The history of that most victorius monarch, Edward IIId, King of England and France, and Lord of Ireland, and first founder of the most noble Order of the Garter being a full and exact account of the life and death of the said king : together with that of his most renowned son, Edward, Prince of Wales and of Aquitain, sirnamed the Black-Prince : faithfully and carefully collected from the best and most antient authors, domestick and foreign, printed books, manuscripts and records / by Joshua Barnes ...

CHAPTER the SECOND.

The CONTENTS. * 1.1

I. Prince Edward brings King John of France and the rest of his Prisoners, taken at the Battle of Poictiers, into England; their Passage thrô London; King Edward receives the Captive King with great Honour. II. Henry Duke of Lancaster continues the Siege before Rennes; the Cardinals obtain a Truce between the two Kings. III. King Da∣vid released of his Imprisonment, returns into Scotland. and settles Affairs. IV. At King Edwards Command the Duke of Lancaster raises his Siege from before Rennes, having just before taken the Town on Conditions. V. Sr. Robert Knolles beats the Marshal of France in Normandy. VI. The Lord of Granville takes the Castle of Eu∣reux from the French by Stratagem. VII. The Rise of Sr. John Hawkwood and Sr. Robert Knolles. VIII. The Original of a sort of Free-Booters, called the Compani∣ons, in France. IX. The Insolence of the Parisians and their Provost towards the Dau∣phin. X. King Charles of Navarre, being got out of Prison, foments the Disorders, and grows Popular.

I. MOST part a 1.2 of the preceding Winter the Victorious Edward Prince of Wales, busied himself in Equipping a Navy to convey his Royal Prey and the rest of the French Prisoners safely into England. During his intended Absence in the Parts of Aquitain, he left behind him certain Valiant and Loyal Captains to defend the Country until his Return, namely the Lord de la Bret, aliàs Albret, the Lord of Mucidan, the Lord de L'Esparre, the Lord of Pamiers, and the Lord of Rozan, with certain Troops both English and Gascoigners. And so on the

b 1.3 24 of April being a Monday, and the day after St. George in the Third Week after Easter, he set Sail for England with certain Lords of Gascogne, and most of his English Captains about him. The French King was in a good Ship by himself, lest he should conceive any Offence or Molestation; but he was well guarded with no less than 200 Men of Arms, and 2000 Archers, who sailed close by him; for the Prince had been infor∣med, how the Three Estates, by whom France at that time was governed, had laid ready in the Ports of Normandy and Crotoy two Great Navies to receive him upon his approach toward England, and if they might to take away the King of France and res∣cue him. But no such Matter appeared afterward, thô the Prince was detain'd at Sea Eleven days. On the Twelfth Day from his first Setting out, viz. on the c 1.4 5th of May he landed at Sandwich in Kent (and not as some say, at Plymouth in Devonshire) where he tarried two Days to refresh his Company. On the Third Day he rode to Canterbu∣ry, where also he stayed for some time; and here the French King and the Prince of Wales made their Offerings at the famous Shrine of St. Thomas Becket. The mean while King Edward being informed of the Arrival of his Son with the French King in his Company, d 1.5 gave Command to Sr. Henry Picard then Lord Mayor of London, to make ready the City Pageants, and to prepare for the Reception of King John, with all their Formalities in the most honourable Manner that might be. And now Prince Edward rode from Canterbury to Rochester, from thence the next day to Dartford, and the day after to London, whither he came on the 24 of May, being the Wednes∣day before Whitsunday, and was met in Southwark by more than a Thousand of the Chief Citizens on Horseback. King John being clothed in Royal Apparel was mounted on a large White e 1.6 Courser in token of Soveraignty, and to be the more Remarkable; the Generous Prince of Wales riding by his side on a little black Hobby, as one that indu∣striously avoided all suspicion of a Triumph. They took their way over London Bridge, and rode directly for Westminster, and in all the Streets as they passed, the Citizens of London set to publick View all their Riches, as Plate, Tapestry and the like, in ho∣nour of the French King; but especially they f 1.7 boasted of their Warlike Furniture, and exposed that Day in their Shops, Windows and Belconies such an incredible Quan∣city of Bows and Arrows, Shields, Helmets, Corslets, Breast and Back-Pieces, Coats of Mail, Gauntlets, Vambraces, Swords, Spears, Battle-axes, Harness for Horses, and other Ar∣mour both Offensive and Defensive, that the like had never been seen in Memory of Man before. The g 1.8 Concourse of People that came from all parts to behold this rare Spectacle, was so great, that the Solemnity of the Cavalcade held from Three of the Clock in the Morning till High-noon, about which time the Prince got to Westminster-Hall, where he presented unto the King his Father, then sitting in Great Majesty on a Royal Throne, the Person of King John his Prisoner. King Edward could not long retain the Severe Majesty of a Conquerour; for when the French King had humbled himself with such a serious, thô Manly Submission, as became his present Fortune, he was immediately touch'd with a due Consideration of the Instability of his own Affairs, by the instance of so great a Prince, whom now he beheld in so low a Condition; and so rising hasti∣ly from his Throne he h 1.9 Caressed him with as much Honour and Respect, as if he had only come to give him a Visit. And the Father and the Son did so exactly resemble each o∣ther, as well in Generosity as Valour, that King Edward being now fully acquainted with the Particulars of his Sons humble Deportment after the Battle of Poictiers, declared that he was more sincerely satisfied therewith, than at the Victory it self. Nor did that Great King make use of this solemn Entrance of his Royal Captive, as a Matter of his own Triumph, but rather of a devout Procession: For i 1.10 by his Order that very Day the Clergy of London came forth with their Crosses, and singing Anthems to meet the Prince, and after that, for two Days together publick Supplications and Prayers with Thanksgivings were celebrated thrô the Cities of London and Westminster.

That Day King Edward treated the French King, his Son Philip, and the rest of the Noble Captives at a Princely Rate, and order'd for the King an Apartment of his own Court to lodge in for the Present, till the Savoy should be prepared for him, being at that time a most splendid and magnificent Structure, belonging to Henry Duke of Lan∣caster, and so called k 1.11 from its first Founder, Peter Earl of Savoy, Father to Boniface Archbishop of Canterbury, who was Uncle to Eleanor King Henry the Third his Queen.

To this Palace soon after he was convey'd, and there Honourably attended, King Edward himself, his Queen, and the Prince, giving him frequent Visits, and devising all the ways they might, both to Honour and Comfort him. But nothing is perfect∣ly agreeable, while Liberty is wanting; and therefore, thô King John could not ex∣pect either more Diversion, or more Respectfull Behaviour in the Court of his Bro∣ther

in Law, the Emperour; yet something hung upon his mind, which was not pos∣sible for him to shake wholly off, till he should find himself at his own dispose. 'Tis said, l 1.12 that when the King of England and his Son, having often observed such a cloud of sorrow to obscure much of that serenity, which was expected from him at those Princely Diversions, wherewith they entertain'd him, asked him thereupon to lay aside all Melancholy Care, and sorrowfull thoughts, he made this Answer with a smile, m 1.13 Quo∣modo Cantabimus Canticum in Terrâ alienâ? i. e. How shall we sing a Song in a strange Land?

Thus was King John and his Son, and the Chief of the Captive Nobles of France entertain'd in England; n 1.14 of the other Prisoners, some were presently released upon King John's security in their behalf, and the rest were severally bestow'd in safe Custody.

II. While things went thus in England, Henry Duke of Lancaster, lay at the Siege before Rennes in Bretagne, which he had begun on the o 1.15 Third of December in the pre∣ceding Year, and had made many Assaults, but to little purpose as yet; the Place was so well defended. For within was a good Garrison, set there by the Lord Charles of Blois, under the Viscount of Rouën, the Lord de Laval, Sr. Charles du Digne, and others. There p 1.16 was also in Rennes at this time a Valiant young Batchelour, a Knight of Bretagne, called Sr. Bertram du Clequin, who soon after became a most Renowned Captain, and was at length sirnamed the Restorer of France. During this Siege there passed a Challenge between this Sr. Bertram, and a young Baron of England, named Sr. Nicolas Dagworth, a Valiant Son of that Valiant Lord Thomas Dagworth, of whose Actions, and Life, and Death, we have already spoken. The manner of the Combat was to run Three Courses with a Spear, to strike Three Blows with an Ax, and to give Three Stabs with a Dagger. And each of these Knights bare himself with such Expert Valour, that they performed the Challenge without receiving any harm, and so Honourably quitted the Field with equal stakes to their great Commendation from both Parties.

This while the Lord Charles of Blois, being in the Country, was very sollicitous to raise the Siege, and besides his own Musters, daily importun'd the Regent of France for a strong reinforcement. But the Regent had his own hands so full, that he was not at leisure to do any thing Material in that Case: So the Siege lasted on, and the City be∣gan to be greatly oppressed.

Wherefore q 1.17 on the 19 of June, being the Monday before the Feast of St. John Baptist, there came in all haste a Cardinal to the King at London, who said,

My Lord, it was agreed between your Son the Prince of Wales and King John, when they were at Bourdeaux, that the Siege before Rennes should be raised, and a seri∣ous Treaty of Peace be set forward between the two Realms. Now therefore, if Your Majesty doth really design a Treaty, command the Siege to be removed.

Here∣upon the King by his Letters commanded the Duke of Lancaster upon forfeiture of Life and Limb, and whatever else he could forfeit, to desist from the Siege, and to come home as soon as might be; the French King also at the same time sending to his Subjects to desist a while from all Hostilities whatsoever. This Cardinal r 1.18 was Bishop of St. Jean de Maurienne in Savoy; whose Letters of safe Conduct for him∣self and a Train of 30 Horse, bore Date at Westminster the 26^th of May, this Year. In that very juncture came s 1.19 hither from Pope Innocent VI. Talayrand Bishop of Al∣by, Cardinal of Perigort, and Nicolas Cardinal of St. Vitalis, to assist at a Treaty of Peace, to be held about Midsummer, this Year; the Kings t 1.20 Letters of safe Conduct for them and their Train (consisting of 200 Horse) bearing Date the Third of June. These two Prelates together with the other Cardinal, lately come from Bretagne, as aforesaid, addressed themselves to the King at Westminster, and having u 1.21 made their Salute in a kind of Adoration, as he sat in great and terrible Majesty on his Throne, One of them began to preach upon this Text, x 1.22 Honor Regis Judicium diligit, i.e. The Kings Honour loveth Righteousness: After which they discoursed about their Com∣mission, which contained thus much, that King Edward should have all the Lands, which his Predecessors held in France, on Condition, that Peace and Concord might be settled between the two Kings. To which King Edward answer'd briefly;

That althô some of the Lands of his Predecessors had been lost for a time, yet he doubted not of recovering them again, when it should please God: But that he would have nothing to do with them; unless they came to the point in hand, concerning the Crown of France, which he claim'd.

They answer'd, their Commission extended not so far; where∣fore the Matter rested, till they might hear from the Pope again, which they did not,

till the 29 of August; or the Feast of the Decollation of St. John. But in all these Trea∣ties the Pope was so notoriously partial in the French Kings Cause, that by reason there∣of, and because of those many miraculous Victories, which even in spite of his Holiness, by an especial Providence of God, the English obtained, there were Rhymes scatter'd about the Pope's Court at Avignon, and in other parts of France, importing thus much in English,

y 1.23 The Pope is on the Frenchmens side, With England Jesus doth abide: 'Twill soon be seen, who 'll now prevail; For Jesus, or the Pope must fail.

And the truth of this sufficiently appear'd at the Return of the Pope's Answer at this time: For thô outwardly the Cardinals were enjoyned only to look to the Ne∣gotiation of the Peace, yet at the same time they had x 1.24 with them a Bull from his Holiness, enjoyning every Bishop by Papal Authority to make a Visitation through∣out their several Dioeceses, and to pay their Procurations to the Cardinals; and it was said, how this Summ was by the Pope intended for the aid and sustaining of the French interest. At the same time his Holiness was pleased to demand of the Realm of England, the annuity of 1000 Marks, granted by King John of England to the Court of Rome, at the time when he resign'd his Crown to the Legate Pandulphus, declaring upon his resuming thereof, that for the future he would hold it of the Pope. But since his days the said Summ of 1000 Marks remain'd unpaid, even for the space of an 140 Years; all which arrearages were now demanded, in hopes, that King Ed∣ward would so be terrified into an easie Complyance in behalf of the French King. But He, who besides his own Couragious Heart had both a more Loving Clergy and Loyal Baronage, then had that unfortunate King John, answer'd wisely and roundly;

a 1.25 That he would never pay any tribute to any Mortal whatsoever, because he held his Kingdom, and would hold it, freely, and without subjection to any One, but only to God Almighty.

And yet we shall find, that in the 39^th Year of this King, this Pope's Successor made the same Demand; and upon refusal threatned to cite him by Process to answer it at the Court of Rome; but the King, being strongly back'd by his Parliament, nei∣ther did the one nor the other.

The Work of Peace-making was it seems so chargeable; that b 1.26 at Michaelmas the Cardinals had of the Clergy of England 4 d. in the Mark, as well of Spirituals as Tem∣porals; and yet no final Peace was made: Only c 1.27 at last with much adoe they procu∣red a Truce between the two Kings, and all their Allies (except the Lord Philip of Navarre, and his Allies, and also the Countess of Monford, and the Lord Charles of Blois) to endure until the Feast of St. John Baptist, or the 24 of June, which was to be in the Year MCCCLIX. Upon this Truce the French King had leave to remove with all his Houshold to Windsor Castle; where he and his Son Philip diverted them∣selves with Hunting and Hawking at their pleasure: But the other Prisoners continued still at London, where they had the Liberty to go to Court, when they pleas'd; only they were sworn to be true Prisoners, and by no means to endeavour an Escape. A∣bout this time King Edward d 1.28 granted unto the Lord Thomas Holland Earl of Kent, the Custody of the Fort and place of Cruyck in Normandy, part of the Kings late Con∣quests, with all the Revenues thereunto belonging, to hold, durante Bene placito: And a Command was given to Sr. Donald Heselrige, Sr. Lewis Clifford, and Sr. Walter Mewes, to deliver them up to him, or his Lieutenant accordingly.

III. We have declared largely enough, how King David of Scotland was taken Pri∣soner also at the Battle of Durham; and ever since that he wanted his Liberty, being e 1.29 at this time in the Tower of London. But now upon the Conclusion of the fore∣said Truce between England and France, the Cardinals together with the f 1.30 Bishop of St. Andrews in Scotland, began to enter into a serious Treaty with King Edward about the Delivery of King David from his Long Imprisonment: Which Treaty was not a little further'd by the Prayers of Queen Joan of Scotland, King Edwards Sister. So that at last, on the g 1.31 3^d of October there met at Barwick Commissioners on both sides, name∣ly John Thoresby Archbishop of York, Thomas Hatfield Bishop of Durham, Gilbert Wel∣ton Bishop of Caerlile, the Lords Henry Piercy, Ralph Nevill, Henry Scroop, and Tho∣mas Musgrave, on King Edwards part; and William Bishop of St. Andrews, Thomas Bishop of Cathnes, Patrick Bishop of Brechin, Chancellour of Scotland, Patrick Earl of March, Robert de Irskin, and William Levington Knights, Deputies of

Robert Stuart Guardian of Scotland on the other Part: Between whom these Articles were agreed on, viz.

Imprimis, h 1.32 That King David should never after bear Arms against the King of England within this Realm; nor either Counsel or Abett any of his Subjects so to do.

2.

Item, That King David upon his Return into Scotland, should use his utmost Endeavour to persuade his Lords and Others to agree, that the Crown of Scotland might be held in Fee and by Homage of the King of England: But that if the Scots could not be brought to yield to that, yet however King David should swear solemn∣ly to observe the Peace with the King of England punctually and duly.

3.

Item, That King David should oblige and bind himself and his Heirs, and the whole Realm of Scotland, to pay unto the King of England and his Heirs within i 1.33 ten Years after, the Sum of one hundred thousand Marks Sterling.

4.

Item, That King David in the mean time deliver unto King Edward Twenty good and sufficient Pledges and Hostages, for the Performance of these Covenants, as namely the Lord John, Eldest Son and Heir to the Lord Robert Stuart, and Nephew to King David, and together with him the Earls of Southerland, Douglas, Murray and Mar, and Fife; the Baron of Vescy, Sr. William Cathanes, and Twelve others: All who were to abide in England as Prisoners and Hostages for the King their Lord, till the said Summ be fully paid and acquitted.

5.

Item, That a Decennial Truce in England, Scotland and the Isle of Man, be in∣violably kept between the two Realms, on pain of Forfeiture of Body and of Chat∣tels, and that after ten Years the Scots might be free to choose Peace or War, as they should like best.

Of these Articles there were made Indentures and Publick Instruments, sealed with the Seals of both the Kings; and so King David after almost 11 Years Imprisonment, had his Liberty, and rode homeward with his Queen Joan, Sister to King Edward (who attended him like a loving Wife all the time of his Confinement) and came to Barwick on the Feast of St. Michael, where they were met by several of the Scotch Nobili∣ty, who brought along with them one Moiety of the Summ agreed on for their Kings Ransom, and the Hostages, who were to remain in England till the Remainder should be paid.

And then according to the Fifth Article above-written, the Decennial Truce between the Scots and English was solemnly Proclaimed: For all along till now, whatever Truce was taken between the two Nations, there was none entirely observed; but either by the Robberies of the Borderers on Land, or the Piracies of private Men by Sea, was con∣tinually interrupted by the Scots: Thô King Edward many times was content in a pri∣vate manner to correct these Disorders without infringing the Publick Peace. Particu∣larly this very Year, even while the two Kings were labouring what in them lay for an Everlasting Concord, k 1.34 three Scotch Pirates with no less than 300 chosen Men of Arms, went cruising about the Coasts of England to trepan Merchants, and such as they could get they slew and rifled, doing that way much Mischief: But about Michaelmas there arose an high and strong Wind, which drove them, and many English Vessels also, as well of War as others, all together into Yarmouth Haven, where it pleased God, the Scots were taken every Man, and brought to a just account for all their Piracies.

'Tis said of this King David, l 1.35 that during his Captivity here in England, being much part of the Time confined in Nottingham Castle, he left behind him in a Vault under the Castle curiously engraven with his own Hands on the Walls, which were of Rock, the whole Story of the Passion of our Saviour: For which one says, that Ca∣stle became as famous, as formerly it had been for Mortimers Hole.

But He being now acquitted of his Imprisonment, like a just Prince, sets himself se∣riously to perform the Articles of Agreement between him and his Brother-in-Law of England; and first according to a private Promise made unto King Edward, he rased and demolished the Castles of Dalswinton, Dumfres, Mortoun and Durisdere. Then m 1.36 he called a Parliament, where he enacted sundry Laws for the Punishment and Disgrace of those, who had fled from the Battle of Durham; as in a Parliament n 1.37 preceding that Bat∣tle he had very liberally rewarded all such, as had either been Notable for their Actions or Sufferings in his Service; among whom (says Hector Boethius) his Ancestor Hugh Bo∣ece, in Consideration of his Fathers Death on his Account in the Action at Duplin, was made Inheritor of the Barony of Balbrid, the King giving unto him in Marriage the Heiress of the said Barony. But now on the Contrary, he was as Severe in punishing the Cowardise or Disloyalty, as he thought it, of those who had deserted him in the Battle of Durham; among whom the Lord Robert Stuart, Prince of Scotland, was espe∣cially

numbred: Thô both before that and since he had given sufficient Testimonies of his Courage and Conduct, and had also by his Government, during his Masters Im∣prisonment, and his Care, and (at last) Success in working his Delivery, as plainly demonstrated his Loyalty. But however King David, rather than acknowledge his own Rashness in occasioning that Overthrow, laid it so vehemently upon his Nephew Ro∣berts Leaving the Field, o 1.38 that now at last that Act (whereby the Crown of Scotland for want of Lawfull Issue begotten of Davids Body, was for ever entailed on the said Prince Robert and his Heirs) was by his Procurement repealed, disanulled, and wholly made void; and his other Nephew, the young Lord p 1.39 Alexander, Son and Heir to the Earl of Southerland, by his youngest Sister Jane, was declared Heir Apparent to the Crown of Scotland in the Room of Prince Robert, who was Eldest Son of the Lady Margaret King David's Eldest Sister. Which Act all the Lords of Scotland were sworn to observe and maintain.

Whereupon the old Earl of Southerland, Father to this Prince Alexander, verily be∣lieving, that his said Son could not now miss of the Crown of Scotland, gave away the most part of his Lands, dividing them among his Friends and Relations, especially to the Noble Families of the Hayes, the Sinclares, the Ogilbies and the Gourdons, there∣by to bind them the faster unto his Sons Interest. But all this Precaution fail'd, for shortly after the Lord Alexander his Son, being one of the Pledges, then remaining in. England for the Security of King David's Ransom, together with most of the other Hostages, died of the Plague which then again raged in this Kingdom, as we shall see shortly. Whereupon Prince Robert Stuart being then again easily reconciled to the King, was once more acknowledged, and by Act of Parliament established Rightfully the Heir Apparent to the Crown of Scotland, in as full manner, as he had been before.

The mean while, especially at the Instance of the Pope, the Clergy of Scotland a∣greed to contribute the Tenth Penny of all their Fruits and Revenues, towards the pay∣ment of their Kings Ransom: And at the same time the said King, nothing unmind∣full of his Promise made to King Edward before his Deliverance, moved his Lords and Barons in a Matter, which yet himself was not willing to succeed in, thô being bound by Oath so to do, he urged it notwithstanding with all the Application he could: Na∣mely, q 1.40

That provided he himself should decease without Issue, they would agree, that the Crown of Scotland and all the Rights thereof, should be entirely transferred to the King of England's Eldest Son, and to his Lawfull Heirs for ever.

But to this unexpected Proposal the Lords answer'd all with one Voice, That as long as any of them were able to hold a Sword in their Hands, they would never yield to be subject to England. King David was well pleased with this their Resolution, and look'd upon himself now, as discharged from attempting any thing further that way: Because he had only engaged to King Edward,

That if the Scotch Nobility would consent, he would Entail the Crown upon his Eldest Son.

IV. But we have too long left the Duke of Lancaster at the Siege of Rennes in Bretagne, from whence as we shew'd r 1.41 before, King Edward, at the Cardinals Remon∣strance, had sent him a peremptory Command to rise forthwith upon sight of his Let∣ters. Now the mean while the Duke by a strict and long Siege (for it began on the 3^d of December in the Year foregoing, and ended not till the latter end of July in this Year) had mightily straitned the Place, having moreover ravaged and eaten up the Country all about to supply his Army; but I dare not say with. s 1.42 Leland, that by a Detachment sent from the Siege, he wan Autry and Semay, lying on the River Aysne on the Marches of Lorraine; for to any one that considers the Distance of those Parts from Bretagne, it will seem ridiculous to imagin it; I had rather in that Place read Vitray on the Vilaine, on which River the City of Rennes also stands. However t 1.43 once Charles of Blois came thither with 10000 Men to raise the Siege, but when he saw the English Duke ready to receive him in the Field, and yet at the same time to make good the Siege with another Part of his Army, holding it not likely to succeed as then, he reti∣red. Whereupon the Besieged beginning to doubt of their Affairs, sought for an oc∣casion to parly with the Duke, but they design'd to do it as it were by Chance, that so they might obtain the better Conditions. First therefore they request a safe Con∣duct for a Bishop and six Knights, whom they sent to re-consecrate a Church without the Walls, which being polluted by a Murther committed therein had been shut up for some time. These seven having obtained a safe Conduct, and the Work for which they went being done, upon their return thrô the Camp, were invited by the Duke to Dine with him: and there at Table in Discourse it was question'd, what might be the Meaning that the Defendants delay'd to yield up the Town, since there was no Body

able to succour them or to raise the Siege. The Bishop having received Instructions be∣fore-hand, said they should not refuse to yield upon good Conditions; the Duke said, they could not expect any better Conditions as things were now, than to submit Them∣selves and Goods to his Clemency. However after much Altercation, Matters were brought at last to this Issue,

That the Inhabitants should give to the Duke an u 1.44 hun∣dred thousand Scutes of Gold toward the Charges he had been at; so that they should be otherwise free both in their Body and Goods; and further, that they should give Security, that upon the Duke's Demanding the Town for the Use and Behoof of the King of England, they would deliver it unto him, to set what Captain he should please over them.

These things were established and agreed to on both sides, and thereup∣on the Duke named them a Captain; but because he would not expose the City to Plunder, he appointed only certain Troops to go and take Possession of it in his Name, he himself tarrying without the Town with the Gross of his Army. One x 1.45 says, how he had sworn not to rise from before Rennes, untill he had entred in Person, and should see his Banners planted upon the Rampiers: Wherefore his Men apprehending they should grapple with the Difficulties of a second Winter, and the Defendants fearing to be utterly famished, the Treaty was thereupon promoted with more vigour on both sides. And as for the Duke's Oath, Sr. Bertram Clequin, one of the six Knights that menaged the Treaty, found out an Expedient to save that: Which was, that he should enter the Town with Nine more, and his Colours should stand on the Gate for some hours. Without this Device, as it proved, he must have been obliged to depart without fulfil∣ling his Oath; for presently after, even on that same Day, being the last of June, the King of England's Letters aforemention'd came to his Hands, wherein he was comman∣ed immediately to leave the Siege: Thô by good Fortune he had first got his Mony, and made full Agreement. Which Agreement, according to Orders set down in the King's Letters, was after that advanced into a Truce, y 1.46 between the Earl of Montford and Charles of Blois and their Adherents, to endure untill the First Day of May, An^o MCCCLXI.

V. At the same time z 1.47 there were certain Men of Arms and Archers, belonging to divers Castles in Garrison both in Bretagne and Gascogne, of whom more than 600 joyning together went into Normandy, to further the Affairs of Philip of Navarre; where in a short space they took by Stratagem the strong Town of Honfleur, which is directly opposite to Harfleur, on the other side the Seyne; and began to fortifie it for themselves. But soon after the Marshal of France, Robert Clermont, came upon them with 800 Men of Arms and 5000 Foot, and made a fierce Assault upon the Town; wherein yet he lost no less than 500 Men: And still the English defended themselves, and the French laboured hard at the Walls to carry the Place by Force. But while thus the Fight continued, Sr. Robert Knolles and Sr. James Pipe, who a 1.48 were the Duke of Lancaster's Lieutenants in Normandy, came suddenly on the Frenchmens Backs, and with the slaughter of a Thousand more of them, put the Marshal and the rest to flight.

VI. Now the strong b 1.49 Castle of Eureux in Normandy, which was a part of the Na∣tural Inheritance of King Charles of Navarre, and whence he bore the Title of Earl, had some while since been seised into the Frenchmen's hands, and was still by them detained, to the exceeding Regret of the Citizens of Eureux and others, Subjects and Friends of the said King of Navarre. Among others William Lord of Granville re∣sented it extreamly ill, that the King his Master should be thus basely imprisoned, and this his Castle and other Places of his injuriously detained by his Enemies. This Lord had an House and Lands within two Leagues of the City, and could without a∣ny Suspicion go in and out at his pleasure; because as yet he had never bore Arms for Prince Philip or the English against the French, for fear of losing those Lands which he held thereabout. And besides when King John wan that Place, he took an Oath of Fidelity from all those who held any thing in those Parts, or else all had been seised to his own Use: And thus King John held the Country, but King Charles reign'd in the Hearts of the People. And yet if the French King had been now at home all had been well enough: But his Captivity, and the Confusion of the French Affairs there∣upon, gave more Courage to the Enemies of France to undertake Matters, which o∣therwise they durst not have thought on: Especially because it was well known, that the Three Estates themselves were desirous of the Liberty and Prosperity of the King of Navarre. Upon these Considerations this Lord William of Granville began to form a no∣table and a bold Enterprise on the Behalf of the King his Master, which now we shall exactly relate. The Liberty he had of going to Eureux at his pleasure, he made use

of chiefly to visit a great Alderman of that City, whom he knew in former times to have been very firm and loyal to the King of Navarre. This Alderman had a particular esteem also for him upon the same and other Accounts, and entertain'd him always with the best sort of Provisions, and with much freedom of Discourse relating to several Matters; but still they would now and then have a Touch about the King of Navarre's being seised and thrown into Prison, whereat they were both highly displeased. But at last the Lord William said in private to the Alderman,

If you will be of my Mind, and give me your Furtherance, I will undertake soon to recover both this Town and Castle to the use of our Lord the King of Navarre. How can that be, said the Alderman? For the Captain of the Castle is so true a Frenchman, that we can never expect to make him consent to any such thing: And without the Castle nothing can be done; for 'tis that over-aws the Town. Well, said the Lord William, I'll tell you now: First of all you must try to get five or six substantial Citizens to your side, and every one of you must then secretly provide a certain Quota of Men of Arms, to be ready by such a Day in your Houses: And when you can assure me of thus much, I'll engage upon my Life, that you shall enter the Castle without any Danger, by a Stratagem which I have thought on.

The Business being thus concluded, the Alderman handled the Matter so discreetly, that he wan an Hundred substantial Citizens to be of his side presently; all who provided certain Armed Men, who were to be ready on such a Day in their houses. When the Lord William knew that all things were Ripe, he fixed the Day, and informed the Alderman what Measures to take, and so prepared himself to put his Plot in Execution.

Early in a Morning he arm'd himself, and over his Armour put on a Coat, and over the Coat a short Cloak, and so putting a short Battle-Ax close under his Arm, he walked forth with his Man after him toward the Castle. Being now near, he walked in a care∣less manner to and fro before the Gate, as he had often done before, by way of Pre∣paration; till at last the Captain of the Castle came down and opened the Wicket of the Gate, and as it was his daily use stood there and looked about him, to see if the Coast was clear. When Sr. William espied him, he walk'd as it were by Chance that way, till being something near, he gave the Good Morrow to the Captain, who stood still and civily returned his Bon-jour; and so Sr. William drawing a little nearer they be∣gan to enter into Converse.

The Frenchmen of all other People are hugely desirous of News; but especially when any ways they are debarred from going abroad, as those are who keep Garrisons: Wherefore first of all in subtlety Sr. William asked the Captain, what News he had heard lately? The Captain who had nothing to tell, and therefore greatly desired to know something, answer'd,

Alas! I have no News in the World, but desire if you have any to impart it to me. Sir, that I shall do most readily, said Sr. William, and then pro∣ceeded in this manner.

Sir, it is now current all about France, that the King of Denmark and the King of Iseland are allied together, and have sworn to Sail forth, and not return again into their own Countries, till they have utterly destroyed all England; and that in their Course thither, meeting with the Prince of Wales upon the Sea, as he was conveying the French King into England, they fought him and wan the French King from him, whom they are now sending home in great Honour to Pa∣ris: For their Navy consists of more than an hundred thousand Fighting Men. And the Englishmen are in such fear of them, that they know not what in the World to do;

for there goes an old Prophesie among them,

That England shall be destroyed by the Danes. Then the Captain asked him, how he heard these News? Sir, said the Lord William, an honourable Friend of mine, a Knight of Flanders, wrote this to me for most certain, and together with the Letter he sent me the loveliest Chessboard of Men, that ever I beheld in all my Life.

That Device he put in by the by; because he knew the Captain took great pleasure in playing at Chess; and indeed this Project took, for the Captain immediately snatching hold on the last Word, said,

Sir, I pray be so kind to let me see your Chess-Men.

I'll send for them presently, replied Sr. William, on condition you'll play a Game with me for some Wine. And that being agreed on, he bad his Servant, who was privy to all his Design, to run and fetch him his Chess-men, and bring them unto him to the Wicket: Accordingly his Man ran into the Town, and the Captain and Sr. William enter'd in at the first Gate, the Captain fast∣ning the Wicket after him with a Bolt only; for he would not lock it because of the return of the Chessboard. Then Sr. William asked him familiarly to open the Second Gate, saying, he might do it safely enough, seeing the First was fast. Then the Captain o∣pen'd that Wicket also, and let Sr. William enter with him to see the Castle in his Company.

The mean while his Servant had gone straight to the Chief of those Burgesses, who had Men ready Armed in their Houses, and they immediately signified the same to all the rest, and so being all assembled, and conveniently posted on one side near the Castle Gate, he went up before and sounded a little Horn, as he was before order'd to do by the Captain and Sr. William. The Lord of Granville hearing the Horn, said to the Captain,

let us go out to the Second Gate, for my Man is coming; and with that he himself passed forth at the First Wicket, and stood still without, watching his Opportunity.

The Captain thinking to follow him set out one Foot, and stooping down put out his Head, but just then had Sr. William taken in his hand the little Ax from under his Arm, and therewith clave the Captains Head at one stroke, before he could get his other foot over, so that he fell immediately dead upon the Groundsel. Then Sr. William ran hastily to the Outer Wicket and unbolted it, at which time he saw his Friends marching up apace to his Assistance. Now the Watchman of the Castle ha∣ving heard the Horn, was much surprized, for the Captain, however lately he had for∣got his own Order, had commanded that none should sound any Horn in the Town on pain of Death. Wherefore looking down from the high Tower he saw Men in Harness hasting towards the Castle Gate, whereupon he cried Treason. At that, as many of those in the Castle as were ready, hasted to the innermost Gate, where they were extreamly startled to behold their Captain Dead, and Sr. William with his Ax in his Hand, and all in shining Armour (for he had flung away his Cloak now) to defend the Entry. At that instant those, who were to second the Lord William being enter'd the First Gate were come up also to the other, and so they easily drave back the Souldiers, and took and slew whom they pleased, and so became Masters of the Castle.

The Castle being thus won, the City presently yielded, and cast out their French Garrison, at what time they sent for the Lord Philip of Navarre, who being just then return'd out of England, went thither upon their Invitation, and made that his chief Garrison, from whence on occasion to infest all Normandy. Upon his Coming thither he was joyned with Sr. Robert Knolles, Sr. James Pipe, and other English Captains, besides Gascogners, who all together made a considerable Garrison, which afterwards prov'd highly prejudicial to the Realm of France.

VII. At this time there arose several Captains of England, who gather'd Companies unto themselves, wherewith they made War at their Pleasure; and gain'd Prizes by Spoils and Ransoms, and arrived to great Wealth and Dignity. One of these was Sr. John Hawkwood, c 1.50 an English Knight, born at Sible Heveningham, aliàs Heningham in Essex, being the Son of Gilbert Hawkwood a Tanner: He was bound an Apprentice to a Taylor in the City of London, by whose good leave he went very Young to the French Wars in the Service of the King. For his admired Valour he was honoured with the Order of Knighthood, and became in his Days a most Noble Captain. All I∣taly remembers the Fame he purchased in the Wars there, now fighting for the Duke of Milain, Barnabo, whose Daughter Donna he had in Marriage; now for the Pope and the Church, and another while for the State of Florence, in whose Service he died 38 Years after this. In Testimony of whose manifold good Offices to that State, the Flo∣rentines have deposited his Bones in a sumptuous Monument in their Cathedral, over which there is his Statue of Black Marble armed at all Points, with Hawks flying thrô a Wood upon his Shield, that being the Rebus of his Name. Thô some of his Friends raised for him a Cenotaph also here in England at Sible Heningham aforesaid, the Arches of which Tomb represented Hawks flying thrô a Wood. Froisard calls him Sr. John Hacton, Jovius, John de Aucut, or de Acuto, and d 1.51 Others otherwise; but Hawkwood is the True Name. Take this Tetrastick of Julius Feroldus in his Praise.

Hawkwood, Anglorum Decus & Decus addite Genti Italicae, Italico praesidiúmque solo: Ʋt tumult quondam Florentia, sic simulachri Virtutem Jovius donat honore tuam.

O Hawkwood, England's Glory, sent to be The Bulwark and the Pride of Italy; A Tomb just Florence to thy Worth doth raise, And Jovius rears a Statue to thy Praise.

By the Lady Donna aforesaid he had a Son, called also Sr. John Hawkwood, naturalized in the Eighth year of King Henry IV, ten Years after the Death of his Father, as e 1.52 appears by the Record.

Nor was Sr. Robert Knolles less remarkable in these days, who being born of mean Parentage in Cheshire, was by his Valiant Acts advanced from a Common Souldier to a Great Commander; his first Rise was in these Wars of Normandy, of which we are speak∣ing, where with his English Troops and Navarrois, he wan from the French Towns and Castles, driving the Country before him like sheep, and winning Prizes at such a Rate, that all Men * 1.53 were willing to follow his Fortune: For he loaded all his Men with Plunder, and was himself worth more than an 100000 Crowns.

VIII. But besides this double torment, which the French Nation at that time felt both in Bretagne and Normandy, there arose in other parts of France a sort of Free-booters; who were men, neither provoked, nor employ'd by any, but therefore pro∣voked, because not employ'd, they banded together to afflict, rob, and plunder the poor Country. The Chief whereof at that time was g 1.54 Sr. Arnold Cervoles a Gas∣cogner, who at the Battle of Poictiers was armed like one of the French Kings Sons; being commonly called the Arch-Priest. He was very wealthy, and had for some while at his own Charges retained a good Number of Men of Arms, and others of several Nations; with whom he lately served the French King. But upon that Kings Imprisonment missing of his pay, he thought he could not better employ himself, and keep his Men together, than by paying himself at the Countries cost. This Arch-Priest knew the Clergy was Rich, and therefore he took his way towards Provence, intending to give his Holiness a Visit, and to finger some of his Gold, and all along in his way thither he plunder'd, and pillag'd, and took Towns and Castles. Pope Innocent VI. was so terribly alarum'd at the noise of this approaching Storm, that he fell to retain Men of War on all hands, and made the Cardinals do the like; more∣over h 1.55 he wrote earnestly to the Emperour Charles, requesting his Assistance, as also to the Imprison'd King of France, because the Dauphin was of no Authority: But these Friends were far of, and Sr. Arnold came daily nearer and nearer, having haras∣sed at his pleasure in Venaissin, till coming toward Avignon, i 1.56 the Pope and his Cler∣gy not daring to trust to their Arms, to be fairly rid of him, fell into a Treaty with him; till at last upon good security given and taken, he was permitted to enter the City with certain of his Troops, where he was as Honourably received, as thô he had been Son to a King. He••frequently dined with the Pope and the Cardinals, and there obtained a Re∣vocation of the Curse lately laid upon him and his Men; and also a full pardon ab omni panâ & culpâ; which was made more relishing with an addition of 60000 Crowns of Gold, presen∣ted unto Sr. Arnold; he thereupon promising to leave those parts. This he punctually obser∣ved; but thô certain of his Men, being now satisfied of their pay, disbanded, he kept the great∣er part of them still together, and only changing his Quarters continued his new Profession.

At the same time there k 1.57 arose another Warlike Company of Robbers under one Griffith a Welch Captain, who kept between the Rivers of Loire and Seyne; so that none durst travail on Horse or Foot between Paris and Orleans, or between Paris and Montargis; but all the People of the Country fled before them, either to Orleans or to Paris. This Captain Griffith, whom some way or other his Men had made a Knight, became wonderfull Rich by his excessive pillaging and plundering. One day he would ride up almost to Paris, another day to Orleans, and a third to Chartres; insomuch, that there was no Town, Castle, nor Village, except those, that were fortify'd to pur∣pose, which they did not overrun, rob, and plunder, as Espernon, Gaillardon, Rambouil∣let, Alais, Estampes, Chastres, Montereau, Pluviers en Gastinois, Milly, Artenay, Cha∣stillon, Montargis, Illiers, and divers other great and small Towns; that You'ld ad∣mire to think it. And besides this they infested the Roads, robbing all Passengers, by 20, 30, and 40 in a Company; nor did they meet with any Resistance, the Noble Realm of France was at that time in such Disorder. These sort of Men called them∣selves La grand Compagnie, and Les Compagnons, and grew by Degrees numerous, and lasted long, and ravaged about in divers Countries to the great Terrour and Affliction of the whole Kingdom. For the Three Estates did so clash with the Dauphin, and with one another, that they did to their Country more mischief, than good; and the Regent was not able to do any thing of Moment, because he wanted both Money and Authority. Wherefore the l 1.58 Noble Men of France, and the Prelates of Holy Church being weary of the troublesome Government of the Three Estates, voluntarily gave up their share in the Rule, and permitted the Provost of the Merchants to call some of the Burgesses of Paris, and other Towns to an account; because they had pre∣sum'd to call others to account, whom they had no power to question.

IX. At this the Provost taking more confidence upon him, than hitherto he had done, began to assemble certain of the Commons of Paris, who were of his Mind; and

to all these he distributed Hats, half-red, and half-sky-colour'd, to distinguish them from others. With 3000 of these fellows, being all armed, he marched from the Au∣gustins to the Palace of St. Paul, where then the Dauphin was lodged, having about him sundry Prelates and Noblemen of France: But the Provost upon his coming, ha∣ving seised on the Gates, and guarded all the Avenues, mounted boldly up into the Prince's chamber with a great Rout of Armed Rascals in his Company. Here he peremptorily desired the Dauphin to take upon him the Government, which belonged to him by In∣heritance, that so the Realm, which one day would be his, might be defended better than it was, and that those Companions, who began to swarm about in the Nation, plundering, spoiling, and ravaging without controll, might be subdued.

The Dauphin said, he would willingly take in hand so good a Work, if he had where∣withall; but that it ought to be rather expected from those, who had received the Profits and Rents belonging to the Crown: And, says he, for the reason of this Mat∣ter I refer my self to all the World. At this, a m 1.59 sign being given, John Lord of Con∣flent, and the Lord Robert Clermont, Marshals of France, with Dr. Simon de Bucy, a Counsellour of State, Three of the Dauphin's most trusty servants, are immediately slain before his face, and so near unto him, that the Blood gush'd out upon his Cloaths;

Ha! says the poor Prince, what Insolence is this? Dare you attempt against the Blood of France? No, no, my Lord, says the Provost, fear you nothing; 'tis not against your Person we pretend, but only those disloyal servants of yours, who have now received their Reward for giving You such ill Advice.

And therewith he took the Dauphin's Hat and clapt it on his own Head, at the same time putting his own upon the Dauphin's, so making him a Stale for that Popular Rebellion, by giving him the City Livery. The Dauphin's Hat was of a Brown-black, embroider'd with Gold, which this audacious Fellow wore all that day in token of his New Dictator∣ship: Wherefore he forced the abused Prince to pardon them for the Death of his Three Counsellours.

X. But we shall refer the tedious narration of these Insolencies to the French Histo∣rians, to whom it more properly belongs; since 'tis enough for us, to set forth only so much of the Affairs of that Nation, as either may better explain our Domestick trans∣actions, or are more strictly interwoven with them. And such a Matter was the n 1.60 Re∣lease of Charles King of Navarre, from his Prison at Arleux in Picardy; which hap∣pen'd immediately after that affront put upon the Dauphin, the Castle being entred by Scalado, and the King deliver'd thence not without the knowledge, as was thought, of the Lord of Picquigny, to whose Care King John had committed the Custody of that Prince. Being thus freed, he was carried in Triumph to the City of Amiens, where ha∣ving tarried till he had made his Peace with the Dauphin, he went with great Pomp to Paris, where he was welcom'd with Feastings and Splendid Entertainments, by the Duke of Normandy himself, at the Advice of the Provost, whom as then he would not, or durst not, displease. Here having been a few days, he made before the Dauphin and the Nobles of France a Florid Oration in Latine (for he was well learned and of a wonderfull voluble tongue, which was much advantaged by his Shape, Youth, and Presence) wherein

he complain'd of the hard and unworthy usage, which he had suffer'd from his nearest and dearest Relations, who of all Men ought especially to have upheld him. And that there was no Man living, who could with any shadow of Reason doubt, but that he would live and die in Defence of the Realm and Crown of France, as he was more particularly bound to do; being both by Father and Mother extracted of the Right Line of France: Inso∣much, that if he had a design (which yet he had not) of Challenging that Crown unto himself, he could evidently prove, that he had more Right thereto, than the present Pre∣tenders.

This Poison was so neatly cover'd with the Flowers of his Eloquence, Majesty, Youth, and Beauty; (especially all Men being prepared to pity him upon the account of his late Imprisonment) that it was immediately swallowed down by most of his Hearers, and by them transmitted to the Vulgar. With whom also he us'd such Popular Arts, by caressing them, promising to ease them of Taxes, to stand by them and the like; that he was presently in far more Power and esteem at Paris, and with most of the Chief Cities of France, than the Dauphin was himself. Wherefore he began to send for his Friends to come and be about him; but as for his Brother Philip, neither at his Invitations nor the Provosts, would he ever venture himself among the Parisiens; for he would always say,

how in the Favour of the Common-people there was never any certainty: But if Fawn∣ing and Hosanna's went before, there followed in the Reer nothing but Crucifiges, Ruine, Shame, and Dishonour.

Notes

• * 1.1

  AN. DOM. 1357. An. Regni Angliae XXXI. Franciae XVIII.
• a 1.2

  Frois. c. 173. f. 86. & Mat. Vill. l. 7. c. 58. & 66. Knighton p. 2615. n. 13. Walsingh. Hyp. p. 124. & Hist. p. 164. & Speed p. 582. & Polyd. Virgil. l. 19. p. 381. &c.
• b 1.3

  Lit. Dom. A. Pascha 9. April. Pestum D. Geor∣gii 23 April.
• c 1.4

  Knighton, in vigilia St. Joh. ante Pert. Lat. quod idem est: Walsing. id. &c.
• d 1.5

  Speed p. 582.
• e 1.6

  Ita Me••er••y ad a••n. 1378. where Charles King of France had an Enter∣view with Charles the Em∣perour: He en∣tertained him (says he) with all the magnifi∣cence imagina∣ble, & paid him all manner of Respects, but such as denote S••ve∣raignty, &c. And at his Entrance into Paris the King affected to be mounted on a white H••rse, and order'd a ••••••k one for the Em∣perour.
• f 1.7

  Knighton p. 2615. n. 19.
• g 1.8

  Walsingh. hist. p. 164. & Hy••. p. 124. & Speed p. 182.
• h 1.9

  Mezeray p. 49 ad 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ann.
• i 1.10

  Polyd. Virg. l. 19 p. 381. n. 42.
• k 1.11

  Pol. Virg. p. ••82. n. 3. Speed l. 539.
• l 1.12

  Pol. Virgil. l. 19. p. 382.
• m 1.13

  Psalm. 137. v. 5.
• n 1.14

  Pol. Virg. ibid.
• o 1.15

  Mezeray ad hunc annam.
• p 1.16

  Frois. c. 175. sol. 87.
• q 1.17

  Knighton p. 2615. n. 44.
• r 1.18

  Ashmole p. 658.
• s 1.19

  Frois. c. 173. & Knighton p. 2615. & Wal∣sing. Hist. p. 164. Ashmole p. 658.
• t 1.20

  Ashmole p. 658. ex Pat. 31 Ed. 3. p. 2. m. 25.
• u 1.21

  Knighton ibid.
• x 1.22

  Psalm. 99. v. 4.
• y 1.23

  Or est le Pape devenu F••anceis; Et Jesu devenu Engleis: Or serra veou, qui fra plus; Ou le Pape, ou Jesus. Knighton p. 2615. vid.
• x 1.24

  Knighton p. 2617. n. 50.
• a 1.25

  Knighton p. 2617. n. 60.
• b 1.26

  Knighton ibid. n. 46.
• c 1.27

  Freis. c. 173.
• d 1.28

  Asomole's Gartor p. 697. ex Rot. 31 Ed. 3 m. 5. Dat. 18. Novemb.
• e 1.29

  Knighton p. 2616. n. 13.
• f 1.30

  Non enim ad Archiep. erecta est haec sedes, ante Sixtum IV. P P. qui id fecit An^o. 1471
• g 1.31

  Rot. Sect. 31. Ed. 3. m 2. D••r∣so. Vid. Ash∣mole's Garter p. 658.
• h 1.32

  Knighton p. 2617. n. 40. Du Chesne p. 680.
• i 1.33

  Thô we find 24000 Marks of the said Summ upon Arrears 27 Years after. Vid. Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 277. ex Rot. Sect. 7. Pic. 2. m. 8.
• k 1.34

  Knighton. p. 2617. n. 30.
• l 1.35

  Speeds Ma••s Nottingham∣shire c. 34. §. 6. fol. 65.
• m 1.36

  Holinsh. Chron. Scotl. p. 243.
• n 1.37

  Holinshead ibid. p. 240.
• o 1.38

  Holinsh. Chron. Scotl. p. 243. & Hector l. 15.
• p 1.39

  Odor. Rainal. vecat Alexand. alii Johann. sed Rainaldi fides prastantior.
• q 1.40

  Odor. Rainal. ad ann. 1358. §. 4. & Scotici Scriptures, Ho∣linsh. &c.
• r 1.41

  Vid. Lib. 3. c. 2. §. 2. p. 527.
• s 1.42

  Leland Collect. 1 Vol. p. 824. vid. Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 788.
• t 1.43

  Knighton p. 2616.
• u 1.44

  Fab. say. but 60000. a Scute 6 s. 8 d. i. e. a Noble English.
• x 1.45

  Me••eray ad hunc annum.
• y 1.46

  Frois. c. 213. f. 108. a.
• z 1.47

  Knighton p. 2616. n. 40. &c.
• a 1.48

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 109.
• b 1.49

  Frois. c. 176.
• c 1.50

  Weever's Fu∣neral Monum p. 623. & Camb∣den in Essex p. 324. &c.
• d 1.51

  Matt. Villani calls him Gian∣ni dell'Agu∣glio, Sartore Inghilese. l. 9. c. 37.
• e 1.52

  Johannes fi∣lius Johannis Hawkwood miles, natus in partibus Italiae, factus Indigena An^o VIII Hen∣rici IV. Mater ejus nata in par∣tibus transmari∣nis. M.S. in Bibl. Cotton. & in Archiv. Tur∣ris Lond. 1 Part. Pat. 8. Hen. 4. m. 20.
• * 1.53

  Frois. c. 178.
• g 1.54

  Frois. c. 177.
• h 1.55

  Oder. Rain••l. ad hunc annum §. 3. & 4.
• i 1.56

  Frois. ibid. & Mezeray ad hunc annum.
• k 1.57

  Frois. c. 178.
• l 1.58

  Frois. c. 179. fol. 98.
• m 1.59

  Du Serres & Mezeray, &c.
• n 1.60

  Frois. c. 180. Mezeray ad hunc annum, &c.