Of wisdom three books / written originally in French by the Sieur de Charron ; with an account of the author, made English by George Stanhope ...

CHAP. XLIV. The Third Distinction and Difference be∣tween Men, which is Accidental, and re∣lates to their Degrees, Conditions, Offices, and Relations.

THis Accidental Distinction, which regards the State of Life wherein Men are placed, the Offices they execute, and the Relations they mu∣tually bear to one another, is grounded upon the Two great Principles, and Fundamental Supports of all Humane Society, which are, Commanding and Obeying, Power and Subjection, a Superiour and an Inferiour Station.* 1.1 For were it not for Go∣vernment and Obedience, all this goodly Fabrick would fall to pieces. This Distinction I shall first endea∣vour to represent to you in the gross, by the fol∣lowing Table.

• The First and gene∣ral Divi∣sion
• All Power and Sub∣jection is either
  • 1 Private, which ex∣tends to
    • 1. Families and Hous∣hold Government, and here the mutu∣al Relations are contracted Four Ways; and the Authority is of Four Sorts.
      • 1. Conjugal, between the Husband and Wife; This Relation is the Source and Root of all Humane Society.
      • 2. Paternal, between Pa∣rents and Children; This is truly and pro∣perly Natural.
      • 3. Herile, and that of two Sorts.
        • 1. Of Lords and their Slaves.
        • 2. Of Masters over their Servants.
      • 4. That of Patrons and their Dependants, which is now out of Date, and searce any where in use.
    • 2. Corporations and Colleges and Civil Commu∣nities, such as are call'd the Lesser Communi∣ties, which relates to the several Members of that particular Body.
  • 2. Publick, and this a∣gain is ei∣ther
    • 1. Supreme, which is of Three Sorts, ac∣cording to the Three known Con∣stitutions.
      • 1. Monarchy, or a Go∣vernment vested in One single Person.
      • 2. Aristo••••••cy, or that which is administred by a few of the best Qua∣lity.
      • 3. Democracy, where the whole Body of the•• cople have some Share in it.
    • 2. Subordinate, which lieshetween Persons that are both Supo∣riours and Inferi∣ours, when consider∣ed in Different Re∣spects, and as Places and Persons may al∣ter the Case; and this is a Power of
      • 1. Particular Lords in their ••••••eral Jurisdictions, and admitting of many De∣grees.
      • 2. O••••cers and Magistrates dep••ted by the Supreme Power, of which there is likewise great Va∣riety.

[unspec 2] This Publick Power, whether the Supreme, or the Subordinate, * 1.2 admits of several Subdivisions, ve∣ry necessary to be attended to. The Supreme, which as I observ'd, is of Three Sorts, according to the different Constitutions, and Methods of Go∣vernment, executes and exerts it self in as many different ways, and each of These according to the different Temper and Management, hath been distinguish'd by the Titles of Kingly, Arbitrary, and Tyrannical. Kingly is when the Supreme Power (be it lodged in one, or in more Hands) is it self strictly Obedient to the Laws of Nature, and pre∣serves and protects its Subjects, in their Natural Liberties, and Civil Rights. All Power, in general, belongs to Kings, particular Properties to private Men. The King is Universal Lord, and hath a Right Para∣moum; Others have the Right of Lordship and Posses∣sion. Arbitrary Government is, when the Sovereign is Lord of Mens Persons and Estates by Right of Conquest; and the Subjects are Governed without any Regard to Claims, or Laws, or Rights, but in an absolate Way, as Lords use their Slaves. This is rather Bondage and Captivity; Subjection is too gentle a Name for it; where Lives are cut off, and Estates seized, and rack'd and taken away, at Pleasure. Tyrannical Government is where the Sove∣reign despises and disregards all the Laws of Na∣ture, and Original Rights of Mankind; and so does not only make use of, but abuses the Per∣sons and Possessions of the Subjects; and this dif∣fers from the former Arbitrary way, much after the same manner, that a Robber differs from a Fair Enemy in the Field.

Now, of these Three Different Constitutions, the Monarchical; but of the Three Tempers or Ways of Governing, the Arbitrary, hath been observed to be the most Antient, and best Calenlated of any, for Grandeur, Continuance and Splendor. Thus

it was with the Assyrian, Persian, Aegyptian, and at present that of Aethiopia, (the most Antient of a∣ny) Moscovy, Tartary, Turkey, and Pern. But the Best and most Natural Estate is, that manner of Government which we call Kingly, according to our late Distinction of it. The Famous Aristocracies were That of the Locademonians heretofore, and That of the Venetians and States of Holland at this Day. The Democracies were Rome, Athens, Carthage; but the Government of all These, as to its Temper and Method of Administration, was what we call Kingly.

[unspec 3] The Publick Power, which is Subaltern, * 1.3 or Sub∣ordinate, is lodg'd in particular Lords, and These are of several Sorts and Degrees, according to their respective Tenures and Capacities. But the most Considerable are Five.

• 1. Lords Tributary, who only owe Tribute, and nothing else.
• 2. Feudatary Lords, who hold their Lands in Fee.
• 3. Simple Vaslals, who owe Fealty and Homage for their Fee: These Three may be Sovereign Them∣selves too.
• 4. Liege Vassals, that besides Fealty and Homage, owe Personal Suit and Service, and so cannot be truly Sovereign.
• 5. Natural Subjects, whether Vassals in Fee or in Cens, or in any other Tenure and Capacity; These owe Subjection and Obedience, and cannot be ex∣empted from the Power of their Sovereign Lord, and yet are Lords Themselves.

[unspec 4] The Publick Subordinate Power, which consists, in Offices under, and Proper Officers employ'd by, * 1.4 the Supreme Power, is of several Sorts; but may be reduc'd to Five Degrees, with regard to the Di∣stinctions of Honour, and Power, which belong to, or may direct us in the Consideration of them.

• 1. The First and lowest Sort is that of Publick Executioners; such as give the last Stroke, and finish upon Criminals what the Courts of Justice have awarded and begun. These, however necessary, have yet somewhat so shocking in their Employment, that it hath been generally look'd upon as Odious and Scandalous, and the Persons in that Office, not suffered in many Places to dwell within the City.
• 2. The Second are Men, that are neither Ho∣nourable nor Dishonourable upon the Account of their Post, such as Sergeants, Trumpeters, and the like.
• 3. The Third Sort have Honour and Respect indeed by Virtue of their Office, but no Authori∣ty by way of Cognisance, or Power; such are Notaries, Receivers, Secretaries, and the like.
• 4. The Fourth have not an empty Honour on∣ly, but Power, and Cognisance, and yet not any Jurisdiction, properly so call'd; such are The King's Counsel, for Example; who may examine Publick∣ly, but can determine, or give sinal Issue to nothing.
• 5. The Last have Jurisdiction, properly so call'd, and by Virtue of This, they have all the Rest. And These only, in Strictness of Speech, are Magistrates; which may be dislinguish'd several Ways, par∣ticularly into these live Sorts, each of which is Two-fold.
  • 1. Mayors, Senators, Judges. Colonels, &c. Generals, Judges.
  • 2. In Politicks or Civil Government. In Military Matters.
  • 3. In Cuestions and Cases of Property and Right. In Criminal Cases, or Tryals of Offenders.
  • 4. Offices Titular, fixt and Hereditary. Offices in Particular Commission.

• ...
  • 5. Officers Perpetual, of which Nature it is sit, that there should be fewest, and Those on∣ly of the least Consequence.
  • Officers Temporal, or Removeable, such as all of the Highest Importance ought to be.

Of the Conditions and Degrees of Men par∣ticularly, according to the foregoing Table.

ADVERTISEMENT.

IT is Necessary to observe upon this Occasion, that the several Divisions of this Table, and the Distinction of those Powers, and their respective De∣pendencies, upon, and under them, (beginning at Those, which are Private and Domestick) are men∣tioned here with no other Design, than to give a distinct View of the several States and Conditions of Men; It being the Intention of this Present Book, only to Know Man in all his Capacities. And therefore a great Part of what might be ex∣pected upon the Head of Power and Subjection, the Reader must be content to wait for, till we come to the Third and last Part of this Treatise: Where, under the Head of Justice, these several Chapters and Capacities will come under our Con∣sideration again; and the several Duties and Vir∣tues required upon their Account will be specisied and explained. But, before we enter upon any of them in particular, it may not be amiss to pre∣mise somewhat briefly, concerning Command and Obedience in general. These being the Reciprocal Exercises of the Relations here mentioned. The Two Foundations and principal Causes of all that Variety of Circumstances, in which Mankind have been already described.

CHAP. XLV. Of Command and Obedience.

THese, as I said, are the Ground-work, upon which all Humane Society is built; And the many different Conditions, Professions, and Rela∣tions, that go to making it up, do all arise from, and depend upon Them. These Two are Relative Terms; they mutually Regard, Produce, Preserve and Support each other; and are equally necessary in all Companies and Communities of Men; but are not∣withslanding liable to Envy and Opposition, Misre∣presentation and Complaint; All which are the Na∣tural and Constant Effects, even of That, without which we are not able to Subsist. The discontented Populace would reduce their Sovereign to the Condi∣tion of a Car-Man; The Ambition of Monarchs would represent him greater than a God. In Com∣mand is imply'd Dignity, Dissiculty (These Two commonly go together) Goodness, Ability, and all the Characters and Qualities of Grandeur.

The Command it self, that is, The Sufficiency, the Courage, the Authority, and other Qua∣lifications of it, are deriv'd from above, and the Gift of God.* 1.5 Empire and Dominion are bestowed by the Divine Appointment, and There is no Power but of God (says the Apostle to the same Purpose.) From whence it was that Plato said, God did not place some Men over others, that is, not Mere Men, and such as were of the Common Sort and Vul∣gar

Qualisications; but the Persons whom he set apart, and exalted for Government, were such as exceeded others; were more sinished, eminent for some singular Virtue, and distinguishing Gift of Heaven; in short, were somewhat more than Men, and such as former Ages gave the Title of Heroes to.

Obedience is a Matter of Benesit and Advantage; of Ease and Necessity; The Obeying well, is of the Two, more conducive to the Publick Peace, and Safety, than the Commanding wisely; and the Consequences of withstanding and refusing the Commands of our Superiours, or the complying with them Imperfectly and Negligently, are much more Dangerous and Destructive, than Ill and Improper Commands Themselves are, or want of Skill to Govern. Just as in the Case of a Married Life, the Husband and Wife are equally obliged to Con∣stancy of Affection and Fidelity to the Bed; and the Words in which they Solemnly engage for This, are the very Same for both Parties; the same Ce∣remonies and Formalities to signifie and confirm it; but yet the Consequences are by no means equal, but the Mischiefs of Disloyalty are incomparably More, and Greater in an Adulterous Wife, than an Adulterous Husband: So likewise Commanding and Obeying are equally Duties, and necessary in all manner of Societies which unite Men to one an∣other; but yet the Disobedience of the Subject draws much greater Inconveniences after it, than the Unskillfulness or the real Faults of the Gover∣nour. Several States and Kingdoms have held out a long Course, and been reasonably Prosperous and Flourishing, under, not only Ignorant, but very Wicked Princes and Magistrates, by the mere Force of the Unity, and Compliance, and ready Obe∣dience of the Subjects. Which agrees well with the Answer made by a Wise Man to that Question,

How it came to pass, that the Republick of Sparta was so remarkably Flourishing? and Whe∣ther it proceeded from the Wisdom and good Conduct of their Governours? Nay, (said he) I impute it not to their Princes Commanding well, but to the Subjects Obeying well.

But when the People break their Yoak, or throw it off, and refuse Obedience, there is no Remedy but such a State must be ruin'd, and fall to the Ground.

CHAP. XLVI. Of Marriage.

[unspec 1] NOtwithslanding the State of Marriage be ante∣cedent to any other, of the greatest An∣tiquity, and the highest Importance; The very Foundation and Fountain of all Humane Society, (for Families first, and then Commonwealths spring out of it; according to that Observation of Cicero, The First Union and nearest Relation is between Man and Wife; This is the Beginning of Cities, the Nursery and first Plantation of all Publick Communities) yet it hath had the Ill-Fortune to be disesteem'd and run down by several Persons of considerable Wit and Character, who have traduc'd it, as a Condition beneath Men of Understanding, and drawn up several for∣mal Objections against it, in particular These that follow.* 1.6

[unspec 2] First of all, They tell you, the Covenants and Obligations they enter into by it, * 1.7 are unreasonable and unjust; we may call it a Band of Union; but it is no better than the Chains and Fetters of a Cap∣tive. For What Consinement can be more insup∣portable, than That by which a Man stakes him∣self down; and becomes a Slave as long as he lives, to Care and Trouble, and the Humours of another Person? For this is the Consequence, if the Cou∣ple are unsuccessful, and unsuitable in their Tem∣pers; That there is no Remedy, but a Man must stand by his Bargain, be it never so bad, and con∣tinue wretched without any other possible Cure but Death. Now what can be more contrary to Equi∣ty and Justice, than that the Folly of one half Hour should poyson the whole Term of all his Years to come? That a Mistake in one's Choice, or perhaps a Trick, by which he was Trapann'd into this Condition, but, to be sure, an act of O∣bedience many times to the Commands of a Parent, or Complyance with the Advice of a Friend; a submitting one's Own Judgment and Inclination to the Pleasure and Disposal of Others: What Reason (say They) is there that any of these Things shou'd engage a Man to perpetual Misery and Torment? Were not the other Noose about the Neck the wiser Choice of the Two? and to end one's Days and Troubles immediately by leap∣ing headlong from some Rock into the Sea, than thus to launch out into an Eternity of Pains; to have a Hell upon Earth; and always live and lie by a Storm of Jealousie and Ill-nature, of Rage and Madness, of Obstinacy, and Affectation, and intractable Perverseness, and other vile Qualities in which the Sex abounds? Hence it was the Saying of one Author,

That whoever first invented the Marriage-Knot, had contrived a very fair and colourable, but withal, a most effectual Expedi∣ent

for taking a severe Revenge upon Mankind: A Snare or Net to catch Fools and Brutes in, and then put them to a long and lingring Death.

And of another,

That for a Wise Man to mar∣ry a Fool, or a Woman of Sense a Coxcomb, was like tying the Living to the Dead; that so by the Extremity of Cold from the Carkass, the Body might chill and languish, till at last it expire; which is of all Capital Punishments the most barbarous, that ever Tyrants have been able to invent.

The Second Accusation imports, That Marriage corrupts and adulterates Generous and Great Minds, by softening and abating, nay utterly enfeebling and dissolving their Life and Vigour, by the lit∣tle Dalliances, and Flatterings, and Wheedles of a Person, of whom one is fond; by Tenderness for one's Children, Care and Management of Dome∣stick Affairs, and Sollicitude to provide for, and raise one's Family in the World. What lamentable Instances of this Effeminacy are Samson, and Solo∣mon, and Mark Anthony? whose Falls stand in Sto∣ry, like so many noble Ruines, to put us in mind of that Enemy, with some Indignation, that un∣dermin'd and demolish'd what Nature had made so strong. If then there must be Marrying, it is fit (say they) that This should be left to Fel∣lows that have more Body than Soul; let Them go on securely, being so well qualisy'd, and having so little to hazard; and the Cares and Burden of the World are indeed properest for Them; for such mean and low Considerations are Employ∣ments just of a Size with Their Capacities. But as for Those, whom Nature hath been so liberal to in another kind, and given them good Sense, and noble Souls, capable of greater and better Things, Is it not pity to shackle and bind Them down to the World and the Flesh, as you do

Beasts to the Manger? Nay, even among Beasts, some Distinctions are made too; for Those among them that are most esteem'd for Service and Cou∣rage, (as among Dogs and Horses particularly) are kept up at a distance, and forbidden all Ap∣proaches of the other Sex; Others of less Value serving to breed upon very well. Accordingly a∣mong Mankind, Those that are Devoted to the most Venerable and Holy Professions, the Service of the Altar, and a Recluse Life, both Men and Women; such whose Stations oblige them to be the most excellent part of the World, the Flower and Or∣nament of Christian Religion, Clergy and Mona∣sticks are forbidden by the Church of Rome ever to Marry at all. And the Reason most certainly is This, that Marriage obstructs Wisdom and Vir∣tue, calls off the Mind, and gives it too strong and too frequent a Diversion, clips its Wings, and checks its noblest Flights. For the Contemplation of High, and Heavenly, and Divine Objects, is by no means consistent with the Clutter, and Hurry, and sordid Cares of Family-concerns: Upon which Account it is that the Apostle, who commands Continency even in Marriage, hath preferr'd absolute Celibacy before it. Marriage perhaps may have the Advantage in Point of Prosit and Convenience, but the Honour and the Virtue (they tell you) is confessedly on the other side.

Besides; It confounds Men's Measures, and de∣feats noble and pious Intentions and Undertakings. St. Augustin gives an Account to this purpose, That He and some other Friends of his, some whereof were married Men, having formed a Design of retire∣ing from the Town, and all Conversation with the World, into some Solitude, that so they might have nothing to employ their Thou••••••s but the study of Wisdom and Virtue; the 〈…〉〈…〉 Scheme was immediately interrupted, and 〈…〉〈…〉'd,

by the Interposition of their Wives. And another Wise Man hath given us his Opinion,

That if Men could prevail with Themselves to give over all Conversation with Women, Angels would certainly visit and keep them Company.

Once more; Marriage is a great Hindrance to Men's Improvement; particularly it keeps them at home, and cuts them off from the Opportunities of Travelling, and conversing with Foreign Coun∣tries: Which is really a great Accomplishment, and a mighty Convenience, to learn Wisdom one's self, and to teach it to others, and to communi∣cate what we have seen and known, to those who want the same Opportunities. In short; Marriage does not only cramp up, and depress great Parts, and great Souls, but it deprives the World of ma∣ny noble Designs, Works of Munisicence, and Charity, and Publick Good; it renders a Man incapable of serving his Country, and attempting such Things, as He can give no entertainment to the Thoughts of, in the Embraces of a tender Wife, and his Little ones round about him. For These need and require the Care and Preservati∣on of Himself; and serve for an Excuse, at least they cool his Courage, to Actions that are Brave, if at the same time they seem Desperate, or are manifestly Dangerous. And is it not a noble Sight now, to see a Man that is sit to be at the Helm, trissing away his Time at home, playing and telling Stories with his Wife and Children in the Chimney-Corner? Is it not Ten Thousand Pities, that One who is capable of Governing and Directing a World, should be entirely bury'd in Secresie, lost to the Publick, and taken up with the Concerns of a single Family? Upon this Con∣sideration it was, that a Great Man, when his Friends moved a Match to him, made answer, That he was born to Command Men, and not one

pretty little Toy of a Woman; to Advise and give Rules to Kings and Frinces, and not to Boys and Girles.

[unspec 3] To that part of these Objections, which carry any serious Argument,* 1.8 (for a great deal of them is Raillery only) we may answer as follows; That Humane Nature must be consider'd, as it really is; A State not capable of Absolute Perfecti∣on; nor was such a Life here ever intended for us, as we should have nothing in it to be found fault with, nothing that should cross, or give us cause to wish it otherwise. Our very Remedies must make us a little sick, even when they are promoting our Health and Recovery; and every Convenience carries its Abatement, and is clogg'd and incumbred with some Inconvenience insepa∣rable from it. These are Evils, allow it, but they are Necessary Evils. And if the Case be not well in all Points, yet this is the best of it; for there is no other way possible to be devised for the pre∣serving and propagating Mankind, but what would make the Matter infinitely worse, and be liable to More and Greater Evils. Some indeed, (as Plato in particular) would fain have rooted out these Thorns, and resin'd upon the Point, by inventing other Methods for the Continuance of the Spe∣cies; but after all their Hammering and Polishing, Those Conceits at last prov'd mere Castles in the Air; Things perfectly impracticable, and such as if once receiv'd could never have lasted; and be∣sides, it appear'd evidently, that tho' they had been practis'd and approv'd, yet even These were loaded too with a great many Inconveniences, and sore Difficulties. The Truth is, Men create their Own Uneasiness, and make all the Hardship to Them∣selves; Their Vices and Intemperances, the Vio∣lence and the Contrariety of their Passions, are their Tormentors; and then they blame the State

in which they feel and suffer those Torments. But That is clear, and free from Guilt, and so is every Thing but Man himself, who turns every Thing against Himself, and knows not how to use any Condition as he ought, and to the best Ad∣vantage. But Those that are Philosophers indeed, will go a great deal farther; They will tell you, These very Difficulties recommend Marriage the more, as rendring it a School of Virtue, an Ap∣prenticeship to learn it, a daily and Domestick Exercise to perfect and render it familiar to us. And Socrates, that great Oracle of Wisdom, when People reproached him with the peevish and im∣perious Humour of his Wife, declar'd that it was an Advantage to him; for by that means he learnt at home to behave himself with Constancy and Patience in all Accidents and Companies abroad; and to make all the Uneasinesses of Fortune go down very glibly. But This, tho' it want not a great deal of good Sense at the Bottom, and may be very useful to Men of good Dispositions, and Capacity enough to serve themselves of it, is yet such an Argument as I do not expect many Con∣verts from. Admitting then, that They who con∣tinue single do best consult their Own private Ease and Satisfaction: Admit it better and more pru∣dent thus to reserve one's self for Piety and De∣votion, and eminent Degrees of Virtue, by pre∣venting all those Avocations and Interruptions, which the Cares of a Married Life unavoidably expose us to. (And it is in this Sense, and for these Purposes only, that St. Paul prefers a State of Celi∣bacy, which those that make use of, and pretend to be directed by his Authority, would do well to consider) Yet after all, with what Face can any Christian speak in disparagement of Marriage, who remembers at all, what the Faith he makes professi∣on of, hath taught him to believe in Honour of

it? For, when all is done, these are unanswerable, and they ought to be esteem'd very Sacred Argu∣ments, such as should command our highest Vene∣ration and Respect, That it is of God's own In∣stitution, That it was his first Ordinance, That he appointed it in Paradise, in a State of Innocence and Perfection, when Humane Nature was in all its Glory. These are Four weighty Considerations, and ought to recommend, at least to deliver it from diminishing Reflections, when they are not capable of a sober Reply. After this we find, that the Son of God himself was pleas'd to Honour and Approve it with his Presence, to work his first Miracle in favour of it, and the Persons engag'd in it; nay, that he hath condescended to make use of This, as a Figure of that most Sacred and Inviolable Union betwixt Him and his Church; and upon that Account,* 1.9 given it the Privilege of being styled a Mystery, a Great and Divine Mystery.

[unspec 4] It must be acknowledg'd indeed, that Marriage is by no means an Indifferent Thing:* 1.10 It admits of no Middle State, but is apt to run into Extremes, and is generally the greatest Happiness, or the great∣est Calamity of Humane Life; a State of much Tranquillity, or of insupportable Trouble; a Pa∣radise or a Hell. If well and wisely undertaken, it is full of Sweetness and Pleasure; if ill and unsuccessfully, it is a grievous Burden, a bit∣ter, and fatal, and most painful Yoke. For this Covenant and Coming together, does above any other Instance make good the Truth of that Proverb, That* 1.11 Men are either Gods, or Brutes to one another.

[unspec 5] Marriage is a Work compos'd of a great many Parts, * 1.12 and a great many Qualities must meet to∣gether, to render it Beautiful and Uniform. Abun∣dance of Considerations are necessary in order to it, more than respect merely the Persons of those to be concern'd in it. For tho' it be commonly said, Men Marry for Themselves alone, yet there ought to be great regard had to Posterity; the Family we go in∣to, the Alliances we make, the Circumstances and Condition of the People, are of great weight. And These and other Respects must be carefully atten∣ded to: But above all, the Temper and the Vir∣tues, which ought to be the principal Objects and Motives of our Affection. The want of proceed∣ing in this manner, is the very Reason why we see so few happy Matches. And the extreme Scarcity of such, is a sign that Marriage is highly valuable: For it is a Fate common to all great Posts, that they are difficult, and very seldom discharged as they ought to be. Kingly Power and Government is beset with Cares and Difficulties, and very few that aspire to it, are strictly Virtuous and Success∣ful in the Administration. But the true Ground of Failing so frequently in this Point, is to be fetch'd from the Licentiousness and Debauchery, the Unruly Passions and Exorbitant Humours of Mankind, and not from any thing in the State and Institution it self. From hence it is, that we sind experimentally, Such as are of good, and quiet, and virtuous Dispositions, plain and mean Persons taste more of the Comforts, and enjoy themselves more in it, than others of higher Quality and Attainments. Sensual Desires, and the Delights of the World have taken less hold of such; they are less Nice and Curious, and have not so much lei∣sure to teaze and torment Themselves. Men that are debauch'd, and love to live at large, corrupt in their Manners, troublesome in their Conversa∣tion,

whimsical and particular in their Hu∣mours, are not cut out for this Condition of Life, nor can ever expect to be tolerably Easie under it.

[unspec 6] Marriage is a Wise and Prudent Bargain, a Holy and Inviolable League, an Honourable Agree∣ment.* 1.13 If this Knot be well ty'd, there is not in the whole World any thing more beautiful, more lovely, more desirable: It is a sweet and noble So∣ciety, full of Constancy and mutual Trust; full of infinite good Offices and reciprocal Obligations; most excellent in their own Nature, most useful to the Parties Themselves, and of general Service and Benefit to Mankind. This is a Conversation, Amo∣rous not of Love and Sensual Delight, but of chaste Affection and entire Friendship. For Love in these Two Senses is a very different Thing, and the One as distant from the Other, as the feverish and diseased Heat of a sick Man is from the natural Warmth of a good Temper and healthful Consti∣tution. Marriage challenges to it self Affection and Advantage, Justice and Honour, Constancy and Pleasure. Call its Fruitions slat and insipid if you please, but yet they are solid and substantial, agreeable and universal: They must needs be so indeed, because they are Lawful and Innocent; free from the Censure of Others, and the Reproa∣ches of one's Own Mind. What the World calls Love, aims at nothing but Delight; it hath per∣haps somewhat of Sprightliness, and is of a quick∣er and more poignant Relish; but this cannot hold long; and we plainly see it cannot, by so few Matches succeeding well, where Beauty and Amorous Desires were at the bottom of them: There must be something more solid to make us happy. A Building that is to stand for our whole Lives, ought to be set upon sirmer Foundations; and these Engagements are serious Matters, such

as deserve, and it is Pity but they should have our utmost Discretion employed upon them. That Hot Love bubbles and boils in our Breasts for a While, but it is worth Nothing, and cannot con∣tinue; and therefore it very often happens, that these Affairs are very fortunately manag'd by a Third Hand.

[unspec 7] This Description is only Summary and in gene∣ral Terms. * 1.14 But, that the Case may be more per∣fectly and particularly understood, it is sit we take Notice, that there are Two Things Essential and absolutely Necessary to this State of Life, which, however contrary and inconsistent they may at First Sight appear, are yet in reality no such Mat∣ter. These are Equality, and Inequality; the Former concerns them as Friends, and Companions, and upon the Level; the Other, as a Superiour and an Inferiour. The Equality consists in that Entire Free∣dom, and unreserved Communication, whereby they ought to have all Things in Common; their Souls, Inclinations, Wills, Bodies, Goods, are mu∣tually from thenceforward made over; and neither of them hath any longer a peculiar and distinct Propriety exclusive of the other. This in some Places is carried a great deal farther, and extends to Life and Death too; insomuch, that assoon as the Husband is dead, the Wife is obliged to follow him without delay. There are some Countries, where the Publick and National Laws require them to do so; and they are oftentimes so Zealous in their Obedience, that where Polygamy is indulged, if a Man leave several Wives behind him, they Try for it Publickly, and enter up their Claims, which of them shall obtain the Honour and Pri∣vilege of sleeping with their Spouse (that is the Ex∣pression they soften it by) and upon this Occasion, each urges in her own behalf, that she was the best belov'd Wife, or had the last Kiss of him, or

brought him Children, or the like, so to gain the Preference to themselves.

Th' Ambitious Rivals eagerly pursue Death, as their Crown to Love and Virtue due; Prefer their Claims, and glory in Success, Their Lords first Nuptials are courted less: Approach his Pile with Pomp, in Triumph burn, And mingle Ashes in one Common Urn.

In other Places, where no Laws enjoyned any such Thing, it hath been resolved and practised, by mutual Stipulation and voluntary Agreement, made privately between the Parties Themselves, which was the Case of Mark Antony and Cleopatra. But omitting This, which in truth is a Wicked, Bar∣barous and Unreasonable Custom, The Equality, which is, and ought to be, between Man and Wife, extends it self to the Administration of Affairs, and Inspection over the Family in common; from whence the Wife hath very justly the Title of Lady or Mistress of the House, and Servants; as well as the Husband that of Master and Lord over them. And this joint Authority of Theirs over their own private Family is a Picture in Little of that Form of Publick Government, which is termed an Ari∣stocracy.

[unspec 8] That Distinction of Superiour and Inferiour, which makes the Inequality, consists in This.* 1.15 That the Husband hath a Power and Authority over his Wife, and the Wife is plac'd in Subjection to her Husband. The Laws and Governments of all Nati∣ons throughout the World agree in this Preeminence;

Et certamen habent lethi, quae viva sequatur Conjugium, pudor est non licuisse mori: Ardent Victrices, & flammae pectora praebent, Imponunt{que} suis Ora perusta viris.

but the Nature and the Degrees of it are not every where the same: For These differ in Proportion, as the Laws and Customs of the Place differ. Thus far the Consent is Universal; That the Woman, how Noble soever her Birth and Family, how great so∣ever her Fortunes, or any other personal Advantages, is not upon any Consideration exempted from Sub∣jection to her Husband. This Superiority and Inferiori∣ty may well be general, and be the Opinion of All, when it is so plainly the Condition of All. For in truth it is the Work of Nature, and founded upon that Strength, and Sufficiency, and Majesty of the One Sex, and the Weakness, and Softness, and Incapacities of the Other, which prove it not equally qualified, nor ever designed for Government. But there are many other Arguments besides, which Divines fetch from Scripture upon this Occasion, and prove the Point indeed substantially by Them. For Revelation here hath backed and enforced the Dictates of Reason, by telling us expresly, that Man was made first; that he was made by God alone, and entirely by Him, without any Creature of a like Form contributing any thing towards his Being. That he was Cre∣ated on purpose for the Pleasure and Glory of God, his Head; That he was made after the Divine Image and Likeness; a Copy of the Great Original above, and Perfect in his Kind: For Nature always begins with something in its just Perfection: Whereas Wo∣man was created in the Second Place; and not so properly Created as Formed; made after Man; taken out of his Substance;* 1.16 Fashioned according to that Pattern, and so His Image, and only the Copy

of a Copy; made Occasionally, and for particular Uses, to be a Help, and a Second to the Man; who is himself the Principal and Head, and there∣fore She is upon all these Accounts Imperfect. Thus we may argue from the Order of Nature; But the thing is confirmed yet more by the Relation given us of the Corruption and Fall of Man. For the Wo∣man was first in the Transgression; and sinned of her own Head; Man came in afterwards, and by her Instigation. The Woman therefore, who was last in Good, in order of Nature, and Occasional only; but foremost in Evil, and the occasion of That to Man, is most justly put in Subjection to Him, who was before Her in the Good, and af∣ter Her in the Evil.

[unspec 9] This Conjugal Superiority and Power hath been very differently restrained or enlarged. * 1.17 In some Places, where the Paternal Authority hath been so, This hath likewise Extended to Capital Punish∣ment, and made the Husband Judge and Disposer of Life and Death.* 1.18 Thus it was with the Romans particularly: For the Laws of Romulus gave a Man Power to kill his Wife in Four Cases, (viz.) Adul∣tery, Putting False Children upon him, False Keys, and Drinking of Wine. Thus Polybius tells us, that the Greeks; and Caesar says that the old Gauls gave Husbands a Power of Life and Death. In Other Parts, and in these already mention'd, since those Times, their Power hath been brought into a nar∣rower Compass. But almost every where it is taken for granted, that the Authority of the Husband, and the Subjection of the Wife, implies thus much: A Right to direct and controul the Actions, to confirm or disannul the Resolutions and Vows of the Wife; to Correct her, when she does amiss, by Reproofs and Confinement; (for Blows are below a Man of Honour to give, and not sit for a Woman to receive) and the Wife is obliged to conform to

the Condition, to follow the Quality, the Coun∣trey, the Family, the Dwelling, and the Degree of her Husband; to bear him Company whereso∣ever he goes, in Journeys, and Voyages, in Banish∣ment, and in Prison, in Flight and Necessity; and, if he be reduc'd to that hard Fortune, to wander about, and to Beg with him. Some celebrated Ex∣amples of this kind in Story are, Sulpitia, who at∣tended her Husband Lontulus, when he was pro∣scribed, and an Exile in Sicily. Erithrea, who went along with her Husband Fhalaris into Banishment. Ipsicrate, The Wife of Mithridates King of Pentus, who kept her Husband Company, when he turn'd Vagabond,* 1.19 after his Defeat by Pompey. Some add, that they are bound to follow them into the Wars, and Foreign Countries, when they are sent abroad upon Expeditions, or go under any Publick Cha∣racter. The Wise cannot sue, or be sued in Mat∣ters of Right and Property; all Actions lie against the Husband, and are to be commenced in His Name; and if any thing of this Kind be any where done, it must be with the Leave and Authority of her Husband, or by particular Appointment of the Judge, if the Husband shall decline, or refuse it; neither can she, without express Permission from the Magi∣strate. Appeal from, or be a Party in any Cause against her Husband.

[unspec 10] Marriage is not every where alike, nor under the same Limitations;* 1.20 the Laws and Rules con∣cerning it are very different. In Some Countries there is a greater Latitude, and more Liberties In∣dulged, in Others less. The Christian Religion, which is by much the strictest of any, hath made it very close and strait. It leaves Nothing at large and in our own Choice, but the first Entrance into this Engagement. When once That is over, a Man's Will is made over too, and conveyed away; for the Covenant is subject to no Dissolution, and

we must abide by it, whether we are contented with our Terms, or not. Other Nations and Re∣ligions, have contrived to make it more Easie, and Free, and Fruitful,* 1.21 by allowing and practising Po∣lygamy and Divorce; a Liberty of taking Wives and dismissing them again; and they speak hardly of Christianity for abridging Men in these Two par∣ticulars, as if it did great Prejudice to Affection and Multiplication by these Restraints, which are the Two great Ends of Marriage: For Friendship, they pretend, is an Enemy to all manner of Com∣pulsion and Necessity; and cannot consist with it; but is much more improved, and better maintain'd, by leaving Men free, and at large to dispose of Themselves. And Multiplication is promoted by the Female Sex, as Nature shews us abundantly in that one Instance of Wolves, who are so ex∣tremely Fruitful in the Production of their Whelps, even to the Number of Twelve, or Thirteen at a Time; and in this exceed other Animals of Service and common Use very much, so many of which are kill'd every Day; and so few Wolves; And yet there are notwithstanding fewer of the Breed, Breeders, because fewer She-Wolves, than of any other Spe∣cies. For, as I said, the true Reason is, because in all those Numerous Litters, there is commonly but one Bitch-Wolf, which for the most Part sig∣nifies little, and bears very rarely; the Generati∣on being hindred by the vast Numbers and pro∣miscuous Mixtures of the Males; and so, the much greater part of them die, without ever pro∣pagating their Kind at all, for want of a sufficient Proportion of Females, to do it by successfully. It is also manifest, what Advantages of this Nature Polygamy produces, by the vast Increase of those Countries where it is allowed; The Jews, Mahome∣tans, and other Barbarous Nations, (as all their Hi∣stories inform us) very usually bringing Armies into

the Field, of Three or Four Hundred Thousand fighting Men. Now the Christian Religion, on the contrary, allows but One to One, and obliges the Parties to continue thus together; though Ei∣ther, nay sometimes Both, of them be Barren; which yet perhaps, if allowed to change, might leave a numerous Posterity behind them. But, sup∣posing the very best of the Case, all their Increase must depend upon the Production of One single Woman. And lastly, they reflect upon Christia∣nity, as the occasion of insinite Excesses, De∣baucheries, and Adulteries, by this too severe Con∣straint.

But the true and sufficient Answer to all these Objections is, That the Christian Religion does not consider Marriage upon such Respects as are pure∣ly Humane, and tend to the Gratification of Natural Appetites, or promote the Temporal Good of Men: It takes quite another Prospect of the Thing, and hath Reasons peculiar to it self, sub∣lime, and noble, and insinitely greater, (as hath been hinted already.) Besides, common Experi∣ence demonstrates, that in much the greatest part of Marry'd Persons, what they complain of as Confinement and Constraint, does by no means cool and destroy, but promote and heighten the Affection, and render it more dear and strong, by keeping it more entire and unbroken. Especially in Men of honest Principles, and good Dispositions, which easily accommodate their Humours, and make it their Care and Study to comply with the Tempers of the Person to whom they are thus in∣separably united. And as for the Debaucheries and Flyings out alledg'd against us, the only Cause of Them is the Dissoluteness of Men's Manners; which a greater Liberty, though never so great, will never be able to correct, or put a Stop to. And accordingly we find, that Adulteries were every

whit as rife in the midst of Polygamy and Di∣vorce; Witness the whole Nation of the Jews in general, and the Example of David in particular, who became guilty of this Crime, notwithstand∣ing the Multitude he had of Wives and Concubines of his own. On the contrary, These Vices were not known for a long while together in other Coun∣tries, where neither Polygamy nor Divorce were ever permitted; as in Sparta, for Instance, and at Rome, for a considerable time after the Founding of that City. It is therefore most foolish and un∣just, to asperse Religion, and charge That with the Vices of Men, which allows and teaches nothing, but exquisite Purity and strict Continence.

[unspec 11] This Liberty taken in Polygamy, * 1.22 (which hath so great an Appearance of Nature to alledge in its behalf) hath yet been very differently managed, according to the several Nations, and the Laws of those Communities, where it was allow'd and pra∣ctis'd. In Some Places, All that are Wives to the same Man, live alike, and in common. Their De∣gree and Quality, the Respect and Authority is equal, and so is the Condition and Title of their Children too. In Other Places there is one parti∣cular Wife, who is the Principal, and a sort of Mistress above the rest; the Right of Inheritance is limited to the Children by Her; They engross all the Honours, and Possessions, and Pre-eminences of the Husband after his Death: As for the Others, they are lodg'd and maintain'd apart, treated ve∣ry differently from the former: In some Places they are reputed Lawful Wives; in some they are only stiled Concubines; and their Children have no Pretension to Titles or Estates; but are provided for by such annual Pensions, or other precarious ways of Subsisting, as the Master of the Family thinks fit to allow them.

[unspec 12] As various have the Practice and the Customs of Men been with regard to Divorce: * 1.23 For with some, as particularly the Hebrews, and Greeks, and Arme∣nians, they never oblige Themselves to alledge the particular Cause of Separation; nor are they al∣low'd to take a Wife to them a Second time, which they have once divorc'd; So far from it, that they are permitted to Marry again to others. But now in the Mahometan Law, Separation must be appointed by a Judge, and after Legal Process, (except it be done by the free Consent of both Parties) and the Crimes alledg'd against the Woman must be some of so high a Nature, as strike directly at the Root of this Institution, and are destructive and inconsistent with the State of Marriage, or some of the principal Ends of it; such as Adultery, Barrenness, Incongruity of Humours, Attempts upon the Life of the other Party; and, after such Separation made, it is lawful for them to be reconcil'd, and cohabit a∣gain, as oft as they think sit. The Former of these Methods seems much more prudent and conveni∣ent, that so there may be a closer Restraint both upon the Pride and Insolence of Wives, when they lie at Mercy, and may be cast off at Pleasure; and also upon the Humoursome and Peevish Hus∣bands, who will be more apt to check and mode∣rate their Resentments, when there is no Return, nothing to be got by repenting, after once Matters have flown so high, as to provoke and effect a Sepa∣ration. The Second, which proceeds in a Method of Justice, brings the Parties upon the Publick Stage, exposes their Faults and Follies to the World, cuts them out from Second Marriages; and discovers a great many things, which were much better kept conceal'd. And, in case the Allegation be not ful∣ly prov'd; and so they continue oblig'd to cohabit still, after all this mutual Complaining and Disgrace, What a Temptation is here to Poysoning or Mur∣der,

to get rid that way of a Partner of the Bed, which in Course of Law cannot be remov'd? And many of these Villanies, no doubt, have been com∣mitted, of which the World never had the least Knowledge or Suspicion. As at Rome particularly, before Divorce came in use, a Woman who was apprehended for Poysoning her Husband, impeach∣ed other Wives, whom she knew to have been guilty of the same Fact; and They again others, till at last Threescore and Ten were all Attainted and Executed for the same Fault, of whom Peo∣ple had not the least Jealousie, till this Discovery was made. But that which seems the worst of all in the Laws relating to a Married Life, is, that Adultery is scarce any where punish'd with Death; and all that can be done in that Case, is only Divorce, and ceasing to cohabit; Which was an Ordinance introduc'd by Justinian, One whom his Wife had in perfect Subjection: And no wonder if She made use of that Dominion, (as she really did) to get such Laws enacted, as made most for the Advantage of her own Sex. Now this leaves Men in perpetual danger of Adultery, tempts them to malicious Desires of one another's Death; the Of∣fender that does the Injury is not made a suf∣ficient Example, and the Innocent Person that receives the Wrong, hath no Reparation made for it.

Of the Duty of Married Persons, See Book III. Chap. 12.

CHAP. XLVII. Of Parents and Children.

[unspec 1] THere are several Sorts, and several Degrees of Authority and Power among Men;* 1.24 Some Publick, and others Private; but not any of them more agreeable to Nature, not Any more absolute and extensive, than that of a Father over his Chil∣dren, (I choose to instance in the Father rather than the Mother, because she being herself in a State of Subjection to her Husband, cannot so pro∣perly be said to have her Children under her Ju∣risdiction.) But even this Paternal Authority hath not been at all Times, and in all Parts of the World equal and alike. In some Ages and Pla∣ces, and indeed of Old almost every where, it was universal,* 1.25 and without restraint: The Life and Death, Estates and Goods, the Liberty and Ho∣nour, the Actions and Behaviour of Children was entirely at Their Will; They sued and were sued for them; They disposed of them in Marriage; the Labours of the Children redounded to the Parents Profit; nay, They themselves were a kind of Com∣modity; for among the Romans we sind this Article,* 1.26 in that which was call'd Romulus his Law;* 1.27 The Right of Parents over Children shall be entire and unli∣mited; they shall have Power to abdicate and banish, to sell, and to put them to death. Only it is to be ob∣serv'd, That all Children under Three Years old, were excepted out of this Condition, because they

could not be capable of offending in Word or Deed,* 1.28 nor to give any just Provocation for such hard Usage. This Law was afterwards confirm'd and renew'd, by the Law of the Twelve Tables; which allow'd Parents to sell their Children Three times: And the Persians, as Aristotle tells us, the An∣tient Gauls, as Caesar and Prosper agree; the Musco∣vites and Tartars, might do it Four times. There want not some probable Reasons to persuade us, that this Power had some Foundation, or Counte∣nance at least, in the Law of Nature; and that In∣stance of Abraham undertaking to slay his Son, hath been made use of, as an Argument to this purpose: For had This been a Thing against his Duty, and such as the Authority of a Father could in no case extend to, he would not (they tell you) ever have consented to it; nor have believed, that this Command had proceeded from God, but ra∣ther have imputed it to some Delusion upon his own Mind, if it had been no way reconcilable with Nature, the Laws of which, God had esta∣blished in the Beginning, and could not be thought so to contradict Himself, as by any particular Or∣der, to appoint a thing altogether inconsistent with his own General Institution before. And accord∣ingly it is observable, that Isaac never went about to make any Resistance, nor pleaded his own In∣nocency in Bar to what his Father went about to do; as knowing that he only exerted the rightful Power he had over him. What Force there is in this Argument, I shall not take upon me to deter∣mine. It is sufficient for my present Purpose to observe, That allowing all this, yet it does not in any degree take off from the Commendation due to Abraham's Faith; for he does not pretend to Sacrifice his Son by Vertue of any such Inherent Right over him, nor upon any Provocation, or Misdemeanour, which Isaac had given him occasi∣on

to resent or punish; but purely in obedience to the Command of Almighty God. The Case does not seem to differ much under the Law of Moses; allowing only for some Circumstances, as to the manner of exercising this Authority, which will be taken notice of by and by. Of This, and no less Extent the Paternal Power seems to have been formerly in the greatest part of the World, and so to have continu'd till the Time of the Roman Emperours. Among the Greeks indeed, and the Aegyptians,* 1.29 it does not seem to have been altoge∣ther so absolute; but even There, if a Father hap∣pened to kill his Son unjustly, and without Provo∣cation, the Punishment inflicted for such Barbarity was no other than being shut up with the Dead Bo∣dy for Three Days together.

[unspec 2] Now the Reasons, * 1.30 and the Effects of so great and unlimited a Power being allow'd to Fathers over their Children, (which no doubt was a great advantage for the Advancement of Virtue, the Improvement of Manners and Education, the re∣straining, preventing, and chastising Extravagance and Vice, and of great good Consequence to the Publick too) seem to have been such as These.

First, [unspec I] The containing Children in their Duty be∣getting and preserving a due Awe and Reverence in their Minds. [unspec II] Then a Regard to several Vices and Enormities, which, though very grievous in Themselves, would yet pass unpunish'd, to the great Prejudice of the Publick, if they could be taken cognizance of, and animadverted upon by no other Ways and Persons, but Legal Process, and the Sentence of the Magistrate; For abundance of These must needs escape such Censure, partly because they would be Domestick and Private, and partly because there would be no body to inform and prosecute. The Parents Themselves were not

likely to be so Officious; the Nearness of the Re∣lation would render it odious, and the Interest of their own Family would restrain them from pub∣lishing their own Shame. Or, if they could be suppos'd to bring all they knew of this kind upon the Open Stage, yet we know there are many Vices, and Insolencies, and Disorders, which the Laws and Justice of Nations are not provided with Punishments for. To all which we may add, that there are many Family-Quarrels, between Fa∣thers and Children, Brothers and Sisters, upon the account of dividing Estates and Goods, or several other Things, which, tho' sit to be canvass'd and corrected within a Man's own Walls, would by no means do well to be ript up, and exposed to the World; and for These, as the Paternal Autho∣rity is necessary, so it is sufficient to compose and quiet all Parties, and put an End to Differences, that concern single Families only. And it was rea∣sonable for the Law to suppose, that no Father would make ill use of this Power; that Men might very safely be entrusted with it, because of that very tender Affection, which Nature inspires all Parents with, such as seems altogether inconsistent with Cruelty toward their own Off-spring: And this we see the effect of Daily, in the frequent Inter∣cessions made by Fathers, for the Releasing or Mi∣tigating those publick Punishments, which they cannot but be sensible are most justly inflicted; there being no greater Torment to any Parent, than to see his Children under Pain or Disgrace. And where These absolute Prerogatives were al∣low'd, we meet with very few Instances of the exerting their Power, and going to the Extremity of it, without Offences very heinous indeed; so that, in truth, if we regard the Practice, and com∣pare That with the Power it self, we shall have reason to look upon it as a useful Terrour, a

Bugbear to keep Children in Awe, and fright them into Obedience, rather than any Stretch of Rigour, that was actual, and in good ear∣nest.

[unspec 3] Now this Paternal Authority was gradually lost, and fell to the Ground as it were of it self,* 1.31 (for the Decay of it is in truth to be attributed to Dis∣use, more than to any Law expresly Repealing it, or Enacting the contrary) and it began most re∣markably to decline, when the Roman Emperours came to the Government: For from the time of Augustus, or quickly after, it sunk apace, and lost all its Vigour. And upon this Decay Children grew so stubborn and insolent against their Pa∣rents, that Seneca in his Address to Nero,* 1.32 says, their Own Eyes had seen more Parricides pu∣nish'd in Five Years then last past, than there had been for the space of Seven Hundred Years be∣fore; that is, from the first Foundation of Rome till That time. Till then, if a Father at any time killed his Children, he was called to no Account, nor had any Punishment inflicted upon him for the Fact; as we may gather evidently by the Ex∣amples of Febvins the Senator,* 1.33 who slew his Son for being engaged in Catiline's Conspiracy; and several other Senators, who proceeded against their Sons, and condemn'd them to Death by virtue of their own Domestick Power, such as Cassius Tratius; or sentenced them to perpetual Banishment, as Manlins Torquatus did his Son Syllanus. There were indeed some Laws afterwards, which appointed, that the Father should bring Informations against the Children that offended,* 1.34 and deliver them over to publick Justice: And the Judge in such Cases was oblig'd to pronounce Sentence as the Father should direct; in which there are some Footsteeps of Antiquity. And these Laws, in abridging the Power of the Fathers, proceeded very tenderly,

and did not take it away entirely and openly, but with great Moderation, and by halves only. These later Ordinances have some Affinity to the Law of Moses,* 1.35 which ordered the stubborn and Rebellious Son to be stoned, upon the Complaint of the Parents, without requiring any farther Proof of the Charge than their single Deposition; and provided the Presence and Concurrence of the Magistrate, not so much for Examination and Tryal of the Cause, as to prevent the Privacy and Passion, which might attend Domestick Punishments, and so to render the thing more publick, and the Ven∣geance more exemplary, and full of Terrour to others. And thus, even according to the Mosaick Institution, the Paternal Authority was more arbi∣trary and extensive, than it came to be since the Time of the Roman Emperours. But if we descend a little Lower, and observe its Decrease under Constantine the Great, then under Theodosius, and at last under Justinian, we shall find it almost totally extinct. Hence it came to pass, that Children took upon them to decline, and peremptorily deny O∣bedience to their Parents; to refuse them a Part in their Possessions; nay, not to allow them so much as convenient Maintenance and Relief in their Necessities. Hence they had considence to enter Actions against them, and implead them in Courts of Judicature; and an indecent, a most scandalous Thing in truth it is, to observe how frequent such Suits have been. Some have been so wicked, or so mistaken, as to excuse Themselves from Duty upon pretence of Religion; and dedicate That to God, which their Parents had a Right to; as we find Our Blessed Saviour reproaches the Jews for doing;* 1.36 and the manner he mentions it in, shews plainly, that this impious kind of Devo∣tion was a Practice customary among them before his Time. Since that some have acted after their

Examples, even in the Profession of Christianity; and many have held it lawful to kill a Father in one's own Defence, or in case he became a Pub∣lick Enemy to the State. But sure, if such Rela∣tions deserve Death, it ought to be inflicted by some other Hand; and heretofore it was receiv'd as a general Maxim, and admits of scarce any Ex∣ception.* 1.37 That no Wickedness could be committed by a Father, the Heinousness whereof would justifie Parricide; to kill a Father is wicked, and no Wickedness can be reasonable.

Now the Generality of the World doe not seem duly sensible of how mischievous Consequence to Mankind, this Abatement and Abolition of the Paternal Authority hath prov'd. The Governments, under which it was kept up, and vigorously exert∣ed, have flourish'd, and contain'd their Subjects in strict Duty. If upon any Occasion it had been found by Experience too sharp and exorbitant, prudent Care might have been taken to regulate and bring it under convenient Restraints. But ut∣terly to disannul and destroy it, is by no means a∣greeable to Decency or Virtue, and least of all to the Advantage of the Publick. For when once the Reins are let loose, and Countenance is given to Disobedience in private Families, it quickly grows to a general Spirit of Faction, and Disorder, and Ungovernable Insolence; and the casting off the Yoke of the Natural Parents, is a bold and dange∣rous Step toward Rebellion against the Civil. The Effect whereof hath been abundantly seen in the many Inconveniences, which Governments have suffer'd upon the Relaxation or utter Rescinding of this Authority; whereby in the Event they only

clipt their own Wings, and encourag'd Enemies and Insurrections against Themselves, as was said just now.

The Reciprocal Duties of Parents and Chil∣dren will be treated of Book III. Chap. 14.

CHAP. XLVIII. Of Lords and their Slaves; Masters and Servants.

[unspec 1] THE making use of Slaves, and the Power of Lords or Masters over them,* 1.38 tho' it hath been a thing receiv'd and practis'd in all Places and all Ages of the World, (excepting that it was considerably abated for about Four Hundred Years, but now it hath since revived and obtain'd again:) Yet I cannot forbear looking upon it as a Monstrous Custom, and highly reproachful to Humane Nature. Since Brutes have nothing of this Kind among Them; nor do They either compel their Fellows by Vio∣lence and Fraud, or voluntarily submit themselves to Captivity. This seems rather then to have been dispens'd with, than approv'd by the Law of Mo∣ses. But even this Indulgence, accommodated to the Necessities of that People, and the Hardness of their Hearts, was not so rigorous as the Practice of other Places; for neither was the Power so absolute, nor the Slavery perpetual; but the One confin'd to Rules, and the Other terminated with the Seventh or Sabbatical Year. Christianity find∣ing the Usage Universal, did not see fit to break in upon this Constitution, but left its Proselytes at liberty in this Particular, as it did in a Permission

of serving and dwelling under Heathen and Idola∣trous Princes and Masters. For This and many other Things could not be abolish'd and set aside at once; but by giving some little Discountenance to them, Time hath worn them off gently, and by degrees.

[unspec 2] Slaves may be distinguished into Four several Kinds. * 1.39 1. Such as are Natural, or born of Parents in that Condition. 2. Such as are Slaves upon Force, made so by Conquest, and the Rights of War. 3. Adjudged Slaves, such as are made and awarded to be such, either by way of Punishment for some Crime, or for the Satisfaction of some Debt, which gives the Creditors a Right to their Persons, and of employing them to their own Benefit and Ser∣vice. This Slavery was limited among the Jews only to a certain Season, Seven Years at the most; the Sabbatical Year put an End to it all; but in other Countries it continu'd till the Debt was dis∣charged. 4. Voluntary Slaves, or such as are of their own making, as Those who throw Dice for it, or who sell their Liberty for a Summ of Money, as it hath been the Custom to do in Germany;* 1.40 and is still in some Parts even of the Christian World; or else such as freely surrender up Themselves to the Service of another, and devote their Persons to perpetual Slavery: And thus we read in the Law the Antient Jews did,* 1.41 whose Ears were ap∣pointed to be bored with an Awl, to the Door of the House, in token of perpetual Servitude; and that they rather chose this Condition of Life, than to go free, when it was in their Power. This last sort of voluntary and chosen Captivity is, I confess, to Me, the most asTonishing of all the rest; and tho' all manner of Slavery seems to be an Incroachment and Violence upon Nature, yet sure no Kind of it can be so unnatural, as that which a Man covets, and brings upon Himself.

That Thing which makes Men Slaves upon Constraint, is Avarice; [unspec 3] * 1.42 and that which makes Men choose to be Slaves, is Cowardice, and base Dege∣neracy of Spirit; for Lords made Men Slaves, be∣cause, when they had them in their Power and Possession, there was more Profit to be got by keeping, than there could be by killing them. And it is observable, that heretofore one of the most valuable sorts of Wealth, and that which the Owners took greatest Pride in, consisted in the Multitude, and the Quality of Slaves. In this respect it was that Crassus grew rich above all other Romans; for besides Those that continually waited upon him, he had Five Hundred Slaves kept con∣stantly at hard Work, and all the Gain of their several Arts and Labours, was daily brought, and converted to his Advantage. And this, tho' very great, was not all the Profit neither; for after that they had made a vast Account of their Drudge∣ry, and kept them a great while thus in Work and Service, their very Persons were a Marketable Commodity, and some farther Gain was made in the Sale of Them to other Masters.

[unspec 4] It would really amaze one, to read and consider well the Cruelties that have been exercis'd upon Slaves;* 1.43 and Those not only such as the Tyranny of an inhumane Lord might put him upon, but such as even the Publick Laws have permitted and approv'd. They us'd to Chain and Yoke them together, and so make them Till the Ground like Oxen; and they do so to this Day in Bar∣bary; lodge them in Ditches, or Bogs, or Pits, and deep Caves; and when they were worn and wast∣ed with Age and Toil, and so could bring in no more Gain by their Service, the poor impotent Wretches were either sold at a low Price, or drown'd, and thrown into Ponds to feed their Lord's Fish. They killed them, not only for the

slightest and most insignificant Offence, as the Breaking of a Glass, or the like; but upon the least Suspicions, and most unaccountable Jealou∣sies: Nay, sometimes merely to give Themselves Diversion; as Flaminius did, who yet was a Per∣son of more than ordinary Character, and repu∣ted a very Good Man in his Time. It is notori∣ous, that they were forc'd to enter the Lists, and combat and kill one another upon the Publick Theatres, for the Entertainment of the People. If the Master of the House were Murdered under his own Roof, let who would be the Doer of it, yet all the Slaves, tho' perfectly innocent of the Thing, were sure to go to Pot. And according∣ly we find, that when Pedanius, a Roman, was kil∣led, notwithstanding they had certain Intelligence of the Murderer, yet by express Decree of the Senate, Four Hundred poor Wretches, that were his Slaves, were put to Death, for no other reason, but their being so.

[unspec 5] Nor is it much less surprizing on the other hand, to take notice of the Rebellions, Insurrections, and Barbarities of Slaves, when they have made Head against their Lords, and gotten them into their Power. And That, not only in Cases of Trea∣chery and Surprize; as we read of one Tragical Night in the City of Tyre; but sometimes in open Field, in regular Forces, and form'd Battles, by Sea and Land; all which gave Occasion for the use of that Proverb, That a Man hath as many Enemies as he hath Slaves.

[unspec 6] Now in proportion as the Christian Religion first, * 1.44 and afterwards the Mahometan got ground and increas'd, the Number of Slaves decreas'd, and the Terms of Servitude grew more easie and gentle. For the Christians first, and afterwards the Mahometans, who affected to follow the Christi∣ans Examples, made it a constant Practice and

Rule, to give all those Persons their Freedom, who became Proselytes to their Religion. And this prov'd a very great Invitation, and powerful Inducement, to convert and win Men over. In∣somuch that about the Year Twelve Hundred, there was scarce any such thing as a Slave left in the World; except in such places only where nei∣ther of these Two Persuasions had gain'd any Foot∣ing or Credit.

[unspec 7] But then it is very remarkable withal, that in the same Proportions,* 1.45 as the Number of Slaves fell away and abated, that of Poor People, and Beg∣gars, and Vagabonds multiply'd upon us. And the Reason is very obvious; for Those Persons, who during the State of Slavery, wrought for their Pa∣trons, and were maintain'd at Their Expence, when they were dismist Their Families, lost their Table, at the same time they receiv'd their Liberty; and when they were thus turn'd loose into the World, to shift for Themselves, it was not easie for them to find Means of supporting their Families, which, by reason of the great Fruitfulness of People in low Condition general∣ly, were very numerous in Children; and thus they grew overstockt themselves, and filled the World with Poor.

[unspec 8] Want and extreme Necessity presently began to pinch these kind of People, * 1.46 and compelled them to return back again to Servitude in their own Defence. Thus they were content to enslave Them∣selves, to truck and barter away their Liberty, to set their Labours to Sale, and let out their Per∣sons for Hire; meerly that they might secure to Themselves convenient Sustenance, and a quiet Retreat; and lighten the Burden which the Increase of Children brought upon them. Besides this pres∣sing Occasion, and the Servitude chosen upon it, the World hath pretty much relapsed into the Using

of Slaves again, by means of those continual Wars which both Christians and Mahometans are eternal∣ly engag'd in; both against each other, and against the Pagans in the East and Western Countries par∣ticularly. And though the Example of the Jews be so far allow'd, as a good Precedent, that they have no Slaves of their own Brethren and Coun∣trymen, yet of Strangers and Foreigners they have; and These are still kept in Slavery, and un∣der Constraint, notwithstanding they do come over to the Profession of their Master's Religion.

[unspec 9] The Power and Authority of common Masters over their Servants is not at all domineering or extravagant, nor such as can in any degree be pre∣judicial to the Natural Liberty of Them who live under it. The utmost they can pretend to, is the chastizing and correcting them when they do amiss; and in This they are oblig'd to proceed with Discretion, and not suffer their Severities to be unreasonable, and out of all Measure. But over those who are hired in as Workmen and Days∣men, this Authority is still less; There is only a Covenant for Labour, and Wages in Exchange; but no Power, nor any Right of Correction, or Corporal Punishment lies against These from their Masters.

The Duty of Masters and Servants is treated of Book III. Chap. 15.

CHAP. XLIX. Of Publick Government, Sovereign Power, and Princes.

[unspec 1] AFter the Account already given of Private Power, * 1.47 the next thing that falls under our Consideration, is the Publick, or that of the State. Now, the State, that is to say, Government, or a Determinate Order, and Establishment, for Com∣manding and Obeying, is the very Pillar and Sup∣port of Humane Affairs, the Cement that knits and keeps them Fast and Strong; the Soul that gives them Life and Motion, the Band of all So∣ciety which can never subsist without it; the vital Spirit of this Body Politick, that enables Men, so many Thousands of Men, to breath as One, and com∣pacts all Nature together.

[unspec 2] Now, notwithstanding the absolute Necessity and unspeakable Convenience This is of, for su∣staining the Universe, yet is it, really, a very slip∣pery and unsafe thing, extremely difficult to ma∣nage, and liable to infinite Changes and Dangers.* 1.48 The Governing of Men, and their Affairs, is a very hard Undertaking, a heavy Burden, and exposed to great va∣riety of Chances. It often declines and languishes; nay, sometimes falls to the Ground, by secret Mis∣fortunes, and unseen Causes. And though its rising to a just Height, is Gradual and Slow, a Work of much Time, and great Pains and Prudence; yet the Ruins and Decays of it are frequently sudden

and surprizing; and the Constitutions, which took up Ages to finish and build up, are broken and thrown down in a Moment. It is likewise exposed to the Hatred and Envy of all Degrees and Conditi∣ons. The High and the Low watch it curiously, and are Jealous of all its Proceedings, and set Them∣selves at Work perpetually, to endanger and un∣dermine it. This Uneasiness, and Suspicion, and general Enmity, proceeds partly from the Corrupt Manners and Dispositions of the Persons in whom the Supreme Power is vested, and partly from the Nature of the Power it self, of which you may take this following Description.

[unspec 3] Sovereignty, is properly a Perpetual and Absolute Power,* 1.49 Subject to no Limitation, either of Time, or of Terms and Conditions. It consists in a Right of constituting and giving Laws to all in Gene∣ral, and to each Person under its Dominion in Particular; and that, without consulting or asking the Consent of such as are to be govern'd by them; and likewise in being above all Restraints, or having Laws imposed upon it self from any other Person whatsoever.

For to Impose, and Com∣mand a Duty, argues Superiority, and That which is Sovereign, can have no Superiour.

And, as another expresses it,

It infers a Right Paramount of making Reservations and Exceptions from the usual Forms,

(as the King in Courts of Equity corrects the Common Law:) For Sovereignty, in its highest and strictest Importance, implies the Con∣trary to Subjection, or the being bound by Humane Laws, either of others, or its own Appointment, so as not to repeal or alter them, as there shall be Occasion. For it is contrary to Nature, for all Men to give Law to Themselves, and to be abso∣lutely commnded by Themselves, in Things that

depend upon their own Will.* 1.50 No Obligation can continue firm, none can lie there, where the Person that engages, hath nothing but his own Will to bind him: And therefore Sovereign Power, Properly so call'd, cannot have its Hands ty'd up by any other, whether Living or Dead; neither its Own, nor its Prede∣cessor's Decrees, nor the Received Laws of the Country can be Unalterable or Irreversible. This Power hath been compared by some to Fire, to the Sea, to a Wild Beast, which it is very hard to tame, or make treatable; it will not endure Con∣tradiction, it will not be molested, or if it be, it is a Dangerous Enemy, a just and severe Avenger of them that have the Hardiness to provoke it.† 1.51 Power (says one) is a Thing that seldom bears to be admonish'd or instructed, and is generally very im∣patient of Contradiction or Reproof.

[unspec 4] The Marks and Characters, which are proper to it,* 1.52 and by which it is distinguish'd from other Sorts of Power, are, the Giving Judgment, and pronouncing Definitive Sentences, whereby all con∣tending Parties shall be concluded, and from whence there lies no Appeal. A full Authority to make Peace and War, Creating, and Depriving Magi∣strates, and Officers; granting Indulgences, and di∣spensing with the Rigour of the Laws upon par∣ticular Hardships, and extraordinary Emergencies; levying of Taxes; coining and adjusting the Value of Money, ordering what shall be current in its Dominions, and at what Prices; Receiving of Ho∣mage and Acknowledgments from its Subjects, and Embassies from Foreigners; Requiring Oaths of Fi∣delity from the Persons under its Protection, and administring them in Controversies and Tryals of

Right and Wrong. But all is reduc'd at last, and comprehended under the Legislative Power, the en∣acting such Laws as it shall think fit, and by Them binding the Consciences of Those who live within its Dominions. Some indeed have added Others, which are so small and trivial in Compa∣rison, that they are scarce worth naming after the Former; such as the Admiralty, Rights of the Sea, Title to Wracks upon the Coast, Confiscation of Goods in Cases of Treason, Power to change the Language, the Ensigns of Government, and Title of Majesty.

[unspec 5] Greatness and Sovereignty is infinitely coveted by almost All. But wherefore is it? Surely for no other Reason so much, as that the Outside is Gay and Glorious, Beautiful and Glittering; but the Inside is hid from common Observation. Every body sees the Plenty, the Pomp, and the Advanta∣ges of a Crown, but few or none at a distance are acquainted with the Weight, the Cares, the Trou∣bles, and the Dangers of it. It is True indeed, To Command is a Noble and a Divine Post; but it is as True, that it is an Anxious, a Cumbersome, and a Difficult One. Upon the same Account it is, that the Persons in that Dignity and Elevation, are esteem'd and reverenc'd much above the Rate of Common Men. And very Just it is they should be so, for this Opinion is of great Use to ex∣tort that Respect and Obedience from the People, upon the due Payment whereof, all the Peace and Quiet of Societies depend. But if we take these great Persons apart from their Publick Chara∣cter, and consider them as Men, we shall find them just of the same Size, and cast in the same Mould, with other common Men; nay, too often, of worse Dispositions, and not so liberally dealt with by Nature, as many of their Inferiours. We are apt to think that every Thing a Prince does, must

needs proceed upon great and weighty Reasons, because all they do is in the Event of great and general Importance to Mankind; but in truth the Matter is much otherwise, and They think, and resolve, and act, just like One of Us; For Nature hath given Them the same Faculties, and moves them by the same Springs. The Provocation, which would set Two private Neighbours to Scold∣ing and Quarrelling, makes a Publick War between Two States; and what One of Us would whip his Child or his Page for, incenses a Monarch to chastise a Province, that hath offended him. Their Wills are as liable to Levity as Ours, but their Power and the Effect of what they will, is incom∣parably greater. But still Nature is the same in the Fly, as in the Elephant, and both are actuated by the same Appetites and Passions. Nay, let me take leave to add, that, besides those Passions, and Defects, and Natural Qualifications, and Abate∣ments, which they share in common with the least and meanest of their Servants and Adorers; there are some Vices and Inconveniences in a manner peculiar to Them alone; such as the Eminence of their Condition, and the vast Extent of their Power inspires them with a more than ordi∣nary Tendency, with vehement and almost una∣voidable propensions to.

[unspec 6] The Manners and Temper of Great Persons have been commonly observed by the Wisest and most Discerning Persons to be, Invincible Pride, * 1.53 and Self-conceit.* 1.54 An abounding in their own Sense, which is Stiff, and Inflexible, incapable of Truth, and disdaining better advice. Licentiousness and Violence;† 1.55 which

looks upon a Liberty of doing what no body else may do, as the particular Distinction, and most Glorious Privilege of their Character. So that their Favourite Motto is,* 1.56 My Will is a Law. Suspicion and Jealousie, for they are† 1.57 Naturally tender and fearful of their Power; nay, fearful sometimes even of their own Children and nearest Relations;‖ 1.58 The next in Succession is always look'd upon with an Evil and Jealous Eye, by the Per∣son in present Possession of the Throne; so that any the least Genius of Government, or interesting themselves in Publick Affairs, is very unacceptable in the Sons of Princes; And hence it is that they are so often in Fears and mighty Consternations, for* 1.59 it is usual and natural to Kings, to live under continual Apprehensions.

[unspec 7] The Advantages, which Kings and Sovereign Prin∣ces have above Those of meaner Condition, seem indeed to be Marvellous Great, and Glorious; but when nicely consider'd, they are in Truth but ve∣ry Thin and Slight, and little more than mere Imagination. But, were they much above, what really they are, it is certain they are dearly bought at the Expence of the many Weighty, Solid and Substantial Troubles and Inconveniences that con∣stantly attend them. The Name and the Title of Sovereign, the Splendor and Formalities of a Court, and all the Pomp and Parade that draws our Eyes and Observation, carry a Beauti∣ful, and Desirable Appearance, such as raises our Wonder, and kindles our Wishes and Desires; but the Burden and the Inside of all this Shining Pa∣geantry, is Hard and Knotty, Laborious and Pain∣ful. There is Honour in Abundance, but very little

Joy or Ease; It is a Publick and an Honourable Servitude, an Illustrious Misery, a Wealthy Capti∣vity. The Chains are of Gold, but still they are Chains. And it is worth our While to observe the Behaviour and the Reflections of Augustus, Mar∣cus Aurelius, Pertinax, Dioclesian, upon this Occa∣sion; and the wretched End of most of the Twelve Caesars, and many Others of their Successors in the Empire. But, now in Regard these seem Words of Course only, such as very few will give any Credit to, because they suffer Themselves to be imposed upon by a gay and deceitful Face of Power, I shall think it worth while to clear this Matter, by giving a distinct and particular Account of some Inconveniences and Miseries, with which the Con∣dition of Sovereign Princes is constantly incumbred.

[unspec 8] First, The mighty Dissiculty of acting their Part well,* 1.60 and acquitting Themselves of so weighty a Charge. For if it be so very Hard a Thing, as we find by sad Experience it is, to govern ones self well, what infinite Hardship must we in reason suppose there is, in governing a Multitude of People? It is cer∣tainly much more Easie and Pleasant to follow, than to lead; to have no more to do, than only to keep a plain beaten Road, than to beat out a Path for Others; to obey, than to direct and com∣mand; to answer for one's single self, than to be re∣sponsible for one's Self and a great many More besides.

* 1.61And thus 'tis better than proud Scepters sway, To live a quiet Subject, and obey. Creech.

To all This we may add, that it is highly Ne∣cessary for the Person, whose Duty it is to Com∣mand, to be more excellent and exemplary, than Them who are commanded by him; as that

Great Commander Cyrus, very truly observed. And this Difficulty we cannot be better made sensible of, by any Argument, than Matter of Fact; which proves to us Experimentally, how very few Persons, History makes mention of in this Cha∣racter, who have in all Points been, what they ought to be. Tacitus says, that of all the Roman Emperours till that Time, Vespasian was the only true good Man; and another antient Author hath taken the Confidence to affirm, that the Names of all the good Princes that ever were, might be engraven within the Compass of a Ring.

[unspec 9] The Second Difficulty may be fixed very Rea∣sonably upon their Pleasures and Delights, * 1.62 of which Men usually think, (but they think very much amiss) that They have a greater Share, and more perfect Enjoyment, than the rest of Man∣kind. For in truth their Condition, in this Re∣spect, is insinitely Worse than that of Private Men. The Lustre and Eminence of great Persons gives them great Inconvenience in the Fruition, of what it furnishes them with Power and Opportu∣nities for. They are too much exposed to Publick View, move openly and in check, and are perpe∣tually watch'd, controul'd, and censur'd, even to their very Thoughts, which the World will always take a Liberty of guessing at, and censuring, tho'. they are no competent Judges, nor can possibly have any Knowledge of the Matter. Besides this Restraint, there is likewise some Disadvantage in the very Easiness they feel of doing whatever their Inclination leads them to, and every Thing bend∣ing, and yielding to their Pleasure; for This takes away all that Relish and pleasing Sharpness, which is necessary to render a Thing Delightful; and No∣thing is, or can be so to us, which hath no Mix∣ture or Dissiculty to recommend and heighten it. A Man that never gives himself time to be Dry, will

never be sensible what Pleasure there is in quench∣ing one's Thirst; and all Drinking will be flat and insipid to him. Fulness and Plenty is one of the most troublesome Things in the World, and, instead of helping forward, does but provoke us to nauseate our Happiness.

* 1.63Gross easie Love does like gross Diet, pall; In squeasie Stomachs Honey turns to Gall. Dryden.

The greatest Interruption to our Enjoyments, and the most distasteful Thing that can happen to us, is Abundance: To be cloy'd is to lose All. And therefore we may say, that Princes are not capable of such a thing as Action; for this cannot be live∣ly and vigorous without some Degree of Difficulty and Resistance: Other Men may be said to live, and move, and act, who meet with Obstruction and Opposition; but They who meet with none, may more truly be said to dream, or walk in their Sleep, or to glide along insensibly thro' the whole Course of their Lives.

[unspec 10] The Third Particular, in which they find Them∣selves aggrieved above others, is in their Marriage.* 1.64 The Matches made by Persons of inferiour Qua∣lity are infinitely more free and easie; the effect of Choice, the result of Affection, more void of Constraint, and full of Satisfaction. One great Reason, no doubt, of this Difference is, that Com∣mon Men have greater Choice, and may find great Variety and Numbers equal with Themselves, to take a Wife out of; But Kings and Princes are but few; and therefore if They resolve to marry suita∣bly to Themselves, there can be no great picking

and choosing in the Case. But the other Reason is, and indeed the more considerable of the Two, That Private Persons have nothing farther to aim at beyond their own particular Concerns; They consult their own Comfort and Convenience; but Princes are often confin'd and ty'd up by publick Considerations. Their Marriages are vast Intrigues of State, and design'd to be instrumental in secu∣ring the Happiness and Peace of the World in general. Great Persons do not Marry for Them∣selves, but for the common Good of Nations and Kingdoms. And this is what they ought to be more in love with, and tender of, than of their Wife and Children. Upon this Account they are fre∣quently obliged to hearken to Proposals where there is neither Affection nor Delight to invite them; they often engage themselves to Persons, whom they are so far from being taken with, that some∣times they never know nor see them, till it is out of their Power to retreat. There is no such thing as Love or Liking between the Parties; but the short of the Matter is, Such a great Prince marries such a great Princess, which, if he had been in another Capacity, he would never have chosen or consent∣ed to. But the Publick was concern'd, and is ser∣ved by it; and he is content to enslave Himself for his whole Life, because that Alliance was ne∣cessary to be contracted, for the strengthening his Interest, and the security of his Kingdoms; and the mutual Benefit and Ease which Nations may re∣ceive by such a convenient Union.

[unspec 11] I may reckon this for a Fourth Disadvantage, that They can have no part in those Tryals and little Emulations, which other Men are continual∣ly exercised in towards one another, by the Jealou∣sie they express of their Honour, or signalizing their Valour, their Wit, or their Bodily Strength; which after all, is one of the most sensible Pleasures Men

enjoy in Conversation with one another. The Reason is obvious; because every Man thinks him∣self bound in good Manners to yield to Them, to save a Decency, and not suffer them to be outdone; and had rather balk their Own Honour, and abate of what they could do upon these Occasions, than give Offence to a Prince, whom they know Am∣bitious of being thought the Conqueror of all that contend with him. Now the Bottom and Truth of all this Matter is, that upon pretence of Deference and Respect, such Great Men are abus'd, and treat∣ed with great Scorn, and secret Contempt; which gave occasion to a wise Man to say, that the Chil∣dren of Princes were in a very ill way of Educati∣on, for they learnt nothing as they should do, ex∣cept the Art of Riding a Manag'd Horse; because in all other Cases Men yield, and adjudge the Prize to them; but this Beast, who is not capable of Flattery, nor hath learnt the Arts of Courtship and Complaisance, makes no difference between the Prince and his Groom, and throws either of them without distinction. Several great Men have therefore refused the Applauses of Spectators, and scorn'd their formal Commendations, saying, I should take this kindly, and be proud of it, if it came from Persons that durst say otherwise, and who would take that generous Freedom of finding Fault with Me, when I gave them a just occasion of doing so.

[unspec 12] The Fifth Inconvenience is, Their being debarr'd the Liberty of going Abroad,* 1.65 and the mighty Ad∣vantages of seeing the World. For they are per∣fectly Imprison'd within their own Country, and generally cooped up within the Precincts of their Court and there they are hedg'd in, as it were, with their own Creatures; expos'd to the View of Spectators, and the Censure of Impertinent Tat∣tlers and Busie-bodies, that watch and dog them every where, even in their most secret Actions.

Which made King Alphonso say, that in this Respect the very Asses had more Liberty, and were in a better Con∣dition, than Kings.

[unspec 13] The Sixth Topick of their Miseries is, * 1.66 the being shut out from all sincere Friendship, and mutual So∣ciety, which is the very sweetest and most valua∣ble Advantage of Humane Life; but such a one as can never be enjoy'd, except among Equals, or such at least between whom there is no very great Inequality. Now the Elevation of a Prince is so high, and the Distance at which his Subjects stand below him so very great, that it makes any inti∣mate, and free Correspondence impracticable. All the Services, and Compliments, and humble For∣malities paid them, come from such Hands as must do what they do, and dare not do otherwise. They are by no means the effect of Friendship, but of servile Submission, and Interest, and Design. All their zealous Professions are not for His sake, but their Own; to ingratiate and to raise Themselves; or else they are a Matter of Custom and Shew only. Which we see plainly they often are, from the vilest and most wicked Kings being serv'd, and reverenc'd, and addrest to, in the very same man∣ner with the best, and most truly deserving those Honours; and even Them whom the People hate and curse, with Those whom they cordially love and adore. But still, whether a Prince be the One or the Other of these, no body can make any Conjecture at all from outward Forms and Ap∣pearances; The Pomp, the Ceremony, the Com∣plement, and the whole Face and Behaviour of a Court, is always alike: Which Julian the Empe∣rour was so sensible of, that when some of his Courtiers commended his Justice, he made Answer,

That he indeed should have some Temptation to grow proud upon their Praises, but that he consider'd whom they came from; and they

who gave him good Words then, durst not take upon them to Chide him when he happen'd to deserve it.

[unspec 14] The Seventh Particular, * 1.67 in which they exceed the Miseries of common Men; and That which perhaps is of all others the worst in it self, and most destructive to the publick Safety, is, That they are not at liberty to use their own Discretion in the choice of Servants and Officers of Honour and Trust; nor have Opportunities of attaining to a true and perfect Knowledge of Things. They are never suffer'd to know All; nor are they ever throughly acquainted what condition their Affairs are really in; some better Face put upon the good part, and some part conceal'd or colour'd over, which is unfortunate or ill-manag'd, and would be unacceptable, if rightly represented. As little are they let in to the true Characters of Men, and consequently, who are fit to be employ'd and trusted. And what can be more miserable than such a State of Ignorance as This; when They, whose concern it is to know best, are far from understanding truly, either what is to be done, or who are most proper to do it? Alas! they are en∣compassed, and blockaded up, as it were, by Peo∣ple of the first Quality, whom there is no getting loose from: Either such as are their own Relations, or who, upon the Account of their Families, and Honours, and Places, or by long Custom and Pre∣scription, are so fix'd in Authority, and have so great a Concern in the Management of Affairs, that it is not advisable or safe to give them Dis∣gust. They must be caress'd, and preferr'd, and have no ground of Jealousie or Discontent given them: If Offices of the highest Consequence are to be dispos'd of, These Persons must not be over∣look'd; if, when they are thus employ'd, they prove incapable or unfit, the Retreat is difficult; All the

Nobility of their Alliance resent their Slight, or their Disgrace; and the mending an Improper Choice, or the making a Proper One, is some∣times in hazard of bringing All into Confusion. Now these Persons, who make it their Business to keep their Prince constantly muffled up, and ne∣ver let him see the World, take good care that no∣thing shall appear to him as it really is; and that all such as are truly better and more useful Men than Themselves, shall never gain free Access to him, nor have their Abilities known. O! 'tis a wretched thing to see nothing but with other Peoples Eyes; and to hear nothing but with other Mens Ears; as Princes, whose Eminence will not admit of Free∣dom, and Plain-dealing, and promiscuous Con∣versation, are under a necessity of doing. But that which makes the Misery complete, and the very worst that can be, is, that, commonly speak∣ing, Princes and Great Persons are by a strange sort of Fatality, destin'd to, and in the possession of Three sorts of Men, who are the very Bane and Pest of Mankind, (viz.) Flatterers, Proje∣ctors for raising Money, and Informers. And these un∣der a specious, but counterfeit Pretence, either of Zeal and Affection for their Prince, (as the Two former do) or of Integrity, and Virtue, and Re∣formation, (as the last) instead of improving or amending either, utterly deprave and ruine both Prince and People.

[unspec 15] The Eighth Misery is, That they are less Ma∣sters of their own Wills, than any other Persons. For in all their Proceedings, there are infinite Conside∣rations and Respects, which they are bound to ob∣serve, and these captivate and constrain their De∣signs, and Inclinations, and Desires.* 1.68 The greater

any Man's Station and Capacity is, the less he is at his own Disposal. This one would think should pre∣vail for fair Quarter at least, and favourable Al∣lowances for what they do; but instead of being pitied or lamented for this Hardship, they are the most barbarously treated, the most severely censu∣red, and traduced, of any Men living. For every bold Fellow sets up for a Politician, and undertakes to guess at their Meanings, to penetrate into their ve∣ry Hearts and Thoughts.* 1.69 To pry too curiously into the secret Intentions of a Prince, is unlawful; or if it were not, yet it is but doubtful, and a Guess at best, what we cannot compass, and therefore ought not to attempt. The Cabinets of Princes are Sacred, and their Breasts ought to be much more so. These busie Men cannot discern them, and yet they are eternal••y arraigning and sentencing; They have a quite different Prospect of Things; and see them under another Face, from what they appear to Those at the Helm; or if they saw them both alike, yet both are not equally capable of understanding the Intricacies of them. Intrigues of State are Things above a Vulgar Capacity; but notwithstanding, every Man expects his Prince should do what He thinks most convenient, and blames his Conduct if he do otherwise; there is no Favour, no Patience to be obtained for any thing contrary to each Man's Private Sentiments, tho' it be in it self never so fit, never so necessary, never so impossible to have been managed otherwise. In a Word, every Shop, eve∣ry Coffee-house sits in Judgment upon their Gover∣nours; and without hearing or knowing the Me∣rits of the Cause, proceed to severe and sawcy Condemnations of Them.

[unspec 16] Lastly, It happens very often,* 1.70 that Princes come to a very untimely and unfortunate End; not on∣ly such of Them as by Usurpation and Tyranny provoke Men to bring it upon them, for this is not much to be wonder'd at, and such have no more than their Due; but, (which is a misera∣ble Case indeed) Those who are most Rightful in their Title, and most regular, and just, and gen∣tle in the Administration of their Government. How frequent Instances of this kind does the Roman History present us with, in those Emperours that follow'd after the Civil Wars of Pompey and Caesar? And not to go so far back, we know that Henry III. of France, was Assassinated by a little insignificant Frier in the midst of an Army of Forty Thousand Men; and infinite other Examples of Poysonings, Murders, and villanous Conspiracies are to be found in all Ages.

* 1.71Kings post down to the Shades in Blood; few stay For Common Deaths, and Nature's slow decay.

A Man would be almost tempted to imagine, that as Storms and Tempests, seem to wreek their Spight most upon the towering Pride of the loftyest Build∣ings, so there are some malicious Spirits, that envy, and make it their Business to humble and ruine, and trample down the Majesty and Great∣ness of Those, who stand most exalted here below.

† 1.72And hence we fancy unseen Powers in Things Whose Force and Will such strange Confusion brings, And spurns and overthrows our greatest Kings. Creech

[unspec 17] To summ up all in a Word. The Condition of Sovereign Princes is above all Others incumbred with Difficulties, and exposed to Dangers. Their Life, provided it be Innocent and Virtuous, is infinitely laborious, and full of Cares; If it be Wicked, it is then the Plague and Scourge of the World; ha∣ted and cursed by all Mankind; and whether it be the One or the Other, it is beset with inex∣pressible Hazards; For the greater any Governour is, the less he can be secure; the less he can trust to Himself; and yet the more need he hath to be secure, and not to trust Others, but Himself. And this may satisfie us, how it comes to pass, that the being betray'd and abus'd, is a thing ve∣ry natural and easie to happen, a common, and al∣most inseparable Consequence of Government and Sovereign Power.

Of the Duty of Princes, see Book III. Chap. 16.

CHAP. L. Of Magistrates.

[unspec 1] THere are great Differences, and several De∣grees of Magistrates, with regard both to the Honour, and the Power that belongs to them: For These are the two considerable Points to be observ'd in distinguishing them, and they are entirely independent upon one another; They may be, and often are each of them single and alone. Sometimes Those Persons who are in the most ho∣nourable Posts, have yet no great Matter of Au∣thority or Power lodg'd in their Hands; as the King's

Council, Privy-Counsellors in some Governments, and Secretaries of State: Some have but One of these two Qualifications; others have Both; and all have them in different Degrees; but those are properly, and in strict speaking, Magistrates, in whom both Honour and Power meet together.

[unspec 2] Magistrates are in a middle Station, and stand between the Prince and Private Men; subordinate to the One, but superiour to the Other; They car∣ry Justice home, and hand it down from above; but of this they being only the Ministers and Instru∣ments, can have no manner of Power inherent in Themselves, when the Prince Himself, who is the Fountain of Law and Justice, is present. As Rivers lose their Name and their Force, when they have emptied and incorporated their Waters into the Sea, and as Stars disappear at the Approach of the Sun; so all the Authority of Magistrates in the Pre∣sence of the Sovereign, whose Deputies and Vice∣gerents They are, is either totally suspended, or up∣on sufferance only. And the Case is the same if we descend a little lower, and compare the Com∣missions of Subalterns, and inferiour Officers, with Those in a higher and more general Jurisdiction. Those that are in the same Commission are all upon the Level; there is no Power or Superi∣ority There over one another; all that they can do, is to consult together, and be assisting to each other by concurrence; or else to obstruct and re∣strain each other, by opposing what is doing, and preventing its being done.

[unspec 3] All Magistrates judge, condemn, and command, either according to the Form and express Letter of the Law; (and then the Decisions they give, and the Sentences they pronounce, are nothing else but a putting the Law in execution) or else they proceed upon Rules of Equity, and reasonable Consideration, (and then this is call'd the Duty of the Magistrate.)

Magistrates cannot alter their own Decrees, nor correct the Judgment they have given, without ex∣press Permission of the Sovereign, upon Penalty of being adjudged Falsifiers of the Publick Records. They may indeed revoke their own Orders, or they may suspend the Execution of them for some time, as they shall see Occasion. But when once a Cause is brought to an Issue, and Sentence given upon a full and fair Hearing, they have no Power to retract that Judgment, nor to mend or try it over again, without fresh Matter require it.

Of the Duty of Magistrates. See Book III. Chap. 17.

CHAP. LI. Lawgivers and Teachers.

IT is a Practice very usual with some Philoso∣phers and Teachers, to prescribe such Laws and Rules, as are above the Proportions of Virtue, and what the Condition of Humane Nature will suffer very few, if any at all to come up to. They draw the Images much bigger and more beautiful than the Life; or else set us such Patterns of Dif∣ficult and Austere Virtue, as are impossible for us to equal, and so discourage many; and render the Attempt it self Dangeous, and of ill Conse∣quence to some. These are merely the Painter's Fancy, like Plato's Republick, Sir Thomas More's Utopia, Cicero's Orator, or Horace his Poet. Noble Characters indeed, and a Collection of acknow∣ledged Excellencies in Speculation; but such as the World wants living Instances of. The Best and most perfect Law-giver, who in marvelous Conde∣scension

was pleased himself to be sensible of our Infirmities, hath shewed great Tenderness and Com∣passion for them, and wisely consider'd what Hu∣mane Nature would bear. He hath suited all Things so well to the Capacities of Mankind, that those Words of His are True, even in this Respect also, My Yoke is easie, and my Burden is light.

Now, where these Powers are not duly consul∣ted, the Laws are first of all Unjust; for some Proportion ought to be observ'd between the Com∣mand, and the Obedience; the Duty imposed, and the Ability to discharge it. I do not say, These Commands should not exceed what is usually done, but what is possible to be done; for what Vanity and Folly is it to oblige People to be always in a Fault, and to cut out more Work, than can e∣ver be finished? Accordingly we may frequently observe, that these rigid Stretchers of Laws, are the First that expose them to publick Scorn, by their own Neglect; and, like the Pharisees of old, lay heavy Burdens upon others, which they them∣selves will not so much as touch with one of their Fingers. These Examples are but too obvi∣ous in all Professions; This is the Way of the World. Men direct one Thing, and practise an∣other; and That, not always through Defect or Corruption of Manners, but sometimes even out of Judgment and Principle too.

Another Fault too frequent is, That many Per∣sons are exceeding Scrupulous and Nice in Mat∣ters which are merely Circumstantial, or free and indifferent in their own Nature; even above what they express themselves in some of the most ne∣cessary and substantial Branches of their Duty, such as the Laws of God, or the Light of Na∣ture have bound upon them. This is much such another Extravagance, as lending to other People,

while we neglect to pay our own Debts. A Pha∣risaical Ostentation, which our Heavenly Master so severely exposes the Jewish Elders for, and is at the Bottom no better than Hypocrise; a mocking of God, and Miserable deluding of their own Souls.

Seneca indeed hath said something concerning the Impracticableness of some Duties, which, if rightly observ'd, is of good Use; but then it must not be over-strain'd, nor applyed to all Occasions indifferently.* 1.73 When ever (says he) you have Rea∣son to distrust the due performance of the Precepts or Laws you establish, it is necessary to require something more than will just serve the Turn, to the intent, That which is sufficient may be sure not to be neglected. For all Hyperboles and Excesses of this kind are useful to this purpose, that Men, by having something expressed which is not true, may be brought to just Ideas of that which is true.

With this Quotation our Author ends his Chap∣ter in the older Edition, which I thought conveni∣ent to add here; and not only so, but in regard I am sensible, what perverse Use Licentious Men may make of the former Objection to the Preju∣dice of Religion, and in particular Vindication of their own Neglects and Vicious Lives; and also what Occasions of Scruple and Disquiet it may mi∣nister to some well meaning Persons, when they compare their own Defects with the Perfection of the Divine Laws; I beg the Reader's Leave to in∣sert at large what a Learned and Excellent Wri∣ter of our own hath delivered to this purpose.

And this I hope, if well consider'd, may both con∣fute the Licentious, and quiet the Doubting and Dissatisfied in the Point before us.

Laws (says he) must not be depressed to our Imperfection,* 1.74 nor Rules bent to our Obliquity; but we must ascend towards the Perfection of Them, and strive to conform our Practice to Their Exactness. If what is prescribed, be ac∣cording to the Reason of Things, Just and Fit, it is enough, although our Practice will not reach it. For what remaineth may be supply'd by Repentance, and Humility, in him that should obey; by Mercy and Pardon in him that doth command.

In the Prescription of Duty it is just, that what may be required (even in Rigour) should be precisely determined; though in Execution of Justice, or Dispensation of Recompence, Consi∣deration may be had of our Weakness: Where∣by both the Authority of our Governour, may be maintain'd, and his Clemency glorify'd.

It is of great Use, that by comparing the Law with our Practice, and in the Perfection of the One, discerning the Defect of the Other; we may be humbled, may be sensible of our Impotency, may thence be forced to seek the Helps of Grace, and the Benefit of Mercy.

Were the Rule never so low, our Practice would come below it; it is therefore expedient that it should be high; that at least we may rise higher in Performance than otherwise we should do. For the higher we aim, the nearer we shall go to the due Pitch; as He that aimeth at Heaven, although he cannot reach it, will yet shoot higher, than He that aimeth only at the House Top.

The Height of Duty doth prevent Sloth and Decay in Virtue, keeping us in wholesom Exer∣cise, and in continual Improvement, while we are always climbing towards the Top, and strain∣ing unto farther Attaintment. The sincere Pro∣secution of which Course, as it will be more Profitable to Us, so it will be no less Accepta∣ble to God, than if we could thoroughly ful∣fill the Law; For in Judgment God will only reckon upon the Sincerity and Earnestness of our Endeavour; so that if we have done our Best, it will be taken, as if we had done All. Our Labour will not be lost in the Lord; for the De∣grees of performance will be considered, and he that hath done his Duty in part, shall be pro∣portionably recompensed; according to that of St. Paul, Every Man shall receive his own reward according to his own Work. Hence sometimes we are enjoyned to be perfect as our Heavenly Father is perfect; and to be Holy as God is Holy; other∣while to go on to Perfection, and to press toward the Mark; which Precepts, in Effect do import the same Thing; but the latter implieth the former, although in Attainment impossible, yet in Attempt very profitable. And surely he is likely to write best, who proposeth to himself the fairest Copy for his Imitation.

In fine, if we do act what is possible, or as we can, do conform to the Rule of Duty, we may be sure, that no Impossibility of any Sublime Law can prejudice us.

I say of any Law, for—many, perhaps every one Evangelical Law are alike repugnant to cor∣rupt Nature, and seem to surmount our Ability.

Thus far that Reverend Person, whose Argu∣ment I know not whether I ought to ask pardon for representing so largely; but I was willing to

give it entire, for the greater Satisfaction of Them who think themselves concern'd to consider it: And likewise, that it might be of more Use, when apply'd, (as very appliable it is) to other Laws and Precepts, wherein Religion is not immediately concerned. In short, a Law-Giver and a Judge are two very different Characters, and such as re∣quire very different Methods, and Principles; for it is one Thing to Establish, and Another to Exe∣cute the Law. And the want of observing this Distinction occasions all the Complaints and Decla∣matory Strains we hear, against Moral and Revealed Religion, as if they imposed Things merely Ro∣mantick, and Imaginary. To all which I add too, that though we none of us can attain to Perfe∣ction, yet most of us might go much greater Lengths towards it, than we do. And that This is often made an unnecessary Pretence, a Cloak to our Folly, or Sloth, or indulged Vices; which, when they have all of them been wilful and af∣fected, we palliate and excuse, by taking Sanctuary very improperly, in the Infirmities of Humane Nature, the Imperfections and Failings of the best Men, and the Impossibility and Impracticableness of the Duties imposed upon us.

CHAP. LII. Of the Common People.

BY the Common People, here, we are not to un∣derstand all that have no Part in the Go∣vernment, and whose only Business is to Obey; but I mean the Rout and vulgar Croud, the Dregs and Rubbish of the Common-Wealth; Men of a Mean, Slavish, and Mechanical Spirit and Condi∣tion, let them cover, or call, or set Themselves off how they will. Now, This is a many-headed Mon∣ster; such as cannot be described in a little Com∣pass; Inconstant and Changeable, Restless and Rolling, like the Waves of the Sea; They are ruffled and calmed, They approve and disapprove the self-same Thing, in a Moment of Time: Nothing in the World can be more casie, than to manage and turn this Bawble which Way and into what Form you please; they Laugh or Cry, are Angry or Pleas'd, or in any other Passion, just as one would have them; They love not War for the Sake of its End, nor Peace for the Sake of the Quiet it brings, but they are fond both of the One and the Other; because each is New, and always makes some Change. Con∣fusion puts them upon desiring Order; and when they are composed, they hate Order and Regula∣rity then, as much as they did Confusion before. They are perpetually running from one Extreme to another; fond of Contraries; all Seasons and Times are lost to them, except what is not; for

they feed only upon the Future.† 1.75 These (says one) are the Qualities, This the constant Custom and Practice of the Common People, to hate and decry the Pre∣sent, to be eager and desirous of the Future; extravagant∣ly to commend and extol Things and Times that are past.

[unspec 2] They are credulous and busie, apt to entertain and pick up all manner of News, but especially such as is ill and disasterous; and whatever they hear reported, they take it for granted must needs be true; Let a Man but come provided with some fresh Story, and give it out that it is so, and he shall whistle them together as thick as Swarms of Bees at the tinkling of a Brass-Pan.

[unspec 3] They are Injudicious, Unreasonable, Indiscreet; All their Wisdom and Judgment is perfect Chance, Cross or Pile, Even or Odd; They speak their Mind, and determine with great Positiveness and Fierceness; and are always stiff and peremptory in it. And all this while it is not any Opinion of their own, but that of other People; for they take all upon Trust, follow the Vogue and com∣mon Cry, are born away by Custom and Num∣bers, and run like Sheep; because they are led, and others have gone before them; not because the Thought is reasonable, or the Thing true in it self.* 1.76 * 1.77 There is no such thing as Judgment or Truth to be met with among the Vulgar; for they discern nothing.* 1.78 They are persuaded frequently by com∣mon Opinion, but very seldom by the Truth of the Thing.

[unspec 4] They are envious and malicious, Enemies to good Men, Despisers of Virtue; They look upon

the Wealth and Prosperity, the Successes and Ad∣vancements of others, with a jealous and an evil Eye. They always take the weakest and the worst Side; give countenance to Knaves, and hate Per∣sons of Honour and Quality, without knowing any manner of Reason for it, except that One, that they are higher and better than Themselves, more esteem'd, and well spoken of.

[unspec 5] They are treacherous, false, and disloyal; they magnifie every Report, enlarge and aggravate what is true, and make every thing Ten times more and greater than it really is: You never know where nor when to have them: The Promise or Fidelity of the Mobb, is like the Thought of a Child, born and gone in an Instant; They change, not only as their Interest changes, but are blown and carry'd about to every Quarter, with the next Blast of idle Report, or vain Surmise; and every Hour of the Day makes a new Alteration in their Opinions and Affections.

[unspec 6] They are eternally† 1.79 disposed to Mutiny and Facti∣on, Troublesom, and fond of Change;* 1.80 mortal Enemies to Peace, and Order, and Concord; but especially, when they get any Body to Head or Lead them on, for then they are insolent and insupportable. Like the Sea, which is smooth and calm by Nature, but when put into Agitation by the Winds, it swells, and curls, and foams, and roars; just so the Mad∣ness of the People is blown up, and bears down all with the impetuous Torrent. And again, Take off their Ring-leaders, and they fall flat before you, are all in Disorder and Confusion, and quite dead with Fear, and Terrour, and Astonishment;

* 1.81 Inconsiderate and Fearful,* 1.82 Cowardly and Dispi∣rited.

[unspec 7] They countenance and support busie troublesome Fellows, and admire those most who are ever bla∣ming, and disturbing the Administration of Affairs. Modesty pas••es with Them for Cowardice, and prudent Caution for Stupidity and Heaviness. On the contrary, Fierceness and blind Fury is com∣mended and ador'd, under the specious, but false Titles, of Courage and Bravery. Those that have hot Heads, and itching Hands, are preferr'd by Them infinitely before Men of sound Judgment, that weigh things nicely, and never proceed but upon mature Deliberations. And flashy prating Coxcombs take more with them, than plain, reser∣ved Persons, of solid and sober Sense.

[unspec 8] They have no regard at all for the publick Good, nor for Virtue or Decency, but all their Thoughts center in private and Personal Advantage; they look no higher nor farther than Themselves, and take up unaccountable Piques at Those that oppose their Profit. All their Diligence is mercenary, all their Zeal is sordid; nothing is so vile, but Profit will reconcile them to it.* 1.83 † 1.84 Every Man hath a pri∣vate Spur within, and the Honour or Benefit of the Publick is of no Regard or Concern with them.

[unspec 9] They are perpetually growling and repining at the Government; ready to burst with Discontent, and venting their supposed Grievances in all man∣ner of insolent and base Language; aspersing Those that are set over them, and loading them with the most virulent Reproaches. Men of low Con∣dition and small Fortunes comfort Themselves this

way: It is almost the only Pleasure they find to speak ill of the Rich, and the Great; and This, not because they have any just Provocation, or reason so to do, but purely out of Envy and Ill∣nature, which never suffers them to rest satisfy'd with their Governours, and the present Posture of Affairs.

[unspec 10] But they are all Talk and Froth; without Mat∣ter, without Reason; their Minds never advance, nor stir one step; their Tongues are always in Action, and never lie still. They are a sort of Monster, made up of nothing but Tongue; in at All, and know Nothing; prying into every thing, and yet blind, and see nothing; any thing pleases and makes them laugh, and any thing discontents and makes them cry. They are always in readi∣ness for Mutiny and Rebellion, bluster, and swag∣ger, and threaten; but these forward Men in De∣sign and Discourse, take care to sleep in a whole Skin, and are the backwardest in Fight, and upon the Approach of Danger. For their Property is, to be always struggling to shake off their Yoke, and much better at trying for Liberty, than keep∣ing it when they have it.* 1.85 † 1.86 The Temper of the Mobile, (say the Roman Historians very truly) is Saw••iness and Insol••nce; their Tongues are fierce and talkative, their Courage when it comes to tryal, Tameness and mere Nothing; and all the Bravery they put on, ends in empty Boasts and Bullying.

[unspec 11] They never know when to give over, but are always running into Extremes; absolute Strangers to Moderation and Decency. Either you have them cringing, and fawning, and descending to the vilest and basest submission of Slaves; or else insolent, and tyrannical, and domineering, beyond

all Measure, beyond all Patience. They cannot endure the Rein when gently manag'd; nor be content to enjoy a reasonable Liberty, and such Indulgences and Terms as are fit for them; but are eternally either flying out, or falling under their Rider: Too confident, or too distrustful of their own Strength; too bold, or too tame; transport∣ed with Hope, or quite dispirited with Fear. They always bring Matters to this Issue, that if you do not make Them stand in awe of You, they will make You stand in awe of Them. When once you have humbled and terrify'd Them soundly, you may give them a Bit and a Knock, put out their Eyes, trample upon their Necks; nothing is so reproachful, but they will bear it. But if you do not shew them the Rod, and make them sensible who is their Driver, they grow proud, and daring, and turbulent. There is no such thing as Ingenuity, or a Sense of good Usage to be ex∣pected from them; and hence comes that Proverb, commonly apply'd to those churlish Wretches, that grow upon Them, who treat them gently, and would win them by Favour and Kindness. Stroke Him and he'll spurn You; spurn Him and he'll stroke You.* 1.87 * 1.88 The Vulgar know no Mean; they affright unless they fear; and when they are in fear, they may be safe∣ly despised.* 1.89 † 1.90 They are troublesomly bold, when out of Apprehension of a stronger Hand; the humblest Servants, or the haughtiest Masters: But for Liberty and Modera∣tion, they pretend to value them most, but know how to practise and enjoy them least.

[unspec 12] They are scandalous more especially for Ingrati∣tude to their best and most generous Benefactors. The Thanks and Recompence which those Great Men have generally met with, that expended their Blood, and Treasure, and Labours in the Service of the Publick, and have deserv'd most at their Hands, are Banishment, or Disgrace; an open Accusation, or a general Calumny; a Conspiracy, or an un∣timely Death. Histories both Sacred and Profane furnish infinite Instances, and are more full of no One thing, than celebrated Examples of this kind. Moses, and all the Prophets; Socrates, Aristides, Phocion, Lycurgus, Demosthenes, Themistocles, and ma∣ny other venerable Names in Antiquity, are last∣ing indelible Monuments of this base Disposition. Nay, Truth it self told the Jews,* 1.91 that not any of Them who made it their Business to promote the Happiness and Salvation of that People, had esca∣ped the Malice and Violence of Them or their Forefathers. But quite contrary, those that op∣press, and keep them under, they cherish and make much of; fear and admire all they do; when the loss of Power and Freedom hath depress'd their Minds, and made them slavish too.

[unspec 13] In short; The Mob is a savage Beast; all its Thoughts are Vanity, its Opinions and Assertions erroneous and false; the Good is commonly rejected and condemned, the Evil approved and applauded by them. The Commendations they give are infa∣mous, and their Projects and Undertakings, Folly. For Seneca hath told us long since, that* 1.92 Matters are not so well with Mankind, as that most Voices should be on the best side. For the common Crowd is a shrewd Ar∣gument that what is so liked is very bad. In short, the Rabble is the Mother of Ignorance, Injustice, In∣constancy,

an Adorer of Vanity; and the stu∣dying to please them can never turn to true Ac∣count. They give indeed for their Motto, The Voice of the People is the Voice of God: But we may say very truly, The Voice of the People is the Voice of Foolish and Mistaken Men. And one of the first Principles of Wisdom, is to wash one's Hands, and get quite dispossest of all popular and general Opinions, and to proceed clearly, and without any manner of Byass or Prejudice, in our Enquiries after Truth and Virtue. This will be quickly illustrated in our Second Book; toward which we are now drawing on apace.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Imperio & Obsequio emnia constant.
• * 1.2

  Supreme Power Sub∣divided.
• * 1.3

  Of parti∣cular Lards.
• * 1.4

  O••f••••ers.
• * 1.5

  Imperium non ••i••i divino fato datur. Rom. xiii. 1.
• * 1.6

  Prima Societas in Conjugio est, quod principium Urbis, se∣minarium Reipublicae. Cic. de Offic. Lib. 1.
• * 1.7

  Objections against Marriage.
• * 1.8

  Answer to them.
• * 1.9

  Ephes. v.
• * 1.10

  It is a Great God, or a Great Evil
• * 1.11

  Homo Homini aut Deus, aut Lupus.
• * 1.12

  When Good, it is ex∣ceedingly so.
• * 1.13

  A general Description of it.
• * 1.14

  Another more par∣ticular one.
• * 1.15

  Inequality.
• * 1.16

  See 1 Corinth. xi. 7.8. The Man is the Image, and Similitude of God, but the Woman is the Similitude of the Man. So 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ought to be rendred in the Sense of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 similis sum, not Glory, as we read it, which is foreign to the rest of the Words, and the whole Scope of that Argument.
• * 1.17

  The Power of the Hus∣band.
• * 1.18

  Dionys. Halic. l. 2.
• * 1.19

  Tacit.
• * 1.20

  Different 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a∣•••••••• it.
• * 1.21

  Of Polyga∣my and Di∣vorce.
• * 1.22

  Polygamy differently practised.
• * 1.23

  Divorce differently practised.
• * 1.24

  Paternal Authority.
• * 1.25

  Dion. Ha∣licar. lib. 2. Antiq.
• * 1.26

  Rom. 1. in Suis. ff. de lib. & posth.
• * 1.27

  Parentum in Liberos omne Jus esto, relegandi, vendendi, occidendi.
• * 1.28

  Aul. Gel. lib. 20. Aristot. Ethic. lib. 8. Caesar, lib. 6. de Bell. Gall. Prosper Aquit. in Epist. Sigism.
• * 1.29

  Diodor.
• * 1.30

  The Rea∣sons and Ef∣fects of it.
• * 1.31

  Its Decay.
• * 1.32

  Lib. 1. de Clem.
• * 1.33

  Salust. in Bell. Ca∣talin. Valer. Maxim.
• * 1.34

  L. inaudi∣tum ad leg. Corn. F. I. in suis de I. & posth. I. 3. Cod. de pa. potest.
• * 1.35

  Deut. xxi.
• * 1.36

  Matt. xv.
• * 1.37

  Nullum tantum scelus admitti potest à patre, quod par∣ricidio sit vindicandum; & nullum scelus rationem habet.
• * 1.38

  The use of Slaves uni∣versal, but unnatural.
• * 1.39

  Several sorts of Slavery.
• * 1.40

  Tacit. de mor. Ger.
• * 1.41

  Exod xxi. Deut. xv.
• * 1.42

  The Cause of it.
• * 1.43

  The Cruel Usage of Slaves.
• * 1.44

  How they came to lesson.
• * 1.45

  And the Poor to in∣crease.
• * 1.46

  Return to Servitude.
• * 1.47

  The Nature and Necessi∣ty of Pub-blick Go∣vernment.
• * 1.48

  Arduum & subjectum fortunae cuncta regendi onus.
• * 1.49

  What So∣vereign Power is.
• * 1.50

  Nulla Obligatio consistere potest, quae à voluntate promitten∣tis statum capit.
• † 1.51

  Potestas res est, quae moneri doecri{que} non vult, & cistrigatio∣nem aegrè fert.
• * 1.52

  Its Proper∣ties.
• * 1.53

  The Man∣ners and Dispositi∣ons of Great Per∣sons.
• * 1.54

  Du••••••s & veri insolens: Ad recta flecti regius non vult tumor.
• † 1.55

  Id esse regni maximum pignus putant, si quicquid aliis non licet, solis licet.
• * 1.56

  Quicquid libet, licet.
• † 1.57

  Suapte Naturâ Potentiae anxii.
• ‖ 1.58

  Suspectus semper invisus{que} dominantibus quisquis proximus destinatur, adeo ut displiceant etiam civilia Filiorum ingenia.
• * 1.59

  Ingenia Regum prona ad formidinem.
• * 1.60

  In the Di∣scharge of their Office.
• * 1.61

  Ut satius multo jam sit parere quietum Quam regere imperio res velle—

  Lucret. lib. V.
• * 1.62

  In their Pleasures and Actions of their Lise.
• * 1.63

  Pinguis amor nimiumque potens in taedia nobis Vertitur, & Stomacho dulcis ut esca nocet.

  Ovid. Amor. L. 2. Eleg. 19.
• * 1.64

  In their Marriage.
• * 1.65

  Incapacity of Travel∣ling.
• * 1.66

  As also of mutual and cordial Friendship.
• * 1.67

  Being kept in Igno∣rance.
• * 1.68

  In maximâ fortunà minima licentia.
• * 1.69

  Abditos Principis sensus, & si quid occultius parat exquirere, illicitum, anceps, nec ideo assequare.
• * 1.70

  Their mise∣rable End.
• * 1.71

  Ad generum Cereris sine caede & sangu••ne pauci Descendunt Reges, & siccâ morte Tyranni.
• † 1.72

  Usque adeo res humanas vis abdita quaedam Obterit, & pulchros fasces, saevas{que} secures Proculcare, ac ludibrio sibi haberi videtur.

  Lucret. Lib. 5.
• * 1.73

  Quoties parum fiduciae est, in his, in quibus imperas, ampli∣us exigendum est quam satis est, ut praestetur quantum satis est. In hoc omnis Hyperbole excedit, ut ad Verum Men∣dacio veniat.
• * 1.74

  Dr. Bar∣row Vol. I. Serm. xxvi.
• † 1.75

  Hi vulgi mores odisse, praesentia, ventura cupere, praeterita celebrare.
• * 1.76

  Tacit.
• * 1.77

  Plebi non Judicium, non Veritas. Ex Opinione multa, ex Veritate pauca judicat.
• * 1.78

  Cie
• † 1.79

  Ingenio mobili, seditiosum, discordiosum, cupidum rerum novarum, quieti & otio adversum.
• * 1.80

  Salust.
• * 1.81

  Sine rect••re ••••••••eps, pavidus, socors; nil ausura Plebs Princip•••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.82

  Tacit.
• * 1.83

  Tacit.
• † 1.84

  Privata cui{que} ••in••ulatio, vile••decus publicum.
• * 1.85

  Salust. Tacit.
• † 1.86

  Procacia plebis Ingenia, Impigrae Linguae, Ignavi ••Animi.
• * 1.87

  Tacit.
• * 1.88

  Nil in vulgo modicum, terrere nisi paveant, ubi pertimue∣rint impune contemni.
• * 1.89

  Livy.
• † 1.90

  Audaciâ turbidum nisi vim metuat; aut servit humiliter, aut superbè dominatur; libertatem, quae media, nec sper∣nere, nec habere.
• * 1.91

  Matt. xxiii
• * 1.92

  Non tam bene cum rebus humanis geritur, ut meliora pluribus placeant; Argumentum pessimi turba est.