returning hither.

Now to speak somewhat of Severus his alienation or affection from or to Christian Reli∣gion, it is the common opinion, and our own Antiquaries be of the same,* 1.319 that in divers places of the Empire, he was an enemy so far unto it, that many term him the fifth Perse∣cutor among the Emperours after Nero, and many Christians in divers Provinces were martyred in his Empire, Post Neronem Severus quintam persecutionem in Christianos excita∣vit, Plurimique Sanctorum per diversas provincias martyrio Coronantur. And it is so certain by all forreign antiquities, that there was such persecution in his time, that it was almost a common opinion, that the coming of Antichrist was at hand, as an Ecclesiastical Writer of that time hath left to posterity, Propterea quod persequutionis tumultus contra nos excitatus multorum mentes tam graviter per turbaret, Antichristi adventum omnium ore atque sermone jactatum, jam tum appropinquare arbitratus est: Yet we do not find any express Edict or Prohibition of him, until about the tenth year of his Empire, when as Spartanus wri∣teth in his journey from Syria to Alexandria, he made many Laws, forbidding under great penalty any man to be either a Jew or Christian: and as Dio, and others witness,* 1.320 he consented men by his Imperial Letters, both to the depriving of St. Philip of the Augustal Prefectship of Egypt, being become a professed Christian, and giving authority to Terentius his successor, secretly to Martyr him. But for Severus excuse we find, the greatest and almost onely persecution of his time, either to have been in or about Jury, occasioned by the Tumults of the Jews, or in Africa, where Severus was born, and principally in Egypt, then full of Christians; the Præfect himself St. Philip a Christian, and so potent as the Letters of Severus unto him say, he lived more like an absolute King than Præfect; that Præfecture of Egypt being of so great authority and dignity.

Therefore Africk being the Countrey of Severus birth, and so formidable an ene∣my in former times to the Romans, as all Historians report, and now so abounding with Christians, slanderously accused by their Pagan enemies, to be enemies to the Roman Empire;* 1.321 Severus may seem by such acclamations, against his own Inclina∣tion, to have given way to persecution. And the rather, because the Gnostick He∣reticks, given then over to all filthiness, that as Irenaeus, Nicephorus, and others write, they did publickly profess, and so practise, that all which would come to perfection of their Sect, which they onely allowed, must commit all wickedness.

These Heretiques, being accounted Christians, with the Pagans might sooner pro∣voke the Emperour by such mens informations, against the most holy Professors of Christian Religion, which were so free from being such, as they were falsly reputed with those their enemies to be,* 1.322 that as Athenagoras in his Oration for them, in the name of the Christians, desired no mercy or favour, but to be utterly rooted out, if those impious slanders could be proved true against them. Nicephorus saith, Christia∣nity flourished in his time; and Tertullian, then living, affirmeth, That Severus al∣so himself, father to Antoninus, was kind to Christians; for he sought for Proculus a Christian, who had some time before cured him with Oyl, and kept him in his Pallace with him so long as he lived;* 1.323 he was exceedingly well known to Antoninus that was nur∣sed by a Christian woman; and Severus knowing both renowned women, as also most ho∣nourable men to be of this profession, was so far from doing them any hurt, that he com∣mended them, and openly resisted even to their faces the raging people. Therefore, if Severus the Emperour was of his own disposition so great a Lover of Christians in general, if he honoured Proculus in his Pallace so long as he lived, gave allowance that his son and heir Antoninus Bassianus King of Brittain, and Emperour after his father, should both be nursed by a Christian woman, and be so familiar with such known professed Christians as Proculus was, and was the Overseer of Evodus, the Tutor or Bringer up of Bassianus his son, as may be gathered both by Tertullian, Dio, and others; and both Severus himself, so great an honourer both of renowned Christian men and women, and his Lady and Empress Martia of Brittain so far affected and disposed to Christian Religion, that if she did not profess it in act, yet in affection and desire did so honour it, that she would not permit her son and heir to be nursed by any but a Christian woman, and the Overseer of so great a charge to be a Christian so famous and renowned for Faith, as Proculus was known of all men to be: These considered, I dare not boldly say, that Severus did in any time or place, of his own inclination, wittingly or willingly, without great incitation, condescend to such persecutions, as are remembred in Histories, to have been in his Empire.

And after his coming into Brittain, we do not find the least suspition in our Antiquities, that he did of himself, or suffer any other to persecute any for Christian Religion; but rather both of himself, and at the instance of his Brittish Empress, at the least a Christian in affection and both powerable with him, and their son Bassianus his heir and successor, and for that love and trust he found in the Brittish Christians of all that part of Brittain. South to the Wall and Trench which Adrian and he made, joining with him against his e∣nemies, to possess him of the Crown of Brittain, he was a grateful friend to them, and their holy profession. And all our Histories are clear, that Religion was here in quiet, without molestation and affliction, until the Empire of Dioclesian, that great persecutor; yet we cannot deny, but all places in Brittain, being now full of war-like miseries, and the Christians here, both in Albania, Loegria, and Cambria, mixed and joined both with Roman and Scythian Infidels, many of them fell both to wickedness and Paganism also; which occasioned holy Gildas to write, that Christianity was received but coldly of the In∣habitants of Brittain, and with some continued perfect, but not so with others, before Dioclesian his persecution. And not onely in the time of Dioclesian his persecution, fol∣lowing in this age, we find even whole Cities and Towns, as Verulamium and others, wholly destitute of Christians; but long before or about this time we are assured, that there were very many Brittains, & not of mean estate, but such as were publickly employed about the affairs of the Kingdom, & sent from hence to Rome about it, that either were fal∣len from Christianity, or never forsook their Pagan Religion; for we read both in antient Manuscripts and other Authours, in the life of St. Mello, after Archbishop of Rhoan in Nor∣mandy, sent thither by St. Stephen, Pope, not onely that he and his Brittish Companions, which were then sent to Rome to pay the tribute of Brittains there, were Pagans, and Sacrifi∣ced in the temple of Mars; but it was then the custom of the Brittains coming thither about that Office so to do, which to be a custom, could not be younger than these dayes; time short enough between this and that time to make a custom: And it seemeth this custom had been from the first submission of the Brittains to the Romans; for both late Writers and others af∣firm, that in Octavius Augustus time Ambassadors came from Brittain to Rome, swearing sealty in the temple of Mars, offering gifts in the Capitol to the gods of the Romans; and we have testimony in our Histories, that after the death of King Lucius, and this very time which we have now in hand, it was the use & custom of our Brittains here, when any of their Nobility 〈…〉〈…〉

were to obtain the dignity of Knighthood, to send them to Rome to receive that honour there, and after such Pagan rights and ceremonies, that Christians could not in Conscience so accept thereof. And yet such multitudes even in this time flocked thither from hence so to be created.

Severus of himself was not addicted to a wicked life, but much renowned not onely for warlike affairs, but also for learning and knowledge in philosophy; and so great an enemy to incontinency, that he punished adultery by law with death, with such severity, that Dio writeth, that when he was Consul, he found by record that 3000 had been put to death for that offence. He was after his death made a God among the Pagans: and Herodianus saith, he died rather of grief for his childrens wickednesse then of sicknesse, which grief for the sins of his sons, as also of his own in permitting the Christians in many places be to most grievously persecuted, I would not deny; but that he dyed in any such grief is untrue, being most certain, that he after so many conquests in other Countries, when he came to fight against this Country Christians, was enforced dishonourably to make a wall and trench above 130 miles in length to keep his enemies back from invading him, and slain in battail by Fulgenius, or as others call him Fulgentius, brother to his first lawful true wife, the Empress Martia a Brittain. And by the Roman writers themselves, he was at this time when he was slain at Yorke 65 years old. And although he left thirty two Legi∣ons as Dio writeth, to defend that his temporal Empire, which had so persecuted the Church of Christ, yet that temporal Empire, with all those props began to stagger,* 1.324 and notwithstanding so great persecution in the Kingdom of Christ as Tertullian then living witnesseth, was adored and ruled in all places, and particularly here in Brit∣tain.

And it is generally agreed upon by our, both Brittish and Saxon Historians and Antiqua∣ries, that after his discomfiture by Severus, he went over into Scythia, interpreted to be that Country which we now call Denmark,* 1.325 and brought with him a great army of the people of that Nation, which our Antiquities call Picts, before he fought with Severus, and they both were there slain, or died at York. These were none of the Christian Picts, or Scots which lived in our Islands, who had joyned with Fulgenius before, and many of them were slain, as the same Authors testify; but they were Pagan Picts of whom many remained here after the death of these two Generalls, and had a place given them to inhabit in the Country of Albania. Thus write our Brittish Historians and our modern Antiquaries agree, when they say that Carausius gave unto the Scots, Picts and Scythians the Country of Cath∣nesse in Scotland, which they afterward inhabited, so these were those Pagan Picts and people which St. Ninian, and others sent from Rome, did long after convert to the faith of Christ, as St. Bede and others testify, for the Islanders which were Picts and Scots were converted in Pope Victor his time, which is another argument against the Scottish writers, which would have themselves seated in the Country now called Scotland, so long a duration of years as they claim.

Bassianus being advertised of his fathers death, practised with the Souldiers, by bribes and fair promises, that he might be declared sole Emperour, whereto when he could not perswade them, for the reverence they bare to his father Severus, he made a league with the Northern Brittains that then assailed the Borders, and returned to York to meet with Julia the Empresse his mother in law, and Geta his brother. There he caused the Physiti∣ans to be put to death, for not ridding his father sooner out of the way, as he had com∣manded them, then he appointed secretly to the slaughter, all those that for their vertue and wisdom had been esteemed and advanced by his father; and all such as having been Tutors to him and his brother, and advised them to mutual concord. This done he en∣tred into consultation about his fathers funerals, which were solemnized by the Army with all due rights, according to the ancient custome in time of war. The ashes of the dead body being put into a golden Urne, were afterwards by Julia the Empresse, accompanied with the two Cæsars, carried to Rome, where Severus after the usuall ceremony was conse∣crated a God.

Severus left as is related two sons Bassianus and Geta, and if Fulgenius, who is by divers called King (though indeed he was only Dux populi) had any right by descent to the Crown of Brittain, seeing we read of no child or brother he left behind him, that the title which he claimed must needs descend to the eldest son of Severus, which was Bassianus, son also to the sister of Fulgenius, as some before have written; now having by the death of his Father Severus and Uncle Fulgenius both their titles, with the allowance of the Empress Martia his mother, lawfully invested in him.

Therefore to decide and end all controversies in this businesse, the Brittains with com∣mon assent did chuse and accept Bassianus both for their King (being the next and undoubt∣ed heir, whether we shall stand either upon his father or Uncles title) as also for Emperor,* 1.326 as the Eldest son and heir of Severus undoubted Emperor, and for his leaving sons behind (as the chiefest cause) made a God among the Romans. So writeth Herodian with others,* 1.327 Mos est Romanis consecrare Imperatores qui superstitibus filiis vel successoribus moriuntur. And an English Antiquary, though not citing authority, delivereth the same in these words.

The Romans accustomed to consecrate with immortality such Emperors as at their death leave ei∣ther Children or successors in the Empire behind them,* 1.328 and those which are endued with that ho∣nour they Canonize among the Gods. Therefore to use the speech of an other late Author, Severus by birth a Roman, but in blood a Brittain, and the lineal heir of the body of Androgeas son of Lud, and Nephew to Cassibelan, was Emperor and King of Brittain. Geta, born of a Ro∣man woman Julia, was chosen Emperor by divers Romans; but soon after slain by his halfe brother Bassianus the Brittain. This Bassianus reigned alone both Emperour & King of Brittain till his death; besides his hereditary title to this Kingdom, it seemeth that the Christian Brittains here were not a little moved to chuse and receive him for their King, for the hope they had he would either become a Christan, or at least a friend and no enemy to that pro∣fession, of which in his youth and tender years he had given no vulgar argument; for be∣sides many other hopeful graces and gifts he was then endued with, he was brought up by a Christian Nurse, and with Christian Children: when he did see any Christian Martyrs, brought to wild beasts to be killed and devoured, he would weep and turne his face away, as Spartianus is an ample witnesse. And being but seven years old, hearing that one of his Christian Play-fellowes was grievously beaten for that his Religion, as the common inter∣pretation is, he could not long after endure the Procures of his beating. And in this hope of the Brittains, now Christians, that Bassianus would rather be a friend then persecutor of such, they were not deceived. For although contrary to his first education when he was with Christians, being separated from them he fell to so many kinds of impieties, as writers do report, and put innumerable of the Pagan Roman Nobles to death, and many of them which had been greatest enemies to Christians; yet he died innocent from Christian blood and persecution,* 1.329 and by his severe punishment towards their adversaries was justly interpreted to be a revenger of their wrongs and former calamities. The common opini∣on is, that he reigned between six and seven years; although I find in an old Manuscript French History, entreating much of the affairs of this Kingdom, written above 400 years since, that he was King of Brittain 29. years, Bassian tenoit le Roilme d Brittanie 29. ans.

* 1.330In this Emperours time St. Zepherine was Pope, who converted our renowned countri∣man St. Amphibalus, who won by his preaching, life, and death, after so many thou∣sands of this Nation to Christ, of whom a late Authour citing divers antiquities, thus wri∣teth, St. Amphibalus being a noble young man of Brittain, and going to Rome with Bassianus son to Severus, was there by Pope Zepherinus instructed secretly in the Christian faith, baptised, made Priest, and sent back into Brittain, there to preach unto others. Neither may we with prudence judge, that so great a concourse of our Brittish Nation and Nobility being then at Rome, and St. Amphibalus thus converted (a great Noble Man, and termed in antiquities the son of a Prince, and so not without attendance) that he alone was thus converted, and employed by that holy Pope at this time, and not unprobable but some of those holy Apostolick men which are yet remembred in Histories, to have assisted St. Am∣phibalus afterward in preaching Christ in these parts or received their Ordination and in∣struction from the same at Rome now about this time; such as were Modicus, Priscus, Calanus, Ferranus, Ambianus, and Carnocus: there is no repugnancy in the time, for these were old men when the persecution of Dioclesian raged here, and St. Alban was martyred.

Jacobus Bishop of Genua, and so to be termed of that City in Italy, a Roman writer, writing fourscore years, or thereabouts, before Matthew West, (who calls this Saint Clericus only, not expressing his name) testifies that his name was Amphibalus, a Brittain of this Kingdom, and son to a Prince thereof, relating his History and life at large. But our Monck might without blame be ignorant of that Author. And this forreign bishop addeth, that he went from hence to Rome with Bassianus, in the time of Severus, and was there Knighted amongst that noble company, most part of this Nation, recounted in number 1540. of which St. Alban was also one; and that St. Amphibalus was there made priest by the Pope of Rome, and sent home into his Country. Giraldus Cambrensis saith, he was borne as Caerlegeon, the renowned City and School in Wales. So have divers others: the old manuscript History of the Church of Winchester, saith, he was an holy Monck, and Doctour in the Church of Caermardyn in Wales. And this is the last certain place of his Residency, which that Antiquity giveth him, before his persecution, and going to the Scots; and so it seemeth not unprobable, but he was also Bishop of that city Caermar∣din, or without question, of some other City there; for otherwise how could he be con∣secrated Bishop among the Scots, by whose Annals he is accounted the first Bishop they had resident among them, but more of him hereafter.

About the year of our Lord 220. or a little before, Bassianus Emperour and King of Brit∣tain, was murdered between Edissa and Carras, by Mardianus a Centurion: he marrying with the sister of the holy christian Lady Mammea, left their son Heliogabalus behind him, who soon after was Emperour. An old French Manuscript History saith, that Bassianus was slain by Carausius, who after reigned 38 years. The same hath the manuscript com∣pilation in these words, Et tandem faventibus Britonnibus Carausius demicavit cum Bas∣siano, & interfecit eum, & sic gubernaculum regni in sese suscepit; of this opinion also is Fabian.

Howes saith, Bassianus was cruelly given to sensuality and lust, insomuch that he espou∣sed his mother-in-law Juba, others call her Julia, as Hollenshed; Fabian Juliana; who saith, that Bassianus on a certain time breaking in to his brother Geta's chamber, slew him even in his mothers lap, and that himself was after slain at Edissa by one of his souldiers (but names him not) as he was about to untruss his points.

Now the affairs of Brittain, for the space of almost fifty years together were passed over in silence, as being either omitted through negligence of Writers in that age, or perishing through the calamity of the times that ensued under the Emperours following, namely, Popilius Macrinus (the successor of Bassianus) Varus Heliogobalus, Alexander Severus, Maximinus Gordianus the first, second and third, Philippus Arats, Decius Valerianus: These are the words of the Authour of the Brittish History; but we will leave him a while, to try what other Authours say; Fabian tells, that Carausius, &c.

Finis Libri Tertii.

To the Right Honourable HENRY Earle of Oxford, Lord Bulbeck, Samford, Badlesmere, Scales, Knight of the Garter, &c. ALGERNON Earle of Northumberland, and Lord Percy, Lucy, Poynings, Fitz Pain, Bryan and Latimer, Knight of the Garter, &c. JOHN Earle of Shrewsbury, Lord Talbot, Furnival, Verdon, and Lord Strange, of Blackmore.

The Earle of OXFORD.

Henry Very the Eighteenth Earl of Oxford of that name, Lord Bulbeck, Samford, &c. Descended, as Mr. Brooke, York Herald, fol. 162. and others say, from Aubrey de Vere, who married Mabel Daughter of Robert Consull Earl of Glocester, and natural Son to Henry the first, by Nest daughter to Rees Prince of Southwales, which Rees married Gladis, D. and sole heir of Rees ap Kenvin Prince of Powis, whose successor Robert de Vere, third of that name, and sixth Earl of Oxford, of that family, married Margaret daughter of Roger Lord Mor∣timer, son of Edmund Lord Mortimer, descended from Roger Lord Mortimer, who marri∣ed Gladis sister and heir of the whole blood to David, son to Llewellyn Prince of North∣wales, and Joane daughter to K. John, which Llewellyn was son to Jorworth, the son of O∣wen Gwineth, the son of Gruffith, the son of Conan, the son of Jago, the son of Edwal, the son of Meiric, the son of Edwal Voel, the son of Anarawd, the son of Rodery Maur, the son of Esylht, daughter and sole heir of Conan Tyndaythwy, the son of Roderike Molwynoc, the son of Edwal Ywrch, the son of Cadwallader last King of the Britains. Mr. Powel fol. 224

NORTHUMBERLAND.

Llewellin ap Jorworth Prince of Northwales married Joane, natural daughter to K. John,* 1.331 begotten on Agatha daughter of William Earl Ferrers and Derby 1204. with whom her father gave in marriage the Castle and Lordship of Ellinsmere or Ellesmere in the Marches of Southwales, which deed beareth date at Dover, 17. April 6. Johannis, this Llewellin and Agatha had issue

David Prince of Northwales, sans issue.
Roger Lord Mortimer.	Gladis sister of the whole blood to David Prince of Northwales, and his heir.* 1.332
Roger L. Mortimer and by right of inherit∣ance Prince of Northwales.	Maud daughter to William de Bruse L. of Brecon.
Edmund Lord Mortimer.	Margaret Fendlesse.
Roger L. Mortimer created Earl of March, by K. Edw. III.	Joane daughter and heir to Sir Peter Geni∣vill or Jenevill.
Edmund Mortimer Earl of March.	—Daughter and co-heir of Bartholomew Badelsmere L. of Leeds in Kent.
Roger Mortimer restored in blood Earle of March. an. 29. Edw. III.	Philippa daughter of William Montague Earl of Sarum.
Edmund Mortimer Earl of March.	Philippa sole daughter and heir of Lyonel D. of Clarence.
Sir H. Percy Knight, son and heir to Henry Percy Earl of Northumberland.	Eliz. daughter to Edm. Mort. E. of March, & Philippa heir to Lyonel D. of Clarence.
Henry Percy Earl of North.	Elinor daughter to Ralph Nevil, first Earle of Westmerland of that name.
Henry Percy Earl of North.	Elinor D. and h. of Richard Lord Poynings.
Henry Percy Earl of North.	Maud daughter of Will. Herbert E. of Pem∣broke, by which match this honourable family descends from divers Welsh branches, as shall appear in the pedegree of the Earle of Pembroke.

Henry Lord Percy Earl of North.	Mary D. to George Lord Talbot E. of Salop.
Tho. Lord Percy E. of North. nephew to E. Henry.	Anne d. to H. Somerset E. of Worcester, where again this family descends from the Welsh, as in the genealogy of Worcester.
Sir Henry Percy brother to Earle Thomas, Earle of North.	Katherine one of the daughters and co-h. of J. Nevil L. Latimer, which family of the Nevils, streams from the Welsh as in the pedegree of Abergavenny.
Henry Lord Percy Earle of Northumber∣land.	Dorothy daughter to Walter Devereux Earle of Essex.
Algernon Percy Earl of Northumberland.	Anne d. of Will. Cecil E. of Salisbury, by which this right honourable Family (to whom God grant a long and prosperous poste∣rity) descends from many Brittish pro∣genies, as in the pedegrees of Salisbury and Exceter.

The Earle of SHREVVSBURY.

John L. Talbot E. of Sbrewsb. descended from Gilbert L. Talbot, temp. H. 3. who married Gwenllian d. to Rees ap Gruffith P. of Southw.	Maud d. and sole heir to Thomas Nevil L. Furnival, which family of Nevil descends from the Welsh, as in Abergavenny.
John L. Talbot, E. of Shrewsbury, L. Furni∣val and Verdon.	Eliz. daughter of James Butler Earle of Or∣mond.
By this match of Verdon, by which the title of Lord Verdon came, appears an other stream of Welsh blood; for Theobald Lord Verdon married Maud daughter of Edmund Mortimer, descended from Llewellyn Prince of Southwales, ut ante in Oxford.
John Lord Talbot Earle of Salop.	Katherine d. to Humphrey D. of Buckingham.
George Lord Talbot Earle of Shrewsbury.	Anne d. of William Lord Hastings descended from the Prince of Wales.
Francis Earle of Shrewsbury.	Mary d. to Thomas L. Dacres of Gilesland.
George Earle of Shrewsb.	Gertrude daughter to Thomas E. of Rutland, descended from the Welsh line
Gilbert Earl of Shrewsbury.	Mary daughter of Sir. William Cavendish.
Edward Earle of Shrewsbury.	Joan daughter and co-h. of Cuthbert L. Ogle
George Talbot son and heir to — Talbot of Grafton Esq; heir male of Sir Gilbert Tal∣bot of Grafton Knight Banneret, and Knight of the Garter, second son to John Lord Talbot, second Earle of Shrewsbury of that name, was by King James admit∣ted to the Earledom of Shrewsbury; but he dying without issue, the Earledome fell to the issue of John Talbot Esquire his brother.
John Talbot Earle of Shrewsbury.	Mary daughter to Sir Francis Fortescue Kt.
George Lord Talbot.	— daughter of Sir Percy Herbert, L. Powis, by which match many Welsh branches devolve unto this honourable family.

THE ANTIENT & MODERN BRITTISH AND WELSH HISTORY, Beginning with BRUTE, and continued until King CHARLES the first. The Fourth Book.

CARAƲSIƲS, a Brittain of unknown birth,* 1.333 was of the Brittains made Ruler Anno Dominicae Incarnationis 218. Hollenshed also placeth Carausius next to Bassia∣nus, though others name him not.* 1.334 The learned Mr. Broughton searcheth this bu∣siness to the quick; and therefore to give more life to this History, you shall hear what he saith. Bassianus being as before murthered, Macrinus, a Mauritanian or Moris∣can by Nation, with his son Diadumenus, or by some Diadumenianus, obtained the Empire; but they were both slain by their own Souldiers, rebelling against them when they had been Emperours but one year and two moneths; after whom Marcus Aurelius Antoninus Heliogabalus or Elagabalus, son of Bassianus Caracalla before spoken of, was chosen Em∣perour by the Army, his mother was named Soemiades or Semiamira, the daughter of Me∣sa, sister of Julia the Empress, the second wife of Severus; and this Soemiades, or Semia∣mira, or Semiamides, was sister to that renowned Christian Lady Mamea, mother to A∣lexander the Emperour; Henry of Huntington, and Florigerus ascribe four compleat years to the Emperour Heliogabalus; Martinus alloweth him not fully so long a reign; yet Mar∣tinus saith with Roman Writers, that he was Emperour four years and eight moneths. Flo∣rentius Wigorniensis hath the like words, both for that continuance of his Empire, and au∣thority of the Roman History, affirming it, that he was true and immediate next King of Brittain, not onely during the time of his Empire, but in that space also when Macrinus and his son Diadumenus were Emperours, even from the death of Antoninus Bassianus Cara∣calla his father, the undoubted King of Brittain, both by his fathers and mothers title. For although Martinus saith, that Severinus son of Bassianus was Emperour with his father, yet seeing this Authour who so writeth, consenteth with all others, that Macrinus immediatly succeeded to Bassianus Caracalla, and Heliogabalus to Macrinus; he must needs too justifie that his Testimony of Severinus being Emperour with his father,* 1.335 that this Severinus died with his father or before, or was the same son of Bassianus, which others do call He∣liogabalus, Marcus, Antoninus, and other names which Heliogabalus is stiled by in Histories.

While these things were acted with the Romans, the State of Brittainy was unquiet; and although Heliogabalus and his brother Severinus also, if Bassianus had any such son, was next true King of Brittain, yet neither of them enjoyed it; for by all Wri∣ters, one named Carausius was King of Brittain, not onely after Bassianus, but by divers Authours, sometime also while he lived, giving an overthrow to Bassianus the Emperour, or rather some Lieutenant or General of his, of the same or the like name here in Brittainy, and so made himself King of Brittain; after whom by our Brittish History, and Ponticus Virunnius, Asclepiodotus Duke of

Cornwall was made King, deposing Alectus, sent hither against Carausius with three Legions, and Matthew of Westminster and Harding write, was King three years, untill Asclepiodotus deposed him; next to Asclepiodotus was King Coelus, Father to the most renowned Empress St. Helena, married to Constantius Emperor, and Mother to great Constantine their son, our most glorious King and Emperor, after which time our History will not be so obscure and confused as now it is; for as in the succession of these I have now remembered there is question, so concerning the time of their Government, and their conversation also, whether it were Christian or otherwise, it is not free from dif∣ficulty. Antiquaries say that Carausius was next King to Bassianus. Therefore when Matthew West. and some others would not have Carausius to be King till about the 286. year of Christ, it must needs be an error either in them, their Scribes or Printers; for it is evident, and all the Roman writers prove, that Bassianus was dead many years, and divers Emperors had succeeded long before this time, and Math. Westm. himself saith, that Bassianus making war against the Parthians, was circumvented and slain of his Ene∣mies, between Edissa and Carras, in the year of Christ 213. which was above 70. years before he bringeth Carausius to attempt any thing for the crown of Brittain: Florentius Wigorne followeth the same account, and setteth down the very place of his death there to be Osdroena, and Mercinus affirmeth the same, with the Roman Histories, saying, it was in the year of Christ 218. And both our old Brittish History, and Ponticus Virun∣nius,* 1.336 who gave the greatest light in this matter, say plainly, that Carausius lived in the time of Bassianus. And add further that Carausius joyning with the Picts, which Fulgenius had got together against Severus Father to Bassianus, sought with his army, and over∣throwing it,* 1.337 was made King of Brittain. And these Picts and Scots must needs be those of which the Scottish Historians write, when they say Bassianus made peace with them, and the Brittains which followed Fulgenius,* 1.338 and so went from hence to Rome. And whereas the Brittish History and Virunnius say that Carausius did kill Bassianus, this was not Bassianus our King and Emperor, son of Severus and Martia, but one Quintus Bassianus a Legate of the Romans. Now being the common Opinion, received both of the Roman and other writers,* 1.339 that Severus dyed in the year of Christ 213. The Author of the Ca∣talogue of our Brittish Kings, thus setteth down their successions and Regiments, with their continuance, Bassianus Ceracel six years, Carausius seven years, Alectus six years, Asclepiodotus thirty years, Coelus twenty seven years. After whom Constantius his son in law by marrying his Daughter, St. Helena succeeded in the crown, by which accompt we have between the death of Severus and Constantius his reigning here 76. years, and from Carausius his death, and the begining of Constantius his reign 65. years, Harding ma∣keth the distance shorter, ascribing to Bassianus seven years, to Carausius 4. to Alectus 3. Asclepiodotus 10. to Coel 11. years, yet by this accompt also Carausius was dead many years before that time, wherein Hector Boetius and some others make him to have first ad∣vanced any title to the Crown of Brittain.

Yet we may make some part of attonement between these opinions, if we shall say with the Brittish and other Histories,* 1.340 that Carausius was but a young man in the time of Bassianus or Heliogabalus the true Kings of Brittain. And he went to Rome to procure his Commission there of the Senate to be Admiral to keep the Brittish Seas.* 1.341 And after he was thus admitted Admiral, long time and divers years must needs be spent before he could come to that power by Sea and Land with Brittains Picts and Scots, to be King of Brittain, although he was as divers hold of the Kingly race, Ex regio Stemate, and Unkle to that renowned Christian King of Scots Grathnitus,* 1.342 though some stile him to have been of base lineage unprobable in a man obtaining such honour of the Roman Senate,* 1.343 and renown among Princes, Kings, and Emperors, and divers of them Chri∣stians. But to go no further out of my way, whether Bassianus or his Son Heliogabalus both Emperors and Brittains by parentage, or Carausius was in Brittain at this time, we are by this which is said assured,* 1.344 that the Christians here were in quiet and peace; for if Bassianus still continued King, he had made peace with all Christians here, whether Brittains, Picts or Scots, before his departure hence to Rome. And although Heliogaba∣lus,* 1.345 was otherwise a Man of such wicked conversation, that I had rather refer any man desirous to know the manner, both of his own and his Fathers life, to forrain writers, then fill my pen with the dishonour of their race in them, yet no History maketh mention that he any way was a persecuter of Christians, if Carausius was King, it is not unprobable but he was a Christian, advanced, chosen, and honoured with that Kingly dignity by the Christians, confederate with, and assisted by the Christian Scots and Picts, their Kings or Ru∣lers and against the Pagan Romans, a professed Patron and Propugnator of the Right and Priviledges, and Revenger of the wrongs and Injuries of the Christians here, contend∣ing by all means he could even with the adventure of his life loosing in that quarrel, to restore the Christians of this Kingdom to that quiet and honourable Estate, to be free from the Thraldom of forraign Pagans, which they happily enjoyed in the Government of King Lucian, and the Roman Senate began now to infringe and violate; This was the pretended end, and scope of his designes, although by some writers, not with a little design of his own greatness and exaltation, no strange disease amongst great Princes in any age.

Hollenshed saith, that Alectus was sent from Rome with three Legions,* 1.346 and slew him in the field.

Fabian tells us, that in a Book which in French is called Merc de Histories, or the Mother of Histories in our Tongue, that this Carausius, or as he calls him Carassius, was first a Treasurer, or such a high Officer among the Romans; by reason whereof, he engrossed great abundance of Riches, and by that means became gracious with the Senators, and in time was elected Senator, and became a man of such authority, that Basianus made him Protector of the City and Country of Alexandria; from this his advancement and great∣nesse, issued pride, and that pride begat Tyranny, insomuch that the Country grew wea∣ry of their heavy and servile bondage and impositions, insomuch that his death was con∣spired and decreed, which he perceiving, first revenged himself upon the conspirators, and then left the Country and Province. At his comming to Rome the Senate finding him to be of an austere and ridged disposition, assigned unto him the rule of Brittain with three Legions. This is Fabians relation, but what is formerly set down from Mr. Broughton car∣rieth with it more authority.

Alectus.

Alectus sent from Rome by the Emperour and Senate, began the time of his government,* 1.347 in the year of our Lord 227. We do not find that Alectus after he had slain Carausius in battail, and taken upon him the Kingdom, which he held for the space of three years, did persecute the Christian Brittains, under pretence of Religion, but for following Carausius, and not yielding subjection to the Romans as they required, where we see the reason of that affliction of the Brittains by the Romans; because they had forsaken the Common-Wealth, and Government thereof, and followed Carausius an Usurper, as the Romans estemed him. And other Historians make it plain, that only the followers of Carausius, and no o∣thers were thus persecuted by Alectus; and Mathew of Westm. also saith, that Alectus did af∣flict only those Brittains, who forsaking their Country had committed themselves to the command of Carausius; which Harding more plainly confesseth, when he saith of Alectus,* 1.348 Allecto then crowned and made King of all Brittain, reigning fully years three, and well he ruled in all manner of working; or if Alectus or his Pagan Souldiers and under-Rulers did un∣justly persecute any Brittains for Religion, neither he nor they did escape the just ven∣geance of God executed upon them, by the Christian Brittains in the like kind, for when Alectus and his Infidel consorts were at London gathered together to make solemn sacrifice to their Idols, they were by the Christians driven from their sacrifice, Alectus shamefully put to flight and slain, his army scattered, and though by Livius Gallus his Collegue in some part renewed again, yet both the General Gallus and all his Romans were slain by the Christian Brittains in one day, and their Leader Gallus contemptuously thrown into a brook taking name, thereof as our modern Antiquaries with antiquity thus deliver, Asclepiodotus reco∣covered Britain and slew the Romans Captain named Livius Gallus neer unto a brook there at that time running, into which brook he threw him, by reason whereof it is called in Brittish Nant Gallon, since in the Saxon tongue Gallus or Wallus brook and to this day the street where sometime the brook ran is called Walbrook: And proveth the History of this brook both by pub∣lick Records and Inquisitions. This Alectus reigned according to Fabian six years.

Asclepiodotus.

Asclepiodotus Duke of Cornewal as saith Gaufride (but after the saying of Eutropius and Beda he was President of the Pretory of Rome) began his dominion over the Brittains in the year of our Lord 232, who upon his victory was crowned King of Brittain by Parliament, saith Harding, and by common consent of the people, (as both the Brittish History Pont. Virun. and Matthew of Westm.) being Duke of Cornwal before. All these last writers ex∣cept Matt. West, say Dioclesian his persecution began here in his time, of which I shall speak hereafter. And it seemeth that divers Historians not observing that Constantius was here twice, marrying St. Helena the first time, and the second time receiving her again, when Maximian the persecuting Emperour, had forced him to put her away, do thereupon vary and differ much about the years of our Kings in those times: an old manuscript Chronicle doth say Bassianus reigned 27 years, Carausius whom it calleth Carencius 39 years, Alectus 15 years, Asclepiodotus 10 years, Coel 4 years, and after him his son in law and daughter Constantius and Helena 11 years. The moderne Catalogue of our Kings, hath told us that Asclepiodotus did reign 30 years, the same hath Hellenshed, calling it the com∣mon accompt of our Chroniclers; and by the same Authors and divers others, King Coel in the latter end of whose reign the Romans by Constantius came in again, &c.

Authours excuse Asclepiodotus from being any mover of that persecution which then was in Brittain, but suffering the Tyrant Maximian to prosecute it, and not resisting him therein, which is rather imputed to want of power, than will and desire in him, when he saith, I mean Harding,

Who for great fear suffered all this pain, (Of Christians) And durst nothing against this Tyrant steer, But him withdrew, to hide him, was full fain.

Where he doth insinuate, that Asclepiodotus was in judgement a friend rather than per∣secutor of Christians; and himself in some sort persecuted by the Roman Pagans, in that respect which seemeth expressed, in that this Authour sayeth of him, That he was inforced to hide himself from the Pagan Roman persecutors: And we find divers Antiquities testi∣fying, that before there was not any persecution here against Christians, but their Reli∣gion was in peace and quiet publickly professed; and this Asclepiodotus, to redeem and preserve such Brittains liberty, in that and all other priviledges, warred against Alectus the Pagan Roman Governour, and in sign of his detestation of their Idolatry, beset and assaulted him and his Confederates, when they were doing their greatest and most solemn sacrifices to their gods.

Now to calm these Tempests of Troubles, I suppose (by our best Histories) that this persecution of Dioclesian and Maximinian here raged about the space of nine or ten years, in the time of Asclepiodotus principally, and that now at the Martyrdom of St. Amphiba∣lus, so great miseries and afflictions had been laid upon our holy Christians here long time, as their flying from hence unto other Nations; their abode there, return hither again, and continuing no short space, before they were put to death, as is manifest in the case of St. Amphibalus, not martyred till almost a year after St. Alban, who was kept in prison six moneths before his Martyrdom, that now thousands were converted to Christ, and the chief municipal Cities themselves, where Idolatry so reigned, that a Christian was rare to be then found in them, as in Verulam, were now onely inhabited by Christians, and not a Pagan to be seen; and this by the Omnipotent working of God, and the Idolatrous Judge and Prince himself, that ruled here under the Pagan Romans, and persecuted by their power, even to the utmost bounds of Brittany, was made that he was unable to Rule and Govern any longer, but needed be Ruled and Governed himself by others. This Judge, King and Roman Lieutenant, as the Scottish Historians with others call him, was King Asclepiodotus, thus grievously either of malice or for fear of the Romans then perse∣cuting, and for so doing hated of God and Man.

Coel.

King Coel (who began his reign in the year of our Lord 262.) having now both Warrant and Way to advance the Title to the Crown of this Kingdom, and help to free the afflicted Christians thereof, from the miseries of their so long and grievous persecution (as it seem∣eth most probable) at this time and upon these occasions, he took Armes against Asclepio∣dotus, reputed King in this persecution, slew him and was crowned King, as our Historians deliver unto us: Harding also plainly saith, that Coel took Armes against Asclepiodotus, by reason of this great persecution.

For which Duke Coel against him rose in Armes; Asclepiodotus for the first ten years of his reign was just, and ruled with the general applause of all, but after fell into wickedness and cruelty, so that King Coel might justly pursue his right to Brittain, in hope thereby in better manner to redeem the afflictions of his Countrey Christians, being more potent and able, and likely more willing than Asclepiodotus was, not so forward in any Judgements as he should have been in defending innocence, if he had not been an actual persecutor; which Harding himself thus in these plain terms expresseth:

* 1.349This persecution as some Chronicles fain, The ten years war of Asclepiodote, For which Duke Coel again him rose full hot, The Duke Caer Colun, that hight Coilus Which City now this day Colchester hight, Then crowned was that slew Asclepiodotus, For cause he came not forth with all his might, The Tyramite fell to a canstand, as he hight, Wherefore Brittains were all full glad and fain, Of King Coilus that succoured all their pain.

And howsoever Asclepiodotus concurred with the Roman persecutors, and pleased them in vexing and tormenting Christians here in Britany; yet otherwise he was very unpleasing unto them: He troubled the Roman power in all things, and therefore they were glad of his death. Ponticus Virunnius himself, a Roman, saith,

they did esteem him their great enemy, and as for such an one rejoyced at his death, and this joy was not onely of particular Romans, but of the whole Senate which ruled chiefly in matters of Estate. Therefore when our Antiquities assure us that Coel obtained the Kingdom, and was crowned, and as an old French manuscript speaketh, regna sur Britaniae, ruleth over Brittain, and was thus inabled and made power∣ful to redresse what he found offensive and wicked, being absolute King, and joyfully so re∣ceived of the Brittains, as our Historian said before.

Wherefore Brittains were all full glad and faine, Of King Coelus that succoured all their pain.

And he himself taking acception to Asclepiodotus, next to his charging him with usurping the Crown, for being to backward in resisting the Roman persecutors, would not fall into the like error with him, but as is proved already succoured all their pain, and utterly ceas∣ed the persecution against Christians of Brittain which were thus joyful of his coronation and thereby relieved and redeemed them from their afflictions all his time, which both by our own and forreign Historians, continued to the end of the third hundred of years.* 1.350 The Romans having no power here either to persecute Christians, or to any other purpose. But as our Brittish and other Historians testify, wholly lost their government here, untill after the death of King Coel, or the comming of Constantius his son in law hither, the se∣cond time, very little before King Coel his death. Our Scottish Historians say that King Coel utterly destroyed both Romans and all the Brittains also, which were their favourers, and set forth a severe edict, to search forth all Romans and Brittains which had followed them here, and caused them to be punished and put to death, and so with most joyful and general applause of the people, Nobles and others, that the crown of Brittain was thus re∣stored to the true heir of their regal blood, was crowned King, and he established the King∣dom in the Brittish government. So that now so severe a law being made and executed both against the prosecuting Romans, and all such Brittains as had joyned with them against the Christian inhabitants of this nation, and all this done by the authority of our King, and with the consent both of the nobility and people; we must needs end the persecution here with the beginning of King Coels reign.

And it would not be singular in this point if we should hold, that King Coel was actually a christian, and not only a friend to such; for first, all they which affirm him to have been Kinsman or Heir to our first christian King St. Lucius, easily prove him a christian, for such a man would not leave either child or kinsman, which by him had that title, to have any other education. Secondly by the time of his age, whether he was to King Lucius, so near or no we must needs confesse, he lived most part of his life, when christianity flourished in this Kingdom, being an aged man before Dioclesian his persecution began. Thirdly our Hi∣storians say that his daughter St. Helen, which had her education by his direction, was instru∣cted and taught in the christian faith. A late Authour thus speaketh, of this, Helena she was first instructed in the faith of Christ by Coel her father, as Petrus de Natalibus saith; and yet if we en∣cline to this opinion, we may easily answer them that will object the public and universal re∣stitution of christian religion, as building Churches, Monasteries, and such holy foundations was not in his time. For by the common opinion his reign was short, little, and not a∣bove four years, a great part whereof was spent, in extirpating the persecutors, and the rest in preparation to resist a new invasion of the Romans, not reigning in quiet and security from these troubles and fears the space of two moneths, by any writers: and so after so great and terrible a tempest of persecution, it was a wonderful comfort and happiness for the Brittish christians, to enter into such a calme and quiet, to live in security and rest, freed from their former miseries under so renowned a King which was all he could do, or they expect in such times and circumstances.

The Roman Emperours after the death of Heliogabolus, until Constantius married first, or af∣ter received again Helena daughter of Coel, had little command in this Kingdom, there∣fore it will suffice to set down briefly their names & continuance of their Emperours, which our late Antiquaries do thus propose unto us. After Senerius Bassianus sir∣named Antonius Caracalla succeeded in the Empire, but was murdered by Martialis when he had governed six years, Macrinus one year, Antonius Heliogabalus three years, Alexan∣der Severus 13 years, Julius Maximus three years, M. Antonius Gordanus one year, Julius Philipus (they omit the second his son) the first christian Emperour five years, Decius two years, Trebonianus, Gallas and Vibius Hostilianus two years, Julius Aemilianus four moneths, Lecinius Valerianus six, Lacivius Gallicinus fifteen. At this time there arose in divers coun∣tries thirty usurpers, which are called the thirty Tyrants, of which Lollianus Posthumus, Victorianus Tetricius, as it is supposed kept Brittain from Gallimus: Flavius Claudius two, Aurelianus five, Tacitus 6 moneths, Florianus six moneths. This year 276. Aurelian the Dane was chosen Emperour, he hated christians, and in the 4 year of his reign he stirred up the 9^th persecution upon the church of God, he reigned 5 years and 6 dayes. And after that, Tacitus succeeded in the Empire being a very fit and worthy governour, & after Tac. Probus Equirius 〈…〉〈…〉

Son to Delinacius a Clown, and Gardiner by profession; this Probus Equirius was a most valiant Man at armes, and as good a Justitiar, as any that had the publick Go∣vernment, he began his reign in the year of Christ, 282. and reigned six years and four moneths,* 1.351 Aurelius Probus five years. In which time Bonosus, (famous for excess in drinking) a Brittain born, usurped the Empire with Proculus at Cullen, and would have exempted from the Romans, Brittain, Spain, and part of France, but being vanquished by Probus, he strangled himself (that was the way to spoile his drink∣ing:) This Probus after he had reigned five years, was slain of the Soldiers, Carus was created Augustus, he made Carinus and Numerianus his Sons Cæsars, to Carinus he assigned Brittain, Gaule, Illiricum, Italy, and Spain, but Ca∣rinus was slain by lightning, and the other two within three years space lost their lives. Dioclesian was then chosen Emperor, who adjoyned Maximianus un∣to him; in like Government these two Emperours elected two Cæsars, Valerius Maximus and Constantius Chlorus, to which Constantius he committed the recovery of Brittany.

When Dioclesian and Maximian the most offensive Enemies of the faithfull Servants, and Church of Christ, intended their merciless and matchless persecu∣tion against them, the ease to make it was as universal and general, as it was bloody and Tyrannical, and perceiving that neither Nero nor any other their predecessors in that prophane impiety had or could before them transport their rage in that kind, over our Ocean into this Kingdom, protected and rampired both by scituation and sea, and Christian Kings are Rulers, or favourers of Christianity and Immunities from the Roman severities in such nature, their study and practise was, first to surprise and overthrow these firm Bulwarks and Forts against them, and therefore assuredly knowing that by the Regal claim and title of Brittain, Queen Helena was the lawfull an undoubted heir and Owner thereof, that she was a Christian, and de∣scended of such parents, and absolute Queen of such a Country, the rare virtues and wisdom, she was endued with, her potency thereby, with her victorious and triumphant husband Constantius that they had children to succeed them in the Kingdom, and Government of Brittain, and such as by credible Antiquities before were Christians, and thereby more likely to enlarge and dilate, then to restrain or hinder the profession of Christianity, they knew these Impediments to their wicked disignements must be taken away before they could take effect, whereupon beginning with the chiefest and principal propugnacle, the title of Queen Helen, her marriage with Constantius, and love between them, they first assaulted this by pretended disability in that title and marriage. Her lawfull Title by Regal Lineal discent they frustrated in their Judgment, which then had no Judge on Earth, by their pretended and not to be examined Imperial claim and preheminence, taking and reckoning for their own whatsoever they could get and keep by force and sword; and their more then Panege••ical Orator Mamertinus saith plainly in his oration to Maximian the Emperor, that the Brittains were not only subject unto him, and that he landing in Brittain, The Brittains received him with great Triumph, offered themselves unto his presence with their Wives and children, reverencing not only him∣self, but even the sails and tacklings of that ship which had brought his divine pre∣sence unto their coasts, and when he should set foot on Land, they were ready to lye down at his feet that he might as it were march over them, so desirous they were of him, that both the Brittains and Nations adjoyning to the bounds of that Isle were obedient to his commandement: And giveth nothing to Constantius, but as in the right and title of that Emperor.

Like to this have some other flatterers of the Romans written, by which we see they went about utterly to disable the Queen to have any title to the Kingdom. This they so urged to Constantius, and so disgraced his marriage with that renowned Lady, that in the end they compelled him, to put her away, and take Theodora a Pagan, Daughter of the persecuting Emperor Maximian in her place, then they banished St. Lu∣cius and St. Emerita their holy children. Some by reason of the Identity of the name think this Lucius here spoken of to have been Lucius the King, but Harrison in his descripti∣on of Brittain clears that doubt, who thus relateth the occasion of Prince Lucius his for∣saking Brittain his native country. It hapned (saith he) that Lucius by reason of a quarrel grown between him and his Elder brother, either by a fray or by some other means, did kill his said brother, whereupon his Father exiled him, out of Brittain, and appointed him from thenceforth to remain in Aquitain in France. He became a Bishop in the Church of Christ. He erected a place of prayer, wherein to serve the living God, and is still cal∣led even to this our time, after Lucian or Lucius the first Founder thereof, and the origi∣nal beginner of any such house in those parts; in this also he and divers others of his friends continued their times in great contemplation and prayer, and from thence were translated as occasion served unto sundery Ecclesiastical promotions, in the time of Constantine his brother, so that by his short narration it is easie to see that Lucius the King, and Lucius son of Chlorus were

two distinct persons, and the same Author saith further and more at large in his relation hereof; Constantius Chlorus being at the first matched with Helena, and before she was put from him by the Royal power of Dioclesian, he had by her three sons, besides one Daughter called Emerita, of which the name of the first is perished, the second was called Lucius, and the third Constantine, that after was Emperor. And he after addeth thereunto, Her∣manius Sehedelius addeth also, how he went into Rhetia with Emerita his Sister, and near unto the City Augusta, converted the Curienses unto the Faith of Christ, and there like∣wise being put to death in Castro Martis, lyeth buried in the same Town, where his feast is held upon the third day of December.* 1.352 That Schedelius erreth not herein, also the ancient monuments of the said Abbey, whereof he was the original beginner, do yield sufficient testimony, beside an Hymne made in the commen∣dation, intituled Gaude Lucionum, &c. The said Schedelius setteth down likewise, that his sister Emerita was martyred in Trine castle neer unto the place where the said Lucius dwelled; and the same Authour saith further, that he converted all Bavaria and Rhetia between the Alps; and this narration is confirmed by Gaspar Bruchius thus,* 1.353 St. Lucius which preached to the Germans, was born of the regal race among the Brittains, and propogating the faith of Christ, came out of Brittainy into Germany, and preached first at Salisbury, then at Austburg, from whence he was cast out by the Infidels there, and then went with his sister St. Emeri∣ta to the City of Chur, where preaching again, both he and his sister Emerita were martyred by the Pagans, St. Lucius at Chur in the castle of Mars, and St. Emerita at Trine Ca∣stle.

Lucius and Emerita being thus by means of the Roman Emperours Dioclesian and Maxi∣mian both banished and martyred, to make all sure in their proceedings they detained Constantine the other child, as Hostage at their command, and placed here in Brittain, none to bear office, but such as were Pagans, ready to execute the cruel and savage resolutions of that bloody persecuting Tyrant, against the holy christians here. These things thus com∣pleated, the state of Brittain by such means was now brought into the same condition for persecution with other nations, or rather worse, the number of christians being here then far greater, both in respect it was a christian Kingdom, and so had both more christian inhabi∣tants then other nations, and by the immunities and priviledges it should have enjoyed, many christians of other regions fled and resorted hither in hope of quiet and security from persecution.

This violent storme of persecution raging through the whole Roman Empire, acted ma∣ny tragical Scaenes in this Isle. Harding in his Chronicle saith, * 1.354

The Emperour Dioclesian Into Brittaon sent Maximian; This Maximian to sirname Hercelius, A Tyrant false that Christenty annoyd, Through all Brittain, a work malicious, The Christen folk, felly and sore destroyed. And thus the people with him foul accloyed, Religious men, the Priests and Clerks all, Women with child, and bedrid folk all, Children sucking upon their their Mothers pappis, The mothers also without any pitty, And children all in their mothers lappis, The Creples eke and all the Christentee He killed and slew with full great cruelty, The Churches brent, all books and ornaments, Bells, Relicks, that to the Church appends.

Dioclesian came to the Empire in the year of Christ 282, and did within two years after begin his most cruel persecution; the first that felt the heavy, but yet most blessed stroak here in Brittain, was St. Allan. Dicetus Dean of St. Pauls, London, doth set down this per∣secution in Brittain in the year of Christ 287. The old manuscript Annals of Winchester say that S. Allan in the eight year of Dioclesian & Maximian was put to death; and the same antiquities tell us that the Monks of Winchester were martyred by the Officers of Dioclesian in the second year of his reign, and their Church, then destroyed;* 1.355 a late Bishop as he citeth from some Antiquities of that Church saith, this happened in the year of Christ, 289. and addeth that at this time, Dioclesian endeavouring to root out Christian Religion in Brittain, not only killed the professours of the same,* 1.356 but also pulled down all churches anywhere consecrated to the exercise thereof. The instruments of Dioclesian herein were Quintus Bas∣sianus Hircius, Alectus Gallus, as the most principal with others of inferior degrees; and Mamertinus the Panegyrist hath avouched to Maximian the persecutor, before that he was here in Brittain in his own person, which is confirmed by our own Antiquaries: Adding further that he persecuted in the Occidental parts, by commission from Dioclesian;* 1.357 so testifieth John Lydgate the Monck of Bury with others.

* 1.358St. Alban our first Martyr was rather descended of Noble Roman then Brittish blood, but probably both of Roman and Brittish blood, his abode and dwelling was at Caermunip, or Verulam, where all professed Roman Paganisme, and there he entertained, either for old acquaintance (for they were both Knighted at the same time in Rome, or hospitality sake, as being a man eminent, and by some stiled High Steward of the Brittains) St. Amphibalus; but when he began to speak of Jesus Christ the son of God, and incarnate for mans redem∣ption, he was so farr off from being a christian, that he had scarce heard of Christ before, but said, this testimony of Christ was strange unto him; and St. Amphibalus more particu∣larly declaring the mysteries of Christs Nativity, Passion, Resurrection, and Ascension, Alban was yet so far from believing, that he told St. Amphibalus he was mad to preach such things, that understanding did not apprehend, nor reason allow, and if the Citi∣zens of that place did know what he spake concerning Christ, they would most cruelly put him to death, and feared much that he would fall into trouble before he could go forth of his house. But what the preaching of St. Amphibalus prevailed not in, his earnest prayer and watching obtained of God for Alban. For as the old Brittish writer of his life, living in that, time relateth this History. St. Amphibalus watch∣ing in prayers all the night following, a strange and admirable vision appeared to Alban, wherewith he being exceedingly terrified and perplexed, presently rose and went to St. Amphibalus, thus declaring his vision, and desiring the exposition thereof in this or∣der, and these words. O my friend if these things which thou preachest of Christ are true. I beseech thee be not afraid to tell unto me the true meaning of my dream or vision. I did attend and behold a Man came from Heaven, whom a great and innumerable multitude of Men apprehended, and laid divers kinds of Torments upon him, his hands were bound with cords, his body worne with whips, and grievously torne, his body hanged upon a cross, and his hands stretched cross upon it. The Man which was thus tortured, was naked and had no shoes upon his feet. His hands and feet were pierced with nails, his side thrust through with a spear, and as it seemed to me blood and water did flow out of the wound of his side; they set a reed in his right hand, and put a crown of thorne upon his head, and having done all things which mans cruelty could work against him, they began to work him with words, saying unto him, Hail King of the Jewes: If thou art the son of God, now come down from thy cross and we believe thee, and then they used many revilings against him: that younge man answered not one word unto them. At last when they had said what they could a∣gainst him, crying out with a great voice he sayed. O Father into thy hands I commend my spirit, and having so said gave up the Ghost. His dead body was taken down from the cross, the blood still largely issuing out of his wounds, they shut it in a tomb of stone, and covered it with a stone sealed, appointing watchmen to keep it. And a wonder to see, his body thus being dead came to life again, and receiving strength, did go forth of the Sepulchre, it still remaining shut. How he did arose from death, I did behold with my own eyes. Men cloathed with garments as white as snow did come from Heaven, and taking that Man with them, re∣turned from whence they came, and an infinite army of Men cloathed all in white doth follow him, which ceased not in all that journey, to sing prayses, and continually blessed a Father and his only begotten son, great and unspeakable joy was among them, so that none might wor∣thily be compared unto it. These and many other things which I neither will, nor is lawfull for any mortal Man to tell have been shewed to me in vision this night, what they do signifie, I beseech thee not to conceal from me; be not afraid. St. Amphibalus, hearing these things, per∣ceiving that his heart was visited by God, exceedingly rejoyced in our Lord, and forthwith pulling out a cross of our Lord which he had about him, said behold, in this sign thou maiest ma∣nifestly see what this vision this night meaneth, what it signifieth. For this Man coming from Heaven is my Lord Jesus Christ, who did not refuse to undergo the punishment of the Cross, that he might deliver us by his blood from the guilt, wherewith we were held bound by the preva∣rication of our first parent Adam. And so prosecuting to the mystery of the holy Trinity, which I need not particularly to relate, writing to Christian Readers, to speak in this old Brittish Authors words again; Alban greatly marvailing upon the speeches of St. Amphibalus, brake out into these words. The things which thou relatest of Christ are true, and cannot in any respect be reproved as false, for I this night have evidently known, how Christ overcame the Divel, and thrust him down to the bottom of Hell. I have seen with my eyes how that horrible one, lyeth enwrapped, in the knots of chains, hereby knowing that all thou hast spoken is true. I believe and from this time this is my faith, that there is no God but my Lord Jesus Christ, who for the salutation of Men, vouchsaving to take humanity upon him sustained the passion of the cross, the which the Father and the Holy Ghost is one God, and there is no other, and having thus said, he falleth down prostrate before the cross, as if he had seen our Lord Jesus hanging thereon, the blessed penitent craveth pardon for his sin. Tears mingled with blood, run down about his face, and in great quantity fell down upon the venerable wood of the cross. I saith he, renounce the Devil, and detest all the Enemies of Christ, believing in him, and commending my self to him, who as thou affirmeth rose the third day from death. Amphibalus saith unto him be of courage, our Lord is with thee, and his grace

will never be wanting to th••••. That faith which other mortal men have deserved to receive by the Tradition of Men, thou hast not learned it either of Man or by Man, but by the Re∣velation of Jesus Christ. Therefore being now secure of thee, I determine to go further to preach unto the Gentiles: but Alban entreating him to stay at the East one week longer, that he might in that time be more perfectly instructed in the Faith of Christ, he did so.

Thus writeth this old Brittish Author of St. Alban his conversion,* 1.359 which both St. Gildas and St. Bede, and others do in effect and substance also deliver, although not in so ample a manner: during the time of their abode together afterward, they spent their time, as St. Amphibalus by Bedes relation did before St. Albans Conversion, in continual watchings and prayers day and night, a great motive to St. Alban to receive the Faith of Christ; for every day towards evening they withdrew themselves from the City and Company of men, going to an house which St. Alban had without the City, where they spent the whole night in serving God; and although they observed this camelous dili∣gence, to keep themselves secret from the persecutors, yet it was by a wicked Pagan there revealed, and told to the persecuting Judge; which coming to the knowledge of St. Alban (before the Pagan Prince and persecutor could execute his designment,* 1.360 as at his first recei∣ving o St. Amphibalus, when he was as yet a Pagan, as our antient Histories say) he hid him in his house, being pursued by his persecutors, and presently, had not St. Alban so pre∣vented it, to be apprehended; so now being a Christian, exposed himself unto danger of death for him, imitating Christ, that gave his own life for his sheep; for when those ene∣mies of Christ had raised their Troops, even an Army, as our Antiquaries name them, to apprehend St. Amphibalus and St. Alban in the night, he before conducteth him forth of his house and past danger, and shifting garments with him, to save him from all peril, caused St. Amphibalus to wear his garment of dignity and priviledge, in that time free from all trouble and molestation; and the garment of St. Amphibalus, where the danger was (being a Caracalla, a Priests vesture, as they say) having been discryed, he put it it upon himself, together with the danger; and so returned to his own house alone, ha∣ving thus freed his holy Master and Tutor in Christ from that peril.

St. Amphibalus being thus at this time delivered by St. Alban, the King,* 1.361 Prince or Judge (for St. Bede, Matth. Westm. and other, give all these Titles to that persecuting Magistrate) sent his souldiers to come at these two holy Saints; the old Brittish Writer of St. Albans life saith, there were horse-men, with an Army, great multitude, or power of foot-men, which were thus sent about this business: And St. Alban being so renowned a man in this King∣dom then, and St. Amphibalus so famous a Prelate, and so known to the persecutors that they pursued him to the furthest parts of the Roman jurisdiction, in the parts now called Wales, and from thence forcibly brought him by authority to Verulamium again, there to be Judged and Martyred, which none but the highest Roman power here could do,* 1.362 make it an opinion sufficiently warrantable, both that such forces were levied for this exploit, and the prime Magistrate himself supplied the place of Judge and Sentencer in this cause of so noble personages, the one spiritual, the other temporal, the greatest that are re∣membred in our Histories, to have suffered Martyrdom in Brittain in that raging perse∣cution: the Troops of souldiers of the wicked Prince, rushing into the house of St. Al∣ban like mad men; and searching every place and corner, at last found him in his Coun∣trey-house, where he used to watch and pray with St. Amphibalus, bare-footed praying before the Cross of our Lord, which his Master had left with him, wearing his Caracalla or Coat upon him, and so representing St. Amphibalus who before was conveyed from them by St. Alban; which they understanding, They lay violent hands upon St. Alban, setter him with locks and chains, some of them haling him by his Coat, others by the Hair of his Head: And being thus contumeliously used,* 1.363 he continually carried in his hands the Cross which St. Amphibalus gave him, openly to pronounce and profess himself a Christian. And being thus despight∣fully brought before the Judge, who laboured by all means he could to perswade and induce St. Alban to forsake his Chistian Religion, & sacrifice to their Pagan gods; but this was all in vain; for to speak in an old Brittish Authours words. St. Alban answered the Judge, that his words were vain & superfluous, he did not repent him for receiving the Faith of Christ, for the Mi∣racles wrought in it, restoring the weak and sick to health, do teach it by their testimony, to be the way of Salvation, he would not sacrifice to their gods; and being supported by the help of God, feared not their threats and torments: Ʋpon which words the company gathering together, whipped him grievously; who being thus beaten, said with a cheerful countenance, O Lord Jesus Christ, I beseech thee keep my mind from wavering from the state which thou hast given me, O Lord I desire to offer my life an Holocaust, & with effusion of my blood to be thy witness; & when the Tormentors hands were weary, the H. man was thrust into the bottom of the prison, & there kept six moneths: whereupon the Elements themselves did testifie the injury done unto the Martyr; for from the time of his ap∣prehension unto his death, neither rain nor dew did fall upon the earth, the winds did not blow, but every day continually the land was parched up with most fervent heat of the Sun, and in the night also was exceeding and intollerable heat; neither Fields nor Trees bore any fruit, the whole world did fight for the just one against the wicked. The Citizens not able to endure this affliction, said it was Christ whom Alban worshippeth worketh this, that no Corn nor Grass doth grow unto us, and ta∣king pitty upon the injuries done to this holy man, by the judgement of them all he is delivered

from the bonds of the chains; for which St. Alban was very sorry; and greatly fearing, least his Martyrdom might thereby be hindered, looking upwards to Heaven, groaning said, O Lord Je∣sus Christ, suffer not the malice of the Devil so much to prevail, that by his crafty devices, and assent of this people, he may hinder my Passion; and turning himself to the people, said unto them, Why do you stay? If you know not to give sentence, take Councel of your Lawes, exa∣mine the Statutes of your City, they will insinuate unto you what you ought to do; Why do ye make delay? Be it known to you all, that I am a great enemy to your gods; For how can they be worthy any honour, which are known to have no divine thing in them, being the works of mens hands, and you your selves are their witnesses, that they see nothing, hear nothing, understand nothing? Oh greatly to be detested vanity! to hope for life of them that never lived, to pray unto them that never heard, to seek health of things that never were well themselves; whereupon I abso∣lutely pronounce, That he which worshippeth such, is most mad; I demand of you, what can be more unhappy than that man, over whom his own works have dominion? Therefore woe unto Idols, and wo unto the Worshippers thereof. When they heard these things, with a general con∣sent they gave sentence of death against the holy man,* 1.364 and bring him to a place called Holinhirst. Thus far this old Brittish Writer, Matth. Westm. Capgrave, and others consenting.

Matthew of Westminster expresly further addeth, which others do also sufficiently testifie, That as before his Judgment, so now after it, St. Alban often kissing the Cross which he held in his hand, commended his cause to God; and continually kept and reverenced his Crucifix, until his head was stricken off, when also besprinkled with his holy blood,* 1.365 it fell upon the grass, and was secretly taken up and preserved by a Christian there present. This Authour, as he addeth this which the Brittish Writer wanteth, so wanteth he something before related from him; for whereas the Brittish Antiquary said, that the Citizens of Verulamium, upon strange punishments wherewith God afflicted them in the time of the imprisonment of St. Alban, did set him free and at liberty.

But to return to the Brittish Authour, where I left him; thus he, with others proceed∣eth in the Narration of the Martyrdom of this holy Saint, so great a company of people resorted to the place of his Martyrdom, that although it was large in it self, yet in respect of the great multitude coming thither at that time, it seemed strait and little; and yet the heat of the Sun was so ardent,* 1.366 that the ground burned under their feet: In their passage to the place, there was a most swift River to pass over, and the multitude so great, that they could scarce before night pass over, and thronging one another, many fell into the water and were drowned; which, when St. Alban perceived, falling down upon his knees, thus he prayed for their delivery, O Lord Jesus Christ, from whose most holy side I have seen both blood and water to flow, grant I beseech thee, that the waters decrease, and the Ri∣ver may go away, that all this people may safe and sound be present at my Passion. A wonderful thing to behold, whilst St. Alban thus kneeled and prayed, the stream was dryed up, and the tears of St. Alban left no waters in the Channel; the power of his Prayer consumed the River, and made a way for the people between the waters; and they whom the vio∣lence of the water had taken away, inclosed and destroyed, were found in the bottom of the River without any hurt, having no sign of death in them; the Souldier which drew St. Alban to these torments, seeing this strange Miracle, was as strangely thereby converted to the Faith of Christ, threw away his Sword, and prostrating himself at the feet of the Saint, craved pardon; but the other Pagans drew St. Alban up & down among the Bryers & rough places, so that the thorns and roots of trees did pull pieces of flesh from his feet; and yet this merciful and miraculous Saint, seeing the people to be afflicted with thirst in the Mountain, thus prayed for their relief, O God who didst create man of the slime of the earth, I beseech thee, suffer no creature to sustain any hurt for my cause; and presently a Well of wa∣ter sprung up before his feet, by which they were refreshed.

The Executioner cut off St. Albans head, but his eyes fell out of his own head there∣with,* 1.367 many so witnessing; among whom Hiericus Gallus in St. Germans life:

Millia poenarum, Christi pro nomine passus Quem tandem rapuit capitis sententia cæsi Sed non Lictori cessit res tuta superbo. Ʋtque caput Sancto reciderunt lumina sævo.

So hath the Brittish Writer of St. Albans life, then living, a Pagan, as himself confesseth, and, as may be gathered by his own Narration, present at his Martyrdom, least they which shall come hereafter, may be doubtful of my name, they shall call me a wretched and the greatest sinner. And I go to Rome, that casting off the error of Paganisme I may be baptised, and deserve to obtain pardon of my sins, and this my short trea∣tise I will offer to the Examination of the Romans. That if any thing shall be utter∣ed in it, otherwise then it ought, Our Lord Jesus Christ, who Liveth and Reign∣eth God, World without end, may vouchsafe by them to amend it: wherefore see the great Honour and Reverence which the Christians and Christianly men of that age, even here in Brittain, did acknowledge as due to that holy See, that they referred the examen

and censure of their writings, even of Historical and practicall things, acted so far from thence, to the judgment thereof.

But to finish this funeral honour of this our glorious Martyr, although we do not find any man then, which for fear of the persecutors presented himself to bury his holy body, but the valiant Souldier, (now the Souldier of Christ, converted unto him) which had boldly before them all reverenced the Reliques of St. Alban; who there digged a grave, and laid the Martyrs body therein, which was all he could do then,* 1.368 yet God willing (in whose sight the death of his Saints is precious,) as he had now glorified his Martyrs soul in heaven, so yielded he from thence extraordinary honour to his body, so meanly buried, making his poor grave more glorious then the sumptuous Tombe of any Roman Em∣perour, his persecutor, or other; for in the next night now following a pillar of light was seen of all the Pagans themselves, to stretch up from the grave of the holy Martyr unto heaven, by which Angels descending and ascending spent all the night in praysing God, and among other things which they did sing, these words were often repeated and heard, The renowned man Alban the Martyr.* 1.369 And a thousand of Pagans were hereby converted to Christ; St. Bede witnesseth that from the martyrdom of St. Alban to his time, cures and oft miracles were wrought in the place of his martyrdom, so hath Henry Huntington long after, for his dayes also.

The Crosse which he had in his hand when he suffered Martyrdom, and was thereby sprinkled with his holy blood, was reverently preserved by the Christians then, and present∣ed to St. Amphibalus with great honour: the very ground whereon St. Alban suffered retained drops of his blood when St. Germain was sent thither by Pope Caelestine, and he carried part thereof with him, as a great Relict. His coat Caracalla, which he had of St. Amphiba∣lus, and wherein he suffered Martyrdom, was kept as a great Relict, and in the time of K. Edward the II. (the King himself, with many Nobles present, witnesses) was so freshly bespotted with this Martyrs blood, as if it had been done but the day before, so miracu∣lously preserved, as the blood in the place of his passion.

Great is the honour which our own both Brittish and English Histories, and also forraign yield to the Souldier (untill then Pagan) who being one that led St. Alban to his martyrdom and converted by his miracles by the way, was then and there also most cruelly martyred. St. Gildas saith, this martyr being converted by the miracles St. Alban shewed, when by his prayers the deep river gave place to him, and a thousand with him, to passe over, not wetting their feet, the waters on both sides standing like walls, as they did to the people of Is∣rael, to give them passage, was of a wolfe made a lamb, and did both vehemently desire, and valiantly endure martyrdom with him. St. Bede relateth this History in like manner, yet with more Emphasis of his glory, for having spoken of the same strange miracle, by which this Souldier was converted calling him Carnifex, the designed executioner to put St. Alban to death, as S. Gildas and others do, to shew how wonderfully the grace of Christ wrought in him, he addeth, that by divine Inspiration he made all speed he could to come to St. Alban, and casting away his sword that was drawn to behead St. Alban, prostrated himself before his feet, the whole assembly beholding it, greatly desiring that he himself might be worthy to be put to death with the martyr which he was commanded to strike, and so of a perse∣cutor he became a companion in Truth and faith.

This St. Heraclius (for so was this happy souldier called) having resolutely denyed his Paganisme, craved pardon for his error, and confessed Christ openly before so many per∣secutors, and in the highest of their malice and rage against St. Alban, fell thereby into the same degree of hatred with them, for presently thereupon to speak in an old Authors words, The Enemies of truth apprehended him, beat out his teeth, rent his holy mouth, and brake all his bones, and although nothing remained in his body without hurt,* 1.370 yet his fervent faith remain∣ed without harme; and being thus left so maimed, lame, and baptised in his own blood, and also half dead, with all the power and strength he could, with his hands crept up to the hill, where St. Alban was martyred, whom when the judge espied, he said unto him, pray to thy Alban to set thy bones in order, and lay his head, here stricken off, to thy body, and thou shalt receive perfect health from him: bury thou him, and let him cure thee. Heraclius answered, I most firmly believe that St. Alban by his merits is able to heal me, and easily performe that you mock us with; Then reverently taking the head of St. Alban, and devoutly laying it to his body, he began to recover the former strength of the same, despaired before, and being thus miraculously recovered and made whole, ceased not in the hearing of all the people to preach unto them the merit of St. Alban, and power of Christ, and digging the earth buried the body of the martyred Saint before them there: which the Pagans seeing, said among themselves, what shall we do? this man cannot be put to death with sword, we have already broken his body, and he hath already received his former strength again. And apprehending him with horrible torment, they tare his holy body in pieces, and lastly cut off his head. And so this happy Soul∣dier, persevering in the faith of Christ, together with St. Alban, deserved to be honoured with the crown of martydom.

The Judge himself was hereby so moved and convinced,* 1.371 that he presently comman∣ded the persecution to cease. Jacobus Genuensis, Bishop of Genoa, and his old English translation say, this Souldier, called by some before Herculius, was a Knight.

And they yield a reason besides their assertion, which was the noble renown of St. Alban, who as they say was Lord of the City of Verulam, and Prince of the Knights, and Steward of the land;* 1.372 and the Judge dread for to slay him, because of the great love that the Emperour had to him, and for reverence of his dignity, and power of his kindred, unto the time that he had in∣formed Dioclesian.* 1.373 And therefore when judgment was pronounced against him, the which was deferred six weeks until Miximian his coming into Brittain, to see such wicked execu∣tions, thus they deliver, then Maximian and Asclepiodotus gave final sentence on him, say∣ing, In the time of the Emperour Dioclesian, Alban Lord of Verulam, Prince of Knights, and Steward of Brittain, during his life hath despised Jubiter and Apollin, Gods, and to them hath done derogation and disworship, wherefore he ought by the law to be dead by the hand of some Knight, and the body to be buryed in the same place, where his head shall be smitten of, and his Sepulchre to be made worshipfully, for the honour of Knighthood, whereof he was Prince. And also the crosse that he bare, and Sklavin that he ware should be buried with him, and his body to be closed in a chest of lead and so laid in his Sepulchre. This sentence hath law ordained because he hath renied our principal Gods. These Authours say, Maximian and King Asclepiodotus gave this sentence; we have spoken elsewhere of those Martyrs which suffered at Litchfield. Let us therefore return to St. Amphibalus whom Almighty God had made the instrument to the conversion of so many souls. These bloody persecutors having thus barbarously and without all commpassion, of lineage, kindred, friendship, country, or whatsoever relation of love or mercy, put these holy Saints to death, they now pour out the bottom of their malice upon St. Amphibalus, neither regarding his noble descent before remembred, vene∣rable and old years,* 1.374 learning, or whatsoever, but bind his arms with thongs, and drive him barefooted before their horses, so long a journey, from the borders of Brittain where they apprehended him, unto the City of Verulam, where the Prefect and Lieutenant then was resident. And as they thus contemptibly carried him barefooted and bound, a sick man lying in the way, in the sight and hearing of them all cryed out unto him, O thou servant of God Almighty help me, that I which lye oppressed by my own infirmity, may be relieved by thy intercession, for I do believe that by the calling upon the name of Christ thou art able presently to restore my health unto me. And forthwith the man, which lay thus sick before the eyes of them all, arose up joyfully and perfectly well.

When these wicked Pagan persecutors had thus barbarously brought him within the sight of the walls of the City, as though this holy Saint had been unworthy to enter into it, and their Troops so great, by that is said before, that they could not be convenient∣ly received therein, they stay themselves, as it were pitching their tents, in a place then de∣sart, now called Redburne, three miles from St. Albans, throwing down their shields, and striking their speers into the ground. And thus resting themselves, only St. Amphibalus rested not, but preached continually the doctrine of salvation to his enemies, who in the mean time gave notice to the Prince, and those of the City of their return and bringing with them the instructor of St. Alban, and that they had put all those Christians before spoken of to death, in the uttermost parts of the Kingdom, after their long journey thither; which when the Governour heard, he called the people together, and exhorted them: Let us all go forth, and meet our enemy, that he that hath offended may receive re∣venge of us all. And so hasting forth, striving as it were who should go first, went by the way leading to the North, as our antiquities say, the better to set down the old place and situation of that antient City, which they then left almost vacant. And coming in this raging madnesse and multitude to torment and Martyr this holy Saint, they find him all wrapped in chains and bonds, and presently stripped him naked, slit his belly, and pulled out his entrails, tying them to a stake, which they had fastned in the ground, enfor∣cing him to be led round about it. And the holy Saint of God, shewing no signe of grief at all, among such and so many afflictions, the wicked persecutors thereby the more enraged, sent him for a mark as it were, and with their knives and spears, pierced and brake the rest of his body.* 1.375 After all which this holy Martyr stood with as chearful a countenance as if he had suffered no hurt at all, and more constant, though he now bore the signes of his Martyrdom in all his body; Giving a miraculous spectacle of him∣self, that he could still live after so great torments, and so many kinds of death, where∣upon very many beholding, and more and more wondering at the constancy of the blessed Martyr, renouncing their Idols submitted themselves to the Christian faith, and prayed with a loud voice to God, that by the merits and intercession of the blessed Martyr they might be worthy to be partakers of everlasting life,* 1.376 which when the Prince perceived and knew he pre∣sently called for the Tormentors, and commanded all that had rejected and forsaken the worship of their Gods, and embraced the doctrine of Amphibalus, to be put to death.

Which savage Edict the Pagan Souldiers effected, and killed a thousand; which St. Amphi∣balus beholding, and commending their souls to God, perswaded his persecutors to re∣nounce their errors, and be converted to Christ, without whom no salvation can be had, no∣thing but hell and eternal damnation to be expected. But the persecutors did still persevere in their impiety, not ceasing so to torment this holy Saint with cruel stoning him, besides so many tortures before remembred, that when his body was afterward miraculously found,

there was not one whole bone in it. Although it seemeth by the History of his life, that many of his bones were broken with stones by those so enraged persecutors, that after his blessed Soul was separated from his body, thus lying still bound and tied, they ceased not to break it more with their casting great stones upon it. But so long as he lived in so great extremity of torments, although the stones were cast at him as thick as hail (as some write) he still persevered in prayer, never moving himself on the one side or other. And being now come to the period of his punishments, and to yield his Soul to God: looking toward Heaven as another St. Stephen, he saw Jesus standing at the right hand of his Father, and heard a consort of Angels in Heaven, and among them knew St. Alban, whom he invocated to assist him, saying, O holy Alban, pray unto our God that he will send a good Angel to meet me, that the dreadful Robber lead me not, nor the wicked part hinder me in my journey. And a voice spake to him from Heaven in the hearing of all, in this manner, Verily, I say unto thee, this day thou shalt be with thy Disciple Alban in Paradise. And two Angels shining with an heavenly brightness came down unto him, and taking with them the Soul of the blessed, resplendent with a wonderful whiteness, with Hymnes and Praises carried it to Heaven; which done, to make him both glorious there and ho∣nourable on earth, a Christian secretly conveying his body, reverently buried it.

And God himself began now to honour him here, and be revenged upon his Enemies and Persecutors. Those lips of theirs which had been opened before to blaspheme towards God, and revilings towards his holy Saints, are now miraculously drawn away, that their speech is hindred. The tongues which had so abused him, now burn; and the faces of them which had so deformed him, were made deformed; all their members are so stiff, that the stoners and tormentors of this holy man, could not now lift one stone from the ground; and the Judge or Prince himself losing his understanding of reason, became mad; and how many soever had lifted up their hands against our Lord, did of him re∣ceive due revenge for their demerits. Hereupon the whole City received the Faith of Christ, and desired to be Baptized; and many by the inspiration of God forsaking their goods, go to Rome to bewail their sins, and confess their errours. With St. Amphibalus nine other Christians were martyred, as Matthew of Paris writeth; neither is it probable,* 1.377 that so renowned a Bishop as St. Amphibalus, was apprehended alone, being take as he was preaching to the people, or such rage as then reigned in the persecutors, would yield them much more favour than they did to St. Amphibalus; but their malice being most unto him, and he so famous, all our Histories remember him, almost forgetting the rest.

It is no great marvel, though so few names of so great numbers and thousands are left unto us, when by some Writers the persecution was so great in Britainy, that except those which hid themselves, and could not be Witnesses of things publickly done, all the Christians of Brittain were then martyred;* 1.378 and St. Gildas himself doth seem to declare no less, when he saith, they which were then left alive, had hidden themselves in Woods, Deserts and Dens; yet he tempereth this hard assertion, where he saith, this persecution was so rigorous onely in some, not all places of this Countrey. And those parts which were then absolutely under the Romans command, were by their merciless cruelty in this estate. So many mutations of times, changes of the names of Places, the rages of Infi∣dels, Romans, Saxons, and others, have deprived us both of the names and holy relicts of those Martyrs.

But after the death of so many renowned and glorious Martyrs,* 1.379 whose blood beautified and encreased the Church of God (Sanguis Martyrum semen Ecclesiae) let us return to Constantius Clarus, and his most admired consort and chaste Spouse St. Helena: Some there be (whether to detract so great a glory from his Nation, and give it to another, or of Ignorance in History) do say, that one Theodora was the first lawful wife of Constantius, and the blessed Helena mother of that happy Emperour the great Constantine, was not on∣ly a stranger to this Nation, but of a mean estate (and which is unworthy to be written) not the wife, but concubine of Constantius, with name and attribute Concubina; this, the most noble Empress St. Helena is stiled by, not onely among divers forreign Writers, but of this Nation also, as Marianus Scotus, and Florentinus Nigorniensis (as they are now published) many of which do not, to the dishonour of that most holy Lady and this her Countrey, ab∣stain from the same phrase of speech. This errour being overthrown, overthroweth the other, that she was a stranger and basely born, for excepting those that wander in that Tract, all agree, she was the sole daughter and heir of the Noble Brittish King Coel, far from being either an Alien, or of base parentage and descent; and the more easily to overthrow them, it first fighteth with, and so overthroweth it self. Some which encline to this errour, say, that she did secretly fly out of her Countrey, and went to Rome, and there was so familiar with Constantius the Emperour; but it is evident by all Histories, that Constantius at the first acquaintance with Helena, was not Emperour, nor long after; neither was he at Rome, but in Brittain, in this time sent hither by Aurelianus the Emperour, in the year of Christ 273; and (as both Zosimus and Suidas say) lived most here; and being sent hither by Aurelianus the Emperour (as so many agree) to have long imployment, and great cause to stay here; he must needs come hither about that

time,* 1.380 for by all Antiquities Aurelianus died soon after, and was Emperor but a short time, so that neither Constantius nor Queen Helena could be either at Rome, or in any place but, in Brittain at this time.

Nicephorus and some later after him would have her to be born in Bithinia at Drepa∣num, and the Daughter of an Inkeeper there, with whom Constantius passing that way to the Persians, fell in done, but this is made unpossible, by that is said before, of the be∣ing of both Constantius and Helena in Brittain, so remote from any part of Bithinia at that time, and neither of them coming to or neer Drepanum or any part of Bithinia, at or after this time, but when she an holy Widdow, many years after Constantius death, passed by Greece in her pilgrimage to Hierusalem, as is evident in all kind of Antiquaries, and will most manifestly appear in its due place. Others there be which do term this re∣nowned Empress by the name of Concubina, as Marianus, and Florentius Wigorniensis, as they have been lately published, and Regino, without speaking any thing of her parentage or country; and Martinus Polonus, who confesseth she was Daughter to the King of Brittain; but it is evident that either Martinus or his publisher, hath with gross Ignorarance abused the Readers; for he saith, that Constan∣tine (not Constantius) begot Constantine the great in the year of Christ 307. when by common opinion Constantius was dead before. And not content with this, they bring in Constantine the great to be Emperor in the year 309. when by their account he could not be two years old. The other three if their Publishers have not abused them speak in the phrase of the Pagan Romans, who in those times called all the Wives of their Lieutenants taken for strangers, though never so lawfully joyned in true marriage by the rude term of Concubine, as their old Pagan Decree is still witness against them, when I shall make it as clear as the Sun, that St. Helen was from the beginning the only true lawfull wife to Constantius. This I have written here to answer these frivo∣lous Cavils against that blessed woman, and with John Capgrave, call their Allegati∣ons no better then dreams, and to speak still in his words, That opinion doth not only blemish the fame of so holy a Woman, but maketh that most Noble Constantine to be a Bastard begot out of marriage, and so disableth him to have been the Heir of Constanti∣us either King or Emperor, when all Men know he came to the imperial Dignity by right of Inheritance. And thus he taxeth the Authors of Ignorance, these things pleased them, because they knew not the truth. Ipsos. forsan qui ista scripserunt talia placuerunt, quia potiara & veriora invenire minime potuerunt. Divers forraign Historians, as Baro∣nius, Spondanus, and others, write as plainly in this matter, and may with great war∣rant; for as Cassiodonus is an able witness, it is but a Pagan report, and raised first by Zo∣simus that most malicious Ethnick, and Rayler against Constantine, for professing and ad∣vancing of Christian Religion, and renouncing Idolatry: and this is evident by the best learned Authors themselves which in any sense called St. Helena by that name, for they do plainly confess, as namely Marianus, that St. Helen was the true wife of Constantius, and he forced by Maximian the Emperor to put her away and take Theodora his wifes Daughter. And further saith, Constantine was the true Son and heir of Constantius, and by that title succeeded him in the Kingdom and Empire, which could not be truly said, if Helen had not been his lawfull wife; neither could Constantius by this learned and holy Author be named a Religious Father, if he had not begot his Son lawfully in true marriage. And St. Bede confesseth from Eutropius, that Constantine succeeded his Father in the Kingdom of Brittain, and so by him also must needs be his lawfull son, Florenti∣us Wigorn writeth in the same manner, and confesseth St. Helen to have been here in Brittain long after her son Constantine was Emperor, yet these be the chiefest Authors that in any sense have termed St. Helen by that name.

It is evident by all histories, not only of Christians, that St. Helen was a most chast and holy Woman, and that Constantius also lived in conjugal chastity, marrying when he was but young, but also even by the Pagan writers themselves, as witnesseth Gal∣licanus the Orator that lived in this time, in his publick oration to his son Constantine, and others; therefore St. Helen being the first woman, that was thus wedded unto him in marriage, she must needs be his true lawfull wife by their own testimonies. And the same Author witnesseth before Constantine at the publick solemnity of his marriage with Fausta, in most plain and express words that Constantine was born in Brittain, so testifie divers Authors even of the Roman History, among whom one plainly saith, that Constantine was the lawfull son of Constantius and Helen, and born in Brittain, and that his Father Constantius was compelled by Herculius the Emperour to be divorced from Helen his true wife, to take Theodora Daughter in Law of that Emperor. Eutropius plain∣ly saith, that Constantine was son of Constantius in true marriage: Constantinus Manasses saith, St. Helen was the wife of Constantius; and a most blessed Woman. Hunibaldus a∣bove 1000. years since, relateth the History of the composition between Constantius and our Brittish King Coel, as our writers do. As soon as Coel heard that Constantius was arrived, he sent Embassadours desiring peace, and promised to pay the tribute, so that he might enjoy his Kingdom, to which Constantius agrees, this thus composed, Coel with∣in

40. dayes dyed, whose Daughter Helen (to whom for beauty, and loveliness, knowledge in the liberal sciences, and rare skill in musick,* 1.381 Brittain never bred the like) Constantius took to wife, by whom he begat Constantine, who not only succeeded his Father in the Kingdom of Brittain, but also (prevailing against Maxentius) in the Empire. Victor, Eutropius, Euse∣bius, and other ancient Authors, are witnesses, that when Dioclesian made Constantius and Galerius Cesars, he compelled then to put away both their lawful wives; Constantius to put away St. Helen, and to take Theodore his daughter in law; and Galerius, Veleria his own daughter, which account of theirs, that St. Helen was thus put away in the year 294. invincibly proveth, how according to Eusebius and many others, before setting down the age of Constantine to have been about 60 years, that St. Helen had been the wife of Constantius 20. years. Severus Sulpitius doth not only call St. Helen the true wife of Constan∣tius, but saith she was Empresse both in her husbands and sons time, which proveth her daughter and heir to Coel our Brittish King, by which title only she reigned with Constantine. Theophilus Cepameus, an old Greek writer, saith, there were Arrian Hereticks and Pagans which denied Constantine to be legitimate, and that the lyed therein, mentiuntur. Egber∣tus saith, she was Queen and mother of Constantine. Beringosus an eyewitnesse of the most things, writing of her, saith, first, she was a Queen and so the lawful wife of Constantius, for a Concubine of the greatest Emperour, that ever was, is not thereby a queen, as the Authors name her, Queen to Rule, to Governe: nor can the lawful true wives of Kings, be termed Queens by such worth Authours, except they were Queens by title of Inheritance, or such like, as our Antiquaries write of Queen Helen, that she was daughter and heir to her father King Coel, this worthy author doth also (though a stranger to us) confirme, when he proveth she was of most noble parentage: and by experimental arguments; because he had seen the old buildings of her stately pallace, continuing to in his time, the pavement whereof was marble and Touchstone, the most Regal Palace in all those parts, the walls were gilded with old, her chamber was so sumptuous, that the like was not in the World,* 1.382 and to free her from all slanders, the chamber of her heart and soul was far more pure; in all things she was obedient to the will of God, and yet externally plea∣sing to her husband Constantius, although more pleasing to God then to her hus∣band.

Thus we see how far this most blessed and noble Queen and Empresse,* 1.383 was in all times from being base, either by birth or conversation, such sanctify of life could never agree with that foule name, by which some have so wrongfully termed her; such parentage, Pallaces and Revenues, able to entertain the greatest Princes according to their state and dignity, must denominate their noble owners with better termes and attributes. The Hostesse, Inkee∣per, Stabularia, except we will expound them in so large a sense, that we shall so stile Abra∣ham and Lot that lodged the Angels, those that entertained Christ, all receivers of Kings, Princes and Emperours, and all Harbourers or Exercisers of Hospitality; for so both St. Helen and King Coel, entertained Constantius, the one a husband, the other a son in law, as Princes use. It seemeth this Pallace and lands in and about Trevers to have descended to St. Helen by her mother, or some Ancestour of that Country, for both Beringosus saith, St. Helen was brought up at Trevers; and Otho Frigensis saith, she was by some of her Ance∣stours come from thence. And Trevers being at that time, the most renowned place of those countries for Nobility, Learning and Christianity, and she the only child of her fa∣ther King Coel, and to succed him in the Kingdom of Brittain, he sent her thither to have the most noble education, and there it was probably where she first came to be acquain∣ted with Constantius, then living in those parts. And this made the Attonement between the Romans and K. Coel to be so soon and peacebly effected, without any effusion of blood, as our Antiquities tell us.

The marriage of Constantius and Helena is by what is said so clear, that it is needlesse to speak any more of that subject. I will only add this for the present; The old Inscription of the Church of St. Gereon at Cullen, founded by her, proveth her to be a Queen, and an ex∣ample to Kings.

Regibus exemplum, sacroque chrismate plena, Condidit hoc Templum Sancti Gereonis Helena.

A patterne unto Kings, this heavenly light; St. Helen shining with all vertue bright. In honour of St. Gereon here did raise This stately Church to her eternal praise.

At the agreement betwixt Constantius and Coel besides paying the Tribute,* 1.384 and Coel to enjoy the Kingdom during his natural Life, it was further agreed that Constantius should take again his wife St. Helen, daughter and her to King Coel, and by her right be King af∣ter the death of her father. By which covenant and article agreed upon and truly executed as it was, the first marriage between Constantius and Helen was even by Roman

Pagan lawes themselves proved and declared to be true and lawfull, and the children therein begotten legitimate, and the taking of Theodora, living with her, and chil∣dren by her to be adulterate, and utterly unallowable in any sense, even by their own Pagan constitutions; for although those Pagan wicked decrees, did allow to the Presidents of Provinces which were unmarried without penalty to keep Concubines, pro∣phanely thinking (as some new seeming Christians have done) that men unmarried could not live chast, yet they never permitted it to married Præfects, and Presidents, such as Constantius was,* 1.385 as their own Historians witness. By which Heathenish Roman Law Helena was not only the Concubine, and no wife of Constantius, but a Concubine, prohi∣bited in their own proceedings, and her children in like case of reproach with her.

* 1.386Therefore Constantius being against his will by power of Maximian separated from St. Helen his true wife, and a Christian from that time ever in affection, could not but be ever most ready and joyfull to be so quietly and honourably reconciled unto her again, which is sufficiently insinuated by our Authors testifying that Constan∣tius in all things granted to King Coel his commands, requiring nothing of him for the Romans but their old Tribute, which as our Antiquaries say was 1006. pounds, only in money: one of our Historians saith of this matter in this manner.

* 1.387Of which Constance was glad of his entent, And here aboad at prayer of the King.

Whereby he did sufficiently declare the great content and joy he had, of this recon∣ciliation to his wife St. Helen, and her Father, his Father in Law, King Coel, ra∣ther chusing and preferring, during his life, to make his aboad here as a Subject, then now being chosen and designed Emperor to continue in any other Nation with that greatest temporal glory and command.

* 1.388Thus he signified this so long and much desired attonement. Helenam Coeli Regis filiam in societatem Thori recepit, which word RECEPIT, that Constantius did at that time receive Helen again, if we had no other argument or authority used by divers our ancient Antiquaries, proveth that this was the reconciliation, and not the first marriage of those noble persons. And impossible it is that any of these Authors which speak of this union, should take it for the first union in marriage, for all of them acknowledge that Constantius died soon after this Reconciliation, (the Monck of West∣minster sayeth within three years) by Merianus within two years,* 1.389 by Martinus Polonus the same year. The like have others, by which account and confession Constantine should be either unborn, or not above two years old at the most, when he was King of Brittain, and Emperor also after his Fathers death. Shortly after this coming of Constantius, and this attonement between him and King Coel thus made, King Coel dyed within five weeks, saith Harding, a moneth and eight dayes, saith Galfridus, Viruunius saith within one moneth,* 1.390 so likewise doth the Monck of Westminster, Hard∣ing writeth that Constantius was Emperor before he was King of Brittain.

But King Constance of Rome was high Christain, By the Senate first made the Emperor, After King of Brittain and Governour.

Howes in his Chronicle bringeth in Peter de Jeham to was tell us, that Coel Duke of Caric Glow of Glocester, Holinshed saith, he was Earl of Golchester, but where he died, or where buried, no mention is made. Fabian sayeth he ruled after the accord of most writers 27. years.

Constantius.

Constantius began his Empire with Galerius, the Empire was devided between them, so that Constantius should possess Affrica, Italy, France and Brittain, Galerius should have Ilyrica, Asia and the East parts, which done, they substituted under them two Cae∣sars; Constantius, holding himself content with the dignity of Augustus, refused to sustain the trouble, which he should have endured through the administration of the affairs of Italy and Africk. He sought by all means how he might enrich the people of the Empire. He abolished the superstition of the Gentiles in his Dominions, so that afterwards Brittain felt no persecutions. The year following he prepared war against the Picts, at which time his Son Constantine, who then served under Galerius, perceiv∣ing

his destruction to be contrived, posted to his Father in all hast, houghing and kill∣ing all the Post horses which way so ever he passed,* 1.391 and came safely to his Father in Brittain. Holinshed saith, Constantius was the Daughters Son of one Crispus, that was brother to the Emperor Claudius, and that he began his reign over the Brittains, 289. and so also saith Fabian.

Constantius was not against the law, for Christians in Brittain to profess the Chri∣stian Religion in his time; but preferred the most constant Christians to highest pre∣ferments, and greatest trust. And so consecrated his whole family to God, that his Court was as a Church, wherein were both Clergy men, and Godly Christians, truly serving God. This blessing and benefit he brought to our Christians here in Brittain, and publickly maintained it even in those times, when the name of Christi∣an in other places was so odious, that without danger it could not be spoken of; which he further, Viz. Eusebius, confirmeth in another place,* 1.392 where speaking in the name of Christians, he saith, that among the Emperors of that time, only Constantius did nei∣ther in any sort persecute Christians, nor in any sort participate with them that did, but kept all them that were under him without hurt, and secure from all trouble; neither pulled down Churches,* 1.393 or did any thing against them and elsewhere he teacheth again, that the parts of the West Empire did generally receive quietness from persecution when Constantius reigned; which although Baronius and Spondanus do not so well allow upon Eusebius his words, in all places of the West; because as they alledge Constantius, neither presently could, nor would he be against the Edicts of the Emperors still living, when he himself remained in Brittain, in the end of the World, and Italy was then full of wars. But Eusebius writteth not this singularly, but Sozomen and others testifie as much, that when the Churches of God were persecuted in all o∣ther parts of the World,* 1.394 only Constantius granted liberty of conscience to the Christi∣ans under him: and again generally, of all Christian Churches in the part of his Em∣pire; and were not only quiet under him, but thus lived in great joy, and did encrease, being honoured and rewarded by him.

And, relating his experiment to prove constant Christians, before remembred, and how he admitted such for his nearest friends and Counsellors, he gathereth from hence, that the Gauls, Brittains, and others under him, were by him exempted from all penall lawes of the persecutors, he taking away and making them frustrate in his Dominions. And the objections which Baronius maketh, do rather prove then disprove the quietness of Christians in this Nation, when Constantius was here. For first the inquietness of Italy rather helped then hindered our peace, our persecution proceeding from thence, now not able to persecute us, nor take revenge of Constantius for protecting us. And his being in Brittain, his being so friendly alwayes to Christians, as Baronius often confes∣seth, must needs much more procure ease and freedom to our Christians, where there was no man of power to contradict or resist it; Constantius being both King and Empe∣ror here, and the Kingdom of Brittain a Christian Kingdom.* 1.395 Therefore howsoever his reasons make doubt of some other places, whose Estate and condition was not like unto ours of Brittain, they do not move any question of the quiet thereof in case of Religion, but establish and confirme it. And therefore our best allowed and ancient Authors St. Bede, Galfrid, Hen. Hunting and old French Manuscript, Virunnius, Harding, and others settle Constantius here in Brittain after all our perse∣cution ended, and nothing but all favour here to Christians in his time, and not only a tolleration, granted but publick profession of Christianity generally allowed, and by Regal and Imperial warrant of Constantius used and exercised, as shall ap∣pear.

And if we had rather hearken to forraign Writers in or neer that time, we have sufficient warrant, not only that he recalled himself from the worship of the Pagan Gods, as divers are witnesses, but as Eusebius and others testifie of him, he gave free power and licence to all under him to exercise Christian Religion without any molestation. And this, as he writes, when the greatest perse∣cution was in other places; and had care to instruct his son Constantine the great, whom he left his heir, in the same Faith, as we may easily conclude from the words of Constantine himself, Registered by Theodoret, that even from the ends of the Ocean, meaning Brittain, he was assisted by God: and Sozomen saith, it is evident∣ly known unto all men,* 1.396 that great Constantine was first instructed in the Christian faith among the Brittains. And the Chronicle of Abington neer Oxford, testifieth, he was brought up in that old Abbey, which we must needs ascribe to his Parents Constantius and Helen; and we find not any other but Constantius, except we will apply it to King Coel, and then it was received and approved by him, who here in Brittain caused the persecutors to be put to death, and the persecu∣tion thereupon ceased, as Gildas writeth: For this must needs be applyed to perse∣cution in Brittain, and not to the Tyrants Dioclesian and Maximian:* 1.397 the persecution here ended long before their death, and neither of them, nor any other Emperor,

but Constantius, having power and command here at this time, and hereupon our late authors themselves thus testify of him;* 1.398 Constantius abolished the Superstition of the Gentiles in his Dominions, so that afterward Brittain felt no persecutions. Constantius renounced the Idolatry of the Gentiles.

I have shewed formerly that Dioclesians persecution continued in this Kingdome not ten Years, for Gildas in one place saith; The nine years persecution of Dioclesian the Tyrant, and in the next Chapter, not wholly ten years long; as also that it wholly ended, in the time of King Coel. Those persecutors then having no power or authority here, and so together with their other over-ruling and command∣ing Decrees, the bloody Edicts of persecuting Christians here, were utterly extinct, and made void, and never renewed, but altogether omitted by Constantius, this great friend of Christians; such of this Nation were fully and undoubtedly resto∣red to their antient Liberties, Priviledges, and immunities, in matter of Religion; it Constantius and Helen our Emperour and Empresse, King and Queen had then given no further and expresse approbation unto them; which we may not reaso∣nably call in question, when we remember their absolute and independing Regal right and possession without contradiction they had in this Kingdom, the natural love and affection they bore unto it, and that to them; with their religious care and desire they had to defend and advance Christian Religion, even in times and places, when, and where they were not so enabled nor drawn thereto, with so many and strong bands of duty and affection: we have heard that the other Chur∣ches under his Empire were endowed by his benefits and munificence, whereby they lived in great joy and encreased. The choycest Christians were his dearest friends, and made his Councellours.

* 1.399And divers even of this Nation have delivered, that this our new King and Empe∣rour particularly place St. Taurinus Archbishop in York, wherein (although they be mistaken if they understand Taurinus Bishop of Eureux, neither the time or place allowing) yet we cannot safely say, but he might or did place some other of that name there, and if both these should fail, yet so many more authorities concur that Constantius gave consent and assistance to the publick restitution of Religion here in his time. For this we have the warrant of the most and approved Anti∣quaries, St. Gildas and St. Bede, after them Matthew of Westminster and others: St. Gildas writeth, That before the persecution had been here ten years, the wicked de∣crees against Christians were annulled and frustrate, and all the Servants of Christ after a long winter night with joyful eyes receive the clear light of the hea∣venly air,* 1.400 they renew their Churches which were thrown down to the ground, they found,* 1.401 build, and perfect others in honour of their holy Martyrs, and as it were, set forth every where their victorious Ensignes, celebrate festival dayes, offer sacrifice with a pure heart and mouth, all of them rejoyce as children cherished in the lap of their mother the Church. St. Bede saith that so soon as the persecuti∣on ceased, the Christians which had hid themselves in Woods and Desarts, and se∣cret Dens presently came forth, and shewed themselves in publick, doing those pub∣lick works of Christian Religion, which St. Gildas before remembred. And wri∣teth plainly, that this was done in the time of Constantius, and that he dyed here whilst these things were thus in acting. The Monck of Westminster hath the same words with St. Bede, of this publick profession of Christian Religion here presently, upon the ending of the persecution during ten years, and addeth, that then the church of St. Alban was built to his honour within ten years of his martyrdom, in the quiet of Christian times here, which by that is said before must needs be in the time of Constantius.

Likewise we find in the antiquitie of the old Church of Winchester; that being destroyed with the rest in this late persecution, it was perfectly re-edified in the year of Christ 309. and so either was in building or warranted to be built in the dayes of Constantius, then so, or lately before, by all accounts living and reign∣ing here, that it could not be done without his warrant or allowance. The like we say of the Churches of St. Julius, and St. Aaron, and other Martyrs of that time, and all both Cathedral churches and others, destroyed here by Maximian the most horrible fact-man, as Henry of Huntington calls him, after whose leaving the Em∣pire, Christians were quiet here, as he saith, and restored to their former liberties; and as Regino writteth, not only in Brittain, but generally where he ruled, both Bishops were restored to their private Sees, and many other things granted for the pro∣fit of Christian Religion; and particularly saith, that the Monastery of Trevers was begun in his time; then much more in Brittain, where he was both absolute Em∣perour and King to command, and no man daring to resist him: to this our late Antiquaries have given sufficient allowance, when they grant, that Constantius abolish∣ed the superstition of the Gentiles in this Dominions, especially in Brittain, where he now lived King and Emperour, as also in abolishing the Pagan rights, and obser∣vances;

for dislike of them and love to Christian Religion, must needs for his short time be an extraordinary advancer thereof.* 1.402 But when he had happily begun this holy work in repairing the ruines of the Church of Christ in this Kingdom, and before he could bring it to due, and his desired, perfection, he fell sick at the City of York, where soon after he deceased. Yet in this short time of his sicknesse his greatest care was to leave and commit this his charge both concerning his Empire, and this Kingdom to his Eldest son Constantine, Son of St. Helen; who, as he hoped for ma∣ny reasons, would be most ready and willing to maintain and defend true Religion and with Justice govern his Subjects.

And to this happy choice, as both Zonoras and Pompeius Laetus do plainly testify,* 1.403 and Eusebius and others sufficiently insinuate, he was admonished and instructed by Gods direction, and an Angell; which is confimed by the effect, and event it self, not only of the general establishing of Christian religion in the world by Constan∣tine in the time of his Empire, but his extraordinary and miraculous preservation before he came to it; and at this very time of his fathers sicknesse, strangely es∣caping the Tyrants hands in Italy, and coming safely unto his sick Father Con∣stantius at York, in our Brittain, by the great providence of God, as Eusebius no∣teth; who had often preserved him to bring him thither, so long and dangerous a journey, at that very time to succeed his Father. And this Author immediately addeth; For presently when Constantine had escaped the stratagems of the deceits, he came with all speed to his Father,* 1.404 and after a long space of time which he had been absent from him, presented him to his sight: at that moment, Constantius was ready to die; but when (contrary to all hope) he saw his sonne, leaping out of bed, he embra∣ced him, saying, that he had now cast that out of his mind;* 1.405 which only troubled him at the point of death, which was the absence of his Son, and therefore did earnestly pray and give thanks for it to God, affirming that now he rather desired to die then live; and setting himself in the midst of his Children, and in his place lying upon his Kingly bed, giving over the inheritance of his Kingdom to his Eldest Son, he departed this Life. Thus hath Eusebius then living in that time. Our Moderne Writers citing other an∣cient Authors, not differing from Eusebius,* 1.406 thus Translate and Epitomate this Hi∣story from them. Whilest Constantine remained at Rome, in manner as he had been a pledge with Gallerius, in his Fathers time, fled from hence and with all post hast re∣turned to his Father in Brittain, killing and hewing by the way all such horses as were appointed to stand at Inns, ready for such as would ride in Post, least being pursued he should have been overtaken, and brought back again by such as might be sent on purpose after him. Constantius whilest he lay on his death bed, somewhat before he depar∣ted this life, hearing that his son Constantine was come and escaped from the Empe∣rors Dioclesian and Maximian, with whom he remained as a pledge, he received him with all joy, and raising himself up in his bed, in presence of his other sons and Councellours; with a great number of other people and strangers that were come to visit him, He set the Crown upon his sons head, and adorned him with other Imperi-Robes and garments; executing as it were himself the Office of an Herald, and with all spake these words unto his said son, and to his Councellours there about him: Now is my death come unto me more welcome, and my departure hence more pleasant; I have here a large Epitaph and Monument of buriall, to wit mine own son, and one whom in earth, I leave to be Emperour in my place, which by Gods good help shall wipe away the tears of the Christians, and revenge the cruelty ex∣exercised by Tyrants; This I reckon to chance unto me instead of most felecity. Thus careful was this holy Emperour even at his death to advance the honour of Christ. This he did prophesying how his son after him should advance Christian Religion, now by his father declared Emperour, but as Esebius writeth long before designed to that dignity by God, the King of all.

This renowned Emperour Constantius died, by divers in the year 306. by others 307 and by some 308. and by all at such time as it is already proved: it must needs be he which among the Roman Emperours first gave order and warrant for the resto∣ring and re-establishing Christian Religion here in Brittain, after the desolation thereof by Dioclesian and Maximian, and died happily and most blessedly. And was so renowned that even by the Pagans he was accounted a God; and had after his death all honour given unto him, which belonged to an Emperour; he was most honourably and Christian like buryed in the City of York. Constantine his son the new Emperour present at his funeral, going before his corps, with an infi∣nite number of people and Souldiers attending with all honour and pompe; some going be∣fore, others following with most sweet harmony of singing. This was the End which God shewed of this Emperours Godly and Religious manners and life evidently to all peo∣ple then living, as Eusebius witnesseth, who also then lived and called him most holy,* 1.407 which he a learned christian Bishop could not give to any but an holy professed

Christian in his knowledge or judgement, and therefore attributeth so much to Constantius in this kind, that he calleth Constantine the great himself (whom he so much extolleth for his Christian Religion and advancement thereof) a follower of his fa∣thers piety in such affairs.

Constantine the Great.

Constantius having thus honourably ended his dayes, and declared Constantine his eldest son successor in his Empire, his whole Army doth presently with mutual consent and joy, proclaim him King and Emperour; and all Nations subject to his fathers Empire, were filled with incredible joy and unspeakable gladness, that they had without intermission so worthy and renowned an Emperour. Of the coming of this most no∣ble Brittain to the Empire, escaping and preserved from so many dangers and dif∣ficulties before;* 1.408 so generally and joyfully chosen and accepted, and proving after so happy a Ruler, Eusebius saith, that he was chosen by God himself, and that no mortal man could glory of this onely Emperour his advancement; for although he was generally and ordinarily chosen and accepted by men; yet as the same Au∣thour writeth, he was miraculously preserved by God, and by his extraordinary protection, brought safely from all danger to his father here in Brittain, old and ready to die, to be invested in the Empire after him: And so soon as he was Emperour, as the same Authour then living, and well known unto, and knowing Constantine,* 1.409 testifieth, and so declared by the Armies, as the custom was, being cho∣sen of God long before to that end, insisted in his fathers steps, in favouring and advan∣cing Christian Religion.* 1.410 So that in this part of the world, as Brittain and France, where Constantine succeeded his father, and now reigned there, was no persecution used against Christians, but all favour and indulgence towards them; and that assertion of divers Historians, both of this and other Nations, which affirmeth, that the per∣secution begun by Dioclesian and Maximian, did continue after their forsaking the Empire,* 1.411 and until the seventh year of the reign of Constantine, is to be understood of those parts, which until about that time were not under the Rule of Constantine; but of Galerius Severus, and Maxentius persecutors: and so Florentius Marianus, and o∣thers expounded it; and it can have no other construction to be true; for evident it is in Histories, that not onely from the beginning of the reign of Constantine; but in his fathers time, all Christians under their Government, were free from per∣secution. And so soon as Constantine had conquered Maxentius, and was sole and absolute Emperour; all Christians in the world under him were delivered from per∣secution, and set at liberty, even publickly to profess their Religion. And from his first entrance into the Empire, and to be King of Brittain, the Christians here in this Nation did not onely enjoy Religion, but as in the time of his father, made and freely had publick exercise and profession thereof; as our old Churches re-edified, new builded and erected, Bishops, Priests and all Clergy, and religious men, restored to their former Quiet, Revenues, Honours and Dignities, witness.

Of this we have divers Testimonies and Examples in particular, yet left unto us; as out of the old Annals of Winchester, where we find of that old Church, builded in the time of King Lucius, and destroyed in the late persecution: The Church of Winchester builded in the time of King Lucius, and hallowed, and dedicated October the twenty and ninth,* 1.412 one hundred eighty nine, by Faganus and Damianus Bi∣shops; amongst the rest, at this time of Dioclesian, went to wrack, the building thereof being ruined,* 1.413 and made even with the ground; and the Moncks and all the Officers belonging unto it, either slain or enforced to flye for the present time; In the year three hundred and nine, the Church aforesaid was again re-edified, and that with such wonderful forwardnesse and zeal, as within one year and thirty dayes, both it and all the edifices belonging unto it, as chambers and other buildings for Moncks and Officers, were quite finished in very seemly and convenient manner. The fifteenth day of March following, it was again hallowed and Dedicated unto the honour and memory of St. Amphibalus that had suffered death for Christ in the late persecution, by Constans Bishop of Winchester, at the request of Diodatus Abbot of this New erected Monastery. It is evident by this relation, that this holy work so pub∣lick, with freedom and zeal was quite finished in the time of Constantine; his be∣ing here, before he went hence against Maxentius. And yet we see both Bishop, Priest, and Abbot, and religious men publickly and honourably restored to their for∣mer condition. The Church with unspeakable devotion builded, and dedicated to the holy Saint and Martyr, who in the late persecution was most hated by the ene∣mies

of Christ. So I say of the Church of St. Alban, a Church of wonderfull workmanship,* 1.414 and worthy of his Martyrdoni, was builded so soon as the Christians were here at quiet. Matthew of Westminster hath the same words, and explaineth this time of the quiet of Christians here, when this Church was so sumptuously builded, to have been ten years after his Martyrdome, the perfect finishing whereof he setteth down to have been the same year, in which Constantine went from hence towards Rome against Maxentius, which was by him in the sixt year of Constantine, and before the general occasion of per∣secution in other places. Constantine not being absolute and sole Emperor untill his victory against Maxentius, nor the general quiet then ensuing. Both St. Bede and the Monck of Westminster write, that in their several times, often curing of Infirmities and other miracles were wrought there The old Churches of St. Julius and Aaron,* 1.415 Martyred in the late persecution, in the City of Caerlegion, derive their ancient foundation from this time, so do many others founded in honour of several Martyrs, then cruelly put to death for the name of Christ, so I affirm of all the Cathedral Churches, Archiepiscopal and Episcopal, with their particular Sees and Cities, foun∣ded in the time of King Lucius, and destroyed in the time of the Tyrants, Dioclesian and Maximian; as also those that were not Episcopal, but subordinate and inferior,* 1.416 overthrown with that tempest of persecution; for holy Gildas and St. Bede, and others testifie without exception, that all they which were then pulled down even to the ground, were now re-edified. Matthew of Westminster plainly writeth, that besides the new Churches builded in honour of their late Martyrs,* 1.417 of which St. Bede and St. Gildas make this memory, the Christians here at this time received and builded again all the Churches dedicated to former Saints, which had been so destroyed and thrown down to the ground.

And when we are waranted both by late and ancient antiquities also, that from the beginning of Christianity here, we had many Abbots, Moncks and Monasteries in eve∣ry age, and that these Monasteries were all destroyed in Dioclesian his persecution, we must needs assign their restauration to this time. To this I joyn the Monastery of Abing∣don, where this our great King and Emperor Constantine, as the old Annalls thereof do plead, had his education when he was young,* 1.418 wherein there were (as it testifieth fur∣ther) above 500 Moncks living by the labour of their hands, in the woods and desarts adjoyning, upon Sundayes, and festival dayes coming to that Monastery; beside 60. which did continually abide in the same, serving God there. Therefore we cannot doubt, if we will accept this ancient Record for witness, but of all other Monasteries, this great Emperor had an especial care of restoring and endowing this his nursing place of education.

To this we may assign the re-edifying of the noble Monastery,* 1.419 first builded by the Founder Ambrius or Ambrey, after called Amsbury in Wiltshire, where, at the coming of the Saxons hither, there were 300 Religious Men, whose Foundation being long before the time of the Saxons, argueth it was builded before the time of Dioclesian and Maxentius, by them destroyed, and now restored. So we may conclude of the Religious houses, both of Men and Women in Kent and other places,* 1.420 renowned here at the Sax∣ons first entrance, even by our modern writers, thus delivering from Antiquity. Hen∣gist slew the good Archbishop Vodine, and many other Priests and Religious persons, all the Churches in Kent were polluted with blood, the Nunnes and other Religious persons, were by force put from their Houses and goods. Thus we must conceive of all other re∣ligious houses, whether of Men or Women, being very many in number, all of them being now happily repaired, and again imployed to their first institution and holy use, whether the old religious house of Glastenbury is to be accounted in the number of those that were destroyed by Maximian, and now builded again by Constantius and Con∣stantine, I dare not make so ready a resolution: likely it it is the poverty of the house, builded with writhen wands, the penitential and Eremitical life, those Re∣ligious their led there place, of aboad being separate in private Cells and in a Wil∣derness, in which kind of places other Christians hid themselves in that persecuti∣on, might both preserve them in that raging storm, and their manner of life con∣sidered now, not require reparation, which both William of Malmesbury in his written History of the antiquity of that holy place, and the old Manuscript Antiquities of Glastenbury seem to consent unto, when they absolutely deliver that from the time of King Lucius, untill the coming of St. Patrick thither, not speaking of the least intermission or discontinuance, there continually remained a succession of 12 Ere∣mits in that Island.

When Constantine had reigned but a short time in Brittain and France, and such Western parts as his Father before him possessed,* 1.421 Maxentius being proclaimed Empe∣ror in Rome, Italy and other places, and falling to Tyranny and Usurpation, put∣many Innocents to death, and exiling many, both Christians and others; divers e∣ven of the Nobility fled into Brittain to Constantine for succour and reliefe, complain∣ing

of the cruelty and usupation of Maxentius,* 1.422 humbly inciting and entreating Con∣stantine as undoubted true heir to the Empire, even of that part which Maxentius had intruded himself into, to take armes against him, and solely to enjoy the Em∣pire. And he was not only thus sollicited by the Christians and others persecuted, re∣sorting hither, but by the Romans, which still continued at Rome, enduring the Ty∣ranny of Maxentius, as some write in this manner.

The Senators of Rome by Letters well endite, Pray'd him to come to Rome as Emperor. For to destroy Maxence, and disinherit, Of Christen folk the cruel Tormentour. Of Christen faith the cursed Counfounder, For of his birth they said, it set him so, Maxence to destroy, that was his Fathers foe.

* 1.423Zonoras, Cedrenus, and other forraign Historians write the like, in this manner.

Hereupon Constantine to revenge the Injuries done to the holy Christians, and un∣speakable wrongs to divers others, even the most noble of the Romans, and the enor∣mous sins of this Tyrant, for number not to be recounted, and for the horrible and loathsom grieviousness, to be surpressed with silence, assembled a great army both of Christian Brittains, and other Nations subject unto him (by Eutropius) and others with him,* 1.424 in the fift, but by the more common opinion, the sixt year of his Empire. Having entered into these affairs, the better to procure the help and assistance of Hea∣ven, as Eusebius and other Strangers confess, before he had his miraculous vision, pre∣sently to be remembred, he resolved to have that true God, whom his Father had de∣voutly adored to be only adored and reverenced, wherefore; by his prayers he entreated his help, him he prayed, him he beseeched to declare himself unto him and assist him in this enterprise. Otto Frigensis and other strangers also say, that Constantine at this time was a Religious Emperor, favourer of Christian Religion, when he prepared him∣self for this warr.* 1.425 Eusebius hath so witnessed, and plainly saith. He only received, wor∣shipped and prayed unto the God of his Father, the Lord of Heaven, and Jesus Christ the Saviour of all men, which none but a Christian would or could do: and Eusebius re∣ceiving what he wrote from Constantine, and swearing that it was true, thus proceed∣eth in his History.* 1.426 Therefore whilst the Emperor prayed, and earnestly beseeched those things, a divine exceeding admirable vision appeared unto him, which if any other had reported, he would not have been so easily credited, but being the Emperor himself and Conqueror, both long time after, (when he did vouchsafe me acquaintance and familiar speech with him) both tell me and by oath confirm what he said,* 1.427 this very history which we now commit to writing, no man can be doubtfull, but the narration is certainly to be believed, especially when we see the effect to have given testimony thereunto: when the Sun had ascended in the midst of the Heaven, and the day a little enclining to the afternoon, he said he did see the sign of a cross, made of the brightness of the light manifestly appearing to this eyes in the Heaven over the Sun,* 1.428 with an e∣vident Inscription which contained these words 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, In this thou shalt overcome: a great admiration fell upon him, and his whole army, all of them beholding this wonder. Con∣stantine earnestly meditating upon this vision, in the night following Christ appeared unto him in his sleep, with the sign of the cross which he had seen in Heaven, and commanded him to make another sign of the cross like unto it, and to use it as a safeguard in his wars with his enemies; he so soon as he arose imparted the vision unto his friends,* 1.429 and sent for Artisans, skillfull ingravers in gold and precious stones, and describing the shape of the sign, which he had seen unto them, commandeth them to make the like of gold and precious stone, which Image I my self have seen. Thus far Eusebius, in the next chapter largely setting down the proportion, manner and glory of this ensign so honourably preserved in that time.* 1.430

To this relation, if it needed more testimony, Socrates Sozomen, Otto and other old forraign writers are witnesses, and if any man desireth Modern consent herein, those of our Nation do thus relate this matter. About noon, the Sun something declining, Con∣stantine saw in the sky a lightsome pillar in form of a cross, wherein these words were en∣graven, In this oveercome: the which vision so amazed the Emperor, that he mistrusting his own sight, demanded of them that were present, whether they perceived the vision, which when all with one assent had confirmed, the wavering mind of the Emperor was setled, with this divine and wonderfull sight. The night following in his sleep, he seeth Christ, which sayeth thus unto him. Frame unto thy self the form of a cross, after the example of the sign which appeared unto thee, and bear the same against thy Enemies as a fit banner or token of victory. He being fully perswaded of this Oracle, commandeth

the victorious Sign of the Cross, which as yet is reserved in the Pallace of the Emperour, to be made, and therewith proceedeth forward with great courage. Eusebeus and others say, that presently upon this Vision, Constantine concluded with his Christian Priests,* 1.431 to have onely their God which appeared unto him, and no other to be worshipped.

And thus preparing himself with all his Army to suppress the Tyrant, having God the Governour of all things for his Patron before his eyes, and calling upon Christ our Saviour and Helper,* 1.432 placing the Image of the Cross as a Sign of Victory before his armed Souldiers and Guards, marched forward with his whole Army. And thus trusting in the help of God, his Army not being more than half the number of Maxentius,* 1.433 this consisting of 170 thou∣sand foot, and 18 thousand horse, and yet (as an old Panagerick hath) Constantine not fighting with more than the fourth part of his Army against 100000 of Maxentius men,* 1.434 he set upon the Armies of Maxentius three of them, and presently overthrew them; and so passing through Italy hard by Rome, where Maxentius was, he so prosecuted him, that in his flight he was with his greatest forces drowned in the River of Tyber there miraculously, (as Eusebius and others testifie) like to Pharaoh and his Egyptians in the red Sea, swallowed up by the waters, by his own Engine of a new devised Bridge, of which he had made Boats to entrap Constantine withall, strangely failing, to his own miserable destru∣ction.

So soon as Constantine had thus obtained Victory (as Eusebius, Socrates, and o∣thers are able witnesses) he gave thanks to God, who had so extraordinarily assi∣sted him, and delivered the Christians from persecution; those which were banished, he recalled home; the goods of those which were confiscated, he restored; those which were put in prison, he delivered; the Churches which were destroyed, he caused to be re-edified; all which he effected with great care and speed; his care was onely fixed in things belonging to the glory of Christ; he began to execute all the duties of a Christian man, to build Churches, and to adorn them with magni∣ficent and renowned Monuments, to shut up the Pagon temples, pull them down, and abandon the Statuas erected in them.

Eusebius proceedeth further, and saith, that presently upon this victory, Constantine making his Prayer with Thanks-giving to God, Authour of his Victory, published unto all in famous Inscriptions and Pillars, publickly erected, the power of the Cross of Christ: and even in the midst of the City, in the most principal place thereof, erected a great Trophy against his enemies, and caused this Sign of Salvation to be engraven in it, with Chara∣cters that could not be blotted out, did demonstrate it was the Propugnacle of the Romans and all subjects to the Empire, and did openly propose it to be seen of all men; and his own Image being erected in a famous place of the City, and much frequented, holding in his hand a Spear, shap't much like a Cross,* 1.435 commanded this Inscription to be graven on it in Latine letters, With this saving Sign, a token of fortitude, I have delivered your City from the yoak of Tyranny; and setting the Senate and People at liberty,* 1.436 I have restored them to their antient Honour and Renown. And it immediately followeth in Eusebius, that Constantine hereupon with great boldness did openly profess and publish Christ the Son of God unto the Romans. He also published in all places his Edict, for restoring all men to their good, which had been unjustly deprived of them, recalling Exiles, and delivering Prisone••s; all these, and more of such things of Religious Christian nature,* 1.437 this our noble King and Emperour performed presently upon his Victory against Maxeatius, commonly taken to have been in the 7^th. year of his Empire, begun first in the Countrey of Brittain.

And so their opinion, which before have told us, that the persecution continued in some western parts ten years from the last most cruel Edict of Dioclesian,* 1.438 and until the 7^th year of Constantine, is expounded by themselves, affirming, that this general peace to all Christians in the western world, was procured and granted unto them by Constantine, in the 7^th year of his Empire; and after the ten years of Dioclesians Edict, after prosecuted by Maxentius, was ended. Floren. Wigorn. writeth, that in this year St. Helen, mother of Constantine, then being here in Brittain, wrote to her son to persecute the Jews which de∣nied Christ; Matth. of Westm. saith, this general peace of Christians was effected by Constantine, in the 313 year of Christ; Marianus will have it in the year 312. so hath Beronius Spondanus, and others; Harding relateth it done in the year of Christ 310. Mart. Polonus saith,* 1.439 Constantine became a Christian in the year 309. and then both gave liberty to Christians, and caused Churches to be builded in honour of Christ. Our Countrey-man Flor. Wigorn. by Dionisus his Computation, setteth it down three years sooner, in the year 306; to which our English late Writers assent, a principal man, & named a Bishop, saying, that Con∣stantine learned his Christian Faith in Brittain, of his most Christian mother St. Helen; and at his going from hence against Maxentius, behaved himself like a Christian in the midst of the Pagan superstitions, and honoured them which were professed Chri∣stians.

* 1.440Having thus cleared our most glorious Countriman, Emperour Constantine, from imputa∣tion of his so long delaying his holy baptisme, as some have pretended, and so near as I can and dare, proposed the most probable time thereof, I must now speak though more briefly of the solemnity it self, and his most charitable Religious Christian acts, and conversion which ensued thereupon. The common opinion concerning Constantine before his baptisme is, the same which the Scripture witnesseth of Naeaman the Syrian Prince, though he was great, honoured, valiant and rich, yet he also was a Leper, before he was by direction of the prophet washed and healed in Jordane; yet great difference there was between these two Lepers of Syria and Brittain; the Leper of Syria was great, but with his own Lord the King of Syria, Commander of his armies, and he procured the quiet and safety of Syria; he was only cleansed of his corporal Leprosy: But our Brittish Leper was cured both in body and soul, he was not only great with a particular King, but a great, and the greatest King and Emperour, so stiled, that ever was in the world, he did not only bring tem∣poral safety and quietnesse to one Kingdom and Nation, but both Temporal and Spiritual happiness and salvation to the whole Empire, and to all Nations and Kingdoms.

* 1.441Constantine being troubled with this infirmity, if I may call that so, which St. Augustine saith, is a defect of colour, and not of health or integrity of sences and members, and seek∣ing remedy, yet finding none among his bodily physitians the Pagan Flemmings advi∣sed him to make a Bath in the Capitol and therein wash his body with the warme blood of Infants; Pliny and others writing that this grief hath been so healed: which to effect these Idolatrous Gentiles prepared a great number of such children, intending to kill them, and to fill the Bath with their blood, which when Constantine considered, and beheld the tears and lamentations of the Mothers for their Children, he abhorred so great cruelty and wickednesse, causing the children to be restored to their mothers with rewards and means to carry them to their dwelling places. In the night following the holy Apostles St. Peter and St. Paul do appear, and say thus unto him; O Emperour because thou hast detested to shed the blood of innocents, we are sent unto thee by Christ, to teach thee means to recover thy health; send for Bishop Sylvester, and he will provide an holy Bath in which he will baptise thee, and thou shalt be cured of thy Leprosy, and all diseases; which Constantine presently performed, sending for St. Sylvester, who shewed there unto him the pictures of St. Peter and St. Paul, which when the Emperour diligently beheld, he openly before his nobility confessed, that these were they which ap∣peared unto him; and being perfectly instructed by St. Sylvester, was baptised by him and mira∣culously cleansed from his Leprosie, an hand from heaven, as himself did see and testifie, touching him; and when he was thus wonderfully cured and christened, St. Sylvester ministred the holy Sacrament of Confirmation unto him, annointing and signing his forehead with sacred Crisme. Simeon Metaphraster, a Greek writer, saith, that at the time of Constantine his baptisme by St. Sylvester,* 1.442 a light more bright then the Sun did suddainly shine about all the house, and the Emperour being baptised, his flesh was pure and sound without any hurt or scar, and the water wherewith he was baptised was full of such filth as came from his soars, like scales of fishes. Divers both Greek and Latine Authours say, that his son Crispus was then baptised with him.

These things being of so great note and consequence in so great a Prince and Comman∣der,* 1.443 and so concerning all people, were not, nor could not be done in secret. The infirmity of Constantine's Leprosy was generally known, Physitians had been often times consulted, and done their best practise about it. The place of the Capitol where the Children should by the Pagans have been murdered about it was famous, the gathering them from many places and Provinces was known to all, the open outcries and lamentations of their mothers could not be concealed, the sending and seeking St. Sylvester were with honour and solem∣nity performed, so was his entertainment and conference with the Emperour in presence of his Nobility. The present conversion of Constantine thereupon, his preparation in Penance seven dayes before his baptisme. This Solemnized in the publick imperial pal∣lace, and in an holy Font so curiously provided, as all Histories agree, and so miraculous∣ly curing his corporal disease, which no art of man could heal, made this conversion of Constantine renownedly known and manifest to all. To the Christians for their unspeakable joy, to the Jewes and Pagans to the shame and confusion of their obstinacy, and salvation of many of them converted by this means.

* 1.444And Constantine himself did not only send his Imperial Edicts into all Countries both East and West for embracing Christian Religion, but made his publick perswading Orations to that purpose; as namely in the Church openly, to the Senate and People of Rome; where∣upon as Nicephorus a Grecian writeth, in the only City of Rome there was converted and baptised above twelve thousand men, besides women and young people in the same year. Egbertus from old antiquities seems to deliver that all the Senators were then converted to Christ, for he plainly saith, that Constantine gave the honour of the Senate of Rome to the Christian Clergy thereof, and he with all the Senators departed thence to Bisan∣tium.

Therefore a wonder it is how some Greek Writers should, or could plead Ignorance of so concerning and memorable a thing, so publickly acted with so many circumstances, which could not be concealed in the great commanding City of the World, by the sole Emperor thereof,* 1.445 and S. Sylvester the highest Ruler in the Church of Christ, and testified by almost all Ecclesiastical Historians, too many to be remembred, being accounted to be above 40 Classical Christian Authors and Writers of this matter, omitting many of great name, antiquity, and authority. The Pagans themselves, even of the same age, as Amianus, Marcellinus, Zosimus,* 1.446 and others give plain testimony unto it; the first expresly speaketh of Constantines Font in Rome. The other setteth down the whole History at large, after his Ethick manner. Zosimus also testifieth, that this History was common among the Pagan Writers in his time.* 1.447 And the Jewes also even then most malicious against Christians, as R. Abraham Levita, and R. Abraham Aben Ezra do confess and prove the same. So do the best Greek Historians, Theophanes, Metaphrastes, Zonarus, Cedrenus, Glycas, Nicephorus, and others. Some of these, as Michael Glycas, calling them Arian Hereticks, who say he was bap∣tized at Nicomedia by the Arian Bishop thereof, and saith, it is out of doubt, that he was baptized at Rome; his Baptistery there continuing to confirm and prove it invin∣cibly true; so have the rest: and Theophanes plainly saith, this was one of the Arian Hereticks fictions and lies against Constantine, to stain his glory untruly with. And their authentical and publickly received Menologion of the Greek Church doth not only say, that Sylvester baptized Constantine at Rome, clensing him from his Leprosie both of Soul and Body, but also it receiveth and enrolleth this glorious Emperor in the Catalogue of holy Saints, and so he is generally honored among them; and in the Latine Church his name was ever Enrolled in the Ecclesiasticall Tables called Dyptica, and publickly recited at Masse, which was not allowed to any but Orthodox and holy Christians.

Therefore he must needs be free from all such suspicion, wherewith those suspected Grecians have charged him, the chiefest of them making Constantine a professed Christi∣an, receiving Sacraments many years before the pretended Baptism at his death. There∣fore I may worthily say of this renowned Emperor with our learned and ancient Histo∣rian, That he was the flower of Brittain, a Brittain by Countrey, before whom,* 1.448 and after whom never any the like went out of Brittain. And another in his old Poem of the same our glorious King and Emperor, first testifying that he was Christened at Rome by Pope Sylvester, and there cured of his Leprosie, addeth,

He dyed after that at Nichomeide In Catalogue among the Saints numbred; Of May the twentieth and one day indeed, Ʋnder Shrine buried and subumbred, Whose day and feast the Greeks have each yeer Solemnly, as for a Saint full clere.

Our old English Chronicle also testifieth of this Emperor:* 1.449 This Constantine was a glorious man, and victorious in battaile, In governing of the Commyn people he was very wise, and in necessity of byleve he was without comparison devote, his pietie and his holines be soe written in the books of holy Doctors, that without doubt he is to be numbred among Saints: And the Greeks say, that in the end of his life he was a Monk. S. Adelm saith, Great Constantine was corporally and spiritually cured in Baptism at Rome by St. Sylvester: and as Nicephorus a Grecian writeth this in the consent of the whole Church.

This our triumphant Emperor and glory of Brittain, having thus victoriously conquered his spiritual as well as corporal Enemies, and by Baptism thus hap∣pily made so glorious and profitable a Member of the Church of Christ, the joyfull newes and tidings thereof was soon diffused and known to the holy Christians, though far distant from Rome, as that thing they most desired to be effected, and as much rejoyced to hear it was so religiously performed. And among the rest his blessed Mother St. Helen then living here in Brittain her native Countrey, after the death of her Husband Constantius, who had in the best manner she could, instructed her Son Constantine in the true Christian Religion, and desired nothing more than to understand, he publickly, and with so great zeal, now openly professed that which she had so often and earnestly exhorted him unto, was not a little joyed with the certain notice hereof. And with all haste she could prepared herself for so long a journey, by her corporal presence to be both more effectuall partaker and encreaser of such Christian comforts; and to give arguments of her joyes by messengers, in the mean time writing unto him from Brit∣tain, as our Antiquaries do affirm; and among other things, to expresse her great

zeal in Christian Religion, and to exhort her Son to the like understanding of the great malice of the Jewes against Christians, especially at that time, the Emperour being so solemnly and so miraculously baptized,* 1.450 perswaded him to persecute those Jewes which denyed Christ. Marianus Scotus writeth also, that St. Helen did write out of Brittain when she heard he was baptized by St. Sylvester. But his Publisher (as he is charged with many other things by Harkesfield to have done) either hath mistaken him in that which followeth, or published some Copy not so to be approved; for he bringeth in St. Helen, in the next words, to request her Son to deny Christ, and follow the Jewes, which cannot be the words either of Marianus, or any Learned Antiquaty, such as he was, confessing S. Helen to have been at this time in Brittain, as he doth; for, neither at this time, nor divers of hundreds of years after St. Helen her death, there is mention in Histories of any Jewes at all to have been in this Kingdome; then much more it must needs be Historically a thing im∣possible, and altogether untrue, that there should be one hundred forty and one of the most Learned of the Jewes here, and St. Helen should bring them with her to Rome, from hence, as seemeth by some to be set down in the Rela∣tion of the Dispute between St. Sylvester and the Jewes, before Constantine and St. Helen: But quite otherwise it is proved, that St. Helen was wholly Christian when she was in this Nation, before her going to Rome, and at the time of her writing to her Son Constantine there, after his baptism, when in the other sence that St. Helen wrote to her Son to Congratulate his Baptism, encouraged him constantly and religiously to profess Christian Religion, to be a Friend to the Servants and Friends of Christ, and a Suppressor of Jewes, and whosoever their Enemies, we have her own Religious Education, and all the Christian Clergy and Nobility of Btitrain, a Christian Kingdom and her native Countrey so calling upon her, and neither Jew nor Pagan of note, learning, or power, for any thing we read, continuing here either to hinder her in this, or advise her to the contrary, to the favour either of Jews or Gen∣tiles in their proceedings.

The like I may answer to then, which although they with the truth acknowledge S. Helen to have been the Daughter of King Coel of Brittain, and born in this Nation; yet they say she went hence with Constantine towards Rome, at what time he went against Maxentius the Tyrant, and with the Children of Constantine travelled to Byzan∣tium, and dwelling there, was perverted by the Jewes; and so leaving off the Baptism of Constantine in that City of Bithynia, did write to him from thence, commending him for renouncing Idolatry, but reproving him for reproving the Jewish Religion, and being a Christian: but this is evidently confuted before, when by so worthy Authori∣ties and many Arguments it was proved that St. Helen was in Brittain,* 1.451 so far distant from Bizantium at this time.

* 1.452And what man of judgement can think this Empress, having been so fully instructed in the Mysteries of Christian Faith, to have fallen into Judaism? nothing but envy it self could invent such a Fiction. In the time of this our great Constantine was held the first great Councel of Arles in France, consisting of, as Nicephorus, Ado, and others say, 600 Bishops, as Baronius, Spondanus, and others from Antiquity do gather, in the year of Christ 314, and the 9. of this Emperor Constantine; in this Councel was present and subscribed Restitutus Arch-Bishop of London, and in probable judgement divers others of this our Brittain, and in this time of the meeting of the Bishops at the two Councels of Arles, especial care being taken by our renowned Emperor, that they should, at his charge and cost, be safely conveyed, with their due attendance, to that place, where these Councels were to be assembled, and there also to be provided for during the time of the Councels, at his cost.

Nor did this Heroick Emperor confine his love and favours towards Christian Reli∣gion unto the Christians of his own, the West Empire, but unto all; as God by an holy Angel before revealed, (both ancient and modern Authors so acknowledging) the Christians in the whole world should be at peace, and Idolatry was to be generally overthrown by this noble Emperor.

* 1.453Nunc bonus expulsis Romana in Regna Tyrannis, Adveniet Princeps sub quo placabitur Orbis, Et finem accipiet veterum cultura Deorum.

A Prince shall rule, whose power shall quite expell Those Tyrants who against Rome did rebell; The World by him shall quiet peace enjoy, And he the Pagan gods shall all destroy.

As concerning Christian Churches, they which were large enough, and had been ruinated in the time of persecution, were repaired, others were builded higher, and with honour made greater; where there were none before, new were erected, even from the Foundation; and the Emperor out of his Treasury afforded money thereto,

and wrote both to the Bishops and Presidents of every Province; to the Bishops, that whatsoever they would they should command; and to the Presidents, that they should diligently do what they commanded: And so, with the prosperous estate of his Empire, Religion greatly encreased. Out of the Lands of his own Tribute in every City, he took a certain pension that was accustomed to be paid into the Treasurie and distributed it to the Churches and Clergy, and by Law decreed that his Gift to be perpe∣tual.

He caused the sign of the Cross to be made upon the Armour of his Soldiers to ac∣custom them thereby to serve God. He builded a Church in his Palace,* 1.454 and used to have carried with him when he went to war, a Pavilion after the manner of a Church, that both he and his Army being in the field, might have a Church wherein to pray unto God and receive the sacred mysteries; Priests and Deacons, which, according to the Institution of the Church, should execute those Duties, continually followed that Tent. He took away by Law the old Punishment of the Crosse used by the Romans; he caused that sign to be made on his own Image, whether impressed on money, or painted on a Table.

The Brittish History saith, that Constantine residing at York,* 1.455 although he seemed at first unwilling to accept the Imperial Title, and protested openly against it, yet when the Senate had confirmed the Election, he took upon him the Government of those Provinces which his Father had held in the West parts, and with an Army of Brittains and other Nations, he first setled France and Germany, being then in Arms against him, and afterwards subdued Maxentius, Maximianus Son, that usurped the Empire in Italy. Then with like success he made war upon Licinius, his Associate, who persecuted the Professors of Christianity in the East parts of the World, by which means Constantine alone enjoyed the Empire, and for his many and glorious Conquests was worthily sur∣named The Great. In this time the form of the Government in Brittain, both for Civil and Martial Causes, was altered, and new Lawes established. The Civil Government of the Province he committed to Pacatianus, who ordered the same as Deputy to the Præ∣fectus Prætorio of Gallia (an Officer entituled by him) with a limitation of place, and restriction of that power which the ancient Præfectus Prætorio had under the first Empe∣rors.

Then Constantine intending to make war in Persia, either to defend or enlarge the limits of the East Empire, removed the Emperial Seat from Rome to the City of Bi∣zantium, (which he re-edified, and caused the same to be called of his own Name Constantinople) drawing thither the Legions in Germany, that guarded the Fronteers of the Western Empire, which was thereby laid open to the Incursions of those barba∣rous People that afterwards assayed it, and in the end possessed the greatest part there∣of. The borders also of the Province in Brittain were weakened by removing the Gar∣risons there into other Cities and Towns, which being pestered with Soldiers, (for the most part unruly Guests) were abandoned by the ancient Inhabitants.

There be Authors that write,* 1.456 that Constantine conveyed over Sea with him a great Army of Brittains, by whose Industry obtaining Victory as he wished, he placed a great number of such as were discharged out of pay, and licensed to give over the War, in a part of Gallia, toward the West Sea coast, where their posterity remain unto this day, and marvellously encreased afterwards, somewhat now differing from our Brittains, the Welshmen, in manners and language.

Among those Noblemen which he took with him when he departed out of this Land, as our Writers do testifie, were the three Uncles of his Mother Helen, Hoelus, Trabernus and Marius, whom he made Senators in Rome.

After the wars betwixt Constantine and the Persians,* 1.457 the King of Persia sent Embassa∣dors unto Constantine to procure peace, and he writ back unto King Sapores, that the Christians in his Dominions, which were there in great numbers, might live at liberty and freedom for their Religion: And if we may believe Eusebius, then living,* 1.458 and best knowing the affairs and proceedings of this most noble Emperor, after all these things were compassed and brought to an end, he began that glorious and renowned work and Foundation of the most sumptuous Church of the twelve Apostles in Constantinople, where it is evident by this then living Author and witness, that he did not begin to build this Church till long after his triennial Feast. And yet the glory and stateliness of that work, as it is described by the same Writer, was such that it could not be effected and finished under many years, and yet that it was finished before his death it is cer∣tain; for, he there erected a Tomb for his own body to be buried in, and there was interred. There he erected (saith Eusebius) twelve Monuments, to the honour and memory of the twelve Apostles, and in the midst between them he placed his own Tomb, with six Apostles encompassed on either side; surely, as I have said before, considering with discreet Councel,* 1.459 that the Tabernacle of his dead body should worthily and decently rest there, when he had con∣sidered these things long time before, he dedicated the Church to the Apostles, thinking that their memory would bring much profit to his soul.

And both Baronius and Spondanus confess that Constantine did not begin this great and wonderfull work until the 336.* 1.460 year of Christ, and after his concluding peace with the Persians, had not before so much as resolved it. Therefore this Church be∣ing so costly and magnificent, as these men confess, and Eusebius at large proveth, and yet Constantius lived to see it roofed and quite finished; he must needs live a longer time than until the next year, the 337. of Christ, which they limit unto him to live, and much more longer than Socrates their Author continueth his life; for, by his reckoning, setting down his death the same year wherein the Persian Embassadors came to him for peace, we must be forced to say, this admirable Church was quite finished in the space of seven weeks; or if we should adventure, as Baronius doth, to make Socrates our Author, and yet add unto his account a whole year, as he doth, it must needs be yielded unto by such calculation, that it was not begun, or any mate∣rials prepared for it, and yet quite finished within the space of one year and seven weeks; for, as before it was not begun at the Feast of Easter, and yet ended the same year (by Socrates) before the Feast of Pentecost, when by Eusebius, Constantine died, and by Socrates about the eleventh of the Calends of June the 22. day of May, and by Baronius, before the Feast of Pentecost and the 22. day of May the year following, which is morally impossibly to be true; for, besides the amplitude thereof, and Orna∣ments therein,* 1.461 Eusebius, who had seen it, and knew the building of it, saith, that Constantine erected it to an infinite altitude, and made it from the ground with all va∣riety of Stones, even to the top; the Roof was curiously wrought, and within covered with Gold throughout, and covered above with Brasse and much Gold.

And therefore Nicephorus also, a Greek Author, who had diligently examined Socra∣tes, and citeth his very words of this matter before related, affirmeth plainly and constantly, notwithstanding that opinion that Constantine did not die until the 342. year of Christ in the Feast of Pentecost,* 1.462 towards the end of it about noon time of the day, to speak in Eusebius his words, this Emperor was received to his God, leaving his mortal part like to other mortal men to the earth, but joyning his Intelligence and Divine part of his Soul unto God: He dying in Bethinia, his Soldiers enclosing his Body in a Golden Coffin, covered it all over with Purple, and conveyed it to Constantinople, and placed it in the Emperial Palace, adorned with Emperial Robes, Purple and a Diadem; Lights set upon Golden Candlesticks round about it, which gave such an admirable shew unto the Beholders as was never seen: All the Nobles of his Army which worshipped him whilst he lived, kept their old manner and custom, at certain times entring in and prostrating themselves on the ground, saluted the Empe∣ror after his death, lying in his Coffin as if he had been still living. The Senate and all other Magistrates worshipped his Body with like reverence. All sorts of people, even Women and Children in infinite number came to see the solemnity; and these things were performed many daies. This blessed Emperor was he alone which reigned when he was dead;* 1.463 and to him alone, God himself being Author thereof, all honors which were wont to be given when he lived, were given after his death. For he being the only Emperor which in all the actions of his life piously and religiously worshiped God the King of all, and his Son Jesus Christ, he alone by right obtained this honour by the will of God to have that which was buried in death to reign among men.

* 1.464In the 20. year of this Constantine was held (as saith Mr. Howes) the Councel of Nice with great Solemnity, wherein were condemned and suppressed the damnable Heresies of Arius Bigot, the vain-glorious and dissembling Minister, whereof the Arian Heresie took the Name, and for a long space after much troubled Christendom. And at this time the Nicene Creed was commanded to be sung and said in all Churches. And the forenamed Arius pretending to make a Retract of all his Heresies, took his leave of the Emperor,* 1.465 as if he had great necessity to take Physick to purge his Body, which Purgation never ceased working, till it had purged him of all his bloud and bowels, and so he died most miserably and shamefully.

* 1.466About this time (saith the same Author) Octavius, whom Constantine left Governor in Brittain, rebelled, against whom Constantine sent Traherne his Uncle with a Legion of Romans, who after divers Conflicts was slain.

* 1.467The old English Chronicle saith: When Constantine went from this Land to Rome, he took all his lond to keep to the Earl of Cornwall, that was called Octavian. And anon as this Octavian wist that his Lord dwelt at Rome, incontinent be ceased all the lond into his hands, and therewith did all his will among hy and low, and they held him for King. But other Historians, both Brittish and English, Domestical and Foreign, affirm, that Constan∣tine at his going from Brittain to Rome, committed the Government of this Countrey to the Roman Proconsuls, and the named Octavian, or Octavius, took arms against them, slew them, and so obtained to be King here. The Monk of Westminster saith this Octavius was a King before, a Regulus, or Prince of the People in and about

Worcestershire. Harding saith, he was Duke of West Sex, (he must mean where the West Saxons after ruled, for they came not into Brittain till a long time after this.

But after his day came one Octavius Duke of West sex that crowned was for King, That slewgh the Werdins of Constantinus Which that he set for Brittain governing, In his abscence to keep it in all thing.

Besides this there be other difficulties among the Historians about this Octavius, and such as will discredit him, for having had many great and chief and long Commands as a King in this Nation, Math: Westm: setteth down his conquering the Roman Pro∣consul here in the year of Christ 314, when divers more ancient and received Historians say, that S. Helen, our Queen and Empress, continued here long after that time.* 1.468 And her Son Constantine Emperor now at the highest of his Glory, Power and Victories, and having so many Brittish Soldiers without imployment in France so near unto us, cannot be immagined to have suffered any Enemy in his own native Countrey so to have prevailed; or how could such a man as Octavius is supposed to be, assemble such an Army in Brittain, where that victorious Emperor was undoubted King, and whence he had so great an Army of Brittains so lately before, that by them, as our Historians write, he vanquished all most innumerable Companies of his most potent Enemies: And as these Relators of Octavius his proceedings themselves are Witnesses, the power with Constantine was so great that the Romans which came hither unto him, seeing his power, said, No Prince in the world was comparable to him for strength: Where then in Brittain could Octavius gather an Army so soon to en∣counter and overthrow three Legions of Roman Soldiers, besides their Adherents, as these men say? And Eusebius saith, that Constantine himself came hither again, and was here longer after this pretended Revolt, and at his death gave Brittain the ancient Patrimony to his Eldest Son. Again, these men say, Octavius was King here until Maximus his time, and married his only Daughter and Heir unto him, when it is a common consent in Antiquities, that this Maximus, or Maximinianus, was not King in Brittain, till after the 380. year of Christ. Therefore he must needs be granted to be very young, of too few years at the going of Constantine hence, for him to commit the Government of Brittain unto him, or for himselfe to have so soon Usurped against it so rightfull, and potent King and Empe∣rour.

Our most ancient and best Historians, S. Gildas, S. Bede, Marianus, Florentius, Wigorniensis, Ethelwardus, Henry of Huntington, and William of Malmsbury, although as diligently as they could recounting our Kings of Brittain, never mention any such Octavius, or Octavian, but the chiefest and most ancient among them, S. Gildas plainly saith, that this Island was at this time, and until Maximus, or Maximinian, a Brittain took upon him the Empire, a Roman Island Insula nomen Romanum tenens. And divers Historians, both late and ancient do particularly set down our Kings after Constantine the Great, and Roman Leivtenants here until these daies, as Constantine, Constantius, Julian, Valentinian, Gratian, Emperors, or Kings, Martinus, Lupicinus, Nectaridius, Theodosius, Fraomarius, and other Roman Lievtenants and Governors here. And when the Councel of Ariminum was kept about the year of Christ 360, and the 23. year of Constantius son of Constantine the Great, it is certain, that this Constantius was our King in Brittain, and bore the charge of the poorest Bishops of this Kingdom as then under his Government which were present there, and he was so far from losing Brittain, or any other Countrey of his Empire then, as Sozomen and others testifie that Councel thus wrote unto him;* 1.469 at this time this Empire so encreased, that all the World was under his Government: this was above twenty years after the death of the great Constantine, in whose time this Revolt of Brittain from him is thus supposed, and above twice so long time of the imagined usurpation here by Octavius. And Zonaras writeth, that this Constantius in the fourteenth year of his Empire, banished, or rather carried with him Athanasius into Brittain at his coming hither.

Therefore I dare not assent, that in this time of the greatest flourishing Estate of the Roman Empire, and the power thereof in Brittain,* 1.470 especially from whence the glory of it grew to that greatness, either Octavius, or any other so much prevailed here to bar the Emperors of that honour. But he might towards the time of Maximus, or Maximianus, when the Empire had more Enemies and less power, prevail in some such sort, as these Historians have written of him, although they differ also in Maxi∣mian as well as in Octavius; one saith, he was the Son of Traherne the Uncle of St. Helen, Maximian King Trahern his Son next Heir to Constantine; others say he was Son of Leolinus another Uncle of St. Helen, Great Uncle to Constantine;

and one of them,* 1.471 saith Octavius, was King but 14 yeares, ending with the beginning of Maximian his Reigne; And so we may well allow such an Octavius to have the name of a King in Brittain in those troublesome daies of the Romans ruling here, divers pet∣ty Kings, being probably at that time, in this Nation, as well by the Testimony of these Authors which then make Octavian King, as others: So they terme Conanus a King, and that Maximian took his kingdom from him; So was Dionotus King in Corn∣wall, So was his brother Carodocus before him, and yet under one chief King and Em∣peror Maximian at that time; And St. Nimen who lived Bishop here, in the end of this age, had Kings for his Ancestors, and yet the great distance of the place of his birth from King Coel, argueth he was not of their line: And all these Kings or Re∣gents here, were most certainly by our Antiquaries Chatholick Christians.

Constantinus.

After the death of Constantine, the great Constantinus his eldest Son injoyed Brit∣tain as a portion of his Dominion, till making some attempts upon his brother Constans for the enlarging of it,* 1.472 he was by him slain. Then was the Empire divided between Constans and Constantius the two younger brethren; Constans seised upon the Provinces which Constantinus his brother had held, and made a voyage into Brittain, where Gratianus a Hungarian by birth had then charge of the Army; This Gratianus was surnamed Funarius, for that he being a young man was able (as it is written of him) to hold a Rope in his hand against the force of five Souldiers assaying to pull it from him, But Constans afterwards following ill counsel (the ready way to Princes ruines) and giving himself over to all kind of vice, was slain by Magnentius Taporus (the Son of a Brittain) who then invaded the Empire, usurping the Government of Gallià and Brittain till (after three years warr with Constantius the successor of Constans his brother) finding himselfe unable any longer to uphold his greatnesse,* 1.473 he murdered himself.

This Constantius in processe of time was infected with the Arian heresy, but neither so as to endanger Brittain, or any other Nation under his command: He consented to the recalling of St. Athanasius out of exile, and sometime to his continuing his digni∣ty at Alexandrea; And whether it was for the love of St. Athanasius, or fear of his bro∣ther Constans writing expresly unto him in favour of St. Athanasius, is uncertain; he also consented to the calling of the great general Councel of Sardyce 10 or 11 years after the death of his Father, as Socrates and Sozomen affirm, wherein St. Athanasius was proved innocent, and as he (then present with many others) proveth, the Nicon faith was confirmed and utterly forbidden to be questioned.

* 1.474And at the calling of this Councel, the same renowned Doctor called this said Con∣stantins, as also his brother, a known Cacholick Emperour, and a Religious Prince; and we are sure that at this time our Kingdome of Baittain detained the former glo∣rious estate, and glory of Religion it had before in the daies of Constantine, and was still free from Arianisme; For the same glorious Athanasius, present in that Councel, faith, that amongst more than 300 Bishops assembled there, which freed him, and pro∣fessed the Nicen faith, the Bishops from the Provinces of Baittain were there: And as the Roman writers testifie, there were from the division of the Empire by Constantine, and as many suppose, before, five provinces here in Brittain, Maxima Cæsariensis, Ʋalen∣tia, Baittannia prima, Brittania secunda, Flavia Cæsariensis. So that if we should allow but one Bishop out of every of those provinces to have been at the Sardyce Councel, and there to have subscribed for the rest of Brittain their Provinces or Dioceses, we must grant five Brittish Bishops to have been there, and supplyed this duty and Office for the rest of Brittain.

That this our Country of Brittain flourished after this with great numbers of worthy Bishops, no City then vacant here of such a Pastor and Rider, we may gather from di∣vers Antiquities,* 1.475 as from the Epistle of the great Councel of Ariminum in Italy, not long after this time, written to Constantius the Emperour, where our Bishops were present, testifying unto him, that they were assembled there forth of all Cities to∣wards the West, most properly and significantly to be applyed to this Kingdom, most West from thence, And the words, All Bishops out of the Western Cities, cannot carry a∣ny other true construction; but our Episcopal Cities in Baittain were then so furnished, and many or most of them present at that Councel. This is confirmed by the number of Western Bishops above 400, as Sozomen and others write, assembled at Ariminum, be∣sides 160 from the East at the same time, gathered together at Seleucia in Isauria, when it is manifest in the old Manuscript Catalogue of Bishops, that Brittain and all the Western Nations present in the Councel of Ariminum had not at that time many more than 400 Bishops. Therefore we must needs grant, that the Bishops of all Cities as well of Brittain as other Countries of the West, which had not excuseable lets and im∣pediments, were there present in such sence as the Epistle of that Councel is cited,

and Severus Sulpitius is sufficient witnesse, that this our Brittain in particular, that it had many Bishops there, for relating the number to have been above 400 out of the West: And the Emperour the better to incline them to the Arian heresie as it seemeth, commandeth that provision should be made for them at his cost; But the Bishops of France, Aquitaine and Brittain refused it, and rather made choice to live at their own charges than to be maintained by the Emperour; and this refusal was general to all the Bishops of Brittain, Aquitaine and France, except three only of Brittain, which re∣ceived allowance from the Emperour, and refused maintenance by the other Bishops, themselves being poor.

And the same Authors prove, that our Bishops were drawn or forced to come to that Councel by the Officers of Constantius, now after his brothers death, a professed friend to the Arian heresie; or rather a professed Arian then reigning in Brittain ma∣keth it evident, that our Brittish Bishops, which could not plead sufficient cause of ex∣cuse and absence, were generally present there. And it those few poor Bishops of Brittain, which were not able to bear their own charges, were drawn thither, to be maintained by the Emperour, how much rather must we judge the same of so many potent and rich in this Country, which could pretend no such excuse? So that we see no excuse, but infirmity either by age or sicknesse to have caused any Brittish Bishops absence thence. A late writer thinketh Iltutus then, as he conjectureth, Arch-Bishop of London, the Arch-Bishops of York and Gaerleon, the Bishops of Winchester,* 1.476 Chichester and Glocester with others were there. I see no particular warrant he bringeth more for those than any other, of so many Episcopal Brittish Cities of that time, which I have before remembred, all of them being in the same condition, for presence or absence, but where just excuses and lets were singular to any in particular above the rest: For good Authors have Testified that all in general were urged to be there, without any ex∣ception, or to be exempted: And almost all Bishops in the world were then caused to be either at Ariminum in Italy where those of the West were,* 1.477 or at Seleucia appoin∣ted for the Easterne Bishops; and the command was for all Bishops generally to be there; this was the Emperors command to the Presidents of the Provinces to compel all to be present. And the Councel of Ariminum, it self in the Epistle to Constantius the Arian Emperour, testifieth plainly, that all the Bishops of the West were there assembled. The far greater part of these were Catholick Bishops, and of the whole number about 400. There was not by Severus Sulpilius his relation above 80. Arians. St. Athana∣sius saith, there were 50 and more, and St. Ambrose witnesseth, that the greatest part of the Bishops there confirmed the faith of the Nicene Councel, and condemned the Ari∣an errors. This is testified by the same Councel in two several Epistles to the Emperor, that they neither could nor would swerve from the doctrine of the Nicene Coun∣cell.

And although the Emperour both by his Epistle to that Councel, and otherwise by fraud and terrours, endeavoured for to remove them from that holy minde, and communicate with the Arians, they plainly wrote answer again, constantly averring they would change nothing they had decreed, and gave their Legates charge to tell him as much in words: And to make it manifest, that although by many Writers di∣vers of the Bishops being convented and overcome, both with the deceit of the Arians, and persecution of the Emperour, did afterward subscribe to a material error, our Bi∣shops of Brittain were free, both from imputation and suspition thereof. Socrates, So∣zomen, Nicephorus and others prove that the Emperour neglecting to return answer to the second absolute resolution and Epistle, the Councel staying some time for answer, and having none, they all departed to their countries, and Sees,* 1.478 and wholely dissolved the Councel. St. Hillary saith plainly this Councel endeth Religiously by all: So our Bishops must remove from Ariminum, none being returned home, or so far from recall∣ing by any new edict or stratagen of the Emperour then of Constantinople very far from Ariminum, and further from our Bishops travel into Brittain, they could be none of that number which were circumvented or verified to subscribe to the wicked Emperour and his Arian favourites designes.

This persecution of Ʋrsatius by the command of Constantius the Emperour, stretch∣ed not so far as Brittain, his malice and indignation being against Liberius Pope of Rome, and the Bishops of Italy: And our Historians have made it doubtful, whether Constan∣tius had so much power in Brittain after this time to execute such cruelty.

This Constantius was at the time of his death by Sozomen about 45 years old, full 45, saith Socrates, besides the time he reigned with his Father; after his death,* 1.479 say Socrates, Sozomen and Nicephorus, he was Emperour 25 yeares; he died on the third day of the Nones of November by Nicephorus his account in the 367. year of Christ; some set down his death; somwhat sooner,* 1.480 as they have done his Fathers before above 25 yeares sooner than this account of Nicephorus of the year of Christ 367. for Constantius his death yet grant he was Emperour 25. years after his Father died.

About this time Martinus (an aged man) was made Deputy of Brittain, when

Paulus a Spaniard surnamed Catena (a name well sorting with his nature) was sent thi∣ther as a Commissioner to enquire of such as had conspired with Magnentius.* 1.481 But un∣der colour of his authority, he called in question such as were not faulty, either upon false information or private displeasure, and sometimes to make a gain of those that were accused, which course Martinus the Deputy mislikeing intreated him, that such as had been no actors in Rebellion, might be no partners in punshment with offen∣ders: Whereupon Paulus discharging the Deputy himself as a favourer of Traytors and privy to the conspiracy, did so far forth incense Martinus, that (being either im∣patient of reproaches, or perhaps not altogether guiltlesse) he struck at Paulus with his Sword, intending to have killed him, but failing in the execution, he presently thrust the Sword into his own body. Gratianus Funarius, though he were not specially bound by oath to the Emperor, as some others had been, yet for that he had received Magnentius into his house, was adjudged to forfeit all his goods, the rest of the accused persons being fettered and presented to the Emperor, he condemned some to death, and some to exile.

Julianus.

Now was the Government of Gallia and Brittain assigned to Julianus (afterwards called the Apostata) whom Constantius had made Cæsar:* 1.482 Lupicinus Master of the Armour to the Emperor, (a good Souldier, but notorious for his pride, covetousnesse and cruelty) and after him Alipius, were sent into Brittain to represse the Inhabitants that had invaded the Province there, whilst Julianus himself remained in Gallia, not daring to passe into the Isle, both for that he feared the Gaules, who were ready (upon the least occasion) to revolt, and also doubted the Almanes, who were then up in Armes.

* 1.483Constantius the last over-living Son of Constantine being dead, Julianus brother to Gallus and Son to Constantius Chlorus by Theodora, a man by no title of descent heir, or King of Brittain, was acknowledged for Emperor; for although this Constantius last Emperour, by the instigation and perswasion of Eusebia the Empress made him a Cæsar in the Empire, (he himself not able to discharge the whole burden of so manifold trou∣bles and invasions of the Barbarous (for so the Romans called strangers) in divers places of the Empire, especially in Gallia, now France, whereas Zosimus saith, they took 40 Cities neer the River of Rhene) and gave unto him in marriage his Sister Helena, and sent him to Govern the part of the Empire on this side the Alps:* 1.484 Socrates Cassio∣dorus and others testifie it was thought that when Constantius sent him into the dange∣rous wars of Gallia (his Wife Helena being then dead) he did it to have him slain by the cruel and potent Enemies; And Constantius limiting his power to do nothing with∣out consent of others. And not only this, but he secretly incited Vadomarus, King of the Franks, to take Armes against Julian, and incited others by his letters which they sent to Julian, for their excuse to invade the Romans, where Julian Ruled; which when Julian perceived, and remembring the old hatred he had born him from his Child∣hood, he required him with the like measure, shewing much love and favour to those under his command, whom Constantius hated or dis-favoured, which among Christians were the Catholick Bishops, and others whom he had persecuted.

And this his favour and kindnesse towards Catholicks had continued with him, e∣ven from his first being Cæsar in these parts, as evidently appeareth in the case of St. Hillary that renowned glory of Gods Church, who at the same time he was exiled by the procurement of the wicked Arians and consent of Constantius unjustly, was by Ju∣lianus, whom he called his Lord and Religious Cæsar, adjudged Innocent; and for his love and defence of St. Hillary did suffer more reproach of the Arian persecutors, than St. Hillary endured injury by that exilement: Thus we see Julian whilst he continued in these Western parts, was a favourer of the Catholick Religion; but Julian quite lea∣ving these Western Nations, before either he persecuted Christians, or left the profession of their Religion, living so short a time Emperor, (not two years by two Moneths and three dayes,* 1.485 as Baronius thinketh he doth demonstrate) and never returning Westward again, Brittain could not be afflicted with his Apostasie.

After the death of Constantius (who is said to have repented three things at his last gasp; first, that he caused the death of his Son-in-Law; The second, that he made Ju∣lian who proved an Apostate Emperour;* 1.486 And the third, that he professed and favou∣red the Arian Heresie; for which offences craving pardon and repenting, he died a holy death,* 1.487 and was buried with such solemnities as the Catholicks use in the funerals of them that make a holy end. And to confirm the opinion of men with the authority and Testimony of Heaven and Angels, he saith it was commonly related, that his body was with such solemnity carried to Constantinople to be buried, there an Angelical Har∣mony was heard by many, as reward of his piety) Julianus possessing the Empire (which he had usurped in the life time (saith the Brittish History) of Constantius)

banished Palladius an honorable person into Brittain, and sent Alipius to repair the walls of Jerusalem, in which attempt God discovering his wrath by terrifying the Builders with thunder and lightning, and killing many thousand Jewes, gave an ap∣parent testimony how vain a thing it is for man to oppose himself against the uncon∣trollable Decree of Almighty God; and who so shall consider the strange and miracu∣lous death of this Julian, as being slain from Heaven, and his desperate crying out, Thou hast vanquish'd me, O Galilean, when he yielded up his damnable Soul, I suppose will be terrified both from falling into Apostasie, or taking any Oath of abjuration concerning his Faith and Religion.

Jovian.

Jovian succeeded Julianus in the Empire, which he held but few months; when he was chosen Emperor, as Ruffinus, Theodoret, Socrates and others testifie, he refused it,* 1.488 and being thereto taken by the Soldiers against his will, openly professed, that he being a Christian, would not be Emperor over Infidels; but all of them confessing themselves to be Christians, he accepted the Empire. This Christian magnanimity appeared evi∣dently in this new elected Emperor before in the time of Julian: for Julian apostating and making a Decree, that Soldiers should either sacrifice to Idols, or leave the wars; he being then a Tribune, rather made choice to forsake all hope of temporal prefer∣ment than obey that wicked Edict. Whereupon Julian then standing in need of such Assi∣stants, retained him still in the number of his Commanders, notwithstanding he so cou∣ragiously professed himself a Christian. This renowned Man was at one and the same time, as Ruffinus cals him, a Confessor, Emperor, and Extinguisher of Error;* 1.489 and God wonderfully honored his constancy, even in his life, not only in the conferring the Im∣perial honor upon him, but in the manner thereof,* 1.490 that being so professed a Catholick Christian, the whole Army did with one voice choose him Emperor, which joyned with that is said of them before, upon Jovianus refusing to be Emperor over Pagans, how with one voice they all confessed themselves to be Christians, sufficiently proveth, that either the Edict of Julian to force his Soldiers to sacrifice to Idols was never received or generally observed, or they sinned only in external act of Idolatry by that compulsion, still persevering in judgement and affection Christians.* 1.491 Socrates saith he reigned but 7 months; Ruffinus eight.

Valentinian.

Now therefore although Jovianus was a worthy Catholick Christian Emperor, ever following that Religion and Doctrine against the Arians, as Socrates and others prove;* 1.492 and shutting up the Pagan Temples, and forbidding their Sacrifices; yet being Em∣peror so short a time, and chosen, living and dying in the East Countries far remote from Brittain, it did not receive so great benefits by so good an Emperor, as nearer Nations did; but during his short Regiment continued much after the same manner it did before, until Valentinian was chosen Emperor; who being a Catholick, and reign∣ing divers years over Brittain, and his Son Gratian after him, this Kingdom in their times was free from Heresie which they persecuted;* 1.493 for Valens himself being Brother to Valentinian, and by him chosen Assistant in the Empire, was then a Catholick, and so continued in the time of Julian, that he forsook all preferment under him rather than his Religion.* 1.494 And although by the perswasion of his Arian Wife and others, he after fell into Heresie, he being Emperor of the Eastern remote Nations from hence, this Kingdom was free from his afflictions, being under the command of the Ca∣tholick Emperors Valentinian and Gratian his Son, until Maximus, descended of a Brit∣tish race, was both King of Brittain and Emperor also, who also being a Catholick, Brit∣tain could not then be endamaged in spiritual affairs by the temporal Rulers thereof,* 1.495 although in civil respects it was much infested by the Scots and Picts, from which Maxi∣mus freed it in his time, by his climbing and aspiring minde to be Emperor, and to compass that ambition, spoiling Brittain of the armed force and power thereof, trans∣porting it into foreign Nations, gave occasion of greater miseries here afterward, both by the Scotch, Picts and Saxon Pagans.

About this time (saith the Brittish History) the Picts, Scots,* 1.496 and Atticots invaded the Roman Province here in Brittian.

These Picts and Scots (as some Writers report) came first out of Scythia;* 1.497 though it be not probable that the Picts were any other than such Brittains as being either born in the Northern Promontory of this Isle, or fleeing thither out of the South parts, en∣tred into confederacy with the Scotchmen, and retained for a time their ancient name of Picts, as being so called by the Romans (in respect of the old custom of painting their bodies) to distinguish them from the Brittains then dwelling within the Province. Neither is there any mention made of their name before the time of Dioclesian and Maximian. These Picts encreasing in number, did afterwards inhabit the Isles of the

Orcades, and being for the most part rude and Savage (as the Scottish men also then were) did often times harrow the borders, and grievously annoy their civil Country∣men (there being commonly no greater hatred, than that which is bred and nourished among the people of one Nation) when they are severed each from other by difference of manners and customes. The name of Picts in processe, of time being changed into that of Scotish men (as of the more popular Nation) was in a manner clean for∣gotten when by society and alliance they became one people.

* 1.498That the Scotish men had their original from the Scythes, their very name may seem in some sort to discover; howbeit divers histories affirm, that they travelled first in∣to Cantabria in Spain where (perhaps dislikeing that barren Soile) they continued not long, but sailed into Ireland, and from thence a great number of them came over in∣to Brittain,* 1.499 landing in the North part of the Isle, where afterward they seated them∣selves: They were for the most part addicted to war, using peace only but as a means to repair their losses: (they were people of great courage and boldnesse, of stature tall: strong of body, their complexions some what Ruddy and high Coloured; their appar∣rel was either very slender, or none at all, save only to cover their shame:) Neither was their peace altogether Idle; for even then they accustomed their bodies to labour no less painfull than war it self, and ofttimes no lesse dangerous: To ride with swift pace up a steep hill, to swim over Lakes, and standing Meeres, to pass over Bogs and Fen∣ny grounds, were things in ordinary use with them, as being accounted exercises of recreation only: But above all others, the Nobility and better sort were delighted with hunting, and that in such measure, that they could more patiently endure the want of meat, drink and sleep, than restraint from that pastime, which they esteemed manly and generous. In their consultations they were very secret, and sudden in the execution thereof; by which meanes they ofttimes struck terror and amazement to the hearts of their Enemies, and so much annoyed the Roman Princes in Brittain. They were better contented with the necessities of nature, and more able to endure all extre∣mities of fortune than the Brittains in those times, as being lesse acquainted with the vain superfluities and delicacies of the Romans. In behaviour the Brittains were noted to be more civil, but the Scotish men (as a people unconquered, and admitting no customes but their own) refused to imitate them who were brought under the sub∣jection of a stranger, or to be reputed like to any other then to themselves: Wrongs and Indignities offered as well to others as themselves, they sharpely revenged; the slaughter, wounding or disgrace of any of their kinred, allies or companions, being com∣monly the occasion of rooting out the whole family of him that first gave the offence; violent persuits, seising by strong hand the goods and possessions of their neighbours: burning the houses and killing (upon cold blood) such as they had taken in War, (which others termed crueltie) they accounted manhood and policie: supposing the assurance of their estates to consist rather in diminishing the number of their enemies by open acts of hostility, than by pretended reconciliations, and leagues of amity, which are either kept or broken at the will of him that hath the greater power: Their names first mentioned in histories, about the reign of Constantine the Great: Though the Sco∣tish Writers affirme, that they were governed by Kings of their own Nation many hundred yeers before this time: But of things so ancient, to have the certain knowledg, it is no easie matter, neither is antiquity in it selfe very much to be regarded, where true Nobility and Vertue is wanting: For all nations at the first were of barbarous and uncivil behaviour, till time taugh them other customes, and emulation kindled the hearts of the better sort to seek fame by their own valour, rather then the Genea∣logies of their Ancesters. Those Scotish men and Picts, being now assisted with forraine power, presumed more boldly to assail the Brittains both by Sea and Land, killing Nectaradius the Admiral of the Brittish Fleet, and surprizing Bulchebandes one of their chief Captaines (the mutiny at that time in the Roman Campe giving them opportunity and boldnesse to do in a manner what they listed) For the Legionarie Souldiers refused to obey their Leaders, and even the Deputies themselves complaining of the partiality of their Generals, who punished the least offence of a Common Souldier, and winked at the great abuses of Commanders and Officers: hereupon a warlike troope of Almans were sent over under the Conduct of Fraomarius their King, who exercised there the authority of a Tribune: Severus the Emperors steward of his houshold, and Jovinius were appointed to second him with certain Auxiliarie forces out of Gallia. By this means the fury of those warlike Nations was somewhat restrained, until the coming of Theo∣dosius, who first appeased the mutiny among the Souldiers in Brittain, and afterwards prosecuted the service there with such good successe, as he restored the decayed Townes, strengthning the borders, appointing night-watches to be kept there, and in the end re∣covered the Province, which was then contented to admit of Governors (as in former times) & as a new conquered State, have a new name given it: For in the honor of the Emperor Valentinian the Province was for a time called Valentia; not long after one Valentinian a Pannonian entred into a new conspiracy there, which being discovered be∣fore it was ripe, the peril like to have ensued thereby, was easily avoided.

Gratian.

Gratian, the brother of Ʋalentinian, was then created Emperor; He,* 1.500 to the intent he might the better repair the decayed state of the Empire, made Theodosius a Copartner with him in it.

The year 369 being the second year of Ʋalentinian the Emperor,* 1.501 was St. Jerome made Cardinal, and the next year after was St. Ambrose made Archbishop of Millain, and in the year aforesaid the vnerable Beda in his little book recordeth, that there was a great universal Earthquake throughout the whole World: And the next year, as other hi∣storians write, it reigned Wool, and there withall it hailed, which hail-stones were of wonderous greatnesse, and flew great numbers of the men and beasts at Constantinople,* 1.502 and the next year after the City of Nice was utterly thrown down and ruinated by an Earth-quake, and this year died S. Hillary Bishop of Poytiers so oft-spoken of before.

This Gratian succeeding Ʋalentinian, elected Ʋalentinian the second his brother, and Theodosius the Son of another Theodosius, to be his associates in Government.

Maximus.

Maximus then ruling the Army in Brittain,* 1.503 upon emulation and envy of Theodosius his glory, usurped the Empire there. This Maximus was a Brittain by birth, as Socrates and other forrain, Authors, as well as our own Writers testifie; and although he seemeth to think, that he did untruly derive his descent from St. Hellen, yet he giveth some way to that opinion when he confesseth he claimed descent from great Constantine her Son. And Sigeberius Gemblacensis plainly confesseth, that he both was of the Emperial Race, and was kinsman of Constantine the Great, claiming part of the Empire by that title. The like hath Ponticus Virunnius in his Brittish history, he being an Italian, and addeth, that he was the Son of Leoninus uncle to St. Hellen, and great uncle to Const. the Great; in which, as in many other things, he differeth from the printed Brittish history translated by Galfridus (by common opinion) which calling Maximianus and not Maximus, mak∣eth him both true heir of Brittain, & Grand-child descended from King Coel, Father to St. Hellen, born both of the Regal Race of the Brittains and Romans, bringing in Cara∣docus Duke of Cornewall, for perswading Octavius to marry his daughter and heir unto him, making his title to Brittain better than that Octavius had. Our Writers of the Thea∣tre of great Brittain, alledging Camden also, for their opinion, affirm of this Maximus. Clemens Maximus descended linealy from Constantine the Great. And Ponticus himselfe doth after confesse as much, howsoever he can be accorded to himselfe before, saying that Leotin•• was his Father; And Socrates, with others, doth free him from the name of Usurper of the Empire, when he confesseth that Ʋalentinian did admit him in for Em∣peror. And St. Beda writeth of him, that he was a valiant and worthy man, and so far from intruding himselfe into the Empire, that he was by the Army created Emperor almost against his will, which Will. of Malm. also with others confirmeth, which is suf∣ficiently confirmed not only by the triumphant enemy of our Catholick Brittains and other such Nations assisting him: But our Brittish history, Virunnius and others prove, that he was first incited, invited and sent for into Brittain; both to be King here, and afterwards to take upon him the Empire, as his Right; yet, as some say plainly, Maximus a valiant man and worthy, was forced in Brittain to take the Empire upon him.* 1.504 And if any man saith he was infamed by Writers for persecuting Christians, I dare not assent unto him; for ever from his first power and greatness, he honored and favoured Religion here in Brittain, making it all subject unto him; when he expelled the Scots, he gave or allowed, by their own historians, the Isle of Jonas to their Bishops, Priests and other Clergy and re∣ligious men; and it is evident that the Brittish Christians, & Catholicks, (and as sincere as any in the World) were they whom he most loved and favoured, and by whom, with o∣ther Chatholick Countries as France, Spain and others, he was assisted in his wars, and by their aid and assistance became so potent;* 1.505 and he was far from being a Persecutor of Christians, especially of Catholicks, that even by the ancient Writers of Roman histo∣ries themselves, that excepting his title to the Empire, he made it a chief motive of ta∣king armes against Valentinian the younger, seduced by his Arrian Mother Justina, be∣cause they went about to set up heresie and persecute Catholicks. And Theodore rela∣teth the heretical proceedings of this Valentinian and his mother especially against St. Ambrose that holy Doctor, and Catholick Bishop of Millain, and testifieth that Maximus understanding thereof, wrote unto Valentinian,* 1.506 perswading him to desist from such per∣secuting and heretical proceedings, otherwise he would warr against him in dafence of the Catholick religion, which he performed, and Valentinian forced to fly, dearly tasted what his Mothers heretical Counsels had brought him unto: Paulus Orosius also and Pau∣lus Diaconus call this our Maximus a valiant and good man and worthy to be Emperor. A worthy Emperor; St. Senerus Sulpitius is a sufficient witness also how renowned a man this our Brittish Emperor was in many respects, for concerning that great blemish which some cast upon him for usurping the Empire, and for deposing one Emperor, and killing another, which were the great exceptions, which that great and Apo∣stolick Bishop St. Martine took unto him, and therefore though often envited, to his Table refused to come unto it, He thus declareth himselfe, that the Empire was not

sought by him, but rather against his will imposed upon him by the Souldiers and pleasure of God,* 1.507 for defence and necessity of the Empire, God himself sufficiently gi∣ving testimony thereto, by the incredible event and victory following, and that he slew none of his adversaries but in the feild; upon which satisfaction St. Martin came to the feast, and was far more honored of this Emperor there, than any Prince (the Emperors uncle, brothers, and such others there present) sitting next unto the Emperor himself, and his own Priest and Chaplain sat among those Princes.

* 1.508And such was the honour and reverence our Emperor, did yeeld publickly to that holy Bishop, that in that solemn feast he refused to drink untill S. Martin had drunk out of the same bole before; he condemned Priscillianus the heretick & his Sectaries to death, and banishment, Justantius & Tiberianus into our Brittish Island, named Silley; his judgement against those Hereticks, was for things by them committed against his temporal estate.

* 1.509Yet do I not so contend (saith Mr. Broughton) to free Maximus, that I would wash him clean from all spots and aspersions, wherewith he is stained by some Writers. I rather excuse him in profession of Religion, then conversation of life; yet both Symmachus Con∣sul of Rome, and our Brittish Writer Sylvius (stiled the good Sylvius) living in his time, wrote Books in his praise; and the very Scotish Antiquaries the greatest enemies he had, for conquering and expelling them out of Brittain, are forced to confesse that his carriage was such, that it drew even his enemies to love, honour and follow him, and give him that honour here in Brittain, which never any Emperor, King or Ruler in it since the first inhabiting thereof enjoyed before him: Which is, that Ruling here 17 years, he possessed and ruled over all Albion or Brittain. And in this his general com∣mand here, was a friend & favourer to good Christians, that Hiergustus being then King of the Picts, both he and all his subjects Christians, he freely for a small Tribute to testifie the whole Island belonged to the Roman Empire in his time, suffered, though a stranger, quietly to reign as King among the Picts; And plainly confessed that in Brit∣tain divers years he behaved himself, and in all mens judgement governed vertuously, couragiously, and as a good Emperor ought to do. And that both the Christian Brittains and Picts, the only then inhabitants here did marvelously well love him; his Brittish Wife, Queen and Empress, daughter of Octavius, is commended in the Histories to have been a very vertuous Lady.

The Brittish History sayth that Maximus being overthrown by Theodosius, fled into Aquileia, when by the treason of his own Souldiers (whilst he was paying them their wages) he was delivered to Theodostus, disrobed of his Imperial ornaments, and spee∣dily put to an ignominious Death.

Theodosius.

Maximus being dead, Theodosius the elder, as he was Emperor, so was he King and Ru∣ler in Brittany; this man is most renowned in Histories for the honoring the Church, & hate of heresies; his praises be exceeding many among ancient Writers; therefore I will onely and briefly use the testimonies of modern Historians in his behalf, in their own words;* 1.510 Theodosius the elder a most Christian Emperor; Theodosius did open pennance in Millaine, and fasted and prayed eight Months together, according as St. Ambrose had enjoy∣ned him, because in the first part of his Empire, he had commanded 5000 Citizens of Thessalonica to be slain, and for the executing the innocent with the wicked in form of civil justice; therefore the Arch-bishop would not permit him to rule in the Church, nor to receive the Sacrament until he had performed his pennace. The Magdeburgians of Germany say this Sacrament was. Sa∣cratissimum Domini Corpus, preciosus Domini Sanguis.

Howes saith that St. Ʋrsula with 11000 Virgins, which were sent into little Brittain to be married, were martyred in this Theodosius his reign; but others say it was in the time of Maximus;* 1.511 one give this relation, Maximus entred into France & possessed it all, but espe∣cially one Province which was then called Formorica, which is now called Little-Brit∣tain, because the Brittains did conquer and rase it, and with great rage and fury put to Sword all the Natives thereof, left it uninhabited as a wildernesse; Maximus thought it necessary to people that Province again, because it lay fit for him, therein to conserve and transport his Brittish Souldiers,* 1.512 and for that purpose he divided the fertile feilds & lands of the Lesser-Brittain amongst his Souldiers, which came to him out of Brit. to the end they might Till and Husband it, and reap the fruit thereof: But because his Souldi∣ers might marry and have succession, and settle themselves in that Province, where there was no women, for that they were also put to the Sword, he determined to send unto the Island of Brittain, Scotland and Ireland for a great number of Virgins, which being brought into the new and lesse Brittain, might marry with those Souldiers who were for the most part naturals of their own Country. The chief Commander of all that Army was called Conanus, a man of great birth and of greatest estimation of all the Brittains,* 1.513 whom Maximus hath made his Leiuetenant General and Warden of all the Ports of that Coast. Conanus desired to marry with the daughter of Dionecius King of Cornwal called Ʋrs. a most Noble and vertuous Lady, in whom did shine all the gifts of cha∣stity, beauty & grace which might be desired in a woman; throughout the Province of

there were called forth 11000 Virgins as well for the intent above mentioned, as also that they might accompany Ʋrsula who was to be their leader and Lady; some of these Virgins went of their own accord, others by constraint; But seeing that the com∣mand of Maximus then Emperour was so peremptory that no excuse could be admitted, they embarked themselves in those ships, which were prepared for their passage unto the new Province of Brittain.

It pleased our Lord that these ships lancing out of the Haven met with a quite con∣trary wind, which instead of carrying that blessed company towards Brittaine, it furi∣ously carried them quite contrary, and passing by Zeland and Holland drove them into the mouth of the River of Rhene, a River of great capacity and depth, and carried them so high as the water did ebb and flow. At that time when this happened, Gratian the Emperour understanding what Maximus had done in Brittain and France, and that he carried himself as Emperor and Lord, and not as Captain and Officer, for to represse and chastize him, he entertained into his service the Picts and Hunnes a feirce cru∣ell and Barbarous people, who had conquered the Gothes, and done wonderous things by their force of armes: These being gathered together under the command of Melga Captain of the Picts, and Gaunus General of the Hunnes, began to molest the Seas and to lie coasting about after the manner of Pirates, robbing & spoiling all that fell into their hands, with intent to passe over into Brittain and expulse Maximus, and to serve Grati∣an the Emperour, who for that purpose had entertained them; these Barbarous people were at that present where these blessed Virgins arrived, and perceiving that the ships belonged to their enemies, and to Maximus in particular, against whom they had un∣dertaken that voyage, they encountered with them, and seeing that they were loaden with Virgins (being as dishonest and lascivious as they were cruel and furious) they in∣tended to ravish them. But these holy Virgins (Ʋrsula being leader and encouraging them) determined rather to loose their lives than their chastity, and hereupon as well in deeds as in words, shewing their valour and constancy, and that they were pre∣pared rather to suffer what torments soever, than to offend God, the Barbarous people converting their love into fury and detestation of Christian faith, fell upon them like Wolves upon a flock of Lambs, and put them all to the Sword,* 1.514 because they would re∣main there no longer, but passe over speedily into Brittain, which they thought had been uninhabited, because Maximus had drawn so many Souldiers from thence. Of all that holy and Virgin company, only one called Cordula remained alive, who through fear did hide herself at the time of that slaughter, but seeing what had passed, and that all the rest of her companions were martyred, being encouraged by the motion of our Lord who had chosen them all for himself, the next day following she discovered her self, and obtained also the Crown of Martyrdome.

Some are of opinion,* 1.515 that the place in which the holy bodies of these Virgins now re∣main is the very same in which they were martyred, because the earth on which that Church is built, will not retain any dead body, although it be a child newly baptized,* 1.516 but by might it casteth it forth, as Lindanus Bishop of Ruremund recounteth, giving this as a token, that God will not have any other body to be buried where the bo∣dies of those so many Virgins and Martyrs lie; who shed their blood for confession of his Faith, and defence of their Chastity.

Now the Roman Monarchy was drawing on to her fatal period, when Honorius suc∣ceeding Theodosius his Father in the Westerne Empire,* 1.517 sent Stilico into Brittain to de∣fend the Brittains against the Picts and Scottish men, who assailed them in most parts of the Isle, working upon the weaknesse of the Province, in which (the most choice and able men, having been from time to time transported and wasted in the Roman Wars with other Nations) there remained not then sufficient to de∣fend it self. The common Souldiers there seeing the state in combustion, took upon them to elect and depose Emperours, first proclaiming Gratian a free Citizen of Rome; but not long contented with his government, they murdered him, and elected one Constantine (for the namesake only) supposing the same to be auspicious: Constantine transporting the flower and strength of all Brittain into Gallia, made many dishonou∣rable leagues (to the prejudice of the Empire) with the Barbarous Nations, that then envaded it, and sent his Son Constans (whom of a Monk he had made a Cæsar) into Spain, where Constans (having put to death some principal men whom he suspected to favour Honorius) committed the Government of the Country to Ge∣rontius his chief Captain, by whom he was afterwards slain at Vienna in Gallia: And Constantine his Father having run through many fortunes, was in the end beseiged at Arles, where he was taken and slain by the Souldiers of Honorius the Emperor, which then recovered Brittain. Chrysanthus a man of consular dignity, was then Deputy of Brit∣tain, where he won so great reputation, for vertue and integrity in the Government both of the Church (which was then tainted with the gracelesse heresie of Pelagius the Brittain) and also of the Weal publick of the Province, as he was afterwards (though a∣gainst his will) preferred to the Bishoprick of Constantinople.

This Pelagius the Brittish Heretick was (as the traditions of those parts say) born at Vsk, a Market Town in Monmoth-shire.* 1.518 The Heresies of this Pelagius, and he the first Au∣thour and name-giver unto them, have given the greatest stain and blemish in that kind to this Nation and in this time. For as his heresies were most pestilent, dangerous and infections, so they took first root, and afterward fixed themselves so deeply in this Brittain, that they were not rooted out, untill after the coming of St. Augustine hither about two hundred yeares after: Notwithstanding we had so many and worthy men here, both of our own Nation and others, divers of them sent hither by the See Apo∣stolick to oppose and suppresse it, as both our Scottish and English Writers do testifie: It is the common consent of Historians both of this and foreign Countries, that this Pelagius (as is said before) was a Brittain of this Kingdom; divers of our Antiqua∣ries hold that he was a Monk and Abbot after in our old received Monastery of Bangor, which is made more probable, both in respect that Leporius Agricola his Scholler and follower in his errors a long time, though after recanting them, was a Priest and Monk of the same Monastery, and of all places in Brittain, the places thereabout were most infected with the heresie rageing there long after the time of St. Germanus and Lupus, sent thither by Pope Celestine to suppresse it, and was in a Synod of all the Bishops, Abbots and chief Clergy men of Cambria there confuted and confounded by St. David. All authors agree that this Pelagius was very learned, and the title Arch-Heretick, which is commonly given unto him, doth so testifie: So did the great num∣ber of Councels gathered to condemn him; so did also the particular best learned men in those daies; St. Aug. Jerom, Innocentius, Orosius, Genadius and others which wrote against him; all the Errors wherewith he was charged, he at length renounced, though dissembled for fear, as appears by him after: I think it not convenient to set down his errors, the world being so apt to broach new doctrines, lest any giddy brain∣sick new molded Saint make use of them, both to the destruction of his own Soul, and of many other, the ordinary sort of people being so prone to follow after new Preachers.

Yet to free our Kingdom of Brittain & Wales also of giving life to such a man, St. Hier. saith he was by nation a Scot, as Isidore Pelusiota noteth, and also a voluptuous Monk, both which may be reconciled, if we say he was born among the Scots, and bred in our great Monastery of Bangor and there long time a holy Monk, but after falling both in∣to heresie and lewdnesse of life, he was often condemned in divers Councels in Asia, A∣frica and Europe, whether he had spread his heresies, but not perfectly untill the time of Pope Zosimus about the year of Christ 418 being by him finally condemned, both he and his followers were driven into exile by Honorius the Emperor, and that heresie con∣demned in all the World; This Pelagius, though he had many followers, yet were they all strangers, for the great honour to this Nation, that it had such learned men, that even one of them falling into error did so much prevail and dilate it both in Europe, Africa and Asia, and yet in his own Country could nothing prevail, but was at the first convinced, rejected and exiled, and did only indeavour to infect Brittain his native Country, but could not effect his desire therein.

Now the Romans about four hundred and seventy yeares after their first enterance into this Isle waxed weary of the Government of Brittain and Brittains, that had been many times assailed by their uncivil neighbours (consorted with strangers of divers Nations) perceived themselves unable to make resistance, as in the former times; where∣upon they sent Embassadors to Rome, requiring aid, and promising fealty, if the Ro∣mans would rescue them from the oppression of their enemies. Then was there a Legion sent over into the Island to expulse the barbarous people out of the province, which being with good successe effected, the Romans counselled the Brittaines for their better defence to make a stone wall betwixt* 1.519 Glota and‖ 1.520 Bedatria (the two armes of the Sea that ran into the Island) and so departed thence, but this Wall was only afterwards made of Turves, and not of stone as they were directed, (the Baittains then not having any skill in such kind of buildings) by which means it served to little purpose; for the Scotshmen and Picts understanding that the Romans were gone, passed over the water in boats at both ends of the Wall, invaded the borders of the province, and with main force bare down all before them, whereupon the Embassadors were sent again out of Brittain, to declare the miserable state of the Province, which without speedy succour was likely to be lost.

Upon the complaint and earnest sollicitation of the Brittains, there was another Legion sent over by Aetius the President of Gallia, under the Conduct of Gal∣lio of Ravenna to aid the distressed Brittains, and the Romans having reduced the Povince into her former state, did tell the Brittains, that it was not for their ease to take any more such long Journies, being costly and paineful, considering that the Empire it self was assailed, and in a manner overrunne by Strangers; and therefore that from thenceforth they should provide for their own safety, that they should learn to use Armour and Weapons, and trust to their own valour.

Howbeit the Romans (in regard of the good service done by the Brittish Nation in former times) began to build a Wall of Stone from East to West, in the self same place where Severi••s the Emperor had cast his Trench, the labour and charges of the work being born partly by the Romans, and partly by the Brittains themselves. This Wall contained eight foot in bredth, and twelve in hight (some Reliques thereof, saith the Brittish History, remaine to this day;) upon the Sea-coast towards the South, they raised Bulwarks (one somewhat distant from another) to empeach the Enemies landing in those parts; and this done, they took their last farewell, transporting their Legions into Gallia, as men resolved to return hither no more. As soon as they were gone, the barbarous people having intelligence thereof, pre∣sumed confidently, that without any great assistance they might now enter the Pro∣vince: and thereupon accounting as their own whatsoever was without the Wall, they gave an assault to the Wall it self, and with Graples, and such like Engines, pulled down to the ground a great part thereof, while the Brittains inhabiting the borders being awaked with the suddenness of the Enterprise, gave warning to the rest of their Countreymen within the Land to arm themselves with speed, and to make resistance.

About this time also, which was about the year of our Redemption 430, the state of the Church in Brittain was much incumbred by the Heresie of Pelagius, (of which a little before, yet I here again repeat it in another Authors Language, for fuller satis∣faction of my Reader) which being by birth a Brittain, by profession a Monk, and as some think, trained up in the Monastery of Bangor, travelled first into Italy,* 1.521 then into Sicilia, Egypt, and other East parts of the World, to learn and study as he pro∣fessed, whereby he wound himself into the good opinion of many men of great fame in those daies for learning and piety; as namely, of Paulinus Bishop of Nola, and by his means, of S. Augustine, till the Heretical assertions, which himself and his Disciple Celestinus a Scotch-man, secretly taught, being by St. Hierom discovered, were after∣wards condemned by the Bishop of Rome Innocentius the first: whereupon they retur∣ned again into Brittain, being obstinately bent to maintain their former Heresie; which Agricola the Son of Severianus, a Bishop of that Sect, had not long before brought thither, whereby the same in short time was received and approved among the Christians in divers parts of the Isle; so that betwixt Heresie among the Brittains themselves, and Paganism professed by their Enemies, the light of Christian Religion seemed for a time to be eclipsed. Howbeit, some of the Brittains, disliking those heretical Opinions, which as yet they were unable by knowledge in the Scrip∣tures to confute; and perceiving withal what dangerous inconveniences to the State arose oft times by reason of their disagreement one from another in matters of Reli∣gion, earnestly required the Bishops of France to send over some godly, wise, and learned men, that might defend the truth of Christianity, which seemed to be born down by the subtil allegations of humane Reason. Hereupon the Bishops called a Synod, wherein Germanus the Bishop of Auxerre, and Lupus Bishop of Troyes in Cham∣paigne were appointed to go into Brittain, and to undertake the Cause; which they afterwards prosecuted with so good success, as many Hereticks among the Brittains were openly convinced, and Christians confirmed in faith. About the same time Ninianus Bernitius (of the Race of the Brittish Princes) was sent into Pictland to convert the Inhabitants there to Christianity:* 1.522 Palladius a Grecian was likewise ap∣pointed by Celestine Bishop of Rome to Preach the Gospel in Scotland unto such there as yet remained in Infidelity, and to suppress the Pelagian Heresie new sprung up in that Kingdom, to be the first and chief Bishop of the Church there; for which purpose also Patricius, surnamed Magonius, (born in Brittain) was sent to the Irish and Scotch men that then dwelt in the Isles of the Orcades and Hebrides: these three Religious Fa∣thers were much honoured in those dayes, for the reverend opinion which most men had of their Learning and Integrity of life, and they are accounted the Apostles and Patrons of the Scotish, Irish, and Pictish Nations, as being the several Instruments of the general Conversion of each of them.

Within few years after the Brittains were again hotly pursued by the Scotchmen and Picts, who swarmed over a great part of the Land, taking from the Brittains for a time all opportunities of convening and assembling themselves together, as in for∣mer dangers they had been accustomed; whereby no small number of the Inhabitants of the Province (dispairing of better success) retired themselves, giving way unto the present necessity, while each man (as in common calamities oft times it falleth out) laying aside the care of the publick, made provision for his own safety, leaving the Enemy in the mean time to take and kill such as resisted.

Some of the Brittains being driven out of their own houses and possessions, fell to robbing one another, encreasing their outward troubles with inward tumult and civil dissention, by which means a great number of them had nothing left to sustain them but what they got by hunting and killing of wild beasts. Others burying their

Treasures under ground (whereof great store hath been found in this Age;* 1.523) did flee themselves either into the Countrey of thea 1.524 Silures andb 1.525 Ord••nices, and into the West part of the Isle, (where thec 1.526 Damonians then inhabited) or else into Amorica in France; the rest being hemmed in with the Sea on the one side, and their Enemies on the other, sent to the Emperor for aid; which they could not obtain, for that the Goths and Hunns invading Gallia and Italy, the greatest part of the Forces of the Empire was drawn thither for defence of those places: by reason whereof the State of Brittain now declining with the Empire, and shrinking under the burthen of barbarous Oppression, the Brittains sent Embassadors again to Aetius the President in Gallia, desiring him to relieve their necessities, declaring withall, that themselves were the small remnant which survived after the slaughter of so many thousands whom either the Sword or the Sea had consumed; for the barbarous Enemy drave them upon the Sea, the Sea again upon the Enemies; between both which they suffered two kindes of death, as being either killed or drowned, that it imported the Majesty of the Roman Empire to protect them, who had so many hundred years lived under their obedience, and were now plunged into the depth of intollerable miseries; for besides the calamities of War both civil and foreign, at one instant they were affli∣cted with dearth and famine which forced them sometimes to yield themselves to the merciless Enemy. But their complaints availed nothing; for the Romans plainly denied to send them any more succour; whereof the Scotishmen and Picts being cer∣tainly advertised, and knowing how small a number of able men remained in the Province to withstand their attempts, assailed first such places of strength as guarded the borders, and afterwards entred the Province it self, where, by continual course of Conquests, they found a passage into the heart of the Isle, spoyled the People of their wealth, burnt their Cities, and brought the Inhabitants thereof under a mise∣rable Servitude.

Thus about five hundred years after the Romans first Entrance, and four hundred forty six after our Saviours birth, the Isle of Brittain, which had been not only the principal Member of the Empire, but also the seat of the Empire it self, and the Se∣minary of Soldiers sent out into most parts of the World, was now in the time of Honorius bereaved of the greatest part of her ancient Inhabitants, and left a prey to barbarous Nations.

SHREWSBURY.

SHREWSBURY is the principal Town in Sh••opshire, and stands neatly upon a Hill, and i•• almost encompassed round by the River Severus that part thereof which is not fenced by the River, being forti∣fied by a very strong Castle; built by Roger de Montgomery, the first Earl thereof. A fair and goodly Town it is, well traded, and frequented by all sorts of people, both Welsh and English, by reason of the Trade of Gloath and other Merchandise, this being the commont Mart and Empory between England and Wales: it standeth in the very midst or centre, as it were, of the whole Countrey, which generally is inferiour to none about it for delight and plenty; for the number of Towns and Castles standing exceeding thick on every side (as having formerly been a frontier Countrey) very far above them. It belonged anciently to the Cornavii, and at the Norman Conquest was bestowed on Roger de Mont∣gomery, who first made it ••eminent, and with his Successors, and sin••e them the honorable Family of the Talbots enjoyed the Stile and Title of Earls of Shrewsbury.

• 1. Roger de Montgomery.
• 2. Hugh de Montgomery.
• 3. Robert de Montgomery.
• 4. John Talbot Marshal of France, created Earl of Shrewsbury by K. H. 6.
• 5. John Talbot, L. Tre.
• 6. John Talbot.
• 7. Geo. Talbot.
• 8. Francis Talbot.
• 9. Geo. Talbot.
• 10. Gilbert Talbot.
• 11. Edward Talbot.
• 12. Geo. Talbot.
• 13. John Talbot now living, and Earl of Shrewsbury 1661.

The Earl of DERBY.

Thomas Stanley Earl of Derby, Knight of the Garter, &c.	Elinor Daughter to Richard Nevil Earl of Salisbury.
Tho. Earl of Derby, &c.	Anne Daughter to Ed. L. Hastings, which Family descends from the Brittish line, as shall appear in its proper place.
Edward Earl of Derby, &c.	Dorothea Daughter to Thomas How∣ward Duke of Norfolk, by which March this honorable Family de∣scends from the Brittish line, as in the Pedegree of the Duke of Norfolk.

Henry Earl of Derby, &c.	Margaret Daughter to Henry Clif∣ford Earl of Cumberland and Eli∣nor his Wife Daughter and Coheir to Charles Brandon Duke of Suf∣folk and Mary Queen of France, Daughter to Hen. 7. and Grand∣child to Owen Tudor, lineally de∣scended from the Prince of South-Wales.
Ferdinando, Sans Issue male.
William Earl of Derby.	Elizabeth Daughter to Edward Vere Earl of Oxon and Anne Cecil his Wife, by which March, as in the Polog•••••• of Oxford, Salisbury, and Ex c•••••••• appears, this Family descends from the Brittish Prince∣ly St••••••.
James Earl of Derby lost his head as a most faithfull and loyal Subject for his leige Lord King Charles of blessed memory.	Charl••t Daughter to the Duke of Tremulia.
Charles Earl of Derby, Lord Stanley of Latham, Lord Strange of Knocking, and of the Isle of Man, a faithfull Subject to his King, a Patron to his Countrey, and Terror to his Enemies.

DErby is a part of the Coritain, and took that name from Derby the cheif City, a Town coveniently seated on the River of Derwent, beautified with five Parish Churches, a goodly stone Bridge, and a large Market place; and no less famous for good Ale, than Banbury for good Cakes and Cheese: finally the Town is well traded, and of good resort, and is the usuall place of holding Sessions and Assises for all the County. The Countrey of the East and South parts well manured and fruitfull, yielding a very spacious and pleasing prospect, both out of Cutbury Castle and that of Boulsover. The West part, which they call the Peak, is not so pleasing to the eye, though possibly as profitable to the Purse, being rich in Iron, Lead, and Coals, which it yields abundantly, and grazing multitudes of Sheep on the Mountain tops. It contains in it 106 Parishes, of the which eight be Market-Towns, the chief thereof being Derby, as before is said; the Catalogue of whose Earls here followeth.

• 1. William de Ferrars.
• 2. William de Ferrars.
• 3. William de Ferrars.
• 4. Robert de Ferrars.
• 5. Edm: of Lancaster second Son to K. Hen. 3. after which this Title was continued in the House of Lancaster.
• 6. Henry of Lancaster Son of Henry Earl of Lancaster, created Earl of Derby in his Fathers life time, 11. Edw. 3.
• 7. Henry of Bullingbrook son of John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, created Earl of Derby in his Fathers life, 9 Ri. 2.

• 8. Thomas Stanley created Earl of Derby by K. Hen. 7. Lord Constable.
• 9. Thomas Stanley.
• 10. Edward Stanley.
• 11. Henry Stanley.
• 12. Ferdinando Stanley.
• 13. William Stanley.
• 14. James Stanley.
• 15. Charles Stanley now Earl 1661.

The End of the first Part, or Tome.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Robert of A∣mesbury. Cæsar in his Comentaries. Cornelius Tacitus. Some praises of great Brit∣taine.
• * 1.2

  Brittain and France former∣ly one conti∣nent by some.
• * 1.3

  Spencer in his Fairy Queen.
• * 1.4

  Brutus his three sonnes.
• * 1.5

  Wales prefer∣red before Scotland.
• * 1.6

  Ireland called Brittaine the less.
• * 1.7

  Why the Ro∣mans were not greedy to con∣quer Scotland.
• * 1.8

  The division of Brittaine by the Romans.
• * 1.9

  Caerleon in Monmouthshire.
• * 1.10

  Another divi∣sion of Brit∣taine.
• * 1.11

  A third divisi∣on of Brittain.
• * 1.12

  What places every division contained.
• * 1.13

  What great esteem the Romans had of Brittany.
• * 1.14

  The several names of great Britain.
• * 1.15

  Mr. Cambden in his Britannia.
• * 1.16

  Dio. Nicaeus in Mr. Cambden cited.
• * 1.17

  The customs of the ancient Brittains.
• * 1.18

  Heridianus apud. Com.
• * 1.19

  Plinius de Ma∣gia.
• * 1.20

  Strabo apud cundem.
• * 1.21

  The honesty of Brittains commended by Di•• Siculus. Mr. Camb. de∣nies not Brute. Mr. Broughton, fol. 289. The Brittains called Gens Bruti. Leges S. Ed Reg. apud. Guli. Lamb. l. d. pri∣seu legi. fol. 36. Gildas apud Galf. l. 1. c. 17. Vic. l. 1. Pont. Nen. Hist. Antiq. Land. Eccles. Isiad••r l. Et••m. Thom. Eliot. apud Stow. proof for Brute. Thaliesnanus apud pris p. 27 Gal. Manus. apud eundem. H••n. Hunting. Hist. de Reg. Brit. cum mal∣tis aliis ibidem. Brute landed here in the time of Holy & Samuel the Prophet. Brittannia so called from Brutus. Gualt. Oxor. apud Hard. c. 16. Bal. 2. cent. Si∣gib. Gembl. hist. & de regn. Britt. Mariam apud Hard. c. 10. Liter•• defenso∣ris Ed Reg 1. ad ••apam apud Th n Walsin. Hist. 〈…〉〈…〉 Y•• lib. Neustr. A••. 1301. Gri•• apud Hi. ea••. M. S. chr•• c 47. Galf. M••n. l 1. Hist. Britt.
• * 1.22

  Harding Chr: fol. 16. cap. 14.
• * 1.23

  The Content of this Island.
• * 1.24

  The three se∣veral names of this Isle.
• * 1.25

  Brittain four times conque∣red.
• * 1.26

  The Travels of Noe into Eu∣rope, translated by Rich. Lynch.
• * 1.27

  Rich. Lynch. ut supra.
• * 1.28

  By whom Troy was first built, and at what time. Noe his travels, ut supra.
• * 1.29

  Why Troy called Teucria.
• * 1.30

  Dardania from King Tros is called Troia.
• * 1.31

  The Antiquity of bearing of Arms, and badges of honour.
• * 1.32

  The Gyants lay destroyed, before Brutes coming. The Language which he brought must needs be that which we now call Welsh.
• * 1.33

  2828. III c. lxxxii. DCCCI.
• * 1.34

  Fabian, fol. 10.
• * 1.35

  Caerlegion.
• * 1.36

  Fabian, fol. 11.
• * 1.37

  Chepstow in Monmouthshire.
• * 1.38

  Jac bus Gor∣donus Scotus Fol 9.
• * 1.39

  Gordon fol. 11.
• * 1.40

  De sera numi∣nis vindicta.
• * 1.41

  De excidio Britanniae.
• * 1.42

  Policronica Gaufride and others.
• * 1.43

  Mr. Brough. fol. 280. 2.
• * 1.44

  Harding.
• * 1.45

  Harding.
• * 1.46

  Mr. Broughton, fol. 281. 3. 2. Age. Godwin. Cat. of Bish. in Lond. Edit. Anno 1615.
• * 1.47

  M. B. fol. 167.
• * 1.48

  Giral. Com. l. de sedis Mene vensis digni∣tate. Matthew Parker, lib. Antiq. Brit. p. 24. T. Pris. defen. Histo. Brit. p. 73. 74. To. Leland Indice Brit. aut. v. Brit. Beat. Renanus &c. ibidem.
• * 1.49

  Caerlegion the first Metropo∣lis, of the five in this Isle.
• * 1.50

  M. B. f. 336. 6.
• * 1.51

  Howes fol. 9.
• * 1.52

  Mr. Camb. in Cumberland.
• * 1.53

  Gi••••••us.
• * 1.54

  Godwin. Catal. Epist.
• * 1.55

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 B••ough. ••••l. ••09.
• * 1.56

  Richardus Vitus l. 2.
• * 1.57

  M. B. fol 206. 8.
• * 1.58

  Father Hierom F••••ter in his Saints Lives, printed at D••ray, 1632. in the life of S. David, 1. Ma••t /
• * 1.59

  John Rous a∣pud Hows in Stow.
• * 1.60

  Vitus ex Gau∣frid. fol. 173.
• * 1.61

  Polidorus, Vir∣gillius.
• * 1.62

  Mr. Broughton, fol. 336. 6.
• * 1.63

  J••seph. orat. ad Judaeos apud Egisip. lib. 3 cap. 13.
• * 1.64

  Mr. Cambden in Scotland. Galgacus a stout Brittain.
• * 1.65

  Rous, Homes and Stow.
• * 1.66

  Bangor built by Cunedagius the Brittish King.
• * 1.67

  M. B. fol. 602. Age 4. Ca. 28.
• * 1.68

  Jo. Bal. cent. 1. in Pela. Calph. Agric. & Con∣gello. Bed. hist. Eccles. l. 2. c. 2. Galf. Mon. Hist. Britt. l. 2. cap. 12. Mat. West super Galf. Mon. Hist. Brit. l. 9. c. 12. & l. 11. c. 1. Matth. West an. 541. Galf. Mon. Hist. Brit. l. 11. c. 3. Manusc. antiq. & cap. in vita St. David Me∣ne. & Pits ae∣tat. 6. in ead.
• * 1.69

  Vitus fol 181. lib. 2. notius ad Mulmut.
• * 1.70

  It was the first year of Achas, and before Hezekias xvi. years, after Eusebius, iiii. M cccc xliii.
• * 1.71

  iiii. M. lxii. xlii.
• * 1.72

  iiii. M. xviii.
• * 1.73

  iiii. M. xviii.
• * 1.74

  xlii.
• * 1.75

  iiii. M. vii. C. lxix.
• * 1.76

  Vitus fol. 209.
• * 1.77

  Herodotus.
• * 1.78

  Messala Cor∣vinus.
• * 1.79

  Andreas Tara∣quellus. Bartolus.
• * 1.80

  Brennus a Brittain King of the Gauls.
• * 1.81

  Brennus re∣proacheth Fa∣bius for break∣ing the Law of Armes.
• * 1.82

  Heralds very ancient.
• * 1.83

  Heralds.
• * 1.84

  One Supreme better then Many.
• * 1.85

  Monarchy.
• * 1.86

  The Majesty of the old Sena∣try set in the Market place of Rome.
• * 1.87

  Rome rased by B••ennus the Brittish Prince
• * 1.88

  Camillus per∣swades the Ardeans to take Arms a∣gainst the Gauls.
• * 1.89

  Camill.
• * 1.90

  Mr. Brough. fol. 282.
• * 1.91

  Fol. 283.4. The praise of Caerleon.
• * 1.92

  Godwin in his Catalogue of Bish. Landaf. & St. Davids. Fol. 319.
• * 1.93

  Harpfield Hist. in five 7. seculi. John Bal. l. de Scrip. Brit. Gent. 1. in Sa∣muele Beulano. John Leland apud Pits. li. de viribus illa. in Elbode. Harris Hist. Ecclc. Manu. li. 2. c. 20.
• * 1.94

  Mr. Brough. fol. 320. age 2. 5.
• * 1.95

  Ibid.
• * 1.96

  The old School of Caerlegion brought forth many noble Martyrs.
• * 1.97

  Julius and Aaron marty∣red before St. Alban.
• * 1.98

  Gild. excid. Brit. c. 8.
• * 1.99

  Giral. sup. Itin. com. l. 1. c. 5.
• * 1.100

  Baronius in Indice non Sanct. in Julie & Arone.
• * 1.101

  M. Broug. fol. 603. 9. Matth. Westm. an. 541.
• * 1.102

  Mr. Br. 443▪
• * 1.103

  Math. West. Anno 303. ma∣nuscript. Antiq. in vita St. Am∣phibali. Cap••r. in eadem & alii.
• * 1.104

  Jocob. Gen. in vita S. Alba. & S. Amphi.
• * 1.105

  Jacob Genven. Mat. West. 33.. cap. in S. Amp.
• * 1.106

  Historiarum, lib. 3. nota 12.
• * 1.107

  In his Notes upon his 3. Book. Figure 13.
• * 1.108

  Ri. Vitus Ba∣sing Stochius.
• * 1.109

  Lib. 3. fol. 198.
• * 1.110

  Mr. Br. f. 28.
• * 1.111

  Author of the Book of E∣states in Ire∣land, the state of the Q. of Great Brittain. p. 22.
• * 1.112

  Lancaster built by Gurguim.
• * 1.113

  Porchester built by Gar∣guint.
• * 1.114

  Warwick built by Gurgaint.
• * 1.115

  Gurguntius buried at Caerleon.
• * 1.116

  Vitus.
• * 1.117

  Polidorus.
• * 1.118

  Picts arrive in Brittain.
• * 1.119

  The Author of a Book of Maps, printed 1646. printed for Wil. Humble Anonymus.
• * 1.120

  St. Ninian a Brittain.
• * 1.121

  Jo. Bal. li. de Ser. Brit. cen. 1. iu Niniano Bernicio. Hector Boetius Scot. Hist. li. 7. Fol. 119.
• * 1.122

  Mr. Br. fo. 582.
• * 1.123

  Hec. Boe. l. 6. Histo. Buchan. Rer. Sco. l. 4. in Rege 39.
• * 1.124

  Annal. Scot. Hec. Boe. sup. l. 6. fol. 104. Hollish. Hist. of Ireland.
• * 1.125

  Bede. Hist. lib. 3. cap. 4. Capgr. in St. Ninio Guli. Malm. l. 4. de gest. Pont Angl. The first Stone building in Britt.
• * 1.126

  Sisillius burled at Caerleon.
• * 1.127

  Eccles. c. 39.
• * 1.128

  R. Vitus. f. 200.
• * 1.129

  Mr. Br. f. 241. Hen. Pan. l. de vir. illust. Ger. part. 1. p. 40. 41. Selden, Anal. Alab. l. 1. c. 1. c. 4 Berosus Nichol. Vignier. Biblio. Hist. an. Mundi 2200. Hist. Aggregat. de Annal. f. 3. Bernar. Giunti Chro. in Dryus. Joan. Frisius, Bibliot. Philos. an. Mund. 2070 ante Christum 1892. Jo. Bal. lib. de Scrip. Cent. 1. in Semothe. Cambd. Britt. p. 11. Pliny. l. 12. c. 1. Lud. Caelius. li. 7. c. 1. Tac. l. de morib. & pop. Germa. Andu. Altham, in Schol. n. Cor. Tacit. Jul. Cæsar. l. 6. bel. Gall. Hector Boetius. Scot. Hist. li. 2. f. 22. 23.
• * 1.130

  Mr. Br. f. 242.
• * 1.131

  Theat. of Great Britt. lib. 6.
• * 1.132

  Mr. Br. f. 244.
• * 1.133

  Pont. de viris Illust. Ger. part. 1. p. 40, 41.
• * 1.134

  Gildas li. de Exid. Britt.
• * 1.135

  Cæsar lib. 6. belli Gallic.
• * 1.136

  Cicero in Orai pro Marc. Fon∣teio.
• * 1.137

  Cæsar bell. Gall. li. 6.
• * 1.138

  Grantham built by Gor∣bomannus.
• * 1.139

  Cambridge supposed by some to have been built by Gorbomannus.
• * 1.140

  Amb. li. de offi. 2. c. 10.
• * 1.141

  Pro. c. 12.
• * 1.142

  Plutarch in Themist.
• * 1.143

  Archigallo bu∣ried at Leice∣cester, or ra∣ther York.
• * 1.144

  Seneca.
• * 1.145

  R. Vitus. f. 204.
• * 1.146

  Benedictus Pirerius.
• * 1.147

  Vilus fol. 205.
• * 1.148

  Mr. Howes.
• * 1.149

  Anomus Maps in Camb. sh.
• * 1.150

  The ancient Inhabitants of the Guines and Bolonois in Pi∣cardie.
• b 1.151

  Yet had they Cities wald, and strong; this must be understood of those which we now call Peasants and Cottagers.
• b 1.152

  The Brit∣tains not ig∣norant of Agriculture, as som aver they then were, as the Author from whom I took this, seemeth to say.
• * 1.153

  The manner of the Brit∣tains fighting in Chariots
• * 1.154

  Calis
• * 1.155

  A warlike Engine made of bords cove∣red over with raw hides to serve for a de∣fence against fire or stones in scaling a Wall.
• * 1.156

  The ancient Inhabitants of Middlesex and Essex.
• a 1.157

  The Coun∣trey between the Rivers Garony and Seinin, France.
• b 1.158

  The Bis∣cayans.
• c 1.159

  The Inhabi∣tants between Gallicia and Portugal.
• a 1.160

  Malden in Essex.
• * 1.161

  Mr. Br. f. 1. & ••
• * 1.162

  Suidas in Augusto.
• * 1.163

  Jo. Herc. in Martin. Polon. Dedic. to Q. Eliz. Martin. Polon. in Aug. & alii. Mr. B. Fol. 4.
• * 1.164

  Suetonius in Augusto.
• * 1.165

  Ja. Bal. l de script. cent. 3. fol. 143. in Math. Flor. Calf. Mon. Hist. l. 4. c. 11. Ponticus aerun. Hist. Brit. l. 4. Heath. West. Anno Dom. 5.
• * 1.166

  Fabian fol. 39. part. 3.
• * 1.167

  Mr. Bro. fol. 12.
• * 1.168

  Mr. Bro. ibid.
• * 1.169

  Episcopus Ana∣cet. de morte Christi. Matth. Westm. an. 33. Flor. Wigorn. an. 38. Tertull. Apolon. c. 5, & 21. Eust. Hist. l. 1. c. 24. Oros. l. 7. c. 4.
• * 1.170

  Bal. in Flor. Wig. & Math. Floril. Magde∣bur. cent. l. 1. c. 10. Col. 354. Tert. Apol. adver. gent. Nauel. in Chron. volum. 2 gener. p. 512. &c. Eng. Pro. in Math. West. Anno Dom. 37. Ranulph. Hige∣den. Polychron l. 4.
• * 1.171

  Sabelicus l. 2. Eucad. 7.
• * 1.172

  Ferculphus Lexonien. Epis. l. 1. c. 9. Gildas de ex∣cid. & cong. Brit. c. 6. Math West. ann. gra. 37. Ranul. Hig. in Manusc. Polychron. l. 4. c. 4. Manus. antiq. Gall. in Tibe∣rio, &c. Fabian fol. 40.
• * 1.173

  Mr. Bro. fol. 23. 8.
• * 1.174

  Mr. Br. 335.
• * 1.175

  1067.
• * 1.176

  Policr. l. 4. c. 8. cited by Fa∣bian, fol. 41.
• * 1.177

  Mr. Bro. f. 22.
• * 1.178

  Math. Parker.
• * 1.179

  Joes Pitseus Rel. Hist. in Arvirago.
• * 1.180

  The Antiquity of the Crosse for England.
• * 1.181

  Anonymus his Maps in Glo∣cestershire.
• * 1.182

  Mr. Bron. fol. 132.
• * 1.183

  The Brittish History, c. 10.
• * 1.184

  Matth. Westm. an. 40. Theat. of Britt. in Caius Caligul.
• * 1.185

  Harding Chro. in Marius, c. 49. fol. 41.
• * 1.186

  Mr. Bro. f. 166.
• * 1.187

  Tert. Apol. contr. gentil. c. 21.
• * 1.188

  Math. West. ao. 78.
• * 1.189

  Mr. Bro. f. 169.
• * 1.190

  Hard. in Chron. in Reg. Marius c. 50. fol. 42.
• a 1.191

  The ancient Inhabitants of the Counties of Gloucester and Oxford.
• b 1.192

  The ancient Inhabitants of Buckingham, Bedford and Hertford.
• a 1.193

  The Inhabi∣tants of the Countries of Somerset, Wil∣ton and South-Hampton.
• a 1.194

  Bolein in Picardie.
• b 1.195

  Malden in Essex.
• * 1.196

  The History of Great Brit∣tain, part 1. fol. 35.
• a 1.197

  Caius Calig.
• * 1.198

  St. Mansuetus a Brittain, by St. Peter Con∣secrated Bi∣shop of Tul∣lum.
• * 1.199

  Mr. Bro. f. 31.3
• * 1.200

  The Brittish Lady Claudia and others of her Family became Chri∣stians about this time. Baron. in An∣not. in diem 19. Maii. Martyr. Author of the 3 Conversions. Mr. Bro. f. 33 Godwyn. Conv. of Britt. p. 17. Godwyn ut sup. p. 17. 2 Tim. 4. Godwyn sup. Mart. Rom. die 19. Maii. Martial Epig. Bal. cent. 1. De Scrip. in Claud. Christian Brit∣tains in Rome the first En∣tertainers of St. Peter the Apostle there, & their House the first Church or Oratory for Christians thereof. These proba∣bly converted by our Coun∣tryman St. Mansuetus.
• * 1.201

  Magdiburgina centur. 1. c. 2. col. 6. Theater of great Brittain. l. 6. Tertullian lib. adversus Ju∣daeos, c. 7. Petrus Cluina. ad Bernard.
• * 1.202

  Mr. Bro. f. 53.3
• * 1.203

  Floren. Wigor. Hist. an. 38. and 60. Stow and Howes.
• * 1.204

  Mr. Bro. f. 56.
• * 1.205

  Martial 11. Epig. 54. de Clau. Ruff.
• * 1.206

  Godwin. com. of Brittain, p 17. c. 3. 2 Tim. 4.21.
• * 1.207

  Martial. l. Epigr. saepe. Joan Bale. li. de script. Cent. 1. in Claudio Ruff. To. Pit. li. de vir. illust. in eadem. Godwin Com. Britt. & alii. The Brittish parents of St. Claudia were Christians. Chrys. in Epist. 2 ad Tim. Theodoret in Epist. 2 ad Tim.
• * 1.208

  Godwin Com. Brit. p. 17.
• * 1.209

  Martial. l. 7. Epigram. 11.
• * 1.210

  Martial. l. 7. Epig. 57. ad Ruffin.
• * 1.211

  St. Eubulus named, with honour by St. Paul, probably was the Fa∣ther of St. Claudia a Brittain.
• * 1.212

  Martyr. Rom. 20. Jan. in St. Novato.
• * 1.213

  Mr. Broug. fol. 59. 6.
• * 1.214

  St. Eubulus probably a Brittain.
• * 1.215

  2 Tim. 4.
• * 1.216

  Mr. Broug. fol. 59. 6.
• * 1.217

  Priscilla foun∣dresse of a Church-yard in Rome of her Name, Mother of St. Claudia, very probable. Baronius in Annot. in Mar∣tyrolog. Rom. July the 8. St. Pastor Sen. Hermes in Act. St. Pu∣dens. Baron. Tom. 1. Annal. Anno 159. & an. 166.
• * 1.218

  Mr. Bro. f. 60. 8.
• * 1.219

  Martyr. Rom. 16. Feb.
• * 1.220

  St. Pastor in actis St. Praxe∣dis & apud Baron. in An∣no. Mart. Rom. die 16. Jan.
• * 1.221

  1 Cor. c. 16.
• * 1.222

  Rom. 16.
• * 1.223

  Acts 18.
• * 1.224

  2 Tim. 4.
• * 1.225

  Mart. Rom. 8. July.
• * 1.226

  Baronius An∣nal. Tom. 2. An. 130. The costly and admirable building of a Brittish Lady in Rome. Marty. Rom. 21 Jul. Act. St. Prax. in Breviario die 2 Jul. & St. Pudentianae die 19 Mai. St. Peters first Church and Seat at Rome, in the house of a Brittish Lady.
• * 1.227

  Theat. of great Brit. l. 9. c. 9. Sect. 5.
• * 1.228

  Baron. Annal. Tom. 1. an. Chr. 58. p. 597. Metaphr. die 29 Jul.
• * 1.229

  Baron. Anueal. Tom. 1. & in Indice v. Petrus Theater of great Brit. l. 6.
• * 1.230

  Gildas Epist. de excid. Brit.
• * 1.231

  Mr. Bron. fol 86. 3.
• * 1.232

  Soph. Hier. li. de laboribus St. Petri & Pauli. Metap. die 29. Junii. Mr. Brough. fol. 88. 4.
• * 1.233

  Probable that St. Peter was in Brittain, or sent Disciples about the coming of Claudius hi∣ther. Baron. Tom. 1. ann. in S. Petro. Auth. of the 3 conversions. Math. West. ann. 49. Mich. Singel. in Martyrio. Dion. Ariopac. Clem. Rom. ep. 1. Hist. antiq. Mos Eccles. Cant. ad ci••c. ann. 49. Guliel. Eiseng. cent. 1 dist. 3. Math. West. an. 46. Eiseng. sup. in St. Mansuet. & Epist. Gall. Arnold. Mir. Therat. Conc. gent. & Cent. 1. Francis. Bell. Cosmagr. Tem. 1. in Tou••. Mr. Brou. f. 89. Anton. Donio∣charuz. l. 2. de miss. Cont. Cal. c. 30. Eiseng. cent. 1. fol. 56. Bed. Mart. prid. Cal. Jan. Pet. de Natale, l. 2. c. 25. Anton. part. 1. tit. 6. c. 25. Sect. 3. Mart. in Chr. Vicol. in Ha∣giol. Ʋn••r. Carth. in fas∣cul. temp. Eiseng. Cent. 1. Fran. Bell. Tom. 1. p. 202. l. 2. Godwyn. Con. of Brittain, c. 1. p. 6. and p. 5.
• * 1.234

  Probably St. Peter came in∣to Brittain the second time about the 54. year of Christ. Ant. Demochar. lib. 2. Eisengre. f. 56. Pet. de Natal. l. 2. c. 25. Anton. part. 1. tit. 6. c. 25. Fran. Bellef. To. 1. p. 202. l. 2. Pet. de Natal. apud Eisergr. in St. Fronto in Gall. Mr. Br. f. 89. 5.
• a 1.235

  The River on which Northampton is seated (as it is conjectu∣red)
• b 1.236

  the Ri∣ver of Severn.
• d 1.237

  The ancient Inhabitants of Norfolke, Can∣bridgeshire and Hunting∣tonshire.
• a 1.238

  The Inhabi∣tants of Che∣shire as is con∣jectured.
• * 1.239

  The ancient Inhabitants of Southwales.
• a 1.240

  The ancient Inhabitants of Northwales.
• * 1.241

  Mr. Brock fol. 291.
• a 1.242

  Anglicey.
• * 1.243

  Marcellus the Disciple of St. Peter, a Britain
• * 1.244

  St. Praxedes a Noble Brittain Eminent in the Primitive Church.
• a 1.245

  Receiver of the revenues of the Pro∣vince.
• * 1.246

  The Inhabi∣tants of Lon∣don put to the sword by the Brittains themselves.
• * 1.247

  An ancient City, with whose ruines St. Albans was built. A great slaughter by the Brittain, of such as si∣ded with the Romans.
• * 1.248

  Brittish Hist. fol. 64.
• a 1.249

  Bands of Hollanders.
• * 1.250

  Mr. Br. f. 763.
• * 1.251

  Mr. Brough. fol. 166.
• * 1.252

  Joseph Bengor. apud Rich. Hakluit præf. l. Naviga. Ang.
• * 1.253

  Ora. Josephi ad Judaeos E∣gesip. l. 5. excid. Hierosol. c. 15.
• * 1.254

  The praise of the South-wales men.
• a 1.255

  North-wales men.
• a 1.256

  The River of Tweed.
• b 1.257

  The Firth of Dunbretton in Scotland.
• c 1.258

  The Firth of Edenborough.
• a 1.259

  Grants lane in Scotland.
• a 1.260

  Companies of Hollanders.
• b 1.261

  The ancient Inhabitants of the Territory of Leige in the Low Coun∣tries.
• a 1.262

  The Ancient Inhabitants of Eskdale in Scotland, (as it is constru∣ed.)
• a 1.263

  Lib. 3. f 104.
• * 1.264

  Mr. B f. 170.
• * 1.265

  The first election of a stranger to be Emperour.
• a 1.266

  The River Eden in Cum∣berland.
• b 1.267

  The River Tyne in Nor∣thumberland.
• a 1.268

  Lieutenant.
• * 1.269

  Mr. Brough. f. 196. 2.
• * 1.270

  Serenus.
• * 1.271

  Mr. B. f. 205. out of Will. Harrison, p. 23
• a 1.272

  The Ancient Inhabitants of the Countries of York, Lan∣caster, Durham, Westmer an, and Cumber∣land.
• * 1.273

  Mr. B.
• * 1.274

  Mr. B. f. 201.
• * 1.275

  Mr. Bro. f. 220. 2.
• * 1.276

  Act St. Prax. per St. Pastor. Martyr. Rom. die 26 Maii. Beda, Ʋsuard. & Ado eodem die. Petr. Catal. li. 5. c. 58. Baron. Tom. 2. Anna. an. 164. St. Marcellus a Brittain.
• * 1.277

  Floren. Wigorn. Chronic. anno 159. 181.
• * 1.278

  K. Coillus brought up at Rome.
• * 1.279

  Brittish Histo∣ry, fol. 108. l. 3. c. 3.
• * 1.280

  Theater of Brit. l. 6. c. 9. Sect. 9. Hollins. disc. Brit.
• * 1.281

  K. Lucius per∣swaded to be a Christian by the Christians of Cambridge.
• * 1.282

  Chart. Reg. Arturi, 7. Apr. an. 531. Bulla Honorii. Acad. Cantab. concess. 20. die Seb. an. Dom. 624. Caius Antiq. Cant. l 1. p. 75. 76.
• * 1.283

  Pet. Marsaeus Catal. Epis. Tungren. & Archiepis. Treve.
• * 1.284

  Math. West. an. 159. Mar. Scel. an. 163. Bar. Tom. 2. Annal. an eod.
• * 1.285

  Divers hu∣mane fears and impedi∣ments now chancing and hindring of K. Lucius from open professi∣on of Christi∣an Religion in Brittain.
• * 1.286

  Act. St. Prax∣ed. per St. Pastor. Ʋsuard. & Ado. Peter. Catal. l. 5. c. 58. Baron. Tom. 2. An. 164.
• * 1.287

  Baron. Tom. 2. an. 166.
• * 1.288

  Julius Capil. Marc. Aurel.
• * 1.289

  Ibid. Virgil. in Hist. Angl. l 2. p. 42.
• * 1.290

  Tertul. Apol. c. 6. Euseb. Eccle. Hist. l. 5. c. 5. Math. West. an. 174.
• * 1.291

  Pius Epist. 1. ad Justum Vien. Epist. Tom. 1. Biblioth. Sanct.
• * 1.292

  Euseb. Hist. & Chronic. Math. West. an. 157. Ethelwerd. Chronic.
• * 1.293

  Mr. B f. 221. Man. Scot. aetat. 6. in Eluth.
• * 1.294

  Onupheius Pa∣nuin. l. de Episc. Titul. & Diac. Cardinal. Da∣masus & alii in Cleto Eva∣risto Higenio.
• * 1.295

  S. Pastor. Epist. ad Timoth. Epist ad Pasto. To. 1. Bib. Sanct. & Tom. 1. Annal. Bar. Pius Epist. ad Justum. Fox Acts & Mon. l. 1. p. 5
• * 1.296

  Howes f. 38. in Lucio.
• * 1.297

  Mr. Bro. f. 270.
• * 1.298

  Mr. Br. f. 271.
• * 1.299

  Mr. Br. f. 301. 6. Bridges de∣fence l. 16. p. 1355. Galf. Mon. l. 2. c. 17. Bro. Virunnius, Stow Hollinshed.
• * 1.300

  Mr. Br. f. 346. 1.
• * 1.301

  Seb. Munster. Cosmog. l. 3. c. 344. Mr Bro. f 349. Coxion Hist. part. f in K. Lucius. Manu. Hist. Antiq. in Luco.
• * 1.302

  Antiq. Eccles. St. Petri Cornhil. Harding Cron. c. 51. f. 44.
• * 1.303

  Theater of great Brittain l. 6. c. 9. sect. 18.
• * 1.304

  Harrison disc. of Brittain. Stow & Howes Hist.
• * 1.305

  Mr. Bro. 307. 5. Gal Mon Hist. l. 5 c. 1. Math. West. an. 201. Bulla Honorii an. 624. Chart. Regis Cadw an 685. Chart. Reg. Art. An. 531. die. 7. apud Caium l. 1. de Antiq. Cont. John Harding Chron c. 25. fol. 22. John Ross Hist. Manus. Jo Caius A∣pol. A ca. Cantib & de Antiq l. 1. Will. Harri. Dis: B••i•• c. 3. T••. of Univer∣sitie. p. 146. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 H st. Bladud Bal. pref. in l de scrip. Twin. l. de An∣tiq. Ox. Ha ••is sup a Ha ••s manu. G aston Chron. Bal l. de ser. Brit cent 1. in Congello. Barnachoren. Gal Mor Hist. Brit l 1. c. 12. Math. West. an. 603. Harding. Chron. c. 50. f. 42 p. 2. Ma. h. West an. 124. Harding Chron. c. 51. f. 43. H••llershed H st. of Brit. fol. 57.
• * 1.306

  Mr. Br. fol. 210.
• * 1.307

  Mr Bro. 247. 1.
• * 1.308

  Lyons in Franco.
• * 1.309

  York.
• * 1.310

  The ancient Inhabitants of the hither part of Scotland.
• * 1.311

  50000. Ro∣mans lost at one time.
• * 1.312

  York.
• * 1.313

  Baron. Tom. 2. Annal. an. D. 105 Manusc. Gal. lic. c. 100. Ma. West. an. 206. Galf. Mon. Hist. 4 Reg. B••it l 5. c 2. R. vit. Hist. l. 4. Selden A∣nale••. c. 7. Gal. Mont sup. l. c. 3. Pro. Cata Reg. Brit. in Seve∣ra. Magdebur. Cent. 3 c. 16. Flo Wigorn. 198 220. Mat West an. 205 206.
• * 1.314

  Divin Cara∣calla.
• * 1.315

  Hector Boetius Scot. Hist. l. 5. f. 86.
• * 1.316

  Mr. B. 362:
• * 1.317

  Will. Harrison Disc. Brit. c. 22. Harding Chr. c. 52. f. 45. & alii apud Harrison. Hollenshed Hist. of Eng. l. 4. c. 21.
• * 1.318

  Flor. Wigorn. Chro. an. 181, and 182. Matth. West. an. 192. Mar. Scot. Aetat. 6. Mart. Polon. an 213. Hen. Hunt. l. 1. Hist. in Severo.
• * 1.319

  Mar. Sco. l. 2. Aetat. 6. an. 153. Matth. West. an. 195. Flor. Wigorn. in Chro. an. 189. and 211. Judas Scrip∣tor, Eccl. temp. Severi apud Euseb.
• * 1.320

  Mr. B. 365.
• * 1.321

  Niceph l. 4. Hist. Eccle. I••e apud eui••dem & ad∣versus H••ro. l. 1. c. 24.
• * 1.322

  Athenagoras Orat. pro Christian.
• * 1.323

  Tertul. li. ad Scap. c. 4.
• * 1.324

  Tertul. adver. Judaeos c. 7.
• * 1.325

  Geff. Mon. sup. c. 3. Fab. Hist. Polycr. Harris discrip. of Brit. c. 22. Hollensh. Hist. of Eng. l. 4. c. 23. Bede Eccl. Hist. l. 1. Capg. in St. Ninian. Hect. Boet. Scoto. Hist. l. 7. Bal. l. de scrip. cent. 1. in Ninia.
• * 1.326

  Mr. Bro. 370. 1 & 2.
• * 1.327

  Herodian l. 4. Stow. Hist. Roman. in Severo.
• * 1.328

  Harrison disc. of Brit. c. 22. French ma∣nusc. antiq. c. 109. Galf. Mon. l. 5 c. 2. Pont. Virun. l. 5. c. 2. Mat. West. an. 206. Harding Chro in Sever. & Bass. Hollensh. Hist. of Eng. l. 4. c. 22. Harris. disc. Brit. c. 22. Tertul. ad scapu. c. 4. Spartian in Caracalla.
• * 1.329

  Mr. Br. 371.
• * 1.330

  Jacob. Senu∣on Epis. in Caral. Sanctor. in S. Amphibalo. Author of the English mar∣tyrologie. Joan Lydgate Monac. Buri∣ensis in ejus vita. Gerard Leigh in his Acci∣dence of Ar∣mory. Verumne. a∣pud Hect. Bo∣erius. Scot. Hist l. 6. f. 102. Hollins. of Scotland in Cyathlint. Jacob. Genuen. in vita St. Amph. Harris Ma∣nusc. Hist. Brit. l 3. c 35 Girald. Camb. Item Camb. l. 1. c. 5. David Powell Annot. 16. & in c. 4. disc. Cambriae. Dio in Macri∣no. Dio in Cara∣calla. Spartian in Caracalla. Manusc. Gall. Antiq. c. 14. Compilatio M. S. de gest. in Carausio. Fab. in Bass. fol. 47. b.
• * 1.331

  Mr. Brook in K. John.
• * 1.332

  Powel. fol. 314
• * 1.333

  Matth. West, an. 286.
• * 1.334

  Galf. Mon. Hist. l. 5. c. 4. Pont. Virun. l. 5. Matth. West. an. 292, 293. 294. Harding Chron. c. 56, 57. Galf. Mon. lib. 15. Pont. Virun. l. 5. Hard. Chron. c 59. Matth. West. 302. Cat. Reg. Britt. & alii. Matth. West. an 286. Harrison. Discr. of Brit. Hollenshed Hist. of Eng. l 4. c. 23.
• * 1.335

  Matth. West. an 213. Otto Frising. Chron. l. 3. c. 29. Floren. Wigorn an. 204. & 226. Marian Aetat. 6 an 218. in Cara alla. Galf. Mon. Hist. Reg. l 5. c. 3. Pont. Vir. l. 5.
• * 1.336

  Hect. Boeti. Scot. Hist. l. 6. ol. 88 89.
• * 1.337

  Galf. & virun.
• * 1.338

  Hect. Boe. ut su∣pra. fol. 100. Holenshed in Grathlint.
• * 1.339

  Catal. Reg. Britainie Hist. Galf. Mon.
• * 1.340

  Math. West. an. 286.
• * 1.341

  Howe. Hist. Ti∣tul. The Ro∣mans, an. 285.
• * 1.342

  Carausius of Kingly race.
• * 1.343

  Hect. Boet. Scot. Hist. l. 6.
• * 1.344

  H••lenshed. in Scot. in Grath∣lint.
• * 1.345

  Hoel. Boet & a∣lii. sup. Hard∣ing c. 53.
• * 1.346

  Hollenshed Hist. of Engl.
• * 1.347

  Fabian fol. 49 c. 64.
• * 1.348

  Pont. Virum. l. 5. Galf. Mon. l. 5. c. 4. Mat. West an. 294. Harding c 56. Hollersh. Hist. of Eng. l 4. c. 23. Stow & Stowes in Ascepiod. Hard. c. 56. Galf. Mon. 5. c. 5. Virum. l. 5. Mat. West an 294.
• * 1.349

  Harding Chron. cap. 58 fol. 57.
• * 1.350

  Mr. Broughton.
• * 1.351

  A Brittish History.
• * 1.352

  The Curienses converted to the faith by a Brittain.
• * 1.353

  Bavaria and Rhetia con∣verted to Christianity by a Brittain.
• * 1.354

  Hard. c. 57. f. 41
• * 1.355

  Godwin.
• * 1.356

  Mr Br. f. 415. Hollen. Hist. of Engl. l. 4.
• * 1.357

  John Lydgat l. 8.
• * 1.358

  Ant. Brit. Antiq. in tit. S. Alb. Cadgrave in e∣odem.
• * 1.359

  Gil lib. de Excid. Brit. cap. 8 Bede Martyr. 22. Julii. Bede l. 1. Hist. Eccle. c. 7. Matth. West. an. 303.
• * 1.360

  Gild. lib. 3. ••e exc. l. 8. Bede l. 1. Hist. c. 7. Galf. Mon. Hist. Reg. Brit. l. 5. c. 3. Mat. West an. 303.
• * 1.361

  Bed. Hist. li. c: 7. Matth. West. an. 303. Jacob. Ger∣men. in vita St. Alba. Capgrave in vita St. Al.
• * 1.362

  Mr. Bro. fol. 438. 1. The rage of the Judge a∣gainst St. Alban. Manusc. An∣tiq. in vita St. Amphiba∣li. Capg. in eodem Matth. West. an 303. & a∣lii.
• * 1.363

  The great de∣votion of St. Alban, and his reverence to the Cruci∣fix. Bed. l. 1. c. 7. Matth West. an. 303. Serp. vita St. Albani.
• * 1.364

  Holinhirst.
• * 1.365

  Matth. Westm. an. 3••3. in St. Albans.
• * 1.366

  Script. Britt. supr. manu∣scrip. Antiq. vita St. Al∣bani. Bede l. 1. c. 7. Matth. Westm. an. 303. Capg. in St. Albans. Hen. Hunting. l. 1. Hist. in Dioclesian.
• * 1.367

  Hiericus Gal∣lus in vita St. Gor.
• * 1.368

  Mat. West an 303.
• * 1.369

  Mr Br. f: 441. 5. Autho ••o Britt. vitae S. Albani. Manus. Antiq. in vita eius Capg. in eodem Manus. Antiq: in vita S. Amp Capg. in eodem Bed. l. 1. Hist. c 7. Hen. Hunt. l 1. Hist. M W. an. 303. Manus. Antiq. in S Amp. Cap. in eodem. Bede l 1. Hist. c 18. Tho. Walsing. Hist. Angl. in Edw. 2. Tho. Walsing. ut supra.
• * 1.370

  Gild. l. 2. de excid. Brit. c. 8.
• * 1.371

  Mr. Br. 443. 2.
• * 1.372

  Bede l. 1. c. 7.
• * 1.373

  Jacob. Gon. in vit. St. Alb. & S. Amp. Angli∣ca translat. ibid. Mr. Br. f. 455.
• * 1.374

  Mat. West. an 303. Manus. Antiq. in vita S. Amp Capg. in eodem Mr. Br f. 447. 1
• * 1.375

  Many conver∣ted at St. Am∣phibalus his martyrdom. Jacob. Gonnen. in vita S. Amp Manus. Antiq. Capg. in eodem.
• * 1.376

  1000 conver∣ted and pre∣sently put to death, at the martyrdom of St. Amphi∣balus.
• * 1.377

  Matthew Pa∣ris, Hist. pag. 179, 180, 181. 182, 183.
• * 1.378

  Harpsfield, Hist: Eccle. Ang. in 6. pri∣mis soeculis c. 10. p. 17.
• * 1.379

  Maria Sco. l. 2. Aetat. 6. Col. 304. in Con∣stant. Flor. Wigorn. Chron. an. 321. & 299. Capg. Catal. prefat. in vita St. Helenae. Marianas Sco. l. 2. Aetat. 6. in Aurel. Bar tomo 2. Annal. an. 306 Jac. Gordon an. 273. in Aurel. Harris Hist. Eccl. Britt. Tom. 4. c. 2. Zosim. l. 2. Suid. in Con∣stan. Matth. West. an. 273. Mar. Sco. l. 2. Aetat. 6 in Aurel.
• * 1.380

  Marti. Polo. Coxton fol. 38. Hollinshed Hist. of Eng. l 4. Capg. in St. Helen. Nicep. l. 7. c. 18. Andre. Chesne l. 4. Hist. Marie. l. 2 ae∣tat. 6. in Const. Flor. Wigorn. Chronico. Regi. in an. 243. Mar. Polo. In supputa. an. 307. Otto. Frigen. l. 3. c. 45. Bede l. Hist. c. 8. Martin. Polo. sup. an. 309. col. 66. Papinian. l. prefect. F. de ritu Nuptia∣rum. Joan. Capg. in Catal in præ∣fat. in vita S. Helenae. M. Aurelius Cassidorus in Chron. Zosimus Comes in Constantine l. 2. Mari. an. 292. c. 301. Maria. l. 2 ae∣tat. 6. an. 305. col. 303. Bede. Hist. l. c. 8. Floren. Wig. Chron. an. 328. & 306. Galli. Orat. Panyg. ad. const. apud. Baron. Tom. 2. an. 306. Hen. Spond. i∣bid. Harris Hist. eccl. Tom. 4. Nichol. Vigni∣er. Billiosh. Histor. ad. an. 306. Pompo Lae∣lus. in camp. Hist. Rom. in Const. Max. Eutropius. l. 10. Hist. Rom. Constan. Ma∣nasses. l. An∣nal. Hanibald. a∣pud. Frithem. l. de orig. Franc. Euseb. Cron. an. 294 Eutrop. l. 9. Hist. Rom. Victor. in Dio∣cle. & Maxi∣mi.
• * 1.381

  Theoph. Ceram in Chron. Egbert Albas Ser. 3. de mere & manif. Ca∣tho. fidei Be∣rengosus Ab∣bas l. de in vent & laud. S. Crucis. c. 1
• * 1.382

  Stately build∣ing of St. Helen Q. of Brittain.
• * 1.383

  Bernigosus ibid.
• * 1.384

  Galf. Mon. H. Reg. Brit. l. 5. c. 6. Pont. Virun.
• * 1.385

  Elius Lam∣prid. in Alex. Sever.
• * 1.386

  Math. West. & alii supra. Manusc. Hist. Eccles. Win∣ton. Caius Hist. Cantabr. Ac••ademiae p. 19.
• * 1.387

  Harding c. 60.
• * 1.388

  He retook He∣len Daughter of the King to conjugal soci∣ety.
• * 1.389

  Math. West. an. 302. 305. Mari. Sc. anno. 305. 306.
• * 1.390

  Hard. Chron. c. 6. Galf. Mon. Hist. Reg. Brit. l. 5. c. 6. Pont. Virun. Hist. l. 5. Harding c. 61. Howes fol. 44.
• * 1.391

  Holinshed Hist. of Eng. 45. Fab. Sozom. Hist. Eccle l. 1. c. 6. Euseb. l. 2. de vita Const. Mr, Bro. fol. 460.
• * 1.392

  Euseb. Hist. Eccle. l. 8. c. 14.
• * 1.393

  Idem. apud Ba∣ron. & Spon. an. 304.
• * 1.394

  Sozomen l. 1. c. 6.
• * 1.395

  Bede. l. Hist. c. 8. Galf. Mon. Hist. Reg. Brit. l. 5. c. 5. Manusc. Gali. Antiq. c. 28. 29. Virun. l. 5. Hist. 1. Harding Chron. c. 57, 58, 59, 60. Hen. Hunt. Hist. l. 1. Socrates Eccl. Hist. 1. c. 1. Eusebius. l. 1. vit. Const. c. 9. Theodoret Hist. Eccle. l. 1. c. 24.
• * 1.396

  Sozom. Eccles. Hist. l. 1. c. 5. Chron. Mon. Abington apud Ncieph. Harsp. Hist. Eccle. sae∣cul. p. 203. c. 9.
• * 1.397

  Gild. l. de con. Brit. c. 8.
• * 1.398

  Stow & Howes Hist. tit. Rom. in Constant. & Constantin.
• * 1.399

  Mr. Bro. fol. 463. 1.
• * 1.400

  Bede. Hist. Ec. l 1. c. 8.
• * 1.401

  Matth West. an. 313. S. Albans Church built. Manusc. An∣tiq. Eccl. Winton. Ma∣rian. Sco. an 306. Martin Polo 307. Antiq. Gal. an 306. St. Julians & Lantarnam. Church built in Constantius time, about 309. after Christ. Matth. West. an. 305. 307. Baron & Spond. an 306 Gordon. an 306 Jacob Grinaeus an. in c. 15. l. 1 Euseb. de vita Constantini an. 308. Hen. Hunt. l. 1. Hist. Diocl. & Constantin. Regit. o Chro. l. 1. in Const an. 253.
• * 1.402

  Stow & Howes in Constant.
• * 1.403

  Zonoras Annal Tom. 2. in Constant. Pomp. Laetus Rom. Hist. Camp. in Const. max. Eseb. l. 1. de vita Const. mag. c. 18. Grin. amart. in cum locum.
• * 1.404

  Euseb. in vita Const l. 1. c. 14.
• * 1.405

  Cap. 15.
• * 1.406

  Hollenshed Hist of England l. 4 c. 28. 27. cit. Euseb: Sext Aurel. vict. Nicep. Tripart. Hist.
• * 1.407

  Euseb. l. 1. de vita Constan. c. 16.
• * 1.408

  Euseb. c. 18.
• * 1.409

  Euseb. l. 1. vit. Const. c. 12.
• * 1.410

  Euseb. Hist. l. 8. c. 14.
• * 1.411

  Euseb. in Chron. Flo. Wigorn. in Chron. Mar. Sco. Aetat. 6. l. 2. in Const.
• * 1.412

  Annals Eccle. Winton.
• * 1.413

  Godwin Catal. of Bish. Winch. In initio.
• * 1.414

  Bede Eccl. Hist. l. 1. c. 7. Math. West. Anno. 313.
• * 1.415

  The foundati∣on of Lhan∣turnanus, and St. Julians Church in Ca∣erleon.
• * 1.416

  Mr. Bro. fol. 469.
• * 1.417

  Gild. de. excid. & conq. Brit. c. 8. Bede Eccles. Hist. l. 1. c. 8. Math. West. an. 313.
• * 1.418

  Math. Parker Antiq. Brit. p. 8. Jo. Goscel Ec∣cles. Hist. Ma∣nusc. de Archi∣epis. Cant. pro∣pe initium.
• * 1.419

  Manusc. Gall. Antiq. cap 28.
• * 1.420

  Chron. Monast. Abington apud Nich. Harps∣field Eccle. Hist. saecul. 10. c. 9.
• * 1.421

  Euseb. l. 1 de. vita. Const. c. 20, 21. Socrat. Hist. Eccles. l. 1. c. 1.
• * 1.422

  Otto Frig. Chron. l. 4. c. 1. Galf. Mon. Hist. Brit. l. 5. c. 7. Pont. Virun: l. 5. Math. West. l. 1. Hist. Holinshed l. 4. c. 28.. Stowe & Howes in Const. Hard. Chron. c. 62. p. 49.
• * 1.423

  Mr. Bro. fol. 471.
• * 1.424

  Eusch. in vita Const. c. 21, 22. Otto Frigen. Chron. l. 4. c. 1. Euseb. Hist. Eccle. l. 9. c. 9.
• * 1.425

  Euseb. ut sup. c. 22.
• * 1.426

  Cap. 23.
• * 1.427

  Cap. 24.
• * 1.428

  Sozo. Hist. l. 1. c. 3. Convocatis Christi Sacer∣dotibus.
• * 1.429

  Euseb. c. 25.
• * 1.430

  Socr. Hist. Gal. l. 1. c. 3. Sozo l. 1. c. 3. Otto Chron. l. 4. c. 1. Stowe & Howesin Con∣stantin.
• * 1.431

  Euseb. l. 1. de vita. Const.
• * 1.432

  Cap. 31.
• * 1.433

  Zozom. l. 2.
• * 1.434

  Panegerick 1. Const. Baron. & Spond an. 312. Zozom. Baron. Spond. an 312
• * 1.435

  Euseb. c. 34.
• * 1.436

  Euseb. c. 35.
• * 1.437

  Ma••. Sco. an. 205. & an. 312.
• * 1.438

  Ma••. Sco. Ae∣tat. 6. an. 312. Flor. Wigorn. in Chron. an. 292 and 300. 321. and 328.
• * 1.439

  Mar. Sco an. Baron. and Spond an 312. Harding c. 62. fol. 49. Flor. Wigorn. an. 306. Jo. Bal. lib. de S. rip. Britt. Centu. 1. in Flavio Const.
• * 1.440

  4 Reg. 5
• * 1.441

  Aug. Quest. Evang. l 1. c 40 Edictum Const Tom. 1. Con Act Sylvest. Papa Plini. l. 26. c. 1. Adrio. 1. Epist ad Const Simon Metap in vira S. Sylv. Zonoras in vi∣ta Const. Greg. Turen
• * 1.442

  Metaphr. in vita St. Sylv. Mr Br. f. 476
• * 1.443

  Theophan Ce∣rameus Chron Plantina in Mar.
• * 1.444

  Euseb. l. 2. de vita. Const. c. 27 ut supra. Baron an. 321 Acta. Sylvest Niceph. l. 7. c 34 Egbertus Ab. Flor. Sem. 3 de Increm. & manifest cath. fidei.
• * 1.445

  Jodoc. Cocc. in the saur. Cath. Tom. 1. lib. 7. art. 9.
• * 1.446

  Amia. Mar∣cel. l. 27. c. 2.
• * 1.447

  Mr. Br. f. 4••7 5. Zosom. l. 2. de Constan. Zosom. Hist. Eccle. l. 1. c. 5. R. Abraham Levit. in Chr. Judaic. R. Abra. Ezra in c. 11. Dan. Glycas Pal. 4. Annal. Meno. Graecor. Calend. Janu. Nich. Pap. Epist. ad Mi∣chael. Imper.
• * 1.448

  Henr. Hunt. hist. l. 1. in Cistit. Harding Chro. c. 63. f. 50.
• * 1.449

  Old English Hist. part 4. f. 38. S. Adelm lib. de Laud. Virg. c. 12. Nicep. l. Hist. 7. c. 35. & l. 8. c. 5.
• * 1.450

  Floren. Wigo. Chron. an 306 & 328. Marian. Scot. lib. 2. aetat. 6. anno 321.
• * 1.451

  Mr. Brought. fol. 481.
• * 1.452

  Math. West. an. 321. Baro. & Spon. Annal. an. 314 Severin. Bin∣nius Annot. in Conc. Arlesat. Tom. 1. Com. Epist. Const. ad Chrest. supr. Conc. Roman. Can. 1. Hist. Tripart. l. 3. c. 2. l. 2. c. 3. Mr. Br. f. 855.
• * 1.453

  Bap. Mont. l 2. de vita S. Bla∣sii Joan. Bel. l. 2. de actis Pont. Roman. in Sylvest. 1.
• * 1.454

  Mr. Br. f. 488
• * 1.455

  Brittish Hist. fol. 138.
• * 1.456

  Hollin. Hist. of Engl. f. 92.
• * 1.457

  Mr. Br. fol. 532.
• * 1.458

  Euseb. lib. 4. Sozom. lib. 2. Hist. cap. 14.
• * 1.459

  Euseb. ut sup.
• * 1.460

  Baronius & Spond. Annal. in ann. 336.
• * 1.461

  Euseb. lib. 4. de Vit. Const. c. 64. Socr. l. 1. c. ult.
• * 1.462

  Euseb. lib. 4. de vit. Const. c. 64. Cap. 66. sup.
• * 1.463

  Euseb. Ca. 66.
• * 1.464

  Howes of the Romans f. 45.
• * 1.465

  The fearfull end of an arch Heretick.
• * 1.466

  How es ibid.
• * 1.467

  Old English Chronic. f. 34 p. 4.
• * 1.468

  Br. fol. 543. 4.
• * 1.469

  Epist. Arimin. Conc. ad Con∣stant. Imp. a∣pud Sozoni. Hist. l. 4. c. 47.
• * 1.470

  Harding Cron. c. 63. f. 51. Galf. Mon. Hist. Reg. Bri. l. 5. cap. 9. Pont. Virun. Hist. l. 5. Math. West. an. 379.
• * 1.471

  Gal. Mon. l. 5. c. 12.15. Pont. Virun. lib. 5. Math. West. an. 390, 392. Manus. Anti. in vit. S. Nin. Capg. in eod. Bal. li. de Scrip. Cent. 1. in Nin.
• * 1.472

  Brittish Hist. fol. 239.
• * 1.473

  Mr. Br. fol. 548. 1.
• * 1.474

  Mr. Bro. fol. 548. Socr. l. 2. c. 16. Soz. l. 3. c. 11, 12. Athan. Apol. 2 cont. Arianos. Divers Bish∣ops of Brit∣tain, 5 at the least present at the Coun∣cel of Sardyce Baro. & Spon. an. 347. Sex. Ruff. Brem. Rev. gest. po. Ro. ad Valent.
• * 1.475

  Epist. Concilii Arimini ad Const. apud Socr. l. 2. Hist. c. 29. Soz Hist. Eccl. l. 4. c. 16. Sever sulp. sacra Hist. l. 2. c. 21. Lib. Notitia Epis. orb. Chr. sive Cod. Pro∣vin. Rom.
• * 1.476

  Harris Eccles. Hist. Tom. 4. c. 24.
• * 1.477

  Sulpi. Sever. Sacr. histor. l. 2. Epist. Conc. Arim. ad Con. apud Theod. l. 2. Hist. c. 19. Mr. Bro. fol. 552. Epist. Arimin. Conc. ad Con∣stan: Imp. a∣pud Theod. l. 2. c. 20. & alios.
• * 1.478

  Hil. li. contra Arian. & Ar∣gent. Socrat. Hist. Ecoles. l. 2. c. 29, 41. So∣zom. Hist. l. 4. c. 18.
• * 1.479

  Sozom. Hist. Eccle. l. 5. c. 1. Socrat. l. 2. c. 37
• * 1.480

  Baron. & Spo. Annal. Tom. 4.
• * 1.481

  Brittish. Hist. l. 3. fol. 140.
• * 1.482

  Brittish. Hist. l. 3 fol. 141.
• * 1.483

  Mr. Bro. fol. 562.
• * 1.484

  Zosim. Hist. l. 3. Socr. Hist. Eccl. l. 3. c. 1. Cassiod. Tri∣part. Hist. l. 6. c. 1. Nicep. l. 10. c. 1. Bar. & Spond. Annal. anno 360. Soc. l. 3. c. 1. Cassiod. Tri. Hist. l. 6. c. 1. Amianus l. 21.
• * 1.485

  Baron. an. 363
• * 1.486

  Mr. Bro. fol. 56.
• * 1.487

  Gregor. Nazi∣an. in Orat. in Julianum. Nicep. l. 9. Hist. c. 50. British. Hist. 141.
• * 1.488

  Ruffinus Hist. l. 2. c. 1. Theodoret l. 4. c. 1. Socr. Hist. l. 3. c. 19. Matth. West. ann. 366.
• * 1.489

  Jovian com∣mended.
• * 1.490

  Ruff. sup: Theodoret l. 4: c. 1.
• * 1.491

  Socr. l. 3. c. 5. Ruff. l. 2. c. 1.
• * 1.492

  Socr. l. 3. c. 20.
• * 1.493

  Socr. l. 3. c. 11.
• * 1.494

  Thodoret. Hist. l. 4. c. 12.
• * 1.495

  Maximus Em∣peror, a Brit∣tain excused and defended: Ruff. l. 2. c. 14. Socr. l. 3. c. 11.
• * 1.496

  Brit. Hist. l. 3. fol. 142.
• * 1.497

  Picts who, & from whence
• * 1.498

  The Scots from whence at first.
• * 1.499

  Brittish Hist. l. 3. fol. 142.
• * 1.500

  Howes fo. 46.
• * 1.501

  A universal earth-quake, strange rain and Hail.
• * 1.502

  Nice destroy∣ed by an Earth-quake.
• * 1.503

  Baron Annal. Tom. 4. an. 383. Sigebert. Chr. an. 383. Virun. Brit. Hist. l. 5. Galf. Hist. Brit. l. 5. c. 11. Virun. l. 5. Theat. of G. Brit. l. 6. p. 272. Socrat. Hi. l. 5. c. 11. Ruffi. l. 2. c. 15, & 16. Beda l. 1. c. 9. Malms. l. 1. Stow, Howes in Maxi.
• * 1.504

  Mr. Broug. f. 572. Hect. Boe. George Buch. Hist. Scot. Holishn. Hist. Scot.
• * 1.505

  Sozom. ut sup.
• * 1.506

  Theodoret. Hi. Eccle. l. 5. c. 13. Paul. Oros. l. 5. c. 34. Paulus Diaco. l. 1. c. 3.
• * 1.507

  S. Severinus de vita S. Martini. Cap. 23.
• * 1.508

  Mr. Broug. fo. 573.
• * 1.509

  H••rris Hist. Tom. 4. c. 34. Magdeb. cent. 4. c. 16. Sylvius bonus. C. Max. Caes. Laudes. Io. Leland & Io. ••its. in Sil∣vio Bon••. Harris sup. Zosim. l. 4. Baro. & Spon∣dan. 382 in An••al. Annal. Scot. apud Hect. Boet. l. 7. Scot. Hist. initio.
• * 1.510

  Stow & Howes hist. Tit. Rom. in Thedosio. Magdeburg. Cent. 4. c. 7. Col. 568. Mag. Cent. c. 10. Theod. Hist. l. 6. c. 8.
• * 1.511

  Surius in St. Ʋrsula.
• * 1.512

  Surius & Ri. badeneira octob. 21.
• * 1.513

  The Hist. of St. Ʋrsula.
• * 1.514

  11000 Brit∣tish Virgins at one time mar∣tyred.
• * 1.515

  A strange wonder.
• * 1.516

  Lindanus Bi∣shop of Rure∣mund.,
• * 1.517

  Brit. Hist. l. 3. fol. 148.
• * 1.518

  Virun. Hist. Scot. Hector. Boet. Hist. l. 9. fol. 179. p. 1. Geor. Bucan. Rerum. Scot. l. 5. Reg. 52. p. 160. Hollinshed Hi. of Scot. in fre∣qua hand. Aug. Epist. 106. Bede Hist. l. 1. Hen. Hunt. Hist. l. 1. Math. West. Chron. an. 404. Floren. Wig. Chron. an. 413 alii 435. Mr. Bro. fol. 605. Aug l. de Heres. Cler. 88. l. 2. de Pecc. origin. c. 11. Epist. 106. l. 2. de pec. orig. c. 8, 9. 14. l. 2. Retr. c. 47. Hier. Ep. 79. & ad Alip. Dial. cont. Pelag. Prosper. de Ingrat. Isidor. Pelus. Epist. 314. Mr. Broughton fo. 606. Bed. l. 1. hist. c. 17. Math. West. Chron. an. 442. Pits. aetat. 4. p. 85. Bal. l. de scrip. cent. 1. in Pelag.
• * 1.519

  The firth of Dunbretton in Scotland.
• ‖ 1.520

  Edenbur. Firth.
• * 1.521

  Brittish Hist: fol. 152. l. 3.
• * 1.522

  Brittish Hist. l. 3. f. 153.
• * 1.523

  Brit. Hist. l. 3. fol. 158.
• a 1.524

  Southwales.
• b 1.525

  Northwales.
• c 1.526

  Cornwall & Devonshire.