The history of that most victorius monarch, Edward IIId, King of England and France, and Lord of Ireland, and first founder of the most noble Order of the Garter being a full and exact account of the life and death of the said king : together with that of his most renowned son, Edward, Prince of Wales and of Aquitain, sirnamed the Black-Prince : faithfully and carefully collected from the best and most antient authors, domestick and foreign, printed books, manuscripts and records / by Joshua Barnes ...

CHAPTER the ELEVENTH.

The CONTENTS.

I. A Parliament, the Cardinals return into France, together with Commissioners from King Edward. II. Whose Overtures being by the French rejected, King Ed∣ward with a Fleet of 500 Ships, sets sail for Flanders, and arrives at Antwerp, whi∣ther he Summons his Allies, with whom he holds a Parliament, which begets ano∣ther at Halle. III. King Edward sends from thence an Embassy to the Emperour Lewis of Bavaria, and invites his Queen to come over from England to him: she is soon after her coming deliver'd at Antwerp of her Third Son, named Lionell: Prince Thomas of Brotherton the Kings Ʋncle dies: An English Lord's Son, that was Born beyond Sea, Naturalized. IV. An Enterview between the Emperour and the King of England, the latter being made Vicar-General of the Empire by the Former. V. King Edward calls a Parliament of his Allies in Brabant, with the ef∣fects thereof. VI. A day appointed, whereon all the Confederates are to come with

their several Quota's to the King of England, * 1.1 who keeps his Court the mean while at Antwerp: The Duke of Brabant keeps fair with the French King. VII. Prince Edward of England, Duke of Cornwal, holds two Parliaments in the King his Fathers Absence: For whom he obtains a Mighty aid: The English Navy rein∣forced with sixty Sail.

I. ON the third of February, or the Morrow after Candlemas-day, the Par∣liament began; where the Truce was Prorogued a 1.2 to the First of March following: b 1.3 The Laity at the same time granted to the King the One half of their Woolls throughout the whole Realm, for the next Summer, which he received Graciously, and also he Levied of the Clergy the whole, causing them to pay nine Marks of every Sack of the best Wooll; but after the Rate of the One half he took, in whose hands soever it was found, as well Merchants, as others, according to the foresaid Grant: So that of the Abbey of Leicester on∣ly, as c 1.4 Knighton, one of that House, witnesses, he had no less then 18 Sacks. Af∣ter d 1.5 this he took a fifteenth of all the Commonalty of his Realm in Wooll, the Price of every Stone, Rated at fourteen Pound per Stone, at two shillings. And yet before this, e 1.6 about the Feast of all Saints, he had sent the Bishop of Lincoln, and the Earls of Northampton and Suffolk with ten Thousand Sacks of Wooll into Bra∣bant to make Retainors in High Germany, and there at the same time they sold all their Wooll, every Sack for fourty Pounds; which amounts in all to 400000 Pounds.

Besides all this he is said about this time to have seised on the Wealth of the Clu∣niacks and Cistertians Aliens (of which we spake in the former Chapter) and of the Lom∣bards, f 1.7 and all the Triennial Tythes, which were first intended for the Holy War. Nor was the French King behind him in these Arts of Raising Money, for he also laying Usury to their Charge, confiscated all that the Lombards had, Coyned Moneys both Gold and silver of a less Value, and drain'd the Clergy Exceedingly.

On the First g 1.8 of March, at the Cardinals Instance the King Prorogued the fore∣said Truce to Midsummer following, in case the King of France should consent to it, and give Security that it should be observed; after which on the 21 of the said Month, the Cardinals (who h 1.9 cost the Church of England fifty Marks per diem all the time of their stay here) took Sea at Dover, the Archbishop of Canterbury, and the Bishop of London bearing them Company, with intent to further the Treaty be∣tween the two Kings; but because all their Endeavours brought forth no Accom∣modation, we shall say no more of their Proceedings: But hasten to the Mat∣ter in Hand.

King Edward when it was understood, i 1.10 that the French King refus'd to give Se∣curity for the observing the Truce inviolably, being advised to revoke the latter Pro∣rogation, did so on the sixth of May, and immediately set himself about a Journey into Flanders, there Personally to confer with his Allies, in pursuance of his De∣sign against France. But before he went, upon the Cardinals further importunity, a Com∣mission was issued * 1.11 to John Archbishop of Canterbury, Richard Bishop of Durham, Ro∣bert Earl of Suffolk, Sr. Geoffry Scroop Knight, and Mr. John Hufford Archdeacon of Ely, with Power to Treat and agree touching all things in Difference between the two Kings, in Reference to a full and final Peace. And by another Commission bearing the same Date of the 21 of June, the Duke of Brabant, the Earls of Heinalt and Gueldre, the Marquess of Juliers, and Sr. William Dunort Lord of Ostervandt, Knight, are added to them. These Commissions were double, and of two several Styles, in the One the King calls King Philip, only Philippus de Valois, Consanguineus noster Fran∣ciae; but in the other—Excellentissimus Princeps, Dominus Philippus, Rex Franciae, Il∣lustris, Consanguineus noster Charissimus.

II. But these Offers being all rejected, and Jacob k 1.12 van Arteveld urgently re∣questing his Presence in Flanders, the King at last on the * 1.13 16 of July, took ship∣ping at the Port of Orewell, near Harwich in Suffolk, with a Royal Navy of l 1.14 500 Sail, and many great Barons of England in his Company; among whom were m 1.15 Henry Earl of Darby, William Montague, Earl of Salisbury, Robert Earl of Suffolk, the Lord John Fauconberg, Norman Lord Darcy, Hugh Lord Meinill, John Lord Beaumont, Son to Henry Vicount Beaumont, Earl of Buqhan in Scotland, Nicolas Lord Cantilupe, Sr. John Beauchamp, a younger Brother of Thomas Earl of Warwick, Sr. Robert Benhale of Norfolk that vanquished Turnbull the Scot, Sr. Otho n 1.16 Grandesson, Son of Gilbert or William Grandesson, who was Brother to the Great Otho, Lord Grandison, descended of the Ancient House of the Grandessons, Dukes of Burgundy, Sr. Walt. Manny, & many others of High Birth,

Youth and Courage; for King Edward chose the most Personable of all his Nobi∣lity to accompany him in this Expedition, thereby to gain the greater Reverence to the English Nation from Strangers, who should see their Proportion, Shape, and Sta∣ture. These were all with their Retinues Men of Arms; besides whom, the King had a great o 1.17 Multitude of Archers and Welchmen, with all whom he arrived at Ant∣werp, belonging then to the Duke of Brabant, on the 22 of July. While he resided here, People came flocking from all Parts to see him, and to observe the Royal Magnificence of his Court: He for his part upon his first Landing had sent out his Summons to his Cosin the Duke of Brabant, to his Brother-in-Law the Earl of Gueldre, to the Marquess of Juliers, to the Lord John of Heinalt, Uncle to the young Earl, and to all others, in whom he had any confidence; signifying unto them, that he would gladly confer with them at Antwerp. They accordingly came all thither within two days after; at which time King Edward p 1.18 expresly revoked all the Power which he had given formerly to his several Commissioners to Treat with Philip of Valois, as King of France; and then he desired to know their Minds, and when

they would in good Earnest perform what they had undertaken in his behalf: He earnestly al∣so required them to dispatch what they intended with all possible Expedition; q 1.19 for to that purpose he said, he was come thither with his Forces ready prepared to be∣gin the War, and that it would be an infinite damage to him to protract the Mat∣ter much longer.

The Lords having consulted among themselves, return'd this Answer.

Sir, our coming hither at this time was rather to give your Majesty a Vi∣sit, then for any thing else, we are not yet prepared to give a Determinate Answer to your Demands: But by your leave we shall go back again among our Subjects, Friends and Allies, and return hither at what time you shall please to fix us; when we shall give you so direct and positive an Answer, that it will nor appear other∣wise, but that We shall well have done our Devoirs. The King shew'd them what Charges he had been at, and still was like to be with these Delays; that he expected to have found all ready at his coming thither; but since it was not so, He for his part resolved not to return to England, till he had a plain Answer from them one way or other.

He therefore would expect them all there again on the Third of August following at the farthest, because the time of Action began to wear away. To this Appointment having all agreed, they took leave of the King, who tarried still at Antwerp, being lodged in the Abbey, some of his Lords tarrying with him to bear him Company, while others rode about the Country at great ex∣pence, to negotiate the Kings Affairs, and to gain the favour of the People, as also to divert themselves, and satisfie their Curiosity. As for the Duke of Brabant, he went to the City of Louvaine, about seven Leagues East of Antwerp, from whence he sent frequent Messages to the French King,

Requesting, that he would not enter∣tain any Suspicion of him, nor give Credit to any idle Rumors: For he assured him, that he would by no means make any Alliance or Agreement to his Disadvantage; Thô as he said, the King of England being his Cosin-German, he could not in Honour refuse him the Civility of his Country.

Thus the Duke of Brabant endeavouring to keep in with both Kings, was really a Friend to neither; but we shall see how he behaves himself now to King Edward. The Third of August came, and all the other Lords return'd to Antwerp, except the Duke; whereat the rest taking occasion, said, that as for their parts, they and their Men

were ready, provided the Duke of Brabant would be as ready on his Part, for he was nearer than they, that being his Country: That therefore when they should understand that he was fully provided, they would not be one jot behind him.

With this tergiversation of theirs, King Edward was inwardly very much displeased, r 1.20 for he found no sincerity nor Honour in any one of them, except the Earl of Gueldre, and he privately told the Bishop of Lincoln and his Council, that he had not been well advised hitherto. However, he immediately sent this their Answer to Louvain to the Duke of Brabant, urging the Matter home to him, and requiring him as his Friend, Kinsman, and Ally, and as a Christian, and a Man of Honour, to deal

sincerely and heartily with him; for hitherto, he said, he very well percei∣ved that he was but cold in the Matter; and that he justly feared, unless he grew more warm, and shew'd more concern for the Cause, he should loose the Assistance of all the other Lords of Almaine.

The Duke being thorougly awaken'd with this Alarm, began to consider more seriously on the Matter, that King Philip had been severe and cruel to him, King Edward his Friend, and able to be his Protector, that he was ty'd to him not only

on the account of Allyance, but in Honour, having passed his Word, and contracted to be on his side; only he fear'd, that if the Rest of the German Lords should fall off, he might be left a Prey to Philips anger: Wherefore he at last declared to King Edward, s 1.21 that now he was fully determin'd to be as ready as any One in his ser∣vice; only he desired once more to speak with the foresaid Lords altogether: So that they were sent for again, the time of their meeting fix'd about the middle of Au∣gust, the Place to be t 1.22 Halle, a strong Town of Hainalt on the very Borders of Bra∣bant, distant from Brussels but four English Miles, thrô which the River Senne sends a small current; and this Place was judged the fittest, because the young Earl of Hainalt, and his Uncle Lord John of Beaumont might be there. In short, the Re∣sult of this Parliament at Halle was this, the Lords having again consider'd on the Premises, found themselves so bent on King Edward's Service, that they thought they never should desert him, unless compell'd by the Emperour, to whom only they ow'd Allegiance: Wherefore in the Name of himself and all the Rest, the Duke of Brabant spake thus to King Edward,

Sir, we of our selves cannot find any just Cause, all things consider'd, to defie the French King, without the Consent of the Emperour, our Soveraign Lord, or that he would Command Us so to do in his Name. For long since in a Covenant mutually Sworn and Sign'd between France and Germany, there is an Article, that no King of France should take, or hold a∣ny thing belonging of Right to the Empire: Notwithstanding which Obligation this King Philip hath taken the Castle of Creveceur in Cambresis, and the Castle of Alves in Bailleul ( u 1.23 Palencour) and also the City of Cambray it self: So that the Emperour has good Reason on his side to break with the king of France. And Sir, if you can obtain his Consent, it will be more for our Honour; otherwise the World will say, that without the Imperial Authority, the Lords of Almaine Com∣menced an unjust War, having no Provocation thereto.

III. This Request appear'd but reasonable to the King; wherefore he appointed the Marquess of Juliers with certain English Knights, and Men Learned in the Laws, to∣gether with some of the Earl of Gueldre's Council, to go to the Emperour about the Premises: Only the Duke of Brabant would by no means send any body in his Name, because he would not be known to stir in the business, till things should be ripe; He stood in such fear of the King of France, ever since that Quarrel about the Lord Robert of Artois, of which we spake in the 7^th Year of King Edward: But yet however he freely Resign'd his stately Castle of Louvain to the King of England to lie in, and to use as his own, during his Royal Pleasure.

The Marquess and his Company found the Emperour at Flourebeche, where they did their Message to him so well, that together with the Perswasions of the Lady Margaret, the Empress, who was Sister to Queen Philippa of England, he was willing to grant King Edward's Request; for which end he desired an Enterview with him, and immediately cre∣ated the Earl of Reginald Duke of Gueldre, and the Marquess William Earl of Juliers; thô x 1.24 some say, this was done afterward by King Edward their Kinsman, when he was Vicar of the Sacred Empire.

King Edward the mean while kept his Court with great Splendor at Louvain, being lodged himself in the Castle for his better security, since the City was Commanded thereby: From hence he sent a considerable Part of his Forces into England, as ha∣ving little occasion for them yet, to defend the Frontiers against the Scots. At the same time he kindly invited his Beloved Queen to come over to him, if she so pleased, for he sent her word, he was determin'd not to leave those Parts for the space of a Year at least. The Queen shortly after went over to the King her Husband, being then Great with Child, of which, being a Male, she was happily deliver'd at y 1.25 Ant∣werp (while the King held a Noble Turneament there) on the Vigil of St. An∣drew, or the 29 of November 1338. The Infant was Baptised with the Name of Lionell, and sirnamed from the Place of his Birth, Lionell of Antwerp, who became in time Earl of Ʋlster, Duke of Clarence, and a Person of Extraordinary Features of Body and (which is a more aimable Beauty) Valour, and other Princely Endowments. But as the Queens Fecundity did on one hand make the Royal Family to flourish, so on the other, Fatal Necessity was busied in lopping off a Princely Branch from that Regal Stem: For this very z 1.26 Year, the Kings Uncle Thomas Plantagenet, sirna∣med of Brotherton, from a place of that Name in Yorkshire, where he was Born, be∣ing Earl of Norfolk, and Marshal of England, departed this Life, and was a 1.27 buried in the Choire of the Famous Abbey at St. Edmunds-Bury in Suffolk; where there was a goodly Monument erected to his Memory; but it is now wholly buried in the same

Ruines, into which the Fatal Dissolution cast both that and many other Religious Houses. He left Issue by the Lady b 1.28 Alice his first Wife, Daughter of Sr. Roger Hales of Harwich, two Daughters his Heirs, the Lady Margaret; and the Lady Alice; the former, first Married to the Lord John Seagrave, and after to the Famous Sr. Wal∣ter Manny; the latter to Sr. Edward Montague, Brother to the Earl of Salisbury. He is c 1.29 said to have had also a Wife named Anne, before the Lady Alice, by whom he had a Son Edward who died without Issue, and also another after her, by whom he had a second Son, named John, who became a Monk in the Abbey of Ely. Upon his Death however, the Earldom of Norfolk, and Office of Marshal for want of Issue Male, fell into the Kings hands by Escheat: But the Lord William Montague Earl of Salisbury, in consi∣deration of his many Eminent Services both in War and Peace, abroad and at home, ob∣tained presently after a d 1.30 Grant (bearing Date at Antwerp the 15 of September) of the Of∣fice of Marshal of England.

During this the Kings Stay in Brabant, the Lady e 1.31 Eleanora Plantagenet, Fifth Daughter to Henry de Torto Collo, the old Earl of Lancaster, and Sister to Henry Earl of Darby, brought forth to her Husband, John Lord Beaumont of England (Son to Henry Vicount Beaumont Earl of Buquhan) a Son called Henry: Whereupon two Years after Sr. John the Father obtain'd the Kings Special Letters Patents, declaring, That notwithstanding the said Henry the Son was begotten and born in Foreign Parts; yet since it was occasion'd by Sr. John's and his Lady's Attendance on the King and Queen, he should be reputed a Lawfull Heir, to inherit his Father's Lands, as well as thô he had been born in England.

Now that it may appear, how King Philip was much more in the Pope's Books than our Edward, it is observable; that when he heard of King Edwards Arrival at Ant∣werp, as one that saw a Dreadfull Tempest of War hanging over France, he wrote a f 1.32 Letter to King Philip, bearing Date at Avignon V. Id. August Anno Pontificatûs IV. Wherein piously indeed he stirs him up to implore the Divine Assistance; and to the end he might obtain the Favour of God, to put away all things that might offend his Majesty; and first to pacifie his own Conscience, lest he should nourish a War with∣in himself, to desist from Oppressing the Clergy and the Poor; lastly, he advised him to admit of honest Conditions of Peace, and upon Occasion to offer the like: For whereas in that War much Christian Blood was like to be shed, he would then ap∣pear clean of the Sin of all that should be shed both before God and Man; but that he should not put his Confidence in the Power of his Forces, but in the Divine As∣sistance: As for his Part, that he together with the Whole Church would power forth his Prayers unto God for him.

IV. King g 1.33 Edward the mean while according to the Emperors Request, went forth Royally attended to give him a Meeting, he being then in High Germany about 7 Diets beyond Colen: But when he heard of the King of England his Brother-in-Law's Approach toward that City, he also set forward with Imperial Pomp, till he came to h 1.34 Cologne, where he was met by King Edward. The Enterview was very Glorious and Magnificent, the Emperor greatly Honouring the King of England, thô some i 1.35 say, at the first Meeting he took it ill, that King Edward refus'd to submit himself to the Kiss of his Feet (as it should seem Kings were wont to do to Empe∣rours) but our Edward gallantly k 1.36 answer'd;

That He Himself was a King Sacred and Anointed, and had Life and Limbs in his Power, being accountable to none but God, as Supream and Independent of all Others, being also Lord of Sea and Land, and Wearing no less than an Imperial Crown: Wherefore he ought not to abase himself to any Mortal Potentate whatsoever.

This Answer was accepted; And pre∣sently l 1.37 two Royal Thrones were erected in the open Market-place, One for the Em∣perour, the Other for the King; the Emperour took his Place first, and King Ed∣ward sate down by him: In which Honourable Enterview there were for Assistants four Great Dukes, three Archbishops and six Bishops, thirty seven Earls, and of Ba∣rons, Banerets, Knights and Esquires, according to the Estimation of the Heralds, Se∣venteen Thousand: The Emperour held in his Right Hand the Imperial Scepter, and in his Left the Golden Mound or Globe, which denotes the Government of the World; a Knight of Almain holding over his Head a Naked Sword. And then and there the Emperour publiquely declared the Disloyalty, Falshood and Villany, which the King of France had used towards him; whereupon he defi'd him and pronoun∣ced, that both He and his Adherents had forfeited the Protection and Favour they might expect from the Empire, and had justly incurred whatever Displeasure might be done unto him thereby. And then He m 1.38 made, ordain'd and constituted King Ed∣ward

his Deputy and Vicar General of the Sacred German Empire, granting unto him full and absolute Power over All on this side, as far as Cologne: Of all which he gave him his Imperial Charter in sight of all that were present. The next day these two Illustrious Persons, with the Great Lords and Prelates, met again in the Cathedral of Cologne; where they heard Divine Service, and after High Mass, the Emperour and all his Barons swore to the King of England,

That they would stand by him, help and defend him against the King of France and all his Adherents, both to live and to die with him for the space of Seven whole Years to come; provided the War to be between the said Kings should not be compounded before that time. It was also fur∣ther sworn, that all the Barons of Almain from Cologne and on this Side, should pre∣sently enter the King of Englands Service, and should always be ready to come un∣to him, as often as they should be summoned thereto, against the King of France, as well where the King of England should be in Person, as to any other Place to which he should assign them. And if it should happen, any of the said Lords of Al∣main should refuse to obey the said King of England in the Premises, that then all the other Lords of High Germany should rise in Arms against that Man, till they had destroy'd him.

At this time n 1.39 also there was a certain Sanction, formerly made, repeated in King Ed∣wards Presence, containing these two Points; the First, That the Administration of the Empire belongs to the King of the Romans, as soon as ever he is Elected by the Se∣ven Electors, without the Pope's Confirmation; and the Other, That those are Pro∣scribed, who do not obey him, or, as Rebdorf says, that whosoever for the future shall esteem Lewis to be Excommunicate, or shall omit Divine Service for any Papal Sentences, shall be Proscribed in Body and Goods. Which latter Clause chiefly re∣spected the Bishop of Cambray, who upon that Account had left the Emperor and re∣volted to the French King.

These matters being thus fully contracted and established, after many enterchange∣able Caresses and Magnificent Entertainments, the King of England took his leave of the Emperour, and return'd with all his Company to Brabant.

The mean time o 1.40 several great Lords of England, rode about Flanders and Heinalt at their pleasure, being wonderfull Magnificent and Liberal in their Expences, freely bestowing Gifts of Gold and Silver, and other Jewels to the Lords and Ladies of the Country, to purchase their Good Wills: And truly they obtain'd the very Hearts of the Country; but especially they were extolled among the common Sort, because of the splendid Shew they made wherever they came.

All these things must needs have been matter of incredible Expence and Charge to that Mighty Monarch: And indeed it seem'd that he had made good Progress in his Affairs, having succeeded so well with the Emperour and the Lords of Germany: But those Friends that are made by Money, commonly fall off at the appearance of a greater Interest, and when they have got what they could expect; as within a while all these did: Thô as it chanced, he gain'd more Glory thereby, performing after∣wards of himself, what had been no such great matter to have done, with the help of the Empire's Forces: As we shall see hereafter.

V. Now King Edward upon his Return into Brabant, p 1.41 sends his Summons to the Duke of Gueldre, the Earl of Juliers, and all other his Allies in those Parts, to come to him about q 1.42 the Feast of St. Martin the Bishop to his Parliament, to be holden at Arques in the County of Leuze near Brabant; or as r 1.43 One says, at Malines in Bra∣bant. Against which time the Town Hall was as richly adorn'd with Hangings and other Royal Furniture, as if it had been the King's own Chamber of Presence. Thi∣ther at the time appointed came the Duke of Brabant, and the Duke of Gueldre, the young Earl of Heinalt, the Earl of Juliers, the Lord of Valkenberg, or as the French pronounce it Faulquemont, and all other Barons on this side Cologne; except only the Bishop of Liege, who had no less than s 1.44 twenty four Cities (as they call them) sub∣ject unto him; both as a Secular Prince, and as a Bishop.

In this Parliament t 1.45 King Edward, in his Royal Robes, with a Crown of Gold on his Head, sat on a Stately Throne five foot higher than any other, and there the Empe∣rours Letters Patents were openly read; wherein was declar'd,

That King Edward of England was made Vicar General, or Lieutenant for the Emperour; and as so, had full Power to make Laws, and to administer Justice to every person in the Empe∣rours Name; and to coin Money, both Gold and Silver at his own Pleasure, with his own Stamp and Inscription. It was also commanded by these the Emperours Letters Patents, that the Lords and other Subjects of the Empire, should yield Obedience

and pay Homage to the King of England, his Vicar, as to himself.

And the Lords of Germany there present, u 1.46 promised in all things to obey him, according as their Liege Lord the Emperour had commanded, and that they were both willing and rea∣dy to attend his Service to the utmost of their Power. Immediately hereupon cer∣tain x 1.47 Claims were made, and judgment given between Parties, as before the Em∣perour himself; and at the same time a Statute (before-time made by the Emperour) was renew'd, being to this effect,

That whoever design'd War or Combat, or a∣ny other Harm against any Person, Kingdom or Country, should make his Chal∣lenge or Defiance at least three Days before he began any Hostile Deed; other∣wise, that the Author should be look'd on as a Malefactor, and the Deed Villanous.

Then the King y 1.48 sent forth his Summons to the Bishop of Liege to come in, accord∣ding to his Duty; but he absolutely refus'd to obey him, for his Heart was French all over: Whereupon the King sent Henry Burwash Lord Bishop of Lincoln, to make Complaint of him before the Emperour, and to require Justice against him; to which it was answer'd,

That the Emperour himself would shortly come in Person to the Aid of his most Dear Brother-in-Law the King of England;

for it was ex∣pected, that a great War would begin the next Spring between the two Nations.

VI. After this the Lords of Almain departed, having first agreed upon a Day, wherein they were all to appear before Cambray (which was at that time in the French Hands, thô belonging to the Empire) there to lay their Siege, to wit, on the 8 of July the Year following, being Wednesday, in the Third Week after the Feast of St. John Baptist. King Edward went back to Louvain to the Queen, who as we said before, was newly come thither out of England, well accompanied with Ladies, her Maids of Honour and other Gentlewomen, who went over as well to wait on the Queen, as to visit their Fathers, Husbands and Brethren then with the King. King Edward soon after remov'd his Court to Antwerp, as more commodious for the Queen to lay her Belly in, and there he kept a most Honourable Court all that Winter, and as Vicar of the Empire z 1.49 set up his Royal Mint at Antwerp, where he coined great plen∣ty of mony both Gold and Silver. Yet all this while the Duke of Brabant, who had once been so greatly humbled by King Philip, as we shew'd before, never ceased sen∣ding Messengers to him, to excuse him, and to assure his Majesty, that he would un∣dertake nothing prejudicial to the Crown of France. The Chief of this Embassy was the Lord Lewis of Travemund, one of his Council, who was frequently sent upon this Errand, and at last was made his Lords Resident in the Court of France, that he might be the more ready at hand, always to excuse him against whatsoever informations might be given of him or his Designs.

VII. The mean while in England, the young Prince a 1.50 Edward Duke of Cornwall, by Commission from the King his Father, held a Parliament at Northampton, which began on the 26 of July; wherein a Mighty Aid was granted unto the King to∣wards the Maintenance of his Wars; as may be conjectur'd by this Proportion, the three Counties of Leicester, Lincoln and Northampton only being taxed in 1211 Sacks of Wooll. Besides which he had an Aid of the Bishops, Abbots, Priors, Rectors, Vicars, and Justices, who went not with him to the War; of some 100 l. a piece, of others two Hun∣dred, according to their Estates and Abilities: And moreover at Michaelmas follow∣ing, a Tenth was granted of the Clergy for two Years to come. About this time there were b 1.51 Sixty Sail of Stout Ships appointed for the defence of the Cinque-Ports, beside the present Fleet; and Sr. William Clinton Earl of Huntington and Constable of England, was made Lord Lieutenant of Suffolk, and the Lord c 1.52 Robert Morley, Lord Lieutenant of Norfolk.

Notes

• * 1.1

  AN. DOM. 1338. An. Regni XII.
• a 1.2

  Ashmole p. 649.
• b 1.3

  Holinshead p. 902.
• c 1.4

  Knighton p. 2570.
• d 1.5

  Holinshead ibid.
• e 1.6

  Knighton p. 2570. n. 10. & 20.
• f 1.7

  Odoric. Rai∣nald. ad An. 1337. §. 21.
• g 1.8

  Rot. Alman. 12. Ed. 3. p. 1. m. 36. vid. Pat. de ••••d. in. p. 1. ••. 24.
• h 1.9

  Knighton p. 2570. n. 20.
• i 1.10

  Ashmole p. 649.
• * 1.11

  21 Jun. R••t. Aleman. 12 Ed. 3. p. 1. m. 5.
• k 1.12

  Frois. c. 32.
• * 1.13

  Ashmole p. 649 & Walsing. hist. 119.
• l 1.14

  Avesbury: 300 alti.
• m 1.15

  De his ••mni∣lus vid. Dugd. Bar. ad singulo∣rum nomina & hunc an. Ed. 3.
• n 1.16

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 181. vid. Bp. Godw. Catal. Bpps p. 406.
• o 1.17

  Knighton p. 2571. n. 20. & Joh. Villan. l. 110. c. 83.
• p 1.18

  Ashmole p. 649. ex Rot. Alman. fact. a∣pud Antwerp. (Julii 22.) 12 Ed. 3. m. 7. & 3.
• q 1.19

  Frois. c. 32.
• r 1.20

  Knighton p. 2571. n. 50.
• s 1.21

  Frois ibid.
• t 1.22

  Engl. Atlas 4 Vol. p. 234.
• u 1.23

  Mezeray.
• x 1.24

  Speeds Chron. p. 564. §. 81.
• y 1.25

  Walsingh. Hy∣pod. p. 114 Hist. p. 132. Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 167. Le∣land Coll. 1 Vol. p. 802.
• z 1.26

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 64.
• a 1.27

  Weevers fun. Mon. p. 726.
• b 1.28

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 65.
• c 1.29

  Mill's Catal. H••nor. p. 510.
• d 1.30

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 646. ex Pat. fact. apud Ant∣werp. 12. Ed. 3. p. 3. m 7.
• e 1.31

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 52.
• f 1.32

  Extat apud Odoric. Rainald. ad hunc annum §. 55.
• g 1.33

  Knighton p. 2571. n. 50. & vid. Rebd••rfii Annales de h••c anno.
• h 1.34

  Alii dicunt l••cum fuisse Confluentias, al••i Francofur∣tum.
• i 1.35

  Walsingh. hist. p. 132.
• k 1.36

  Selden's Ti∣tles of Hon. part. 1. c. 3 p. 29.
• l 1.37

  Knighton p. 2571. n. 60.
• m 1.38

  Ashmole p. 649. Frois. l. 1. c. 34. f. 19.
• n 1.39

  Nic••laus Mi∣n••rita M.S. Bib. Vatican. sign. n. 4008. apud O∣doric. Rainald. ad ••••nc annum §. 68.
• o 1.40

  Frois. c. 34.
• p 1.41

  Frois. c. 34. fol. 19.
• q 1.42

  Novemb. 11
• r 1.43

  Knighton p. 2572. n. 30.
• s 1.44

  Ferrarii Lex∣••n Leodium.
• t 1.45

  Frois. ibid.
• u 1.46

  Knighton p. 2572. n. 40.
• x 1.47

  Frois. ibid.
• y 1.48

  Knighton p. 2572. n. 40. & 50.
• z 1.49

  Frois. ibid.
• a 1.50

  Knighton p. 2571. n. 30.
• b 1.51

  Knighton p. 2573. n. 10.
• c 1.52

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 26.