Cambria triumphans, or, Brittain in its perfect lustre shevving the origen and antiquity of that illustrious nation, the succession of their kings and princes, from the first, to King Charles of happy memory, the description of the countrey, the history of the antient and moderne estate, the manner of the investure of the princes, with the coats of arms of the nobility / by Percie Enderbie, Gent.

THE ANTIENT & MODERN BRITTISH AND WELSH HISTORY, Beginning with BRUTE, and continued until King CHARLES the first. The Fourth Book.

CARAƲSIƲS, a Brittain of unknown birth,* 1.1 was of the Brittains made Ruler Anno Dominicae Incarnationis 218. Hollenshed also placeth Carausius next to Bassia∣nus, though others name him not.* 1.2 The learned Mr. Broughton searcheth this bu∣siness to the quick; and therefore to give more life to this History, you shall hear what he saith. Bassianus being as before murthered, Macrinus, a Mauritanian or Moris∣can by Nation, with his son Diadumenus, or by some Diadumenianus, obtained the Empire; but they were both slain by their own Souldiers, rebelling against them when they had been Emperours but one year and two moneths; after whom Marcus Aurelius Antoninus Heliogabalus or Elagabalus, son of Bassianus Caracalla before spoken of, was chosen Em∣perour by the Army, his mother was named Soemiades or Semiamira, the daughter of Me∣sa, sister of Julia the Empress, the second wife of Severus; and this Soemiades, or Semia∣mira, or Semiamides, was sister to that renowned Christian Lady Mamea, mother to A∣lexander the Emperour; Henry of Huntington, and Florigerus ascribe four compleat years to the Emperour Heliogabalus; Martinus alloweth him not fully so long a reign; yet Mar∣tinus saith with Roman Writers, that he was Emperour four years and eight moneths. Flo∣rentius Wigorniensis hath the like words, both for that continuance of his Empire, and au∣thority of the Roman History, affirming it, that he was true and immediate next King of Brittain, not onely during the time of his Empire, but in that space also when Macrinus and his son Diadumenus were Emperours, even from the death of Antoninus Bassianus Cara∣calla his father, the undoubted King of Brittain, both by his fathers and mothers title. For although Martinus saith, that Severinus son of Bassianus was Emperour with his father, yet seeing this Authour who so writeth, consenteth with all others, that Macrinus immediatly succeeded to Bassianus Caracalla, and Heliogabalus to Macrinus; he must needs too justifie that his Testimony of Severinus being Emperour with his father,* 1.3 that this Severinus died with his father or before, or was the same son of Bassianus, which others do call He∣liogabalus, Marcus, Antoninus, and other names which Heliogabalus is stiled by in Histories.

While these things were acted with the Romans, the State of Brittainy was unquiet; and although Heliogabalus and his brother Severinus also, if Bassianus had any such son, was next true King of Brittain, yet neither of them enjoyed it; for by all Wri∣ters, one named Carausius was King of Brittain, not onely after Bassianus, but by divers Authours, sometime also while he lived, giving an overthrow to Bassianus the Emperour, or rather some Lieutenant or General of his, of the same or the like name here in Brittainy, and so made himself King of Brittain; after whom by our Brittish History, and Ponticus Virunnius, Asclepiodotus Duke of

Cornwall was made King, deposing Alectus, sent hither against Carausius with three Legions, and Matthew of Westminster and Harding write, was King three years, untill Asclepiodotus deposed him; next to Asclepiodotus was King Coelus, Father to the most renowned Empress St. Helena, married to Constantius Emperor, and Mother to great Constantine their son, our most glorious King and Emperor, after which time our History will not be so obscure and confused as now it is; for as in the succession of these I have now remembered there is question, so concerning the time of their Government, and their conversation also, whether it were Christian or otherwise, it is not free from dif∣ficulty. Antiquaries say that Carausius was next King to Bassianus. Therefore when Matthew West. and some others would not have Carausius to be King till about the 286. year of Christ, it must needs be an error either in them, their Scribes or Printers; for it is evident, and all the Roman writers prove, that Bassianus was dead many years, and divers Emperors had succeeded long before this time, and Math. Westm. himself saith, that Bassianus making war against the Parthians, was circumvented and slain of his Ene∣mies, between Edissa and Carras, in the year of Christ 213. which was above 70. years before he bringeth Carausius to attempt any thing for the crown of Brittain: Florentius Wigorne followeth the same account, and setteth down the very place of his death there to be Osdroena, and Mercinus affirmeth the same, with the Roman Histories, saying, it was in the year of Christ 218. And both our old Brittish History, and Ponticus Virun∣nius,* 1.4 who gave the greatest light in this matter, say plainly, that Carausius lived in the time of Bassianus. And add further that Carausius joyning with the Picts, which Fulgenius had got together against Severus Father to Bassianus, sought with his army, and over∣throwing it,* 1.5 was made King of Brittain. And these Picts and Scots must needs be those of which the Scottish Historians write, when they say Bassianus made peace with them, and the Brittains which followed Fulgenius,* 1.6 and so went from hence to Rome. And whereas the Brittish History and Virunnius say that Carausius did kill Bassianus, this was not Bassianus our King and Emperor, son of Severus and Martia, but one Quintus Bassianus a Legate of the Romans. Now being the common Opinion, received both of the Roman and other writers,* 1.7 that Severus dyed in the year of Christ 213. The Author of the Ca∣talogue of our Brittish Kings, thus setteth down their successions and Regiments, with their continuance, Bassianus Ceracel six years, Carausius seven years, Alectus six years, Asclepiodotus thirty years, Coelus twenty seven years. After whom Constantius his son in law by marrying his Daughter, St. Helena succeeded in the crown, by which accompt we have between the death of Severus and Constantius his reigning here 76. years, and from Carausius his death, and the begining of Constantius his reign 65. years, Harding ma∣keth the distance shorter, ascribing to Bassianus seven years, to Carausius 4. to Alectus 3. Asclepiodotus 10. to Coel 11. years, yet by this accompt also Carausius was dead many years before that time, wherein Hector Boetius and some others make him to have first ad∣vanced any title to the Crown of Brittain.

Yet we may make some part of attonement between these opinions, if we shall say with the Brittish and other Histories,* 1.8 that Carausius was but a young man in the time of Bassianus or Heliogabalus the true Kings of Brittain. And he went to Rome to procure his Commission there of the Senate to be Admiral to keep the Brittish Seas.* 1.9 And after he was thus admitted Admiral, long time and divers years must needs be spent before he could come to that power by Sea and Land with Brittains Picts and Scots, to be King of Brittain, although he was as divers hold of the Kingly race, Ex regio Stemate, and Unkle to that renowned Christian King of Scots Grathnitus,* 1.10 though some stile him to have been of base lineage unprobable in a man obtaining such honour of the Roman Senate,* 1.11 and renown among Princes, Kings, and Emperors, and divers of them Chri∣stians. But to go no further out of my way, whether Bassianus or his Son Heliogabalus both Emperors and Brittains by parentage, or Carausius was in Brittain at this time, we are by this which is said assured,* 1.12 that the Christians here were in quiet and peace; for if Bassianus still continued King, he had made peace with all Christians here, whether Brittains, Picts or Scots, before his departure hence to Rome. And although Heliogaba∣lus,* 1.13 was otherwise a Man of such wicked conversation, that I had rather refer any man desirous to know the manner, both of his own and his Fathers life, to forrain writers, then fill my pen with the dishonour of their race in them, yet no History maketh mention that he any way was a persecuter of Christians, if Carausius was King, it is not unprobable but he was a Christian, advanced, chosen, and honoured with that Kingly dignity by the Christians, confederate with, and assisted by the Christian Scots and Picts, their Kings or Ru∣lers and against the Pagan Romans, a professed Patron and Propugnator of the Right and Priviledges, and Revenger of the wrongs and Injuries of the Christians here, contend∣ing by all means he could even with the adventure of his life loosing in that quarrel, to restore the Christians of this Kingdom to that quiet and honourable Estate, to be free from the Thraldom of forraign Pagans, which they happily enjoyed in the Government of King Lucian, and the Roman Senate began now to infringe and violate; This was the pretended end, and scope of his designes, although by some writers, not with a little design of his own greatness and exaltation, no strange disease amongst great Princes in any age.

Hollenshed saith, that Alectus was sent from Rome with three Legions,* 1.14 and slew him in the field.

Fabian tells us, that in a Book which in French is called Merc de Histories, or the Mother of Histories in our Tongue, that this Carausius, or as he calls him Carassius, was first a Treasurer, or such a high Officer among the Romans; by reason whereof, he engrossed great abundance of Riches, and by that means became gracious with the Senators, and in time was elected Senator, and became a man of such authority, that Basianus made him Protector of the City and Country of Alexandria; from this his advancement and great∣nesse, issued pride, and that pride begat Tyranny, insomuch that the Country grew wea∣ry of their heavy and servile bondage and impositions, insomuch that his death was con∣spired and decreed, which he perceiving, first revenged himself upon the conspirators, and then left the Country and Province. At his comming to Rome the Senate finding him to be of an austere and ridged disposition, assigned unto him the rule of Brittain with three Legions. This is Fabians relation, but what is formerly set down from Mr. Broughton car∣rieth with it more authority.

Alectus.

Alectus sent from Rome by the Emperour and Senate, began the time of his government,* 1.15 in the year of our Lord 227. We do not find that Alectus after he had slain Carausius in battail, and taken upon him the Kingdom, which he held for the space of three years, did persecute the Christian Brittains, under pretence of Religion, but for following Carausius, and not yielding subjection to the Romans as they required, where we see the reason of that affliction of the Brittains by the Romans; because they had forsaken the Common-Wealth, and Government thereof, and followed Carausius an Usurper, as the Romans estemed him. And other Historians make it plain, that only the followers of Carausius, and no o∣thers were thus persecuted by Alectus; and Mathew of Westm. also saith, that Alectus did af∣flict only those Brittains, who forsaking their Country had committed themselves to the command of Carausius; which Harding more plainly confesseth, when he saith of Alectus,* 1.16 Allecto then crowned and made King of all Brittain, reigning fully years three, and well he ruled in all manner of working; or if Alectus or his Pagan Souldiers and under-Rulers did un∣justly persecute any Brittains for Religion, neither he nor they did escape the just ven∣geance of God executed upon them, by the Christian Brittains in the like kind, for when Alectus and his Infidel consorts were at London gathered together to make solemn sacrifice to their Idols, they were by the Christians driven from their sacrifice, Alectus shamefully put to flight and slain, his army scattered, and though by Livius Gallus his Collegue in some part renewed again, yet both the General Gallus and all his Romans were slain by the Christian Brittains in one day, and their Leader Gallus contemptuously thrown into a brook taking name, thereof as our modern Antiquaries with antiquity thus deliver, Asclepiodotus reco∣covered Britain and slew the Romans Captain named Livius Gallus neer unto a brook there at that time running, into which brook he threw him, by reason whereof it is called in Brittish Nant Gallon, since in the Saxon tongue Gallus or Wallus brook and to this day the street where sometime the brook ran is called Walbrook: And proveth the History of this brook both by pub∣lick Records and Inquisitions. This Alectus reigned according to Fabian six years.

Asclepiodotus.

Asclepiodotus Duke of Cornewal as saith Gaufride (but after the saying of Eutropius and Beda he was President of the Pretory of Rome) began his dominion over the Brittains in the year of our Lord 232, who upon his victory was crowned King of Brittain by Parliament, saith Harding, and by common consent of the people, (as both the Brittish History Pont. Virun. and Matthew of Westm.) being Duke of Cornwal before. All these last writers ex∣cept Matt. West, say Dioclesian his persecution began here in his time, of which I shall speak hereafter. And it seemeth that divers Historians not observing that Constantius was here twice, marrying St. Helena the first time, and the second time receiving her again, when Maximian the persecuting Emperour, had forced him to put her away, do thereupon vary and differ much about the years of our Kings in those times: an old manuscript Chronicle doth say Bassianus reigned 27 years, Carausius whom it calleth Carencius 39 years, Alectus 15 years, Asclepiodotus 10 years, Coel 4 years, and after him his son in law and daughter Constantius and Helena 11 years. The moderne Catalogue of our Kings, hath told us that Asclepiodotus did reign 30 years, the same hath Hellenshed, calling it the com∣mon accompt of our Chroniclers; and by the same Authors and divers others, King Coel in the latter end of whose reign the Romans by Constantius came in again, &c.

Authours excuse Asclepiodotus from being any mover of that persecution which then was in Brittain, but suffering the Tyrant Maximian to prosecute it, and not resisting him therein, which is rather imputed to want of power, than will and desire in him, when he saith, I mean Harding,

Who for great fear suffered all this pain, (Of Christians) And durst nothing against this Tyrant steer, But him withdrew, to hide him, was full fain.

Where he doth insinuate, that Asclepiodotus was in judgement a friend rather than per∣secutor of Christians; and himself in some sort persecuted by the Roman Pagans, in that respect which seemeth expressed, in that this Authour sayeth of him, That he was inforced to hide himself from the Pagan Roman persecutors: And we find divers Antiquities testi∣fying, that before there was not any persecution here against Christians, but their Reli∣gion was in peace and quiet publickly professed; and this Asclepiodotus, to redeem and preserve such Brittains liberty, in that and all other priviledges, warred against Alectus the Pagan Roman Governour, and in sign of his detestation of their Idolatry, beset and assaulted him and his Confederates, when they were doing their greatest and most solemn sacrifices to their gods.

Now to calm these Tempests of Troubles, I suppose (by our best Histories) that this persecution of Dioclesian and Maximinian here raged about the space of nine or ten years, in the time of Asclepiodotus principally, and that now at the Martyrdom of St. Amphiba∣lus, so great miseries and afflictions had been laid upon our holy Christians here long time, as their flying from hence unto other Nations; their abode there, return hither again, and continuing no short space, before they were put to death, as is manifest in the case of St. Amphibalus, not martyred till almost a year after St. Alban, who was kept in prison six moneths before his Martyrdom, that now thousands were converted to Christ, and the chief municipal Cities themselves, where Idolatry so reigned, that a Christian was rare to be then found in them, as in Verulam, were now onely inhabited by Christians, and not a Pagan to be seen; and this by the Omnipotent working of God, and the Idolatrous Judge and Prince himself, that ruled here under the Pagan Romans, and persecuted by their power, even to the utmost bounds of Brittany, was made that he was unable to Rule and Govern any longer, but needed be Ruled and Governed himself by others. This Judge, King and Roman Lieutenant, as the Scottish Historians with others call him, was King Asclepiodotus, thus grievously either of malice or for fear of the Romans then perse∣cuting, and for so doing hated of God and Man.

Coel.

King Coel (who began his reign in the year of our Lord 262.) having now both Warrant and Way to advance the Title to the Crown of this Kingdom, and help to free the afflicted Christians thereof, from the miseries of their so long and grievous persecution (as it seem∣eth most probable) at this time and upon these occasions, he took Armes against Asclepio∣dotus, reputed King in this persecution, slew him and was crowned King, as our Historians deliver unto us: Harding also plainly saith, that Coel took Armes against Asclepiodotus, by reason of this great persecution.

For which Duke Coel against him rose in Armes; Asclepiodotus for the first ten years of his reign was just, and ruled with the general applause of all, but after fell into wickedness and cruelty, so that King Coel might justly pursue his right to Brittain, in hope thereby in better manner to redeem the afflictions of his Countrey Christians, being more potent and able, and likely more willing than Asclepiodotus was, not so forward in any Judgements as he should have been in defending innocence, if he had not been an actual persecutor; which Harding himself thus in these plain terms expresseth:

* 1.17This persecution as some Chronicles fain, The ten years war of Asclepiodote, For which Duke Coel again him rose full hot, The Duke Caer Colun, that hight Coilus Which City now this day Colchester hight, Then crowned was that slew Asclepiodotus, For cause he came not forth with all his might, The Tyramite fell to a canstand, as he hight, Wherefore Brittains were all full glad and fain, Of King Coilus that succoured all their pain.

And howsoever Asclepiodotus concurred with the Roman persecutors, and pleased them in vexing and tormenting Christians here in Britany; yet otherwise he was very unpleasing unto them: He troubled the Roman power in all things, and therefore they were glad of his death. Ponticus Virunnius himself, a Roman, saith,

they did esteem him their great enemy, and as for such an one rejoyced at his death, and this joy was not onely of particular Romans, but of the whole Senate which ruled chiefly in matters of Estate. Therefore when our Antiquities assure us that Coel obtained the Kingdom, and was crowned, and as an old French manuscript speaketh, regna sur Britaniae, ruleth over Brittain, and was thus inabled and made power∣ful to redresse what he found offensive and wicked, being absolute King, and joyfully so re∣ceived of the Brittains, as our Historian said before.

Wherefore Brittains were all full glad and faine, Of King Coelus that succoured all their pain.

And he himself taking acception to Asclepiodotus, next to his charging him with usurping the Crown, for being to backward in resisting the Roman persecutors, would not fall into the like error with him, but as is proved already succoured all their pain, and utterly ceas∣ed the persecution against Christians of Brittain which were thus joyful of his coronation and thereby relieved and redeemed them from their afflictions all his time, which both by our own and forreign Historians, continued to the end of the third hundred of years.* 1.18 The Romans having no power here either to persecute Christians, or to any other purpose. But as our Brittish and other Historians testify, wholly lost their government here, untill after the death of King Coel, or the comming of Constantius his son in law hither, the se∣cond time, very little before King Coel his death. Our Scottish Historians say that King Coel utterly destroyed both Romans and all the Brittains also, which were their favourers, and set forth a severe edict, to search forth all Romans and Brittains which had followed them here, and caused them to be punished and put to death, and so with most joyful and general applause of the people, Nobles and others, that the crown of Brittain was thus re∣stored to the true heir of their regal blood, was crowned King, and he established the King∣dom in the Brittish government. So that now so severe a law being made and executed both against the prosecuting Romans, and all such Brittains as had joyned with them against the Christian inhabitants of this nation, and all this done by the authority of our King, and with the consent both of the nobility and people; we must needs end the persecution here with the beginning of King Coels reign.

And it would not be singular in this point if we should hold, that King Coel was actually a christian, and not only a friend to such; for first, all they which affirm him to have been Kinsman or Heir to our first christian King St. Lucius, easily prove him a christian, for such a man would not leave either child or kinsman, which by him had that title, to have any other education. Secondly by the time of his age, whether he was to King Lucius, so near or no we must needs confesse, he lived most part of his life, when christianity flourished in this Kingdom, being an aged man before Dioclesian his persecution began. Thirdly our Hi∣storians say that his daughter St. Helen, which had her education by his direction, was instru∣cted and taught in the christian faith. A late Authour thus speaketh, of this, Helena she was first instructed in the faith of Christ by Coel her father, as Petrus de Natalibus saith; and yet if we en∣cline to this opinion, we may easily answer them that will object the public and universal re∣stitution of christian religion, as building Churches, Monasteries, and such holy foundations was not in his time. For by the common opinion his reign was short, little, and not a∣bove four years, a great part whereof was spent, in extirpating the persecutors, and the rest in preparation to resist a new invasion of the Romans, not reigning in quiet and security from these troubles and fears the space of two moneths, by any writers: and so after so great and terrible a tempest of persecution, it was a wonderful comfort and happiness for the Brittish christians, to enter into such a calme and quiet, to live in security and rest, freed from their former miseries under so renowned a King which was all he could do, or they expect in such times and circumstances.

The Roman Emperours after the death of Heliogabolus, until Constantius married first, or af∣ter received again Helena daughter of Coel, had little command in this Kingdom, there∣fore it will suffice to set down briefly their names & continuance of their Emperours, which our late Antiquaries do thus propose unto us. After Senerius Bassianus sir∣named Antonius Caracalla succeeded in the Empire, but was murdered by Martialis when he had governed six years, Macrinus one year, Antonius Heliogabalus three years, Alexan∣der Severus 13 years, Julius Maximus three years, M. Antonius Gordanus one year, Julius Philipus (they omit the second his son) the first christian Emperour five years, Decius two years, Trebonianus, Gallas and Vibius Hostilianus two years, Julius Aemilianus four moneths, Lecinius Valerianus six, Lacivius Gallicinus fifteen. At this time there arose in divers coun∣tries thirty usurpers, which are called the thirty Tyrants, of which Lollianus Posthumus, Victorianus Tetricius, as it is supposed kept Brittain from Gallimus: Flavius Claudius two, Aurelianus five, Tacitus 6 moneths, Florianus six moneths. This year 276. Aurelian the Dane was chosen Emperour, he hated christians, and in the 4 year of his reign he stirred up the 9^th persecution upon the church of God, he reigned 5 years and 6 dayes. And after that, Tacitus succeeded in the Empire being a very fit and worthy governour, & after Tac. Probus Equirius 〈…〉〈…〉

Son to Delinacius a Clown, and Gardiner by profession; this Probus Equirius was a most valiant Man at armes, and as good a Justitiar, as any that had the publick Go∣vernment, he began his reign in the year of Christ, 282. and reigned six years and four moneths,* 1.19 Aurelius Probus five years. In which time Bonosus, (famous for excess in drinking) a Brittain born, usurped the Empire with Proculus at Cullen, and would have exempted from the Romans, Brittain, Spain, and part of France, but being vanquished by Probus, he strangled himself (that was the way to spoile his drink∣ing:) This Probus after he had reigned five years, was slain of the Soldiers, Carus was created Augustus, he made Carinus and Numerianus his Sons Cæsars, to Carinus he assigned Brittain, Gaule, Illiricum, Italy, and Spain, but Ca∣rinus was slain by lightning, and the other two within three years space lost their lives. Dioclesian was then chosen Emperor, who adjoyned Maximianus un∣to him; in like Government these two Emperours elected two Cæsars, Valerius Maximus and Constantius Chlorus, to which Constantius he committed the recovery of Brittany.

When Dioclesian and Maximian the most offensive Enemies of the faithfull Servants, and Church of Christ, intended their merciless and matchless persecu∣tion against them, the ease to make it was as universal and general, as it was bloody and Tyrannical, and perceiving that neither Nero nor any other their predecessors in that prophane impiety had or could before them transport their rage in that kind, over our Ocean into this Kingdom, protected and rampired both by scituation and sea, and Christian Kings are Rulers, or favourers of Christianity and Immunities from the Roman severities in such nature, their study and practise was, first to surprise and overthrow these firm Bulwarks and Forts against them, and therefore assuredly knowing that by the Regal claim and title of Brittain, Queen Helena was the lawfull an undoubted heir and Owner thereof, that she was a Christian, and de∣scended of such parents, and absolute Queen of such a Country, the rare virtues and wisdom, she was endued with, her potency thereby, with her victorious and triumphant husband Constantius that they had children to succeed them in the Kingdom, and Government of Brittain, and such as by credible Antiquities before were Christians, and thereby more likely to enlarge and dilate, then to restrain or hinder the profession of Christianity, they knew these Impediments to their wicked disignements must be taken away before they could take effect, whereupon beginning with the chiefest and principal propugnacle, the title of Queen Helen, her marriage with Constantius, and love between them, they first assaulted this by pretended disability in that title and marriage. Her lawfull Title by Regal Lineal discent they frustrated in their Judgment, which then had no Judge on Earth, by their pretended and not to be examined Imperial claim and preheminence, taking and reckoning for their own whatsoever they could get and keep by force and sword; and their more then Panege••ical Orator Mamertinus saith plainly in his oration to Maximian the Emperor, that the Brittains were not only subject unto him, and that he landing in Brittain, The Brittains received him with great Triumph, offered themselves unto his presence with their Wives and children, reverencing not only him∣self, but even the sails and tacklings of that ship which had brought his divine pre∣sence unto their coasts, and when he should set foot on Land, they were ready to lye down at his feet that he might as it were march over them, so desirous they were of him, that both the Brittains and Nations adjoyning to the bounds of that Isle were obedient to his commandement: And giveth nothing to Constantius, but as in the right and title of that Emperor.

Like to this have some other flatterers of the Romans written, by which we see they went about utterly to disable the Queen to have any title to the Kingdom. This they so urged to Constantius, and so disgraced his marriage with that renowned Lady, that in the end they compelled him, to put her away, and take Theodora a Pagan, Daughter of the persecuting Emperor Maximian in her place, then they banished St. Lu∣cius and St. Emerita their holy children. Some by reason of the Identity of the name think this Lucius here spoken of to have been Lucius the King, but Harrison in his descripti∣on of Brittain clears that doubt, who thus relateth the occasion of Prince Lucius his for∣saking Brittain his native country. It hapned (saith he) that Lucius by reason of a quarrel grown between him and his Elder brother, either by a fray or by some other means, did kill his said brother, whereupon his Father exiled him, out of Brittain, and appointed him from thenceforth to remain in Aquitain in France. He became a Bishop in the Church of Christ. He erected a place of prayer, wherein to serve the living God, and is still cal∣led even to this our time, after Lucian or Lucius the first Founder thereof, and the origi∣nal beginner of any such house in those parts; in this also he and divers others of his friends continued their times in great contemplation and prayer, and from thence were translated as occasion served unto sundery Ecclesiastical promotions, in the time of Constantine his brother, so that by his short narration it is easie to see that Lucius the King, and Lucius son of Chlorus were

two distinct persons, and the same Author saith further and more at large in his relation hereof; Constantius Chlorus being at the first matched with Helena, and before she was put from him by the Royal power of Dioclesian, he had by her three sons, besides one Daughter called Emerita, of which the name of the first is perished, the second was called Lucius, and the third Constantine, that after was Emperor. And he after addeth thereunto, Her∣manius Sehedelius addeth also, how he went into Rhetia with Emerita his Sister, and near unto the City Augusta, converted the Curienses unto the Faith of Christ, and there like∣wise being put to death in Castro Martis, lyeth buried in the same Town, where his feast is held upon the third day of December.* 1.20 That Schedelius erreth not herein, also the ancient monuments of the said Abbey, whereof he was the original beginner, do yield sufficient testimony, beside an Hymne made in the commen∣dation, intituled Gaude Lucionum, &c. The said Schedelius setteth down likewise, that his sister Emerita was martyred in Trine castle neer unto the place where the said Lucius dwelled; and the same Authour saith further, that he converted all Bavaria and Rhetia between the Alps; and this narration is confirmed by Gaspar Bruchius thus,* 1.21 St. Lucius which preached to the Germans, was born of the regal race among the Brittains, and propogating the faith of Christ, came out of Brittainy into Germany, and preached first at Salisbury, then at Austburg, from whence he was cast out by the Infidels there, and then went with his sister St. Emeri∣ta to the City of Chur, where preaching again, both he and his sister Emerita were martyred by the Pagans, St. Lucius at Chur in the castle of Mars, and St. Emerita at Trine Ca∣stle.

Lucius and Emerita being thus by means of the Roman Emperours Dioclesian and Maxi∣mian both banished and martyred, to make all sure in their proceedings they detained Constantine the other child, as Hostage at their command, and placed here in Brittain, none to bear office, but such as were Pagans, ready to execute the cruel and savage resolutions of that bloody persecuting Tyrant, against the holy christians here. These things thus com∣pleated, the state of Brittain by such means was now brought into the same condition for persecution with other nations, or rather worse, the number of christians being here then far greater, both in respect it was a christian Kingdom, and so had both more christian inhabi∣tants then other nations, and by the immunities and priviledges it should have enjoyed, many christians of other regions fled and resorted hither in hope of quiet and security from persecution.

This violent storme of persecution raging through the whole Roman Empire, acted ma∣ny tragical Scaenes in this Isle. Harding in his Chronicle saith, * 1.22

The Emperour Dioclesian Into Brittaon sent Maximian; This Maximian to sirname Hercelius, A Tyrant false that Christenty annoyd, Through all Brittain, a work malicious, The Christen folk, felly and sore destroyed. And thus the people with him foul accloyed, Religious men, the Priests and Clerks all, Women with child, and bedrid folk all, Children sucking upon their their Mothers pappis, The mothers also without any pitty, And children all in their mothers lappis, The Creples eke and all the Christentee He killed and slew with full great cruelty, The Churches brent, all books and ornaments, Bells, Relicks, that to the Church appends.

Dioclesian came to the Empire in the year of Christ 282, and did within two years after begin his most cruel persecution; the first that felt the heavy, but yet most blessed stroak here in Brittain, was St. Allan. Dicetus Dean of St. Pauls, London, doth set down this per∣secution in Brittain in the year of Christ 287. The old manuscript Annals of Winchester say that S. Allan in the eight year of Dioclesian & Maximian was put to death; and the same antiquities tell us that the Monks of Winchester were martyred by the Officers of Dioclesian in the second year of his reign, and their Church, then destroyed;* 1.23 a late Bishop as he citeth from some Antiquities of that Church saith, this happened in the year of Christ, 289. and addeth that at this time, Dioclesian endeavouring to root out Christian Religion in Brittain, not only killed the professours of the same,* 1.24 but also pulled down all churches anywhere consecrated to the exercise thereof. The instruments of Dioclesian herein were Quintus Bas∣sianus Hircius, Alectus Gallus, as the most principal with others of inferior degrees; and Mamertinus the Panegyrist hath avouched to Maximian the persecutor, before that he was here in Brittain in his own person, which is confirmed by our own Antiquaries: Adding further that he persecuted in the Occidental parts, by commission from Dioclesian;* 1.25 so testifieth John Lydgate the Monck of Bury with others.

* 1.26St. Alban our first Martyr was rather descended of Noble Roman then Brittish blood, but probably both of Roman and Brittish blood, his abode and dwelling was at Caermunip, or Verulam, where all professed Roman Paganisme, and there he entertained, either for old acquaintance (for they were both Knighted at the same time in Rome, or hospitality sake, as being a man eminent, and by some stiled High Steward of the Brittains) St. Amphibalus; but when he began to speak of Jesus Christ the son of God, and incarnate for mans redem∣ption, he was so farr off from being a christian, that he had scarce heard of Christ before, but said, this testimony of Christ was strange unto him; and St. Amphibalus more particu∣larly declaring the mysteries of Christs Nativity, Passion, Resurrection, and Ascension, Alban was yet so far from believing, that he told St. Amphibalus he was mad to preach such things, that understanding did not apprehend, nor reason allow, and if the Citi∣zens of that place did know what he spake concerning Christ, they would most cruelly put him to death, and feared much that he would fall into trouble before he could go forth of his house. But what the preaching of St. Amphibalus prevailed not in, his earnest prayer and watching obtained of God for Alban. For as the old Brittish writer of his life, living in that, time relateth this History. St. Amphibalus watch∣ing in prayers all the night following, a strange and admirable vision appeared to Alban, wherewith he being exceedingly terrified and perplexed, presently rose and went to St. Amphibalus, thus declaring his vision, and desiring the exposition thereof in this or∣der, and these words. O my friend if these things which thou preachest of Christ are true. I beseech thee be not afraid to tell unto me the true meaning of my dream or vision. I did attend and behold a Man came from Heaven, whom a great and innumerable multitude of Men apprehended, and laid divers kinds of Torments upon him, his hands were bound with cords, his body worne with whips, and grievously torne, his body hanged upon a cross, and his hands stretched cross upon it. The Man which was thus tortured, was naked and had no shoes upon his feet. His hands and feet were pierced with nails, his side thrust through with a spear, and as it seemed to me blood and water did flow out of the wound of his side; they set a reed in his right hand, and put a crown of thorne upon his head, and having done all things which mans cruelty could work against him, they began to work him with words, saying unto him, Hail King of the Jewes: If thou art the son of God, now come down from thy cross and we believe thee, and then they used many revilings against him: that younge man answered not one word unto them. At last when they had said what they could a∣gainst him, crying out with a great voice he sayed. O Father into thy hands I commend my spirit, and having so said gave up the Ghost. His dead body was taken down from the cross, the blood still largely issuing out of his wounds, they shut it in a tomb of stone, and covered it with a stone sealed, appointing watchmen to keep it. And a wonder to see, his body thus being dead came to life again, and receiving strength, did go forth of the Sepulchre, it still remaining shut. How he did arose from death, I did behold with my own eyes. Men cloathed with garments as white as snow did come from Heaven, and taking that Man with them, re∣turned from whence they came, and an infinite army of Men cloathed all in white doth follow him, which ceased not in all that journey, to sing prayses, and continually blessed a Father and his only begotten son, great and unspeakable joy was among them, so that none might wor∣thily be compared unto it. These and many other things which I neither will, nor is lawfull for any mortal Man to tell have been shewed to me in vision this night, what they do signifie, I beseech thee not to conceal from me; be not afraid. St. Amphibalus, hearing these things, per∣ceiving that his heart was visited by God, exceedingly rejoyced in our Lord, and forthwith pulling out a cross of our Lord which he had about him, said behold, in this sign thou maiest ma∣nifestly see what this vision this night meaneth, what it signifieth. For this Man coming from Heaven is my Lord Jesus Christ, who did not refuse to undergo the punishment of the Cross, that he might deliver us by his blood from the guilt, wherewith we were held bound by the preva∣rication of our first parent Adam. And so prosecuting to the mystery of the holy Trinity, which I need not particularly to relate, writing to Christian Readers, to speak in this old Brittish Authors words again; Alban greatly marvailing upon the speeches of St. Amphibalus, brake out into these words. The things which thou relatest of Christ are true, and cannot in any respect be reproved as false, for I this night have evidently known, how Christ overcame the Divel, and thrust him down to the bottom of Hell. I have seen with my eyes how that horrible one, lyeth enwrapped, in the knots of chains, hereby knowing that all thou hast spoken is true. I believe and from this time this is my faith, that there is no God but my Lord Jesus Christ, who for the salutation of Men, vouchsaving to take humanity upon him sustained the passion of the cross, the which the Father and the Holy Ghost is one God, and there is no other, and having thus said, he falleth down prostrate before the cross, as if he had seen our Lord Jesus hanging thereon, the blessed penitent craveth pardon for his sin. Tears mingled with blood, run down about his face, and in great quantity fell down upon the venerable wood of the cross. I saith he, renounce the Devil, and detest all the Enemies of Christ, believing in him, and commending my self to him, who as thou affirmeth rose the third day from death. Amphibalus saith unto him be of courage, our Lord is with thee, and his grace

will never be wanting to th••••. That faith which other mortal men have deserved to receive by the Tradition of Men, thou hast not learned it either of Man or by Man, but by the Re∣velation of Jesus Christ. Therefore being now secure of thee, I determine to go further to preach unto the Gentiles: but Alban entreating him to stay at the East one week longer, that he might in that time be more perfectly instructed in the Faith of Christ, he did so.

Thus writeth this old Brittish Author of St. Alban his conversion,* 1.27 which both St. Gildas and St. Bede, and others do in effect and substance also deliver, although not in so ample a manner: during the time of their abode together afterward, they spent their time, as St. Amphibalus by Bedes relation did before St. Albans Conversion, in continual watchings and prayers day and night, a great motive to St. Alban to receive the Faith of Christ; for every day towards evening they withdrew themselves from the City and Company of men, going to an house which St. Alban had without the City, where they spent the whole night in serving God; and although they observed this camelous dili∣gence, to keep themselves secret from the persecutors, yet it was by a wicked Pagan there revealed, and told to the persecuting Judge; which coming to the knowledge of St. Alban (before the Pagan Prince and persecutor could execute his designment,* 1.28 as at his first recei∣ving o St. Amphibalus, when he was as yet a Pagan, as our antient Histories say) he hid him in his house, being pursued by his persecutors, and presently, had not St. Alban so pre∣vented it, to be apprehended; so now being a Christian, exposed himself unto danger of death for him, imitating Christ, that gave his own life for his sheep; for when those ene∣mies of Christ had raised their Troops, even an Army, as our Antiquaries name them, to apprehend St. Amphibalus and St. Alban in the night, he before conducteth him forth of his house and past danger, and shifting garments with him, to save him from all peril, caused St. Amphibalus to wear his garment of dignity and priviledge, in that time free from all trouble and molestation; and the garment of St. Amphibalus, where the danger was (being a Caracalla, a Priests vesture, as they say) having been discryed, he put it it upon himself, together with the danger; and so returned to his own house alone, ha∣ving thus freed his holy Master and Tutor in Christ from that peril.

St. Amphibalus being thus at this time delivered by St. Alban, the King,* 1.29 Prince or Judge (for St. Bede, Matth. Westm. and other, give all these Titles to that persecuting Magistrate) sent his souldiers to come at these two holy Saints; the old Brittish Writer of St. Albans life saith, there were horse-men, with an Army, great multitude, or power of foot-men, which were thus sent about this business: And St. Alban being so renowned a man in this King∣dom then, and St. Amphibalus so famous a Prelate, and so known to the persecutors that they pursued him to the furthest parts of the Roman jurisdiction, in the parts now called Wales, and from thence forcibly brought him by authority to Verulamium again, there to be Judged and Martyred, which none but the highest Roman power here could do,* 1.30 make it an opinion sufficiently warrantable, both that such forces were levied for this exploit, and the prime Magistrate himself supplied the place of Judge and Sentencer in this cause of so noble personages, the one spiritual, the other temporal, the greatest that are re∣membred in our Histories, to have suffered Martyrdom in Brittain in that raging perse∣cution: the Troops of souldiers of the wicked Prince, rushing into the house of St. Al∣ban like mad men; and searching every place and corner, at last found him in his Coun∣trey-house, where he used to watch and pray with St. Amphibalus, bare-footed praying before the Cross of our Lord, which his Master had left with him, wearing his Caracalla or Coat upon him, and so representing St. Amphibalus who before was conveyed from them by St. Alban; which they understanding, They lay violent hands upon St. Alban, setter him with locks and chains, some of them haling him by his Coat, others by the Hair of his Head: And being thus contumeliously used,* 1.31 he continually carried in his hands the Cross which St. Amphibalus gave him, openly to pronounce and profess himself a Christian. And being thus despight∣fully brought before the Judge, who laboured by all means he could to perswade and induce St. Alban to forsake his Chistian Religion, & sacrifice to their Pagan gods; but this was all in vain; for to speak in an old Brittish Authours words. St. Alban answered the Judge, that his words were vain & superfluous, he did not repent him for receiving the Faith of Christ, for the Mi∣racles wrought in it, restoring the weak and sick to health, do teach it by their testimony, to be the way of Salvation, he would not sacrifice to their gods; and being supported by the help of God, feared not their threats and torments: Ʋpon which words the company gathering together, whipped him grievously; who being thus beaten, said with a cheerful countenance, O Lord Jesus Christ, I beseech thee keep my mind from wavering from the state which thou hast given me, O Lord I desire to offer my life an Holocaust, & with effusion of my blood to be thy witness; & when the Tormentors hands were weary, the H. man was thrust into the bottom of the prison, & there kept six moneths: whereupon the Elements themselves did testifie the injury done unto the Martyr; for from the time of his ap∣prehension unto his death, neither rain nor dew did fall upon the earth, the winds did not blow, but every day continually the land was parched up with most fervent heat of the Sun, and in the night also was exceeding and intollerable heat; neither Fields nor Trees bore any fruit, the whole world did fight for the just one against the wicked. The Citizens not able to endure this affliction, said it was Christ whom Alban worshippeth worketh this, that no Corn nor Grass doth grow unto us, and ta∣king pitty upon the injuries done to this holy man, by the judgement of them all he is delivered

from the bonds of the chains; for which St. Alban was very sorry; and greatly fearing, least his Martyrdom might thereby be hindered, looking upwards to Heaven, groaning said, O Lord Je∣sus Christ, suffer not the malice of the Devil so much to prevail, that by his crafty devices, and assent of this people, he may hinder my Passion; and turning himself to the people, said unto them, Why do you stay? If you know not to give sentence, take Councel of your Lawes, exa∣mine the Statutes of your City, they will insinuate unto you what you ought to do; Why do ye make delay? Be it known to you all, that I am a great enemy to your gods; For how can they be worthy any honour, which are known to have no divine thing in them, being the works of mens hands, and you your selves are their witnesses, that they see nothing, hear nothing, understand nothing? Oh greatly to be detested vanity! to hope for life of them that never lived, to pray unto them that never heard, to seek health of things that never were well themselves; whereupon I abso∣lutely pronounce, That he which worshippeth such, is most mad; I demand of you, what can be more unhappy than that man, over whom his own works have dominion? Therefore woe unto Idols, and wo unto the Worshippers thereof. When they heard these things, with a general con∣sent they gave sentence of death against the holy man,* 1.32 and bring him to a place called Holinhirst. Thus far this old Brittish Writer, Matth. Westm. Capgrave, and others consenting.

Matthew of Westminster expresly further addeth, which others do also sufficiently testifie, That as before his Judgment, so now after it, St. Alban often kissing the Cross which he held in his hand, commended his cause to God; and continually kept and reverenced his Crucifix, until his head was stricken off, when also besprinkled with his holy blood,* 1.33 it fell upon the grass, and was secretly taken up and preserved by a Christian there present. This Authour, as he addeth this which the Brittish Writer wanteth, so wanteth he something before related from him; for whereas the Brittish Antiquary said, that the Citizens of Verulamium, upon strange punishments wherewith God afflicted them in the time of the imprisonment of St. Alban, did set him free and at liberty.

But to return to the Brittish Authour, where I left him; thus he, with others proceed∣eth in the Narration of the Martyrdom of this holy Saint, so great a company of people resorted to the place of his Martyrdom, that although it was large in it self, yet in respect of the great multitude coming thither at that time, it seemed strait and little; and yet the heat of the Sun was so ardent,* 1.34 that the ground burned under their feet: In their passage to the place, there was a most swift River to pass over, and the multitude so great, that they could scarce before night pass over, and thronging one another, many fell into the water and were drowned; which, when St. Alban perceived, falling down upon his knees, thus he prayed for their delivery, O Lord Jesus Christ, from whose most holy side I have seen both blood and water to flow, grant I beseech thee, that the waters decrease, and the Ri∣ver may go away, that all this people may safe and sound be present at my Passion. A wonderful thing to behold, whilst St. Alban thus kneeled and prayed, the stream was dryed up, and the tears of St. Alban left no waters in the Channel; the power of his Prayer consumed the River, and made a way for the people between the waters; and they whom the vio∣lence of the water had taken away, inclosed and destroyed, were found in the bottom of the River without any hurt, having no sign of death in them; the Souldier which drew St. Alban to these torments, seeing this strange Miracle, was as strangely thereby converted to the Faith of Christ, threw away his Sword, and prostrating himself at the feet of the Saint, craved pardon; but the other Pagans drew St. Alban up & down among the Bryers & rough places, so that the thorns and roots of trees did pull pieces of flesh from his feet; and yet this merciful and miraculous Saint, seeing the people to be afflicted with thirst in the Mountain, thus prayed for their relief, O God who didst create man of the slime of the earth, I beseech thee, suffer no creature to sustain any hurt for my cause; and presently a Well of wa∣ter sprung up before his feet, by which they were refreshed.

The Executioner cut off St. Albans head, but his eyes fell out of his own head there∣with,* 1.35 many so witnessing; among whom Hiericus Gallus in St. Germans life:

Millia poenarum, Christi pro nomine passus Quem tandem rapuit capitis sententia cæsi Sed non Lictori cessit res tuta superbo. Ʋtque caput Sancto reciderunt lumina sævo.

So hath the Brittish Writer of St. Albans life, then living, a Pagan, as himself confesseth, and, as may be gathered by his own Narration, present at his Martyrdom, least they which shall come hereafter, may be doubtful of my name, they shall call me a wretched and the greatest sinner. And I go to Rome, that casting off the error of Paganisme I may be baptised, and deserve to obtain pardon of my sins, and this my short trea∣tise I will offer to the Examination of the Romans. That if any thing shall be utter∣ed in it, otherwise then it ought, Our Lord Jesus Christ, who Liveth and Reign∣eth God, World without end, may vouchsafe by them to amend it: wherefore see the great Honour and Reverence which the Christians and Christianly men of that age, even here in Brittain, did acknowledge as due to that holy See, that they referred the examen

and censure of their writings, even of Historical and practicall things, acted so far from thence, to the judgment thereof.

But to finish this funeral honour of this our glorious Martyr, although we do not find any man then, which for fear of the persecutors presented himself to bury his holy body, but the valiant Souldier, (now the Souldier of Christ, converted unto him) which had boldly before them all reverenced the Reliques of St. Alban; who there digged a grave, and laid the Martyrs body therein, which was all he could do then,* 1.36 yet God willing (in whose sight the death of his Saints is precious,) as he had now glorified his Martyrs soul in heaven, so yielded he from thence extraordinary honour to his body, so meanly buried, making his poor grave more glorious then the sumptuous Tombe of any Roman Em∣perour, his persecutor, or other; for in the next night now following a pillar of light was seen of all the Pagans themselves, to stretch up from the grave of the holy Martyr unto heaven, by which Angels descending and ascending spent all the night in praysing God, and among other things which they did sing, these words were often repeated and heard, The renowned man Alban the Martyr.* 1.37 And a thousand of Pagans were hereby converted to Christ; St. Bede witnesseth that from the martyrdom of St. Alban to his time, cures and oft miracles were wrought in the place of his martyrdom, so hath Henry Huntington long after, for his dayes also.

The Crosse which he had in his hand when he suffered Martyrdom, and was thereby sprinkled with his holy blood, was reverently preserved by the Christians then, and present∣ed to St. Amphibalus with great honour: the very ground whereon St. Alban suffered retained drops of his blood when St. Germain was sent thither by Pope Caelestine, and he carried part thereof with him, as a great Relict. His coat Caracalla, which he had of St. Amphiba∣lus, and wherein he suffered Martyrdom, was kept as a great Relict, and in the time of K. Edward the II. (the King himself, with many Nobles present, witnesses) was so freshly bespotted with this Martyrs blood, as if it had been done but the day before, so miracu∣lously preserved, as the blood in the place of his passion.

Great is the honour which our own both Brittish and English Histories, and also forraign yield to the Souldier (untill then Pagan) who being one that led St. Alban to his martyrdom and converted by his miracles by the way, was then and there also most cruelly martyred. St. Gildas saith, this martyr being converted by the miracles St. Alban shewed, when by his prayers the deep river gave place to him, and a thousand with him, to passe over, not wetting their feet, the waters on both sides standing like walls, as they did to the people of Is∣rael, to give them passage, was of a wolfe made a lamb, and did both vehemently desire, and valiantly endure martyrdom with him. St. Bede relateth this History in like manner, yet with more Emphasis of his glory, for having spoken of the same strange miracle, by which this Souldier was converted calling him Carnifex, the designed executioner to put St. Alban to death, as S. Gildas and others do, to shew how wonderfully the grace of Christ wrought in him, he addeth, that by divine Inspiration he made all speed he could to come to St. Alban, and casting away his sword that was drawn to behead St. Alban, prostrated himself before his feet, the whole assembly beholding it, greatly desiring that he himself might be worthy to be put to death with the martyr which he was commanded to strike, and so of a perse∣cutor he became a companion in Truth and faith.

This St. Heraclius (for so was this happy souldier called) having resolutely denyed his Paganisme, craved pardon for his error, and confessed Christ openly before so many per∣secutors, and in the highest of their malice and rage against St. Alban, fell thereby into the same degree of hatred with them, for presently thereupon to speak in an old Authors words, The Enemies of truth apprehended him, beat out his teeth, rent his holy mouth, and brake all his bones, and although nothing remained in his body without hurt,* 1.38 yet his fervent faith remain∣ed without harme; and being thus left so maimed, lame, and baptised in his own blood, and also half dead, with all the power and strength he could, with his hands crept up to the hill, where St. Alban was martyred, whom when the judge espied, he said unto him, pray to thy Alban to set thy bones in order, and lay his head, here stricken off, to thy body, and thou shalt receive perfect health from him: bury thou him, and let him cure thee. Heraclius answered, I most firmly believe that St. Alban by his merits is able to heal me, and easily performe that you mock us with; Then reverently taking the head of St. Alban, and devoutly laying it to his body, he began to recover the former strength of the same, despaired before, and being thus miraculously recovered and made whole, ceased not in the hearing of all the people to preach unto them the merit of St. Alban, and power of Christ, and digging the earth buried the body of the martyred Saint before them there: which the Pagans seeing, said among themselves, what shall we do? this man cannot be put to death with sword, we have already broken his body, and he hath already received his former strength again. And apprehending him with horrible torment, they tare his holy body in pieces, and lastly cut off his head. And so this happy Soul∣dier, persevering in the faith of Christ, together with St. Alban, deserved to be honoured with the crown of martydom.

The Judge himself was hereby so moved and convinced,* 1.39 that he presently comman∣ded the persecution to cease. Jacobus Genuensis, Bishop of Genoa, and his old English translation say, this Souldier, called by some before Herculius, was a Knight.

And they yield a reason besides their assertion, which was the noble renown of St. Alban, who as they say was Lord of the City of Verulam, and Prince of the Knights, and Steward of the land;* 1.40 and the Judge dread for to slay him, because of the great love that the Emperour had to him, and for reverence of his dignity, and power of his kindred, unto the time that he had in∣formed Dioclesian.* 1.41 And therefore when judgment was pronounced against him, the which was deferred six weeks until Miximian his coming into Brittain, to see such wicked execu∣tions, thus they deliver, then Maximian and Asclepiodotus gave final sentence on him, say∣ing, In the time of the Emperour Dioclesian, Alban Lord of Verulam, Prince of Knights, and Steward of Brittain, during his life hath despised Jubiter and Apollin, Gods, and to them hath done derogation and disworship, wherefore he ought by the law to be dead by the hand of some Knight, and the body to be buryed in the same place, where his head shall be smitten of, and his Sepulchre to be made worshipfully, for the honour of Knighthood, whereof he was Prince. And also the crosse that he bare, and Sklavin that he ware should be buried with him, and his body to be closed in a chest of lead and so laid in his Sepulchre. This sentence hath law ordained because he hath renied our principal Gods. These Authours say, Maximian and King Asclepiodotus gave this sentence; we have spoken elsewhere of those Martyrs which suffered at Litchfield. Let us therefore return to St. Amphibalus whom Almighty God had made the instrument to the conversion of so many souls. These bloody persecutors having thus barbarously and without all commpassion, of lineage, kindred, friendship, country, or whatsoever relation of love or mercy, put these holy Saints to death, they now pour out the bottom of their malice upon St. Amphibalus, neither regarding his noble descent before remembred, vene∣rable and old years,* 1.42 learning, or whatsoever, but bind his arms with thongs, and drive him barefooted before their horses, so long a journey, from the borders of Brittain where they apprehended him, unto the City of Verulam, where the Prefect and Lieutenant then was resident. And as they thus contemptibly carried him barefooted and bound, a sick man lying in the way, in the sight and hearing of them all cryed out unto him, O thou servant of God Almighty help me, that I which lye oppressed by my own infirmity, may be relieved by thy intercession, for I do believe that by the calling upon the name of Christ thou art able presently to restore my health unto me. And forthwith the man, which lay thus sick before the eyes of them all, arose up joyfully and perfectly well.

When these wicked Pagan persecutors had thus barbarously brought him within the sight of the walls of the City, as though this holy Saint had been unworthy to enter into it, and their Troops so great, by that is said before, that they could not be convenient∣ly received therein, they stay themselves, as it were pitching their tents, in a place then de∣sart, now called Redburne, three miles from St. Albans, throwing down their shields, and striking their speers into the ground. And thus resting themselves, only St. Amphibalus rested not, but preached continually the doctrine of salvation to his enemies, who in the mean time gave notice to the Prince, and those of the City of their return and bringing with them the instructor of St. Alban, and that they had put all those Christians before spoken of to death, in the uttermost parts of the Kingdom, after their long journey thither; which when the Governour heard, he called the people together, and exhorted them: Let us all go forth, and meet our enemy, that he that hath offended may receive re∣venge of us all. And so hasting forth, striving as it were who should go first, went by the way leading to the North, as our antiquities say, the better to set down the old place and situation of that antient City, which they then left almost vacant. And coming in this raging madnesse and multitude to torment and Martyr this holy Saint, they find him all wrapped in chains and bonds, and presently stripped him naked, slit his belly, and pulled out his entrails, tying them to a stake, which they had fastned in the ground, enfor∣cing him to be led round about it. And the holy Saint of God, shewing no signe of grief at all, among such and so many afflictions, the wicked persecutors thereby the more enraged, sent him for a mark as it were, and with their knives and spears, pierced and brake the rest of his body.* 1.43 After all which this holy Martyr stood with as chearful a countenance as if he had suffered no hurt at all, and more constant, though he now bore the signes of his Martyrdom in all his body; Giving a miraculous spectacle of him∣self, that he could still live after so great torments, and so many kinds of death, where∣upon very many beholding, and more and more wondering at the constancy of the blessed Martyr, renouncing their Idols submitted themselves to the Christian faith, and prayed with a loud voice to God, that by the merits and intercession of the blessed Martyr they might be worthy to be partakers of everlasting life,* 1.44 which when the Prince perceived and knew he pre∣sently called for the Tormentors, and commanded all that had rejected and forsaken the worship of their Gods, and embraced the doctrine of Amphibalus, to be put to death.

Which savage Edict the Pagan Souldiers effected, and killed a thousand; which St. Amphi∣balus beholding, and commending their souls to God, perswaded his persecutors to re∣nounce their errors, and be converted to Christ, without whom no salvation can be had, no∣thing but hell and eternal damnation to be expected. But the persecutors did still persevere in their impiety, not ceasing so to torment this holy Saint with cruel stoning him, besides so many tortures before remembred, that when his body was afterward miraculously found,

there was not one whole bone in it. Although it seemeth by the History of his life, that many of his bones were broken with stones by those so enraged persecutors, that after his blessed Soul was separated from his body, thus lying still bound and tied, they ceased not to break it more with their casting great stones upon it. But so long as he lived in so great extremity of torments, although the stones were cast at him as thick as hail (as some write) he still persevered in prayer, never moving himself on the one side or other. And being now come to the period of his punishments, and to yield his Soul to God: looking toward Heaven as another St. Stephen, he saw Jesus standing at the right hand of his Father, and heard a consort of Angels in Heaven, and among them knew St. Alban, whom he invocated to assist him, saying, O holy Alban, pray unto our God that he will send a good Angel to meet me, that the dreadful Robber lead me not, nor the wicked part hinder me in my journey. And a voice spake to him from Heaven in the hearing of all, in this manner, Verily, I say unto thee, this day thou shalt be with thy Disciple Alban in Paradise. And two Angels shining with an heavenly brightness came down unto him, and taking with them the Soul of the blessed, resplendent with a wonderful whiteness, with Hymnes and Praises carried it to Heaven; which done, to make him both glorious there and ho∣nourable on earth, a Christian secretly conveying his body, reverently buried it.

And God himself began now to honour him here, and be revenged upon his Enemies and Persecutors. Those lips of theirs which had been opened before to blaspheme towards God, and revilings towards his holy Saints, are now miraculously drawn away, that their speech is hindred. The tongues which had so abused him, now burn; and the faces of them which had so deformed him, were made deformed; all their members are so stiff, that the stoners and tormentors of this holy man, could not now lift one stone from the ground; and the Judge or Prince himself losing his understanding of reason, became mad; and how many soever had lifted up their hands against our Lord, did of him re∣ceive due revenge for their demerits. Hereupon the whole City received the Faith of Christ, and desired to be Baptized; and many by the inspiration of God forsaking their goods, go to Rome to bewail their sins, and confess their errours. With St. Amphibalus nine other Christians were martyred, as Matthew of Paris writeth; neither is it probable,* 1.45 that so renowned a Bishop as St. Amphibalus, was apprehended alone, being take as he was preaching to the people, or such rage as then reigned in the persecutors, would yield them much more favour than they did to St. Amphibalus; but their malice being most unto him, and he so famous, all our Histories remember him, almost forgetting the rest.

It is no great marvel, though so few names of so great numbers and thousands are left unto us, when by some Writers the persecution was so great in Britainy, that except those which hid themselves, and could not be Witnesses of things publickly done, all the Christians of Brittain were then martyred;* 1.46 and St. Gildas himself doth seem to declare no less, when he saith, they which were then left alive, had hidden themselves in Woods, Deserts and Dens; yet he tempereth this hard assertion, where he saith, this persecution was so rigorous onely in some, not all places of this Countrey. And those parts which were then absolutely under the Romans command, were by their merciless cruelty in this estate. So many mutations of times, changes of the names of Places, the rages of Infi∣dels, Romans, Saxons, and others, have deprived us both of the names and holy relicts of those Martyrs.

But after the death of so many renowned and glorious Martyrs,* 1.47 whose blood beautified and encreased the Church of God (Sanguis Martyrum semen Ecclesiae) let us return to Constantius Clarus, and his most admired consort and chaste Spouse St. Helena: Some there be (whether to detract so great a glory from his Nation, and give it to another, or of Ignorance in History) do say, that one Theodora was the first lawful wife of Constantius, and the blessed Helena mother of that happy Emperour the great Constantine, was not on∣ly a stranger to this Nation, but of a mean estate (and which is unworthy to be written) not the wife, but concubine of Constantius, with name and attribute Concubina; this, the most noble Empress St. Helena is stiled by, not onely among divers forreign Writers, but of this Nation also, as Marianus Scotus, and Florentinus Nigorniensis (as they are now published) many of which do not, to the dishonour of that most holy Lady and this her Countrey, ab∣stain from the same phrase of speech. This errour being overthrown, overthroweth the other, that she was a stranger and basely born, for excepting those that wander in that Tract, all agree, she was the sole daughter and heir of the Noble Brittish King Coel, far from being either an Alien, or of base parentage and descent; and the more easily to overthrow them, it first fighteth with, and so overthroweth it self. Some which encline to this errour, say, that she did secretly fly out of her Countrey, and went to Rome, and there was so familiar with Constantius the Emperour; but it is evident by all Histories, that Constantius at the first acquaintance with Helena, was not Emperour, nor long after; neither was he at Rome, but in Brittain, in this time sent hither by Aurelianus the Emperour, in the year of Christ 273; and (as both Zosimus and Suidas say) lived most here; and being sent hither by Aurelianus the Emperour (as so many agree) to have long imployment, and great cause to stay here; he must needs come hither about that

time,* 1.48 for by all Antiquities Aurelianus died soon after, and was Emperor but a short time, so that neither Constantius nor Queen Helena could be either at Rome, or in any place but, in Brittain at this time.

Nicephorus and some later after him would have her to be born in Bithinia at Drepa∣num, and the Daughter of an Inkeeper there, with whom Constantius passing that way to the Persians, fell in done, but this is made unpossible, by that is said before, of the be∣ing of both Constantius and Helena in Brittain, so remote from any part of Bithinia at that time, and neither of them coming to or neer Drepanum or any part of Bithinia, at or after this time, but when she an holy Widdow, many years after Constantius death, passed by Greece in her pilgrimage to Hierusalem, as is evident in all kind of Antiquaries, and will most manifestly appear in its due place. Others there be which do term this re∣nowned Empress by the name of Concubina, as Marianus, and Florentius Wigorniensis, as they have been lately published, and Regino, without speaking any thing of her parentage or country; and Martinus Polonus, who confesseth she was Daughter to the King of Brittain; but it is evident that either Martinus or his publisher, hath with gross Ignorarance abused the Readers; for he saith, that Constan∣tine (not Constantius) begot Constantine the great in the year of Christ 307. when by common opinion Constantius was dead before. And not content with this, they bring in Constantine the great to be Emperor in the year 309. when by their account he could not be two years old. The other three if their Publishers have not abused them speak in the phrase of the Pagan Romans, who in those times called all the Wives of their Lieutenants taken for strangers, though never so lawfully joyned in true marriage by the rude term of Concubine, as their old Pagan Decree is still witness against them, when I shall make it as clear as the Sun, that St. Helen was from the beginning the only true lawfull wife to Constantius. This I have written here to answer these frivo∣lous Cavils against that blessed woman, and with John Capgrave, call their Allegati∣ons no better then dreams, and to speak still in his words, That opinion doth not only blemish the fame of so holy a Woman, but maketh that most Noble Constantine to be a Bastard begot out of marriage, and so disableth him to have been the Heir of Constanti∣us either King or Emperor, when all Men know he came to the imperial Dignity by right of Inheritance. And thus he taxeth the Authors of Ignorance, these things pleased them, because they knew not the truth. Ipsos. forsan qui ista scripserunt talia placuerunt, quia potiara & veriora invenire minime potuerunt. Divers forraign Historians, as Baro∣nius, Spondanus, and others, write as plainly in this matter, and may with great war∣rant; for as Cassiodonus is an able witness, it is but a Pagan report, and raised first by Zo∣simus that most malicious Ethnick, and Rayler against Constantine, for professing and ad∣vancing of Christian Religion, and renouncing Idolatry: and this is evident by the best learned Authors themselves which in any sense called St. Helena by that name, for they do plainly confess, as namely Marianus, that St. Helen was the true wife of Constantius, and he forced by Maximian the Emperor to put her away and take Theodora his wifes Daughter. And further saith, Constantine was the true Son and heir of Constantius, and by that title succeeded him in the Kingdom and Empire, which could not be truly said, if Helen had not been his lawfull wife; neither could Constantius by this learned and holy Author be named a Religious Father, if he had not begot his Son lawfully in true marriage. And St. Bede confesseth from Eutropius, that Constantine succeeded his Father in the Kingdom of Brittain, and so by him also must needs be his lawfull son, Florenti∣us Wigorn writeth in the same manner, and confesseth St. Helen to have been here in Brittain long after her son Constantine was Emperor, yet these be the chiefest Authors that in any sense have termed St. Helen by that name.

It is evident by all histories, not only of Christians, that St. Helen was a most chast and holy Woman, and that Constantius also lived in conjugal chastity, marrying when he was but young, but also even by the Pagan writers themselves, as witnesseth Gal∣licanus the Orator that lived in this time, in his publick oration to his son Constantine, and others; therefore St. Helen being the first woman, that was thus wedded unto him in marriage, she must needs be his true lawfull wife by their own testimonies. And the same Author witnesseth before Constantine at the publick solemnity of his marriage with Fausta, in most plain and express words that Constantine was born in Brittain, so testifie divers Authors even of the Roman History, among whom one plainly saith, that Constantine was the lawfull son of Constantius and Helen, and born in Brittain, and that his Father Constantius was compelled by Herculius the Emperour to be divorced from Helen his true wife, to take Theodora Daughter in Law of that Emperor. Eutropius plain∣ly saith, that Constantine was son of Constantius in true marriage: Constantinus Manasses saith, St. Helen was the wife of Constantius; and a most blessed Woman. Hunibaldus a∣bove 1000. years since, relateth the History of the composition between Constantius and our Brittish King Coel, as our writers do. As soon as Coel heard that Constantius was arrived, he sent Embassadours desiring peace, and promised to pay the tribute, so that he might enjoy his Kingdom, to which Constantius agrees, this thus composed, Coel with∣in

40. dayes dyed, whose Daughter Helen (to whom for beauty, and loveliness, knowledge in the liberal sciences, and rare skill in musick,* 1.49 Brittain never bred the like) Constantius took to wife, by whom he begat Constantine, who not only succeeded his Father in the Kingdom of Brittain, but also (prevailing against Maxentius) in the Empire. Victor, Eutropius, Euse∣bius, and other ancient Authors, are witnesses, that when Dioclesian made Constantius and Galerius Cesars, he compelled then to put away both their lawful wives; Constantius to put away St. Helen, and to take Theodore his daughter in law; and Galerius, Veleria his own daughter, which account of theirs, that St. Helen was thus put away in the year 294. invincibly proveth, how according to Eusebius and many others, before setting down the age of Constantine to have been about 60 years, that St. Helen had been the wife of Constantius 20. years. Severus Sulpitius doth not only call St. Helen the true wife of Constan∣tius, but saith she was Empresse both in her husbands and sons time, which proveth her daughter and heir to Coel our Brittish King, by which title only she reigned with Constantine. Theophilus Cepameus, an old Greek writer, saith, there were Arrian Hereticks and Pagans which denied Constantine to be legitimate, and that the lyed therein, mentiuntur. Egber∣tus saith, she was Queen and mother of Constantine. Beringosus an eyewitnesse of the most things, writing of her, saith, first, she was a Queen and so the lawful wife of Constantius, for a Concubine of the greatest Emperour, that ever was, is not thereby a queen, as the Authors name her, Queen to Rule, to Governe: nor can the lawful true wives of Kings, be termed Queens by such worth Authours, except they were Queens by title of Inheritance, or such like, as our Antiquaries write of Queen Helen, that she was daughter and heir to her father King Coel, this worthy author doth also (though a stranger to us) confirme, when he proveth she was of most noble parentage: and by experimental arguments; because he had seen the old buildings of her stately pallace, continuing to in his time, the pavement whereof was marble and Touchstone, the most Regal Palace in all those parts, the walls were gilded with old, her chamber was so sumptuous, that the like was not in the World,* 1.50 and to free her from all slanders, the chamber of her heart and soul was far more pure; in all things she was obedient to the will of God, and yet externally plea∣sing to her husband Constantius, although more pleasing to God then to her hus∣band.

Thus we see how far this most blessed and noble Queen and Empresse,* 1.51 was in all times from being base, either by birth or conversation, such sanctify of life could never agree with that foule name, by which some have so wrongfully termed her; such parentage, Pallaces and Revenues, able to entertain the greatest Princes according to their state and dignity, must denominate their noble owners with better termes and attributes. The Hostesse, Inkee∣per, Stabularia, except we will expound them in so large a sense, that we shall so stile Abra∣ham and Lot that lodged the Angels, those that entertained Christ, all receivers of Kings, Princes and Emperours, and all Harbourers or Exercisers of Hospitality; for so both St. Helen and King Coel, entertained Constantius, the one a husband, the other a son in law, as Princes use. It seemeth this Pallace and lands in and about Trevers to have descended to St. Helen by her mother, or some Ancestour of that Country, for both Beringosus saith, St. Helen was brought up at Trevers; and Otho Frigensis saith, she was by some of her Ance∣stours come from thence. And Trevers being at that time, the most renowned place of those countries for Nobility, Learning and Christianity, and she the only child of her fa∣ther King Coel, and to succed him in the Kingdom of Brittain, he sent her thither to have the most noble education, and there it was probably where she first came to be acquain∣ted with Constantius, then living in those parts. And this made the Attonement between the Romans and K. Coel to be so soon and peacebly effected, without any effusion of blood, as our Antiquities tell us.

The marriage of Constantius and Helena is by what is said so clear, that it is needlesse to speak any more of that subject. I will only add this for the present; The old Inscription of the Church of St. Gereon at Cullen, founded by her, proveth her to be a Queen, and an ex∣ample to Kings.

Regibus exemplum, sacroque chrismate plena, Condidit hoc Templum Sancti Gereonis Helena.

A patterne unto Kings, this heavenly light; St. Helen shining with all vertue bright. In honour of St. Gereon here did raise This stately Church to her eternal praise.

At the agreement betwixt Constantius and Coel besides paying the Tribute,* 1.52 and Coel to enjoy the Kingdom during his natural Life, it was further agreed that Constantius should take again his wife St. Helen, daughter and her to King Coel, and by her right be King af∣ter the death of her father. By which covenant and article agreed upon and truly executed as it was, the first marriage between Constantius and Helen was even by Roman

Pagan lawes themselves proved and declared to be true and lawfull, and the children therein begotten legitimate, and the taking of Theodora, living with her, and chil∣dren by her to be adulterate, and utterly unallowable in any sense, even by their own Pagan constitutions; for although those Pagan wicked decrees, did allow to the Presidents of Provinces which were unmarried without penalty to keep Concubines, pro∣phanely thinking (as some new seeming Christians have done) that men unmarried could not live chast, yet they never permitted it to married Præfects, and Presidents, such as Constantius was,* 1.53 as their own Historians witness. By which Heathenish Roman Law Helena was not only the Concubine, and no wife of Constantius, but a Concubine, prohi∣bited in their own proceedings, and her children in like case of reproach with her.

* 1.54Therefore Constantius being against his will by power of Maximian separated from St. Helen his true wife, and a Christian from that time ever in affection, could not but be ever most ready and joyfull to be so quietly and honourably reconciled unto her again, which is sufficiently insinuated by our Authors testifying that Constan∣tius in all things granted to King Coel his commands, requiring nothing of him for the Romans but their old Tribute, which as our Antiquaries say was 1006. pounds, only in money: one of our Historians saith of this matter in this manner.

* 1.55Of which Constance was glad of his entent, And here aboad at prayer of the King.

Whereby he did sufficiently declare the great content and joy he had, of this recon∣ciliation to his wife St. Helen, and her Father, his Father in Law, King Coel, ra∣ther chusing and preferring, during his life, to make his aboad here as a Subject, then now being chosen and designed Emperor to continue in any other Nation with that greatest temporal glory and command.

* 1.56Thus he signified this so long and much desired attonement. Helenam Coeli Regis filiam in societatem Thori recepit, which word RECEPIT, that Constantius did at that time receive Helen again, if we had no other argument or authority used by divers our ancient Antiquaries, proveth that this was the reconciliation, and not the first marriage of those noble persons. And impossible it is that any of these Authors which speak of this union, should take it for the first union in marriage, for all of them acknowledge that Constantius died soon after this Reconciliation, (the Monck of West∣minster sayeth within three years) by Merianus within two years,* 1.57 by Martinus Polonus the same year. The like have others, by which account and confession Constantine should be either unborn, or not above two years old at the most, when he was King of Brittain, and Emperor also after his Fathers death. Shortly after this coming of Constantius, and this attonement between him and King Coel thus made, King Coel dyed within five weeks, saith Harding, a moneth and eight dayes, saith Galfridus, Viruunius saith within one moneth,* 1.58 so likewise doth the Monck of Westminster, Hard∣ing writeth that Constantius was Emperor before he was King of Brittain.

But King Constance of Rome was high Christain, By the Senate first made the Emperor, After King of Brittain and Governour.

Howes in his Chronicle bringeth in Peter de Jeham to was tell us, that Coel Duke of Caric Glow of Glocester, Holinshed saith, he was Earl of Golchester, but where he died, or where buried, no mention is made. Fabian sayeth he ruled after the accord of most writers 27. years.

Constantius.

Constantius began his Empire with Galerius, the Empire was devided between them, so that Constantius should possess Affrica, Italy, France and Brittain, Galerius should have Ilyrica, Asia and the East parts, which done, they substituted under them two Cae∣sars; Constantius, holding himself content with the dignity of Augustus, refused to sustain the trouble, which he should have endured through the administration of the affairs of Italy and Africk. He sought by all means how he might enrich the people of the Empire. He abolished the superstition of the Gentiles in his Dominions, so that afterwards Brittain felt no persecutions. The year following he prepared war against the Picts, at which time his Son Constantine, who then served under Galerius, perceiv∣ing

his destruction to be contrived, posted to his Father in all hast, houghing and kill∣ing all the Post horses which way so ever he passed,* 1.59 and came safely to his Father in Brittain. Holinshed saith, Constantius was the Daughters Son of one Crispus, that was brother to the Emperor Claudius, and that he began his reign over the Brittains, 289. and so also saith Fabian.

Constantius was not against the law, for Christians in Brittain to profess the Chri∣stian Religion in his time; but preferred the most constant Christians to highest pre∣ferments, and greatest trust. And so consecrated his whole family to God, that his Court was as a Church, wherein were both Clergy men, and Godly Christians, truly serving God. This blessing and benefit he brought to our Christians here in Brittain, and publickly maintained it even in those times, when the name of Christi∣an in other places was so odious, that without danger it could not be spoken of; which he further, Viz. Eusebius, confirmeth in another place,* 1.60 where speaking in the name of Christians, he saith, that among the Emperors of that time, only Constantius did nei∣ther in any sort persecute Christians, nor in any sort participate with them that did, but kept all them that were under him without hurt, and secure from all trouble; neither pulled down Churches,* 1.61 or did any thing against them and elsewhere he teacheth again, that the parts of the West Empire did generally receive quietness from persecution when Constantius reigned; which although Baronius and Spondanus do not so well allow upon Eusebius his words, in all places of the West; because as they alledge Constantius, neither presently could, nor would he be against the Edicts of the Emperors still living, when he himself remained in Brittain, in the end of the World, and Italy was then full of wars. But Eusebius writteth not this singularly, but Sozomen and others testifie as much, that when the Churches of God were persecuted in all o∣ther parts of the World,* 1.62 only Constantius granted liberty of conscience to the Christi∣ans under him: and again generally, of all Christian Churches in the part of his Em∣pire; and were not only quiet under him, but thus lived in great joy, and did encrease, being honoured and rewarded by him.

And, relating his experiment to prove constant Christians, before remembred, and how he admitted such for his nearest friends and Counsellors, he gathereth from hence, that the Gauls, Brittains, and others under him, were by him exempted from all penall lawes of the persecutors, he taking away and making them frustrate in his Dominions. And the objections which Baronius maketh, do rather prove then disprove the quietness of Christians in this Nation, when Constantius was here. For first the inquietness of Italy rather helped then hindered our peace, our persecution proceeding from thence, now not able to persecute us, nor take revenge of Constantius for protecting us. And his being in Brittain, his being so friendly alwayes to Christians, as Baronius often confes∣seth, must needs much more procure ease and freedom to our Christians, where there was no man of power to contradict or resist it; Constantius being both King and Empe∣ror here, and the Kingdom of Brittain a Christian Kingdom.* 1.63 Therefore howsoever his reasons make doubt of some other places, whose Estate and condition was not like unto ours of Brittain, they do not move any question of the quiet thereof in case of Religion, but establish and confirme it. And therefore our best allowed and ancient Authors St. Bede, Galfrid, Hen. Hunting and old French Manuscript, Virunnius, Harding, and others settle Constantius here in Brittain after all our perse∣cution ended, and nothing but all favour here to Christians in his time, and not only a tolleration, granted but publick profession of Christianity generally allowed, and by Regal and Imperial warrant of Constantius used and exercised, as shall ap∣pear.

And if we had rather hearken to forraign Writers in or neer that time, we have sufficient warrant, not only that he recalled himself from the worship of the Pagan Gods, as divers are witnesses, but as Eusebius and others testifie of him, he gave free power and licence to all under him to exercise Christian Religion without any molestation. And this, as he writes, when the greatest perse∣cution was in other places; and had care to instruct his son Constantine the great, whom he left his heir, in the same Faith, as we may easily conclude from the words of Constantine himself, Registered by Theodoret, that even from the ends of the Ocean, meaning Brittain, he was assisted by God: and Sozomen saith, it is evident∣ly known unto all men,* 1.64 that great Constantine was first instructed in the Christian faith among the Brittains. And the Chronicle of Abington neer Oxford, testifieth, he was brought up in that old Abbey, which we must needs ascribe to his Parents Constantius and Helen; and we find not any other but Constantius, except we will apply it to King Coel, and then it was received and approved by him, who here in Brittain caused the persecutors to be put to death, and the persecu∣tion thereupon ceased, as Gildas writeth: For this must needs be applyed to perse∣cution in Brittain, and not to the Tyrants Dioclesian and Maximian:* 1.65 the persecution here ended long before their death, and neither of them, nor any other Emperor,

but Constantius, having power and command here at this time, and hereupon our late authors themselves thus testify of him;* 1.66 Constantius abolished the Superstition of the Gentiles in his Dominions, so that afterward Brittain felt no persecutions. Constantius renounced the Idolatry of the Gentiles.

I have shewed formerly that Dioclesians persecution continued in this Kingdome not ten Years, for Gildas in one place saith; The nine years persecution of Dioclesian the Tyrant, and in the next Chapter, not wholly ten years long; as also that it wholly ended, in the time of King Coel. Those persecutors then having no power or authority here, and so together with their other over-ruling and command∣ing Decrees, the bloody Edicts of persecuting Christians here, were utterly extinct, and made void, and never renewed, but altogether omitted by Constantius, this great friend of Christians; such of this Nation were fully and undoubtedly resto∣red to their antient Liberties, Priviledges, and immunities, in matter of Religion; it Constantius and Helen our Emperour and Empresse, King and Queen had then given no further and expresse approbation unto them; which we may not reaso∣nably call in question, when we remember their absolute and independing Regal right and possession without contradiction they had in this Kingdom, the natural love and affection they bore unto it, and that to them; with their religious care and desire they had to defend and advance Christian Religion, even in times and places, when, and where they were not so enabled nor drawn thereto, with so many and strong bands of duty and affection: we have heard that the other Chur∣ches under his Empire were endowed by his benefits and munificence, whereby they lived in great joy and encreased. The choycest Christians were his dearest friends, and made his Councellours.

* 1.67And divers even of this Nation have delivered, that this our new King and Empe∣rour particularly place St. Taurinus Archbishop in York, wherein (although they be mistaken if they understand Taurinus Bishop of Eureux, neither the time or place allowing) yet we cannot safely say, but he might or did place some other of that name there, and if both these should fail, yet so many more authorities concur that Constantius gave consent and assistance to the publick restitution of Religion here in his time. For this we have the warrant of the most and approved Anti∣quaries, St. Gildas and St. Bede, after them Matthew of Westminster and others: St. Gildas writeth, That before the persecution had been here ten years, the wicked de∣crees against Christians were annulled and frustrate, and all the Servants of Christ after a long winter night with joyful eyes receive the clear light of the hea∣venly air,* 1.68 they renew their Churches which were thrown down to the ground, they found,* 1.69 build, and perfect others in honour of their holy Martyrs, and as it were, set forth every where their victorious Ensignes, celebrate festival dayes, offer sacrifice with a pure heart and mouth, all of them rejoyce as children cherished in the lap of their mother the Church. St. Bede saith that so soon as the persecuti∣on ceased, the Christians which had hid themselves in Woods and Desarts, and se∣cret Dens presently came forth, and shewed themselves in publick, doing those pub∣lick works of Christian Religion, which St. Gildas before remembred. And wri∣teth plainly, that this was done in the time of Constantius, and that he dyed here whilst these things were thus in acting. The Monck of Westminster hath the same words with St. Bede, of this publick profession of Christian Religion here presently, upon the ending of the persecution during ten years, and addeth, that then the church of St. Alban was built to his honour within ten years of his martyrdom, in the quiet of Christian times here, which by that is said before must needs be in the time of Constantius.

Likewise we find in the antiquitie of the old Church of Winchester; that being destroyed with the rest in this late persecution, it was perfectly re-edified in the year of Christ 309. and so either was in building or warranted to be built in the dayes of Constantius, then so, or lately before, by all accounts living and reign∣ing here, that it could not be done without his warrant or allowance. The like we say of the Churches of St. Julius, and St. Aaron, and other Martyrs of that time, and all both Cathedral churches and others, destroyed here by Maximian the most horrible fact-man, as Henry of Huntington calls him, after whose leaving the Em∣pire, Christians were quiet here, as he saith, and restored to their former liberties; and as Regino writteth, not only in Brittain, but generally where he ruled, both Bishops were restored to their private Sees, and many other things granted for the pro∣fit of Christian Religion; and particularly saith, that the Monastery of Trevers was begun in his time; then much more in Brittain, where he was both absolute Em∣perour and King to command, and no man daring to resist him: to this our late Antiquaries have given sufficient allowance, when they grant, that Constantius abolish∣ed the superstition of the Gentiles in this Dominions, especially in Brittain, where he now lived King and Emperour, as also in abolishing the Pagan rights, and obser∣vances;

for dislike of them and love to Christian Religion, must needs for his short time be an extraordinary advancer thereof.* 1.70 But when he had happily begun this holy work in repairing the ruines of the Church of Christ in this Kingdom, and before he could bring it to due, and his desired, perfection, he fell sick at the City of York, where soon after he deceased. Yet in this short time of his sicknesse his greatest care was to leave and commit this his charge both concerning his Empire, and this Kingdom to his Eldest son Constantine, Son of St. Helen; who, as he hoped for ma∣ny reasons, would be most ready and willing to maintain and defend true Religion and with Justice govern his Subjects.

And to this happy choice, as both Zonoras and Pompeius Laetus do plainly testify,* 1.71 and Eusebius and others sufficiently insinuate, he was admonished and instructed by Gods direction, and an Angell; which is confimed by the effect, and event it self, not only of the general establishing of Christian religion in the world by Constan∣tine in the time of his Empire, but his extraordinary and miraculous preservation before he came to it; and at this very time of his fathers sicknesse, strangely es∣caping the Tyrants hands in Italy, and coming safely unto his sick Father Con∣stantius at York, in our Brittain, by the great providence of God, as Eusebius no∣teth; who had often preserved him to bring him thither, so long and dangerous a journey, at that very time to succeed his Father. And this Author immediately addeth; For presently when Constantine had escaped the stratagems of the deceits, he came with all speed to his Father,* 1.72 and after a long space of time which he had been absent from him, presented him to his sight: at that moment, Constantius was ready to die; but when (contrary to all hope) he saw his sonne, leaping out of bed, he embra∣ced him, saying, that he had now cast that out of his mind;* 1.73 which only troubled him at the point of death, which was the absence of his Son, and therefore did earnestly pray and give thanks for it to God, affirming that now he rather desired to die then live; and setting himself in the midst of his Children, and in his place lying upon his Kingly bed, giving over the inheritance of his Kingdom to his Eldest Son, he departed this Life. Thus hath Eusebius then living in that time. Our Moderne Writers citing other an∣cient Authors, not differing from Eusebius,* 1.74 thus Translate and Epitomate this Hi∣story from them. Whilest Constantine remained at Rome, in manner as he had been a pledge with Gallerius, in his Fathers time, fled from hence and with all post hast re∣turned to his Father in Brittain, killing and hewing by the way all such horses as were appointed to stand at Inns, ready for such as would ride in Post, least being pursued he should have been overtaken, and brought back again by such as might be sent on purpose after him. Constantius whilest he lay on his death bed, somewhat before he depar∣ted this life, hearing that his son Constantine was come and escaped from the Empe∣rors Dioclesian and Maximian, with whom he remained as a pledge, he received him with all joy, and raising himself up in his bed, in presence of his other sons and Councellours; with a great number of other people and strangers that were come to visit him, He set the Crown upon his sons head, and adorned him with other Imperi-Robes and garments; executing as it were himself the Office of an Herald, and with all spake these words unto his said son, and to his Councellours there about him: Now is my death come unto me more welcome, and my departure hence more pleasant; I have here a large Epitaph and Monument of buriall, to wit mine own son, and one whom in earth, I leave to be Emperour in my place, which by Gods good help shall wipe away the tears of the Christians, and revenge the cruelty ex∣exercised by Tyrants; This I reckon to chance unto me instead of most felecity. Thus careful was this holy Emperour even at his death to advance the honour of Christ. This he did prophesying how his son after him should advance Christian Religion, now by his father declared Emperour, but as Esebius writeth long before designed to that dignity by God, the King of all.

This renowned Emperour Constantius died, by divers in the year 306. by others 307 and by some 308. and by all at such time as it is already proved: it must needs be he which among the Roman Emperours first gave order and warrant for the resto∣ring and re-establishing Christian Religion here in Brittain, after the desolation thereof by Dioclesian and Maximian, and died happily and most blessedly. And was so renowned that even by the Pagans he was accounted a God; and had after his death all honour given unto him, which belonged to an Emperour; he was most honourably and Christian like buryed in the City of York. Constantine his son the new Emperour present at his funeral, going before his corps, with an infi∣nite number of people and Souldiers attending with all honour and pompe; some going be∣fore, others following with most sweet harmony of singing. This was the End which God shewed of this Emperours Godly and Religious manners and life evidently to all peo∣ple then living, as Eusebius witnesseth, who also then lived and called him most holy,* 1.75 which he a learned christian Bishop could not give to any but an holy professed

Christian in his knowledge or judgement, and therefore attributeth so much to Constantius in this kind, that he calleth Constantine the great himself (whom he so much extolleth for his Christian Religion and advancement thereof) a follower of his fa∣thers piety in such affairs.

Constantine the Great.

Constantius having thus honourably ended his dayes, and declared Constantine his eldest son successor in his Empire, his whole Army doth presently with mutual consent and joy, proclaim him King and Emperour; and all Nations subject to his fathers Empire, were filled with incredible joy and unspeakable gladness, that they had without intermission so worthy and renowned an Emperour. Of the coming of this most no∣ble Brittain to the Empire, escaping and preserved from so many dangers and dif∣ficulties before;* 1.76 so generally and joyfully chosen and accepted, and proving after so happy a Ruler, Eusebius saith, that he was chosen by God himself, and that no mortal man could glory of this onely Emperour his advancement; for although he was generally and ordinarily chosen and accepted by men; yet as the same Au∣thour writeth, he was miraculously preserved by God, and by his extraordinary protection, brought safely from all danger to his father here in Brittain, old and ready to die, to be invested in the Empire after him: And so soon as he was Emperour, as the same Authour then living, and well known unto, and knowing Constantine,* 1.77 testifieth, and so declared by the Armies, as the custom was, being cho∣sen of God long before to that end, insisted in his fathers steps, in favouring and advan∣cing Christian Religion.* 1.78 So that in this part of the world, as Brittain and France, where Constantine succeeded his father, and now reigned there, was no persecution used against Christians, but all favour and indulgence towards them; and that assertion of divers Historians, both of this and other Nations, which affirmeth, that the per∣secution begun by Dioclesian and Maximian, did continue after their forsaking the Empire,* 1.79 and until the seventh year of the reign of Constantine, is to be understood of those parts, which until about that time were not under the Rule of Constantine; but of Galerius Severus, and Maxentius persecutors: and so Florentius Marianus, and o∣thers expounded it; and it can have no other construction to be true; for evident it is in Histories, that not onely from the beginning of the reign of Constantine; but in his fathers time, all Christians under their Government, were free from per∣secution. And so soon as Constantine had conquered Maxentius, and was sole and absolute Emperour; all Christians in the world under him were delivered from per∣secution, and set at liberty, even publickly to profess their Religion. And from his first entrance into the Empire, and to be King of Brittain, the Christians here in this Nation did not onely enjoy Religion, but as in the time of his father, made and freely had publick exercise and profession thereof; as our old Churches re-edified, new builded and erected, Bishops, Priests and all Clergy, and religious men, restored to their former Quiet, Revenues, Honours and Dignities, witness.

Of this we have divers Testimonies and Examples in particular, yet left unto us; as out of the old Annals of Winchester, where we find of that old Church, builded in the time of King Lucius, and destroyed in the late persecution: The Church of Winchester builded in the time of King Lucius, and hallowed, and dedicated October the twenty and ninth,* 1.80 one hundred eighty nine, by Faganus and Damianus Bi∣shops; amongst the rest, at this time of Dioclesian, went to wrack, the building thereof being ruined,* 1.81 and made even with the ground; and the Moncks and all the Officers belonging unto it, either slain or enforced to flye for the present time; In the year three hundred and nine, the Church aforesaid was again re-edified, and that with such wonderful forwardnesse and zeal, as within one year and thirty dayes, both it and all the edifices belonging unto it, as chambers and other buildings for Moncks and Officers, were quite finished in very seemly and convenient manner. The fifteenth day of March following, it was again hallowed and Dedicated unto the honour and memory of St. Amphibalus that had suffered death for Christ in the late persecution, by Constans Bishop of Winchester, at the request of Diodatus Abbot of this New erected Monastery. It is evident by this relation, that this holy work so pub∣lick, with freedom and zeal was quite finished in the time of Constantine; his be∣ing here, before he went hence against Maxentius. And yet we see both Bishop, Priest, and Abbot, and religious men publickly and honourably restored to their for∣mer condition. The Church with unspeakable devotion builded, and dedicated to the holy Saint and Martyr, who in the late persecution was most hated by the ene∣mies

of Christ. So I say of the Church of St. Alban, a Church of wonderfull workmanship,* 1.82 and worthy of his Martyrdoni, was builded so soon as the Christians were here at quiet. Matthew of Westminster hath the same words, and explaineth this time of the quiet of Christians here, when this Church was so sumptuously builded, to have been ten years after his Martyrdome, the perfect finishing whereof he setteth down to have been the same year, in which Constantine went from hence towards Rome against Maxentius, which was by him in the sixt year of Constantine, and before the general occasion of per∣secution in other places. Constantine not being absolute and sole Emperor untill his victory against Maxentius, nor the general quiet then ensuing. Both St. Bede and the Monck of Westminster write, that in their several times, often curing of Infirmities and other miracles were wrought there The old Churches of St. Julius and Aaron,* 1.83 Martyred in the late persecution, in the City of Caerlegion, derive their ancient foundation from this time, so do many others founded in honour of several Martyrs, then cruelly put to death for the name of Christ, so I affirm of all the Cathedral Churches, Archiepiscopal and Episcopal, with their particular Sees and Cities, foun∣ded in the time of King Lucius, and destroyed in the time of the Tyrants, Dioclesian and Maximian; as also those that were not Episcopal, but subordinate and inferior,* 1.84 overthrown with that tempest of persecution; for holy Gildas and St. Bede, and others testifie without exception, that all they which were then pulled down even to the ground, were now re-edified. Matthew of Westminster plainly writeth, that besides the new Churches builded in honour of their late Martyrs,* 1.85 of which St. Bede and St. Gildas make this memory, the Christians here at this time received and builded again all the Churches dedicated to former Saints, which had been so destroyed and thrown down to the ground.

And when we are waranted both by late and ancient antiquities also, that from the beginning of Christianity here, we had many Abbots, Moncks and Monasteries in eve∣ry age, and that these Monasteries were all destroyed in Dioclesian his persecution, we must needs assign their restauration to this time. To this I joyn the Monastery of Abing∣don, where this our great King and Emperor Constantine, as the old Annalls thereof do plead, had his education when he was young,* 1.86 wherein there were (as it testifieth fur∣ther) above 500 Moncks living by the labour of their hands, in the woods and desarts adjoyning, upon Sundayes, and festival dayes coming to that Monastery; beside 60. which did continually abide in the same, serving God there. Therefore we cannot doubt, if we will accept this ancient Record for witness, but of all other Monasteries, this great Emperor had an especial care of restoring and endowing this his nursing place of education.

To this we may assign the re-edifying of the noble Monastery,* 1.87 first builded by the Founder Ambrius or Ambrey, after called Amsbury in Wiltshire, where, at the coming of the Saxons hither, there were 300 Religious Men, whose Foundation being long before the time of the Saxons, argueth it was builded before the time of Dioclesian and Maxentius, by them destroyed, and now restored. So we may conclude of the Religious houses, both of Men and Women in Kent and other places,* 1.88 renowned here at the Sax∣ons first entrance, even by our modern writers, thus delivering from Antiquity. Hen∣gist slew the good Archbishop Vodine, and many other Priests and Religious persons, all the Churches in Kent were polluted with blood, the Nunnes and other Religious persons, were by force put from their Houses and goods. Thus we must conceive of all other re∣ligious houses, whether of Men or Women, being very many in number, all of them being now happily repaired, and again imployed to their first institution and holy use, whether the old religious house of Glastenbury is to be accounted in the number of those that were destroyed by Maximian, and now builded again by Constantius and Con∣stantine, I dare not make so ready a resolution: likely it it is the poverty of the house, builded with writhen wands, the penitential and Eremitical life, those Re∣ligious their led there place, of aboad being separate in private Cells and in a Wil∣derness, in which kind of places other Christians hid themselves in that persecuti∣on, might both preserve them in that raging storm, and their manner of life con∣sidered now, not require reparation, which both William of Malmesbury in his written History of the antiquity of that holy place, and the old Manuscript Antiquities of Glastenbury seem to consent unto, when they absolutely deliver that from the time of King Lucius, untill the coming of St. Patrick thither, not speaking of the least intermission or discontinuance, there continually remained a succession of 12 Ere∣mits in that Island.

When Constantine had reigned but a short time in Brittain and France, and such Western parts as his Father before him possessed,* 1.89 Maxentius being proclaimed Empe∣ror in Rome, Italy and other places, and falling to Tyranny and Usurpation, put∣many Innocents to death, and exiling many, both Christians and others; divers e∣ven of the Nobility fled into Brittain to Constantine for succour and reliefe, complain∣ing

of the cruelty and usupation of Maxentius,* 1.90 humbly inciting and entreating Con∣stantine as undoubted true heir to the Empire, even of that part which Maxentius had intruded himself into, to take armes against him, and solely to enjoy the Em∣pire. And he was not only thus sollicited by the Christians and others persecuted, re∣sorting hither, but by the Romans, which still continued at Rome, enduring the Ty∣ranny of Maxentius, as some write in this manner.

The Senators of Rome by Letters well endite, Pray'd him to come to Rome as Emperor. For to destroy Maxence, and disinherit, Of Christen folk the cruel Tormentour. Of Christen faith the cursed Counfounder, For of his birth they said, it set him so, Maxence to destroy, that was his Fathers foe.

* 1.91Zonoras, Cedrenus, and other forraign Historians write the like, in this manner.

Hereupon Constantine to revenge the Injuries done to the holy Christians, and un∣speakable wrongs to divers others, even the most noble of the Romans, and the enor∣mous sins of this Tyrant, for number not to be recounted, and for the horrible and loathsom grieviousness, to be surpressed with silence, assembled a great army both of Christian Brittains, and other Nations subject unto him (by Eutropius) and others with him,* 1.92 in the fift, but by the more common opinion, the sixt year of his Empire. Having entered into these affairs, the better to procure the help and assistance of Hea∣ven, as Eusebius and other Strangers confess, before he had his miraculous vision, pre∣sently to be remembred, he resolved to have that true God, whom his Father had de∣voutly adored to be only adored and reverenced, wherefore; by his prayers he entreated his help, him he prayed, him he beseeched to declare himself unto him and assist him in this enterprise. Otto Frigensis and other strangers also say, that Constantine at this time was a Religious Emperor, favourer of Christian Religion, when he prepared him∣self for this warr.* 1.93 Eusebius hath so witnessed, and plainly saith. He only received, wor∣shipped and prayed unto the God of his Father, the Lord of Heaven, and Jesus Christ the Saviour of all men, which none but a Christian would or could do: and Eusebius re∣ceiving what he wrote from Constantine, and swearing that it was true, thus proceed∣eth in his History.* 1.94 Therefore whilst the Emperor prayed, and earnestly beseeched those things, a divine exceeding admirable vision appeared unto him, which if any other had reported, he would not have been so easily credited, but being the Emperor himself and Conqueror, both long time after, (when he did vouchsafe me acquaintance and familiar speech with him) both tell me and by oath confirm what he said,* 1.95 this very history which we now commit to writing, no man can be doubtfull, but the narration is certainly to be believed, especially when we see the effect to have given testimony thereunto: when the Sun had ascended in the midst of the Heaven, and the day a little enclining to the afternoon, he said he did see the sign of a cross, made of the brightness of the light manifestly appearing to this eyes in the Heaven over the Sun,* 1.96 with an e∣vident Inscription which contained these words 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, In this thou shalt overcome: a great admiration fell upon him, and his whole army, all of them beholding this wonder. Con∣stantine earnestly meditating upon this vision, in the night following Christ appeared unto him in his sleep, with the sign of the cross which he had seen in Heaven, and commanded him to make another sign of the cross like unto it, and to use it as a safeguard in his wars with his enemies; he so soon as he arose imparted the vision unto his friends,* 1.97 and sent for Artisans, skillfull ingravers in gold and precious stones, and describing the shape of the sign, which he had seen unto them, commandeth them to make the like of gold and precious stone, which Image I my self have seen. Thus far Eusebius, in the next chapter largely setting down the proportion, manner and glory of this ensign so honourably preserved in that time.* 1.98

To this relation, if it needed more testimony, Socrates Sozomen, Otto and other old forraign writers are witnesses, and if any man desireth Modern consent herein, those of our Nation do thus relate this matter. About noon, the Sun something declining, Con∣stantine saw in the sky a lightsome pillar in form of a cross, wherein these words were en∣graven, In this oveercome: the which vision so amazed the Emperor, that he mistrusting his own sight, demanded of them that were present, whether they perceived the vision, which when all with one assent had confirmed, the wavering mind of the Emperor was setled, with this divine and wonderfull sight. The night following in his sleep, he seeth Christ, which sayeth thus unto him. Frame unto thy self the form of a cross, after the example of the sign which appeared unto thee, and bear the same against thy Enemies as a fit banner or token of victory. He being fully perswaded of this Oracle, commandeth

the victorious Sign of the Cross, which as yet is reserved in the Pallace of the Emperour, to be made, and therewith proceedeth forward with great courage. Eusebeus and others say, that presently upon this Vision, Constantine concluded with his Christian Priests,* 1.99 to have onely their God which appeared unto him, and no other to be worshipped.

And thus preparing himself with all his Army to suppress the Tyrant, having God the Governour of all things for his Patron before his eyes, and calling upon Christ our Saviour and Helper,* 1.100 placing the Image of the Cross as a Sign of Victory before his armed Souldiers and Guards, marched forward with his whole Army. And thus trusting in the help of God, his Army not being more than half the number of Maxentius,* 1.101 this consisting of 170 thou∣sand foot, and 18 thousand horse, and yet (as an old Panagerick hath) Constantine not fighting with more than the fourth part of his Army against 100000 of Maxentius men,* 1.102 he set upon the Armies of Maxentius three of them, and presently overthrew them; and so passing through Italy hard by Rome, where Maxentius was, he so prosecuted him, that in his flight he was with his greatest forces drowned in the River of Tyber there miraculously, (as Eusebius and others testifie) like to Pharaoh and his Egyptians in the red Sea, swallowed up by the waters, by his own Engine of a new devised Bridge, of which he had made Boats to entrap Constantine withall, strangely failing, to his own miserable destru∣ction.

So soon as Constantine had thus obtained Victory (as Eusebius, Socrates, and o∣thers are able witnesses) he gave thanks to God, who had so extraordinarily assi∣sted him, and delivered the Christians from persecution; those which were banished, he recalled home; the goods of those which were confiscated, he restored; those which were put in prison, he delivered; the Churches which were destroyed, he caused to be re-edified; all which he effected with great care and speed; his care was onely fixed in things belonging to the glory of Christ; he began to execute all the duties of a Christian man, to build Churches, and to adorn them with magni∣ficent and renowned Monuments, to shut up the Pagon temples, pull them down, and abandon the Statuas erected in them.

Eusebius proceedeth further, and saith, that presently upon this victory, Constantine making his Prayer with Thanks-giving to God, Authour of his Victory, published unto all in famous Inscriptions and Pillars, publickly erected, the power of the Cross of Christ: and even in the midst of the City, in the most principal place thereof, erected a great Trophy against his enemies, and caused this Sign of Salvation to be engraven in it, with Chara∣cters that could not be blotted out, did demonstrate it was the Propugnacle of the Romans and all subjects to the Empire, and did openly propose it to be seen of all men; and his own Image being erected in a famous place of the City, and much frequented, holding in his hand a Spear, shap't much like a Cross,* 1.103 commanded this Inscription to be graven on it in Latine letters, With this saving Sign, a token of fortitude, I have delivered your City from the yoak of Tyranny; and setting the Senate and People at liberty,* 1.104 I have restored them to their antient Honour and Renown. And it immediately followeth in Eusebius, that Constantine hereupon with great boldness did openly profess and publish Christ the Son of God unto the Romans. He also published in all places his Edict, for restoring all men to their good, which had been unjustly deprived of them, recalling Exiles, and delivering Prisone••s; all these, and more of such things of Religious Christian nature,* 1.105 this our noble King and Emperour performed presently upon his Victory against Maxeatius, commonly taken to have been in the 7^th. year of his Empire, begun first in the Countrey of Brittain.

And so their opinion, which before have told us, that the persecution continued in some western parts ten years from the last most cruel Edict of Dioclesian,* 1.106 and until the 7^th year of Constantine, is expounded by themselves, affirming, that this general peace to all Christians in the western world, was procured and granted unto them by Constantine, in the 7^th year of his Empire; and after the ten years of Dioclesians Edict, after prosecuted by Maxentius, was ended. Floren. Wigorn. writeth, that in this year St. Helen, mother of Constantine, then being here in Brittain, wrote to her son to persecute the Jews which de∣nied Christ; Matth. of Westm. saith, this general peace of Christians was effected by Constantine, in the 313 year of Christ; Marianus will have it in the year 312. so hath Beronius Spondanus, and others; Harding relateth it done in the year of Christ 310. Mart. Polonus saith,* 1.107 Constantine became a Christian in the year 309. and then both gave liberty to Christians, and caused Churches to be builded in honour of Christ. Our Countrey-man Flor. Wigorn. by Dionisus his Computation, setteth it down three years sooner, in the year 306; to which our English late Writers assent, a principal man, & named a Bishop, saying, that Con∣stantine learned his Christian Faith in Brittain, of his most Christian mother St. Helen; and at his going from hence against Maxentius, behaved himself like a Christian in the midst of the Pagan superstitions, and honoured them which were professed Chri∣stians.

* 1.108Having thus cleared our most glorious Countriman, Emperour Constantine, from imputa∣tion of his so long delaying his holy baptisme, as some have pretended, and so near as I can and dare, proposed the most probable time thereof, I must now speak though more briefly of the solemnity it self, and his most charitable Religious Christian acts, and conversion which ensued thereupon. The common opinion concerning Constantine before his baptisme is, the same which the Scripture witnesseth of Naeaman the Syrian Prince, though he was great, honoured, valiant and rich, yet he also was a Leper, before he was by direction of the prophet washed and healed in Jordane; yet great difference there was between these two Lepers of Syria and Brittain; the Leper of Syria was great, but with his own Lord the King of Syria, Commander of his armies, and he procured the quiet and safety of Syria; he was only cleansed of his corporal Leprosy: But our Brittish Leper was cured both in body and soul, he was not only great with a particular King, but a great, and the greatest King and Emperour, so stiled, that ever was in the world, he did not only bring tem∣poral safety and quietnesse to one Kingdom and Nation, but both Temporal and Spiritual happiness and salvation to the whole Empire, and to all Nations and Kingdoms.

* 1.109Constantine being troubled with this infirmity, if I may call that so, which St. Augustine saith, is a defect of colour, and not of health or integrity of sences and members, and seek∣ing remedy, yet finding none among his bodily physitians the Pagan Flemmings advi∣sed him to make a Bath in the Capitol and therein wash his body with the warme blood of Infants; Pliny and others writing that this grief hath been so healed: which to effect these Idolatrous Gentiles prepared a great number of such children, intending to kill them, and to fill the Bath with their blood, which when Constantine considered, and beheld the tears and lamentations of the Mothers for their Children, he abhorred so great cruelty and wickednesse, causing the children to be restored to their mothers with rewards and means to carry them to their dwelling places. In the night following the holy Apostles St. Peter and St. Paul do appear, and say thus unto him; O Emperour because thou hast detested to shed the blood of innocents, we are sent unto thee by Christ, to teach thee means to recover thy health; send for Bishop Sylvester, and he will provide an holy Bath in which he will baptise thee, and thou shalt be cured of thy Leprosy, and all diseases; which Constantine presently performed, sending for St. Sylvester, who shewed there unto him the pictures of St. Peter and St. Paul, which when the Emperour diligently beheld, he openly before his nobility confessed, that these were they which ap∣peared unto him; and being perfectly instructed by St. Sylvester, was baptised by him and mira∣culously cleansed from his Leprosie, an hand from heaven, as himself did see and testifie, touching him; and when he was thus wonderfully cured and christened, St. Sylvester ministred the holy Sacrament of Confirmation unto him, annointing and signing his forehead with sacred Crisme. Simeon Metaphraster, a Greek writer, saith, that at the time of Constantine his baptisme by St. Sylvester,* 1.110 a light more bright then the Sun did suddainly shine about all the house, and the Emperour being baptised, his flesh was pure and sound without any hurt or scar, and the water wherewith he was baptised was full of such filth as came from his soars, like scales of fishes. Divers both Greek and Latine Authours say, that his son Crispus was then baptised with him.

These things being of so great note and consequence in so great a Prince and Comman∣der,* 1.111 and so concerning all people, were not, nor could not be done in secret. The infirmity of Constantine's Leprosy was generally known, Physitians had been often times consulted, and done their best practise about it. The place of the Capitol where the Children should by the Pagans have been murdered about it was famous, the gathering them from many places and Provinces was known to all, the open outcries and lamentations of their mothers could not be concealed, the sending and seeking St. Sylvester were with honour and solem∣nity performed, so was his entertainment and conference with the Emperour in presence of his Nobility. The present conversion of Constantine thereupon, his preparation in Penance seven dayes before his baptisme. This Solemnized in the publick imperial pal∣lace, and in an holy Font so curiously provided, as all Histories agree, and so miraculous∣ly curing his corporal disease, which no art of man could heal, made this conversion of Constantine renownedly known and manifest to all. To the Christians for their unspeakable joy, to the Jewes and Pagans to the shame and confusion of their obstinacy, and salvation of many of them converted by this means.

* 1.112And Constantine himself did not only send his Imperial Edicts into all Countries both East and West for embracing Christian Religion, but made his publick perswading Orations to that purpose; as namely in the Church openly, to the Senate and People of Rome; where∣upon as Nicephorus a Grecian writeth, in the only City of Rome there was converted and baptised above twelve thousand men, besides women and young people in the same year. Egbertus from old antiquities seems to deliver that all the Senators were then converted to Christ, for he plainly saith, that Constantine gave the honour of the Senate of Rome to the Christian Clergy thereof, and he with all the Senators departed thence to Bisan∣tium.

Therefore a wonder it is how some Greek Writers should, or could plead Ignorance of so concerning and memorable a thing, so publickly acted with so many circumstances, which could not be concealed in the great commanding City of the World, by the sole Emperor thereof,* 1.113 and S. Sylvester the highest Ruler in the Church of Christ, and testified by almost all Ecclesiastical Historians, too many to be remembred, being accounted to be above 40 Classical Christian Authors and Writers of this matter, omitting many of great name, antiquity, and authority. The Pagans themselves, even of the same age, as Amianus, Marcellinus, Zosimus,* 1.114 and others give plain testimony unto it; the first expresly speaketh of Constantines Font in Rome. The other setteth down the whole History at large, after his Ethick manner. Zosimus also testifieth, that this History was common among the Pagan Writers in his time.* 1.115 And the Jewes also even then most malicious against Christians, as R. Abraham Levita, and R. Abraham Aben Ezra do confess and prove the same. So do the best Greek Historians, Theophanes, Metaphrastes, Zonarus, Cedrenus, Glycas, Nicephorus, and others. Some of these, as Michael Glycas, calling them Arian Hereticks, who say he was bap∣tized at Nicomedia by the Arian Bishop thereof, and saith, it is out of doubt, that he was baptized at Rome; his Baptistery there continuing to confirm and prove it invin∣cibly true; so have the rest: and Theophanes plainly saith, this was one of the Arian Hereticks fictions and lies against Constantine, to stain his glory untruly with. And their authentical and publickly received Menologion of the Greek Church doth not only say, that Sylvester baptized Constantine at Rome, clensing him from his Leprosie both of Soul and Body, but also it receiveth and enrolleth this glorious Emperor in the Catalogue of holy Saints, and so he is generally honored among them; and in the Latine Church his name was ever Enrolled in the Ecclesiasticall Tables called Dyptica, and publickly recited at Masse, which was not allowed to any but Orthodox and holy Christians.

Therefore he must needs be free from all such suspicion, wherewith those suspected Grecians have charged him, the chiefest of them making Constantine a professed Christi∣an, receiving Sacraments many years before the pretended Baptism at his death. There∣fore I may worthily say of this renowned Emperor with our learned and ancient Histo∣rian, That he was the flower of Brittain, a Brittain by Countrey, before whom,* 1.116 and after whom never any the like went out of Brittain. And another in his old Poem of the same our glorious King and Emperor, first testifying that he was Christened at Rome by Pope Sylvester, and there cured of his Leprosie, addeth,

He dyed after that at Nichomeide In Catalogue among the Saints numbred; Of May the twentieth and one day indeed, Ʋnder Shrine buried and subumbred, Whose day and feast the Greeks have each yeer Solemnly, as for a Saint full clere.

Our old English Chronicle also testifieth of this Emperor:* 1.117 This Constantine was a glorious man, and victorious in battaile, In governing of the Commyn people he was very wise, and in necessity of byleve he was without comparison devote, his pietie and his holines be soe written in the books of holy Doctors, that without doubt he is to be numbred among Saints: And the Greeks say, that in the end of his life he was a Monk. S. Adelm saith, Great Constantine was corporally and spiritually cured in Baptism at Rome by St. Sylvester: and as Nicephorus a Grecian writeth this in the consent of the whole Church.

This our triumphant Emperor and glory of Brittain, having thus victoriously conquered his spiritual as well as corporal Enemies, and by Baptism thus hap∣pily made so glorious and profitable a Member of the Church of Christ, the joyfull newes and tidings thereof was soon diffused and known to the holy Christians, though far distant from Rome, as that thing they most desired to be effected, and as much rejoyced to hear it was so religiously performed. And among the rest his blessed Mother St. Helen then living here in Brittain her native Countrey, after the death of her Husband Constantius, who had in the best manner she could, instructed her Son Constantine in the true Christian Religion, and desired nothing more than to understand, he publickly, and with so great zeal, now openly professed that which she had so often and earnestly exhorted him unto, was not a little joyed with the certain notice hereof. And with all haste she could prepared herself for so long a journey, by her corporal presence to be both more effectuall partaker and encreaser of such Christian comforts; and to give arguments of her joyes by messengers, in the mean time writing unto him from Brit∣tain, as our Antiquaries do affirm; and among other things, to expresse her great

zeal in Christian Religion, and to exhort her Son to the like understanding of the great malice of the Jewes against Christians, especially at that time, the Emperour being so solemnly and so miraculously baptized,* 1.118 perswaded him to persecute those Jewes which denyed Christ. Marianus Scotus writeth also, that St. Helen did write out of Brittain when she heard he was baptized by St. Sylvester. But his Publisher (as he is charged with many other things by Harkesfield to have done) either hath mistaken him in that which followeth, or published some Copy not so to be approved; for he bringeth in St. Helen, in the next words, to request her Son to deny Christ, and follow the Jewes, which cannot be the words either of Marianus, or any Learned Antiquaty, such as he was, confessing S. Helen to have been at this time in Brittain, as he doth; for, neither at this time, nor divers of hundreds of years after St. Helen her death, there is mention in Histories of any Jewes at all to have been in this Kingdome; then much more it must needs be Historically a thing im∣possible, and altogether untrue, that there should be one hundred forty and one of the most Learned of the Jewes here, and St. Helen should bring them with her to Rome, from hence, as seemeth by some to be set down in the Rela∣tion of the Dispute between St. Sylvester and the Jewes, before Constantine and St. Helen: But quite otherwise it is proved, that St. Helen was wholly Christian when she was in this Nation, before her going to Rome, and at the time of her writing to her Son Constantine there, after his baptism, when in the other sence that St. Helen wrote to her Son to Congratulate his Baptism, encouraged him constantly and religiously to profess Christian Religion, to be a Friend to the Servants and Friends of Christ, and a Suppressor of Jewes, and whosoever their Enemies, we have her own Religious Education, and all the Christian Clergy and Nobility of Btitrain, a Christian Kingdom and her native Countrey so calling upon her, and neither Jew nor Pagan of note, learning, or power, for any thing we read, continuing here either to hinder her in this, or advise her to the contrary, to the favour either of Jews or Gen∣tiles in their proceedings.

The like I may answer to then, which although they with the truth acknowledge S. Helen to have been the Daughter of King Coel of Brittain, and born in this Nation; yet they say she went hence with Constantine towards Rome, at what time he went against Maxentius the Tyrant, and with the Children of Constantine travelled to Byzan∣tium, and dwelling there, was perverted by the Jewes; and so leaving off the Baptism of Constantine in that City of Bithynia, did write to him from thence, commending him for renouncing Idolatry, but reproving him for reproving the Jewish Religion, and being a Christian: but this is evidently confuted before, when by so worthy Authori∣ties and many Arguments it was proved that St. Helen was in Brittain,* 1.119 so far distant from Bizantium at this time.

* 1.120And what man of judgement can think this Empress, having been so fully instructed in the Mysteries of Christian Faith, to have fallen into Judaism? nothing but envy it self could invent such a Fiction. In the time of this our great Constantine was held the first great Councel of Arles in France, consisting of, as Nicephorus, Ado, and others say, 600 Bishops, as Baronius, Spondanus, and others from Antiquity do gather, in the year of Christ 314, and the 9. of this Emperor Constantine; in this Councel was present and subscribed Restitutus Arch-Bishop of London, and in probable judgement divers others of this our Brittain, and in this time of the meeting of the Bishops at the two Councels of Arles, especial care being taken by our renowned Emperor, that they should, at his charge and cost, be safely conveyed, with their due attendance, to that place, where these Councels were to be assembled, and there also to be provided for during the time of the Councels, at his cost.

Nor did this Heroick Emperor confine his love and favours towards Christian Reli∣gion unto the Christians of his own, the West Empire, but unto all; as God by an holy Angel before revealed, (both ancient and modern Authors so acknowledging) the Christians in the whole world should be at peace, and Idolatry was to be generally overthrown by this noble Emperor.

* 1.121Nunc bonus expulsis Romana in Regna Tyrannis, Adveniet Princeps sub quo placabitur Orbis, Et finem accipiet veterum cultura Deorum.

A Prince shall rule, whose power shall quite expell Those Tyrants who against Rome did rebell; The World by him shall quiet peace enjoy, And he the Pagan gods shall all destroy.

As concerning Christian Churches, they which were large enough, and had been ruinated in the time of persecution, were repaired, others were builded higher, and with honour made greater; where there were none before, new were erected, even from the Foundation; and the Emperor out of his Treasury afforded money thereto,

and wrote both to the Bishops and Presidents of every Province; to the Bishops, that whatsoever they would they should command; and to the Presidents, that they should diligently do what they commanded: And so, with the prosperous estate of his Empire, Religion greatly encreased. Out of the Lands of his own Tribute in every City, he took a certain pension that was accustomed to be paid into the Treasurie and distributed it to the Churches and Clergy, and by Law decreed that his Gift to be perpe∣tual.

He caused the sign of the Cross to be made upon the Armour of his Soldiers to ac∣custom them thereby to serve God. He builded a Church in his Palace,* 1.122 and used to have carried with him when he went to war, a Pavilion after the manner of a Church, that both he and his Army being in the field, might have a Church wherein to pray unto God and receive the sacred mysteries; Priests and Deacons, which, according to the Institution of the Church, should execute those Duties, continually followed that Tent. He took away by Law the old Punishment of the Crosse used by the Romans; he caused that sign to be made on his own Image, whether impressed on money, or painted on a Table.

The Brittish History saith, that Constantine residing at York,* 1.123 although he seemed at first unwilling to accept the Imperial Title, and protested openly against it, yet when the Senate had confirmed the Election, he took upon him the Government of those Provinces which his Father had held in the West parts, and with an Army of Brittains and other Nations, he first setled France and Germany, being then in Arms against him, and afterwards subdued Maxentius, Maximianus Son, that usurped the Empire in Italy. Then with like success he made war upon Licinius, his Associate, who persecuted the Professors of Christianity in the East parts of the World, by which means Constantine alone enjoyed the Empire, and for his many and glorious Conquests was worthily sur∣named The Great. In this time the form of the Government in Brittain, both for Civil and Martial Causes, was altered, and new Lawes established. The Civil Government of the Province he committed to Pacatianus, who ordered the same as Deputy to the Præ∣fectus Prætorio of Gallia (an Officer entituled by him) with a limitation of place, and restriction of that power which the ancient Præfectus Prætorio had under the first Empe∣rors.

Then Constantine intending to make war in Persia, either to defend or enlarge the limits of the East Empire, removed the Emperial Seat from Rome to the City of Bi∣zantium, (which he re-edified, and caused the same to be called of his own Name Constantinople) drawing thither the Legions in Germany, that guarded the Fronteers of the Western Empire, which was thereby laid open to the Incursions of those barba∣rous People that afterwards assayed it, and in the end possessed the greatest part there∣of. The borders also of the Province in Brittain were weakened by removing the Gar∣risons there into other Cities and Towns, which being pestered with Soldiers, (for the most part unruly Guests) were abandoned by the ancient Inhabitants.

There be Authors that write,* 1.124 that Constantine conveyed over Sea with him a great Army of Brittains, by whose Industry obtaining Victory as he wished, he placed a great number of such as were discharged out of pay, and licensed to give over the War, in a part of Gallia, toward the West Sea coast, where their posterity remain unto this day, and marvellously encreased afterwards, somewhat now differing from our Brittains, the Welshmen, in manners and language.

Among those Noblemen which he took with him when he departed out of this Land, as our Writers do testifie, were the three Uncles of his Mother Helen, Hoelus, Trabernus and Marius, whom he made Senators in Rome.

After the wars betwixt Constantine and the Persians,* 1.125 the King of Persia sent Embassa∣dors unto Constantine to procure peace, and he writ back unto King Sapores, that the Christians in his Dominions, which were there in great numbers, might live at liberty and freedom for their Religion: And if we may believe Eusebius, then living,* 1.126 and best knowing the affairs and proceedings of this most noble Emperor, after all these things were compassed and brought to an end, he began that glorious and renowned work and Foundation of the most sumptuous Church of the twelve Apostles in Constantinople, where it is evident by this then living Author and witness, that he did not begin to build this Church till long after his triennial Feast. And yet the glory and stateliness of that work, as it is described by the same Writer, was such that it could not be effected and finished under many years, and yet that it was finished before his death it is cer∣tain; for, he there erected a Tomb for his own body to be buried in, and there was interred. There he erected (saith Eusebius) twelve Monuments, to the honour and memory of the twelve Apostles, and in the midst between them he placed his own Tomb, with six Apostles encompassed on either side; surely, as I have said before, considering with discreet Councel,* 1.127 that the Tabernacle of his dead body should worthily and decently rest there, when he had con∣sidered these things long time before, he dedicated the Church to the Apostles, thinking that their memory would bring much profit to his soul.

And both Baronius and Spondanus confess that Constantine did not begin this great and wonderfull work until the 336.* 1.128 year of Christ, and after his concluding peace with the Persians, had not before so much as resolved it. Therefore this Church be∣ing so costly and magnificent, as these men confess, and Eusebius at large proveth, and yet Constantius lived to see it roofed and quite finished; he must needs live a longer time than until the next year, the 337. of Christ, which they limit unto him to live, and much more longer than Socrates their Author continueth his life; for, by his reckoning, setting down his death the same year wherein the Persian Embassadors came to him for peace, we must be forced to say, this admirable Church was quite finished in the space of seven weeks; or if we should adventure, as Baronius doth, to make Socrates our Author, and yet add unto his account a whole year, as he doth, it must needs be yielded unto by such calculation, that it was not begun, or any mate∣rials prepared for it, and yet quite finished within the space of one year and seven weeks; for, as before it was not begun at the Feast of Easter, and yet ended the same year (by Socrates) before the Feast of Pentecost, when by Eusebius, Constantine died, and by Socrates about the eleventh of the Calends of June the 22. day of May, and by Baronius, before the Feast of Pentecost and the 22. day of May the year following, which is morally impossibly to be true; for, besides the amplitude thereof, and Orna∣ments therein,* 1.129 Eusebius, who had seen it, and knew the building of it, saith, that Constantine erected it to an infinite altitude, and made it from the ground with all va∣riety of Stones, even to the top; the Roof was curiously wrought, and within covered with Gold throughout, and covered above with Brasse and much Gold.

And therefore Nicephorus also, a Greek Author, who had diligently examined Socra∣tes, and citeth his very words of this matter before related, affirmeth plainly and constantly, notwithstanding that opinion that Constantine did not die until the 342. year of Christ in the Feast of Pentecost,* 1.130 towards the end of it about noon time of the day, to speak in Eusebius his words, this Emperor was received to his God, leaving his mortal part like to other mortal men to the earth, but joyning his Intelligence and Divine part of his Soul unto God: He dying in Bethinia, his Soldiers enclosing his Body in a Golden Coffin, covered it all over with Purple, and conveyed it to Constantinople, and placed it in the Emperial Palace, adorned with Emperial Robes, Purple and a Diadem; Lights set upon Golden Candlesticks round about it, which gave such an admirable shew unto the Beholders as was never seen: All the Nobles of his Army which worshipped him whilst he lived, kept their old manner and custom, at certain times entring in and prostrating themselves on the ground, saluted the Empe∣ror after his death, lying in his Coffin as if he had been still living. The Senate and all other Magistrates worshipped his Body with like reverence. All sorts of people, even Women and Children in infinite number came to see the solemnity; and these things were performed many daies. This blessed Emperor was he alone which reigned when he was dead;* 1.131 and to him alone, God himself being Author thereof, all honors which were wont to be given when he lived, were given after his death. For he being the only Emperor which in all the actions of his life piously and religiously worshiped God the King of all, and his Son Jesus Christ, he alone by right obtained this honour by the will of God to have that which was buried in death to reign among men.

* 1.132In the 20. year of this Constantine was held (as saith Mr. Howes) the Councel of Nice with great Solemnity, wherein were condemned and suppressed the damnable Heresies of Arius Bigot, the vain-glorious and dissembling Minister, whereof the Arian Heresie took the Name, and for a long space after much troubled Christendom. And at this time the Nicene Creed was commanded to be sung and said in all Churches. And the forenamed Arius pretending to make a Retract of all his Heresies, took his leave of the Emperor,* 1.133 as if he had great necessity to take Physick to purge his Body, which Purgation never ceased working, till it had purged him of all his bloud and bowels, and so he died most miserably and shamefully.

* 1.134About this time (saith the same Author) Octavius, whom Constantine left Governor in Brittain, rebelled, against whom Constantine sent Traherne his Uncle with a Legion of Romans, who after divers Conflicts was slain.

* 1.135The old English Chronicle saith: When Constantine went from this Land to Rome, he took all his lond to keep to the Earl of Cornwall, that was called Octavian. And anon as this Octavian wist that his Lord dwelt at Rome, incontinent be ceased all the lond into his hands, and therewith did all his will among hy and low, and they held him for King. But other Historians, both Brittish and English, Domestical and Foreign, affirm, that Constan∣tine at his going from Brittain to Rome, committed the Government of this Countrey to the Roman Proconsuls, and the named Octavian, or Octavius, took arms against them, slew them, and so obtained to be King here. The Monk of Westminster saith this Octavius was a King before, a Regulus, or Prince of the People in and about

Worcestershire. Harding saith, he was Duke of West Sex, (he must mean where the West Saxons after ruled, for they came not into Brittain till a long time after this.

But after his day came one Octavius Duke of West sex that crowned was for King, That slewgh the Werdins of Constantinus Which that he set for Brittain governing, In his abscence to keep it in all thing.

Besides this there be other difficulties among the Historians about this Octavius, and such as will discredit him, for having had many great and chief and long Commands as a King in this Nation, Math: Westm: setteth down his conquering the Roman Pro∣consul here in the year of Christ 314, when divers more ancient and received Historians say, that S. Helen, our Queen and Empress, continued here long after that time.* 1.136 And her Son Constantine Emperor now at the highest of his Glory, Power and Victories, and having so many Brittish Soldiers without imployment in France so near unto us, cannot be immagined to have suffered any Enemy in his own native Countrey so to have prevailed; or how could such a man as Octavius is supposed to be, assemble such an Army in Brittain, where that victorious Emperor was undoubted King, and whence he had so great an Army of Brittains so lately before, that by them, as our Historians write, he vanquished all most innumerable Companies of his most potent Enemies: And as these Relators of Octavius his proceedings themselves are Witnesses, the power with Constantine was so great that the Romans which came hither unto him, seeing his power, said, No Prince in the world was comparable to him for strength: Where then in Brittain could Octavius gather an Army so soon to en∣counter and overthrow three Legions of Roman Soldiers, besides their Adherents, as these men say? And Eusebius saith, that Constantine himself came hither again, and was here longer after this pretended Revolt, and at his death gave Brittain the ancient Patrimony to his Eldest Son. Again, these men say, Octavius was King here until Maximus his time, and married his only Daughter and Heir unto him, when it is a common consent in Antiquities, that this Maximus, or Maximinianus, was not King in Brittain, till after the 380. year of Christ. Therefore he must needs be granted to be very young, of too few years at the going of Constantine hence, for him to commit the Government of Brittain unto him, or for himselfe to have so soon Usurped against it so rightfull, and potent King and Empe∣rour.

Our most ancient and best Historians, S. Gildas, S. Bede, Marianus, Florentius, Wigorniensis, Ethelwardus, Henry of Huntington, and William of Malmsbury, although as diligently as they could recounting our Kings of Brittain, never mention any such Octavius, or Octavian, but the chiefest and most ancient among them, S. Gildas plainly saith, that this Island was at this time, and until Maximus, or Maximinian, a Brittain took upon him the Empire, a Roman Island Insula nomen Romanum tenens. And divers Historians, both late and ancient do particularly set down our Kings after Constantine the Great, and Roman Leivtenants here until these daies, as Constantine, Constantius, Julian, Valentinian, Gratian, Emperors, or Kings, Martinus, Lupicinus, Nectaridius, Theodosius, Fraomarius, and other Roman Lievtenants and Governors here. And when the Councel of Ariminum was kept about the year of Christ 360, and the 23. year of Constantius son of Constantine the Great, it is certain, that this Constantius was our King in Brittain, and bore the charge of the poorest Bishops of this Kingdom as then under his Government which were present there, and he was so far from losing Brittain, or any other Countrey of his Empire then, as Sozomen and others testifie that Councel thus wrote unto him;* 1.137 at this time this Empire so encreased, that all the World was under his Government: this was above twenty years after the death of the great Constantine, in whose time this Revolt of Brittain from him is thus supposed, and above twice so long time of the imagined usurpation here by Octavius. And Zonaras writeth, that this Constantius in the fourteenth year of his Empire, banished, or rather carried with him Athanasius into Brittain at his coming hither.

Therefore I dare not assent, that in this time of the greatest flourishing Estate of the Roman Empire, and the power thereof in Brittain,* 1.138 especially from whence the glory of it grew to that greatness, either Octavius, or any other so much prevailed here to bar the Emperors of that honour. But he might towards the time of Maximus, or Maximianus, when the Empire had more Enemies and less power, prevail in some such sort, as these Historians have written of him, although they differ also in Maxi∣mian as well as in Octavius; one saith, he was the Son of Traherne the Uncle of St. Helen, Maximian King Trahern his Son next Heir to Constantine; others say he was Son of Leolinus another Uncle of St. Helen, Great Uncle to Constantine;

and one of them,* 1.139 saith Octavius, was King but 14 yeares, ending with the beginning of Maximian his Reigne; And so we may well allow such an Octavius to have the name of a King in Brittain in those troublesome daies of the Romans ruling here, divers pet∣ty Kings, being probably at that time, in this Nation, as well by the Testimony of these Authors which then make Octavian King, as others: So they terme Conanus a King, and that Maximian took his kingdom from him; So was Dionotus King in Corn∣wall, So was his brother Carodocus before him, and yet under one chief King and Em∣peror Maximian at that time; And St. Nimen who lived Bishop here, in the end of this age, had Kings for his Ancestors, and yet the great distance of the place of his birth from King Coel, argueth he was not of their line: And all these Kings or Re∣gents here, were most certainly by our Antiquaries Chatholick Christians.

Constantinus.

After the death of Constantine, the great Constantinus his eldest Son injoyed Brit∣tain as a portion of his Dominion, till making some attempts upon his brother Constans for the enlarging of it,* 1.140 he was by him slain. Then was the Empire divided between Constans and Constantius the two younger brethren; Constans seised upon the Provinces which Constantinus his brother had held, and made a voyage into Brittain, where Gratianus a Hungarian by birth had then charge of the Army; This Gratianus was surnamed Funarius, for that he being a young man was able (as it is written of him) to hold a Rope in his hand against the force of five Souldiers assaying to pull it from him, But Constans afterwards following ill counsel (the ready way to Princes ruines) and giving himself over to all kind of vice, was slain by Magnentius Taporus (the Son of a Brittain) who then invaded the Empire, usurping the Government of Gallià and Brittain till (after three years warr with Constantius the successor of Constans his brother) finding himselfe unable any longer to uphold his greatnesse,* 1.141 he murdered himself.

This Constantius in processe of time was infected with the Arian heresy, but neither so as to endanger Brittain, or any other Nation under his command: He consented to the recalling of St. Athanasius out of exile, and sometime to his continuing his digni∣ty at Alexandrea; And whether it was for the love of St. Athanasius, or fear of his bro∣ther Constans writing expresly unto him in favour of St. Athanasius, is uncertain; he also consented to the calling of the great general Councel of Sardyce 10 or 11 years after the death of his Father, as Socrates and Sozomen affirm, wherein St. Athanasius was proved innocent, and as he (then present with many others) proveth, the Nicon faith was confirmed and utterly forbidden to be questioned.

* 1.142And at the calling of this Councel, the same renowned Doctor called this said Con∣stantins, as also his brother, a known Cacholick Emperour, and a Religious Prince; and we are sure that at this time our Kingdome of Baittain detained the former glo∣rious estate, and glory of Religion it had before in the daies of Constantine, and was still free from Arianisme; For the same glorious Athanasius, present in that Councel, faith, that amongst more than 300 Bishops assembled there, which freed him, and pro∣fessed the Nicen faith, the Bishops from the Provinces of Baittain were there: And as the Roman writers testifie, there were from the division of the Empire by Constantine, and as many suppose, before, five provinces here in Brittain, Maxima Cæsariensis, Ʋalen∣tia, Baittannia prima, Brittania secunda, Flavia Cæsariensis. So that if we should allow but one Bishop out of every of those provinces to have been at the Sardyce Councel, and there to have subscribed for the rest of Brittain their Provinces or Dioceses, we must grant five Brittish Bishops to have been there, and supplyed this duty and Office for the rest of Brittain.

That this our Country of Brittain flourished after this with great numbers of worthy Bishops, no City then vacant here of such a Pastor and Rider, we may gather from di∣vers Antiquities,* 1.143 as from the Epistle of the great Councel of Ariminum in Italy, not long after this time, written to Constantius the Emperour, where our Bishops were present, testifying unto him, that they were assembled there forth of all Cities to∣wards the West, most properly and significantly to be applyed to this Kingdom, most West from thence, And the words, All Bishops out of the Western Cities, cannot carry a∣ny other true construction; but our Episcopal Cities in Baittain were then so furnished, and many or most of them present at that Councel. This is confirmed by the number of Western Bishops above 400, as Sozomen and others write, assembled at Ariminum, be∣sides 160 from the East at the same time, gathered together at Seleucia in Isauria, when it is manifest in the old Manuscript Catalogue of Bishops, that Brittain and all the Western Nations present in the Councel of Ariminum had not at that time many more than 400 Bishops. Therefore we must needs grant, that the Bishops of all Cities as well of Brittain as other Countries of the West, which had not excuseable lets and im∣pediments, were there present in such sence as the Epistle of that Councel is cited,

and Severus Sulpitius is sufficient witnesse, that this our Brittain in particular, that it had many Bishops there, for relating the number to have been above 400 out of the West: And the Emperour the better to incline them to the Arian heresie as it seemeth, commandeth that provision should be made for them at his cost; But the Bishops of France, Aquitaine and Brittain refused it, and rather made choice to live at their own charges than to be maintained by the Emperour; and this refusal was general to all the Bishops of Brittain, Aquitaine and France, except three only of Brittain, which re∣ceived allowance from the Emperour, and refused maintenance by the other Bishops, themselves being poor.

And the same Authors prove, that our Bishops were drawn or forced to come to that Councel by the Officers of Constantius, now after his brothers death, a professed friend to the Arian heresie; or rather a professed Arian then reigning in Brittain ma∣keth it evident, that our Brittish Bishops, which could not plead sufficient cause of ex∣cuse and absence, were generally present there. And it those few poor Bishops of Brittain, which were not able to bear their own charges, were drawn thither, to be maintained by the Emperour, how much rather must we judge the same of so many potent and rich in this Country, which could pretend no such excuse? So that we see no excuse, but infirmity either by age or sicknesse to have caused any Brittish Bishops absence thence. A late writer thinketh Iltutus then, as he conjectureth, Arch-Bishop of London, the Arch-Bishops of York and Gaerleon, the Bishops of Winchester,* 1.144 Chichester and Glocester with others were there. I see no particular warrant he bringeth more for those than any other, of so many Episcopal Brittish Cities of that time, which I have before remembred, all of them being in the same condition, for presence or absence, but where just excuses and lets were singular to any in particular above the rest: For good Authors have Testified that all in general were urged to be there, without any ex∣ception, or to be exempted: And almost all Bishops in the world were then caused to be either at Ariminum in Italy where those of the West were,* 1.145 or at Seleucia appoin∣ted for the Easterne Bishops; and the command was for all Bishops generally to be there; this was the Emperors command to the Presidents of the Provinces to compel all to be present. And the Councel of Ariminum, it self in the Epistle to Constantius the Arian Emperour, testifieth plainly, that all the Bishops of the West were there assembled. The far greater part of these were Catholick Bishops, and of the whole number about 400. There was not by Severus Sulpilius his relation above 80. Arians. St. Athana∣sius saith, there were 50 and more, and St. Ambrose witnesseth, that the greatest part of the Bishops there confirmed the faith of the Nicene Councel, and condemned the Ari∣an errors. This is testified by the same Councel in two several Epistles to the Emperor, that they neither could nor would swerve from the doctrine of the Nicene Coun∣cell.

And although the Emperour both by his Epistle to that Councel, and otherwise by fraud and terrours, endeavoured for to remove them from that holy minde, and communicate with the Arians, they plainly wrote answer again, constantly averring they would change nothing they had decreed, and gave their Legates charge to tell him as much in words: And to make it manifest, that although by many Writers di∣vers of the Bishops being convented and overcome, both with the deceit of the Arians, and persecution of the Emperour, did afterward subscribe to a material error, our Bi∣shops of Brittain were free, both from imputation and suspition thereof. Socrates, So∣zomen, Nicephorus and others prove that the Emperour neglecting to return answer to the second absolute resolution and Epistle, the Councel staying some time for answer, and having none, they all departed to their countries, and Sees,* 1.146 and wholely dissolved the Councel. St. Hillary saith plainly this Councel endeth Religiously by all: So our Bishops must remove from Ariminum, none being returned home, or so far from recall∣ing by any new edict or stratagen of the Emperour then of Constantinople very far from Ariminum, and further from our Bishops travel into Brittain, they could be none of that number which were circumvented or verified to subscribe to the wicked Emperour and his Arian favourites designes.

This persecution of Ʋrsatius by the command of Constantius the Emperour, stretch∣ed not so far as Brittain, his malice and indignation being against Liberius Pope of Rome, and the Bishops of Italy: And our Historians have made it doubtful, whether Constan∣tius had so much power in Brittain after this time to execute such cruelty.

This Constantius was at the time of his death by Sozomen about 45 years old, full 45, saith Socrates, besides the time he reigned with his Father; after his death,* 1.147 say Socrates, Sozomen and Nicephorus, he was Emperour 25 yeares; he died on the third day of the Nones of November by Nicephorus his account in the 367. year of Christ; some set down his death; somwhat sooner,* 1.148 as they have done his Fathers before above 25 yeares sooner than this account of Nicephorus of the year of Christ 367. for Constantius his death yet grant he was Emperour 25. years after his Father died.

About this time Martinus (an aged man) was made Deputy of Brittain, when

Paulus a Spaniard surnamed Catena (a name well sorting with his nature) was sent thi∣ther as a Commissioner to enquire of such as had conspired with Magnentius.* 1.149 But un∣der colour of his authority, he called in question such as were not faulty, either upon false information or private displeasure, and sometimes to make a gain of those that were accused, which course Martinus the Deputy mislikeing intreated him, that such as had been no actors in Rebellion, might be no partners in punshment with offen∣ders: Whereupon Paulus discharging the Deputy himself as a favourer of Traytors and privy to the conspiracy, did so far forth incense Martinus, that (being either im∣patient of reproaches, or perhaps not altogether guiltlesse) he struck at Paulus with his Sword, intending to have killed him, but failing in the execution, he presently thrust the Sword into his own body. Gratianus Funarius, though he were not specially bound by oath to the Emperor, as some others had been, yet for that he had received Magnentius into his house, was adjudged to forfeit all his goods, the rest of the accused persons being fettered and presented to the Emperor, he condemned some to death, and some to exile.

Julianus.

Now was the Government of Gallia and Brittain assigned to Julianus (afterwards called the Apostata) whom Constantius had made Cæsar:* 1.150 Lupicinus Master of the Armour to the Emperor, (a good Souldier, but notorious for his pride, covetousnesse and cruelty) and after him Alipius, were sent into Brittain to represse the Inhabitants that had invaded the Province there, whilst Julianus himself remained in Gallia, not daring to passe into the Isle, both for that he feared the Gaules, who were ready (upon the least occasion) to revolt, and also doubted the Almanes, who were then up in Armes.

* 1.151Constantius the last over-living Son of Constantine being dead, Julianus brother to Gallus and Son to Constantius Chlorus by Theodora, a man by no title of descent heir, or King of Brittain, was acknowledged for Emperor; for although this Constantius last Emperour, by the instigation and perswasion of Eusebia the Empress made him a Cæsar in the Empire, (he himself not able to discharge the whole burden of so manifold trou∣bles and invasions of the Barbarous (for so the Romans called strangers) in divers places of the Empire, especially in Gallia, now France, whereas Zosimus saith, they took 40 Cities neer the River of Rhene) and gave unto him in marriage his Sister Helena, and sent him to Govern the part of the Empire on this side the Alps:* 1.152 Socrates Cassio∣dorus and others testifie it was thought that when Constantius sent him into the dange∣rous wars of Gallia (his Wife Helena being then dead) he did it to have him slain by the cruel and potent Enemies; And Constantius limiting his power to do nothing with∣out consent of others. And not only this, but he secretly incited Vadomarus, King of the Franks, to take Armes against Julian, and incited others by his letters which they sent to Julian, for their excuse to invade the Romans, where Julian Ruled; which when Julian perceived, and remembring the old hatred he had born him from his Child∣hood, he required him with the like measure, shewing much love and favour to those under his command, whom Constantius hated or dis-favoured, which among Christians were the Catholick Bishops, and others whom he had persecuted.

And this his favour and kindnesse towards Catholicks had continued with him, e∣ven from his first being Cæsar in these parts, as evidently appeareth in the case of St. Hillary that renowned glory of Gods Church, who at the same time he was exiled by the procurement of the wicked Arians and consent of Constantius unjustly, was by Ju∣lianus, whom he called his Lord and Religious Cæsar, adjudged Innocent; and for his love and defence of St. Hillary did suffer more reproach of the Arian persecutors, than St. Hillary endured injury by that exilement: Thus we see Julian whilst he continued in these Western parts, was a favourer of the Catholick Religion; but Julian quite lea∣ving these Western Nations, before either he persecuted Christians, or left the profession of their Religion, living so short a time Emperor, (not two years by two Moneths and three dayes,* 1.153 as Baronius thinketh he doth demonstrate) and never returning Westward again, Brittain could not be afflicted with his Apostasie.

After the death of Constantius (who is said to have repented three things at his last gasp; first, that he caused the death of his Son-in-Law; The second, that he made Ju∣lian who proved an Apostate Emperour;* 1.154 And the third, that he professed and favou∣red the Arian Heresie; for which offences craving pardon and repenting, he died a holy death,* 1.155 and was buried with such solemnities as the Catholicks use in the funerals of them that make a holy end. And to confirm the opinion of men with the authority and Testimony of Heaven and Angels, he saith it was commonly related, that his body was with such solemnity carried to Constantinople to be buried, there an Angelical Har∣mony was heard by many, as reward of his piety) Julianus possessing the Empire (which he had usurped in the life time (saith the Brittish History) of Constantius)

banished Palladius an honorable person into Brittain, and sent Alipius to repair the walls of Jerusalem, in which attempt God discovering his wrath by terrifying the Builders with thunder and lightning, and killing many thousand Jewes, gave an ap∣parent testimony how vain a thing it is for man to oppose himself against the uncon∣trollable Decree of Almighty God; and who so shall consider the strange and miracu∣lous death of this Julian, as being slain from Heaven, and his desperate crying out, Thou hast vanquish'd me, O Galilean, when he yielded up his damnable Soul, I suppose will be terrified both from falling into Apostasie, or taking any Oath of abjuration concerning his Faith and Religion.

Jovian.

Jovian succeeded Julianus in the Empire, which he held but few months; when he was chosen Emperor, as Ruffinus, Theodoret, Socrates and others testifie, he refused it,* 1.156 and being thereto taken by the Soldiers against his will, openly professed, that he being a Christian, would not be Emperor over Infidels; but all of them confessing themselves to be Christians, he accepted the Empire. This Christian magnanimity appeared evi∣dently in this new elected Emperor before in the time of Julian: for Julian apostating and making a Decree, that Soldiers should either sacrifice to Idols, or leave the wars; he being then a Tribune, rather made choice to forsake all hope of temporal prefer∣ment than obey that wicked Edict. Whereupon Julian then standing in need of such Assi∣stants, retained him still in the number of his Commanders, notwithstanding he so cou∣ragiously professed himself a Christian. This renowned Man was at one and the same time, as Ruffinus cals him, a Confessor, Emperor, and Extinguisher of Error;* 1.157 and God wonderfully honored his constancy, even in his life, not only in the conferring the Im∣perial honor upon him, but in the manner thereof,* 1.158 that being so professed a Catholick Christian, the whole Army did with one voice choose him Emperor, which joyned with that is said of them before, upon Jovianus refusing to be Emperor over Pagans, how with one voice they all confessed themselves to be Christians, sufficiently proveth, that either the Edict of Julian to force his Soldiers to sacrifice to Idols was never received or generally observed, or they sinned only in external act of Idolatry by that compulsion, still persevering in judgement and affection Christians.* 1.159 Socrates saith he reigned but 7 months; Ruffinus eight.

Valentinian.

Now therefore although Jovianus was a worthy Catholick Christian Emperor, ever following that Religion and Doctrine against the Arians, as Socrates and others prove;* 1.160 and shutting up the Pagan Temples, and forbidding their Sacrifices; yet being Em∣peror so short a time, and chosen, living and dying in the East Countries far remote from Brittain, it did not receive so great benefits by so good an Emperor, as nearer Nations did; but during his short Regiment continued much after the same manner it did before, until Valentinian was chosen Emperor; who being a Catholick, and reign∣ing divers years over Brittain, and his Son Gratian after him, this Kingdom in their times was free from Heresie which they persecuted;* 1.161 for Valens himself being Brother to Valentinian, and by him chosen Assistant in the Empire, was then a Catholick, and so continued in the time of Julian, that he forsook all preferment under him rather than his Religion.* 1.162 And although by the perswasion of his Arian Wife and others, he after fell into Heresie, he being Emperor of the Eastern remote Nations from hence, this Kingdom was free from his afflictions, being under the command of the Ca∣tholick Emperors Valentinian and Gratian his Son, until Maximus, descended of a Brit∣tish race, was both King of Brittain and Emperor also, who also being a Catholick, Brit∣tain could not then be endamaged in spiritual affairs by the temporal Rulers thereof,* 1.163 although in civil respects it was much infested by the Scots and Picts, from which Maxi∣mus freed it in his time, by his climbing and aspiring minde to be Emperor, and to compass that ambition, spoiling Brittain of the armed force and power thereof, trans∣porting it into foreign Nations, gave occasion of greater miseries here afterward, both by the Scotch, Picts and Saxon Pagans.

About this time (saith the Brittish History) the Picts, Scots,* 1.164 and Atticots invaded the Roman Province here in Brittian.

These Picts and Scots (as some Writers report) came first out of Scythia;* 1.165 though it be not probable that the Picts were any other than such Brittains as being either born in the Northern Promontory of this Isle, or fleeing thither out of the South parts, en∣tred into confederacy with the Scotchmen, and retained for a time their ancient name of Picts, as being so called by the Romans (in respect of the old custom of painting their bodies) to distinguish them from the Brittains then dwelling within the Province. Neither is there any mention made of their name before the time of Dioclesian and Maximian. These Picts encreasing in number, did afterwards inhabit the Isles of the

Orcades, and being for the most part rude and Savage (as the Scottish men also then were) did often times harrow the borders, and grievously annoy their civil Country∣men (there being commonly no greater hatred, than that which is bred and nourished among the people of one Nation) when they are severed each from other by difference of manners and customes. The name of Picts in processe, of time being changed into that of Scotish men (as of the more popular Nation) was in a manner clean for∣gotten when by society and alliance they became one people.

* 1.166That the Scotish men had their original from the Scythes, their very name may seem in some sort to discover; howbeit divers histories affirm, that they travelled first in∣to Cantabria in Spain where (perhaps dislikeing that barren Soile) they continued not long, but sailed into Ireland, and from thence a great number of them came over in∣to Brittain,* 1.167 landing in the North part of the Isle, where afterward they seated them∣selves: They were for the most part addicted to war, using peace only but as a means to repair their losses: (they were people of great courage and boldnesse, of stature tall: strong of body, their complexions some what Ruddy and high Coloured; their appar∣rel was either very slender, or none at all, save only to cover their shame:) Neither was their peace altogether Idle; for even then they accustomed their bodies to labour no less painfull than war it self, and ofttimes no lesse dangerous: To ride with swift pace up a steep hill, to swim over Lakes, and standing Meeres, to pass over Bogs and Fen∣ny grounds, were things in ordinary use with them, as being accounted exercises of recreation only: But above all others, the Nobility and better sort were delighted with hunting, and that in such measure, that they could more patiently endure the want of meat, drink and sleep, than restraint from that pastime, which they esteemed manly and generous. In their consultations they were very secret, and sudden in the execution thereof; by which meanes they ofttimes struck terror and amazement to the hearts of their Enemies, and so much annoyed the Roman Princes in Brittain. They were better contented with the necessities of nature, and more able to endure all extre∣mities of fortune than the Brittains in those times, as being lesse acquainted with the vain superfluities and delicacies of the Romans. In behaviour the Brittains were noted to be more civil, but the Scotish men (as a people unconquered, and admitting no customes but their own) refused to imitate them who were brought under the sub∣jection of a stranger, or to be reputed like to any other then to themselves: Wrongs and Indignities offered as well to others as themselves, they sharpely revenged; the slaughter, wounding or disgrace of any of their kinred, allies or companions, being com∣monly the occasion of rooting out the whole family of him that first gave the offence; violent persuits, seising by strong hand the goods and possessions of their neighbours: burning the houses and killing (upon cold blood) such as they had taken in War, (which others termed crueltie) they accounted manhood and policie: supposing the assurance of their estates to consist rather in diminishing the number of their enemies by open acts of hostility, than by pretended reconciliations, and leagues of amity, which are either kept or broken at the will of him that hath the greater power: Their names first mentioned in histories, about the reign of Constantine the Great: Though the Sco∣tish Writers affirme, that they were governed by Kings of their own Nation many hundred yeers before this time: But of things so ancient, to have the certain knowledg, it is no easie matter, neither is antiquity in it selfe very much to be regarded, where true Nobility and Vertue is wanting: For all nations at the first were of barbarous and uncivil behaviour, till time taugh them other customes, and emulation kindled the hearts of the better sort to seek fame by their own valour, rather then the Genea∣logies of their Ancesters. Those Scotish men and Picts, being now assisted with forraine power, presumed more boldly to assail the Brittains both by Sea and Land, killing Nectaradius the Admiral of the Brittish Fleet, and surprizing Bulchebandes one of their chief Captaines (the mutiny at that time in the Roman Campe giving them opportunity and boldnesse to do in a manner what they listed) For the Legionarie Souldiers refused to obey their Leaders, and even the Deputies themselves complaining of the partiality of their Generals, who punished the least offence of a Common Souldier, and winked at the great abuses of Commanders and Officers: hereupon a warlike troope of Almans were sent over under the Conduct of Fraomarius their King, who exercised there the authority of a Tribune: Severus the Emperors steward of his houshold, and Jovinius were appointed to second him with certain Auxiliarie forces out of Gallia. By this means the fury of those warlike Nations was somewhat restrained, until the coming of Theo∣dosius, who first appeased the mutiny among the Souldiers in Brittain, and afterwards prosecuted the service there with such good successe, as he restored the decayed Townes, strengthning the borders, appointing night-watches to be kept there, and in the end re∣covered the Province, which was then contented to admit of Governors (as in former times) & as a new conquered State, have a new name given it: For in the honor of the Emperor Valentinian the Province was for a time called Valentia; not long after one Valentinian a Pannonian entred into a new conspiracy there, which being discovered be∣fore it was ripe, the peril like to have ensued thereby, was easily avoided.

Gratian.

Gratian, the brother of Ʋalentinian, was then created Emperor; He,* 1.168 to the intent he might the better repair the decayed state of the Empire, made Theodosius a Copartner with him in it.

The year 369 being the second year of Ʋalentinian the Emperor,* 1.169 was St. Jerome made Cardinal, and the next year after was St. Ambrose made Archbishop of Millain, and in the year aforesaid the vnerable Beda in his little book recordeth, that there was a great universal Earthquake throughout the whole World: And the next year, as other hi∣storians write, it reigned Wool, and there withall it hailed, which hail-stones were of wonderous greatnesse, and flew great numbers of the men and beasts at Constantinople,* 1.170 and the next year after the City of Nice was utterly thrown down and ruinated by an Earth-quake, and this year died S. Hillary Bishop of Poytiers so oft-spoken of before.

This Gratian succeeding Ʋalentinian, elected Ʋalentinian the second his brother, and Theodosius the Son of another Theodosius, to be his associates in Government.

Maximus.

Maximus then ruling the Army in Brittain,* 1.171 upon emulation and envy of Theodosius his glory, usurped the Empire there. This Maximus was a Brittain by birth, as Socrates and other forrain, Authors, as well as our own Writers testifie; and although he seemeth to think, that he did untruly derive his descent from St. Hellen, yet he giveth some way to that opinion when he confesseth he claimed descent from great Constantine her Son. And Sigeberius Gemblacensis plainly confesseth, that he both was of the Emperial Race, and was kinsman of Constantine the Great, claiming part of the Empire by that title. The like hath Ponticus Virunnius in his Brittish history, he being an Italian, and addeth, that he was the Son of Leoninus uncle to St. Hellen, and great uncle to Const. the Great; in which, as in many other things, he differeth from the printed Brittish history translated by Galfridus (by common opinion) which calling Maximianus and not Maximus, mak∣eth him both true heir of Brittain, & Grand-child descended from King Coel, Father to St. Hellen, born both of the Regal Race of the Brittains and Romans, bringing in Cara∣docus Duke of Cornewall, for perswading Octavius to marry his daughter and heir unto him, making his title to Brittain better than that Octavius had. Our Writers of the Thea∣tre of great Brittain, alledging Camden also, for their opinion, affirm of this Maximus. Clemens Maximus descended linealy from Constantine the Great. And Ponticus himselfe doth after confesse as much, howsoever he can be accorded to himselfe before, saying that Leotin•• was his Father; And Socrates, with others, doth free him from the name of Usurper of the Empire, when he confesseth that Ʋalentinian did admit him in for Em∣peror. And St. Beda writeth of him, that he was a valiant and worthy man, and so far from intruding himselfe into the Empire, that he was by the Army created Emperor almost against his will, which Will. of Malm. also with others confirmeth, which is suf∣ficiently confirmed not only by the triumphant enemy of our Catholick Brittains and other such Nations assisting him: But our Brittish history, Virunnius and others prove, that he was first incited, invited and sent for into Brittain; both to be King here, and afterwards to take upon him the Empire, as his Right; yet, as some say plainly, Maximus a valiant man and worthy, was forced in Brittain to take the Empire upon him.* 1.172 And if any man saith he was infamed by Writers for persecuting Christians, I dare not assent unto him; for ever from his first power and greatness, he honored and favoured Religion here in Brittain, making it all subject unto him; when he expelled the Scots, he gave or allowed, by their own historians, the Isle of Jonas to their Bishops, Priests and other Clergy and re∣ligious men; and it is evident that the Brittish Christians, & Catholicks, (and as sincere as any in the World) were they whom he most loved and favoured, and by whom, with o∣ther Chatholick Countries as France, Spain and others, he was assisted in his wars, and by their aid and assistance became so potent;* 1.173 and he was far from being a Persecutor of Christians, especially of Catholicks, that even by the ancient Writers of Roman histo∣ries themselves, that excepting his title to the Empire, he made it a chief motive of ta∣king armes against Valentinian the younger, seduced by his Arrian Mother Justina, be∣cause they went about to set up heresie and persecute Catholicks. And Theodore rela∣teth the heretical proceedings of this Valentinian and his mother especially against St. Ambrose that holy Doctor, and Catholick Bishop of Millain, and testifieth that Maximus understanding thereof, wrote unto Valentinian,* 1.174 perswading him to desist from such per∣secuting and heretical proceedings, otherwise he would warr against him in dafence of the Catholick religion, which he performed, and Valentinian forced to fly, dearly tasted what his Mothers heretical Counsels had brought him unto: Paulus Orosius also and Pau∣lus Diaconus call this our Maximus a valiant and good man and worthy to be Emperor. A worthy Emperor; St. Senerus Sulpitius is a sufficient witness also how renowned a man this our Brittish Emperor was in many respects, for concerning that great blemish which some cast upon him for usurping the Empire, and for deposing one Emperor, and killing another, which were the great exceptions, which that great and Apo∣stolick Bishop St. Martine took unto him, and therefore though often envited, to his Table refused to come unto it, He thus declareth himselfe, that the Empire was not

sought by him, but rather against his will imposed upon him by the Souldiers and pleasure of God,* 1.175 for defence and necessity of the Empire, God himself sufficiently gi∣ving testimony thereto, by the incredible event and victory following, and that he slew none of his adversaries but in the feild; upon which satisfaction St. Martin came to the feast, and was far more honored of this Emperor there, than any Prince (the Emperors uncle, brothers, and such others there present) sitting next unto the Emperor himself, and his own Priest and Chaplain sat among those Princes.

* 1.176And such was the honour and reverence our Emperor, did yeeld publickly to that holy Bishop, that in that solemn feast he refused to drink untill S. Martin had drunk out of the same bole before; he condemned Priscillianus the heretick & his Sectaries to death, and banishment, Justantius & Tiberianus into our Brittish Island, named Silley; his judgement against those Hereticks, was for things by them committed against his temporal estate.

* 1.177Yet do I not so contend (saith Mr. Broughton) to free Maximus, that I would wash him clean from all spots and aspersions, wherewith he is stained by some Writers. I rather excuse him in profession of Religion, then conversation of life; yet both Symmachus Con∣sul of Rome, and our Brittish Writer Sylvius (stiled the good Sylvius) living in his time, wrote Books in his praise; and the very Scotish Antiquaries the greatest enemies he had, for conquering and expelling them out of Brittain, are forced to confesse that his carriage was such, that it drew even his enemies to love, honour and follow him, and give him that honour here in Brittain, which never any Emperor, King or Ruler in it since the first inhabiting thereof enjoyed before him: Which is, that Ruling here 17 years, he possessed and ruled over all Albion or Brittain. And in this his general com∣mand here, was a friend & favourer to good Christians, that Hiergustus being then King of the Picts, both he and all his subjects Christians, he freely for a small Tribute to testifie the whole Island belonged to the Roman Empire in his time, suffered, though a stranger, quietly to reign as King among the Picts; And plainly confessed that in Brit∣tain divers years he behaved himself, and in all mens judgement governed vertuously, couragiously, and as a good Emperor ought to do. And that both the Christian Brittains and Picts, the only then inhabitants here did marvelously well love him; his Brittish Wife, Queen and Empress, daughter of Octavius, is commended in the Histories to have been a very vertuous Lady.

The Brittish History sayth that Maximus being overthrown by Theodosius, fled into Aquileia, when by the treason of his own Souldiers (whilst he was paying them their wages) he was delivered to Theodostus, disrobed of his Imperial ornaments, and spee∣dily put to an ignominious Death.

Theodosius.

Maximus being dead, Theodosius the elder, as he was Emperor, so was he King and Ru∣ler in Brittany; this man is most renowned in Histories for the honoring the Church, & hate of heresies; his praises be exceeding many among ancient Writers; therefore I will onely and briefly use the testimonies of modern Historians in his behalf, in their own words;* 1.178 Theodosius the elder a most Christian Emperor; Theodosius did open pennance in Millaine, and fasted and prayed eight Months together, according as St. Ambrose had enjoy∣ned him, because in the first part of his Empire, he had commanded 5000 Citizens of Thessalonica to be slain, and for the executing the innocent with the wicked in form of civil justice; therefore the Arch-bishop would not permit him to rule in the Church, nor to receive the Sacrament until he had performed his pennace. The Magdeburgians of Germany say this Sacrament was. Sa∣cratissimum Domini Corpus, preciosus Domini Sanguis.

Howes saith that St. Ʋrsula with 11000 Virgins, which were sent into little Brittain to be married, were martyred in this Theodosius his reign; but others say it was in the time of Maximus;* 1.179 one give this relation, Maximus entred into France & possessed it all, but espe∣cially one Province which was then called Formorica, which is now called Little-Brit∣tain, because the Brittains did conquer and rase it, and with great rage and fury put to Sword all the Natives thereof, left it uninhabited as a wildernesse; Maximus thought it necessary to people that Province again, because it lay fit for him, therein to conserve and transport his Brittish Souldiers,* 1.180 and for that purpose he divided the fertile feilds & lands of the Lesser-Brittain amongst his Souldiers, which came to him out of Brit. to the end they might Till and Husband it, and reap the fruit thereof: But because his Souldi∣ers might marry and have succession, and settle themselves in that Province, where there was no women, for that they were also put to the Sword, he determined to send unto the Island of Brittain, Scotland and Ireland for a great number of Virgins, which being brought into the new and lesse Brittain, might marry with those Souldiers who were for the most part naturals of their own Country. The chief Commander of all that Army was called Conanus, a man of great birth and of greatest estimation of all the Brittains,* 1.181 whom Maximus hath made his Leiuetenant General and Warden of all the Ports of that Coast. Conanus desired to marry with the daughter of Dionecius King of Cornwal called Ʋrs. a most Noble and vertuous Lady, in whom did shine all the gifts of cha∣stity, beauty & grace which might be desired in a woman; throughout the Province of

there were called forth 11000 Virgins as well for the intent above mentioned, as also that they might accompany Ʋrsula who was to be their leader and Lady; some of these Virgins went of their own accord, others by constraint; But seeing that the com∣mand of Maximus then Emperour was so peremptory that no excuse could be admitted, they embarked themselves in those ships, which were prepared for their passage unto the new Province of Brittain.

It pleased our Lord that these ships lancing out of the Haven met with a quite con∣trary wind, which instead of carrying that blessed company towards Brittaine, it furi∣ously carried them quite contrary, and passing by Zeland and Holland drove them into the mouth of the River of Rhene, a River of great capacity and depth, and carried them so high as the water did ebb and flow. At that time when this happened, Gratian the Emperour understanding what Maximus had done in Brittain and France, and that he carried himself as Emperor and Lord, and not as Captain and Officer, for to represse and chastize him, he entertained into his service the Picts and Hunnes a feirce cru∣ell and Barbarous people, who had conquered the Gothes, and done wonderous things by their force of armes: These being gathered together under the command of Melga Captain of the Picts, and Gaunus General of the Hunnes, began to molest the Seas and to lie coasting about after the manner of Pirates, robbing & spoiling all that fell into their hands, with intent to passe over into Brittain and expulse Maximus, and to serve Grati∣an the Emperour, who for that purpose had entertained them; these Barbarous people were at that present where these blessed Virgins arrived, and perceiving that the ships belonged to their enemies, and to Maximus in particular, against whom they had un∣dertaken that voyage, they encountered with them, and seeing that they were loaden with Virgins (being as dishonest and lascivious as they were cruel and furious) they in∣tended to ravish them. But these holy Virgins (Ʋrsula being leader and encouraging them) determined rather to loose their lives than their chastity, and hereupon as well in deeds as in words, shewing their valour and constancy, and that they were pre∣pared rather to suffer what torments soever, than to offend God, the Barbarous people converting their love into fury and detestation of Christian faith, fell upon them like Wolves upon a flock of Lambs, and put them all to the Sword,* 1.182 because they would re∣main there no longer, but passe over speedily into Brittain, which they thought had been uninhabited, because Maximus had drawn so many Souldiers from thence. Of all that holy and Virgin company, only one called Cordula remained alive, who through fear did hide herself at the time of that slaughter, but seeing what had passed, and that all the rest of her companions were martyred, being encouraged by the motion of our Lord who had chosen them all for himself, the next day following she discovered her self, and obtained also the Crown of Martyrdome.

Some are of opinion,* 1.183 that the place in which the holy bodies of these Virgins now re∣main is the very same in which they were martyred, because the earth on which that Church is built, will not retain any dead body, although it be a child newly baptized,* 1.184 but by might it casteth it forth, as Lindanus Bishop of Ruremund recounteth, giving this as a token, that God will not have any other body to be buried where the bo∣dies of those so many Virgins and Martyrs lie; who shed their blood for confession of his Faith, and defence of their Chastity.

Now the Roman Monarchy was drawing on to her fatal period, when Honorius suc∣ceeding Theodosius his Father in the Westerne Empire,* 1.185 sent Stilico into Brittain to de∣fend the Brittains against the Picts and Scottish men, who assailed them in most parts of the Isle, working upon the weaknesse of the Province, in which (the most choice and able men, having been from time to time transported and wasted in the Roman Wars with other Nations) there remained not then sufficient to de∣fend it self. The common Souldiers there seeing the state in combustion, took upon them to elect and depose Emperours, first proclaiming Gratian a free Citizen of Rome; but not long contented with his government, they murdered him, and elected one Constantine (for the namesake only) supposing the same to be auspicious: Constantine transporting the flower and strength of all Brittain into Gallia, made many dishonou∣rable leagues (to the prejudice of the Empire) with the Barbarous Nations, that then envaded it, and sent his Son Constans (whom of a Monk he had made a Cæsar) into Spain, where Constans (having put to death some principal men whom he suspected to favour Honorius) committed the Government of the Country to Ge∣rontius his chief Captain, by whom he was afterwards slain at Vienna in Gallia: And Constantine his Father having run through many fortunes, was in the end beseiged at Arles, where he was taken and slain by the Souldiers of Honorius the Emperor, which then recovered Brittain. Chrysanthus a man of consular dignity, was then Deputy of Brit∣tain, where he won so great reputation, for vertue and integrity in the Government both of the Church (which was then tainted with the gracelesse heresie of Pelagius the Brittain) and also of the Weal publick of the Province, as he was afterwards (though a∣gainst his will) preferred to the Bishoprick of Constantinople.

This Pelagius the Brittish Heretick was (as the traditions of those parts say) born at Vsk, a Market Town in Monmoth-shire.* 1.186 The Heresies of this Pelagius, and he the first Au∣thour and name-giver unto them, have given the greatest stain and blemish in that kind to this Nation and in this time. For as his heresies were most pestilent, dangerous and infections, so they took first root, and afterward fixed themselves so deeply in this Brittain, that they were not rooted out, untill after the coming of St. Augustine hither about two hundred yeares after: Notwithstanding we had so many and worthy men here, both of our own Nation and others, divers of them sent hither by the See Apo∣stolick to oppose and suppresse it, as both our Scottish and English Writers do testifie: It is the common consent of Historians both of this and foreign Countries, that this Pelagius (as is said before) was a Brittain of this Kingdom; divers of our Antiqua∣ries hold that he was a Monk and Abbot after in our old received Monastery of Bangor, which is made more probable, both in respect that Leporius Agricola his Scholler and follower in his errors a long time, though after recanting them, was a Priest and Monk of the same Monastery, and of all places in Brittain, the places thereabout were most infected with the heresie rageing there long after the time of St. Germanus and Lupus, sent thither by Pope Celestine to suppresse it, and was in a Synod of all the Bishops, Abbots and chief Clergy men of Cambria there confuted and confounded by St. David. All authors agree that this Pelagius was very learned, and the title Arch-Heretick, which is commonly given unto him, doth so testifie: So did the great num∣ber of Councels gathered to condemn him; so did also the particular best learned men in those daies; St. Aug. Jerom, Innocentius, Orosius, Genadius and others which wrote against him; all the Errors wherewith he was charged, he at length renounced, though dissembled for fear, as appears by him after: I think it not convenient to set down his errors, the world being so apt to broach new doctrines, lest any giddy brain∣sick new molded Saint make use of them, both to the destruction of his own Soul, and of many other, the ordinary sort of people being so prone to follow after new Preachers.

Yet to free our Kingdom of Brittain & Wales also of giving life to such a man, St. Hier. saith he was by nation a Scot, as Isidore Pelusiota noteth, and also a voluptuous Monk, both which may be reconciled, if we say he was born among the Scots, and bred in our great Monastery of Bangor and there long time a holy Monk, but after falling both in∣to heresie and lewdnesse of life, he was often condemned in divers Councels in Asia, A∣frica and Europe, whether he had spread his heresies, but not perfectly untill the time of Pope Zosimus about the year of Christ 418 being by him finally condemned, both he and his followers were driven into exile by Honorius the Emperor, and that heresie con∣demned in all the World; This Pelagius, though he had many followers, yet were they all strangers, for the great honour to this Nation, that it had such learned men, that even one of them falling into error did so much prevail and dilate it both in Europe, Africa and Asia, and yet in his own Country could nothing prevail, but was at the first convinced, rejected and exiled, and did only indeavour to infect Brittain his native Country, but could not effect his desire therein.

Now the Romans about four hundred and seventy yeares after their first enterance into this Isle waxed weary of the Government of Brittain and Brittains, that had been many times assailed by their uncivil neighbours (consorted with strangers of divers Nations) perceived themselves unable to make resistance, as in the former times; where∣upon they sent Embassadors to Rome, requiring aid, and promising fealty, if the Ro∣mans would rescue them from the oppression of their enemies. Then was there a Legion sent over into the Island to expulse the barbarous people out of the province, which being with good successe effected, the Romans counselled the Brittaines for their better defence to make a stone wall betwixt* 1.187 Glota and‖ 1.188 Bedatria (the two armes of the Sea that ran into the Island) and so departed thence, but this Wall was only afterwards made of Turves, and not of stone as they were directed, (the Baittains then not having any skill in such kind of buildings) by which means it served to little purpose; for the Scotshmen and Picts understanding that the Romans were gone, passed over the water in boats at both ends of the Wall, invaded the borders of the province, and with main force bare down all before them, whereupon the Embassadors were sent again out of Brittain, to declare the miserable state of the Province, which without speedy succour was likely to be lost.

Upon the complaint and earnest sollicitation of the Brittains, there was another Legion sent over by Aetius the President of Gallia, under the Conduct of Gal∣lio of Ravenna to aid the distressed Brittains, and the Romans having reduced the Povince into her former state, did tell the Brittains, that it was not for their ease to take any more such long Journies, being costly and paineful, considering that the Empire it self was assailed, and in a manner overrunne by Strangers; and therefore that from thenceforth they should provide for their own safety, that they should learn to use Armour and Weapons, and trust to their own valour.

Howbeit the Romans (in regard of the good service done by the Brittish Nation in former times) began to build a Wall of Stone from East to West, in the self same place where Severi••s the Emperor had cast his Trench, the labour and charges of the work being born partly by the Romans, and partly by the Brittains themselves. This Wall contained eight foot in bredth, and twelve in hight (some Reliques thereof, saith the Brittish History, remaine to this day;) upon the Sea-coast towards the South, they raised Bulwarks (one somewhat distant from another) to empeach the Enemies landing in those parts; and this done, they took their last farewell, transporting their Legions into Gallia, as men resolved to return hither no more. As soon as they were gone, the barbarous people having intelligence thereof, pre∣sumed confidently, that without any great assistance they might now enter the Pro∣vince: and thereupon accounting as their own whatsoever was without the Wall, they gave an assault to the Wall it self, and with Graples, and such like Engines, pulled down to the ground a great part thereof, while the Brittains inhabiting the borders being awaked with the suddenness of the Enterprise, gave warning to the rest of their Countreymen within the Land to arm themselves with speed, and to make resistance.

About this time also, which was about the year of our Redemption 430, the state of the Church in Brittain was much incumbred by the Heresie of Pelagius, (of which a little before, yet I here again repeat it in another Authors Language, for fuller satis∣faction of my Reader) which being by birth a Brittain, by profession a Monk, and as some think, trained up in the Monastery of Bangor, travelled first into Italy,* 1.189 then into Sicilia, Egypt, and other East parts of the World, to learn and study as he pro∣fessed, whereby he wound himself into the good opinion of many men of great fame in those daies for learning and piety; as namely, of Paulinus Bishop of Nola, and by his means, of S. Augustine, till the Heretical assertions, which himself and his Disciple Celestinus a Scotch-man, secretly taught, being by St. Hierom discovered, were after∣wards condemned by the Bishop of Rome Innocentius the first: whereupon they retur∣ned again into Brittain, being obstinately bent to maintain their former Heresie; which Agricola the Son of Severianus, a Bishop of that Sect, had not long before brought thither, whereby the same in short time was received and approved among the Christians in divers parts of the Isle; so that betwixt Heresie among the Brittains themselves, and Paganism professed by their Enemies, the light of Christian Religion seemed for a time to be eclipsed. Howbeit, some of the Brittains, disliking those heretical Opinions, which as yet they were unable by knowledge in the Scrip∣tures to confute; and perceiving withal what dangerous inconveniences to the State arose oft times by reason of their disagreement one from another in matters of Reli∣gion, earnestly required the Bishops of France to send over some godly, wise, and learned men, that might defend the truth of Christianity, which seemed to be born down by the subtil allegations of humane Reason. Hereupon the Bishops called a Synod, wherein Germanus the Bishop of Auxerre, and Lupus Bishop of Troyes in Cham∣paigne were appointed to go into Brittain, and to undertake the Cause; which they afterwards prosecuted with so good success, as many Hereticks among the Brittains were openly convinced, and Christians confirmed in faith. About the same time Ninianus Bernitius (of the Race of the Brittish Princes) was sent into Pictland to convert the Inhabitants there to Christianity:* 1.190 Palladius a Grecian was likewise ap∣pointed by Celestine Bishop of Rome to Preach the Gospel in Scotland unto such there as yet remained in Infidelity, and to suppress the Pelagian Heresie new sprung up in that Kingdom, to be the first and chief Bishop of the Church there; for which purpose also Patricius, surnamed Magonius, (born in Brittain) was sent to the Irish and Scotch men that then dwelt in the Isles of the Orcades and Hebrides: these three Religious Fa∣thers were much honoured in those dayes, for the reverend opinion which most men had of their Learning and Integrity of life, and they are accounted the Apostles and Patrons of the Scotish, Irish, and Pictish Nations, as being the several Instruments of the general Conversion of each of them.

Within few years after the Brittains were again hotly pursued by the Scotchmen and Picts, who swarmed over a great part of the Land, taking from the Brittains for a time all opportunities of convening and assembling themselves together, as in for∣mer dangers they had been accustomed; whereby no small number of the Inhabitants of the Province (dispairing of better success) retired themselves, giving way unto the present necessity, while each man (as in common calamities oft times it falleth out) laying aside the care of the publick, made provision for his own safety, leaving the Enemy in the mean time to take and kill such as resisted.

Some of the Brittains being driven out of their own houses and possessions, fell to robbing one another, encreasing their outward troubles with inward tumult and civil dissention, by which means a great number of them had nothing left to sustain them but what they got by hunting and killing of wild beasts. Others burying their

Treasures under ground (whereof great store hath been found in this Age;* 1.191) did flee themselves either into the Countrey of thea 1.192 Silures andb 1.193 Ord••nices, and into the West part of the Isle, (where thec 1.194 Damonians then inhabited) or else into Amorica in France; the rest being hemmed in with the Sea on the one side, and their Enemies on the other, sent to the Emperor for aid; which they could not obtain, for that the Goths and Hunns invading Gallia and Italy, the greatest part of the Forces of the Empire was drawn thither for defence of those places: by reason whereof the State of Brittain now declining with the Empire, and shrinking under the burthen of barbarous Oppression, the Brittains sent Embassadors again to Aetius the President in Gallia, desiring him to relieve their necessities, declaring withall, that themselves were the small remnant which survived after the slaughter of so many thousands whom either the Sword or the Sea had consumed; for the barbarous Enemy drave them upon the Sea, the Sea again upon the Enemies; between both which they suffered two kindes of death, as being either killed or drowned, that it imported the Majesty of the Roman Empire to protect them, who had so many hundred years lived under their obedience, and were now plunged into the depth of intollerable miseries; for besides the calamities of War both civil and foreign, at one instant they were affli∣cted with dearth and famine which forced them sometimes to yield themselves to the merciless Enemy. But their complaints availed nothing; for the Romans plainly denied to send them any more succour; whereof the Scotishmen and Picts being cer∣tainly advertised, and knowing how small a number of able men remained in the Province to withstand their attempts, assailed first such places of strength as guarded the borders, and afterwards entred the Province it self, where, by continual course of Conquests, they found a passage into the heart of the Isle, spoyled the People of their wealth, burnt their Cities, and brought the Inhabitants thereof under a mise∣rable Servitude.

Thus about five hundred years after the Romans first Entrance, and four hundred forty six after our Saviours birth, the Isle of Brittain, which had been not only the principal Member of the Empire, but also the seat of the Empire it self, and the Se∣minary of Soldiers sent out into most parts of the World, was now in the time of Honorius bereaved of the greatest part of her ancient Inhabitants, and left a prey to barbarous Nations.

SHREWSBURY.

SHREWSBURY is the principal Town in Sh••opshire, and stands neatly upon a Hill, and i•• almost encompassed round by the River Severus that part thereof which is not fenced by the River, being forti∣fied by a very strong Castle; built by Roger de Montgomery, the first Earl thereof. A fair and goodly Town it is, well traded, and frequented by all sorts of people, both Welsh and English, by reason of the Trade of Gloath and other Merchandise, this being the commont Mart and Empory between England and Wales: it standeth in the very midst or centre, as it were, of the whole Countrey, which generally is inferiour to none about it for delight and plenty; for the number of Towns and Castles standing exceeding thick on every side (as having formerly been a frontier Countrey) very far above them. It belonged anciently to the Cornavii, and at the Norman Conquest was bestowed on Roger de Mont∣gomery, who first made it ••eminent, and with his Successors, and sin••e them the honorable Family of the Talbots enjoyed the Stile and Title of Earls of Shrewsbury.

• 1. Roger de Montgomery.
• 2. Hugh de Montgomery.
• 3. Robert de Montgomery.
• 4. John Talbot Marshal of France, created Earl of Shrewsbury by K. H. 6.
• 5. John Talbot, L. Tre.
• 6. John Talbot.
• 7. Geo. Talbot.
• 8. Francis Talbot.
• 9. Geo. Talbot.
• 10. Gilbert Talbot.
• 11. Edward Talbot.
• 12. Geo. Talbot.
• 13. John Talbot now living, and Earl of Shrewsbury 1661.

The Earl of DERBY.

Thomas Stanley Earl of Derby, Knight of the Garter, &c.	Elinor Daughter to Richard Nevil Earl of Salisbury.
Tho. Earl of Derby, &c.	Anne Daughter to Ed. L. Hastings, which Family descends from the Brittish line, as shall appear in its proper place.
Edward Earl of Derby, &c.	Dorothea Daughter to Thomas How∣ward Duke of Norfolk, by which March this honorable Family de∣scends from the Brittish line, as in the Pedegree of the Duke of Norfolk.

Henry Earl of Derby, &c.	Margaret Daughter to Henry Clif∣ford Earl of Cumberland and Eli∣nor his Wife Daughter and Coheir to Charles Brandon Duke of Suf∣folk and Mary Queen of France, Daughter to Hen. 7. and Grand∣child to Owen Tudor, lineally de∣scended from the Prince of South-Wales.
Ferdinando, Sans Issue male.
William Earl of Derby.	Elizabeth Daughter to Edward Vere Earl of Oxon and Anne Cecil his Wife, by which March, as in the Polog•••••• of Oxford, Salisbury, and Ex c•••••••• appears, this Family descends from the Brittish Prince∣ly St••••••.
James Earl of Derby lost his head as a most faithfull and loyal Subject for his leige Lord King Charles of blessed memory.	Charl••t Daughter to the Duke of Tremulia.
Charles Earl of Derby, Lord Stanley of Latham, Lord Strange of Knocking, and of the Isle of Man, a faithfull Subject to his King, a Patron to his Countrey, and Terror to his Enemies.

DErby is a part of the Coritain, and took that name from Derby the cheif City, a Town coveniently seated on the River of Derwent, beautified with five Parish Churches, a goodly stone Bridge, and a large Market place; and no less famous for good Ale, than Banbury for good Cakes and Cheese: finally the Town is well traded, and of good resort, and is the usuall place of holding Sessions and Assises for all the County. The Countrey of the East and South parts well manured and fruitfull, yielding a very spacious and pleasing prospect, both out of Cutbury Castle and that of Boulsover. The West part, which they call the Peak, is not so pleasing to the eye, though possibly as profitable to the Purse, being rich in Iron, Lead, and Coals, which it yields abundantly, and grazing multitudes of Sheep on the Mountain tops. It contains in it 106 Parishes, of the which eight be Market-Towns, the chief thereof being Derby, as before is said; the Catalogue of whose Earls here followeth.

• 1. William de Ferrars.
• 2. William de Ferrars.
• 3. William de Ferrars.
• 4. Robert de Ferrars.
• 5. Edm: of Lancaster second Son to K. Hen. 3. after which this Title was continued in the House of Lancaster.
• 6. Henry of Lancaster Son of Henry Earl of Lancaster, created Earl of Derby in his Fathers life time, 11. Edw. 3.
• 7. Henry of Bullingbrook son of John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, created Earl of Derby in his Fathers life, 9 Ri. 2.

• 8. Thomas Stanley created Earl of Derby by K. Hen. 7. Lord Constable.
• 9. Thomas Stanley.
• 10. Edward Stanley.
• 11. Henry Stanley.
• 12. Ferdinando Stanley.
• 13. William Stanley.
• 14. James Stanley.
• 15. Charles Stanley now Earl 1661.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Matth. West, an. 286.
• * 1.2

  Galf. Mon. Hist. l. 5. c. 4. Pont. Virun. l. 5. Matth. West. an. 292, 293. 294. Harding Chron. c. 56, 57. Galf. Mon. lib. 15. Pont. Virun. l. 5. Hard. Chron. c 59. Matth. West. 302. Cat. Reg. Britt. & alii. Matth. West. an 286. Harrison. Discr. of Brit. Hollenshed Hist. of Eng. l 4. c. 23.
• * 1.3

  Matth. West. an 213. Otto Frising. Chron. l. 3. c. 29. Floren. Wigorn an. 204. & 226. Marian Aetat. 6 an 218. in Cara alla. Galf. Mon. Hist. Reg. l 5. c. 3. Pont. Vir. l. 5.
• * 1.4

  Hect. Boeti. Scot. Hist. l. 6. ol. 88 89.
• * 1.5

  Galf. & virun.
• * 1.6

  Hect. Boe. ut su∣pra. fol. 100. Holenshed in Grathlint.
• * 1.7

  Catal. Reg. Britainie Hist. Galf. Mon.
• * 1.8

  Math. West. an. 286.
• * 1.9

  Howe. Hist. Ti∣tul. The Ro∣mans, an. 285.
• * 1.10

  Carausius of Kingly race.
• * 1.11

  Hect. Boet. Scot. Hist. l. 6.
• * 1.12

  H••lenshed. in Scot. in Grath∣lint.
• * 1.13

  Hoel. Boet & a∣lii. sup. Hard∣ing c. 53.
• * 1.14

  Hollenshed Hist. of Engl.
• * 1.15

  Fabian fol. 49 c. 64.
• * 1.16

  Pont. Virum. l. 5. Galf. Mon. l. 5. c. 4. Mat. West an. 294. Harding c 56. Hollersh. Hist. of Eng. l 4. c. 23. Stow & Stowes in Ascepiod. Hard. c. 56. Galf. Mon. 5. c. 5. Virum. l. 5. Mat. West an 294.
• * 1.17

  Harding Chron. cap. 58 fol. 57.
• * 1.18

  Mr. Broughton.
• * 1.19

  A Brittish History.
• * 1.20

  The Curienses converted to the faith by a Brittain.
• * 1.21

  Bavaria and Rhetia con∣verted to Christianity by a Brittain.
• * 1.22

  Hard. c. 57. f. 41
• * 1.23

  Godwin.
• * 1.24

  Mr Br. f. 415. Hollen. Hist. of Engl. l. 4.
• * 1.25

  John Lydgat l. 8.
• * 1.26

  Ant. Brit. Antiq. in tit. S. Alb. Cadgrave in e∣odem.
• * 1.27

  Gil lib. de Excid. Brit. cap. 8 Bede Martyr. 22. Julii. Bede l. 1. Hist. Eccle. c. 7. Matth. West. an. 303.
• * 1.28

  Gild. lib. 3. ••e exc. l. 8. Bede l. 1. Hist. c. 7. Galf. Mon. Hist. Reg. Brit. l. 5. c. 3. Mat. West an. 303.
• * 1.29

  Bed. Hist. li. c: 7. Matth. West. an. 303. Jacob. Ger∣men. in vita St. Alba. Capgrave in vita St. Al.
• * 1.30

  Mr. Bro. fol. 438. 1. The rage of the Judge a∣gainst St. Alban. Manusc. An∣tiq. in vita St. Amphiba∣li. Capg. in eodem Matth. West. an 303. & a∣lii.
• * 1.31

  The great de∣votion of St. Alban, and his reverence to the Cruci∣fix. Bed. l. 1. c. 7. Matth West. an. 303. Serp. vita St. Albani.
• * 1.32

  Holinhirst.
• * 1.33

  Matth. Westm. an. 3••3. in St. Albans.
• * 1.34

  Script. Britt. supr. manu∣scrip. Antiq. vita St. Al∣bani. Bede l. 1. c. 7. Matth. Westm. an. 303. Capg. in St. Albans. Hen. Hunting. l. 1. Hist. in Dioclesian.
• * 1.35

  Hiericus Gal∣lus in vita St. Gor.
• * 1.36

  Mat. West an 303.
• * 1.37

  Mr Br. f: 441. 5. Autho ••o Britt. vitae S. Albani. Manus. Antiq. in vita eius Capg. in eodem Manus. Antiq: in vita S. Amp Capg. in eodem Bed. l. 1. Hist. c 7. Hen. Hunt. l 1. Hist. M W. an. 303. Manus. Antiq. in S Amp. Cap. in eodem. Bede l 1. Hist. c 18. Tho. Walsing. Hist. Angl. in Edw. 2. Tho. Walsing. ut supra.
• * 1.38

  Gild. l. 2. de excid. Brit. c. 8.
• * 1.39

  Mr. Br. 443. 2.
• * 1.40

  Bede l. 1. c. 7.
• * 1.41

  Jacob. Gon. in vit. St. Alb. & S. Amp. Angli∣ca translat. ibid. Mr. Br. f. 455.
• * 1.42

  Mat. West. an 303. Manus. Antiq. in vita S. Amp Capg. in eodem Mr. Br f. 447. 1
• * 1.43

  Many conver∣ted at St. Am∣phibalus his martyrdom. Jacob. Gonnen. in vita S. Amp Manus. Antiq. Capg. in eodem.
• * 1.44

  1000 conver∣ted and pre∣sently put to death, at the martyrdom of St. Amphi∣balus.
• * 1.45

  Matthew Pa∣ris, Hist. pag. 179, 180, 181. 182, 183.
• * 1.46

  Harpsfield, Hist: Eccle. Ang. in 6. pri∣mis soeculis c. 10. p. 17.
• * 1.47

  Maria Sco. l. 2. Aetat. 6. Col. 304. in Con∣stant. Flor. Wigorn. Chron. an. 321. & 299. Capg. Catal. prefat. in vita St. Helenae. Marianas Sco. l. 2. Aetat. 6. in Aurel. Bar tomo 2. Annal. an. 306 Jac. Gordon an. 273. in Aurel. Harris Hist. Eccl. Britt. Tom. 4. c. 2. Zosim. l. 2. Suid. in Con∣stan. Matth. West. an. 273. Mar. Sco. l. 2. Aetat. 6 in Aurel.
• * 1.48

  Marti. Polo. Coxton fol. 38. Hollinshed Hist. of Eng. l 4. Capg. in St. Helen. Nicep. l. 7. c. 18. Andre. Chesne l. 4. Hist. Marie. l. 2 ae∣tat. 6. in Const. Flor. Wigorn. Chronico. Regi. in an. 243. Mar. Polo. In supputa. an. 307. Otto. Frigen. l. 3. c. 45. Bede l. Hist. c. 8. Martin. Polo. sup. an. 309. col. 66. Papinian. l. prefect. F. de ritu Nuptia∣rum. Joan. Capg. in Catal in præ∣fat. in vita S. Helenae. M. Aurelius Cassidorus in Chron. Zosimus Comes in Constantine l. 2. Mari. an. 292. c. 301. Maria. l. 2 ae∣tat. 6. an. 305. col. 303. Bede. Hist. l. c. 8. Floren. Wig. Chron. an. 328. & 306. Galli. Orat. Panyg. ad. const. apud. Baron. Tom. 2. an. 306. Hen. Spond. i∣bid. Harris Hist. eccl. Tom. 4. Nichol. Vigni∣er. Billiosh. Histor. ad. an. 306. Pompo Lae∣lus. in camp. Hist. Rom. in Const. Max. Eutropius. l. 10. Hist. Rom. Constan. Ma∣nasses. l. An∣nal. Hanibald. a∣pud. Frithem. l. de orig. Franc. Euseb. Cron. an. 294 Eutrop. l. 9. Hist. Rom. Victor. in Dio∣cle. & Maxi∣mi.
• * 1.49

  Theoph. Ceram in Chron. Egbert Albas Ser. 3. de mere & manif. Ca∣tho. fidei Be∣rengosus Ab∣bas l. de in vent & laud. S. Crucis. c. 1
• * 1.50

  Stately build∣ing of St. Helen Q. of Brittain.
• * 1.51

  Bernigosus ibid.
• * 1.52

  Galf. Mon. H. Reg. Brit. l. 5. c. 6. Pont. Virun.
• * 1.53

  Elius Lam∣prid. in Alex. Sever.
• * 1.54

  Math. West. & alii supra. Manusc. Hist. Eccles. Win∣ton. Caius Hist. Cantabr. Ac••ademiae p. 19.
• * 1.55

  Harding c. 60.
• * 1.56

  He retook He∣len Daughter of the King to conjugal soci∣ety.
• * 1.57

  Math. West. an. 302. 305. Mari. Sc. anno. 305. 306.
• * 1.58

  Hard. Chron. c. 6. Galf. Mon. Hist. Reg. Brit. l. 5. c. 6. Pont. Virun. Hist. l. 5. Harding c. 61. Howes fol. 44.
• * 1.59

  Holinshed Hist. of Eng. 45. Fab. Sozom. Hist. Eccle l. 1. c. 6. Euseb. l. 2. de vita Const. Mr, Bro. fol. 460.
• * 1.60

  Euseb. Hist. Eccle. l. 8. c. 14.
• * 1.61

  Idem. apud Ba∣ron. & Spon. an. 304.
• * 1.62

  Sozomen l. 1. c. 6.
• * 1.63

  Bede. l. Hist. c. 8. Galf. Mon. Hist. Reg. Brit. l. 5. c. 5. Manusc. Gali. Antiq. c. 28. 29. Virun. l. 5. Hist. 1. Harding Chron. c. 57, 58, 59, 60. Hen. Hunt. Hist. l. 1. Socrates Eccl. Hist. 1. c. 1. Eusebius. l. 1. vit. Const. c. 9. Theodoret Hist. Eccle. l. 1. c. 24.
• * 1.64

  Sozom. Eccles. Hist. l. 1. c. 5. Chron. Mon. Abington apud Ncieph. Harsp. Hist. Eccle. sae∣cul. p. 203. c. 9.
• * 1.65

  Gild. l. de con. Brit. c. 8.
• * 1.66

  Stow & Howes Hist. tit. Rom. in Constant. & Constantin.
• * 1.67

  Mr. Bro. fol. 463. 1.
• * 1.68

  Bede. Hist. Ec. l 1. c. 8.
• * 1.69

  Matth West. an. 313. S. Albans Church built. Manusc. An∣tiq. Eccl. Winton. Ma∣rian. Sco. an 306. Martin Polo 307. Antiq. Gal. an 306. St. Julians & Lantarnam. Church built in Constantius time, about 309. after Christ. Matth. West. an. 305. 307. Baron & Spond. an 306 Gordon. an 306 Jacob Grinaeus an. in c. 15. l. 1 Euseb. de vita Constantini an. 308. Hen. Hunt. l. 1. Hist. Diocl. & Constantin. Regit. o Chro. l. 1. in Const an. 253.
• * 1.70

  Stow & Howes in Constant.
• * 1.71

  Zonoras Annal Tom. 2. in Constant. Pomp. Laetus Rom. Hist. Camp. in Const. max. Eseb. l. 1. de vita Const. mag. c. 18. Grin. amart. in cum locum.
• * 1.72

  Euseb. in vita Const l. 1. c. 14.
• * 1.73

  Cap. 15.
• * 1.74

  Hollenshed Hist of England l. 4 c. 28. 27. cit. Euseb: Sext Aurel. vict. Nicep. Tripart. Hist.
• * 1.75

  Euseb. l. 1. de vita Constan. c. 16.
• * 1.76

  Euseb. c. 18.
• * 1.77

  Euseb. l. 1. vit. Const. c. 12.
• * 1.78

  Euseb. Hist. l. 8. c. 14.
• * 1.79

  Euseb. in Chron. Flo. Wigorn. in Chron. Mar. Sco. Aetat. 6. l. 2. in Const.
• * 1.80

  Annals Eccle. Winton.
• * 1.81

  Godwin Catal. of Bish. Winch. In initio.
• * 1.82

  Bede Eccl. Hist. l. 1. c. 7. Math. West. Anno. 313.
• * 1.83

  The foundati∣on of Lhan∣turnanus, and St. Julians Church in Ca∣erleon.
• * 1.84

  Mr. Bro. fol. 469.
• * 1.85

  Gild. de. excid. & conq. Brit. c. 8. Bede Eccles. Hist. l. 1. c. 8. Math. West. an. 313.
• * 1.86

  Math. Parker Antiq. Brit. p. 8. Jo. Goscel Ec∣cles. Hist. Ma∣nusc. de Archi∣epis. Cant. pro∣pe initium.
• * 1.87

  Manusc. Gall. Antiq. cap 28.
• * 1.88

  Chron. Monast. Abington apud Nich. Harps∣field Eccle. Hist. saecul. 10. c. 9.
• * 1.89

  Euseb. l. 1 de. vita. Const. c. 20, 21. Socrat. Hist. Eccles. l. 1. c. 1.
• * 1.90

  Otto Frig. Chron. l. 4. c. 1. Galf. Mon. Hist. Brit. l. 5. c. 7. Pont. Virun: l. 5. Math. West. l. 1. Hist. Holinshed l. 4. c. 28.. Stowe & Howes in Const. Hard. Chron. c. 62. p. 49.
• * 1.91

  Mr. Bro. fol. 471.
• * 1.92

  Eusch. in vita Const. c. 21, 22. Otto Frigen. Chron. l. 4. c. 1. Euseb. Hist. Eccle. l. 9. c. 9.
• * 1.93

  Euseb. ut sup. c. 22.
• * 1.94

  Cap. 23.
• * 1.95

  Cap. 24.
• * 1.96

  Sozo. Hist. l. 1. c. 3. Convocatis Christi Sacer∣dotibus.
• * 1.97

  Euseb. c. 25.
• * 1.98

  Socr. Hist. Gal. l. 1. c. 3. Sozo l. 1. c. 3. Otto Chron. l. 4. c. 1. Stowe & Howesin Con∣stantin.
• * 1.99

  Euseb. l. 1. de vita. Const.
• * 1.100

  Cap. 31.
• * 1.101

  Zozom. l. 2.
• * 1.102

  Panegerick 1. Const. Baron. & Spond an. 312. Zozom. Baron. Spond. an 312
• * 1.103

  Euseb. c. 34.
• * 1.104

  Euseb. c. 35.
• * 1.105

  Ma••. Sco. an. 205. & an. 312.
• * 1.106

  Ma••. Sco. Ae∣tat. 6. an. 312. Flor. Wigorn. in Chron. an. 292 and 300. 321. and 328.
• * 1.107

  Mar. Sco an. Baron. and Spond an 312. Harding c. 62. fol. 49. Flor. Wigorn. an. 306. Jo. Bal. lib. de S. rip. Britt. Centu. 1. in Flavio Const.
• * 1.108

  4 Reg. 5
• * 1.109

  Aug. Quest. Evang. l 1. c 40 Edictum Const Tom. 1. Con Act Sylvest. Papa Plini. l. 26. c. 1. Adrio. 1. Epist ad Const Simon Metap in vira S. Sylv. Zonoras in vi∣ta Const. Greg. Turen
• * 1.110

  Metaphr. in vita St. Sylv. Mr Br. f. 476
• * 1.111

  Theophan Ce∣rameus Chron Plantina in Mar.
• * 1.112

  Euseb. l. 2. de vita. Const. c. 27 ut supra. Baron an. 321 Acta. Sylvest Niceph. l. 7. c 34 Egbertus Ab. Flor. Sem. 3 de Increm. & manifest cath. fidei.
• * 1.113

  Jodoc. Cocc. in the saur. Cath. Tom. 1. lib. 7. art. 9.
• * 1.114

  Amia. Mar∣cel. l. 27. c. 2.
• * 1.115

  Mr. Br. f. 4••7 5. Zosom. l. 2. de Constan. Zosom. Hist. Eccle. l. 1. c. 5. R. Abraham Levit. in Chr. Judaic. R. Abra. Ezra in c. 11. Dan. Glycas Pal. 4. Annal. Meno. Graecor. Calend. Janu. Nich. Pap. Epist. ad Mi∣chael. Imper.
• * 1.116

  Henr. Hunt. hist. l. 1. in Cistit. Harding Chro. c. 63. f. 50.
• * 1.117

  Old English Hist. part 4. f. 38. S. Adelm lib. de Laud. Virg. c. 12. Nicep. l. Hist. 7. c. 35. & l. 8. c. 5.
• * 1.118

  Floren. Wigo. Chron. an 306 & 328. Marian. Scot. lib. 2. aetat. 6. anno 321.
• * 1.119

  Mr. Brought. fol. 481.
• * 1.120

  Math. West. an. 321. Baro. & Spon. Annal. an. 314 Severin. Bin∣nius Annot. in Conc. Arlesat. Tom. 1. Com. Epist. Const. ad Chrest. supr. Conc. Roman. Can. 1. Hist. Tripart. l. 3. c. 2. l. 2. c. 3. Mr. Br. f. 855.
• * 1.121

  Bap. Mont. l 2. de vita S. Bla∣sii Joan. Bel. l. 2. de actis Pont. Roman. in Sylvest. 1.
• * 1.122

  Mr. Br. f. 488
• * 1.123

  Brittish Hist. fol. 138.
• * 1.124

  Hollin. Hist. of Engl. f. 92.
• * 1.125

  Mr. Br. fol. 532.
• * 1.126

  Euseb. lib. 4. Sozom. lib. 2. Hist. cap. 14.
• * 1.127

  Euseb. ut sup.
• * 1.128

  Baronius & Spond. Annal. in ann. 336.
• * 1.129

  Euseb. lib. 4. de Vit. Const. c. 64. Socr. l. 1. c. ult.
• * 1.130

  Euseb. lib. 4. de vit. Const. c. 64. Cap. 66. sup.
• * 1.131

  Euseb. Ca. 66.
• * 1.132

  Howes of the Romans f. 45.
• * 1.133

  The fearfull end of an arch Heretick.
• * 1.134

  How es ibid.
• * 1.135

  Old English Chronic. f. 34 p. 4.
• * 1.136

  Br. fol. 543. 4.
• * 1.137

  Epist. Arimin. Conc. ad Con∣stant. Imp. a∣pud Sozoni. Hist. l. 4. c. 47.
• * 1.138

  Harding Cron. c. 63. f. 51. Galf. Mon. Hist. Reg. Bri. l. 5. cap. 9. Pont. Virun. Hist. l. 5. Math. West. an. 379.
• * 1.139

  Gal. Mon. l. 5. c. 12.15. Pont. Virun. lib. 5. Math. West. an. 390, 392. Manus. Anti. in vit. S. Nin. Capg. in eod. Bal. li. de Scrip. Cent. 1. in Nin.
• * 1.140

  Brittish Hist. fol. 239.
• * 1.141

  Mr. Br. fol. 548. 1.
• * 1.142

  Mr. Bro. fol. 548. Socr. l. 2. c. 16. Soz. l. 3. c. 11, 12. Athan. Apol. 2 cont. Arianos. Divers Bish∣ops of Brit∣tain, 5 at the least present at the Coun∣cel of Sardyce Baro. & Spon. an. 347. Sex. Ruff. Brem. Rev. gest. po. Ro. ad Valent.
• * 1.143

  Epist. Concilii Arimini ad Const. apud Socr. l. 2. Hist. c. 29. Soz Hist. Eccl. l. 4. c. 16. Sever sulp. sacra Hist. l. 2. c. 21. Lib. Notitia Epis. orb. Chr. sive Cod. Pro∣vin. Rom.
• * 1.144

  Harris Eccles. Hist. Tom. 4. c. 24.
• * 1.145

  Sulpi. Sever. Sacr. histor. l. 2. Epist. Conc. Arim. ad Con. apud Theod. l. 2. Hist. c. 19. Mr. Bro. fol. 552. Epist. Arimin. Conc. ad Con∣stan: Imp. a∣pud Theod. l. 2. c. 20. & alios.
• * 1.146

  Hil. li. contra Arian. & Ar∣gent. Socrat. Hist. Ecoles. l. 2. c. 29, 41. So∣zom. Hist. l. 4. c. 18.
• * 1.147

  Sozom. Hist. Eccle. l. 5. c. 1. Socrat. l. 2. c. 37
• * 1.148

  Baron. & Spo. Annal. Tom. 4.
• * 1.149

  Brittish. Hist. l. 3. fol. 140.
• * 1.150

  Brittish. Hist. l. 3 fol. 141.
• * 1.151

  Mr. Bro. fol. 562.
• * 1.152

  Zosim. Hist. l. 3. Socr. Hist. Eccl. l. 3. c. 1. Cassiod. Tri∣part. Hist. l. 6. c. 1. Nicep. l. 10. c. 1. Bar. & Spond. Annal. anno 360. Soc. l. 3. c. 1. Cassiod. Tri. Hist. l. 6. c. 1. Amianus l. 21.
• * 1.153

  Baron. an. 363
• * 1.154

  Mr. Bro. fol. 56.
• * 1.155

  Gregor. Nazi∣an. in Orat. in Julianum. Nicep. l. 9. Hist. c. 50. British. Hist. 141.
• * 1.156

  Ruffinus Hist. l. 2. c. 1. Theodoret l. 4. c. 1. Socr. Hist. l. 3. c. 19. Matth. West. ann. 366.
• * 1.157

  Jovian com∣mended.
• * 1.158

  Ruff. sup: Theodoret l. 4: c. 1.
• * 1.159

  Socr. l. 3. c. 5. Ruff. l. 2. c. 1.
• * 1.160

  Socr. l. 3. c. 20.
• * 1.161

  Socr. l. 3. c. 11.
• * 1.162

  Thodoret. Hist. l. 4. c. 12.
• * 1.163

  Maximus Em∣peror, a Brit∣tain excused and defended: Ruff. l. 2. c. 14. Socr. l. 3. c. 11.
• * 1.164

  Brit. Hist. l. 3. fol. 142.
• * 1.165

  Picts who, & from whence
• * 1.166

  The Scots from whence at first.
• * 1.167

  Brittish Hist. l. 3. fol. 142.
• * 1.168

  Howes fo. 46.
• * 1.169

  A universal earth-quake, strange rain and Hail.
• * 1.170

  Nice destroy∣ed by an Earth-quake.
• * 1.171

  Baron Annal. Tom. 4. an. 383. Sigebert. Chr. an. 383. Virun. Brit. Hist. l. 5. Galf. Hist. Brit. l. 5. c. 11. Virun. l. 5. Theat. of G. Brit. l. 6. p. 272. Socrat. Hi. l. 5. c. 11. Ruffi. l. 2. c. 15, & 16. Beda l. 1. c. 9. Malms. l. 1. Stow, Howes in Maxi.
• * 1.172

  Mr. Broug. f. 572. Hect. Boe. George Buch. Hist. Scot. Holishn. Hist. Scot.
• * 1.173

  Sozom. ut sup.
• * 1.174

  Theodoret. Hi. Eccle. l. 5. c. 13. Paul. Oros. l. 5. c. 34. Paulus Diaco. l. 1. c. 3.
• * 1.175

  S. Severinus de vita S. Martini. Cap. 23.
• * 1.176

  Mr. Broug. fo. 573.
• * 1.177

  H••rris Hist. Tom. 4. c. 34. Magdeb. cent. 4. c. 16. Sylvius bonus. C. Max. Caes. Laudes. Io. Leland & Io. ••its. in Sil∣vio Bon••. Harris sup. Zosim. l. 4. Baro. & Spon∣dan. 382 in An••al. Annal. Scot. apud Hect. Boet. l. 7. Scot. Hist. initio.
• * 1.178

  Stow & Howes hist. Tit. Rom. in Thedosio. Magdeburg. Cent. 4. c. 7. Col. 568. Mag. Cent. c. 10. Theod. Hist. l. 6. c. 8.
• * 1.179

  Surius in St. Ʋrsula.
• * 1.180

  Surius & Ri. badeneira octob. 21.
• * 1.181

  The Hist. of St. Ʋrsula.
• * 1.182

  11000 Brit∣tish Virgins at one time mar∣tyred.
• * 1.183

  A strange wonder.
• * 1.184

  Lindanus Bi∣shop of Rure∣mund.,
• * 1.185

  Brit. Hist. l. 3. fol. 148.
• * 1.186

  Virun. Hist. Scot. Hector. Boet. Hist. l. 9. fol. 179. p. 1. Geor. Bucan. Rerum. Scot. l. 5. Reg. 52. p. 160. Hollinshed Hi. of Scot. in fre∣qua hand. Aug. Epist. 106. Bede Hist. l. 1. Hen. Hunt. Hist. l. 1. Math. West. Chron. an. 404. Floren. Wig. Chron. an. 413 alii 435. Mr. Bro. fol. 605. Aug l. de Heres. Cler. 88. l. 2. de Pecc. origin. c. 11. Epist. 106. l. 2. de pec. orig. c. 8, 9. 14. l. 2. Retr. c. 47. Hier. Ep. 79. & ad Alip. Dial. cont. Pelag. Prosper. de Ingrat. Isidor. Pelus. Epist. 314. Mr. Broughton fo. 606. Bed. l. 1. hist. c. 17. Math. West. Chron. an. 442. Pits. aetat. 4. p. 85. Bal. l. de scrip. cent. 1. in Pelag.
• * 1.187

  The firth of Dunbretton in Scotland.
• ‖ 1.188

  Edenbur. Firth.
• * 1.189

  Brittish Hist: fol. 152. l. 3.
• * 1.190

  Brittish Hist. l. 3. f. 153.
• * 1.191

  Brit. Hist. l. 3. fol. 158.
• a 1.192

  Southwales.
• b 1.193

  Northwales.
• c 1.194

  Cornwall & Devonshire.