The history of that most victorius monarch, Edward IIId, King of England and France, and Lord of Ireland, and first founder of the most noble Order of the Garter being a full and exact account of the life and death of the said king : together with that of his most renowned son, Edward, Prince of Wales and of Aquitain, sirnamed the Black-Prince : faithfully and carefully collected from the best and most antient authors, domestick and foreign, printed books, manuscripts and records / by Joshua Barnes ...

THE HISTORY OF King Edward III^d. BOOK THE THIRD. (Book 3)

CHAPTER the FIRST.

The CONTENTS.

I. King John prepares to go against the Black-Prince. II. The said Prince his Victori∣ous March thró Quercy, Auvergne, Berry, and Touraine. III. The French King fol∣lows him; two Cardinals haste after him in hopes to reconcile Matters. IV. Some French Troops cut off by the Prince, whose Van-Currors beat up the French King's Quarters. V. King John having order'd his Battails, a Cardinal from Poictiers per∣swades him to desist, till he had first try'd to accommodate Matters: But the King de∣mands more than the Prince would grant, and so no Peace to be expected. VI. A Quarrel between the Lord Clermont Marshal of France and the Lord Chandos. VII. The Cardinal not able to reconcile the Parties, leaves the Field; Prince Edward encourages his Men; the Names of his Chief Leaders; the Prince's Speech to them; his new De∣vice against the Enemy. VIII. The Lord James Audely and Sr. Eustace Dambreticourt begin the Fight. IX. The Famous Battle of POICTIERS, wherein King John is taken Prisoner. X. The Prince of Wales gives to the Lord Audly 500 Marks per annum, which he bestows on his four Esquires that served him in the Battle. XI. The Prince's obliging Deportment to the King of France, &c. XII. Being informed of the Reasons which mov'd the Lord Audley to alienate his Gift, he confirms it unto the Four Esquires, and enlarges his Bounty to my Lord. XIII. He returns to Bourdeaux; King Edward's Moderation at the News of this Success XIV. The Pope writes to the Prince of Wales, highly commending him for his remarkable Humanity to the Captive King, &c. XV. The several Claims concerning the Taking the French King adjusted. The Duke of Lancasters Proceedings in Normandy and Bretagne after the Battle of Poictiers. XVI. The Trou∣bles of France freshly fomented by a Seditious Parliament. XVII. The Lord Godfrey of Harcourt slain. XVIII. The Pope sollicites the Emperour to endeavour to com∣pose Matters between the two Kings: A Diet for that purpose at Metz in Lorrain. XIX. Seals changed in England.

I. KING John in his Return from pursuing the Duke of Lancaster, took the Castle and Town of Tillieres and Bretevil, which belonged to the King of Navarre, and having by supply∣ing several Garrisons much diminished his Forces, return'd back to Paris: Where a 1.1 being freshly alarum'd with the News of the Prince of Wales his Exploits in Gascogne, how he had invaded his Lands, and was now Marching into the Good Country of Berry, he said aloud and sware,

That he would ride forth and give him Battle, wheresoever he should find him.

With this Resolution he began to enforce his Summons, and im∣mediately

sent an Especial Command to all his Nobles, and such as held of him by Homage or otherwise, straitly enjoyning them;

that all manner of Excuse laid a∣side, his Letters once seen, they should every Man on pain of his Displeasure, pre∣pare and meet him at the General Rendezvous in the Marches of Blaisois and Tou∣raine, to the intent to fight the English.

And lest he should make any Delay in a matter of such Consequence, he forthwith rode from Paris to Chartres onward of his way, to have the surer Intelligence of the Prince's Actions: And there dayly flocked to him thither, and to the parts about Blois and Tours Men of War from every Province in and about the Kingdom of France, as from Hainalt, Lorraine, La Franche Comté, Pi∣cardy, Normandy, Bretagne, Vermandois, Berry, Burgundy; and still as they came in, they were set forward, train'd and enrolled, having Quarters assign'd them about in the Country by the two Marshals, the Lord John of Clermont, and the Lord Arnold D'Endreghan. King John the mean while sent huge Quantities of Provision of all sorts, to all the Fortresses and Garrisons in Anjou, Poictou, Le Maine, and Touraine, and elsewhere, where He thought the English might pass, designing thereby to fore∣close the Avenues of the Country, and so to cut off all Provision from them, that nei∣ther they, nor their Horses might get any forage or subsistence. But for all that, as yet Prince Edward and his Forces found no Impeachment or want, but passed on at their ease thrô the plentifull Countries of Auvergne, Quercy, Limousin, Perigort, Saintogne, la Marche, and Berry, as now we shall shew.

II. EDWARD b 1.2 Prince of Wales, sirnamed the Black-Prince, having employ'd the Winter-season in repairing and fortifying the City of Bourdeaux, and other Castles and Towns in Gascogne, and caused great Quantities of Gold and Silver to be coined ac∣cording to a Commission from the King his Father, for the Wages of his Souldiers, began his March from Bourdeaux on the c 1.3 sixth of July with an Army of d 1.4 12000 Men (as one says) whereof 3000 were Natural English: But most Writers agree, that his Forces amounted to little more at this time, than 8000, which was for cer∣tain the utmost number he had at the Battle of Poictiers; unless we should believe, that before he came thither, he lost one Third of his whole Army without any op∣position, or remarkable Action at all. Wherefore we rather follow Froisard, who as∣signs the Number to be ••000 Men of Arms and 6000 Archers. With which gallant little Army of Chosen Men (having left the Lord e 1.5 Bernard de la Bret his Lieutenant in Gascoigne, with sufficient Power for the Defence thereof against the Earl of Ar∣magnac, who threatned to invade it) he rode thrô Quercy f 1.6 and Auvergne, where he found plenty of all things, burning, plundering, and destroying all before him in Hostile manner.

When he enter'd any Good Town, well replenished with all things, there he usu∣ally tarried two or three days to refresh his Men, and then upon departure the Residue was all destroy'd, the Heads of the Wine-Vessels stricken out, Wheat, Barley, Oats, Flesh, and all other Provision, but what they could bear away, consumed; lest the E∣nemy might be the better for them. This Course the English held, till they came to the strong City of Bourges, which is the Principal place in Berry. Here they made an attempt by giving a brisk Assault to One of the Gates: In the Action many proper Feats of Arms were done; but nothing of Advantage could be won here; the place was so well Defended by the Lord of Conserans, and the Lord Hutin de Memers, who were Captains of the City. Thence they wheel'd off to Issoudun, a Castle of great strength, to which they gave a very fierce Assault, and thither came the whole Ar∣my; but the Gentlemen within behaved themselves so well, that they sav'd the place, and wan Honour from the Prince, by the Opinion they created in him of their Cou∣rages. From hence they took their way to Virzon, a large Town defended by a good Castle; but the Town it self was not well fortified, and the Hands within too few to make good the Defences, so that it was taken by force: And here the Prince, find∣ing great Plenty of Good Wines, and other Provision of all sorts, was pleased to tarry three days to refresh his People.

While he tarried here tidings came to him, that the French King was at Chartres, on the other side the Loire, with a great Assembly of Men of War about him, and that all the Towns and Passages upon the said River were foreclosed, and guarded strong∣ly: So that he could not expect to pass over, to get into Anjou, Vendosmois, or Le Maine: Wherefore he was advised by his Council to pass thrô the parts of Touraine, and so to wheel off on the Left Hand into Poictou, and by that way to return thrô Sain∣togne, and so to Bourdeaux.

This Course the Prince resolved to follow, and having done as he pleas'd in the Town

of Virzon, and taken the Castle by force, and slain most of them within, he proceeded something on the left hand, and rode toward Romorantin, which lies almost equidistant between Blois and Bourges, sending before him his two Marshals, the Lord John Chan∣dos, and the Lord James Audley, both Knights of the Garter, accompanied with Sr. Ro∣bert Knolles, and Sr. Frank Van Hall, together with their Men, to try out the state of the Country, and to see there lay no Ambush. King John also at the same time sent forth his spies to view the Condition of the English, and to learn of what force they were: Among whom g 1.7 one Griffith Micco, Captain of 200 Horse, came upon the English spies to his Cost: For there 30 of his Men together with himself being ta∣ken, all the rest were slain to a Man, not so much as one being left to carry back word, what was become of his Fellows.

Now among others, whom the French King had sent into those parts to look to the Defence of the Country, there were h 1.8 three great Barons appointed to keep the Fron∣tiers, namely the Lord of Craon, the Lord of Bouciquaut, and the Hermit of Chau∣mont; who with 300 Spears had for some time rode about the Country, coasting at a distance the English Host, whom having now followed for six days together, they could yet never find any Advantage to set upon them, the Army rode so carefully, and in such close Order. At last perceiving the Prince to take the way of Romorantin, they began to fetch a wide compass about, and so getting before him planted them∣selves in Ambush near to Romorantin, at the middle of a wonderfull straight Passage, by which the English must needs go.

That same Day by chance there went with the leave of the Marshals before the Prince's Battail, the Lord Bartholomew Burwash, Sr. Walter Pavely, Sr. Nele Loring, and Sr. Sanchio Dambreticourt, all Four Knights of the Garter, with the Lord Roger de la Warre, the young Lord Edward Spencer (then about i 1.9 20 Years of Age) the young Lord Ralph Basset of Drayton but k 1.10 two Years older; together with the Lord of Muci∣dan, and the Lord Petiton Coutras, Gascogners, and Sr. Eustace Dambreticourt. Sr. Ri∣chard of Punchardon also was there, whom some suppose a Gascogner; but it is evident, that he was an Englishman born, and of Devonshire, deriving his Name, as most Anci∣ent Names had their Original, from Punchardon * 1.11 a place in Branton-Hundred in that County. These Ten Worthies having as we said, obtained leave to ride with 200 Men of Arms before the Marshals Battail, and to take a view of Romorantin, went accordingly in good Order, and rode thrô that difficult narrow Passage, where the French Ambush lay, without the least knowledge or suspicion thereof. They had but just got out of the Lane, when the French brake suddenly forth, and passed the Streight after them, and then being more at large, and freshly ranged for Battle, they followed hard upon the English a good round Trot, and with great Ardor and Courage of mind made up to them. l 1.12 When the Lords of England who were well forward, heard the Noise of Horses from behind, and looked back and saw they were their Enemies, they faced about in good Order, and stood still to receive them upon their Spears Points. The French came on very briskly with their Spears couched in their Rests, and ran fiercely upon the English, who opening suddenly to the Right and Left, suffer'd them to pass thrô; so that on both Sides not above five or six were overthrown at the first Meet∣ing: But then the English joyn'd together again, and dashed forth their Horses after them, and began a most furious Combat. The Skirmish was hot, and well and long maintained on both Sides, many Knights and Esquires on either part being reversed to the Earth, and many mutually taken and rescued with equal Bravery; saving that the French were more in Number being Three to Two: So that as yet it was doubtfull, to which Side Victory would encline. But the Matter was now fully decided by the suddain Appearance of the English Marshals Battail, which when the Frenchmen beheld to come scouring along by the Wood side, they immediately turned their Horses; and fled every Man as fast as he might toward Romorantin, the English after them without sparing their Horses in the least. This was an hard case for the French, many of them being now overthrown, and slain or taken Prisoners: But about half of them (among whom were the Three Lords) namely those that were best Horsed, made shift to gain the Castle; for the Town was taken by the English at their first Coming.

The Prince m 1.13 of Wales heard how his Van-Currors were engaged, and therefore marched more hastily toward Romorantin; but being come thither he found the Town already won, and his Marshals busie in devising how to take the Castle. Presently he commanded the Lord John Chandos to go and talk with those of the Castle, to try what their Resolution was in that juncture. Sr. John made a sign at the Gate, that he had a mind to parly with some body within: Whereupon certain who saw him, de∣manded

his Name, and who sent him thither, and upon his Answer to both their De∣mands, they gave notice to the chief Lords of the Garrison, who sent the Lord Bouci∣quault, and the Hermit of Chaumont to the Farriers. Sr. John having saluted them ve∣ry courteously after his manner, accosted them thus:

Messieurs, I am sent hither from my Lord the Prince of Wales, who is wont to shew great Clemency to such as sub∣mit unto him, as now I question not but he will do. For he saith, that if without putting him to farther Trouble, you will deliver up this Fortress into his Hands, and become his Prisoners, he will receive you to his Grace, and use you honourably, as Companions in Arms.

Sir (replied the Lord Bouciquault) we do not intend to fling our selves into that Condition: If we should do so before we are necessitated thereto, our Discretion might justly be called in question: Wherefore assure your self (Sir) that we intend to defend our selves like Men.

At this the Parley brake off, and the Prince resolved to encamp therebout for that Night; but early next morning, every Man being Armed under his Proper Colours, they began to assault the Castle on all hands: The Archers being ranged along on the Dikes, shot their Arrows so wholly together, that the Enemy could hardly appear at their Defences; the mean while Others swam over the Ditch on Planks and empty Casks joyned together, with Mattocks and Pick-axes in their Hands, and began to dig and mine at the Walls; but the Besieged cast down upon them great stones, pots of quick Lime and other offensive things, wherewith many were hurt, and a valiant Esquire named Raimond Derge du Lache, belonging to the Lord John Greilly, Captal de Busche, was slain. All that day this Assault continued without intermission, but yet also without Success; wherefore at Night the English withdrew to their Lodgings again in Displeasure. The next morning by Sun-rise, those who were appointed to renew the Assault, were all ready at the found of the Marshals Trumpets. This second Attaque was carried on with all imagina∣ble Application, because the Prince Himself being there personally present, as a Spectator of every Mans Behaviour, gave great Encouragement to his People. While thus the Prince stood on foot near the Dike, there was slain hard by him an English Esquire na∣med Jacob. Bernard, whereat the Prince was so displeased, that he took his n 1.14 most Solemn Oath, and sware by his Fathers Soul not to leave the Siege, till he had the Ca∣stle and all within at his Mercy. Then the Assault was renewed much hotter than ever, till at last the Prince saw there was no likelihood of Prevailing that way. Wherefore presently he gave Order to raise certain Engines, wherewith they cast combustible Mat∣ter enflam'd, after the manner of Wild-Fire, into the Base Court, so fast, and in such Quantities, that at last the whole Court seem'd to be one Huge Fire. Whereupon the excessive Heat prevail'd so, that it took hold of the Roof of a great Tower, which was covered with Reed, and so began to spread over all the Castle. Now therefore when these Valiant Captains within saw, that of necessity they must either submit en∣tirely to the Prince's Courtesie, or perish by the most merciless of Elements; they all together came down and yielded themselves absolutely to his Grace: So the Prince re∣ceived both Them and their Men as his Prisoners, and left the Castle wholly void and ruin'd by the Flames: This was done on the 4 of September MCCCLVI, being 15 days before the Battle of Poictiers.

There were here taken the o 1.15 Three Lords aforesaid, namely the Lord of Craon, the Lord of Bouciquaut, and the Hermit of Chaumont, besides the Captain of the Garri∣son, who was there before, and 240 Men of Arms, the common Souldiers being let go; and in this whole Expedition, before the Battle of Poictiers, there are p 1.16 reckon'd to have been taken in all more than 6000 Men of Arms about in the Country as the Prince journey'd, all whom he sent away Prisoners to Bourdeaux to be ransomed.

After the Taking of Romorantin the Prince marched on as before, thrô the Parts of Touraine and Anjou, on this side the Loire, destroying the Country all before him, till he came to the Place, which was ordain'd to be remarkable to all Posterity for a Vi∣ctory of his.

III. The French King q 1.17 having already compleated his Musters at Chartres, began his March about this time, and went thence to Blois upon the Loire in quest of the Prince: Where having tarried two Days he passed the River with all his Host, a great Part whereof went over at the Bridge of Orleans, Mehun, Tours and Saumur, or where else they might; for all the other Bridges but those of the Good Towns, were broken down by the French to hinder the Prince's Passage. From Blois King John marched to Amboise, and the day following to Loches, where he heard, how the Prince of Wales was on the Borders of Touraine, and designed to return by Poictou to Bourdeaux: For he had perpetual Information sent him in dayly by several expert Knights of France,

who continually coasted the English, to observe their Countenance and Behaviour. Hereupon King John marched from Loches to la Haye en Touraine, resolving to give the Prince of Wales Battle, with an Army consisting of 20000 Men of Arms, Lords, Knights and Esquires, all muster'd and past for Men of Arms, among whom were twen∣ty six Dukes and Earls, and more than 120 Banners, with the Kings Four Sons, who were all but Young, as Charles Duke of Normandy and Dauphin of Vienna, Lewis Duke of Anjou, John Duke of Berry, and Philip, who shortly after purchased the Sir∣name of Hardy, and became in time Duke of Burgundy.

At that instant Pope Innocent VI sent the Lord Talayrand, Cardinal of Perigort, and Nicolas Cardinal r 1.18 Titulo Sancti Vitalis into France, to treat of Peace between the French King and all his Enemies: First between him and the King of Navarre (for whose Delivery they had often before laboured hard with King John, when he lay before Bretevil, but all in vain) and then to use their utmost Endeavours to compose Matters between England and France. When these Cardinals came to Tours, they heard how the French King was in eager Pursuit of the English, wherefore they both made haste to the City of Poictiers, for that way they understood both the Armies were bound.

The mean while the King hearing, that the Prince made haste to get home, and doubting lest he should escape his hands, departed with all his Host from la Haye en Touraine, and rode to Chauvigny on the River of Vienne, where he tarried that Thursday with his Men in and about the Town, between the two Rivers of Creuse and Vienne. The next Day he passed the Vienne at the Bridge, thinking to find the English before him on the other side, but he was mistaken; for they were encamped by a lit∣tle Village higher on the Right hand of Poictiers: But for all that King John pursu∣ed after with great heat and confidence; and with him there passed the Bridge more than 60 Thousand Horse, besides those that passed over higher at Chastelleraut, who also took their way directly to Poictiers.

On the other hand Prince Edward had no certain knowledge where his Enemies were, thô he concluded they were not far off, because his Men could find no more Fo∣rage: Whereby he began to be in great Want, and then the English Souldiers repented much, that they had made such Havock and Destruction, as they had done before in Berry, Anjou and Touraine; and yet had laid up but small Provision for themselves against ••n evil Day.

IV. All that Friday, being the day that the King passed the Vienne at Chauvigny, s 1.19 there tarried still behind in the Town three Great Lords of France, the Lord Ralph de Coucy, the Earl of Joigny, and the Lord of Chauvigny Marshal of Burgundy, with part of their Troops to the number of 240 Men of Arms. These early on the Saturday morning also passed the Bridge after the King, who was then about three Leagues be∣fore, and they took their way among Bushes by the side of a Wood, which leadeth to Poictiers. That same Morning Prince Edward had dislodged from about a little Vil∣lage hard by called Bonmatour, at which time he sent before him certain Currours, to try if they could meet with any Adventure, and to get Intelligence whereabout the French Army was. These were in number sixty Men of Arms, all excellently well mounted, under the Leading of Sr. Eustace Dambreticourt a young Gentleman, Son to the Lord Sanchio Dambreticourt, who was Knight of the Garter, with whom was joyned the Lord John de St. Guislain, another Native of Hainalt; and soon after their set∣ting forth they met by chance with the Three French Lords aforesaid, as they rode a∣long by the side of the said Wood. The Frenchmen presently knew them for their Enemies, wherefore they strait clap'd on their Helmets display'd their Banners, and came a good round Trot toward the Englishmen. But they seeing their Design, and withall how far they exceeded them in Number, determin'd to fly, and suffer the French to pursue, as knowing the Prince with his Horse was not far behind. So they turned their Horses and took down by a Corner of the Wood, with the Frenchmen at their Heels upon the Spurr, crying out their Martial Cries with great Clamour. But as they pursued thus eagarly, unawares they came where the Prince was with his Battail, expecting some News from those, whom he had sent forth for that Purpose. The Lord Ralph de Coucy rode so forward, that he was suddenly under the Princes Banner, where after a couragious Resistance he was taken Prisoner, together with the Earl of Joigny, and the Lord of Chauvigny, and an t 1.20 Hundred Men of Arms, as many more being slain; only about Fourty escaped away by reason of the Covert of the Wood. This was the first lucky praeludium to that Famous Victory, which was already destin'd for the English.

From these Prisoners Prince Edward fully understood the Condition of his Enemies,

and how they followed him so near, that he could not handsomly avoid Battle, if he would; wherefore having reassembled all his Men, and set them in close Order, he gave Command, that none should presume to go before the Marshals Banners. And thus he rode without any further adventure the remaining part of that Saturday, till he came into the Fields of Beauvoir and Maupertuis, within two little Leagues of Poictiers; where finding a convenient place he resolved to encamp there that Night, and the mean while sent forth the Lord John Greilly, Captal de Busch, the Lord Edmund of Pamiers, the Lord Bartholomew Burwash, and Sr. Eustace Dambreticourt with 200 Men of Arms well-mounted, to observe the Countenance of the Enemy. These Knights rode so far, that they view'd the Kings great Battail, and saw all the Country cover'd with Men of Arms: But yet their Courage was so great, that they could not forbear their hands; but set on the tail of their Army, and overthrew many to the Earth, and took divers Prisoners, till the whole Host began to move that way. For when tidings hereof were brought to King John, just as he was entring into the City of Pot∣ctiers, he immediately faced about, commanding all Men to do the same, and so he re∣turned into the Field again, where it was very late, before he could take up his Lodg∣ings. The English Detachment return'd safe and Victorious again to the Prince, and related to him what they had seen, and done, and found, saying withall,

That the French Army was exceeding Numerous.

Well then (said the Prince) in the Name of God let us consider, how we may fight with them at our best Advantage; for a∣gainst Number Policy is requisite.

And so that Night he chose for his Camp a strong Place among Hedges, Vines, and Bushes: And a good Watch was set, as was needfull, the Frenchmen on their part doing the like: And thus both Armies tested for that Night.

V. Now u 1.21 on the Sunday Morning the French King, who was wonderfull desirous to have Battle, heard Mass in his Pavilion, took the Communion in both kinds (for x 1.22 that Privilege had been granted him long since) and received Absolution together with his Four Sons: After which there came to him his Brother Philip, Duke of Or∣leans, the Lord Peter, Duke of Bourbon, the Lord Walter de Brenne, Duke of A∣thens, and Constable of France, Charles Earl of Tancarville, the Earl of Salebruse, the Earl of Dampmartin, the Earl of Ventador, and divers others, as well Barons of France, as others, who held of that Crown, as the Lord John Clermont, and the Lord Ar∣nold D'Endreghan, Marshals of France, the Lord of St. Venant, the Lord John of Landas, the Lord Eustace Ribemont, who had so signalized himself by combatting hand to hand with King Edward at Calais; the Lord of Fiennes, the Lord Geoffry Charny, the Lord of Chastillon, the Lord of Suilly, the Lord of Nesle, Sr. Robert Duras, and divers others, with all whom the King then held a Council of War in his Royal Pavilion.

In the end it was universally agreed, that all the Army should be drawn out in Battle Array into the Field, and every Lord Display his Banner, and so set forward against the E∣nemy in the Name of God and St. Dennis.

So the Trumpets sounded, and every Man mounted his Horse, and rode forth into the Field, where they saw the Kings Banner standing aloft, and waving in the Wind. There you might have beheld a most Beautifull Sight of Fair Harness, of shining steel, Feathered Crests of glittering Helmets, and the Rich Embroidery of silken Surcoats of Arms, together with Golden Standards, Banners, and Penons Gloriously moving in the Air. For there was all the Flower of the Nobility and Gentry of France, none daring at that time to stay at home, without Invincible Necessity, or for the Defence of the Realm, unless he would hazard his Reputation for ever.

This Great Army by Advice of the Constable and Marshals was ranged into Three Battalia's, the least whereof contained y 1.23 6000 Men of Arms, all being Muster'd and past for such, besides the Foot: The First was led by Monsieur Philip Duke of Orle∣ans, King John's Brother; (thô he was 24 Years younger than the King, being born the same Year with Charles the Dauphin, who was now but 20 Years of Age.) With this young Prince there were 36 Banners, and twice as many Penons: The Second Battail was under the Duke of Normandy, Charles the Dauphin, and with him were his two Brethren, Lewis Duke of Anjou, and John Duke of Berry: The King himself brought up the Third, having with him his Youngest Son the Lord Philip Duke of Touraine, and afterwards of Burgundy, with a great Number of his Prime Nobility, and others; this Third Battail consisted of 40000 Chosen Men, whereof 8000 were Men of Arms, z 1.24 all the whole Host was extraordinary well equipped and every way duly provided. And while the Marshals and other Officers were Ordering them, the

King called unto him the Lord Eustace Ribemont, the Lord John of Landas, and the Lord Richard de Beaujeu, and said unto them,

Messieurs, ride you on before and mark the Countenance of the Englishmen, and consider exactly how many they may a∣mount to, and by what means we may best deal with them, whether on Horseback or on Foot.

Now while these Three Lords rode forth, King John being Mounted on a large White Courser to be seen of all, came up to the Head of his Troops, and said aloud with a Couragious and High Voice, a 1.25

Messieurs, When You are at Paris, at Chartres, at Orleans, or Rouën, then You threaten these Englishmen terribly, and wish nothing more than to be in Arms against them. Now shall your Desire be granted, I'll lead You, where You shall be sure to find 'um. Let me therefore now see the effects of that Ill-will You bear them, and how well You can Revenge all the Dis∣pleasures and Damages, which they have done unto You: For without doubt We shall not part without Blows.

Such as were within hearing, answer'd briskly,

Sir, in Gods Name be it so: We desire nothing else; but would gladly see our Enemies.

Within a while after the Three Lords of France return'd to the King, who presently demanded what News? Whereupon the Lord Eustace Ribemont for himself and his Fellows, answer'd thus,

Sir, We have view'd the Englishmen, and by our Estimation they are not above 2000 Men of Arms, 4000 Archers, and 1500 others; howbeit they are encamped in a strong Place. And as far as I can imagine, they make up but One Battail, but yet they are very wisely Order'd, and along by the way they have strongly fortified the Hedges and Bushes; A Party of their Archers lining the Hedges; so that none can go or ride that way, but he must lie open to their Shot on the Flank: And yet that way must We go, if We intend to attack 'um. Into this Lane there is but one Passage neither, whereat as We judge, about 4 Horsemen may ride abreast, and at the end of this Hedged Lane, where no Man can well pass either on Foot or Horseback, stands a square Battail of Men of Arms all on Foot, the Archers before them in manner of an Herse; so that easily they cannot be discomfited. Well, said the King, what then do you advise as best for Ʋs to do? Sir (said the Lord Eustace) Let Ʋs all alight on Foot, except 300 Men of Arms, the most Select of all the Host, and best-armed, and best-mounted, who shall first a little break and open the Archers Battail, and then immediately your Men of Arms to strike in after them on Foot, and so to cope with their Men of Arms hand to hand. But only let the German Cuirassiers re∣main still on Horseback, to comfort the Marshals, if need shall be. This is the best Advice that I can give: If any other judge any other way better, let him speak.

The King said, "Thus it shall be done. And accordingly the two Marshals rode from Bat∣tail to Battail, and chose b 1.26 out 300 Knights and Esquires of the most Valiant and Ex∣pert Men of Arms of all the Host, every Man well-mounted on a strong barbed Cour∣ser, and Arm'd at all points himself: And Order was given, that the German Brigade of Cuirassiers should continue still on Horseback, to assist, where most need should be, under their Leaders, who were the Earls of Saltzburg, Neydo, and c 1.27 Nassau.

But here I must needs reflect on the Vanity of those French Authors, who think∣ing to palliate the Loss, they received this Day, affirm, that King John in contempt of the English Forces, resolved to make use only of his Infantry; whereat (say they) his Cavalry were so disgusted, that they became backward in performing their Duty: And d 1.28 One adds, how there fell among them a Dangerous Emulation, concerning who should be reckon'd among that Famous Three-Hundred, who were to bear the brunt of the Danger, by breaking thrô the Archers. But the Consideration of the known Prudence of many of the French Captains, who were notoriously Expert in War, com∣par'd with that more Rational and Authentick account We have laid down from an Author of those Days, may sufficiently evince the Falsity of such Men, who out of Ignorance or Design make such Incredible Reflexions on the Wisdom of the French King.

He for his part e 1.29 was there like a Valiant Prince, Armed at all Points in his Royal Habiliments, and it seems was so far from absolutely despising the inconsiderable Num∣bers of the English, that for his better security, Twenty more were order'd to appear that day, Arm'd in like manner with him. His Eldest Son, the Dauphin, was commit∣ted to the Care of the Lord of St. Venant, the Lord of Landas, and the Lord Theobald of Bodenay, and the Lord Arnold f 1.30 of Cervoles, a right Hardy young Gentleman, com∣monly called the Arch-Priest, was clad in the Armour of his Second Son, Lewis Duke of Anjou, and Earl of Alanson.

The g 1.31 Three Battails being all ready ranged in the Field, and every Lord in his due Place under his own Banner, Command was given, that all Men should put off their

Spurs, and cut their Spears to five Foot length, as most commodious for such, who had left their Horses, But h 1.32 at that instant, as they were ready to march against the Prince, Talayrand the Cardinal, having rode that Morning from Poictiers, came hastily to King John, and kneeling down before him with his hands in the most sup∣pliant posture lifted up, desired him for Jesus Christ's sake to stop one Moment, till he might speak with him, which being granted, he said,

Sir, You have here all the Flower of your Realm against an handfull of Englishmen, if we compare their Num∣bers to Yours, and surely if You can get them to yield to your Conditions, it will be more profitable by far, and nothing less Honourable to Conquer them so cheaply, than to hazard so flourishing an Army, as is here present. Wherefore Sir, most humbly, and in the Name of God, I require You, that You will grant me time, before You go for∣ward, to ride yonder to the Prince, and shew him at what Disadvantage You have got him. I am content You do so, answer'd the King, on condition You make a quick re∣turn back again.

Then the Cardinal took his Horse, and rode toward the Prince of Wales, whom he found among his Men on foot, Armed at all Points, but his Hel∣met; the Cardinal alighting from his Horse came to him, and was received courteously of the Prince. Salutation being therefore taken and given, the Cardinal said,

O my Fair Son, surely if You and Your Council do but rightly consider the strength of the French King; You will not deny me leave to endeavour to compose Matters between You, if I may.

The Prince, who was Young and Lusty (being then but Twenty five Years and three Months old) answer'd in these Words;

Father, the Honour of me and of my Country saved, I would willingly admit of any Reasonable Conditions.

Said the Cardinal,

Sir, You say well, and I shall make You Friends, if I can; for it would be a great Pity, if so many Noble and Gallant Spirits, as are now in the Field on both sides, should be suffer'd to joyn together in Bloody Battle.

And with that the Cardinal hasted to Horse, and rode back to King John, to whom he said,

Sir, You need not make any such great haste to fight with your Enemies, for they cannot fly from You, thô they would, they are in such a place: Wherefore, Dear Sir, I heartily re∣quire You to forbear for this day only, till to Morrow at Sun-rise, that during this while We may endeavour to compose Matters handsomly.

The King was extream loath to yield thus much, for several of his Council were utterly against it: But the Car∣dinal insisted with such Zeal, and shew'd such fair and plausible Reasons, that at last the King agreed to a Truce, till the time aforesaid▪ And in that very place there was pre∣sently pitch'd up for the King a Pavilion of Red Silk, fresh and Rich, embroider'd with Golden Lillies, and leave was given for all Men to take up their Lodgings, ex∣cept only the Marshals Battails. All that Sunday the Cardinal did nothing but ride too and fro between the two Armies, in hopes to Reconcile the Parties; but the High Conceits of the French King dash'd all these Pious Endeavours of his. For at first, he said,

he would not agree to loose so great an Advantage, unless he might have Four Principal Englishmen at his Pleasure, and the Prince, and all the Rest to yield them∣selves to him to be Ransomed.

This insolent Demand was with great Disdain utterly rejected by the Prince, who yet offer'd very largely, as

to restore all that ever he had won, since he marched out of Bourdeaux that Summer, both Towns and Castles, and to acquit all the Prisoners, whom he had taken at that season; and also to swear, not to bear Arms in Person against the French for the space of seven Years after.

But these Offers the French King and his Council refus'd to accept, and at the last stuck close to this peremptory Demand;

That the Prince and an Hundred of his Knights should yield themselves to the King as Prisoners of War, all the Rest to be at liberty: Otherwise, that He would use the Advantage he had over them, to the utter de∣struction of them; the Prince his Person only excepted.

To this shamefull and un∣worthy Motion the Prince reply'd with a smile, expressive of Indignation,

That He hop'd to Conquer; but if not, that however he could Die; but could never yield to lose his Honour, which he valued above his Life. That therefore whatever Condi∣tions, thô never so secure, might cast the least Reflexion either on his own Honour, or his Fathers, or that of the English Nation, he utterly rejected them as Infamous and worse than Death.

VI. Now while the Cardinal busied himself on these fruitless Labours for Peace, certain Knights rode forth from either Camp, because there was a Truce for that Day, to coast their Enemies, and to behold their Order and Behaviour. It chanced i 1.33 that on the English Part, the Lord John Chandos rode forth to view the French Host, and the Lord John Clermont one of the French Marshals, rode forth on that Part, to see how the English were entrenched. These two Knights on their Return met each

other, and both had one and the same Device upon their Shields, which was Azure, the Virgin-Mary Or, encompassed with the Rays of the Sun Argent. Whereupon the Lord Clermont said aloud,

You Chandos, how long have you taken upon you to wear my Device? Nay, you bear mine, said the Lord Chandos; for it is as much mine, as yours. I deny that (replied Clermont) and if it were not for the Truce to be kept this Day between us, I should prove upon your Body presently, that you have no Right to wear my Device.

Ah! Sir; said the English Lord, say you so? You shall surely find me to morrow in the Field ready to give you Satisfaction, and to prove by Feat of Arms, that it is mine as well as yours.

Then Clermont replied,

These are the boasting Words of you Englishmen, for your gross Wits can devise nothing New: But what you see good and fair among others, that you usurp and assume to your selves.

And with this they parted for that time without any further Medling, because of the Truce.

The mean while the Good Cardinal of Perigort labour'd till dark Night thô to no purpose: For he could no ways reconcile the Parties, wherefore he return'd back to Poictiers for the present, intending early the next Morning to renew his former Dili∣gence. All that Night the Frenchmen took their full Ease, for they had plenty of Provision of all sorts, and nothing to do: But the English were in great Want of all things, nor could they now Forage abroad for fear of the Enemy. But all that Day, and the Night following, they made great Ditches, and laid thick Hedges about their Archers, to render them more secure against the French Horse.

VII. On the Monday morning early the Prince of Wales was ready armed among his Men in the same Order of Battle, as he had before devised; as also the Frenchmen were ready on their Part to begin the Charge. When behold the foresaid Cardinal came again riding apace toward the French Army, thinking by his Preachments to pre∣vail once more. But now the French Captains were so incensed at these fruitless De∣lays which he occasion'd; that they menaced him, and stir'd up the Souldiers against him, letting him know, that if he came thither Preaching any more, they would use his Eminence not so well as he expected. When the Cardinal saw the Danger he was in, and that all his honest Endeavours signified nothing, he took leave of the King, say∣ing, k 1.34 Ego Pacem diligo, at quùm loquor, illi ad Bellum se parant; i. e. I am for Peace, but when I speak thereof, they make themselves ready for War; and so riding away straight to the Prince, he said,

Sir, look to your Self as well as you can, for there is nothing else to be expected but Battle: I can find no sign of a tractable Mind in the French King.

Well (said the Prince) it is the Resolution of Us, and of all our People to abide him: And God defend the Right.

Amen (said the Cardinal) and adding his Benediction, took his leave of the Prince and return'd to Poictiers. But in his Company there were certain Knights and Esquires, Men of Arms, who secretly favoured the French Nation more than the English: And therefore when they saw now to what issue Matters were like to proceed, they stole away privily from their Master, and went to the French Host, as they stood in Battle Array in the Field; and there they unanimously chose the Chastelain of Amposta for their Captain, which Chastellain also was of the Cardinal's Retinue, together with the Lord Robert Du∣ras, who was the Cardinal's Nephew, and the rest of that Brigade, all being his Dome∣sticks or Relations: But of this the Cardinal himself knew nothing, till he was come to Poictiers.

Now when the Black-Prince saw, l 1.35 that he should have Battle, the Cardinal being gone without any Conclusion of Peace, and found, that the French King in a manner disdain'd and slighted him and his Forces, he mounted his Horse with a perfect Cou∣rage, and rode thrô the Ranks, and spake to his Men in this manner.

Now Gentle∣men, what thô we be an inconsiderable Company in respect of our Enemies? Yet let us not be abashed for that: Since Victory consisteth not in the Multitude of People, but in the Hands of God Almighty, to bestow it after his good Pleasure. If it please him that the Day be ours, we shall be the most Honoured and Renow∣ned People in the World; and if the worst happen, that we die in our just Quarrel, 'tis but paying a Debt we all owe to Nature something sooner, but much more ho∣nourably: And I have the King my Father, and Brethren, and you also have Vali∣ant Friends, Relations and Countrymen left behind; these will sufficiently revenge our Blood. Wherefore Sirs, for Gods sake I require you all to be of good Courage, and to do your Devoirs heartily; for if, it please God and St. George, you shall see me this Day to perform the Part of a Good Knight, and to play the Man: For m 1.36 surely England shall never pay for my Ransome; I will either here Die or Conquer.

These

Words and other the like which the Prince spake, comforted his People extreamly, so that at that time they would not have feared all the World; and besides this, their Captains and Leaders in their several Places by their Cheerfull Words and Looks excee∣dingly animated the Common Souldiers. The Names of the Lords, and Principal Lea∣ders at this time with the Prince are as followeth, Thomas Beauchamp Earl of War∣wick, John Vere Earl of Oxford, William Montagu Earl of Salisbury, Robert Hufford Earl of Suffolk, Ralph Lord Stafford, Earl of Stafford, the Lord Richard Stafford, Bro∣ther to the said Earl, the Lord John Chandos, the Lord Reginald Cobham, the Lord Edward Spencer, the Lord James Audley, and the Lord Peter his Brother, the Lord Thomas Berkley (Son to that Lord Maurice Berkley, who n 1.37 died in the Siege of Calais Nine years before) Ralph Lord Basset of Drayton, John Lord Waren, Eldest Son to John Plantagenet late Earl of Waren, Strathern and Surry, by his First Lady Maud de Nereford; Peter Lord Mauley the Sixth of that Name, the Lord John Willoughby of Eresby, the Lord Bartholomew Burwash, the Lord William Felton and the Lord Thomas Felton his Brother, the Lord Thomas Bradestan; Sr. Walter Pavely, Sr. Stephen Cossington, Sr. Mathew Gournay, Sr. William de la More, and others; all these were Englishmen born: Then of Gascogners, the Lord Edmund Pamiers, the Lord of Bougues, the Lord John Greilly Captal of Busche, the Lord John de Chaumont, the Lord Delasparre, the Lord of Rozan, the Lord of Cousen, the Lord of Monferrand, the Lord of Landas, the Lord Soldiche de L'Estarrac, and divers Others; and of Hainalders, the Lord Eustace Dam∣breticourt, and Lord John de St. Guislain, and Two others Strangers; the Lord Daniel Phasel, and a Knight of Artois, named Denis of Mourbeque. The whole Number of the Prince's Army as all agree, did not exceed 8000 Men; whereas the French Ar∣my amounted to sixty Thousand at least; whereof there were more than 3000 Lords and Nobles.

About half an Hour before the French Host approached, the Prince of Wale•• called before him the Earl of Oxford, and the other Principal Leaders of the Archers, and be∣ing surrounded with other the Chief of his Captains, both of England and Gascogne, spake thus unto them for their further Encouragement, o 1.38

Having already had Experi∣ence of your several Courages and Conduct in many imminent Hazards of War; I acknowledge You (ô Gentlemen of England) in nothing to have degenerated from the Noblest of your Ancestors; and You (our Dear Friends of Gascogne) to be as worthily descended from those your Valiant and Loyal Fathers, who have hereto∣fore truly and gallantly served the King my Father, and his Predecessors in that his Ancient Dukedom. I see the Marks of generous Indignation in your Visage, I see how highly you resent the Affront, that a King of France dare despise those Cou∣rages, to which as yet no Labour ever seem'd painfull, no Army invincible, no Hill inaccessible, no Tower impregnable, no Humane Power formidable. I see in your Faces, my Lords and Gentlemen, the perfect Resemblance of those undaunted Fa∣thers, whose Courage hath frequently foiled these haughty Frenchmen, hath won and wasted the Isle of Cyprus, hath tamed the Syracusians, Calabrians, Saracens and Palestinians, and hath taught Scotland to receive our Yoke, and Ireland to grow mild and tractable; and Wales to accept of our Laws.

Even Occasion it self, and Time, and Danger, and Despair, have both sharp∣ned the Wits of Dull Men, and enhanced the Courages of the Fearfull: How much more now should honour, the Love of your Country, and the desire of the Wealthy Spoil of these Frenchmen provoke your Noble Minds to surmount themselves, and to follow the laudable Example of your own Fathers?

Wherefore follow your Standards with Resolution, and obey your Chief Leaders, both with a willing Mind and unwearied Body; that if Victory come with Life, we may still continue in firm and mutual Friendship: But if envious Fortune (which God forbid) should allot, that this Day we run the Race of all Flesh, and that we end together both Life and Labour; assure your selves, your Names shall not want Eternal Renown; for thirst whereof we also our selves together with these Gentle∣men our Friends and Companions, are all resolved to drink of the same Cup with you. And we doubt not (thrô the Grace of God) but that unto Us it shall be a Perpetual Name and Glory to have overcome this Day the Nobility of France. For to be Conquer'd (which God forbid to be our Lot!) is not to be ascribed to the Greatness of Danger, but to the Want of Courage to receive or repell that Danger.

Having spoke these Words, he perceived that there was an Hill hard by, which was surrounded at the Foot of the Ascent with Hedges and Ditches; on the one side thereof

ran a fair Pasture-Field, bounded with many rough and high Bushes; and on the other side it was all planted with Vines, but the residue was plain: On the farther side of this Hill he knew a Part of the French Army stood, and between the said Hill and the English were great and low Valleys, and a piece of Marish ground. The young p 1.39 Prince therefore commanded the Lord John Greilly Captal of Busche, secretly to coast about under Covert of the Mountain with 300 Men of Arms, and as many Archers on Horse∣back, and coming behind the Enemy in the Heat of Action to strike in upon their Backs. The Captal accordingly, having found a narrow Passage, entred the Valley and took the Hill, where q 1.40 among the Bushes he hid his Men, taking advantage of the Place, till the Armies should be engaged. All the rest r 1.41 of the Prince's Order was known to King John already, but this being not taken Notice of, till just up∣on the Engagement, he was utterly ignorant thereof. And thô the English stood so close within a small space of Ground, that to the French Spies they appear'd to be but one Battail; yet either they were deceived, or the Prince afterwards alter'd his Measures, and divided his Men into Three Small Battails (that so the more Hands might be set on work at a time) besides that Detachment sent forth under the Captal of Busche. The Field, wherein the Prince with his Battail stood, was divided from the Plain, where the French Army lay, with a long Row of Hedges, and a Ditch flung up by the English, the one End whereof reached down to the Marish aforesaid, and the other to the Hill; on the Hill side stood the Earl of Warwick Captain of the Van, and on the other side of the Hedge about a stones Cast from the Lane stood the Reer, commanded by the Earls of Salisbury and Suffolk: At the Lane's end was a pretty large Gap, within which stood the Prince of Wales with the Main Battail on Foot, down among the Vines, having closed the weaker part of his Field with the Carriages.

VIII. The Lord John Chandos, who was a most Valiant and Expert Knight, never stir'd from the Prince's side all that Day; no more did the Lord James Audely of a great while, till seeing the French Army advance, and knowing a Fight must needs ensue, he said to the Prince,

s 1.42 Sir, I have ever hitherto faithfully served both my Lord your Father, and your Royal Highness also, and shall do as long as I live.

This Sir, I say, because once I made a Vow, that the First Battle, wherein either the King your Father, or any of his Sons should be Personally present, in that Battle I would be the first Aggressor, or else die in the Endeavour: Therefore I now beg of Your Highness, as in reward of whatever Service I did, or may do to the King your Father, or your Self, that you would grant me Licence to leave you for a while, and there to place my self, where I may with most likelihood perform my Vow.

To this so Honourable a Resolution the Prince accorded with these Words,

Sir James, God Almighty give you this day the Grace to approve your self the best Knight of all Others, and therewith shook him by the Hand.

Thereupon the Lord Audley de∣parted from the Prince on Horseback, and went to the foremost Front of all the Bat∣tails, only attended with Four of his Esquires, who were all Valiant and Chosen Men, and had promised not to fail him while they lived. But Sr. James was a most Cou∣ragious and Prudent Knight, by whose Advice much of the Order of the Army was settled the Day before; and now he stood with his Four Esquires in the Front of the Battle ready to perform his Knightly Vow, with his Spear couched, and in his Left hand a Deep Shield charged with his Arms, t 1.43 which were Gules a Fret Or; the same Arms being also embroider'd on his Satten Surcoat, which went over his Armour. So also the Lord Eustace Dambreticourt of Hainalt had taken a Resolution to be a∣mong the Foremost; of whose Success, as well as of the Lord Audley's, we shall take notice by and by.

Now the Battle began, the Marshals approaching with their Men, and the 300 Cho∣sen Horse riding on before to break the Array of the Archers. They for their part made a gallant and resolute entrance into the way; where on each side, the Hedges were thick lin'd with Bows. They when they saw these Men pretty far entred, pow∣red in their shot upon them, galling them in the Flank and hinder parts especially, and slew, and overturned, and wounded many Knights and Horses. Which latter feeling the sharp Arrows sticking in their Bodies, and seeing them fly so about their Ears, would by no means go forward, but snorted, and bounced, and flounced, and drew back, and flang, and took on so fiercely, that many fell foul on their Masters; so that for press and confusion, they never could rise again. However some of them, both Knights and Esquires made shift to pass the Archers that lin'd the Hedges, and came up to the Herse of Archers, that stood in the Princes Front; but here they were re∣ceived

so hotly, that being not sufficient in Number, and the Marshals Battails fail∣ing to second them in time, those who were not slain with the Arrows, were cut in pieces by a Troop of Men of Arms, sent against them for that purpose. We spake before of a Brigade of German Cuirassiers, that stood aloof on Horseback ready to suc∣cour the Marshals Battails: It chanced, that the Lord Eustace Dambreticourt, being on Horseback in the English Front, laid his Spear in his Rest, and ran into that Battail, and was as roughly met by a Knight of Almaine, called the Lord Lewis van Couci∣bras, who bare in a shield Argent Five Roses Gules, as the Lord Eustace bore in a u 1.44 Field Ermin Three Hamets Gules. These two Valiant Gentlemen met with such a rude shock in the Front of the Armies, that both of them were reversed to the Earth; but the Almaine being wounded in the shoulder, was not able to rise so soon, as Sr. Eustace, who rising quickly, and taking his Breath a little, went with his sword drawn to the other Knight, as he lay on the ground; but then Five other German Knights came spurring upon him all at once, and with their Spears bore him to the Earth; for the Goodness of his Armour preserv'd his Body. So there he was taken Prisoner by force, and brought to the Earl of Nassau, who took no great heed of him then, and 'tis question'd, whether he was sworn Prisoner or no: But having bound him fast to a Chair, there they let him stand for that time.

The mean while the Lord James Audley with his Four Valiant Esquires, was in the Front of the Marshals Battail, doing Wonders in Arms, till by incredible Prowess he came to the Marshals Standard, where he fought with the Lord Arnold D'Endreghan, and handled him cruelly; and still the Archers ply'd them with shot on each Flank, till thereby the Marshals Battail also began to be disorder'd both by their thick flights of Arrows, and also by those Men of Arms of England, who upon sight of their Con∣fusion dash'd in furiously among them, and beat them down by heaps, and slew, and took Prisoners, and did what they listed. So that finally Sr. Arnold D'Endreghan was there taken Prisoner by other Men, than Sr. James Audley, or his Esquires, for none of them would once meddle to take any Prisoner, they only minded to hold to∣gether in making their way among their Enemies, till by their Extraordinary Va∣lour x 1.45 they brake thrô the whole Battail, causing no small slaughter, whereever they went.

IX. At the beginning of this Justing, while Marshal D'Endreghan stood still to be∣hold the strength and skill of the young Gentlemen of either party, the other Marshal, the Lord John Clermont, thinking to enter at the Hedge-Gap, and so to come at the back of our Van, made haste thither; but the Earls of Salisbury and Suffolk, who led the English Reer, and beheld his Motion, and guess'd his Design, posted to that Gap, which they fenced with an Hedge of steel, and so the Reer came to sustain the first main stress of the Battle. Here began a terrible Medley, the Englishmen of Arms lay∣ing on most Couragiously with Sword, Spear, and Battle-Ax, and the Archers at the same time notably bestirring themselves, and starting up from the safe Trenches in which they lay, powr'd forth their deadly shot over the Hedge upon the Enemy; insomuch, that they did more Execution with their Arrows, than the Men of Arms themselves. Here the Lord Clermont fought a while Valiantly under his own Banner, even as long as he could subsist; but at last he was beaten down, and could not be relieved, nor would the English take him to Ransom; but there he was slain without Mercy; which happen'd to him, as some say, upon the Lord Chandos his account, because of the High Words, he had given the day before. In this Battail of the Marshals there was Wil∣liam Earl of Douglas, who led y 1.46 three Thousand Scots, who for the most part z 1.47 were slain at this time, together with these Captains of Name, Sr. Andrew Stuart, Sr. Robert Gourdon, Sr. Andrew Haliburton, and Sr. Andrew Vaux. Earl Douglas being wounded with an Arrow in the Groine, fled out of the Field; for he feared to be taken by the English; but the Lord Archimbald Douglas, Son to the Lord James Douglas, who died in Spain, was taken Prisoner: Thô he that took him, let him go afterwards for a small Ransom, because Sr. William Ramsey of Colluthie, who was taken with him, bore it, as if the said Archimbald had been some poor and inconsiderable Fellow, cau∣sing him to pull off his Boots, and to do other such mean and servile Offices, as no way suited to a Person of any Rank or Quality, so that it might not be known who he was. But this by the by.

With this terrible slaughter the Marshals Battails were wholly discomfited, for they fell foul on one another; whereby those who were behind, not being able to Advance forward, were obliged to recoil back in great Confusion to the Second Battail under the Duke of Normandy, at which time, while the English prest on them before, there

was a new Terrour added to them from behind: For now the Captal of Busche came down a little Mountain on their backs with his 300 Archers, and as many Men of Arms; whereat the English, who saw the Banner of St. George, and the Captal's Ensign also (which a 1.48 were Or a Cross Sable, charged with five Escallops Argent) were so mightily encouraged, and the French so strangely confounded, that immediately the strength of that Battail also began to be shaken: Which Success is chiefly attributed to the wonderfull Courage and Force of the English Archers, who shot so thick to∣gether on Front, Flank, and Reer, that the French knew not on which side to take heed, and so by little and little the English wan ground upon them. At which time, when the Lord John Chandos saw that the First Battail was wholly discomfited, and the Second began to be disorder'd and broken, he said to the Prince,

Now my Lord, take your Horse and Ride forth upon the French, the Day is Yours; God is now in Your Hand; let us march directly to the French Kings Battail, for there lies all the stress of the Matter: I verily believe his High Courage will not suffer him to flinch. So that I doubt not, but by the Grace of God and St. George, We shall win him, provided he be well fought with. And Sir, I heard you say, that this Day, We should see You play the part of a good Knight.

With that the Prince mounted his Horse, commanding all his Men to do the like, and said aloud,

Let Us go forth: You shall not see me this Day to turn my Back; Advance Banner, in the Name of God and St. George.

His Standard-Bearer Sr. Walter Woodland did, as he was com∣manded, and then while the Trumpets sounded a dreadfull Charge, the Men of Arms of England mounted on their Horses, which they had all ready by them, and uniting close together cried out triumphantly St. George, Guienne! And at that time all the Field over, the Battle waxed hotter than ever, and many a Frenchman was overthrown, and whoever was once down could not be relieved again without extraordinary Assi∣stance. As the Prince of Wales rode forth thus in terrible Array, and was entring in among his Enemies, he saw on his right hand under a little Bush the Lord Robert Du∣ras, lying dead, with his Banner by him, and ten or twelve of his Men about him; whereupon the Prince spake to two of his Esquires, and to three Archers,

Here Sirs, take up the Body of this Knight upon a Target, and present it from me to the Cardinal of Perigort, and tell him, I salute him by that token.

This was done as the Prince commanded; for the Prince had been informed, as now he found, that the Cardinals Men were in the Field against him, which was not consonant to the De∣cency of Religion: For Men of the Church, who are permitted to go too and fro a∣bout Treaties of Peace, ought not in Reason to bear Arms, or to fight for either of the Parties; but rather to be Indifferent, both themselves and their servants. And be∣cause these Men had not been so, the Prince was thus displeased with the Cardinal, and therefore sent unto him the Body of his Nephew, the Lord Robert Duras. Presently after the Chastelain of Amposta himself was taken alive, who was the Chief Captain of all the Cardinals Men; and therefore the Prince gave Command, that his Head should be presently stricken off: But then the Lord Chandos said,

Sir, Be patient for a while, and let Us intend now to a greater Matter; for perhaps the Cardinal will so excuse this Affair, as to give You satisfaction.

With that the Prince came up to the Duke of Athens, Constable of France, where he found the English and French al∣ready engaged warmly; these fighting in Companies, and crying Monjoy, St. Dennis; and the English, who were in a small close Body, returning, St. George, Guienne. Up∣on the Princes Arrival the Duke of Athens was presently slain, and all his Men dis∣comfited, and then the Prince met with the Battail of Germans under the Conduct of the Earls of Saltzburgh, Nassau, and Neydo; but these were immediately shatter'd and broken; the Archers shooting so wholly together, that none durst abide them. There was the Earl of Nassau taken Prisoner, but the two other Earls were slain, with many other Knights and Esquires of their Company, few or none in that hurry being taken to Ransom. And here the Lord Eustace D'Ambreticourt was found tied fast to a Chair, and unbound, rescued, and remounted by his own Men, and he being thoroughly vext, that he had so long stood idle, did now many Worthy Feats of Arms, and took good Prisoners. When the Duke of Normandy's Battail, which was already hardly matched, and had the Captal of Busche upon the Reer, beheld also the Victo∣rious Prince of Wales approaching, they thought it best not to abide him, but to save themselves, as soon as they might: And so the Duke and two other of the Kings Sons, who were but young, lightly believed their Tutors, and departed out of the Field, with more than 800 Spears in their Company, who had not struck one stroak that day. But however the Lord Guischard Dangle, and the Lord John de Santerre,

by some called Ceintre, accounted one of the best Men of Arms in France, would not fly on any pretence whatsoever, but rush'd into the thickest preass of the Battle.

The Kings Three Sons took the way to Chauvigny; but the Lord John of Lan∣das, and the Lord Theobald of Bodenay, who were appointed to wait on the Dauph••n of Vienna, when they had conducted the Three Princes a long League from the place of Battle, having charged the Lord of St. Venant not to leave them, till they were in safeguard, whereby he would better please the King, than if he aboad in Battle, took their leave of the Dauphin, intending to return to the Field again. In their way thither they met with the Duke of Orleans, and with him a great Company, who had also left the Field with clear hands; and yet there were among them many good Knights and Esquires, who thô they were constrained to accompany their Masters, had rather have died, than have done a thing themselves so worthy of Reproach.

Upon the Dauphin's Departure, there came b 1.49 one to the French King and said,

My Lord, the Field is fallen to the English, and your Eldest Son is withdrawn out of the Battle.

At which the King said with an Oath,

that he for his part would not forsake the Field that day, without a notable Revenge; unless that he were either taken or slain.

Then the Standard-Bearers were Commanded to move forward, and presently there appeared to the Prince of Wales two great Battalions of Armed Men, marching towards his small Company. At the sight whereof an old Counsellour, who stood near the Prince, was so extreamly discouraged, that he could not forbear crying out, "Alas! Poor Wretches; now are we utterly undone. But the Prince, who was full of Courage and Faith in Christ, check'd his Cowardise with these Words,

Thou liest like a Dastardly Fellow, as thou art; for We cannot be overcome, as long as I am alive.

And with that the Kings Battail came fiercely on the English, consisting of no less than 8000 Men of Arms, besides footmen; but now the rest of the French being clear'd, the English Marshals, and the Earls of Warwick, Salisbury, and Suffolk, with their wearied Battails joyned the Prince, having first supply'd the exhausted Qui∣vers of their Archers with Arrows drawn from the Bodies of Dead and Dying Ene∣mies. And thus Armed with Necessity and Hope from their Prosperous Beginnings; a Few weary and wounded Men went on boldly to engage with a Numerous and Fresh Ar∣my. The Fight was Desperate, and for a while well maintain'd on both sides; for here were good Men of War, and the Kings Presence Armed them with deeper Resolution. The King and his Son Philip happen'd to oppose the English Marshals, the Earls of Warwick, Salisbury, and Suffolk, and with them were now joyned all the Gascogne Lords, as the Captal of Busche, the Lord of Pamiers, the Lord of Mucidan, and the rest aforenamed. To the French Kings Battail there came back time enough, the Lord John of Landas, and the Lord of Bodenay, who with their Men alighted on foot, and like Valiant Gentlemen enter'd into the thickest of the Battle. On one hand of the King there fought the Noble Duke of Bourbon, who had with him ma∣ny Valiant Knights of Bourbonnois and Picardy: Hard by were the Poictevins with the Lord of Pons, the Lord of Partenay, the Lord of Dampmartin, the Lord of Montalboto, the Lord of Surgeres, the Lord John de Santerre, the Lord Guischard D'Angle, the Lord of Argenton, the Lord of Lymiers, the Lord of Montendre, the Lord James of Beaujeu, and the Lord de Chastell Vilaine. In another quarter fought the Earl of Ventadour, the Earl of Monpenser, the Lord James of Bourbon, the Lord John of Artois, and the Lord James his Brother, the Lord Arnold de Cervoles, com∣monly called the Arch-Priest, who was clad in the Armour of the young Earl of A∣lenson; there tarried also still in the Field the Lord de la Torre, the Lord of Chalen∣ton, the Lord of Montagre, the Lord of Rochefort, the Lord de la Charre, the Lord Dachone, the Lord Delmal, the Lord Norvel, the Lord Piers Buffiers, the Lord Wil∣liam Nesle, the Lord Arnold Reuel, the Lord Geoffry de St. Dizier, the Lord Guy∣venton de Chambley, the Lord Eustace de Ribemont, the Lord of Holey, the Lord of Monsalt, and many more too tedious to Name; and some place here with more probability the Earl Douglas and his Scots; who yet suffer'd, as before We have related.

On the English Part the Prince c 1.50 of Wales was no less Remarkable for his Valour, than for his Place and Quality, performing both the Part of a Prudent and Carefull General, and also of an Approved and Experienced Souldier, adventering, trying and performing whatever might be expected from a perfect and exalted Courage. All his Captains did their Parts with much Bravery and Resolution: Among whom the Lord John Chandos merited no small Praise, both for his discreet Conduct and unwea∣ried

Valour. 'Tis impossible to recount the Particulars of those Noble Exploits, that were this Day performed by the Nobility of England: But this is certain, that as the Earls of Salisbury and Suffolk, Oxford and Others, were exceedingly remarkable in this Hot Service; so particularly the Noble Earl of Warwick fought so long, and with such Fury, that his Hand was d 1.51 galled with the exercise of his Sword and Poleax. A∣mong others he himself took William de Melun, Archbishop of Sens Prisoner, for whose Ransom alone he had afterwards no less than e 1.52 8000 Pounds. But all this Courage had been thrown away to no purpose, had it not been seconded by the extraordinary Gallantry of the English Archers, who behaved themselves that Day with wonderfull Constancy, Alacrity and Resolution: So that by their means in a manner all the French Battails received their first Foil, being by the barbed Arrows so galled and terrified, that they were easily opened to the Men of Arms. The Lord James Audely being still followed by his Four Esquires, fought all Day among the thickest Ranks of his Enemies, not without receiving many Wounds both in the Body and Visage, as long as his Strength and Breath would hold; but when toward the end of the Battle his Esquires perceived, that for loss of Blood he began to faint, they carried him by main force out of the Field, and laid him under an Hedge hard by, where they un∣armed him, and refreshed him, binding up his Wounds as well as they could.

King John of France for his part is allowed on all Hands, to have performed the Of∣fice both of a Good Captain and of a Valiant Knight; insomuch, that it is said, how if the Fourth Part of his Men had followed his Example, in all Probability the Victory had been his. There was f 1.53 He on foot defending himself, and offending his Enemies with a weighty Ax of Steel in his Hands, which he used with much Praise. It is said, g 1.54 that Prince Philip, his youngest Son also, fought at this time so well by his Fathers side, and in his Defence (like another young Scipio) that thô he was taken at last Prisoner, yet for his forward Courage in War he obtain'd the Sirname of HARDY. Thô surely he must needs be now but of tender Age, being the Youngest of four Sons of a Fa∣ther, who was but then h 1.55 in the Forty fourth Year of his Age; and Prince Charles his Eldest Brother, was then but i 1.56 Twenty. But it might be, that his Resolution gave such hopes even now, as to obtain the Title of HARDY from that Complementing Age, which called Philip of Valois, the FORTƲNATE, and this King John the GOOD, and his Son Charles, whom no Truce nor Oaths could bind, the WISE. Yet I have seen another Account much more probable indeed, thô not so generally attest∣ed, how this Prince came by the Sirname of HARDY. 'Tis said, k 1.57 that while he was Prisoner in England, together with his Father, King John being at King Edwards Ta∣ble with him at Dinner, this young Prince Philip among Others of the Nobility of either Nation was appointed to wait: And that when a certain young Nobleman of England, who attended also, served King Edward first, and then King John, this Philip up with his Fist, and gave him a Wherret on the Ear, saying,

What dare you serve the King of England first, when the King of France sits at the Table?

The Nobleman offended therewith drew his Dagger, offering to strike the young Prince, but King Edward loudly forbad him, and commending the Courage of the Royal Youth, said to him in French, "Vous estes Phillippe le HARDI, i. e. thou art Philip the HARDY; from which that became his Sirname. But to return whence we have digressed.

All this while the Prince of Wales, and the Lords about raged like Lions, and the Archers so well bestowed their Shot, that the Frenchmen were at last broken here al∣so, and a miserable Slaughter ensued; all the best Men being either taken or slain, thô not a few chose to save themselves by Flight; among the slain were reckon'd l 1.58 Peter Duke of Bourbon, the Duke of Athens Constable of France, the Vicount of Châlons, the Marshal Clermont, the Vicount of Beause, the Lord Geoffry Charny, who bore the Royal Standard this Day, the Lord Eustace Ribemont, whom King Edward had so ge∣nerously treated at Calais some Years before, the Lord Guischard de Beaujeu, the Lord m 1.59 Reginald de Carrian, the Lord William Nesle, the Lord de la Torre, Sr. Guyventon of Chambley or Chably, the Lord of Castle-Gaillon, the Lord of Argenton, and Others of the Highest Quality, to the Number of n 1.60 Fifty; besides the two Earls of Germany and Others, whom we have shewn to be slain before. But yet this Battail was not wholly discomfited, it was so numerous, and the King and some Lords about him fought so couragiously, thô several of their Men fled away.

Among the various Rencounters, Chaces and Pursuits made that Day in the Field, o 1.61 it happen'd, that Sr. Edward Renty a Valiant Knight of Artois, who yet had left the Fight, when he saw Things desperate, was pursued as he fled a private way all alone,

by a certain Knight of England, whose Name we cannot recover. The Englishman as he gave the Chace, still cried out after him,

Return again Sir Knight, it is a shame to fly away so from a single Man.

At last the Frenchman turned indeed, seeing it was so, that no Body else pursued him, and the Englishman thought to have stricken him in the Target with his Spear, but he failed: For Sr. Edward swerved aside from the stroke on purpose, and as he passed on in full Career, lent him such a full Blow on the Helmet with his Sword, that he was astonished, and fell from his Horse in a Swoon. Sr. Edward presently hereupon alighting came to him with his Sword drawn, before he was fully recovered, and said,

Yield your self Sir, and promise to be my Prisoner, whether you be rescued or no, or you are but a Dead Man.

When the English Knight being come to himself, saw Death before him, and heard these Words, he accepted the Conditions, and yielded to go along with him, and sware himself Prisoner, and was afterwards released on payment of his Ransom.

That same Day another French Gentleman of Picardy, an Esquire named John de Helenes, having forsaken the Field, met with his Page who deliver'd him his Horse, whereon he rode away all alone. Now there was in the Fight on the English Side the Lord Thomas Barkley, Son of Sr. Maurice Barkley who died before Calais (for this Sto∣ry cannot belong to the old Lord Thomas, nor to his Son Maurice, as we have intima∣ted, before; tho Sr. William p 1.62 Dugdale thrô inadvertency makes him both young and old, and to have won many Prisoners, wherewith he built Beverstone Castle, and to be a Prisoner himself at the same time) this Lord Barkley I say, q 1.63 being at that time a young lusty Knight, who had first reared his Banner that Day, pursued the said John de Helenes all alone, till having followed him the space of a League, the French Es∣quire turned back upon him, laying his Sword in his Rest instead of a Spear, and so came running toward the Lord Barkley, who the mean while stood ready with his Arm raised to have smote him, but the Esquire seeing the stroke coming turned from it, and as he passed reached him such a Blow on the Vambrace of his Sword Arm, that the Lord Thomas his Weapon not being chained, fell out of his Hand to the ground. Whereupon he alighted suddainly from his Horse at the place where his Sword lay, but as he stooped to take it up, the French Esquire pricked at him from his horse with his Rapier, and thrust him thrô both the Thighs (in which he was not armed) so that he fell down, not being able to help himself. Then John alighting first seised the Eng∣lishman's Sword, which lay still on the ground, and therewith came to him, demanding whether he would yield or no? Sr. Thomas said,

Who are you, that I may know whether 'tis fit to yield, and what is your Name?

Sir said he, I am called John de Helenes, and am an Esquire of Picardy; but who are you? Truly replied the Knight, my Name is Thomas, and I am Lord of Barkley, a fair Castle on the River of Severn in Gloucestershire upon the Marches of Wales.

Well Sir, said the Esquire, then you shall be my Prisoner, and I shall take care to heal you of your Hurts, and bring you to my House in safeguard.

I am content said the Knight, for you have won me by the Law of Arms, and so he sware to be his Prisoner, Rescue or no Rescue. Then the Esquire drew forth his Sword out of the Knights Thighs, and the Wounds being o∣pen he carefully wrapped and bound them up, and set him on his Horse again, and so brought him fair and softly to Chastelleraut about four Leagues farther, where he tarri∣ed above a Fortnight for his sake, till the Cure was pretty forward: And then he hi∣red him a Litter, and so brought him at his ease to his own House in Picardy. Here he tarried more than a Year, till he was perfectly whole; and upon his Departure he engaged to pay for his Ransom six thousand Nobles, for the payment of which Summ r 1.64 Henry Duke of Lancaster, and the Lord Frank van Hall became his Sureties; and so this Esquire was made a Knight by the Profit he had of the Lord Berkley. Surely the Rencounters of Love and War, as Froisard observes, are very variable: But espe∣cially this Battle of Poictiers was so full of sundry, strange and memorable Circum∣stances, that it is as difficult to recite them, as no doubt it would be pleasant to read them. But we shall pursue the end of the Matter, since we cannot attain to many more Particulars at this Distance, but what we have already drawn from Writers of that Age, and other Good Authorities.

All this while the Battle endured, thô apparently now enclining to the English, for notwithstanding all those Great Men fell in Defence of the King their Master, as be∣came Valiant Souldiers and Loyal Men, yet still the French King had a Knot of gallant Souls about him, who disputed the Point so well, as if they alone intended to attone for the Baseness of those, who by turning their Backs had lost the Day. But now the English and Gascogne Lords by their importunate Valour had beat down the Standard-Royal

of France, and slain the Bearer thereof, as we said before; and while many of the Enemies discouraged hereat fled away toward Poictiers, they push'd on the Victo∣ry so home, that now they won the last Stake also. In the first Breaking of the Press near the King were taken the Lord James of Bourbon, Earl of Ponthieu, the Lord John of Artois, Earl of Ewe, and Charles of Artois his Brother, Earl of Tancarville; these were taken under the Banner of the Lord John Greilly, Captal of Busche, and Knight of the most Noble Order of the Garter; there were taken also the Captain of Poictiers, and the Seneschal of St. Omers, the Lord of Bodenay, the Lord of Ventador, the Earl of Vendosme, the Earl of Mons, and the Lord Arnold Cervoles, commonly called the Arch-priest, most grievously wounded; and many other Knights and Esquires: At which time a great part of this Battail fled away, but were closely pursued by a Party of Gascoigners and English even unto the Gates of Poictiers. Here many were slain and beaten down Horse and Man, for those who defended the City, when they beheld the Enemy so near, closed their Gates upon their Friends for fear of being lost themselves. Wherefore in the street before the Gate was horrible Murther; so that the Frenchmen being now neither able to fly, nor to resist, s 1.65 yielded themselves, as far as they might discern an English Man, whereby several Archers had four, five or six Prisoners apiece. The Lord of Pons, a great Baron of Poictou, was there beaten down in the street and slain, with many other Lords, Knights and Esquires.

The mean while the Kings Battail was grievously handled; and there were taken about the Kings Person the Earl of Rochechoüart, the Vicount of Narbon, the Lord of Xaintogne, the Lord of Montendre, the Lord John Santerre, who had the repute of one of the best Knights in France, but he was so very much hurt, that he never had his Health after. There fell among the Dead the Lord Guischard D'Angle, who was afterwards recover'd, and leaving the French Side, became a Valiant Servant to King Edward, and at the Coronation of his Successor, was made Earl of Huntington; and in King Edwards Time Knight of the Garter: But this Day he fought with singular Valour, even to the hazard of his Life, by the French Kings side. But the Lord Geoffry Charny before he dy'd, had an whole Tempest of War thundring upon him, till he fell beneath it; for all the Force of the English press'd upon him, because he bare the Kings Standard-Royal; and besides he had in the Field a Banner of his own, which was Gules, Three Eschutcheons Argent.

But now the French Kings Battail was quite open'd, whereby the Frenchmen were so mingled among their Enemies, that sometimes one Gentleman of France, had four or five Men upon him at once. There the Lord of Pompador was taken Prisoner by the Lord Bartholomew Burwash, and the Earl of Dammartin was slain by the Lord Reginald Cobham; and among 'um the Valiant Lord Geoffry Charny was there wounded to Death, with whom the Standard of France also fell to the ground. Then every Man press'd hard to take the King, and such as knew him, cry'd out,

Sir, yield your self, or You are but Dead.

There was then among the English a Knight of Artois, retain'd for Wages in the King of England's service, called Sr. Dennis of Morbeque, who had served King Edward about five Years, because in his Youth he was fain to fly the Realm of France for a Murder, that he had committed at St. Omers. It hap∣pen'd so well for this Man, that he was near the King, when he was e'n ready to be taken; wherefore he stept forth into the Preass, and by the strength of his Body and Arms, made way up to the French King, and said in good French,

Sir, yield your Person.

The King looking on him said,

To whom shall I yield? And where is my Cousin, the Prince of WALES?

If I might see him, I would speak with him. Sr. Denis answer'd,

Sir, he is not hereabout; but if it please You to yield to me, I shall bring You to him. Why? Who are you then, said the King? Sir (said he) I am Denis of Morbeque, a Knight of Artois; but I now serve the King of England; because I am banished the Realm of France, and have forfeited all I had there.

Then the King gave him his Right Gauntlet saying, "Ʋnto you I yield my self. But still there was so great a Crowding among those, who pretended to have taken him, that the King and his youngest Son Philip, who now shared in his Fathers Fortune, could not be suffer'd to go forward.

The mean while the Prince of Wales, who was Couragious as a Lion, took great Delight and Pleasure all that Day, to Fight and break the Power of his Enemies; and so did the Lord John Chandos, who never stirr'd from the Prince's side all the time of the Fight: He never troubled himself to take any Prisoners, thô never so Rich, but leaving that as too mean a Consideration for him, he wholly apply'd himself to Fight∣ing, and Chacing, and Destroying the Frenchmen. Whereever any strong Body of

the Enemy appear'd, thither went the Prince and my Lord Chandos, and brake their Ranks, and brought them to Confusion, and then leaving others to perfect the Con∣quest, they removed to another Quarter, where they did the like. Thus the Noble Prince of Wales had much trouble and pains, before he won the Garland; but toward the end of all, about the time that King John was taken, the Lord Chandos said unto him,

Sir, methinks it would be convenient for your Highness to rest here a little, and to set up your Standard on High in this Bush, that your Men may draw hither about your Person; for they are very much scatter'd abroad: And I can see no more Banners nor Penons of the French in the Field. Wherefore please Sir to take some▪ rest now, and refresh your self a little: For You are too much heated and chased with this Days service.

Hereupon Sr. Walter Woodland was order'd to set up the Prince's Standard on High in the Bush, and Trumpets and Clarions began to sound a Retreat, and the Captains hasted to obey the Summons. The mean while the Prince pull'd off his Helmet, and the Knights of his Body, and those of his Chamber were ready about him, and a Pa∣vilion of Red Silk was pitch'd up for him; and then Drink was brought forth for the Prince, and such Lords as were about him, whose Number still encreased; and as they return'd from the Chace, there they tarried with their Prisoners in their Com∣pany. When the two Marshals were come back to the Prince, he demanded of them, "whether they knew any tidings of the French King. They answer'd,

Sir, We hear of nothing certain as to that Point; but We verily believe he is either Dead or taken; for We are sure, he is not gone out of the Field.

Then the Prince said to the Earl of Warwick and the Lord Cobham,

Sirs, I require You to ride forth and learn what You can as to this Matter, that at Your return We may know the Certainty.

These two Lords took their Horses again, and departed with an Hundred Spears from the Prince, and rode up a little Hill to view more plainly about them over the Field: From whence they might perceive a Flock of Men of Arms coming together toward them very wearily. Now among these was the French King on foot in great Dan∣ger of his Life; for the Englishmen and Gascoigners, who had taken him perforce from Sr. Denis of Morbeque, were now his Masters, and among these some said,

I have taken him; nay, said others, but I, and I, and I have taken him;

and thus the Chief Men, and those of most Power contended about him. Wherefore He to avoid the Danger that might ensue, said,

Pray Gentlemen, contend not thus about me; 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Conduct me and my Son Civilly to my Cousin, the Prince, and concern not your selves, who it was that took me: For I am so great a Lord, as to be able to Enrich you a••••, who make any such pretence.

These Words somewhat pacified them; but yet as they went along, they could not forbear making a noise, and a brawling about the taking of the King. But when the two foresaid Lords of England saw, and heard that noise and strife among them; they rode up to them and said,

Sirs, what is the Mat∣ter, that You contend so one with another? My Lords, said one of them, it is for the French King, who is here taken Prisoner; and there are more, than Ten Knights and Esquires, who challenge to themselves the Taking of Him.

Then the two Marshals open'd the Preass, and commanded aloud in the Prince's Name, that no Man what∣soever be so hardy, to make any noise, or to approach the Kings Person, unless they were so ordered. Then every Man made way for the Marshals, and they alighted, and did Reverence to the King, and after that conducted Him and his Son in Peace and Safety to the Prince of Wales.

X. Now this mean while, t 1.66 that the Earl of Warwick and the Lord Cobham were sent away by the Prince to enquire after the French King, the Prince demanded of the Lords about him, if any of them knew, what was become of the Lord James Audley; and it was told him, that being grievously wounded, He lay there in a Litter hard by.

By my Faith, said the Prince, for his Hurts I am heartily sorry, but go and see, if he can conveniently and without Danger be brought hither, or else I will make him a Vi∣sit, where he lies.

At this, two of the Princes Knights went to the Lord Audley, and said, "Sir, the Prince desires mightily to see You, and if You can't go to him, he says, he'll come hither to You. Ah! sirs, said the wounded Knight,

I heartily thank the Prince, that he would vouchsafe to think on so mean a Souldier as I am:

And therewithall he called Eight of his servants, and caused them to carry him softly in his Litter, where the Prince was. When the Prince saw him, he took him in his Arms and kissed and caress'd him highly, saying,

Sr. James, I ought in especial manner to Honour You: For by your Valour this day You have merited the High Esteem of Ʋs all, and You are justly reputed the most Heroick and Couragious of all others. Ah! Sir (said the

Knight) You say as it pleaseth You! I would it were so indeed; but alas! if I have this day done any thing beyond my ordinary way in the service of such a Prince, and to accomplish my Vow, it ought not to be ascribed to any particular Prowess in me.

Sr. James (said the Prince) both I my self, and all others acknowledge You in the Busi∣ness of this Day to have been the best Doer in Arms: Wherefore with intent to furnish You the better to pursue the Wars, I retain You for ever to be my Knight with 500 Marks yearly Revenues, which I shall Assign You out of my Inheritance in England. Sir (said the Knight) God grant, that I may do nothing unworthy the Grace, You are pleased to shew me.

And so they parted; for he was at that time so very Weak, that the Prince would not suffer him any longer to hazard so Dear an Health.

Just as the Lord Audley was carried back to his own Lodgings, the Earl of War∣wick and the Lord Cobham return'd to the Prince, and presented the French King un∣to Him. The Prince for his part, not at all puffed up with so extraordinary Success, made his Reverence humbly to the King, and caused Wine and Spices to be brought forth, and he himself would needs serve the King in token of his Respect.

Thus u 1.67 was this Memorable Battle won in the Fields of Beauvoir and Maupertuis, about two Leagues from the City of Poictiers, on the 19 day of September, being a Monday, in the Year of Grace MCCCLVI. It began about Nine in the Morning, and ended a little after Noon: But all the English were not return'd from the Chace till almost Night; wherefore the Prince's Banner was advanced aloft on a Bush, to direct his Men thitherward. There were slain at that time (as is reported by many sufficient Authors, as well Frenchmen, as others) the Chief and the most Valiant of the Nobi∣lity of France, x 1.68 among whom were two Dukes, Nineteen Earls, Five Thousand, or as some say, Six Thousand Men of Arms, y 1.69 those of the Common sort not being Num∣bred, thô some reckon them about 8000 more; the Chief of the slain were afterwards z 1.70 buried in the Convent of the Jacobins at Poictiers, and their Arms painted in ma∣ny places there. But the slaughter was however far less here, than at Cressy; because the English were not half so Numerous now, and the Prince would not too far pursue the Chace, till he had compleated the Victory; by which time all of the worser sort had quitted the Field, and those of the Better, were either slain or taken. The Place of Battle was left free to the English, the Dead Bodies solely at the Dispose of the Con∣querour, and more than a 1.71 an Hundred Warlike Ensigns were brought away in Triumph. When the English were all return'd from the Chace, they found how they had twice as many Prisoners as themselves were, whereof there were the French King, and the Lord Philip his Son, seventeen Earls, besides Barons, Knights, and Esquires, to the Number of b 1.72 1500, or as others say, c 1.73 2000 Men of Arms. Wherefore 'twas ad∣vised among them, because of the great Charge and Danger of keeping so many; that they should put several of them to Ransom in the Field immediately, as was done. And here the Prisoners found the Englishmen and Gascoigners very Courteous; for many were let go only upon their Faith and Troth to return again between that and Christ∣mas to Bourdeaux, with their appointed Ransoms. And the Ransoms were all very easie and reasonable; for the English said, d 1.74

They would not set so high a Price upon a Knight or Gentleman; but that he might still be left able to live after his Rank, and to follow the Wars in an equipage agreeable to his Quality.

That Night the Army encamped hard by the Place of Battle, having disarmed all their Prisoners, and appointed certain in every Quarter to be ready with their Arms, be∣sides the usual Watches. And every Man made much of his Prisoners; for whoe∣ver had taken any Captive that Day, he had him clearly for himself, either to ac∣quit or Ransom him at his pleasure: Except only the French King and his Son, or whoever else, whose Ransom came to more, than 10000 Crowns: For by e 1.75 Law of Arms, those, whose Redemption exceeds that Summ, belong to the King.

All the Prince's Men were enriched, as well by Ransoming, as by the Spoil of the Field, which they found there, consisting of Gold, Silver, Plate, and Jewels, besides Horses, Armour, and what they found about the Dead. But as then no Man va∣lued Rich Harness, whereof there was great plenty left in the Field; for the French∣men f 1.76 came thither in their best Furniture and Apparel, as making sure of the Day.

Now when the Lord James Audley was brought back to his Lodgings, his Wounds being well dress'd, and he something better refreshed of his labour and loss of blood, he sent presently for his Brother Sr. Peter Audley, for the Lord Bartholomew Burwash, the Lord John Willoughby of Eresby, the Lord g 1.77 William Ferrers of Groby, and Sr. Ste∣phen

Cossington, all being his Kinsmen and Allies; and then he sent also for his Four Esquires, who had served him that Day so Loyally, and with so much Valour, and whose Names for Honour sake I shall here remember, h 1.78 Esquire Delves of Dodding∣ton, Esquire Dutton of Dutton, Esquire Fowlehurst of Crew, and Esquire Hawkeston of Wrynehill, all Cheshire-Men; and from Esquire Delves is Descended in a Right Line the Worshipfull Sr. Thomas Delves of Doddington in Cheshire Baronet, now living, in whose House are still to be seen, as a Memorial of the Action of this Day, the Statues of the Black-Prince, of my Lord Audley, and of the Four Esquires aforesaid.

When these Hardy and Faithfull Esquires were come into the Tent of the Lord James Audley, he said unto his Relations, the Lords abovenamed,

Gentlemen, it hath pleased my Lord, the Prince, to give unto me Five Hundred Marks of Yearly Revenue; for which Gift I have done him but small service with my Body. Pray now, observe these Four Esquires, who have all along served me Faithfully, and espe∣cially this Day; so that the Honour which I have obtained, was both purchased and secur'd unto me by their Valour. In reward whereof I hereby give and resign into their Hands the said Gift of 500 Marks, which my Lord the Prince hath given me, (to be divided among them by Equal Portions) in like manner as the Prince gave it unto me: I utterly disinherit my self thereof, and Endow them therewith without any Condition or Repeal.

The Lords and all that were present beheld each other, and said among themselves, how it proceeded of a Generous Mind, to bestow so Honourable a Gift so freely, and so they answer'd him with one Voice,

Sir, be it with You, as it shall please God: However We shall all bear Witness of this Your Deed of Gift, where∣ever we are.

XI. With that they all left him to his Repose, and some of them return'd to wait upon the Prince of Wales, who intended that Night to make a Magnificent Supper for the French King, and others, who were Prisoners of the Highest Quality: And this he might easily do now, as being sufficiently furnish'd with all manner of Provision, such as the French had brought with them. Whereas before this his Men wanted Vi∣ctuals so greatly, that some of them had not of three days tasted any good Bread. So that the i 1.79 Rashness of King John was notorious, who would needs give them Battle; whereas by holding them Besieged in the place where they were, it was believed, he might have enforced them to yield, or at least, by depriving them of their Advantagious Post, have obtained a Victory over them.

That k 1.80 same Night therefore the Prince had a Magnificent Supper in his Pavilion, for Honour of the French King, and the Chief of the Lords, his Prisoners. He obli∣ged the French King to sit in his own Chair of State at the Head of the Table, and together with him, he caused his Son Philip to sit down, as also the Lord James of Bourbon, Earl of Ponthieu, the Lord John of Artois Earl of Ewe, and the Lord Charles of Artois his Brother, Earl of Tancarville, being all of the Royal-Blood of France: Besides whom there sat the Earl of Estampes, the Earl of Graville; the Lord of Par∣tenay and some few more, at the Kings Table; and the other Lords, Knights, and Esquires of France, such as were not wounded, sat at other Tables. And all Supper∣time the Prince l 1.81 would needs serve in his own Person before the King in as Humble and Respectfull Manner, as he could devise, and for all the King could say, would not sit down, affirming,

That he was not Worthy to sit down with so Mighty a Monarch, as the King was.

But when for all this he perceived, that the Kings Countenance was too much cast down, he attempted to raise his Spirits with such Words as these, m 1.82

Sir, there is no cause, that You, who are the most Brave and Valiant among Chri∣stian Kings, should continue thus Pensive and Troubled: Althô at this time your Arms have not been favour'd by Him, in whose Dispose all Battles are. For still your Ge∣nerosity is acknowledged, Your Dignity preserved, and Your Majesty held Sacred, and whatsoever else was truly Yours, remaineth still entire, neither to be violated, nor em∣paired by Time or any other Force. God Almighty hath ordained, that as all other things, so the Fortune of War should remain in his Hands alone. Your Progenitors have atchieved many Glorious Enterprises, as well by Sea as by Land: The whole Compass of Europe, all the East, all Realms and Countries both far and near, are filled with the Trophies and Victories of France. The Faith and Grandeur of the Christian Name have by your Predecessors and their Subjects, been defended and propa∣gated against the most Mighty and Puissant Captains of the Infidels. Your Valour and the Reputation of your Arms are Celebrated and Renowned thrô the whole World: There

is no Nation that doth not confess its Obligations to the French, and no People, that may not yet expect to be beholding to their Favours.

Perhaps among so many innumerable Triumphs, One or Two Battles have succeeded a little otherwise than you would: The Ʋsual Instability of Fortune would have it so, which sometimes baffles the Force of Multitudes, and Conquers the Opposition of Men, Horse, and Armour. But it lies in the Power of your own Magnanimity to harden your soul against Adversity, and to keep your own Mind still unconquer'd.

Nor shall this Day detract any thing from you or yours; for as for my part I pro∣mise you, that this Realm of France, in which we are, and which hath produced and nourished many of my Progenitors, shall find me Gratefull to Her, and mindfull of my Original, and toward your Majesty (if you will permit me to glory in that Title) a most humble and respectfull Kinsman.

There are many Reasons to preserve Love and Friendship betwixt You and my Fa∣ther, which I hope will be not a little prevalent: For I know well the most intimate Thoughts and Affections of his Mind; and that You will easily come to a reasonable A∣greement with Him. And as for me, may he then refuse to own me for his Son, when I cease to hold you in the same degree of Reverence, Honour and Respect, which I ow unto his own Person.

This wonderfull Submission in a Conquerour, a Young Prince, little more than five and twenty Years of Age, did almost melt the unfortunate Captive to Affectionate Tears. The French Lords, who saw him so humble in so high a Gale of Prosperity, and heard the Generous Language he so obligingly utter'd, n 1.83 began to say softly a∣mong themselves,

That he had spoken nobly, and that in all probability, he would prove a most Accomplish'd Prince, if God would grant him to live, and to persevere in the same good Fortune.

King John saw o 1.84 plainly now, that at least he was not unhappy in this, that he had fallen into the Hands of a most obliging Conquerour: And thô inwardly afflicted in his Mind, he forced himself to a civil Smile, and looking obligingly to the Prince, he said,

p 1.85 Thô it hath been our Chance to fall into an inconsole able Sorrow, yet for all that (Kind Cousin) We think it becomes us to smother our Griefs as much as we may, since thô by the Law of Arms, and the Chance of War, We be under the Subjection of another; yet it is under so Wor∣thy a Prince as your Self, by whom to be vanquish'd is no Dishonour: Especially since we were not, as Cowards or faint-hearted Runnagates, taken in flight or lying hid in a corner, but in the open Field with Sword in Hand, where we were as ready to die as to live, in defence of Justice.

The q 1.86 Prince replied,

Sir, methinks you for your part ought rather to rejoyce, thô all things did not fall out according to your Wish: For this very Day You have won the high Renown of Personal Valour above all Others, that bore Arms on your Side. Sir, I say not this to flatter your Sorrow, or to deride You; for all the Captains on our side, that saw what every one did, are unanimously agreed by just Sentence to award the Prize and Chaplet of Eminence unto your Majesties Person.

Thus much all the English Lords that were with the Prince sincerely pro∣tested upon their Honours; and then some French Lords in Civility, speaking of the Lord James Audely, whom they heard to be grievously wounded; r 1.87 King John said,

That among all other Valiant Worthies, whom he had seen and heard of that Day on either Part, he did both greatly admire, and more especially approve of the noble and couragious Exploits of that Valiant Lord.

And more than this he spake not all Sup∣per-time, except some short obliging Words, which now and then he utter'd to the Prince, who all the while waited at his Elbow. And of this generous Behaviour of that English Heroe, we have been the more bold to speak thus largely; not only be∣cause it is most true, being acknowledged by s 1.88 all the French Writers themselves, but because it is an excellent Pattern for all other Princes to follow; since Prosperity is so uncertain, and Humility and Moderation make so winning a Character; whereas Pride sullies the brightest Glories, and blasts the most verdant Laurels.

Supper being ended, t 1.89 every one retired to his Lodging with his Prisoners, and then again they released several upon their Parole, whom the next Morning they permitted to depart on as easie Conditions as others enjoyed the Day before.

XII. Early the next Morning, while certain Heralds were sent out to view the Num∣ber and Quality of the Dead, the Prince having heard Mass publiquely in the Field, and caused u 1.90 Thanks to be rendred to Almighty God for so signal a Victory, gave his Men time to take their Repast; and after that, in x 1.91 sight of all the Captives, both highly commended and amply rewarded his Souldiers; And by that time all things being trussed up and ready, a March was sounded, and the Prince rode forth, taking the way to∣ward Poctiers.

The Night before there came to that City the Lord of Roye with an hundred Spears: He was not at the Battle, but as he was riding thitherward, he met the Duke of Normandy near to Chauvigny, who sent him to Poictiers, with Charge to keep the Town, till he should hear to the Contrary. When this Lord therefore being now in the Place, heard that the English Army was so near, and marching toward the City, he commanded all Men to Arms, and to haste to their several Defences at the Walls, Gates and Towers. But the Prince passed by without the least offer of Attempting them, either as y 1.92 one says, mindfull of his Word to King John, for neither did he commit any more Hostility thrô all the way he went, or because he was already so la∣den with Gold, Silver, Armour, Prisoners and other Carriages, that he thought it e∣nough for this time, if he might bring all home securely, together with the Person of the French King, which he valued far above all the other Riches he had won. Where∣fore he took but small journeys, not above four or five Leagues a Day, and always took up his Quarters betimes, and rode ever in Close Order, ready arrayed for Battle; save only, that the Marshals went on before, scouring the Country with 500 Men of Arms, to open the Passages where the Prince intended to go; but they met with no Body to encounter or impeach them, the whole Country was so terrified, and all Men of War were retired into strong Holds.

As thus the Prince of Wales rode along leisurely, z 1.93 he heard how the Lord Audely had distributed among his Four Esquires, the Gift which he had given him of five hun∣dred Marks per annum. Whereupon the Prince sent for him, and he was brought in his ••itter unto Him, and received very courteously at his hands; but by and by said the Prince,

Sir James, We understand, that assoon as you were got to your Tent last night, you disposed of the Revenues we gave you, to Four of your Esquires. We are therefore desirous to know why you did so; and whether our Gift was agreeable to you or no? Sir (said the Knight) It is true, that I have given it unto them, and now I shall shew you the Reason why I did so. These four Esquires, that are here present, have a long while served me in many weighty Affairs, but Sir, in this last Battle they stuck to me so surely, that if they had never done any thing else for me, I ought to have been not a little Gratefull unto them. For Sir, I am but a single Man, and yet by their Assistance and faithfull Valour, I took upon me to accomplish the Vow, which I had made long since, and now am alive after I have performed it; whereas without them I had surely died in the Enterprise. Wherefore Sir, when I considered the Love, that they bear unto me, I had not been Courteous if I had not done well for them, who have so well served me, even as your Royal Highness hath set me an Example. And (God be thanked) I have still sufficient Revenues left me by my Ancestors to maintain me according to my Quality 〈◊〉〈◊〉 your Service. But Royal Sir, if I have done this against your Pleasure, I humbly request your Pardon: For both I and my Es∣quires are still as wholly devoted to your Service, as ever We were.

At this the Prince looking kindly on him, said,

Sir James, I am so far from blaming any thing that you have done in this Case, that I thank you heartily for it: And for the Sake of these Valiant Esquires, whom you praise so highly, I consent that they enjoy your Gift as you intended: But Sr. James, I must oblige you to accept of me six hundred Marks more in the same manner, as I gave you the other.

Thus far Froisard; and for Confirmation of his Report, it appears from the Testimo∣ny of our a 1.94 Publique Records, that this Lord Audely for his singular Services at that time, had a Grant from that Renowned Prince of four hundred Pounds per Annum; which Grant was afterwards confirmed unto him by the King during Life, and for a Twelve-month after, to be received out of the Coynage of the Stanneries in Cornwall, and the Prince's Lands in that County.

After this Manner did this Generous English Prince by his Liberality as well as Va∣lour, take timely Care not only to render those who served him like Himself, but also to build a strong Foundation of an Honourable Name, which should be venerable to late Posterity.

XIII And thus did Edward the BLACK-PRINCE (now doubly dyed Black by the Terrour of his Arms) continue his March without b 1.95 the least Opposition thrô Por∣ctou and Saintogne, till he came to Blaye, where he passed over the River Garonne, and so came in Safety and Honour to his Chief City of Bourdeaux. It can hardly be imagin'd, with what extravagant Joy and Triumph, and Honourable Feastings, and splendid Pageants this Victorious Prince was received into that City, both by the Cler∣gy and Laity, all Sorts of People extolling his Praise, and rejoycing in his Presence. From hence the c 1.96 Prince wrote Letters into England to the King his Father, giving

him a full, but modest, Account of his Success, and promising (God willing) the next Spring to bring over his Royal Prisoner into England: For by that Time he would have his Navy well equipped and furnished with Men of War. King Ed∣ward was wonderfully pleased with this extraordinary Success of his Sons; but when the News of the Victory was divulged among the People, Men were almost be∣side themselves for Joy, the Conduits ran with Wine, Bonfires were continually fla∣ming, Songs and Musick, Plays, Feasts and Wakes were in all Places. Thus the Vul∣gar. But the King d 1.97 Himself like a Wise and Religious Prince, who knew the Instabi∣lity of Fortune (even before he felt it Himself) by the Example of the French Kings so suddain and unexpected Fall, not only return'd his own Thanks to God Almighty for so signal a Victory, e 1.98 but summon'd his Lords together, to whom he seriously declared, that this Victory was not obtain'd by any Vertue or Power of his Son or Subjects, but by the Grace of God alone; wherefore he enjoyned them all, neither by Feasting nor otherwise to express any loose Joy or Vain-glory. And at the same time he further enjoyned Simon Islip Archbishop of Canterbury, and John Thoresby Archbishop of York, that for Eight Days together they should thrô their several Provinces use Publique Pro∣cessions and Prayers for the Souls of those who fell in the Battle; and also return so∣lemn Thanksgivings to God for so signal a Mercy vouchsafed unto the English Nation: by which instance of Moderation he gain'd no less Glory to Himself, than his Son had done by his Victory.

XIV. Presently after the Battle of Poictiers, the Cardinal of Perigort applied himself again to the Victorious Prince, in order to settle some kind of Agreement between the Two Realms. At first it is said, s 1.99 that the Prince would not vouchsafe to speak with him, or so much as to see his Face, because of the Chastelain of Emposta, and others of his Retinue, who were found to stand against him in the Battle of Poictiers: For he could not believe as yet, but that the Cardinal sent them thither. However when the Cardinal saw the Prince's Strangeness, and understood the true Cause thereof, he made use of the Mediation of the Lord of Chaumont, the Lord of Monferrant, and the Captal of Busche, who were his Cousins, protesting unto them in Verbo Sacerdotis, that he was not consenting to that Action of his Men. And these Lords spake so much in the Cardinals Behalf, and gave the Prince so many Reasons, that at last he was content to hear what the Cardinal could say for himself. And he having once gain'd that Point, excused himself so discreetly, that the Prince and his Council had no further Suspicion of him. Whereupon he recover'd the Princes good Opinion, and redeemed his Men at reasonable Ransoms: For the Chastelain himself was set but at a Thousand g 1.100 Franks, which makes an 100 l. Sterling, which Summ he afterward paid. From this time the Prince received the Holy Father with so much Sweetness and Humanity, that he could not but highly commend him therefore in his Letters to the Pope; wherein also he set forth the Princes Moderation, which he shew'd toward the King of France. Inso∣much that his Holiness sent his Letters to the Prince, wherein he exhorted him yet farther to shew Clemency to the Conquered, and amidst his Triumphant Fortune to accommodate his Mind to Peace, and to return Thanks to God Almighty: As ap∣pears more largely from the Letters themselves, the Tenour h 1.101 whereof followeth.

INNOCENT the Bishop, Servant of the Servants of God, to Edward Prince of Wales, Eldest Son of our most Dear Son in Christ, the Illustrious King of Eng∣land Greeting, and Apostolical Benediction. Althô O Son, You may, as we proba∣bly believe, after the manner of the World, glory in the Felicity of your Successes; yet we hold undoubtedly, that as one Devout toward God, and derived of Parents devout also toward him, You do with reverence refer the Glory of your Triumphs, and the Honour of your Victories to God your Creator, from whom is all Victory and all Triumph: We hold, that in them you consider the Effusion of human Blood; We hold, that you regard the Peril of Souls; and that therefore you do so much the more humble your Self in the sight of your God, by how much as a wise and pru∣dent Person, you may plainly perceive, that for those you ought to return him Thanks; for these to beg Pardon of him. For althô the same God, who bestows his Gifts as he pleases, hath made you Glorious with the Titles of Victories, and the Pomp of Tri∣umphs, yet he doth detest the Slaughter of his People; nor would have the Rancor or Hate, the Right or Wrong of Rulers, to be compensated with the Destruction of faithfull and innocent Subjects. Which we in serious Meditation weighing with out selves, nothing doubt, nay perhaps we are certain, that You, by how much you have received more prosperous things of the Hand of the Lord, are so much the more prompt to Peace, so much the more favourably enclin'd to Concord. Especially since it is u∣sual

for Powerfull Men, who follow Goodness, that Prosperity doth rather stir them up dayly to Mercy; that Success doth rather induce them perpetually to Gentle∣ness. For Goodness is never taken notice of in any One, but onely when it is in his Power to be Cruel; the Sweetness of Clemency is rarely known, unless when it might deal severely: Power therefore gives occasion to Clemency, and a Cause also to Goodness.

This Occasion therefore and this Cause We require of You, since you are able to express it; and for a Peace, to be by the Help of God reformed between our most Dear Son in Christ, John the Illustrious King of France (whom the Event of War hath brought into your Prison) and your Self, we confidently approach your High∣ness, desiring You as affectionately as we can, and more earnestly beseeching You by the Bowels of the Mercies of God, that rendring a return of Gratitude to the Lord your God, for those things which he hath given unto You, You would accommo∣date your Soul, prepare your Heart, and dispose your Mind to Peace and Concord.

For You know, that the Great King of Peace, by whom You live and reign, doth command You to love Peace, and refuses to dwell in the Hearts of the Unmercifull. And lest we should more prolixly enlarge our Epistle, we add unto our Prayers, that those things which our Reverend Brother Talayrand Bishop of Alby, and our Belo∣ved Son, Nicolas titulo Sancti Vitalis, Priest-Cardinal, Nuntio's of the Apostolick See, or either of them, in their own Persons or in Others, shall relate unto You as to this Point, or declare unto You by Letters, You would undoubtedly believe; and by a pious Prosecution fulfill them with the desired Fruits of your Actions.

Dat. A∣ven. V. Non. Octob. Anno Pontificatús nostri IV.

By other Letters also of the same Date the Pope highly applauded the Young Prince, for that he had honourably received the Cardinal Talayrand, and had in the midst of Prosperity overcome that insolence of Mind, which usually attends Conquerours, and gave him his Thanks for having entertain'd the French King with such singular Cour∣tesie.

Our Reverend Brother (says he) Talayrand Bishop of Alby, Nuntio of the Aposto∣lick See, wrote unto us by his Letters, that You confirming and enhancing the Nobility, which you derive from your Stock by your Generosity of Soul, and the exercise of Vertues, have entertain'd him with such Honours and such Favours, as became a Son to exhibit to his Father in Christ: And that (which is greater than all these) preparing your Mind equally for all Events, and not being puffed up with any Prosperity of Successes, but always more humble in the sight of the Lord your God, attributing all unto him, from whom you have received all, You do graciously allow unto our Dear Son in Christ, John the Illustrious King of France (whom the Event of War hath brought into your Prison) that Honour, which belongs to so great a Prince. Ʋpon which account retur∣ning unto your Highness our deserved Praises, and hoping undoubtedly that the Omni∣potent God, who hath respect unto the Lowly, but knoweth the Proud afar off, will bestow on You more abundantly and freely the Grace of his Benediction, &c.

Dat. Aven. V. Non. Octob. Anno Pontif. IV.

XV. All this while i 3.1 did Edward the Black-Prince continue at Bourdeaux, having with his ready Mony bought up of the Lords, Knights, and Esquires of Gascogne all those French Prisoners, whom he design'd to carry along with the King into England: For as for those whom the English Lords had taken, he intended not to buy them till they were brought safe home. The French King he lodged honourably in a magnificent Apart∣ment in the Abby of St. Andrew, and Himself kept Court in the other Apartment of the same Abby, like unto it.

Now there were many Questions, Contrasts, and Challenges among several Knights and Esquires of Gascogne, concerning the Taking of the French King; divers of them affirming, how they were the Men that took him. But Sr. Dennis Morbeque by Right of Arms and true Tokens, which he shew'd, as the Kings own Gauntlet, challenged him for his rightfull Prisoner. Yet for all that this Mans Cause seem'd so evident (in∣somuch that the Pretensions of all Others were silenced thereby) an Esquire of Gas∣cogne, called Bernard de Troutes averred, how he had more Reason to lay Claim to that Honourable Action. Between these two there was much Fending and Proving in Pre∣sence of the Prince and other Lords, that sat with him to hear the Cause. But when once it came to a Challenge between them, then the Prince commanded them both peremp∣torily to surcease, and to forbear any further proceeding, till they came into England, on pain of his Displeasure; for he said, no manner of Decision or Determination should be made, but by the King his Father. However, because the French King himself enclin'd

more to Sr. Dennis of Morbeque than to any other, and wish'd (as he said privately) that he alone might have the Honour, which he had so well deserved; the Generous Prince considering, that being a banished Man, he had little more than his Wages, and what he purchased in War, caused secretly to be deliver'd into his Hands 2000 No∣bles, to maintain his Estate handsomly withall, against the time he should appear in the Court of England. And (to end this Matter once for all) when the next Year King Edward and his Council had determin'd the Cause in his behalf, the Prince k 3.2 gave him 5000 Crowns of Gold more, as a Reward for that Service: For as we shew'd before, all Prisoners, who are valued above 10000 Crowns, belong not unto him that took him, but to the Prince.

Thus the Prince of Wales tarried at Bourdeaux, providing and ordaining his Affairs, as he thought best, till it was Lent, during which time, the Souldiers of England and Gascogne spent in Mirth and Revell, especially in the Christmas Holy-days, all the Gold and Silver, which they had won with the hazard of their Lives. For Souldiers and Sea∣men, thô they court Money at the Highest rate of any others, take their leave of it as pleasantly, and as unconcernedly, as any Men whatsoever. Those Knights, l 3.3 Gen∣tlemen, and others, who had been present in the Battle of Poictiers, upon their re∣turn into England, were welcomed, treated, and caressed highly by all Men, where∣ever they came, and in all respects Prefer'd to others of their Rank and Condition: So Honourable is it to be Brave upon a good and just account. But on the contrary m 3.4 all the Lords, Knights, and Esquires of France, who had fled from the Battle, were so hated, reviled, and pointed at, whereever they came, that they durst hardly ven∣ture to appear in any great Town or publick place of Resort.

Now about the time, n 3.5 that this Battle of Poictiers was fought, Henry Plantagenet Duke of Lancaster, was in the County of Eureux in Normandy, and toward the Marches of Coutances, together with Prince Philip of Navarre, and the Lord Godfry of Har∣court in his Company. These Great Captains endeavour'd all they could to joyn the Prince of Wales before that Battle; but they could not by any means: Because all the Passages on the River of Loire were so surely guarded. However, hearing shortly after of the Prince's Success, they were wonderfully pleased; and Prince Philip of Na∣varre soon after went for England to speak with the King, about the further Progress of his Affairs, and the Duke of Lancaster (as we shew'd before) diverted into Bre∣tagne to the Countess of Monford (where shortly after he went, and laid Siege to Ren∣nes) having constituted the Lord Godfry of Harcourt his Lieutenant, who kept at St. Saviour le Vicount, his own Possession, to hold frontier War in those parts: And this he performed with such Zeal and Success, that he alarum'd the Regent of France, and ob∣liged him to seek a Remedy, as we shall see by and by.

XVI. It is to be observed, that the Three Sons of King John, who fled from the Battle of Poictiers, were all Green and unexpert in managing Publique Affairs; espe∣cially in such a Confusion, as must needs follow so Great and Publique a Loss, and in the Kings absence too. Charles the Dauphin, thô the Eldest, yet knew not how to steer his Course in so tempestuous and turbulent a Season: However, as Regent of the Realm, o 3.6 on the 29 of September, which was but Ten days after the Battle, he sum∣mon'd a Parliament of the Three Estates to meet him at Paris, on the 15 of October then next ensuing. At which time the said Duke, sitting as Regent in the Parliament Chamber, and the Three Estates being present, Peter de la Forest, Archbishop of Rouën, and Chancellour of France,

declared openly the great Misfortune, that had lately be∣fallen the Realm, by the taking of their King and Head at the Battle of Poictiers, and exhorted them in a long and well-composed Oration to be aiding and assisting, every Man to his Ability, toward the Redemption of their Lord and Sovereign.

Whereupon Answer was returned by the Mouth of Dr. John Craon Archbishop of Rheims, in the Name of the Clergy, by the Mouth of Philip Duke of Orleans, King John's Brother, in the Name of the Nobility, and by the Mouth of Stephen Marcell, Burgess and Provost of Paris, in the Name of the Commons of the Towns of France,

That all of them were ready to assist in that Affair to the utmost of their Power; but they prayed, that they might have a convenient time allowed them, to consult together, and to consider, how to raise wherewithall to do it: Which was granted.

So the Three Estates held their Consultation at the Fryers Minors, or the Grey-Fryers, in Paris for the space of 15 days: In which time they appointed among them to the Number of 50 Persons, to inspect and make an Enquiry after many Enormities and things, as then out of Order in the Realm. These Fifty superintendants chose from among themselves Six Representatives, to go to the Duke of Normandy, and to Request of him in their

Name, that he would promise to keep secret what they were about to declare unto him, which he granted. And then they humbly besought him to discharge all such, as they should name unto him, and to seise their Goods, as forfeited, to the Kings use. And first they named Peter de la Forest, Archbishop of Rouën and Chancellour of France, then Sr. Simon Bucy, Chief President and Counsellour to the King, Sr. Robert de Lo∣rize, the Kings Chamberlain; Sr. Nicolas Braque, Master of the Kings Palace; Ingel∣ram de Celer Under-Treasurer of France, John Brill de Berry Sovereign Master of the Moneys, and Chief of the Accompts to the King, and John Channeau de Chartres Treasurer of the Kings Wars. All these Officers the said Persons, Delegates from the Fifty, would have to be discharged of their Offices for ever; and moreover they de∣manded of the Dauphin, that the King of Navarre might be deliver'd from his Im∣prisonment, and that He himself would please to be advised and counselled by such, as they should assign unto him; p 3.7 That is to say, Twelve Prelates, Twelve Knights, and Twelve Burgesses; which Thirty six were accordingly forthwith chosen for that purpose: But among them were many, of whom neither the Duke of Normandy, nor his Council, had any good opinion. And yet these Thirty six were not only to be as so many Tutors to the Duke, but as so many Tribunes, the whole Power of the Three Estates of Parliament, being in a manner Epitomized in them. When the foremention'd Officers of State heard, what Arbitrary Judges were like to sit up∣on them, they thought it their best way to fly from the impending Storm, and take refuge in foreign parts, till they might hear better News. The Duke of Normandy, upon the first proposal of these Requests, and others, as little agreeable, q 3.8 gave this reply,

that he would know the opinion of his Council, and accordingly return them some suitable answer: But first he desired to hear, what aid the Three Estates would give him toward the Redemption of the King, his Father.

Whereunto they an∣swer'd,

That the Clergy had granted one Desme and an half to be paid within a Year, provided they might obtain the Pope's leave, and that the Lords had granted as much to be levied on their Lands; and that the Commons had granted the Tenth peny of all their Moveables.

On the Morrow following, the Duke assembled his Council in the Palace of the Louvre, and there shew'd them the High Demands of the Three Estates; whereup∣on many scruples were raised, and many Messages sent too and fro between the Duke and them. But the Estates return'd this final answer,

That except he would re∣form all the foresaid Miscarriages, and conform himself to their Minds for the Pub∣lique Good, they would not give him any Aid with their Goods, as they had pro∣mised him.

Wherefore the Duke, being in a mighty plunge, sent secretly to his Father, then a Prisoner at Bourdeaux, to inform him of all the Premises; and the King wrote back to him again;

That he should not by any means agree to their Insolent Demands; for He had rather continue still a Prisoner to an Honourable Enemy, than return home, to become a slave to his own Subjects.

The Duke upon receit of these Letters, because he would not have such Matters to be scann'd in open Parlia∣ment, sent for the most Eminent of all the Three Estates to come to him to the Louvre; and accordingly there came the two Archbishops of Rheims and of Lyon, and the Bi∣shop of Laon for the Clergy; Sr. Waren de Luxemburgh, Sr. John de Conflent Mar∣shal of Champagne, and Sr. John de Picquigny Governour of Artois for the Lords; and for the Commons and Burgesses of Paris, and other Towns, Stephen Marcel Provost of the Merchants, and Charles Cusac.

Unto these the Duke communicated the News, he had lately received from the King, his Father, requiring their Advice, whether it were best that day to acquaint the whole Parliament therewith, or to defer it, till they might be more calm, and in a better hu∣mour: In the end, it was agreed, that he should defer it, till the fourth Day after; all which time he waited to see, if they would grow more Dutifull, and more Modest in their Demands. But all was in vain, they still ran as High as ever, and especially in the matter of Changing the Officers, and of delivering the King of Navarre from the Castle of Creveceur in Cambresis, where he was confin'd:

For they said, it would be much for the Advantage of the Realm, if so Valiant and Compleat a Prince could be brought to espouse her Interest; now that in a manner all her Nobility was either slain or taken in the Battle of Poictiers. Wherefore they instantly urged the Duke at this time to deliver him; because he was wrongfully imprison'd.

But the Duke told them all along, that he durst not undertake to deliver him, since the King, his Father, had put him in Prison, for what cause it was not his part to determine. How∣ever when He saw there was like to be no abatement of these heats, on the Fourth

Day he came into the Parliament-Chamber, and said,

That he had not leisure as then to attend to, and discuss all their Requests; because of tidings, which he had lately received from his Father, and also from his Uncle, Charles Emperour of Ger∣many,

some whereof he vouchsafed to communicate unto them; and so for that time adjourn'd them to the Day of All-Saints; when by Advice of his Council he wholly dissolved them, without any fruits of so promising an Assembly, or any Re∣medy against the Confusions of the times. At this sudden, thô deserved, Dissolution, the Estates murmured and repin'd; but however, before they parted, in order to the justification of their Proceedings, took Copies of their Requests made to the Duke, to carry to their several Countries and Corporations: and to shew them upon occasion in their own Defence. And thô afterwards the Duke required an Aid of the City of Paris, toward the Maintenance of his Wars, they told him plainly;

that they were not obliged to any such thing, unless they were enjoyned by the Three Estates, which therefore they desir'd might be reassembled:

But this the Young Prince would by no means yield to, thô he was never so much press'd with Difficulties.

So unhappy was the Realm of France at this time, that when her Parliaments should rather for the present have wisely winked even at great Abuses, and have immediately apply'd their helping Hand to the Vitals, that were now endanger'd, leaving less im∣portant Mischiefs to be cured at a more seasonable time: On the contrary, she undu∣tifully, as well as unadvisedly, quarrel'd with her Prince, about the Reformation of small Abuses, not considering, that she ought rather in such a Desperate juncture to have closed with Him, in providing Physick for the almost expiring State. Kings are not to be forced by the Insolent Populacy from the Necessity of their Affairs; but to be confided in, as Fathers, and to be rely'd on, as Generous and Benign Deputies of Heaven; from whom we are humbly to request, and not violently to extort.

More commendably did those of the Province of Languedoc, as the most remote part from Paris, so the most Free from the Contagion of its Insolence: For they, being r 3.9 by Authority of the Earl of Armagnac, the Kings Lieutenant in those parts, assem∣bled in order to make Provision for the Kings Redemption, did behave themselves both as Dutifull Subjects, and discreet men at the same time. For first they unani∣mously agreed to provide at their own proper Costs and Charges 500 Men of Arms, all Knights, with an Esquire to every one of them, and moreover a 1000 Souldiers on Horseback, a 1000 Arbalists, and 2000 others, all to have a Years pay from the State, viz. Each Spear to have for himself and his Esquire, or Serjeant, half a Floren per diem, every other Man to be allow'd 8 Florens a piece per Month. Moreover they ordain'd, that no Man should wear any precious Furrs, or other Rich stuff, and that all Women and Ladies should lay aside their Gorgeous Attire of their Heads, and wear neither Pearls, Gold, nor Silver about their cloaths, or upon their Girdles, as long as the King should remain Prisoner. And further, to testifie how deeply they resented this Publique Calamity, they generally abandon'd all Banquets, Entertainments, Masks, Dances, Plays, and other Diversions, during his Captivity. Besides all which, they freely granted a considerable Aid toward his Redemption, and made divers wholsome Ordinances, both to their own Honour, and the Profit of the Common-weal. Which Laudable Example of theirs, Champaigne also followed: But good Examples are not always so Influential as Bad; for almost all other parts chose rather to copy the obsti∣nate Undutifullness of that Seditious Metropolis of Paris. And this City, after the usual Methods of Rebels, pretending to be in fear of Tyranny, when it was preparing to be seditious, was s 3.10 now strengthen'd with Regular Fortifications, its Walls repaired, and Ditches enlarged, and all the Street of St. Anthony and St. Paul, which before be∣longed to the Suburbs, was now enclosed within the Walls, and Chains continually drawn cross the Streets. Thus was Paris of a very weak Place, made considerably strong by those popular Tribunes, Stephen Marcell Provost of the Merchants, and Ronsac the Sheriff, who thô they intended this Defence against their Prince, and so did wickedly; yet, as it proved some while after, in good time made it more teneable against a Publique Ene∣my, and so were by chance Benefactors to that City.

XVII. Now t 3.11 before this Fruitless Parliament at Paris was thus broke up, Word was brought to the Duke and the Three Estates, that the Lord Godfrey Harcourt made cruel War in Normandy, and overran the Country twice or thrice in a Week; some∣time to the suburbs of Caën, sometimes to St. Lo, or to Eureux, or Coutances. Where∣upon the Duke was however so much assisted by the Three Estates, as to be enabled to raise 300 Men of Arms, and 500 others, to go against the foresaid Lord Godfrey: Over which Troops the Duke set the Lord u 3.12 Robert Clermont his Lieutenant in that

Dukedom, together with the Lord of Ravenal, the Lord of Remilly, and two other Lords. These Forces marched from Paris, and came to Rouën where they very much encreased, being joyn'd by many Expert Men of Arms of Normandy, and also an addi∣tion of several Knights with their Troops from Artois and Vermandois; as the Lord of St. Quintin, the Lord Lewis of Neufcastell, the Lord Edward of Renty, the Lord John de Fiennes, the Lord Ingram of Hesdin, and several others, who all rode to Coutances, and there made their Garrison.

When the Lord x 3.13 Godfrey Harcourt, who was a Knight of great Valour and Con∣duct, heard, how the French were come to the City of Coutances, he assembled toge∣ther as many Men of Arms, Archers, and others, as conveniently he could, and said,

he would ride forth and look upon the Frenchmen.

Accordingly he marched from St. Saviour Le Vicount with little more than 700 Men in his Company, consisting for the most part of Normans and other Frenchmen, who holding for the King of Na∣varre, were generally in those days called Navarrois. That same day the Frenchmen also rode forth, having sent their Scouts before them, who brought back word of Sr. Godfrey's being in the Field with his Navarrois; as also Sr. Godfrey's Scouts brought him word of the French, whom they had seen, and of their Number; for they had view'd them well.

Then, said Sr. Godfrey aloud, since our Enemies are coming to meet Us, We will by no means flinch from them: But that they may find Us ready to receive them,

let Us now order our selves to the best Advantage, and there∣withall he set his Archers in the Front, and order'd his Battails at Leisure. When the Lord Robert Clermont came up with his Forces, and saw their Behaviour, he com∣manded his Men to alight on Foot, and being close cover'd with their broad Buck∣lers against the Archers, to stand still, and not to move forward, till the Word of Com∣mand. Then the Archers began to approach, and shot fiercely; but the Frenchmen stood the shock, lying close under their Shields; So that they suffer'd little or no harm. When therefore the Archers had spent all their Arrows thus in vain, they cast away their Bows, and retired back to their Men of Arms, who stood ready ranged along by an Hedge, and in their Front Sr. Godfry with his Banner before him, y 3.14 being Gules two Bars Or. Then the French Archers began to shoot, and having spent all their own Arrows to much more purpose, than Sr. Godfry's Men had done theirs, they gather'd up the Arrows, which before had been shot against them, and returned them now with a good will. And now the French Men of Arms began to approach, and at the First meeting there was a se∣vere and cruel Battle: But Sr. Godfrey's Infantry were soon put out of order and dis∣comfited. When the Lord Godfrey saw this Misfortune, he prudently drew himself into a wing of Armed Men, closed about with Hedges, resolving there to Dispute the point with his Enemies: This being observed by the French Men of Arms, who af∣ter they had baffled the Archers, were Mounted again, they all alighted on foot once more, and encompassed the Place round, searching, which way they might best enter the Hedge, and come at their Enemies. Whereever the chief Brunt was, thither came Sr. Godfrey, bringing along with him Terrour to his Foes, and to his Friends Assurance: For he was of great strength and Courage, and very Expert in Arms; so that many Hun∣dreds of the French were hurt or slain, before they could win an entrance upon him. But at last by obstinate Valour, the Disadvantage of the place was overcome, and then a most Bloody Fight ensued: Nor yet would the French have had much reason to boast, if Sr. Godfrey's Men had been mindfull of their Promise, which was at all ad∣ventures to live and die with him. But now after a short and faint Resistance the Ma∣jor part of them began to flee, and left him to his Destiny. Sr. Godfrey being sen∣sible of his Condition, and knowing, he was too far engaged to retire handsomly, re∣solved in his Mind rather to die upon the spot, than suffer himself to be taken Priso∣ner, and reserved to some publique shame. Wherefore being on foot, he took a pon∣derous great Ax in his Hand, and set fast his left leg before the other, to stand more sure; for one of his legs was a little crooked; but he was exceeding strong in the Arms. And in this posture he fought Valiantly a good while, cleaving Heads and Helmets, or whatever he could reach; so that none dar'd to abide his stroaks: Till at last two Frenchmen Mounted their Horses, and so both together ran upon him with their Spears; and therewith bore him forceably to the Earth: At which time, those who were on foot near him, thrust him into the Body under his Armour, and so slew him. And with him there were slain, or taken, every Man of his Company, that remain'd about him, to the Number (says z 3.15 one) of 800; thô others reckon, as we said before, that his whole Forces consisted but of 700 in all. However those, who fled away in the beginning, escaped all safe to St. Saviour le Vicount; for the Frenchmen had not leisure

to pursue them, for tending to Sr. Godfrey. This Battle was fought on the a 3.16 Tenth of November, being a Thursday, An^o, Domini MCCCLVI. Some say, b 3.17 that Prince Philip of Navarre was present in the Field at this time, and that He went not into England, as we said before: However he was of no moment, as to the Success of the Battle, but made shift, it seems, to escape away to the further embroiling of the Realm of France.

The Lord Godfrey of Harcourt being thus slain, c 3.18 the Frenchmen returned Conque∣rours to Coutances, together with their Prisoners and the Spoil of the Field, and soon after having quieted those Parts pretty well, they returned into France to the Duke of Nor∣mandy, who by that time was publiquely Proclaimed Regent of France. On the d 3.19 4^th of December following, the Castle of Pont de l'Arche near unto Roüen, which had long been in the Hands of Prince Philip of Navarre, was after a Siege of five Months yielded up on Conditions to the Regents Captains; the Navarrois not only to depart with Bag and Baggage, but to receive by way of Gratuity 6000 Franks for yielding up the said Castle, which Summ amounts to 600 l. Sterling, every Frank being valued at two Shillings.

However e 3.20 the Lands of Sr. Godfrey of Harcourt upon his Death fell to the King of England; for he had on certain Conditions engaged them unto Him and his Heirs for ever, having utterly disinherited his Nephew the Lord Lewis of Harcourt, because he so tamely resented the Murder of his Uncle, the late Earl of Harcourt, as not to seek any Satisfaction; but still continued a Friend to King John, who had so unjustly murther'd him. When King Edward heard News of this valiant Lords Death, he was very much concern'd at the Loss; but however he sent forth immediately by Sea more than 300 Men of Arms, Knights and Esquires, besides Archers, to go and take Posses∣sion for him of St. Saviour le Vicount, which alone was well worth f 3.21 40000 Franks, or 4000 l. Sterling per annum, and made the Lord. Robert Lisle his Captain over those Lands, who was succeeded three Years after by the Lord Thomas Holland, who dying a∣bout a Year after, the King gave unto the Lord g 3.22 John Chandos, in Consideration of his manifold and notable Services, a Grant for Him and his Heirs for ever, of the Baronies of St. Saviour le Vicount, Daunvers and Dongeville, as also of the Lands and Knights Fees of St. Mary de Montefarsellis and Romilly, and all the other Lands and Possessions of the said Lord Godfrey of Harcourt: Whereupon the Lord Chandos built anew the Castle of St. Saviour, and for its better Defence frequently resided there in Person, as we shall see hereafter.

XVIII. Now the h 3.23 Pope, being extreamly sollicitous to deliver the French from their present Consternation, and to avert their impending Miseries, thought fit to make use of Charles the Emperour towards a Settlement of Affairs, and sending unto him An∣droine Abbot of Clugny, exhorted him to be a Mediator between the French and Eng∣lish, telling him, that the Glory of that Great Work was reserved only for him; and that the Cardinals his Nuntio's, would joyn their utmost Endeavours. But with what Grief he was affected at the Captivity of King John will appear best from his Letters, the i 3.24 Copy whereof followeth.

INNOCENT the Bishop, Servant of the Servants of God, to his most Dear Son in Christ, CHARLES Emperour of the Romans, always Augustus. With such bitterness (O most Dear Son) and with a sting of such vehement Sorrow are our Heart and Bowels wounded at the news of the Misfortune of our most Dear Son in Christ, the Illustrious King of France, which we believe to have come to You be∣fore the Receipt of these Presents; that our Spirit hath almost failed us, our Vigour is dried up, and in a manner all our Senses are lost. For who that is of a sound Mind, who that has but his Senses, who that has but a Heart of Flesh, who that has any Humanity about him, would not burst forth into Tears, would not sigh from the bottom of his Heart, would forbear grieving, would refrain weeping, would cease la∣menting? And indeed who could withhold from sighing, at the Effusion of so much Christian Blood, at the Fall of so many Nobles, at the Ruine of so many faithfull People, and which is more deplorable at the hazard of so many Souls? For we be∣lieve, that none has an Heart so stony, which the hearing of these things would not break; that none is so obdurate, whom they would not melt and mollifie; none so rocky, whom the Consideration thereof would not soften. And whereas among the manifold Afflictions, to which upon this account and otherwise we are obnoxious, we awaken with a sense of Grief our sleeping Mind to a necessary Reparation of this Mis∣fortune (althô in a manner wholly desperate of all Humane help and Assistance) un∣to Him we lift up our Eyes darkned with sorrow, unto Him we raise up the sight of our

afflicted Soul, unto Him we pour forth devout Prayers and Supplications, who com∣mands the Sea and the Winds, and at whose Nod the breath of Tempests is allay'd; that He being moved with gracious Compassion at so many grievous Scourges of his People, extending from on high the Hand of his Power, would vouchsafe to deliver us from these tempestuous Waves, and after the multitude of the Sorrows in our Heart rejoyce our Soul with his Consolations. And we hope in him, that althô upon the account of our sins he refuses to lend his Ear unto our Prayers, he will yet at least take pity of the Calamities of his People, whom he hath redeemed with the gracious Effusion of his own Blood.

And hence it is, that firmly beleeving it proceeded from the Goodness of the same our Redeemer, that You, who only of Mankind can apply a necessary Remedy to these more acute Distempers, are in this time of Confusion retired into the utmost Parts of your Empire next unto the Realm of France, We address our selves unto You; That by the vertue of your Diligence and Prudence you would asswage the sury of these Storms, and by the benefit of a calm Peace, remove the inconveniences of War and Hostile Commotions, earnestly requiring you by Him, thrô whose Pro∣vidence you are raised to the Imperial Dignity, that taking the Premises and other things, which for brevity sake we omit, into due consideration, for the Reverence of God, the Conservation of your Weal and Honour, the prospect of a general Advan∣tage, and the Contemplation of our Intercession, You would not delay, but hastily come down to prevent the Desolation of Catholick People, to hinder the Destructi∣on of Christians, and to avert the Hazard of Souls. For unto You this Glory, unto You this Honour, unto You this Praise is reserved of the Lord: For You are by Blood allied unto the Parties, You (thô you be nearer to the One) will yet justly respect the Cause of Both, and encline your eyes to Justice and not to Affinity: You are (likely to be) an Effectual Umpire of Peace, and a Promoter of Concord, as well on the Account of your Imperial Dignity, as of your Good-will and Charity.

There also You shall have our Venerable Brother Talayrand Bishop of Alby, and our beloved Son, Nicolas of the Title of St. Vitalis, Priest-Cardinal, Nuntio's of the Apostolick See, whom you will find usefull Fellow-Labourers after this Good Thing; and by whose Counsels and Help you may be directed and aided in what shall occurr. Concerning which (because we have deliver'd certain Matters unto our Be∣loved Son Androine, Abbot of Clugny in the Diocese of Mascon, to be reported unto your Clemency by Word of Mouth) We pray you more earnestly, that you would give full credit to his Relations on our Behalf.

Dat. Aven. V. Non. Octobr. An^o Ponti∣ficatûs nostri IV.

Upon the Receipt of these Letters the Emperour k 4.1 summon'd a Diet to sit at Metz, then an Imperial City, in the Country of Lorraine, standing on the Moselle, to which Place he came a little before Christmas with Imperial Pomp, and no less than 20000 Horse attending him. He was served at Table by the Duke of Brandenburgh and o∣ther Princes of Course appointed to the said Service. There came thither to meet him among Others, his Nephew Charles Duke of Normandy, Dauphin of Vienna and Re∣gent of France, to move him to put to his helping Hand in these Confusions: For the Realm was at that time not only at a loss from the Terrour of the English War, their King being Captive, and the Flower of their Nobility slain; but also from the Civil Broils then reigning: For the King of Navarre's Brother infested Normandy in Revenge of his Brothers Confinement: The Commons also raged against the Nobility, because they judged that by their Treason or Cowardise the King was taken. With which Note of Infamy the Heir of France himself was aspersed, who together with his Troops after a slight Resistance fled away and forsook his Father. To this Diet l 4.2 at Metz there came also Ambassadors, as well from England as from France, but no effectual way of Concord could then be found by the German Princes: Of which Matter thus Rebdorf. In the Month of November the said Emperour, being invited by the Lords and Burgesses of France, after the foresaid Battle of Poictiers, came to the City of Metz, where he de∣manded of the Inhabitants the Rights of the Empire, and the Keys of the City. And thither came from Pope Innocent the Cardinal of Perigort, and the King of France's Son, the Emperours Nephew, who fled out of the said Battle with many Men of Arms; and a great Number of Nobles both of Germany and France were there with him, and tarried with him during the Festival of our Lords Nativity. But of the Peace there made be∣tween Wenceslaus Duke of Brabant, and Lewis Earl of Flanders; and of the Laws pro∣mulged at this time by the Emperour, we shall not say any thing, those Matters being foreign to our Purpose. The Curious Reader may refer himself for that to the m 4.3 Authors quoted in the Margin.

On the * 4.4 Tenth of December certain Coins of less value than usual (which the Duke of Normandy by Advice of his Council, upon the account of his Necessities, had caused to be made) were proclaimed thrô Paris to be Currant Money, whereat the Commons yet were further incensed. So that two Days after Stephen Marcell, Provost of the Merchants, went to the Louvre there to speak with Prince Lewis Earl of Anjou, whom the Duke of Normandy had left his Deputy-Regent, upon his going to Metz to visit the Emperour his Uncle, as we have seen.

Here the said Provost and the Rest with him desired the young Earl to stop the Course of those new Monies, for otherwise the People would think themselves obliged to stop it themselves: At last after a day or two's Delay, and a long Contest, the young Earl was fain to yield thus much to the Provost, and the rest of those humble Petitioners, as to stop the Money, till the Dukes further Pleasure might be known; for which Purpose Messengers were immediately posted away to learn the Dukes Reso∣lution as to that Point. And he, thô for a while he stood firm to his first Resolution, was in the end compelled to stop the Proceedings, and to comply with the outragious importunities of the Rabble.

XIX. And thus we shall end this Remarkable Year, when we have subjoyned two short Observations, which to Philologers may perhaps seem not useless: It hath been an old Report, that as Scipio Africanus, that Noble Roman Commander, was observed first to have brought Barbers into Rome; so our Black-Prince is said n 4.5 this time in Complaisance to the French Nation, to have begun and authorised a Fashion which hath continued ever since, of shaving the Beard, and letting the Hair of the Head grow, contrary to the Primitive use of the English Nation. Thô I must acknowledge this Relation a∣grees not well with the ancient Pictures of Men of that Age: And the learned Anti∣quary Esquire Ashmole some Years since described unto me a Medal, which he supposed to have belonged to one of the Princes Great Horses, whereon he was figured Praying in Armour, save that his Helmet was off, and having a considerable Grown Beard.

Nor is it altogether unworthy our Observation, o 4.6 that after this Taking of King John of France, the Lords and Gentlemen of England began generally to leave off that an∣cient Usage of bearing their Effigies on Horseback in their Seals, and set their own Arms only in the Reverse of their Seals on little Shields.

CHAPTER the SECOND.

The CONTENTS. * 4.7

I. Prince Edward brings King John of France and the rest of his Prisoners, taken at the Battle of Poictiers, into England; their Passage thrô London; King Edward receives the Captive King with great Honour. II. Henry Duke of Lancaster continues the Siege before Rennes; the Cardinals obtain a Truce between the two Kings. III. King Da∣vid released of his Imprisonment, returns into Scotland. and settles Affairs. IV. At King Edwards Command the Duke of Lancaster raises his Siege from before Rennes, having just before taken the Town on Conditions. V. Sr. Robert Knolles beats the Marshal of France in Normandy. VI. The Lord of Granville takes the Castle of Eu∣reux from the French by Stratagem. VII. The Rise of Sr. John Hawkwood and Sr. Robert Knolles. VIII. The Original of a sort of Free-Booters, called the Compani∣ons, in France. IX. The Insolence of the Parisians and their Provost towards the Dau∣phin. X. King Charles of Navarre, being got out of Prison, foments the Disorders, and grows Popular.

I. MOST part a 4.8 of the preceding Winter the Victorious Edward Prince of Wales, busied himself in Equipping a Navy to convey his Royal Prey and the rest of the French Prisoners safely into England. During his intended Absence in the Parts of Aquitain, he left behind him certain Valiant and Loyal Captains to defend the Country until his Return, namely the Lord de la Bret, aliàs Albret, the Lord of Mucidan, the Lord de L'Esparre, the Lord of Pamiers, and the Lord of Rozan, with certain Troops both English and Gascoigners. And so on the

b 4.9 24 of April being a Monday, and the day after St. George in the Third Week after Easter, he set Sail for England with certain Lords of Gascogne, and most of his English Captains about him. The French King was in a good Ship by himself, lest he should conceive any Offence or Molestation; but he was well guarded with no less than 200 Men of Arms, and 2000 Archers, who sailed close by him; for the Prince had been infor∣med, how the Three Estates, by whom France at that time was governed, had laid ready in the Ports of Normandy and Crotoy two Great Navies to receive him upon his approach toward England, and if they might to take away the King of France and res∣cue him. But no such Matter appeared afterward, thô the Prince was detain'd at Sea Eleven days. On the Twelfth Day from his first Setting out, viz. on the c 4.10 5th of May he landed at Sandwich in Kent (and not as some say, at Plymouth in Devonshire) where he tarried two Days to refresh his Company. On the Third Day he rode to Canterbu∣ry, where also he stayed for some time; and here the French King and the Prince of Wales made their Offerings at the famous Shrine of St. Thomas Becket. The mean while King Edward being informed of the Arrival of his Son with the French King in his Company, d 4.11 gave Command to Sr. Henry Picard then Lord Mayor of London, to make ready the City Pageants, and to prepare for the Reception of King John, with all their Formalities in the most honourable Manner that might be. And now Prince Edward rode from Canterbury to Rochester, from thence the next day to Dartford, and the day after to London, whither he came on the 24 of May, being the Wednes∣day before Whitsunday, and was met in Southwark by more than a Thousand of the Chief Citizens on Horseback. King John being clothed in Royal Apparel was mounted on a large White e 4.12 Courser in token of Soveraignty, and to be the more Remarkable; the Generous Prince of Wales riding by his side on a little black Hobby, as one that indu∣striously avoided all suspicion of a Triumph. They took their way over London Bridge, and rode directly for Westminster, and in all the Streets as they passed, the Citizens of London set to publick View all their Riches, as Plate, Tapestry and the like, in ho∣nour of the French King; but especially they f 4.13 boasted of their Warlike Furniture, and exposed that Day in their Shops, Windows and Belconies such an incredible Quan∣city of Bows and Arrows, Shields, Helmets, Corslets, Breast and Back-Pieces, Coats of Mail, Gauntlets, Vambraces, Swords, Spears, Battle-axes, Harness for Horses, and other Ar∣mour both Offensive and Defensive, that the like had never been seen in Memory of Man before. The g 4.14 Concourse of People that came from all parts to behold this rare Spectacle, was so great, that the Solemnity of the Cavalcade held from Three of the Clock in the Morning till High-noon, about which time the Prince got to Westminster-Hall, where he presented unto the King his Father, then sitting in Great Majesty on a Royal Throne, the Person of King John his Prisoner. King Edward could not long retain the Severe Majesty of a Conquerour; for when the French King had humbled himself with such a serious, thô Manly Submission, as became his present Fortune, he was immediately touch'd with a due Consideration of the Instability of his own Affairs, by the instance of so great a Prince, whom now he beheld in so low a Condition; and so rising hasti∣ly from his Throne he h 4.15 Caressed him with as much Honour and Respect, as if he had only come to give him a Visit. And the Father and the Son did so exactly resemble each o∣ther, as well in Generosity as Valour, that King Edward being now fully acquainted with the Particulars of his Sons humble Deportment after the Battle of Poictiers, declared that he was more sincerely satisfied therewith, than at the Victory it self. Nor did that Great King make use of this solemn Entrance of his Royal Captive, as a Matter of his own Triumph, but rather of a devout Procession: For i 4.16 by his Order that very Day the Clergy of London came forth with their Crosses, and singing Anthems to meet the Prince, and after that, for two Days together publick Supplications and Prayers with Thanksgivings were celebrated thrô the Cities of London and Westminster.

That Day King Edward treated the French King, his Son Philip, and the rest of the Noble Captives at a Princely Rate, and order'd for the King an Apartment of his own Court to lodge in for the Present, till the Savoy should be prepared for him, being at that time a most splendid and magnificent Structure, belonging to Henry Duke of Lan∣caster, and so called k 4.17 from its first Founder, Peter Earl of Savoy, Father to Boniface Archbishop of Canterbury, who was Uncle to Eleanor King Henry the Third his Queen.

To this Palace soon after he was convey'd, and there Honourably attended, King Edward himself, his Queen, and the Prince, giving him frequent Visits, and devising all the ways they might, both to Honour and Comfort him. But nothing is perfect∣ly agreeable, while Liberty is wanting; and therefore, thô King John could not ex∣pect either more Diversion, or more Respectfull Behaviour in the Court of his Bro∣ther

in Law, the Emperour; yet something hung upon his mind, which was not pos∣sible for him to shake wholly off, till he should find himself at his own dispose. 'Tis said, l 4.18 that when the King of England and his Son, having often observed such a cloud of sorrow to obscure much of that serenity, which was expected from him at those Princely Diversions, wherewith they entertain'd him, asked him thereupon to lay aside all Melancholy Care, and sorrowfull thoughts, he made this Answer with a smile, m 4.19 Quo∣modo Cantabimus Canticum in Terrâ alienâ? i. e. How shall we sing a Song in a strange Land?

Thus was King John and his Son, and the Chief of the Captive Nobles of France entertain'd in England; n 4.20 of the other Prisoners, some were presently released upon King John's security in their behalf, and the rest were severally bestow'd in safe Custody.

II. While things went thus in England, Henry Duke of Lancaster, lay at the Siege before Rennes in Bretagne, which he had begun on the o 4.21 Third of December in the pre∣ceding Year, and had made many Assaults, but to little purpose as yet; the Place was so well defended. For within was a good Garrison, set there by the Lord Charles of Blois, under the Viscount of Rouën, the Lord de Laval, Sr. Charles du Digne, and others. There p 4.22 was also in Rennes at this time a Valiant young Batchelour, a Knight of Bretagne, called Sr. Bertram du Clequin, who soon after became a most Renowned Captain, and was at length sirnamed the Restorer of France. During this Siege there passed a Challenge between this Sr. Bertram, and a young Baron of England, named Sr. Nicolas Dagworth, a Valiant Son of that Valiant Lord Thomas Dagworth, of whose Actions, and Life, and Death, we have already spoken. The manner of the Combat was to run Three Courses with a Spear, to strike Three Blows with an Ax, and to give Three Stabs with a Dagger. And each of these Knights bare himself with such Expert Valour, that they performed the Challenge without receiving any harm, and so Honourably quitted the Field with equal stakes to their great Commendation from both Parties.

This while the Lord Charles of Blois, being in the Country, was very sollicitous to raise the Siege, and besides his own Musters, daily importun'd the Regent of France for a strong reinforcement. But the Regent had his own hands so full, that he was not at leisure to do any thing Material in that Case: So the Siege lasted on, and the City be∣gan to be greatly oppressed.

Wherefore q 4.23 on the 19 of June, being the Monday before the Feast of St. John Baptist, there came in all haste a Cardinal to the King at London, who said,

My Lord, it was agreed between your Son the Prince of Wales and King John, when they were at Bourdeaux, that the Siege before Rennes should be raised, and a seri∣ous Treaty of Peace be set forward between the two Realms. Now therefore, if Your Majesty doth really design a Treaty, command the Siege to be removed.

Here∣upon the King by his Letters commanded the Duke of Lancaster upon forfeiture of Life and Limb, and whatever else he could forfeit, to desist from the Siege, and to come home as soon as might be; the French King also at the same time sending to his Subjects to desist a while from all Hostilities whatsoever. This Cardinal r 4.24 was Bishop of St. Jean de Maurienne in Savoy; whose Letters of safe Conduct for him∣self and a Train of 30 Horse, bore Date at Westminster the 26^th of May, this Year. In that very juncture came s 4.25 hither from Pope Innocent VI. Talayrand Bishop of Al∣by, Cardinal of Perigort, and Nicolas Cardinal of St. Vitalis, to assist at a Treaty of Peace, to be held about Midsummer, this Year; the Kings t 4.26 Letters of safe Conduct for them and their Train (consisting of 200 Horse) bearing Date the Third of June. These two Prelates together with the other Cardinal, lately come from Bretagne, as aforesaid, addressed themselves to the King at Westminster, and having u 4.27 made their Salute in a kind of Adoration, as he sat in great and terrible Majesty on his Throne, One of them began to preach upon this Text, x 4.28 Honor Regis Judicium diligit, i.e. The Kings Honour loveth Righteousness: After which they discoursed about their Com∣mission, which contained thus much, that King Edward should have all the Lands, which his Predecessors held in France, on Condition, that Peace and Concord might be settled between the two Kings. To which King Edward answer'd briefly;

That althô some of the Lands of his Predecessors had been lost for a time, yet he doubted not of recovering them again, when it should please God: But that he would have nothing to do with them; unless they came to the point in hand, concerning the Crown of France, which he claim'd.

They answer'd, their Commission extended not so far; where∣fore the Matter rested, till they might hear from the Pope again, which they did not,

till the 29 of August; or the Feast of the Decollation of St. John. But in all these Trea∣ties the Pope was so notoriously partial in the French Kings Cause, that by reason there∣of, and because of those many miraculous Victories, which even in spite of his Holiness, by an especial Providence of God, the English obtained, there were Rhymes scatter'd about the Pope's Court at Avignon, and in other parts of France, importing thus much in English,

y 4.29 The Pope is on the Frenchmens side, With England Jesus doth abide: 'Twill soon be seen, who 'll now prevail; For Jesus, or the Pope must fail.

And the truth of this sufficiently appear'd at the Return of the Pope's Answer at this time: For thô outwardly the Cardinals were enjoyned only to look to the Ne∣gotiation of the Peace, yet at the same time they had x 4.30 with them a Bull from his Holiness, enjoyning every Bishop by Papal Authority to make a Visitation through∣out their several Dioeceses, and to pay their Procurations to the Cardinals; and it was said, how this Summ was by the Pope intended for the aid and sustaining of the French interest. At the same time his Holiness was pleased to demand of the Realm of England, the annuity of 1000 Marks, granted by King John of England to the Court of Rome, at the time when he resign'd his Crown to the Legate Pandulphus, declaring upon his resuming thereof, that for the future he would hold it of the Pope. But since his days the said Summ of 1000 Marks remain'd unpaid, even for the space of an 140 Years; all which arrearages were now demanded, in hopes, that King Ed∣ward would so be terrified into an easie Complyance in behalf of the French King. But He, who besides his own Couragious Heart had both a more Loving Clergy and Loyal Baronage, then had that unfortunate King John, answer'd wisely and roundly;

a 4.31 That he would never pay any tribute to any Mortal whatsoever, because he held his Kingdom, and would hold it, freely, and without subjection to any One, but only to God Almighty.

And yet we shall find, that in the 39^th Year of this King, this Pope's Successor made the same Demand; and upon refusal threatned to cite him by Process to answer it at the Court of Rome; but the King, being strongly back'd by his Parliament, nei∣ther did the one nor the other.

The Work of Peace-making was it seems so chargeable; that b 4.32 at Michaelmas the Cardinals had of the Clergy of England 4 d. in the Mark, as well of Spirituals as Tem∣porals; and yet no final Peace was made: Only c 4.33 at last with much adoe they procu∣red a Truce between the two Kings, and all their Allies (except the Lord Philip of Navarre, and his Allies, and also the Countess of Monford, and the Lord Charles of Blois) to endure until the Feast of St. John Baptist, or the 24 of June, which was to be in the Year MCCCLIX. Upon this Truce the French King had leave to remove with all his Houshold to Windsor Castle; where he and his Son Philip diverted them∣selves with Hunting and Hawking at their pleasure: But the other Prisoners continued still at London, where they had the Liberty to go to Court, when they pleas'd; only they were sworn to be true Prisoners, and by no means to endeavour an Escape. A∣bout this time King Edward d 4.34 granted unto the Lord Thomas Holland Earl of Kent, the Custody of the Fort and place of Cruyck in Normandy, part of the Kings late Con∣quests, with all the Revenues thereunto belonging, to hold, durante Bene placito: And a Command was given to Sr. Donald Heselrige, Sr. Lewis Clifford, and Sr. Walter Mewes, to deliver them up to him, or his Lieutenant accordingly.

III. We have declared largely enough, how King David of Scotland was taken Pri∣soner also at the Battle of Durham; and ever since that he wanted his Liberty, being e 4.35 at this time in the Tower of London. But now upon the Conclusion of the fore∣said Truce between England and France, the Cardinals together with the f 4.36 Bishop of St. Andrews in Scotland, began to enter into a serious Treaty with King Edward about the Delivery of King David from his Long Imprisonment: Which Treaty was not a little further'd by the Prayers of Queen Joan of Scotland, King Edwards Sister. So that at last, on the g 4.37 3^d of October there met at Barwick Commissioners on both sides, name∣ly John Thoresby Archbishop of York, Thomas Hatfield Bishop of Durham, Gilbert Wel∣ton Bishop of Caerlile, the Lords Henry Piercy, Ralph Nevill, Henry Scroop, and Tho∣mas Musgrave, on King Edwards part; and William Bishop of St. Andrews, Thomas Bishop of Cathnes, Patrick Bishop of Brechin, Chancellour of Scotland, Patrick Earl of March, Robert de Irskin, and William Levington Knights, Deputies of

Robert Stuart Guardian of Scotland on the other Part: Between whom these Articles were agreed on, viz.

Imprimis, h 4.38 That King David should never after bear Arms against the King of England within this Realm; nor either Counsel or Abett any of his Subjects so to do.

2.

Item, That King David upon his Return into Scotland, should use his utmost Endeavour to persuade his Lords and Others to agree, that the Crown of Scotland might be held in Fee and by Homage of the King of England: But that if the Scots could not be brought to yield to that, yet however King David should swear solemn∣ly to observe the Peace with the King of England punctually and duly.

3.

Item, That King David should oblige and bind himself and his Heirs, and the whole Realm of Scotland, to pay unto the King of England and his Heirs within i 4.39 ten Years after, the Sum of one hundred thousand Marks Sterling.

4.

Item, That King David in the mean time deliver unto King Edward Twenty good and sufficient Pledges and Hostages, for the Performance of these Covenants, as namely the Lord John, Eldest Son and Heir to the Lord Robert Stuart, and Nephew to King David, and together with him the Earls of Southerland, Douglas, Murray and Mar, and Fife; the Baron of Vescy, Sr. William Cathanes, and Twelve others: All who were to abide in England as Prisoners and Hostages for the King their Lord, till the said Summ be fully paid and acquitted.

5.

Item, That a Decennial Truce in England, Scotland and the Isle of Man, be in∣violably kept between the two Realms, on pain of Forfeiture of Body and of Chat∣tels, and that after ten Years the Scots might be free to choose Peace or War, as they should like best.

Of these Articles there were made Indentures and Publick Instruments, sealed with the Seals of both the Kings; and so King David after almost 11 Years Imprisonment, had his Liberty, and rode homeward with his Queen Joan, Sister to King Edward (who attended him like a loving Wife all the time of his Confinement) and came to Barwick on the Feast of St. Michael, where they were met by several of the Scotch Nobili∣ty, who brought along with them one Moiety of the Summ agreed on for their Kings Ransom, and the Hostages, who were to remain in England till the Remainder should be paid.

And then according to the Fifth Article above-written, the Decennial Truce between the Scots and English was solemnly Proclaimed: For all along till now, whatever Truce was taken between the two Nations, there was none entirely observed; but either by the Robberies of the Borderers on Land, or the Piracies of private Men by Sea, was con∣tinually interrupted by the Scots: Thô King Edward many times was content in a pri∣vate manner to correct these Disorders without infringing the Publick Peace. Particu∣larly this very Year, even while the two Kings were labouring what in them lay for an Everlasting Concord, k 4.40 three Scotch Pirates with no less than 300 chosen Men of Arms, went cruising about the Coasts of England to trepan Merchants, and such as they could get they slew and rifled, doing that way much Mischief: But about Michaelmas there arose an high and strong Wind, which drove them, and many English Vessels also, as well of War as others, all together into Yarmouth Haven, where it pleased God, the Scots were taken every Man, and brought to a just account for all their Piracies.

'Tis said of this King David, l 4.41 that during his Captivity here in England, being much part of the Time confined in Nottingham Castle, he left behind him in a Vault under the Castle curiously engraven with his own Hands on the Walls, which were of Rock, the whole Story of the Passion of our Saviour: For which one says, that Ca∣stle became as famous, as formerly it had been for Mortimers Hole.

But He being now acquitted of his Imprisonment, like a just Prince, sets himself se∣riously to perform the Articles of Agreement between him and his Brother-in-Law of England; and first according to a private Promise made unto King Edward, he rased and demolished the Castles of Dalswinton, Dumfres, Mortoun and Durisdere. Then m 4.42 he called a Parliament, where he enacted sundry Laws for the Punishment and Disgrace of those, who had fled from the Battle of Durham; as in a Parliament n 4.43 preceding that Bat∣tle he had very liberally rewarded all such, as had either been Notable for their Actions or Sufferings in his Service; among whom (says Hector Boethius) his Ancestor Hugh Bo∣ece, in Consideration of his Fathers Death on his Account in the Action at Duplin, was made Inheritor of the Barony of Balbrid, the King giving unto him in Marriage the Heiress of the said Barony. But now on the Contrary, he was as Severe in punishing the Cowardise or Disloyalty, as he thought it, of those who had deserted him in the Battle of Durham; among whom the Lord Robert Stuart, Prince of Scotland, was espe∣cially

numbred: Thô both before that and since he had given sufficient Testimonies of his Courage and Conduct, and had also by his Government, during his Masters Im∣prisonment, and his Care, and (at last) Success in working his Delivery, as plainly demonstrated his Loyalty. But however King David, rather than acknowledge his own Rashness in occasioning that Overthrow, laid it so vehemently upon his Nephew Ro∣berts Leaving the Field, o 4.44 that now at last that Act (whereby the Crown of Scotland for want of Lawfull Issue begotten of Davids Body, was for ever entailed on the said Prince Robert and his Heirs) was by his Procurement repealed, disanulled, and wholly made void; and his other Nephew, the young Lord p 4.45 Alexander, Son and Heir to the Earl of Southerland, by his youngest Sister Jane, was declared Heir Apparent to the Crown of Scotland in the Room of Prince Robert, who was Eldest Son of the Lady Margaret King David's Eldest Sister. Which Act all the Lords of Scotland were sworn to observe and maintain.

Whereupon the old Earl of Southerland, Father to this Prince Alexander, verily be∣lieving, that his said Son could not now miss of the Crown of Scotland, gave away the most part of his Lands, dividing them among his Friends and Relations, especially to the Noble Families of the Hayes, the Sinclares, the Ogilbies and the Gourdons, there∣by to bind them the faster unto his Sons Interest. But all this Precaution fail'd, for shortly after the Lord Alexander his Son, being one of the Pledges, then remaining in. England for the Security of King David's Ransom, together with most of the other Hostages, died of the Plague which then again raged in this Kingdom, as we shall see shortly. Whereupon Prince Robert Stuart being then again easily reconciled to the King, was once more acknowledged, and by Act of Parliament established Rightfully the Heir Apparent to the Crown of Scotland, in as full manner, as he had been before.

The mean while, especially at the Instance of the Pope, the Clergy of Scotland a∣greed to contribute the Tenth Penny of all their Fruits and Revenues, towards the pay∣ment of their Kings Ransom: And at the same time the said King, nothing unmind∣full of his Promise made to King Edward before his Deliverance, moved his Lords and Barons in a Matter, which yet himself was not willing to succeed in, thô being bound by Oath so to do, he urged it notwithstanding with all the Application he could: Na∣mely, q 4.46

That provided he himself should decease without Issue, they would agree, that the Crown of Scotland and all the Rights thereof, should be entirely transferred to the King of England's Eldest Son, and to his Lawfull Heirs for ever.

But to this unexpected Proposal the Lords answer'd all with one Voice, That as long as any of them were able to hold a Sword in their Hands, they would never yield to be subject to England. King David was well pleased with this their Resolution, and look'd upon himself now, as discharged from attempting any thing further that way: Because he had only engaged to King Edward,

That if the Scotch Nobility would consent, he would Entail the Crown upon his Eldest Son.

IV. But we have too long left the Duke of Lancaster at the Siege of Rennes in Bretagne, from whence as we shew'd r 4.47 before, King Edward, at the Cardinals Remon∣strance, had sent him a peremptory Command to rise forthwith upon sight of his Let∣ters. Now the mean while the Duke by a strict and long Siege (for it began on the 3^d of December in the Year foregoing, and ended not till the latter end of July in this Year) had mightily straitned the Place, having moreover ravaged and eaten up the Country all about to supply his Army; but I dare not say with. s 4.48 Leland, that by a Detachment sent from the Siege, he wan Autry and Semay, lying on the River Aysne on the Marches of Lorraine; for to any one that considers the Distance of those Parts from Bretagne, it will seem ridiculous to imagin it; I had rather in that Place read Vitray on the Vilaine, on which River the City of Rennes also stands. However t 4.49 once Charles of Blois came thither with 10000 Men to raise the Siege, but when he saw the English Duke ready to receive him in the Field, and yet at the same time to make good the Siege with another Part of his Army, holding it not likely to succeed as then, he reti∣red. Whereupon the Besieged beginning to doubt of their Affairs, sought for an oc∣casion to parly with the Duke, but they design'd to do it as it were by Chance, that so they might obtain the better Conditions. First therefore they request a safe Con∣duct for a Bishop and six Knights, whom they sent to re-consecrate a Church without the Walls, which being polluted by a Murther committed therein had been shut up for some time. These seven having obtained a safe Conduct, and the Work for which they went being done, upon their return thrô the Camp, were invited by the Duke to Dine with him: and there at Table in Discourse it was question'd, what might be the Meaning that the Defendants delay'd to yield up the Town, since there was no Body

able to succour them or to raise the Siege. The Bishop having received Instructions be∣fore-hand, said they should not refuse to yield upon good Conditions; the Duke said, they could not expect any better Conditions as things were now, than to submit Them∣selves and Goods to his Clemency. However after much Altercation, Matters were brought at last to this Issue,

That the Inhabitants should give to the Duke an u 4.50 hun∣dred thousand Scutes of Gold toward the Charges he had been at; so that they should be otherwise free both in their Body and Goods; and further, that they should give Security, that upon the Duke's Demanding the Town for the Use and Behoof of the King of England, they would deliver it unto him, to set what Captain he should please over them.

These things were established and agreed to on both sides, and thereup∣on the Duke named them a Captain; but because he would not expose the City to Plunder, he appointed only certain Troops to go and take Possession of it in his Name, he himself tarrying without the Town with the Gross of his Army. One x 4.51 says, how he had sworn not to rise from before Rennes, untill he had entred in Person, and should see his Banners planted upon the Rampiers: Wherefore his Men apprehending they should grapple with the Difficulties of a second Winter, and the Defendants fearing to be utterly famished, the Treaty was thereupon promoted with more vigour on both sides. And as for the Duke's Oath, Sr. Bertram Clequin, one of the six Knights that menaged the Treaty, found out an Expedient to save that: Which was, that he should enter the Town with Nine more, and his Colours should stand on the Gate for some hours. Without this Device, as it proved, he must have been obliged to depart without fulfil∣ling his Oath; for presently after, even on that same Day, being the last of June, the King of England's Letters aforemention'd came to his Hands, wherein he was comman∣ed immediately to leave the Siege: Thô by good Fortune he had first got his Mony, and made full Agreement. Which Agreement, according to Orders set down in the King's Letters, was after that advanced into a Truce, y 4.52 between the Earl of Montford and Charles of Blois and their Adherents, to endure untill the First Day of May, An^o MCCCLXI.

V. At the same time z 4.53 there were certain Men of Arms and Archers, belonging to divers Castles in Garrison both in Bretagne and Gascogne, of whom more than 600 joyning together went into Normandy, to further the Affairs of Philip of Navarre; where in a short space they took by Stratagem the strong Town of Honfleur, which is directly opposite to Harfleur, on the other side the Seyne; and began to fortifie it for themselves. But soon after the Marshal of France, Robert Clermont, came upon them with 800 Men of Arms and 5000 Foot, and made a fierce Assault upon the Town; wherein yet he lost no less than 500 Men: And still the English defended themselves, and the French laboured hard at the Walls to carry the Place by Force. But while thus the Fight continued, Sr. Robert Knolles and Sr. James Pipe, who a 4.54 were the Duke of Lancaster's Lieutenants in Normandy, came suddenly on the Frenchmens Backs, and with the slaughter of a Thousand more of them, put the Marshal and the rest to flight.

VI. Now the strong b 4.55 Castle of Eureux in Normandy, which was a part of the Na∣tural Inheritance of King Charles of Navarre, and whence he bore the Title of Earl, had some while since been seised into the Frenchmen's hands, and was still by them detained, to the exceeding Regret of the Citizens of Eureux and others, Subjects and Friends of the said King of Navarre. Among others William Lord of Granville re∣sented it extreamly ill, that the King his Master should be thus basely imprisoned, and this his Castle and other Places of his injuriously detained by his Enemies. This Lord had an House and Lands within two Leagues of the City, and could without a∣ny Suspicion go in and out at his pleasure; because as yet he had never bore Arms for Prince Philip or the English against the French, for fear of losing those Lands which he held thereabout. And besides when King John wan that Place, he took an Oath of Fidelity from all those who held any thing in those Parts, or else all had been seised to his own Use: And thus King John held the Country, but King Charles reign'd in the Hearts of the People. And yet if the French King had been now at home all had been well enough: But his Captivity, and the Confusion of the French Affairs there∣upon, gave more Courage to the Enemies of France to undertake Matters, which o∣therwise they durst not have thought on: Especially because it was well known, that the Three Estates themselves were desirous of the Liberty and Prosperity of the King of Navarre. Upon these Considerations this Lord William of Granville began to form a no∣table and a bold Enterprise on the Behalf of the King his Master, which now we shall exactly relate. The Liberty he had of going to Eureux at his pleasure, he made use

of chiefly to visit a great Alderman of that City, whom he knew in former times to have been very firm and loyal to the King of Navarre. This Alderman had a particular esteem also for him upon the same and other Accounts, and entertain'd him always with the best sort of Provisions, and with much freedom of Discourse relating to several Matters; but still they would now and then have a Touch about the King of Navarre's being seised and thrown into Prison, whereat they were both highly displeased. But at last the Lord William said in private to the Alderman,

If you will be of my Mind, and give me your Furtherance, I will undertake soon to recover both this Town and Castle to the use of our Lord the King of Navarre. How can that be, said the Alderman? For the Captain of the Castle is so true a Frenchman, that we can never expect to make him consent to any such thing: And without the Castle nothing can be done; for 'tis that over-aws the Town. Well, said the Lord William, I'll tell you now: First of all you must try to get five or six substantial Citizens to your side, and every one of you must then secretly provide a certain Quota of Men of Arms, to be ready by such a Day in your Houses: And when you can assure me of thus much, I'll engage upon my Life, that you shall enter the Castle without any Danger, by a Stratagem which I have thought on.

The Business being thus concluded, the Alderman handled the Matter so discreetly, that he wan an Hundred substantial Citizens to be of his side presently; all who provided certain Armed Men, who were to be ready on such a Day in their houses. When the Lord William knew that all things were Ripe, he fixed the Day, and informed the Alderman what Measures to take, and so prepared himself to put his Plot in Execution.

Early in a Morning he arm'd himself, and over his Armour put on a Coat, and over the Coat a short Cloak, and so putting a short Battle-Ax close under his Arm, he walked forth with his Man after him toward the Castle. Being now near, he walked in a care∣less manner to and fro before the Gate, as he had often done before, by way of Pre∣paration; till at last the Captain of the Castle came down and opened the Wicket of the Gate, and as it was his daily use stood there and looked about him, to see if the Coast was clear. When Sr. William espied him, he walk'd as it were by Chance that way, till being something near, he gave the Good Morrow to the Captain, who stood still and civily returned his Bon-jour; and so Sr. William drawing a little nearer they be∣gan to enter into Converse.

The Frenchmen of all other People are hugely desirous of News; but especially when any ways they are debarred from going abroad, as those are who keep Garrisons: Wherefore first of all in subtlety Sr. William asked the Captain, what News he had heard lately? The Captain who had nothing to tell, and therefore greatly desired to know something, answer'd,

Alas! I have no News in the World, but desire if you have any to impart it to me. Sir, that I shall do most readily, said Sr. William, and then pro∣ceeded in this manner.

Sir, it is now current all about France, that the King of Denmark and the King of Iseland are allied together, and have sworn to Sail forth, and not return again into their own Countries, till they have utterly destroyed all England; and that in their Course thither, meeting with the Prince of Wales upon the Sea, as he was conveying the French King into England, they fought him and wan the French King from him, whom they are now sending home in great Honour to Pa∣ris: For their Navy consists of more than an hundred thousand Fighting Men. And the Englishmen are in such fear of them, that they know not what in the World to do;

for there goes an old Prophesie among them,

That England shall be destroyed by the Danes. Then the Captain asked him, how he heard these News? Sir, said the Lord William, an honourable Friend of mine, a Knight of Flanders, wrote this to me for most certain, and together with the Letter he sent me the loveliest Chessboard of Men, that ever I beheld in all my Life.

That Device he put in by the by; because he knew the Captain took great pleasure in playing at Chess; and indeed this Project took, for the Captain immediately snatching hold on the last Word, said,

Sir, I pray be so kind to let me see your Chess-Men.

I'll send for them presently, replied Sr. William, on condition you'll play a Game with me for some Wine. And that being agreed on, he bad his Servant, who was privy to all his Design, to run and fetch him his Chess-men, and bring them unto him to the Wicket: Accordingly his Man ran into the Town, and the Captain and Sr. William enter'd in at the first Gate, the Captain fast∣ning the Wicket after him with a Bolt only; for he would not lock it because of the return of the Chessboard. Then Sr. William asked him familiarly to open the Second Gate, saying, he might do it safely enough, seeing the First was fast. Then the Captain o∣pen'd that Wicket also, and let Sr. William enter with him to see the Castle in his Company.

The mean while his Servant had gone straight to the Chief of those Burgesses, who had Men ready Armed in their Houses, and they immediately signified the same to all the rest, and so being all assembled, and conveniently posted on one side near the Castle Gate, he went up before and sounded a little Horn, as he was before order'd to do by the Captain and Sr. William. The Lord of Granville hearing the Horn, said to the Captain,

let us go out to the Second Gate, for my Man is coming; and with that he himself passed forth at the First Wicket, and stood still without, watching his Opportunity.

The Captain thinking to follow him set out one Foot, and stooping down put out his Head, but just then had Sr. William taken in his hand the little Ax from under his Arm, and therewith clave the Captains Head at one stroke, before he could get his other foot over, so that he fell immediately dead upon the Groundsel. Then Sr. William ran hastily to the Outer Wicket and unbolted it, at which time he saw his Friends marching up apace to his Assistance. Now the Watchman of the Castle ha∣ving heard the Horn, was much surprized, for the Captain, however lately he had for∣got his own Order, had commanded that none should sound any Horn in the Town on pain of Death. Wherefore looking down from the high Tower he saw Men in Harness hasting towards the Castle Gate, whereupon he cried Treason. At that, as many of those in the Castle as were ready, hasted to the innermost Gate, where they were extreamly startled to behold their Captain Dead, and Sr. William with his Ax in his Hand, and all in shining Armour (for he had flung away his Cloak now) to defend the Entry. At that instant those, who were to second the Lord William being enter'd the First Gate were come up also to the other, and so they easily drave back the Souldiers, and took and slew whom they pleased, and so became Masters of the Castle.

The Castle being thus won, the City presently yielded, and cast out their French Garrison, at what time they sent for the Lord Philip of Navarre, who being just then return'd out of England, went thither upon their Invitation, and made that his chief Garrison, from whence on occasion to infest all Normandy. Upon his Coming thither he was joyned with Sr. Robert Knolles, Sr. James Pipe, and other English Captains, besides Gascogners, who all together made a considerable Garrison, which afterwards prov'd highly prejudicial to the Realm of France.

VII. At this time there arose several Captains of England, who gather'd Companies unto themselves, wherewith they made War at their Pleasure; and gain'd Prizes by Spoils and Ransoms, and arrived to great Wealth and Dignity. One of these was Sr. John Hawkwood, c 4.56 an English Knight, born at Sible Heveningham, aliàs Heningham in Essex, being the Son of Gilbert Hawkwood a Tanner: He was bound an Apprentice to a Taylor in the City of London, by whose good leave he went very Young to the French Wars in the Service of the King. For his admired Valour he was honoured with the Order of Knighthood, and became in his Days a most Noble Captain. All I∣taly remembers the Fame he purchased in the Wars there, now fighting for the Duke of Milain, Barnabo, whose Daughter Donna he had in Marriage; now for the Pope and the Church, and another while for the State of Florence, in whose Service he died 38 Years after this. In Testimony of whose manifold good Offices to that State, the Flo∣rentines have deposited his Bones in a sumptuous Monument in their Cathedral, over which there is his Statue of Black Marble armed at all Points, with Hawks flying thrô a Wood upon his Shield, that being the Rebus of his Name. Thô some of his Friends raised for him a Cenotaph also here in England at Sible Heningham aforesaid, the Arches of which Tomb represented Hawks flying thrô a Wood. Froisard calls him Sr. John Hacton, Jovius, John de Aucut, or de Acuto, and d 4.57 Others otherwise; but Hawkwood is the True Name. Take this Tetrastick of Julius Feroldus in his Praise.

Hawkwood, Anglorum Decus & Decus addite Genti Italicae, Italico praesidiúmque solo: Ʋt tumult quondam Florentia, sic simulachri Virtutem Jovius donat honore tuam.

O Hawkwood, England's Glory, sent to be The Bulwark and the Pride of Italy; A Tomb just Florence to thy Worth doth raise, And Jovius rears a Statue to thy Praise.

By the Lady Donna aforesaid he had a Son, called also Sr. John Hawkwood, naturalized in the Eighth year of King Henry IV, ten Years after the Death of his Father, as e 4.58 appears by the Record.

Nor was Sr. Robert Knolles less remarkable in these days, who being born of mean Parentage in Cheshire, was by his Valiant Acts advanced from a Common Souldier to a Great Commander; his first Rise was in these Wars of Normandy, of which we are speak∣ing, where with his English Troops and Navarrois, he wan from the French Towns and Castles, driving the Country before him like sheep, and winning Prizes at such a Rate, that all Men * 4.59 were willing to follow his Fortune: For he loaded all his Men with Plunder, and was himself worth more than an 100000 Crowns.

VIII. But besides this double torment, which the French Nation at that time felt both in Bretagne and Normandy, there arose in other parts of France a sort of Free-booters; who were men, neither provoked, nor employ'd by any, but therefore pro∣voked, because not employ'd, they banded together to afflict, rob, and plunder the poor Country. The Chief whereof at that time was g 4.60 Sr. Arnold Cervoles a Gas∣cogner, who at the Battle of Poictiers was armed like one of the French Kings Sons; being commonly called the Arch-Priest. He was very wealthy, and had for some while at his own Charges retained a good Number of Men of Arms, and others of several Nations; with whom he lately served the French King. But upon that Kings Imprisonment missing of his pay, he thought he could not better employ himself, and keep his Men together, than by paying himself at the Countries cost. This Arch-Priest knew the Clergy was Rich, and therefore he took his way towards Provence, intending to give his Holiness a Visit, and to finger some of his Gold, and all along in his way thither he plunder'd, and pillag'd, and took Towns and Castles. Pope Innocent VI. was so terribly alarum'd at the noise of this approaching Storm, that he fell to retain Men of War on all hands, and made the Cardinals do the like; more∣over h 4.61 he wrote earnestly to the Emperour Charles, requesting his Assistance, as also to the Imprison'd King of France, because the Dauphin was of no Authority: But these Friends were far of, and Sr. Arnold came daily nearer and nearer, having haras∣sed at his pleasure in Venaissin, till coming toward Avignon, i 4.62 the Pope and his Cler∣gy not daring to trust to their Arms, to be fairly rid of him, fell into a Treaty with him; till at last upon good security given and taken, he was permitted to enter the City with certain of his Troops, where he was as Honourably received, as thô he had been Son to a King. He••frequently dined with the Pope and the Cardinals, and there obtained a Re∣vocation of the Curse lately laid upon him and his Men; and also a full pardon ab omni panâ & culpâ; which was made more relishing with an addition of 60000 Crowns of Gold, presen∣ted unto Sr. Arnold; he thereupon promising to leave those parts. This he punctually obser∣ved; but thô certain of his Men, being now satisfied of their pay, disbanded, he kept the great∣er part of them still together, and only changing his Quarters continued his new Profession.

At the same time there k 4.63 arose another Warlike Company of Robbers under one Griffith a Welch Captain, who kept between the Rivers of Loire and Seyne; so that none durst travail on Horse or Foot between Paris and Orleans, or between Paris and Montargis; but all the People of the Country fled before them, either to Orleans or to Paris. This Captain Griffith, whom some way or other his Men had made a Knight, became wonderfull Rich by his excessive pillaging and plundering. One day he would ride up almost to Paris, another day to Orleans, and a third to Chartres; insomuch, that there was no Town, Castle, nor Village, except those, that were fortify'd to pur∣pose, which they did not overrun, rob, and plunder, as Espernon, Gaillardon, Rambouil∣let, Alais, Estampes, Chastres, Montereau, Pluviers en Gastinois, Milly, Artenay, Cha∣stillon, Montargis, Illiers, and divers other great and small Towns; that You'ld ad∣mire to think it. And besides this they infested the Roads, robbing all Passengers, by 20, 30, and 40 in a Company; nor did they meet with any Resistance, the Noble Realm of France was at that time in such Disorder. These sort of Men called them∣selves La grand Compagnie, and Les Compagnons, and grew by Degrees numerous, and lasted long, and ravaged about in divers Countries to the great Terrour and Affliction of the whole Kingdom. For the Three Estates did so clash with the Dauphin, and with one another, that they did to their Country more mischief, than good; and the Regent was not able to do any thing of Moment, because he wanted both Money and Authority. Wherefore the l 4.64 Noble Men of France, and the Prelates of Holy Church being weary of the troublesome Government of the Three Estates, voluntarily gave up their share in the Rule, and permitted the Provost of the Merchants to call some of the Burgesses of Paris, and other Towns to an account; because they had pre∣sum'd to call others to account, whom they had no power to question.

IX. At this the Provost taking more confidence upon him, than hitherto he had done, began to assemble certain of the Commons of Paris, who were of his Mind; and

to all these he distributed Hats, half-red, and half-sky-colour'd, to distinguish them from others. With 3000 of these fellows, being all armed, he marched from the Au∣gustins to the Palace of St. Paul, where then the Dauphin was lodged, having about him sundry Prelates and Noblemen of France: But the Provost upon his coming, ha∣ving seised on the Gates, and guarded all the Avenues, mounted boldly up into the Prince's chamber with a great Rout of Armed Rascals in his Company. Here he peremptorily desired the Dauphin to take upon him the Government, which belonged to him by In∣heritance, that so the Realm, which one day would be his, might be defended better than it was, and that those Companions, who began to swarm about in the Nation, plundering, spoiling, and ravaging without controll, might be subdued.

The Dauphin said, he would willingly take in hand so good a Work, if he had where∣withall; but that it ought to be rather expected from those, who had received the Profits and Rents belonging to the Crown: And, says he, for the reason of this Mat∣ter I refer my self to all the World. At this, a m 4.65 sign being given, John Lord of Con∣flent, and the Lord Robert Clermont, Marshals of France, with Dr. Simon de Bucy, a Counsellour of State, Three of the Dauphin's most trusty servants, are immediately slain before his face, and so near unto him, that the Blood gush'd out upon his Cloaths;

Ha! says the poor Prince, what Insolence is this? Dare you attempt against the Blood of France? No, no, my Lord, says the Provost, fear you nothing; 'tis not against your Person we pretend, but only those disloyal servants of yours, who have now received their Reward for giving You such ill Advice.

And therewith he took the Dauphin's Hat and clapt it on his own Head, at the same time putting his own upon the Dauphin's, so making him a Stale for that Popular Rebellion, by giving him the City Livery. The Dauphin's Hat was of a Brown-black, embroider'd with Gold, which this audacious Fellow wore all that day in token of his New Dictator∣ship: Wherefore he forced the abused Prince to pardon them for the Death of his Three Counsellours.

X. But we shall refer the tedious narration of these Insolencies to the French Histo∣rians, to whom it more properly belongs; since 'tis enough for us, to set forth only so much of the Affairs of that Nation, as either may better explain our Domestick trans∣actions, or are more strictly interwoven with them. And such a Matter was the n 4.66 Re∣lease of Charles King of Navarre, from his Prison at Arleux in Picardy; which hap∣pen'd immediately after that affront put upon the Dauphin, the Castle being entred by Scalado, and the King deliver'd thence not without the knowledge, as was thought, of the Lord of Picquigny, to whose Care King John had committed the Custody of that Prince. Being thus freed, he was carried in Triumph to the City of Amiens, where ha∣ving tarried till he had made his Peace with the Dauphin, he went with great Pomp to Paris, where he was welcom'd with Feastings and Splendid Entertainments, by the Duke of Normandy himself, at the Advice of the Provost, whom as then he would not, or durst not, displease. Here having been a few days, he made before the Dauphin and the Nobles of France a Florid Oration in Latine (for he was well learned and of a wonderfull voluble tongue, which was much advantaged by his Shape, Youth, and Presence) wherein

he complain'd of the hard and unworthy usage, which he had suffer'd from his nearest and dearest Relations, who of all Men ought especially to have upheld him. And that there was no Man living, who could with any shadow of Reason doubt, but that he would live and die in Defence of the Realm and Crown of France, as he was more particularly bound to do; being both by Father and Mother extracted of the Right Line of France: Inso∣much, that if he had a design (which yet he had not) of Challenging that Crown unto himself, he could evidently prove, that he had more Right thereto, than the present Pre∣tenders.

This Poison was so neatly cover'd with the Flowers of his Eloquence, Majesty, Youth, and Beauty; (especially all Men being prepared to pity him upon the account of his late Imprisonment) that it was immediately swallowed down by most of his Hearers, and by them transmitted to the Vulgar. With whom also he us'd such Popular Arts, by caressing them, promising to ease them of Taxes, to stand by them and the like; that he was presently in far more Power and esteem at Paris, and with most of the Chief Cities of France, than the Dauphin was himself. Wherefore he began to send for his Friends to come and be about him; but as for his Brother Philip, neither at his Invitations nor the Provosts, would he ever venture himself among the Parisiens; for he would always say,

how in the Favour of the Common-people there was never any certainty: But if Fawn∣ing and Hosanna's went before, there followed in the Reer nothing but Crucifiges, Ruine, Shame, and Dishonour.

CHAPTER the THIRD. * 4.67

The CONTENTS.

I. King Edward solemnises the Festival of St. George at Windsor in a most extraordi∣nary manner. II. A Treaty set on foot between King Edward and King John, in or∣der to the Redemption of the latter, but 'tis dash'd. III. The Rise of the Jaquery in France, with an Account of their horrid Cruelties and final Extirpation. IV. Discord between the King of Navarre and the Dauphin, and between the Dauphin and the Provost of Paris. V. The King and Duke reconcil'd; but the Provost continues plot∣ting. VI. The English Navarrois revenge the Death of their Countrymen on the Pa∣risiens. VII. The Provost designing to betray Paris to the English, is discover'd and slain. VIII. The King of Navarre displeased at his Death, breaks with the Dauphin again: His several Garrisons; the Dauphins Difficulties. IX. The great Confusion and Miseries of France. X. The Constable besieges St. Valery; the Captal of Busche comes to the King of Navarre's Assistance. XI. The several Garrisons of the Na∣varrois. XII. The Lord Canon Robsert discomfits a Party of them. XIII. The hap∣py Estate of England; two Kings keep Christmass with King Edward. XIV. The Death of the Queen Mother of England; and of the Queen Consort of Scotland, and of Orcanes the Great Turk. XV. A Quarrel between the Bishop of Ely and Blanch Lady Wake; and another between the four Orders of the Preaching-Fryers, and the two Ʋniversities of Cambridge and Oxford.

IN the a 4.68 beginning of this Year King Edward issued. forth his Royal Proclamation throughout all England, that all Knights Strangers from any Part of the World, who had a mind to come to the Feast of St. George, to be solemnly held by him on the 23^d of April at Windsor, should have his Letters of safe Conduct to pass and re∣pass the Realm at their Pleasure, for the space of three Weeks, without the least Impe∣diment or Danger, there to partake, every one according to his Degree and Merit, of those Honours and Prizes which attended the Princely Exercise of Justs and Tourna∣ments. And this high Feast the King held in the greatest Splendour imaginable, be∣yond all that he had ever done before; for the Honour chiefly of the French King, and others of the Nobility of France. To this solemn Justs came the Duke of Brabant, Sr. Frank van Hall, Sr. Henry Eam of Flanders, and many Great Lords and Knights of Almain, Gascogne, Scotland and other Countries. The Queen of Scotland also, and many other Great Ladies, as well of England as of other Nations, came to Windsor to this Feast in their gayest and richest Apparel: And thô it is not our Purpose to dwell long on Descriptions, surely the Pomp and Magnificence of this Famous Entertainment set forth as well King Edwards Greatness, as any other Grandeur of State whatsoever. But King John, who expected by an high Ransom to pay something toward these vast Profusions, said merrily, b 4.69 That he never saw nor knew such Royal Shews and Feastings, without some after Reckoning for Gold and Silver.

And we find, that about the same time he made use of one shift to raise Mony; for it was now set forth by Proclamation, c 4.70 that all such the Kings Subjects, as were posses∣sed of Lands or Rents to the Value of 40 s. should appear before the King, there to receive the Order of Knighthood, if he should so think fit, under Penalty of being fined according to the Law: And among others it is recorded, that Richard Bermingham of Bermingham in Warwickshire paid a Fine of 10 l. for his Pardon, because he did not obey the Proclamation.

II. A little before this, the d 4.71 Pope being concerned at the intestine Troubles of France, and finding that the Presence of the King was necessary to allay them, sent the two Cardinals of Perigort and St. Vitalis with Letters to the Dauphin, bearing Date at Avignon VIII Kal. Januarii, An^o Pontificatûs VI. Wherein he admonished him to use his utmost Endeavours speedily to redeem his Father, to compose all Civil Dis∣cords, and to attend to the Cardinals Advice in those Matters.

The mean while King Edward, e 4.72 as soon as the Solemnity at Windsor was over, re∣moved

his Court to London, and there began to treat so seriously with King John, that all Men believed a Perpetual Peace would now take place between them. Yet it was long before Matters could be brought to any tolerable Issue: For King Edward f 4.73 requi∣red Homage of King John for the Realm of France, as holding it of Him, whose Right it was; and upon this Condition he proffer'd him his Liberty and a perpetual Friendship. But King John, who had not lost either his Courage or Honour by this Adversity, made this resolute Answer,

That he intended whatever came of it, to leave the Realm of France free and entire to his Children, as he had received it from his Fathers: That Affliction might well engage his Person, but not the inviolable Rights of his Crown, nor the Liberty of that Country where he had the honour to be Born; and over which neither the Imprisonment nor Death of any single Person had such Influence; especi∣ally as to him, who should always reckon his Life well laid down for the Immortal Preservation of France.

This Generous Magnanimity of King John gave King Edward occasion not only to commiserate his Calamity, but also more tenderly to respect and honour him, as a Person worthy of a better Fortune. So that at last, especially because his Dearest Son, the Prince of Wales, had promised unto him both in his Tent the Night of the Battle, and afterwards at Bourdeaux, that Peace and Concord should take place, as much as in him lay, if by any means he might prevail with his Father; the King being willing to do his Son Honour, yielded to more easie Conditions of Peace, at least such as seemed so to King John, who declared he was ready to pay any Summ of Mony as should be demanded; but to subject the Crown of France to any Other, that he should never yield to for all the Terrours imaginable. So it was agreed, g 4.74

That the whole Countries of Gascogne and Guienne, Poictou, Touraine, Saintogne, Peri∣gort, Quercie, Limosin, Angoulmois, Ponthieu, Boulonois, Guisnes and Calais, should remain wholly and entirely to the King of England and his Heirs for ever, without any Homage or Duty paying therefore. And in lieu thereof King Edward to re∣nounce for Him and his Heirs, all his Right to the Title and Crown of France; as also his Claim, which by any manner of Means he might have to the Dukedom of Normandy, the Earldoms of Anjou and Maine. The King of France being moreo∣ver to pay unto the King of England for his Ransom h 4.75 Three Millions of Crowns of Gold, which amounts to 500000 l. Sterling: Whereof 600000 Crowns to be laid down presently, 400000 the Year after, and the Remainder the next two Years fol∣lowing. And that Fourteen of the Chief Nobility of France should lie as Hostages in England, till the whole Summ is paid; which done, King John to be set at Liber∣ty, and honourably conveyed into his own Country.

These Articles were sent over to Avignon to be confirmed and ratified by the Pope, and also to the Dauphin, to be by him communicated to the Three Estates; the success whereof we shall shew in due Place. And so the two Cardinals, who had now been more than a Year in England, took their leave and went home again, having the Kings safe Conduct as far as to Calais. This Agreement between the two Kings was established by Oaths interchangeably made, and with their mutual Kissing each Other, and the Fame thereof was spread all about; but however on one side or other, Sincerity was supposed to be wanting. Those Wri∣ters i 4.76 that favour the French Interest, lay the blame upon King Edward, saying, that when he beheld the Commotions in France, he did his utmost to foment them, that so he might subject the Realm unto himself; and that he might fling the Odium of the Breach upon the French, he k 4.77 contrived to hinder them from raising the Mony, which was to be paid ready down; and that he secretly assisted the King of Navarre with Men, to enable him the more to embroil that Kingdom. But all this we shall easily prove to be the Invention of Malice or Mistake: For as to the stopping of the Mony, 'tis l 4.78 af∣firmed by good Authority,

That soon after the Departure of the Cardinals, there came certain Persons from France with m 4.79 twelve hundred thousand Crowns in Part of Payment for their Kings Ransom: But King Edward refused the Mony, for that they had not brought the Hostages with them, as it had been agreed. They in their De∣fence answer'd, that a great Part of France was ravaged by the English, contrary to the Form and Nature of the Agreement; that the People of France durst not go to their own Houses. The King told them, that such Englishmen, who tarried in France after the Agreement made, were Outlaws, Felons, Murderers, Theeves and Robbers, and Delinquents against the Laws of his Kingdom, and as such, out of his Protecti∣on, nor could he justifie them.

And further, there is found rather an instance of King John's Insincerity in this matter; for the same n 4.80 Author assures us, that when the English Ambassadors were returning from Avignon, having compleated their Bu∣siness, it was found out, that King John, contrary to his Oath, had sent Letters into

France, importing,

That whatsoever he had agreed to for Convenience sake in the present Necessity of Affairs, it was never in his Mind to part with one Foot of the Land of France unto the King of England.

And the Bearer thereof was taken at Sea, and upon Search these Letters found about him sealed with King John's Privy Seal. Upon notice of this double Dealing, King Edward thought fit to confine him a little more closely; and so first order'd him to be convey'd to Hereford Castle, from whence the next Year o 4.81 his Keeper Sr. John Kirketon was order'd to remove him to Somerton-Castle in Somersetshire; where also for some time he remain'd under Custody of the Lord William Deincourt, and Sr. William Colvile, who therein supplied the Place of his Brother the Lord Robert Colvile, he being indisposed at that time: And lastly, he was removed thence to the Tower of London, his Son Philip being constantly with him. But (as we said before) these Removes were made the next Year, when King Edward was in France.

III. The mean while, as if all the Vials of Gods Wrath were now to be poured out all together upon that unhappy Prince's People; there arose in France another Plague, more terrible than any hitherto mention'd. For whether on occasion of the Oppression of the Great Men, or the into••erable Presumption of the Poor; soon after the Delive∣rance of the King of Navarre, p 4.82 a sort of Rascally Clowns began their seditious Assem∣blies in Beauvoisin and Brie, about Soissons and the River of Marne, which threatned a total Destruction to all the Nobility and Gentry of France. For they prov'd just such Levellers, as some twenty three Years after, in the Days of King Richard II, Wat Tyler and Jack Straw were here in England.

At first they were not passing an Hundred or such a matter, who gathering together out of the little Villages without any Head or Captain, and being met somewhere in Beavoisin, said among themselves,

How their Nobles, Knights, Esquires and Gentle∣men were a shame and burthen to the Land, and that it would be as laudable to de∣stroy them for their Villany, as profitable for their Wealth.

And they all cried out, that it was true, and said with one Voice,

A shame on him, that doth not his best to root out all the Gentlemen of the Land.

Being thus suddenly gather'd and agreed, without either Captain or Weapons, except what their own ungodly Madness armed them with, as Prongs, Staves, and the like; they went forthwith to a Knights house hard by, which having broke up, they slew him and his Lady, and all his Children great and small, and fired the House upon them; which done they proceeded to another House, a Castle, where they took the Captain thereof a Knight, and bound him fast to a Stake, and ravished his Wife and his Daughter before his Face, and then slew the La∣dy and her Daughter, and the rest of his Children, and lastly, tormented the Knight himself to Death, and burnt and beat down the Castle; the like whereof they did to several other Castles and Gentlemens Houses. And still as they went on, they en∣creased like a rowling Snow-ball, so that presently they were grown to above 6000 in Number; for all ungracious Villains like themselves fell to them. Wherefore all the Gentlemen about the Country, with their Wives and Children fled away before them, ten or twenty Leagues off for their better Security, leaving both their Houses and Goods at the discretion of these base Rascals.

Thus did this disorderly Multitude range about, robbing and burning of Houses, Pa∣laces and Mansions, murdering and tormenting all Gentlemen they could lay their hands on, and ravishing young Ladies and Gentlewomen, and committing such horrid Villanies, as can hardly be imagin'd: And he of their Company who was most daring and exqui∣site in C••uelty and Wickedness, had the highest Esteem among them. At first they had no Head to follow or obey, but now there was found among them one Jaques of Cler∣mont in Beauvotsin, who was so diabolically excellent at these Damnable Inventions of doing Mischief, that as the most ungracious of all, they chose him for their King and Cap∣tain, naming him Jaques the Good-Man: And thence their whole Tribe obtain'd to be called q 4.83 the Jaquerie.

This incarnate Devil of a King, having first cruelly slain a Noble Knight of those Parts, caused him to be spitted and roasted at a Fire, in sight of the Lady his Wife and Children, and after that ten or a dozen had in most shamefull manner violated the Lady, they compelled her to eat her Husbands Flesh, and then put to Death both her and her Children. And at this rate they raged and prevailed in Beauvoisin, about Corbie, Amiens and Mondidier, destroying and burning more than threescore good Houses and Castles. And at the same time the like Fury seised the Peasants and other villanous Wretches in Brie and Artois, but especially in Brie; so that all the Ladies, Knights and Esquires of those Parts were fain to fly away to Meaux on the Marne for their De∣fence.

And among them were the Dutchess of Normandy, and the Dutchess of Orle∣ans, the one Sister in Law, and the other Daughter in Law to King John, with seve∣ral other Ladies and Gentlewomen; all who were obliged to fly thither for preserva∣tion of their Lives and Honours. And all the Country on each side the Marne, as between Paris and Noyon, and about Soissons and Cressy en Valois, and on the other side, as far as Mortmireil and Espernay, was overrun by these Wretched Creatures; and more than an hundred Castles and strong Edifices, belonging to the Nobility and Gen∣try utterly defaced and ruined. Wherefore the Gentlemen of Beauvoisin, Corbois and Vermandois, being alarum'd at the horrible Outrage of these People, sent to their Friends in Flanders, Hainalt, Brabant and Luxemburgh for their Assistance. Whereupon be∣ing speedily re-enforced, they took Courage and rode about the Country in strong Bo∣dies, and whereever they met with any of these ungracious Levellers, they slew them without Mercy, and hanged them on the trees in Clusters; and surely it was high time to take them up, for if they had all been joyned together, they had made above an hun∣dred thousand Men. When any were taken and question'd, why they did such Devi∣lish deeds, they had nothing to say;

but that they could not help it, they only did as they saw others do; it being their design to destroy all the Nobles and Gentlemen in the World.

One day the King of Navarre slew of these People above 3000 near Clermont in Beauvoisin; and at the same time there came out of Prussia from the Holy War Gaston Phoebus Earl of Foix, and his Cousin John Greilly Lord of Kendale and Benanges, and Knight of the Garter, commonly called the Captal of Buche, a true and constant Lover of the English Nation. When the Truce was taken between the two Realms, this Noble and Valiant Gentleman, with the Lord r 4.84 Walter Fauconberg, an English Ba∣ron, and several others, as well French and Gascogners, as English, went into Prus∣ses to fight against the Enemies of the Christian Religion; and being now upon their Return on the Borders of France, they heard of the great havock these unhappy Mul∣titudes made among the Nobility; and that the Dutchess of Normandy, and the Duke of Orleans and his Dutchess, with more than 300 other Ladies and Gentlewomen, were in great fear fled unto the City of Meaux for refuge. Wherefore the foresaid Lords agreed to go and comfort these Ladies, and to offer their Lives in their service; for thô the Captal and other English Lords were there, yet a Truce being now between the two Kings, they might safely ride thrô any part of that Kingdom; and besides the Cause it self was able to justifie them, all the Country standing in need of such Protectors. They were in all Threescore most accomplish'd Men of Arms, Lords and Knights, besides their Esquires and servants, all who were well provided for War; and being come in time to Meaux, they were heartily welcome to the Duke of Or∣leans, and the Ladies with him, and immediately the French Lords and Gentlemen there∣abouts joyn'd them.

The mean while the Rascals of the Jaquerie hearing what a Number of Ladies, Gentlewomen, and Noblemens Children were gather'd together in Meaux, taking un∣to them the Rebels of Valois, and some of the Commons of Paris, marched thither, as to a certain Prize. Upon their first setting forth they were about 9000, and every day they encreased, as they passed on, till they came to Meaux; the Commons of which City, out of Fear, as they pretended, or rather in connivance at their Wickedness, set open their Gates, and gave them leave to enter. Immediately all the Streets were full of them, even to the Market-place; where all the Nobles, Knights, and Ladies were lodged in a strong house, environ'd by the River of Marne.

Yet notwithstanding the Presence of these Valiant Knights, when the Ladies saw such Multitudes of the Rabble coming against them, they were in an heavy taking for doubt of their Lives and Honour. But at that instant the Earl of Foix, the Lord John Greilly, the Lord Fauconberg and their Company, being all gallantly mounted, rode toward the Gate that looks to the Market-place, and sallied forth in Warlike Order, setting fiercely upon the Levellers, who were but indifferently Armed, and held but little Array, being more ignorant in the Arts of War, than in the Practise of Brutish Cruelty. Besides the Three Lords aforesaid, there was also the Duke of Or∣leans with his Banner, and their whole Number exceeded not 500; but they were all well-armed, Expert and Gallant Men, and led on by Captains of High Courage and Conduct. Wherefore when this Rascally Rabble saw these Warriers all in shining Ar∣mour sallying forth on their Barbed Horses, ready to Defend the Place, the foremost of them gave back in great Confusion, and the Gentlemen fell in upon them with swords, Spears, and Battle-Axes. But when the Barbarous Clowns felt and saw the mighty

stroaks they gave, and how nothing they had, could resist them, they all began to turn their backs, and for haste fell foul upon one another. Then all the Noblemen ha∣ving quitted the Barriers, and won the Head of the Street, rushed forth in good Mar∣tial Order, and flew in with great Fury among the thickest of their Enemies; whom they beat down by heaps, and slew them like Beasts, driving them before their faces so hastily, that Hundreds of them leap'd into the River. In short, they slew of them that day more than 7000, and not one of them had escaped, but that the Victors were so wearied with the Execution, that they were not able to follow the Chace, and pick them up from all parts, where they were scatter'd. Now at last when all these Men of Arms were return'd to the Town, with one consent they set it on fire, and burnt it to the ground and all the Commons of the Town, whom they could en∣close therein; because they had so perfidiously taken part with the Jaquerie, and let them in at their Gates. Their Captain Jaques the Good-man, being here taken alive, was sent to the Dauphin, s 4.85 who understanding that he had assumed the Name of a King, caused him to be Crown'd with a Trevet, or the Three-legged Frame of an Iron Skel∣let, red-hot, and so to be hang'd, in Requital of all his Barbarous Cruelties.

After this notable Discomfiture, and the terrible Example done upon Meaux, they were never able to make any considerable Head again: For the young Lord Ingelram de Coucy, a Valiant Baron both of t 4.86 England and France, with certain flying Troops of both Nations scoured about thrô all the Country; and still as fast as he could pick them up, he put them to Death without pity.

IV. But neither yet were the intestine Broils of France allayed; for by reason of the King of Navarre's popularity (especially because he presum'd to retain certain Englishmen at his wages within Paris it self) the u 4.87 Duke of Normandy doubting the E∣vent of such open Insolence, as also the seditious Designs of the Provost of the Mer∣chants and his Abettors, left the City in Displeasure with those Friends he had a∣bout him, and rode to Pont-Charenton on the River Marne, where he began to Muster Men of War, and presently sent his Defiance to Stephen Marcell, the Provost, and all his Partakers. The Provost was mightily startled at this, and doubted greatly, that some time or other, the Duke would come upon them in the Night, and over∣run the City; for at that time Paris had neither deep Trenches, nor any other De∣fence in a manner, except those Walls of Bone, her Inhabitants. Then immediately he set Labourers and Pioneers to work about the City, who made large and deep Trenches, and began High Walls, and strong Gates, and Bastions, and other Defences; there being 300 Men continually employed about the Work for the space of one whole Year. Surely it was a Mark of Extraordinary Greatness to furnish an Army, and at the same time, almost in an instant to fortifie so vast and spacious a City, as Paris: And whatever the occasion was, most certainly never any Provost did an act of more Advan∣tage to that Place; for had it not been for these Defences, the City had not only been short∣ly after taken by King Edward, but upon several other occasions easily overrun and spoiled.

Now when the x 4.88 Duke of Normandy had compleated his Musters, and gather'd to∣gether to his Assistance sundry Persons of Honour, not only of the Realm of France, but also out of the Empire, and elsewhere for pay; so that he had more than 3000 Men of Arms, besides others; He presently went and laid Siege to Paris, toward the Gate of St. Anthony, along by the River of Seyne, himself being lodged at St. Maur des Fossez, and his Men thereabout, who every day went and skirmished even to the Walls of Paris: But still the Provost's Workmen proceeded; for the Souldiers with∣in the City defended them upon all occasions. Sometimes the Duke lay at St. Maur, and sometimes at Charenton; so that nothing could come to Paris on that side, either by Land or Water: For he had caused both the Rivers of Seyne and Marne to be well kept, and had burnt all the Villages about Paris, which were not enclosed, the better to curb the Insolence of that Rebellious City. And surely he had served Paris it self in the same manner; if it had not been pretty well fortify'd: However none durst go in or out for fear of his Men, who rode on both sides the Seyne at their Pleasure; there was none to Resist them.

Yet there were in the City several Loyal and well-disposed Persons, as John Mail∣lart, and his Brother Simon, and many of their Relations and Friends, who were very much troubled at the Duke of Normandy's Displeasure with the City, and would very willingly have submitted unto him, and have beg'd his Pardon: But the Provost had so inveigled the Vulgar by his Popular pretences, that no Man durst contradict him, unless he had a Mind to be torn in pieces. The Provost for his part still kept in with the King of Navarre, following his Directions in all things, and all the while he

had Men at Work, both Day and Night by turns, for Defence of the Ci∣ty; and moreover retain'd Souldiers on all hands, as well Navarrois, as English Men of Arms, and Archers, and other of the Companions: For no other English∣men durst make War in France; because hitherto there was a Truce between the two Nations.

When the King of Navarre saw this Difference between the Duke and the City, he began to call to Mind the Words of his Brother Philip; That there was no Trust to be reposed in the Vulgar, and therefore doubting the Worst, if Matters should pro∣ceed, he very fairly took his leave of them (thô not without many kind Promises) and drew off to St. Dennis: Where he began to retain Souldiers in great Numbers; but the City of Paris paid their Wages. The Duke of Normandy had now lain at Charenton six Weeks, and the King, of Navarre almost as long at St. Dennis; and between them both, all the Vicinage was in a manner destroy'd and eaten up.

V. But in this sad juncture it pleased God to raise up certain Eminent and Worthy Personages, to labour effectually to compose Matters, first between the King and the Duke; and then also between the two Realms. And here we must not forget the great Diligence of the Pope, y 4.89 who by his Letters both to the Dauphin and the King of Na∣varre, earnestly exhorted them to a final Concord, so profitable to the Realm, and so comfortable to all Good Men. Besides the Archbishop of Sens, then newly Ran∣som'd out of England, the Bishop of Auxerre, and the Bishop of Beauvais, the Lord Charles of Monmorency, the Lord Moreau de Fiennes, and the Lord of St. Venant, joyned together to do their utmost in this pious way of Pacification. These six went so often between the Parties, interceding, qualifying, arguing, and conjuring, and bare themselves with such discretion; That now the King of Navarre of his own meer good Will, without the least Constraint, went to Charenton to the Duke of Norman∣dy, and excused himself of what he was suspected, especially of the Death of the Lords of Clermont and Conflens, and of Doctor Simon Bucy, and of the Affront, which the Provost had done unto him in the Palace at Paris: Swearing,

that it was all with∣out his Consent and knowledge, and promising the Duke to embarque with him, and joyn issue in all his Affairs both good and evil, and to make the Parisians give him satisfaction for what they had done.

Hereupon there was Peace made between the King and the Duke; the latter whereof said,

He was willing to pardon the Pa∣risians, on Condition, that he might have the Provost and 12 other Burgesses, such as he should name, to punish after their Demerits.

After this Agreement the King of Navarre returned to St. Dennis, and the Duke went to Meaux in Brie, which had suffer'd so much lately on occasion of the Jaque∣rie: Both the King and the Duke disbanded the greater part of their Troops now; and several of the Burgesses in Paris, especially such as had been concern'd in promo∣ting the Treaty, had invited the Duke to come to Paris, promising to render him all the Dutifull Respect imaginable. But the Duke reply'd,

How he would surely keep the Peace, which he had made and sworn to, without any breach or flaw on his part: But as for setting his Foot within Paris, that he was resolved never to do, till he had satisfaction for the Affronts put upon him.

When the Duke of Normandy had thus broke up his Siege, the Provost of the Mer∣chants and the Chief of his Partakers, went frequently to St. Dennis to visit the King of Navarre; and they told him,

How for his sake the•• had incurred the Duke's Displeasure, for that they had deliver'd him out of Prison, and brought him in such Honour to Paris: Wherefore they desired him, for Gods sake, to have some re∣spect to their safety, and not to repose too much Confidence either in the Duke or his Council; nor leave them as a sacrifice to attone for all the Publique Miscarriages.

The King who was very subtle, resolving now, however things went, to make the best Market for himself, reply'd,

Certainly, Friends, you shall suffer no harm, but I will bear a part therein: But to be armed against the worst Events, I would advise You, since at this time You have the sole Government of Paris in Your Hands, to furnish Your selves with Gold and Silver; so that if You should be thrust out of your Places, You may have a Friend left at a Pinch. And what You can thus heap together, for its better security, send it hither to me, as privately as may be, to be kept for Your use: And I shall take Care of it, and retain under hand Men of War, who upon oc∣casion shall defend You against your Enemies.

After this Agreement the Pro∣vost of the Merchants sent twice every Week to St. Dennis two Sumpters, cram'd with Florens, to the King of Navarre, to whom the Money was very heartily welcome.

VI. All this while there had z 4.90 been in Paris a great Number of Men of Arms and Archers, as well of England, as Navarre, retained for wages by the Provost and Com∣mons of the City, to defend them against the Duke of Normandy. While the War lasted, these Men behav'd themselves with great Discretion, being always upon their Guard, and holding together as One Man. But the Peace being now made between the Parisians and the Duke, they began to separate, many of them going from Paris to the King of Navarre, who notwithstanding the Peace retain'd them for his service. But Sr. James Pipe in Confidence of his Friend, the Provost, tarried still at Paris with about 300 Men, who went about sporting themselves merrily, and spending their Mo∣ney, as if they had been at York or London. One day among the rest, while they were thus divided and scattered abroad, whether any occasion of quarrel was given, or whe∣ther Opportunity was the only occasion, the Men of Paris rose against the English and slew Threescore of them, and had slain them every Mothers Son, had it not been for the Provost, who to appease the Commons for the Present, pretended to be as incen∣sed against the English, as they themselves, and so immediately seised on 150 of them, whom he flang into Prison, swearing they should all die for it: So that the Parisian were content, and stirred no further. But when 'twas Night the Provost caused them to be all deliver'd out of Prison, restor'd them their Arms, and sent Sr. James Pipe and the remainder of his Men out of the Gates in safety. When the Parisians the next morning understood of their Escape, they were highly offended with the Provost, who wisely dissembled the Matter, till by degrees it was forgot. However these English∣men, being thus hardly saved, went to St. Dennis to the King of Navarre, who took them also into his pay, and here the other English and Navarrois hearing, how per∣fidiously the Parisians had served their Fellows, whom they themselves had hired to defend their Town, they all sware a Bloody Revenge, and forthwith sent their Defi∣ance to the Parisians, and began hot War against them, and put to the sword all man∣ner of People that adventur'd to come out of the City: Whereupon the Parisians de∣sired the Provost to arm a sufficient Number of Men, and to send them forth against these English Robbers. To this the Provost agreed, saying, that he himself would lead them forth against the Enemy, and so having within a day or two got together 1200 Chosen Men, he marched forth of the City in the Head of them. But hear∣ing that the Englishmen, who grieved the City of Paris so much, were now about St. Cloud, he divided his Men into two parts, as it were with a Design, that so the E∣nemy should not escape them, and appointed a place near the Seyne over against St. Cloud, where both Divisions should meet together again. So they took two several ways, the greater Number marched all day taking a Compass about Mount Martre; but all in vain, for they could not find their Enemies: The mean while the Provost, who had the lesser Division by half, marched forward a little for shew, but presently wheel'd about, and toward Noon return'd into the City a 4.91 at St. Martins Gate, having done nothing at all. The other Brigade, not knowing the least of all this, tarried in the place appointed, between Mount Martre and the Windmills, expecting the Pro∣vost, till the day began to decline, at which time they also thought best to return home∣ward. So they went back without any good Order or Array, for they little thought at that time to meet with any Danger. Wherefore they went on heavily by heaps, some bearing their Helmets in their Hands, others at their backs, some having their Swords in their Hands na••••d, and others in their Scabbards. As they were thus care∣lesly marching from St. Cloud-ward, the way that leads to Paris at the Gate of St. Honore, they suddenly fell among 400 Englishmen, who had laid an Ambush for them in a low way at b 4.92 Bois de Boulogne. The English were all well appointed, and in good Order, and as soon as ever they perceived the Frenchmen within their Ambush, they set upon them with all the Fury imaginable; so that at the first brunt there fell above c 4.93 200 Frenchmen; whereupon the rest betook themselves to their heels; but were closely pursued and beaten down like Dogs, without any pity; so that there fell in the Chace above d 4.94 400 more; for the pursuit was made even to the Barriers of the City. And the next Morning the Friends of the slain, coming forth to search their Dead for burial, fell into another Ambush of the English; so that Sixty more Parisians be∣ing now slain, were left in the same Condition with those, whom they design'd to bury.

VII. Thus were the Parisians justly scourged for their Seditions, Insolence, and Dis∣loyalty; and which was worst, knew not where to have Remedy; for the King of Navarre was cold in lending them his usual Assistance, partly because he had now made Peace with the Duke of Normandy, and also because of the Violence they had

done to their Protectors, the English; for which he was willing to let them smart a little: And the Duke of Normandy winked at this their Misery; because his Enemy, the Provost, was still their Governour. So that they were in continual fear Day and Night, not knowing whom to trust, nor where to seek for help; since they believed, that the Pro∣vost himself had betrayed them in the last Action.

But when the e 4.95 Provost and his Partakers were informed, how the Commons in private murmur'd against them, and cried shame of them, they secretly consulted a∣mong themselves, how to save the last Stake: For they had no longer any Confidence in the People; and could never expect to find any Mercy from the Duke of Norman∣dy, whom they had so highly offended. Especially he himself having lately sent word in general to all the Commons of Paris, that he would no longer be at Peace with them, unless he might have deliver'd up into his hands Twelve Parisians whom he should name, to do with them after his Pleasure: In which number the Provost and his chief Friends were sure to be reckon'd. Whereupon they all concluded,

That it was far better for them to betray than to be betrayed, to kill than to be kill'd, and to live under the Protection of Strangers, than to die by the Hands of their own Country∣men.

Being thus resolved, they secretly made an Agreement with the Englishmen (those that made War against Paris, for the King of Navarre knew nothing of this Plot) that on such a Night the Provost with his Friends should be at the Gates of St. Anthony and St. Honore, at the Hour of Midnight, ready to let in the English and Na∣varrois, who were to be near at hand, well appointed to overrun, rob and utterly de∣stroy the City, except only such Houses, as should have certain Marks agreed on between them; but in all other Houses, where such Tokens were not to be seen, to plunder and destroy Men, Women and Children.

To this height of Wickedness was the Provost by Degrees carried, proving at last a Diabolicall Incendiary, instead of a good zealous Patriot, as at first he was; because his indiscreet Zeal for the People made him at the beginning too bold with his Prince, whose Patience when he had abused beyond all hopes of Pardon, not daring to trust the Rabble, for whose sake he had offended; he now resolves for the saving of his own Neck, to destroy all, even the Innocent with the Offenders, had not God blasted his un∣natural Design.

For that same Night, on which all this was to have been done, John Maillart and his Brother Simon, with Pepin des Essards, and several other Honest and Loyal Burgesses of Paris, having (as some think) by means Divine, or at least Humane, received an Inti∣mation, that on that Night the City was mark'd out to be destroyed, armed them∣selves secretly and informed their Friends of the Danger, that more might be in readi∣ness upon Occasion; and so with a compleat Guard, being themselves upon the Watch, they went the Rounds. In their Progress a little before Midnight they came to St. An∣thonies Gate, where they found the Provost of the Merchants with a small Company, having the Keys of the Gates in his hands. Then said John Maillart to the Provost,

Stephen, what do you here at this time of Night? The Provost answer'd, how he was there to look to the safety of the City.

By God, quoth Maillart, you shall not come off thus, for it is plain by the Keys there in your hands, that you are not here at this time of Night for any Good. Said the Provost, John, you lie falsly in your Throat. Nay, quoth John, 'tis thou Stephen, that liest like a false Traytor, and there∣withall offer'd a blow at him, and commanded his Guard to slay the Traytors.

At this the Provost turn'd about and would have fled, but John Maillart, althô he was his Godfather, knockt him down to the ground with an Ax, and never left till he had slain him. There died with him six more of his Friends, among whom were f 4.96 Simon Palmier and Philip Guyphart, the rest being all seised and clapt in Prison. By this the People began to rise at the Alarm and come into the Streets; but John Maillart and his Company hasted to the other Gate of St. Honore, where they found the rest of the Provost's Friends, whom they accused of Treason, and having dispatched such as would not be taken, lead the rest away to Prison. After which they proceeded to take the Accomplices, such as had been confessed privy to the Design, by those whom they found at the Gates: And these they took in their Beds, and at their Houses with small ado, and sent them away to Prison.

This is the best Account of several that I have met with. For Du Serres as may be seen, is a Man, that usually models the Circumstances of his Narrations more agreeably to his own Wit or Fancy than to Truth: But whoever is minded to compare his Relation with ours, may consult it both as he reports it, and as Froisard and g 4.97 Fabian, from the French Chronicles, do more particularly declare the whole Transaction. We are unwillingly by

these Foreign Matters detained from the History of England: Thô not only what we have already said, but something more also is necessary to be spoken for the better clea∣ring of what is to follow.

VIII. To be short therefore, h 4.98 upon this Mans Death the Parisians made their Peace with the Duke of Normandy, who thereupon came to Paris with the Lord Arnold D'Endreghan, and many other of the Nobility in his Company, and was lodged in the Palace of the Louvre. But yet not even here did the Domestick Troubles of France cease: For King Charles of Navarre,: being highly displeased at the Death of his Friend the Provost, by advice of his Brother Philip, sent presently a new Defiance to the Duke of Normandy and his whole House, to the Parisians, and to the whole Body of the Realm of France. And now he began to retain Souldiers on all hands, as well English (under their Captains Sr. James Pipe and Sr. Robert Knolles) as Germans, Bra∣banders, Hainalders, Luxemburgers and Others; all who were called Navarrois, be∣cause they fought in Navarre's Quarrel. The Mony, which the Provost had so frequent∣ly and so largely sent him, stood him now in good stead; and he was no way sparing of it to his Souldiers; so that all Men were glad to serve him.

The King himself held his principal Garrison at Melun on the River Seyne; and the Lord Philip his Brother, had Garrisons at Mante and Meulan on the same River; and every day their Forces encreased, because their Pay was so large and certain: And pre∣sently they reduced the strong Town of Creil, standing on the Oyse, into their Power. Being therefore Lords of the Rivers Seyne, Marne and Oyse, they soon won the strong Castle of le Herelle, which lies between Compeigne and Amiens, after which they took Mauconsel and St. Valery.

But we must beg the Readers Patience, if we are something more particular in this matter, not only because many English Captains were concerned herein (thô they acted now in the King of Navarre's Name only, and not by any Commission from King Edward, nor so much as his Consent) but also because the Actions themselves are well worthy of Memory for their variety and importance: And also the Sequel of our Story will be more clearly understood thereby.

Now therefore the Captain of Creil was the Lord Fondregas of Navarre, who so aw'd the Parts about him, that none could pass from Paris to Compeign, or to Noyon, to Soissons, Laon, or other Places, without his safe Conduct; so that while he held that Garrison, he gat more than an 100000 Franks by granting of Pass-ports only. The Captain of le Herelle was the Lord John Picquigny, by Birth a Picard, but by interest a Navarrois, and a Rebel to his Lord the French King, who had entrusted the King of Navarre to his Keeping, but he not only let him have his Liberty, but embraced his Cause ever after. His Garrison very much straightned those of Mondidier, Perone and Amiens, and all the Land of Picardy along by the River Soame. In Mauconsel were 300 Men of Arms under these Captains, Rabigois of Derry an Irishman, Franklin and Hawkins, two Esquires of England, Sr. Robert Knolles his Companions: And these were Masters of the Country round about them: And all the Great Towns of those Parts that were not fortified, were fain to pay certain Sums of Florens weekly by way of Contribution-money for their Redemption; as also the Abbeys and other Religious Houses were fain to do, or else they had been utterly destroyed. In Saint Valery also there was a strong Garrison of five hundred Navarrois under Sr. William de Bon∣mare and Sr. John Segar an Englishman; and these were Lords of all the Country, as about Abbeville, the Ports of Crotoy, of Rue and Montrevil, even unto Dieppe in Normandy.

When the Duke of i 4.99 Normandy, who was then at Paris understood, how these Garri∣sons ravaged about, and wasted the Country in the Name of the King of Navarre, and that their Strength and Numbers encreased dayly, being himself unable to raise any con∣siderable Forces for want of Mony, he sent to all the Good Towns in Picardy and Ver∣niandois, desiring,

That like good Loyal Frenchmen they would make a Purse among themselves, and send as many Souldiers, as they could bear, into the Field against the Common Enemy.

The Cities and Good Towns very readily agreed to so just a Re∣quest, and set an Assessment among themselves according to every Mans Ability, to set∣tle a Fund sufficient for so many Men of Arms, Footmen and Crossbows.

The Bishop of Noyon was the chief Leader of these Forces, being assisted with the Lord Ralph de Coucy, the Lord Ralph de Rayneval, the Lord of Chauny, the Lord of Roye, and Sr. Matthew de Roye his Brother, the Lord of Coudun, with many other Knights and Esquires of Picardy and Vermandois. Being all rendezvous'd near Noyon, they strait went and lay before Mauconsel; for they took that to be the weakest Garri∣son

of all that belonged to the Navarrois, and yet it had been a great Nuisance to the Inhabitants of Noyon and Vermandois. Having invested the Place they made several Assaults, and gave the Besieged their Hands full: Wherefore the three Captains with∣in sent by night a Messenger to the Lord John of Picquigny, who held Garrison at le Herelle, all the other Navarrois Garrisons in those Parts being subjected unto him. When he heard of their Condition, he took care to expedite their Succours; and be∣sides a Detachment from his own Garrison, which he resolved to lead thither in Person, he sent very privately to the Lord Fondregas Captain of Creil, to send such a Quota of Men to joyn him in such a Place at such a time without fail: Which was done accor∣dingly. Being all met they made a 1000 Spears and upwards, and so rode silently to∣gether in the Night by Direction of a good Guide, and early the next Morning they came before Mauconsel. That Morning there was such a Fog or Mist, that a Man could hardly see the breadth of an Acre from him; under favour whereof they came upon the Besiegers unseen, for they were nothing aware of them, but most of them asleep, and the Watch but thinly set, for they suspected nothing on that side. The Navarrois strack suddenly into the Host, and fell on with a Shout, slaying of Men, and beating down Tents and Pavilions at a prodigious Rate. The Frenchmen were so surprised, they had no time to Arm, wherefore in Despair they fled directly toward Noyon, which was next at hand, and the Navarrois after them in the Chace.

Between Noyon and Orcan Abby, and between Noyon and Pont l'Evesque, was made a dismal slaughter of the French; their Dead lay on the ground by Heaps in the Ways, and among the Hedges and Bushes: For the Pursuit was made to the very Gates of Noyon. The City it self was in great danger of being lost: For it was said by seve∣ral that were present on both sides, that if the Navarrois could have but dream'd of any such thing, they might have entred the Town without the least Opposition; for those within were so terrified, that they forgot to shut the Gate toward Compeigne. The Bishop of Noyon himself was taken at the Barriers, and sware himself Prisoner, or else he had been slain outright: With him were taken the Lord Ralph of Coucy, the Lord of Rayneval, the Lord of Chauny and his two Sons, the Captain of Rouvray, the Lord of Coudun, and two other Lords, besides an 100 Knights and Esquires: But there were slain above 1500, the greatest part of which Loss fell to the share of those of Tournay; for 'tis said, that of 700 who came from that City, scarce so many Do∣zen returned home; the rest being all either slain or taken. For those who had been besieged in Mauconsel, sallied out to second these their Deliverers, * 4.100 which made the Victory more entire. This Discomfiture happen'd on the k 4.101 22^d of August, being the Wednesday next after the Feast of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin, Anno Domini MCCCLVIII.

The Navarrois led the most part of their Prisoners to Creil on the Oyse for the more Security, because that was looked upon as one of the strongest Places. This their Vi∣ctory over the French did greatly enrich them, as well upon the account of the Ar∣mour and Provisions they wan, as of the Ransoms of their Prisoners. As for the Bur∣gesses of Tournay and other Towns, they remitted them all home, some for Money, and others for such things as they wanted most, as Spear-Heads, Axes, Swords, Coats, Dou∣blets, Horses and the like. The Knights and Esquires were ransom'd for Gold and Sil∣ver, or good Horses for the Saddle; but of poor Gentlemen who had nothing to pay, instead of a Ransom they accepted of their Service, for one, two or three Quarters of a Year, as they could best agree. For as for Wines and other Provision they had Plenty enough, the Country afforded them sufficient: And nothing could be brought to the good Towns but by stealth, without a safe Conduct from some one of these Garrisons, which was sold dearly. But they always excepted in their safe Conduct three things, Good Hats, Estridge Feathers, and Spear-Heads: For these things they chiefly desired themselves.

The Abby of Orcan was almost quite ruin'd (thô against the will of Sr. Rabigois) by the Men of Mauconsel, who also with the help of one Robert Scot took the good Town of Beaulieu by Scalado, which they fortified and made a Garrison, leaving 400 Soul∣diers there, whom they paid by the Month. This and the other Garrisons of the Na∣varrois and Englishmen so bridled the whole Country, that they e'n did what they plea∣sed; sometimes riding about in Armour, and sometimes going from Fortress to Fortress unarmed: For there was none to resist them; the Knights thereabouts having enough to do in Defending what they had left.

The young Lord Ingleram de Coucy, who was the Chief in those Parts on the French Side, caused his Castles and Houses to be so well kept, that the Navarrois could find no

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Advantage there. And the Lord Canon Robsert was so watchfull over them, that they feared him above all others: For many times he cut off several of them, as he could pick them up about the Country.

We spake before how the Lord John of Picquigny kept Garrison at le Herelle, not far from Amiens in Picardy, being a fast Friend to the King of Navarre, as who had not only against his Trust deliver'd him from Prison, but also openly affronted the Dau∣phin for his Sake. This Man dealt under-hand with Firmin Cockerell Mayor, and cer∣tain of the Burgesses of Amiens, l 4.102 and used so much Address, Subtlety and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Lan∣guage, that they were at last persuaded to introduce him into the City. For this pur∣pose they had secretly conveyed into their Houses certain Armed Men, who were to joyn the Navarrois upon their coming thither. Accordingly one Evening the Lord John of Prequigny, the Lord William of Granville, he that had so subtely taken the Castle of Eureux, the Lord Fondregas, and two or three more Persons of Quality, marched silently, and came with 700 Fighting Men to the Gate of Amiens, that looks towards Herelle, in confidence of their Friends within, who according to their Promise had lest the Gate ready open for them. As they were entred, those Armed Men who lay expecting them in the City, being hid in Chambers or Cellars, came forth and as∣sembling together, cried aloud, Navarre. At this frightfull Noise the Citizens awoke and rose and went to Arms, crying Treason, Treason, making all speed toward the Gate where the Noise was between the City and the Suburbs. These few made in∣deed some Resistance, but too inconsiderable, to beat the Enemy back: So that if the Navarrois had briskly push'd their first Advantage forward, they had most certainly carried the Place. But while they stood dallying to see, what number of Friends they had within, and how their Enemies were order'd to receive them, there came thither a timely Succour to the Town. For by a strange Chance, or rather some secret Impulse the Lord Moreau of Fiennes Constable of France, and the Earl of St. Paul, who were at C••••bie with a strong Garrison, took a Resolution to ride forth that Night to Amrens, and made such haste, that by another Gate they came into the City by that time the Na∣varrois had won the Suburbs, and were now contending to win the City also: Which surely they had presently done, but for this wonderfull and unexpected Obstacle. But these French Lords immediately upon their Arrival, drew to the Gate where the Med∣ley was so hot, with their Banners display'd, and in good Order to receive them: But they offer'd not to issue forth at the Gate, because they saw the Fauxbourgs irrepara∣bly lost. The Inhabitants the mean while being hugely encouraged with their Pre∣sence, lighted up Torches and Links, and made Fires, that all things appeared as plain as at Noon Day.

When the Lord of Picquigny saw these unexpected Succours, doubting he might lose more than he could win; he caused the Retreat to be sounded, and so retired in very good Order; but they had already overran all the Fauxbourgs, which they plunder'd, and now in their Retreat set on Fire, sparing neither Houses (of which there were a∣bove 3000) nor Churches, nor any thing else: And so they return'd with their Plun∣der and Prisoners to their several Garrisons.

As soon as the Enemy was thus drawn off, the Constable and the Earl of St. P••••.∣sent a Troop to every Gate of the City, commanding the Officers on pain of Death to suffer no Man to go out of the Town that Night. So early next Morning taking to their Assistance several Aldermen of the City, they went to certain Burgesses houses, who were suspected of Treason. Of these they took seventeen with the Mayor, who were immediately convicted, and beheaded openly in the Market-place, the Chief whereof was the Abbot of Gars, who had, as it was proved, consented to the Treason, having lodged the greater part of the Armed Men within his House.

In the City of Laon also about the same time, were put to Death for a like Cause six of the Chief Burgesses; and the Bishop himself had been served in the same manner, i•• they could have got him: For Treason was laid to his Charge, of which he could ne∣ver acquit himself: But He having a timely intimation of the Discovery, gat off in Dis∣guise, and went straight to the King of Navarre, then at Melun on the Seyne, who re∣ceived him joyfully.

IX. Such Miseries in those Days was the Flourishing Realm of France subjected to; insomuch, that althô the Navarrois and other Robbers by open Violence made such Ha∣vock abroad, yet were they also by secret Treachery in as great Danger at home: For as War and Desolation stood battering them without Doors, so Treason lay undermi∣ning them within. Wherefore all the Nobility and Gentry, and whoever had the Custody of Towns and Castles, stood upon their Guard and kept good Watch continually.

And surely so it behoved them to do; for the King of Navarre had many Well-Wishers in that Kingdom; so that if a Wonderfull Providence had not been concerned to prevent the total Ruine of France, it had inevitably seen its last days then. For he being wholly transported with an irreconcileable hate against his Native Country, not content with these Miseries, which he had already created, m 4.103 began to sollicite the King of England also, and to urge him incessantly to a War; representing unto him, that now was the only time to make the Crown of France his own for ever. King Edward could not but observe a ready way to effect his Designs in this Confusion; but knowing the Ambitious and Inconstant Humour of the King of Navarre, he could not trust him: And so either out of a just Respect to the Truce, or fearing that upon the appearance of his Forces, all these Domestick Parties would unite against him, as is u∣sual in such cases, he omitted, or rather scorn'd, to make use of this Opportunity. But surely, that which some French n 4.104 Authors say, how by small Succours sent to Na∣varre, he design'd to ballance the Parties, to the intent to weaken them both, is abso∣lutely false and precarious: For 'tis confest by o 4.105 Froisard and the better sort of the French Writers also, that during the Truce, King Edward was not at all concerned in Navarre's quarrel with France, and thô several Englishmen were notoriously engaged in these Wars, yet it was both p 4.106 without the Consent and against the Will of the King of England; as he himself solemnly q 4.107 protested to the French Ambassadors, upon their Complaint of those licentious Souldiers, saying, that they were Murtherers and Felons, and out of his Prote∣ction, and such as he would by no means justifie; as we remember to have observed before. Althô afterward indeed, when the War was open again between the two Realms, the King in consideration of their Valour and Abilities for his service, gave them his Pardon.

All this while the Duke of Normandy and his Brethren were at Paris, unable to steer the Vessel of Government in such an unruly Tempest, as might even discourage the most Expert Pilot. The r 4.108 Merchants and Traders durst not go forth of the City a∣bout their business; for whoever did so, was surely taken or slain, the Realm was so full of Navarrois; who were Masters of all the plain Country, and of the Rivers, and of divers Cities and good Towns; so that the Lands were left Fallow and unculti∣vated by reason of these troubles, and whatever Fruits prosper'd and came to Maturi∣ty, were taken up by the Souldiers; whereupon so great a Dearth fell in France, that a barrel of Herrings was sold for 30 Crowns of Gold, and other Provision both of Corn and Flesh at a proportionable Rate; and this scarcity endured in that King∣dom more or less for almost four Years, so that the poorer sort of People died for Hunger. But salt especially was very Dear; for there was none to be had, but of the Duke of Normandy's Officers, and they sold it at their own Rates; thereby to heap up Mony to pay the Souldiers. To say the Truth, whoever considers, how the Frenchmen themselves were the first occasion of all these Calamities, by not complying with those just Proposals, made unto them by the Regent, for the Defence of the Realm and their Kings Redemption, will either be apt not much to pity these their sufferings, o•• to curse the undutifull Proceedings of that Parliament for their sakes.

X. Now the Constable of France, s 4.109 namely the Lord Moreau de Fiennes, and the Young Earl of St. Paul, who had in the midst of so many Misfortunes happily suc∣ceeded in Relieving Amiens from the Navarrois, obtained general Thanks and Praise over all Picardy: So that all the Knights and Esquires thereabouts resorted to their Banners, desiring to be employ'd by them about the Restoration of their Abused Coun∣try. The Constable encouraged hereby resolv'd to lay Siege to St. Valery, and there∣fore sent for a supply of Men to all the Good Towns of Picardy, Artois, and Flan∣ders; as to Tournay, Arras, Lille, Douay, Bethune, St. Omers, St. Quentin, Perone, Amiens, Corbie, and Abbeville; each whereof sent him their several Quota's according∣ly. Many other Knights and Esquires drew thither upon the Fame of the Constables good Beginning, especially from Hainalt, because of such Lands, as they held in France; as the young Lord Verchin, Seneschal of Hainalt, and Sr. Hugh Dantoing his Cousin with a goodly Troop along with them. When thus the Constable was furnished with an Army consisting of 2000 Men of Arms and 12000 others, he went and sat down before St. Valery, on the Mouth of the Soame. But the Place was not easie to be taken, for there were two valiant and expert Captains Governors of the Place, namely Sr. Willi∣am de Bonmare, and Sr. John Segar, with 500 tall Fellows in their Company; and they were well furnished with Artillery to offend their Enemies: And the Besiegers sent to Abbeville and Amiens for several Engines of Battery, wherewith they cast huge Stones into the Town, to the great trouble and vexation of the Navarrois.

During this Siege there arrived at Cherbourg in Normandy the Noble Lord John

Greilly Captal de la Busche, and Cousin to the King of Navarre, under whose Pay he had been newly retain'd. Soon after his coming, he rode to Mante upon the Seyne, where he found the Lord Philip of Navarre. Having tarried a few days with him, he departed thence secretly with all his Men, and rode in one Night thrô Vexin and Beauvoisin, till he came to Clermont, a great Town in those Parts, but easily by him taken, because without either Ditch or Fence. Early the next Morning he assaulted the Castle, and thô it seem'd impregnable, by the help of his English Archers he took it by Scalado; Sr. Bernard de la Salle being the first that enter'd it. For he having sharp Spikes in his Greaves and Gantlets, would readily clamber up the highest Walls like a Cat, and had after that manner scaled several Fortresses before. Here the Captal kept Garrison a long while after, and by help of the Navarrois in the Neigh∣bouring Castles, as Creil, Herelle and Mauconsell, kept all the Country at his Devoti∣on, none being able to oppose him.

XI. Thus was the Realm of France warred upon on all sides in the Title and Name of the King of Navarre, and many other Cities, Towns and Castles were taken in Brie, Valois and the Bishoprick of Noyon, about Soissons, and Laon, and Pont sur Seyne. About Provins also in Brie, and Troye in Champaigne, Auxerre and Tonnerre in Bur∣gundy, there was such Havock made, that none durst shew their Heads out of any of the Good Towns between Châlons and Troye, and between Troye and Challon sur Sa∣one. Now the Castle of Beaufort en Champaigne had been of a long time the just Inhe∣ritance of Henry Plantagenet Duke of Lancaster, t 4.110 in Right of the Lady Blanch of Ar∣tois, Wife to Edmund Crouch-back, Younger Brother to King Edward the First, and Grandfather to the said Duke Henry. In this Castle Sr. Peter Audely, Brother to the Lord James Audely was Governour at the same time; and he also in favour of the King of Navarre, to whom the said Duke his Lord, was nearly related, overran all the Coun∣try thereabout. And at Pont sur Seyne, and sometimes at Nogent upon the same Ri∣ver, was the Lord Eustace Dambreticourt with 500 Men, who ravaged all the Coun∣try about him; and in another Fortress of Champaigne there was a Valiant and Hardy Esquire of Germany, who did the same in his Station. These three last mentioned, namely, the Captal, Sr. Peter Audely, and Sr. Eustace, held in their Hands more than fourty Castles and strong Houses, and when they had a Mind to take the Field toge∣ther, amounted to 2000 Men of Arms and upward. The whole Country was entire∣ly subjected to them, and they robb'd, plunder'd and ransomed where they pleased; as they did to the Good Towns of Damery and Espernay, to Vertus, and all the Towns along the River Marne, and all round the City Rheims: Moreover they took the Good Town of Rosnay, and the strong Castle of Hans in Champaigne, and all other considerable Places thereabout, as far as to St. Anthonies in Pertois. Yet beside these in Burgundy and Pertois there lay Theobald of Chanfore, and his Brother John Cha••f••re, who in the King of Navarre's Quarrel had taken a strong Castle in the Bishoprick of Langres, called Monsaugeon, where they kept their Garrison consisting of 400 Men, who were not slack in doing their Part. And between Laon and Rheims, Rabigois of Derry held Veilly with 600 Men; he was so punctual in his Pay, that the Souldiery desired above all to serve him. Under him was one Robert Scot an English Esquire, who in Christ∣mas-Time went and wan the strong Castle of Roucy with all its Provision and Ammu∣nition, and robbed the Town: Here he made his Garrison, whereby in time he much damnifi'd the Country; for he held the Place all that Winter and the Summer follow∣ing. Together with the Castle he took the Earl of Roucy, with his Wife and Chil∣dren, for whose Ransom he had shortly after 12000 Florens of Gold, of the Coin cal∣led the Moton; every u 4.111 Moton being valued at about Five Shillings Sterling. All this while the Duke of Normandy x 4.112 durst not stirr out of Paris, lest that unconstant Peo∣ple should upon his Absence invite thither the King of Navarre, who was too potent already: So that even an Enemy that was not too ungenerous, would pity the Condi∣tion of that flourishing Realm of France, which lay now untill'd and unmanur'd, tho too much fatned with the Blood of its Natives.

XII. And yet the good Loyal Frenchmen had several times the better of their Ene∣mies, as particularly the Lord Canon Robsert, who was the first, that after the Con∣stable's Success at Amiens, raised up a Light for his distressed Country. The Manner y 4.113 was thus: One day the Earl of Vermandois, otherwise called the Lord of Pynon, rode forth with 60 Spears only in his Company, designing to go to a certain French For∣tress: It happen'd at the same time, that from the Navarrois Garrisons of Veilly and Roucy about 300 Spears rode forth also to seek Adventures: But they had no Chief Captain with them. Being near the Town of Creil, they saw the Lord of Pynon ri∣ding

in good close Order under his Banner, and taking the way toward Creil. Both Parties soon perceived each other to be Enemies, and the Lord Pynon found he could not well escape them without Battle: Wherefore he coasted by Creil, but when he ob∣served the Navarrois to begin to cut short their way to him, then he fled upon the Spur, and the Navarrois followed him, crying St. George, Navarre. These last were better horsed than the former, so that within half a League riding they came up to the Frenchmen, at which instant the Lord of Pynon espied a great Sandpit, large and deep, surrounded about with a strong Hedge, and having but one Entrance, little and streight, which might easily be defended. When he saw the Advantage of this Place, and the present Necessity, because he could fly no further, he said to his Company,

Sirs, a Foot, a Foot quickly: 'Tis better for us here to expect the Success, that God will send us, good or bad, and the mean while to defend our selves couragiously, than to be slain without Resistance, or be taken flying away.

At this He and all his Men a∣lighted to take the Pit, and the Navarrois also left their Horses, when they beheld what the Frenchmen did. Now in the Lord of Pynons Company there was a certain Esquire, who said to his Page,

Leap now upon my Horse and spare him not, but ride Post to the Castle of Pierre-Pont, and desire the Lord Canon Robsert to come hither with all expedition to our Rescue. Sir, (said the Page) thô I find him there, how is it pos∣sible he should come hither in any reasonable time, since he is at least five Leagues from hence?

Well (answer'd the Esquire)

Do you your part diligently, and leave the rest to God.

Away went the Page, as hard as he could for his Life, and left his Master and his Company preparing themselves for a Resolute Defence. The Navarrois of the Garrisons of Veilly and Roucy assailed them with all the Art and Fury that might be; but the Lord of Pynon by extraordinary Courage, and the Advantage of the Pit, held out stoutly, from Eight in the Morning till after High-Noon.

The mean while the Page rode upon the Spur to Pierre-Pont in Laonnois, and there did his Message to the Lord Canon Robsert; he said, he would do his utmost for the Lord of Pynon immediately, for he had two or three Troops ready mounted, and he knew the Place well. Then he sounded his Trumpets, and mounted in the Head of sixscore Horse; at the same time sending a Page of his to Laon, which was hard by in his way toward Creil, to inform the Captain there of the Matter, and to desire his Assistance. He for his part would not tarry till those of Laon were ready, but rode forth a great Gallop, till he came to the Place, where the Lord Pynon and his Men were had put to it by the Navarrois. He came just in the Nick, as his Friends began thrô weariness to decline; nor could they have subsisted half an Hour longer. Immediately he couched his Spear, and struck in among the Navarrois, three whereof he overthrew at the first Brunt; and then he fell to his Axe, wherewith he gave such Strokes, that none durst abide him. In like manner his Men prevailed, being fresh and lusty, against the weary Navarrois, insomuch, that they slew of them upon the Spot more than an 150; and those who fled away, were met with by the Captain of Laon, who was then coming thitherward to assist the Lord of Pynon; so that of 300 Navarrois there esca∣ped clear away but 15, the rest being either slain or taken. The Lord Canon Robsert was highly applauded in France for this Act of his; He bare for his Arms in a Field Vert a Lion Rampant Or.

These are the chief Occurrences, that happen'd in the Realm of France this Year: For the Siege before St. Valery lasted still, that Place not being taken till about Lent in the Year following, as we shall shew hereafter.

XIII. As for Affairs at home in England, they were in a full Calm all the while; Riches, Peace and Prosperity, the Products of Success and Victory, being generally spread over the whole Isle. About the Feast of All-Saints, King David of Scotland, by the consent of his Nobility, came hither to visit King Edward, z 4.114 unto whom he offer'd his Service, to go arm'd along with him in his Wars, where he pleased,

so that thereby his Realm might in some measure be eased of paying the Ransom, which had been set upon him: He further desired the King, that the Merchants of Scotland might freely traffick here in England, as the English Merchants should also do in Scotland, as one Nation and People, without any impediment or reproach; and that their Mony might be current with Ours, and Ours with Theirs; and that their young Scholars might be admitted to study in our Universities, whereby he hoped a mutual Love and Friend∣ship would be propagated between the two Nations.

This pious and reasonable Re∣quest King Edward granted, but as for the Tender of his Service in the Wars, he said, he hop'd to have no more occasion of making War in France, there being now such a likelihood of a lasting Peace to be established between the two Nations.

But shortly after he heard, a 4.115 how the French indeed were willing to pay unto him 600000 Florens in Part of the Three Millions, for the Redemption of their King, but they refused to deliver him such Hostages as he demanded for his Security: Which when he understood, being extreamly incensed, he sent word to the Estates of France, that then they should look to themselves, and be ready to receive him, by the time wherein the Truce was to expire.

King David of Scotland tarried several Weeks with his Queen at London, having his Lodgings prepared in the Gray-Fryers, now called Christ-Church: During his Stay, there were many friendly Entercourses, between him and the two Kings of England and France; King Edward feasting and caressing them in Royal Manner; for it was not till the next Year, that King John was closely confin'd, thô we have mention'd it before. Par∣ticularly this Year, he kept his Christmas with them both at London; where he sat between the two Kings at one Table, and not as some report, between the two Cap∣tive Kings in Ostentation of his great Fortune; for as it appears, these two Kings were not Captives together in England during any one Christmas at all; King John being brought Prisoner into England in May, and King David being released the September following. But King David, as his Guest, might now be reasonably expected to sit at his Table: And King John, as Davids Friend and Edwards Cousin, to have so much Respect shewn unto him for that time at least. Besides, since Pride is so loathsome, especially to them over whom she insulteth; it is not to be imagin'd, that these two Kings should ever after so entirely love and respect King Edward as they did, had he entertain'd them with such supercilious Haughtiness at this time. That Monarch's Soul was elevated to such a degree of Generosity, that he absolutely reigned in the Hearts of these two Princes, who came, after they were at Liberty, of their own Accord, to visit him as a Friend, as we shall shew in due Place.

XIV. This b 4.116 Year the Lady Isabella, the Queen Mother of England, who was Daugh∣ter to Philip the Fair, King of France, and Sister to Lewis Hutin, Philip the Long, and Charles the Fair (all successively Kings of France) departed this Life in her great Climacterical or 63^d Year, after almost 28 Years Confinement, because of her Concern in the Ruine of King Edward the II, her Lord and Husband. Her Punishment was ea∣sie and temper'd with Respect, for all the while she had a liberal Allowance of 4000 l. per annum, and freedom enough, thô under the Eye of a Keeper; and the King her Son did once a Year at least pay her a Visit, and often shew'd her many notable Di∣versions and Princely Recreations. Alan Buchet in his Annals of Aquitain, and nom him c 4.117 James Meyor says, that being big with Child by Mortimer, she was presently put to Death by her Son Edward; but the Notoriety of this Falshood appears, not only from the concurrent Testimonies of all Authors and Records, but especially from thus, that besides many others at divers times, we shall find Pope Innocent the IV to direct his Letters unto her, bearing d 4.118 Date Avin. XIV Kal. Julii An^o Pontif. W. i.e. An^o Dom. 1356. Wherefore let those Authors look to their Credit as well as they can; 'tis certain they wanted Care or Honesty; but to return. This Queen was married to King Edward the II in the 12 Year of her Age, was his Wife 20 Years, and his Wi∣dow about 31, being as was thought, a Widow of her own making. And yet truly I am persuaded, partly from the Consideration of her long and happy Life after, as well as from many other Circumstances apparent from the History; that upon her first coming with Armed Force into England, she had no design in the World against the King her Hus∣band, but only against the Spencers: But that Mortimer and Others, who were already obnoxious to the Law, upon the account of Treason, for their own Security drove her on so far by their Cunning, that she was not able to retire: And afterwards when the King was deposed, they so terrified her with making her believe, that if ever he reco∣ver'd his Crown, he would certainly burn her, that she complied with the Design for his Destruction. However she proved occasionally almost Fatal to her Native Country of France, her Birth affording that Title to King Edward, which in those Days produced a War of above Fourscore Years Continuance; wherein, besides many thousand great Los∣ses, that Realm suffer'd three Memorable Defeats, as at Cressy and Poictiers under King Edward, and at Agencourt under King Henry the V. And even unto this Day the Kings of England are from her furnished with a just Pretence, whenever they shall please to resume a Quarrel with that Kingdom. She died at the Castle of Risings near London, on the Wednesday before St. Bartholomew's Day, being e 4.119 the 22^d of August, An^o Dom. MCCCLVIII. having first lived to see her Son the most Glorious Pr••nce of all Europe, and the Right, which she had convey'd unto him, to be in a manner asserted by the Decision of God Himself, in the Captivity of the French King, by the Valour

of her Grandson the Prince of Wales. She was most honourably interred on the 27th. of September following, being a Thursday, in the Midst of the Quire of the Gray-Fri∣ers, now called Christ-Church, in London, under a magnificent Tomb of Alabaster: The Church not being yet dedicated.

Queen Joan also of Scotland, sirnamed Joan of the Tower, Sister to King Edward of England, and Daughter to Queen Isabel aforesaid, deceased toward the end of this Year without Issue: But that it is better to leave an Honourable Report than Chil∣dren behind. And certainly if King David her Husband had never been oppressed with Adversity, she might have been accounted happy, but then she had never been extol∣led with that Commendation, which her Vertue and Conjugal Affection doth claim from all Posterity. For f 4.120 during the seven Years Exile, which King David had formerly led in France (when he was expelled his own Kingdom by the English Forces) she would by no means forsake Him o•• his Fortune; but faithfully and constantly adhered to him both then, and also all the time of his Imprisonment here in England, which was for the space of Eleven Years more. She died at Hartford (the Court being there at that time) and was buried in the Gray-Fryers Church in London, hard by the Body of Queen Isabell her Mother.

And lastly the Great Orchanes, Son of Ottoman, the Second Emperour of the Turks, died g 4.121 either in the end of this Year, or in the beginning of the next, in the 760^th Year of the Hegira Current, after he had reigned to the great Dammage of Christendom 32 Years. His Son Morat or Amurath, the first of that Name, sirna∣med also Gazes, succeeded him in the Empire; of whose Death we shall not speak in this History, because he outlived our King Edward, reigning just the same Number of Years, as his Father had done before him. And thus as the Death of King Edward II was attended with the Funerals of a King of Scotland, a King of France and a Turkish Emperour: So his Dowager, Queen Isabell, was immediately followed by Joan Queen of Scots, and Orcanes Emperour of Turky; not to mention that Politick Death of King John of France, whose Majesty lay now buried in Imprisonment.

XV. About this h 4.122 time there happen'd a great Quarrel between Thomas Lylde Bi∣shop of Ely, and the Lady Blanch Plantagenet, Sister to Henry Duke of Lancaster, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Relict of Thomas late Lord Wake of Lydel. The Occasion was this, the Bishops Men had burnt a Mannor of the said Lady Wakes, and slain one of her Men; where∣upon she made her Complaint to the King of this Grievance. The King sent his Justi∣ces, viz. Sr. Henry Green, and Sr. William Shareshull and Others, to make Inquisition in the Case. And the Bishop being cited before them, it appeared that he was altoge∣ther culpable, because he had knowingly harboured the Murderer; quod cum post per∣petratam Felomam recept••sset scienter. Whereupon Judgment being pronounced against him, his Temporalities were seised into the Kings Hands, and he obliged to give Sure∣ties for his forth Coming. He soon after made shift to get over the Sea to Avignon, where he complain'd to the Pope, how the King had seised his Temporalities against the Rights of the Church. His Holiness hereupon by his Bull, cited to appear at his Court the Kings Justices and their Adherents, as Sr. Henry Green, Sr. William Shareshull, Wil∣liam Norton, William Thorpe and Sr. Simon Drayton, whom for refusing to appear he Excommunicated. This Bull was sent to John Synwell Bishop of Lincoln, to publish to the People, with an Injunction, that if any of the Excommunicate were dead, he should cause them to be dug out of their Graves, and cast them out of the Churchyard. He did so to Sr. Simon Drayton, who was then dead and buried, and took him out of his Grave, and drew his Body forth at a hole, which he had dug in the Church-wall, and cast it forth out of the Churchyard. And hearing that the Lord John Engain, who had been concerned in the said Affair, was also l 4.123 then newly dead, he sent to the Abbot of Bury, to do the same unto his Body; but the Lord Thomas Engain his Son hindred the execution by Force. When the King heard of these things, he was very much moved, and sent word to the Pope, that nothing had been done but according to the Laws and Customs of his Realm; and so at last, thô not without some difficulty he obtain'd Ab∣solution for them. What some k 4.124 observe, that the Original of this matter proceeded from the Bishop of Ely's boldness in Reprehending the King for setting up an unworthy Person to be Bishop of Coventry and Litchfield, is to be look'd on as an Errour; for that See was not void till almost two Years after this, whereas the l 4.125 end of this Action is truly referred unto this Year. However, because some of the Persons Excommuni∣cate had been of the Kings Privy Council, Proclamation was presently made through∣out the Realm, that hereafter no Man should presume on pain of Death to bring into the Realm, or to procure, or publish any Papal Letters, Citations, Excommunications

or Censures: And some of the Bishop of Ely's Servants were clapt up in the Tower, and others in Newgate where they died, for presuming contrary to this Prohibition to deliver Letters to John Stepney Bishop of Rochester, then Lord Treasurer of England: But as for those threatning Letters, which the Pope is said to have written to King Edward hereupon, I believe nothing of them; because Odoricus Rainaldus is altogether silent as to any such thing.

Now was m 4.126 also moved the famous Controversie between the Universities and the 4 Orders of Preaching Fryers, which was on the behalf of Oxford managed at this time by that Learned Prelate Richard Fitz-Ralph Archbishop of Armagh, Primate o•• Ireland, and Chancellour of the said University; the said Richard arguing against the said Fry∣ers before the Pope, for that they were a Nuisance both to the Clergy and the two U∣niversities, and trusting to their Privileges, by which they were admitted to receive the Confessions of dying Men, they used to entice away young Men, as well out of Pub∣lick Schools, as from their Parents Houses, whom having once brought into their S••••e∣ties, they would never after permit them to return to their Friends: Whereby Men withdrew or kept back their Sons from the Universities, lest these Fryers should thus steal them away: So that, says he, n 4.127 whereas in my own Time there were 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Oxford 30000 Students, within a while after there were but 6000. And indeed, how exces∣sively these Fryerly Swarms encreased in all Nations may appear from one Instance, o 4.128 where the General of the Franciscans Order promised to the Pope (then about an Ex∣pedition against the Turk) to bring him into the Field 30000 expert Warriers out of the Number of St. Francis his Order, and yet that enough should remain at home to per∣form the requisite Devotions. But at this time the Pope made such use of those Fry∣ers, that Armachanus prevailed not against them, thô he maintained his Cause 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Nine Learned Propositions boldly and manifestly; p 4.129 because the English Clergy stuck not to him as they had promised; and the Fryers had great store of Mony, whereby they were so far from losing Ground, that they procured at this time a new Confirmation of their Privileges. But those that desire more Particulars as to this Point, may refer themselves to the Authors quoted in the Margin of this latter part of the Chapter.

CHAPTER the FOURTH.

The CONTENTS.

I. * 4.130 A Method of Agreement pitch'd upon by the two Kings, but rejected by the French Parliament, whereupon King Edward resolves for War. II. St. Valery yielded up to the French. Prince Philip coming too late to its Rescue hardly gets off well. III. Sr. Peter Audley attempts Chalons, but gains little. IV. The Earl of Roucy taken by the Navarrois a second time. V. Melun besieged, but the Quarrel is ended by the Re∣conciliation of the King of Navarre and the Regent. VI. The Lord Eustace Dam∣breticourt taken Prisoner by the French. VII. A strange Judgment upon a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 for Sacrilege. VIII. The Garrisons of the Navarrois decline suddenly. IX. Ʋpon the Death of Sr. Peter Audley, Sr. Eustace Dambreticourt is redeemed by the English Na∣varrois, and made their Captain. X. Sr. Robert Knolles his Expedition; he retires being overmatched: Submits to the King, and obtains his Pardon. XI. The Flemings revolt from King Edward. XII. A solemn Just held by King Edward, his Four 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and Nineteen Great Lords, in the name and stead of the Lord Mayor and Ald••r•••••• of London. XIII. John of Gaunt marries the Duke of Lancasters Daughter. XIV. King Edward chooses the place of his Sepulture in Westminster-Abbey.

I. NOW on the Feast of St. John Baptist, or the 24th. of June, the Truce between England and France (which from the Battle of Poictiers had been continued till then, with expectation, that a full Peace should be establish∣ed thereby) was wholly a 4.131 expired. And thereupon all the Garrisons in France, as well Navarrois, as English, began to make War in the Title of King Ed∣ward, as before most of them had done in the Title of the King of Navarre; who was now again outwardly reconciled to the Dauphin. But least any way should be left untir'd

for the prevention of those Miseries, which are necessarily attendant upon War. Some Months before the Expiration of the said Truce, King b 4.132 Edward, with his Son the Black-Prince, and King John, with the Lord James of Bourbon, held a friendly Trea∣ty at London between themselves only; Where at last a Peace was consented to, and agreed on between both the Parties, on these Conditions, viz.

1. That Aquitain should remain entirely to King Edward and his Heirs for ever, to∣gether with Gascogne, Poictou, Touraine, Santogne, Perigort, Quercy, Limosin, Angou∣lesmois, Calais, Guisnes, Boulonois, and the Earldom of Ponthieu, without any Resort or Homage, or Tribute to be paid therefore; even as Absolutely as he held his Kingdom of England.

2. Item, That King John should pay four Millions of Crowns of Gold for the Ran∣som of Himself, and the other French Lords, Prisoners, that is to say, three Millions for Himself, and the Fourth for the Lords of France.

In Consideration of all which King Edward would give over, and wholly remit all his Right in and to the Dutchy of Normandy, Anjou and Maine; and renounce and lay aside the Right, which he had to that Crown, and never after take upon him the Stile, Quality, or Title, of King of France.

This Agreement was Signed and Sealed by both the Kings on the 24 of March, and a Copy thereof sent into France to the Duke of Normandy, by the Lord James of Bourbon, and the Lord Arnold D'Endreghan, which latter was still a Prisoner, and late∣ly before returned into England, having obtained leave to visit France upon Parole.

These Lords crossing the Seas landed at Boulogne, whence they rode to Paris, where they found the Duke of Normandy and his Council, together with the King of Na∣varre, unto whom they produced King Johns Letters. The Regent having perused them, asked Counsel of the King of Navarre, who remitted him to the Three Estates, who being assembled, it seem'd unto them, that the Conditions of the Agreement were too grievous to be born; whereupon with one Voice, the King of Navarre and the Dauphin also concurring, they returned this final Answer unto the two Lords;

That the Contents of the Letters which they had brought, were so prejudicial to them and to their Country, that they had much rather endure far greater misery, than they had already done, than ever suffer so considerable a loss and empairment of the Realm of France; and that they could not either in Honour or Conscience desire the Li∣berty of their King himself, when it could not be effected without Enslaving the Kingdom.

When this Answer was brought to King John into England, he shook his Head for Anger and said,

Ah! Son Charles, Son Charles! You are lead by the King of Na∣varre, who is too cunning for you, and will deceive Fourty such as you are.

And therewithall turning to King Edward, who was present, he said,

Sir, the fatal Obsti∣nacy of my infatuated People is providing another Trophy for your Victorious Arms: You must again shew them the Effects of War, before they will understand the Ad∣vantages of Peace. But thrice-unhappy I, who cannot be at Liberty, till I see my Subjects once more vanquished; nor can oblige them to their Duty, but by the Arms of my Conquerour.

King Edward was of himself sufficiently enraged at this Dealing of the French, and sware, that when the Truce was expired,

They should see War in the Bloodiest shape that he could dress it in.

Surely (said he) before next Winter be past over, I shall invade the Realm of France with such a Power, and shall tarry there so long, that I will either end the War to my Satisfaction, or make Peace to my Pleasure and Honour. And then he sent Word to the Dauphin,

to look to Himself, for when the Truce was out, he would most certainly give him a Visit at Paris, to see how able he was for a War,

which himself had thus pull'd upon his own Head. At which time he set about the greatest Preparations, that ever he had made before in all his Life: About which we shall now leave him for a while, and resume somewhat of those Matters, which we left unfinished in the preceding Year.

II. We then shew'd, as we remember, how the c 4.133 Constable of France and the Earl of St. Paul, with the Lords and Knights of Picardy, Artois, Ponthieu and Boulonois had sat down before St. Valery, where they held a long and hard Siege, and made many brisk Assaults, employing at the same time Engines of Battery and other Instruments of War. Among other Chances that fell during this Siege, it happen'd, that the Lord of Bau∣gency approaching the Castle one day in a Vessel to consider of its Strength that way, was stricken with a Springal and slain. Wherefore this Siege continued from the begin∣ning of August 1358, untill March this Year, the besiegers designing to reduce the Place

by Famine, since they could not succeed any other way: So all the Streights and Ave∣nues were well watched, that nothing could be conveyed to the Besieged either by Land or by Water. Hereupon by Lent their Provision being in a manner wholly wasted, when they found no hope of Subsistance from within, or of Succour from abroad, they advised to treat with the Constable, that upon yielding up the Fortress they might have their Lives and Goods saved, and liberty to march whither they pleased. All this was granted them, saving that they were not permitted to bear away any Armour or Weapons; thô the Earl of St. Paul was very loath they should have such easie Con∣ditions; for he knew, that shortly they must of necessity have yielded up simply. But he little thought, that at that very instant the Lord Philip of Eureux the King of Navarre's Brother, was upon his March to raise the Siege, which he was resolved to attempt, at least, if the Castle had not been thus yielded up before, whereat he was infi∣nitely displeased.

When the d 4.134 French Lords had trussed up Bag and Baggage, and were upon the point of Departing from St. Valery, which they had now Garrison'd for themselves, they heard news of the approach of the Lord Philip of Navarre. Now this Lord Philip was Governour of all his Brothers Lands, especially in the Country of Eureux, and had at his Command all the Men of War, which were Enemies to the Crown of France. The Lord John of Picquigny had privately informed him, that the Garrison of St. Vale∣ry would infallibly be lost, unless he attempted a Rescue. Wherefore he resolved to go and raise the Siege. And so he secretly gather'd together about Mante and Meu∣lan 3000 Men, among whom were the young Earl of Harcourt, the Lord William Granville, Sr. Robert Knolles of England, the Lord John of Picquigny, and several o∣ther Knights and Esquires. Prince Philip was within three Leagues of St. Valery with this Army, when he met with Sr. William de Bonmare, and Sr. John Segar, of whom he had the whole Account of the Siege and Yielding up of St. Valery, whereat he was extreamly displeased. The French Lords had news likewise of Prince Philips Approach, and resolved to meet him and give him Battle: But he hearing that the Enemy was at least 30000 Strong, had no mind to expect them, but with all speed turn'd off to the Right hand, and passing the River of Somme entred the Fortress of Long in Ponthieu, with all their Carriages and what else they had. They were scarce well entred, when the French Army who followed them, came thither also, about the time of Evening-Prayer, and still their Number encreased; the Foot coming by degrees after the Men of Arms, who rode on before in hopes to overtake the Navarrois. Wherefore the French Captains determin'd to rest for that Night before the Fortress till their Men might come up, and then all together to attack the Place the next Morning. The Navarrou who were within, finding they had little or no Provision for a Siege, left the Place about the hour of Midnight, and went away at a Back Gate, and marched as fast as they could toward Vermandois, having reached above two Leagues of their way before the French knew of their Escape: Then they presently went to Arms, and began to follow the Navarrois by the Track of their Horses. The Navarrois in the mean time passed on a great way before, till they came to Thorigny, a little Village standing on an Hill, in the middle way betwixt St. Quentin and Perone in Vermandois: So that from thence one might view the whole Country round about. Here they resolved to rest a while, and refresh themselves and their Horses, and if they must needs fight, there they had the best Advantage of Ground to deal with their Enemies. They had not been long here devising about their present Condition, when they might behold all the Country beneath them cover'd with the French, who were in Number more than 30000 Men. Whereupon they came forth of their Quarters, and ranged themselves in Three Battails on the Hill ready to receive them. The first Battalia was committed to the Care of Sr. Robert Knolles, Prince Philip himself had the Second, and the Third was lead by the young Earl of Harcourt, each of them consisting of 700 Choice Men, besides 300 Archers. Then they were all commanded to cut their Spears to a five Foot length, and in the hanging of the Hill they caused their Valets to set all their Spurs in the Earth, with the Rowels upward, to make the Enemies Ascent the more difficult. At which time Prince Philip made several Knights, the Chief whereof were the Earl of Harcourt, and the young Lord of Granville.

The Frenchmen being come up to the Navarrois made an Halt, and alighted on Foot, as indifferent for the present whether to give or take Battle: Some were for going up the Hill immediately, and so to have fought them. But those who had more Judgment said,

Our Men are almost tired with Travel, and many of them not yet come up, and it will be late presently; so that considering all things, we had best tarry here this

Night, and having the Day before us to set upon them to morrow fresh and with all our Forces.

This Resolution prevailing, there they encamped for that Night, setting all their Carriages round them for their better Defence; which when the Navarrois per∣ceived, and that they should not be fought with as then, in the Evening they returned into the Town again: Where they kindled huge Fires and made great Smoke, thereby to persuade their Enemies, that they design'd to lodge there that Night. But being be∣fore-hand resolved what to do, when it was dark night they all mounted their Horses, and left the Town in great silence, riding toward the River of Somme, which with the help of a Guide they passed at a little Village near Bethencourt. Then they rode to∣ward the Wood of Bouhain, which they coasted, and went that night above seven Leagues; thô of those that had bad Horses, or had lost their Way, not being able to recover the Track of this silent Army in a Dark Night, some were taken Prisoners by those of the Garrison of Bouhain, and others were knockt on the head by the Bores of the Country. The Frenchmen knew not of their Escape till it was near Day-light, at which time they hasted as fast as they might to St. Quentins, in order to pass the Somme at the Bridge there, so to make a nearer Cut to intercept the Navarrois, whom they ex∣pected to meet coming back, in their Return toward Normandy. So they rode toward St. Quentin, which was but two Leagues off, and came thither by that time it was Day, the Constable and the Earl of St. Paul riding foremost. The Watchmen on the Gates of St. Quentin hearing a noise of Horses and Men approaching, were in some doubt of themselves, because they knew the Enemy to be abroad in those Parts; but yet they were somewhat more assured, because the Bridge was drawn up: Wherefore they ad∣ventured to call aloud saying,

Sirs, what manner of Men are You, that approach our Town at such an unseasonable time?

The Constable answer'd,

We are such and such, who desire to pass this way, so to get before the Navarrois, who are stolen out of Thorigny, and are fled from us; wherefore in the Kings Name we command you to open your Gates and let us through.

The Watchmen then told him, how the Keys were in the City with the Jurates, but they had sent two Men for them who would shortly return. But to those Men that went for the Keys, the Jurates answer'd, that no Gates should be opened there without the Consent of the whole Town; and be∣fore their Minds could be known the Sun was up. Then those who were appointed to make answer to the Constable, went up to the Walls over the Gate, and look'd out and said to the Constable, and to the Earl of St. Paul,

Lords, we desire your Ex∣cuse for the present, for the Commons of the Town are resolved in this dangerous Juncture not to open their Gates to any Armed Men: But they are pleased that five or six of you may enter, if you are so minded; and as for the rest they may go about their business.

The Lords of the Army were extreamly vext at this Mockery, and gave them many angry Words and horrible Threats, but for all that the Gates were kept shut; so that when the Constable saw, that after all these Delays he could never expect to overtake the Navarrois, he disbanded his Men in no very good Humour: But the Earl of St. Paul went to his Castle of Bouhain so vext and displeased at the People of St. Quentin, that no Body hardly durst speak to him.

The mean c 4.135 while the Navarrois rode on by great Journeys to Veilly upon the Aysne, having also by help of a Guide passed the River of Oyse, and there they rested and re∣freshed themselves after their great Travel. And then finding themselves past all dan∣ger, they returned thrô the Isle of France and Beauvaisis into Normandy, riding by small Journeys from Fortress to Fortress; for they were Masters of the Rivers and plain Country. So being safely arrived in Coutantine again, they made War as before in Normandy, the King of Navarre being then at Melun on the River of Seyne with con∣siderable Forces.

Now the Lord Thomas Holland f 4.136 was Governour of the Castle and Fort of St. Savi∣our le Vicount, and of all the Castles and Places, which formerly belonged to the Lord Godfrey of Harcourt, having with him of his g 4.137 Retinue the Lord Nicolas de St. Maure, aliàs Seymor and Others: But he being King Edwards Lieutenant in those Parts, made no manner of War during the Truce.

III. At the same time Sr. Peter Audley, Brother to the Valiant Lord James Aud∣ley, h 4.138 was Captain of Beaufort Castle in Champaigne between Troye and Chálons, which Castle of old belonged to Henry Plantagenet Duke of Lancaster, as part of his Inheritance, in right of his i 4.139 Grandmother Blanch Queen of Navarre, Countess Pa∣latine of Champaigne and Brie, Daughter of Robert Earl of Artois (Brother to St. Lewis King of France) and Dowager of Henry de Champaigne King of Navarre. This Sr. Peter Audley was a Man of great Valour and good Conduct; but his ardent de∣light

in War rendred him less just, than Honour required; so that now he was not content to maintain and keep the Duke of Lancaster's Castle, but he must also un∣dertake Actions, that were no way warrantable, as long as the Truce was in being. He had already consider'd with himself, k 4.140 that if he could get over the Marne some Night a little above Chalons, and so come secretly to St. Peter's Abbey, he might easily thereby get into the Town. This purpose of his he delay'd to put in practise, till he understood the River of Marne was very low, and then with great privacy he assembled his Men; for he commanded at least Five or Six Fortresses about him. Being therefore at last 400 strong he began his March one Night as soon as it was dark from Beaufort Castle, and by Country Guides came to the place, where the Marne was Fordable; here they all alighted on Foot, and having deliver'd their Horses to their Valets, waded over the River all in safety. Being got over, they Marched in good Order, fair and softly toward St. Peter's Abbey; but as they went along the Wind being on that side, several Watchmen, that were about in the Town next the Abbey (which was without the Walls, thô by a Gate it open'd into the Town,) heard plainly the noise of their Armour, which clatter'd and made some noise upon their Motion. When first they heard it, they wonder'd what it shou'd be: for some∣times the noise ceased, namely, when the Naverrou stood still; and again it g••en plainer and nearer, viz. when they moved forward. However upon the whole, one of them said,

I believe there are some Thieves of England and N••v••r••e coming hither now to surprize the Town; let us search out the Matter and Raise the City betimes.

And with that some went into the Town to give the Alatum; and o∣thers toward the Abbey, to see what was the business: But before these latter came thither, Sr. Peter Audley and his Men had got into the Abbey-Court (for the Walls thereof were not above Four Foot high) and immediately Marched forth at the Ab∣bey Gate into the City by a great Street directly before them. At which time the Watchmen gave the Alarm, crying Treason, Treason. Whereupon the whole City hasted to their Arms, gather'd together, and came against Sr. Peter; but many of them were slain at the First Brunt, and Sr. Peter by obstinate Valour w••n the first Town even to the Bridge over the Marne. But this mean while, the ••••••ens being very Numerous rose in all places, and armed themselves, and stood stiffly to it, to de∣fend that Descent into the City. It happen'd unluckily for them that Sr. Peter de Chalons, who with an 100 Men of Arms, had been Captain there for above a Year before, had newly forsaken them, because they did not pay him his Wag••••duly. So that they were in great Danger of being utterly lost, had not another Captain by acci∣dent come in to their Assistance, now in the time of their greatest Exigence. For the Lord Otho de Grancey, having had some inkling the day before, that Sr. Peter A••••∣ley prepared to ride abroad; suspected, that his Design was upon Chilens; and be∣cause he knew, there was at that time no considerable Captain there, he gather'd about 60 Spears, and ••ode great part of that day and the night following, till he reach'd the Place. Sr. Peter the mean while assaulted the Bridge, and the English Archers passed over on the Joists of the Bridge, and shot so fiercely together, that the Citi∣zens began to despair of making good the Place much longer. While the Skirmith lasted thus, there came thither on the City side Sr. Otho de Granecy with four or fire Captains of Quality, and 60 Men of Arms in his Company. Immediately upon his coming, being rightly informed of all things, he march'd straight to the Bridge and dis∣play'd his Banner, being very desirous to meet the Navarrois. At l 4.141 his coming the whole City was refreshed, and followed his Banners gladly: But when Sr. Peter Aud∣ley saw these Burgundians ready to assist the Citizens, he retreated the same way he came, and finding his Valets with the Horses in their expected Place, he and his Men remounted without any Impediment, and so return'd with small winnings to Beauf••r•• Castle. Of their Retreat the Citizens of Châlons were heartily glad (for they had been in a bodily Fear) and thanked God, and the Lord of Grancey also, for the Good∣will he had shewn them; for which they made him an immediate Present of 500 Franks; besides double Pay for a Month both for him and all his Men: And then they desi∣red Sr. John Sars, who was there present, and their Neighbour, to come thither by such a time with so many Men to Counsel and Defend them. To this their request he agreed for such and such Wages for himself and his Men, and then he fell to Repair the Fortifications of the City, where it needed; the Charges whereof the Town paid.

IV. At the same time the Garrisons of Veilly and Roucy made among themselves a secret Rendezvous, and went, and took by Assault the Fortress of S••ssone, where they

set a good Garrison consisting of several Nations: Over all whom they made Chief Captain, One Hanekin Francois, a lewd, barbarous Fellow of Colen, on the River Rheyn. He was a most bloody Putcher indeed, not knowing any Mercy for those whom he overcame; for he burnt and ravaged in the Country thereabouts, putting to the Sword, without any just quarrel or provocation, Men, Women, and Children, if they paid not such Ransoms, as he asked. Now it happen'd, that the Earl of Rou∣cy, who mightily laid to heart the loss of his Town and Castle of Roucy, which the Navarrois, as we shew'd, had taken from him the last Year; apply'd himself so effe∣ctually to the French Knights and Esquires about him, that at last he gat together an 100 Spears, besides Fourty Men of Arms from the City of Laon; and the Earl of Poreren, the Lord Gerard of Corncy, the Lord Montigny in Ostervandt, and several o∣ther Persons of Quality in his Company. These all riding toward S••ssone, found by the way certain Navarrois of the same Garrison, who were burning of a Village, and prepared to set upon them. When Hanckin saw these new-Comers, he commanded all his Men on Foot, and placing the Archers in the Front, began the Battle boldly.

At the first Brunt the Fourty Laonnois basely deserted their Friends, and ••an away upon the Spur; however the other Frenchmen stood still to their tackle, and fought long and couragiously: Yet Fortune was not for them; for the Navarrois were far more Expert, and at least equal to them in Number. So that there the Earl of Rou∣er, being sore wounded, was again taken Prisoner (this being the second time he was so served within the space of less than a Year) and with him were taken the Lord Gerard of Coincy, the Lord of Montigny in Hainalt, and many others; the rest, except a very few that fled, being slain in Battle.

V. Not long m 4.142 after the yielding up of St. Valery in that manner, as we have re∣lated, the Duke of Normandy sent three Thousand Spears, besides others to go and lay Siege to Melun, on the Seyne, which was then held by the Navarrois. This Army was commanded in Chief by the Lord Moreau de Fiennes, Constable of France, and with him were the Earl of St. Paul, the Lord Ingleram de Coucy, the Bishop of Troye, the Lord Broquart of Fenestrages a Lorrainer, Sr. Peter du Barre, and Sr. Philip of Dormois, and others, who came and sat down before Melun. There were then pre∣sent in the Place three Queens, two of them being Queen-Dowagers of France, name∣ly Jane, formerly Consort to King Charles the Fair, and Aunt to the King of Navarre, and Blanch late-Consort of King Philip de Valois, and Sister to the King of Navarre, and the Third was the Queen of Navarre her self, Sister to the Duke of Normandy. The Navarrois themselves were not a little surpriz'd, when they beheld the Place f••rmally Besieged by so considerable an Army: But the Three Queens were extreamly affrighted at the Engines and Springalls, which being brought thither from Paris play'd upon the Fortress continually. Wherewith, together with the frequent Assaults, the La∣dies were so terrified, that they desired at any rate to be rid of that trouble, what∣ever it should cost the King of Navarre, their Kinsman; and earnestly entreated the Captains, who were the Lord James Pipe, and Sr. Hugh Calverley, English Natives, to yield up the Place. But they comforted the Ladies all they could, and told them how they had no need to fear any thing; for within a few days they should see the Siege happily Raised:

For (said they) the King of Navarre, who is now at Vernon, and Prince Philip his Brother, have sent us word, that they have gather'd a great Ar∣my about Mante and Meulan, and will shortly bring them hither to raise the Siege; and that rather than fail, they would drain all their Garrisons for that purpose.

On the other side, the Duke of Normandy, who knew all this to be true, entertain'd in his pay Souldiers from all Parts; whom daily he sent to reinforce the Siege at Me∣lan. So that in all probability, it must have come to a bloody Battle, each Party sending their utmost strength that way: But that the Cardinals of Perigort, and St. Vi∣talis, being assisted by other well-disposed Personages on either Part, laboured now so effectually, that at last they obtain'd a temporary Truce, between the Parties, in or∣der to the carrying on of a Treaty at Vernon. Thither on a day appointed came the Duke of Normandy and his Council, and the King of Navarre, with his Brother Phi∣lip and his Council. In short there was now a Peace made between these two Princes, the King swearing for the future to be true to the Crown of France, and the Duke obliging himself to pardon 300 Knights; althô yet some few were excepted from the Peace, whom the Duke would not Pardon by any means. But Prince Philip of Na∣varre would not concern himself about this Peace; but rated the King his Brother smartly; telling him,

how he was enchanted with these Flattering Overtures, and proved very forgetfull of the King of England's Favours, to whom he was by Oath

and Covenant engaged, and who had always shew'd himself ready to sustain his Quarrel.

With these Words he left the King, his Brother, in an Huff, and with four Per∣sons only in his Company, rode Post to St. Saviour le Vicount, which was, as we have shew'd, an English Garrison, under the Command of the Lord Thomas Holland, a great Baron of England, and n 4.143 afterwards in Right of his Wite, Earl of Kent and Lord Wake, who received him very gladly, and said, how he had acquitted himself with com∣mendable Loyalty and Honour towards the King of England.

However o 4.144 by this Treaty of Peace the King of Navarre had the quiet Possession of certain Towns and Castles in Normandy, and on the Borders thereof, besi••es Mante and Meulan. And now a Reconciliation was made between the Duke of Normandy, and the young Earl of Harcourt, chiefly at the Intercession of the Lord Lenis of Har∣court, who was of the Duke's Council, and of his Houshold: So that the Duke gave in Marriage unto the said Earl, the Daughter of the Duke of Bourbon, who was Sister to his own Dutchess.

Upon this Peace the Siege before Melun brake up, the Place becoming thereupon of the French Interest: Thô the Realm of France gain'd little ease or respite by all this; for the Truce between England and France being soon after expired, those who before in the King of Navarre's Title had made War in Normandy, Beauvais, Picaray, Cham∣paigne, or Brie, now began to make War as hotly in the said Places in the Title of King Edward of England.

VI. Now the young Knight Sr. Eustace Dambreticourt, had been for more than a Year signally Notorious for the Injuries he did to France in these times of Com••••sion; for p 4.145 in Champaigne he had no less than 700 Fighting Men under him; by whose A••d he wan great Riches, as in Plunder, Ransoming, and safe Conducts. So that at last no fewer than Twelve good Fortresses were at his Command; and as then he was in the Flower of his Age, a lusty, young, amorous Batchelour. And the Year q 4.146 after this he Married the Lady Elizabeth, Daughter to the Marquess of Jultere. but now Countess Dowager of Kent in England; altho upon the Death of John Pormag••••s, late Earl of Kent, she had vow'd Chastity, and was solemnly Veiled a Nun by W••••∣liam Edingdon Bishop of Winchester, at Waverley in that Dioecese. For this Noble young Nun, upon report of Sr. Eustace's great Renown in Arms, began, withou th∣ving seen him, to set her Love about this time upon him, and often sent him ch••••e Geldings, and Horses of Service, with Love-Letters and other Favours; wherewith Sr. Eustace was so elevated in his Courage, that every day he grew more Notable: So that all his Men thought themselves happy, they gain'd such Riches under his Con∣duct. But the Duke of Normandy, who had heard of all his outragious Viclen••es, upon the breaking up of the Siege of Melun, desired the Lord Broquant of F••••••∣strages, a Lorra••ner, who had 500 Companions at his Command, to go into G••am∣paigne, and help to expell this Sr. Eustace and his Englishmen, that made War in those Parts; on which account he undertook to pay him for himself and his Troops, such a certain Sum of Florens. Upon this Sr. Broquart, having encreased his Forces with the Assistance of the Bishop of Troye, the Earl of Vaudemont, the Earl of Jo••••ville, the Lord John of Chalons, and others from Champaigne, Lorraine, and Burgunay, to the Number of 3500 Men in all; they began to set forward against the Enemy. First they came to the strong Castle of Hans in Champaigne, which had been held by English Navarreis, a Year and an half; but now it was taken at the Third Assault, and four∣score Englishmen slain, even every Man in the Castle; there was none had any Mercy shewn him.

After this hot Service the Frenchmen went to Troye to refresh themselves; and within two or three days, they sent out a strong Detachment of 1200 Spears, and 900 others, under the Lord Brequart of Fenestrages, who took the way directly toward Nogent on the River Seyne. Early that Morning Sr. Eustace Dambreticourt, having heard of the Frenchmens being about in the Country, chose out of his Garrisons 400 Spears, and 200 Archers, and with those Troops marched forth of the Castle of Pongny to sind his Enemies. He rode on a stately Gelding, Armed at all Points, except his Head∣piece, which an Esquire carried after him, his War-Horse being led by his side. He had hardly passed the Seyne at Mery, when he heard tidings of the French, as they also by this had heard of him. But surely had he known the Number of those, who came against him, he would have desired the Assistance of his Neighbour, Sr. Peter Audley, and the Lord de la Bret, who could well have spared him 400 Fighting Men; if they had not come to his Aid in Person. Upon the First certain knowledge o•• his

Enemies, and of the way they took, he gather'd his Men together without the Town of Nogent sur Seyne, and took the height of a little Hill among the Vines; and set his Archers ready before him. When the French Men of Arms came up in sight of him, they ranged themselves in Three Battails: The first was led by the Bishop of Troye, and the Lord Broquart of Fenestrages, the Second by the Lord John of Châ∣lons, and another good Captain, the Third by the Earl of Vaudemont, and the Lord Joinville; besides a Fourth Battail of 900 Foot, which was not yet come up. The mean while Sr. Eustace spake aloud to his Men,

Gentlemen, let us Fight with a good Courage, for if this day be ours, we shall be Lords of all Champaigne, which was once an Earldom. And I hope this day by your Valiant Assistance to do such a piece of Service for the King of England, whom I account the Right••ull King of France, that he will bestow this Earldom upon Me: And you shall all be the bet∣ter for my Advancement.

Then he called unto him certain Young Gentlemen, as the Couragious Manny (who being his Cousin, and Nephew to the Lord Walter Man∣ny, was constantly Honoured with the Epithet Couragious) John de Paris, and Mar∣tin of Spain, with some others, whom then, and there he Knighted: And all his Men being placed on Foot in a strong Battail (his Archers a little forward on the left hand) he himself stood in the Front of his Men of Arms, his Standard waving before him, which was Ermin, three Hameds Gules.

When r 4.147 Sr. Broquart of Fenestrages, who was both very expert and couragious, saw, that Sr. Eustace designed not to come down to him; and that he had wisely placed his Archers to gall them on the right side, where they had not their Shields, he said aloud,

Let us first of all fall on, whatever happens, changing our Shields to the Spear Hand, till we have past the Archers.

And in this manner his Battail consisting of 400 Men of Arms, marched up towards the English. They pretty well escaped the Archers, by that sudden Device, but Sr. Eustace received them so sharply, that at the first Brunt he slew of them more than Threescore, and had well-nigh totally discomfited the whole Body, when of a sudden the second fresh Battail, of equal Number with the former, came on with great Resolution; and at the same time the third Battail came on a Wing at their Lest hand, both a Defence and Comfort to the other two. The French were almost Four to One, viz. 1200 Spears against 400, and 900 Foot against 200; but how∣ever the English played their Part gallantly, and Sr. Eustace presently with his own hands slew four of the most Hardy among his Enemies. When Sr. Broquart beheld this his Prowess, he strack at his Vizor over other Mens heads, till he beat out three of his Teeth; but Sr. Eustace left not off fighting for the pain, he then began to make his Enemies feel more severe effects of his Anger. And still the English were so uni∣ted in a close Phalanx, that the French could as yet make no Impression upon them; and the Archers of England shot so thick on the Enemies left Flank, that they earst not approach to break them. Then the French Men of Arms began to wheel about to the Left, and as they went the English Battail faced them without once break∣ing their Order: For all the File-leaders and Bringers-up were the Choicest Men in Front, Flank and Reer. But at that instant the 900 French Infantry came into the Field well covered with broad Targets, who marching directly against the Archers, wholly brake their Array, for their Shot gave them but little trouble, they were so well protected with the mutual Defence of their Shields. When thus the Archers were broken, the second Battail of the French Men of Arms rode in among them, and took or slew most of them, but a very few escaped. After which they went against the English Valets, and won all the Horses, except those which the Valets carried away upon the Spur. The mean while the two remaining Battails of Men of Arms entertai∣ned the English on one side, and the Fourth Battail of Footmen (after they had bea∣ten the Archers) on the other side; so that at last all their Array was broken, and Sr. Eustace his Standard beaten down and torn in pieces, and most of his Men taken or slain. The Lord Eustace himself fell into the hands of a worthy Gentleman called Sr. Henry de Quingey a Burgundian, who had much ado to save his Life; for the Commons of Troye would fain have had him sacrificed, because of the terrible Havock he had made among them in the Country of Champaigne. With him were taken alive Sr. John of Paris and Sr. Martin of Spain, with many other Knights and Esquires; and those that escaped gat into the Fortress of Nogent, but they were not many, the greater Part not being able to quit the Field in any time, because their Horses were all taken. The Couragious Manny was left for dead among others in the Field, but a while after the Battle, when the Enemy was marched off, thô grievously wounded, and almost exhau∣sted for want of Blood, he chanced to open his Eyes, and then being something re∣viv'd

with the fresh Air, he lifted up his Head a little, but saw nothing about him ex∣cept Dead Men lying on the Ground. By and by he enforced himself so far, as to rise as well as he could half way, and so sat down a while and look'd about, and found he was not far from the Castle of Nogent which was an English Garrison. Hereupon he never left creeping by little and little, till at last with much difficulty, and much dan∣ger of Relapsing he came to the Foot of the Tower: Where making signs to them that look'd down, that he was a Friend, he was received into the Fortress, and had his Wounds presently dressed, and carried himself so regularly and temperately, that within a few Weeks he was perfectly healed. This Battle was thus fought s 4.148 in the Year of our Lord MCCCLIX, on the Vigil of St. John Baptist, or the twenty third of June.

VII. After this Discomfiture of the Englishmen near Nogent sur Seyne, the French Lords and Men of Arms return'd to the City of Troye with all their Booty; but they durst not bring thither any of their Prisoners for fear of the Common People, who sought to kill them; wherefore they sent them to be kept in other French Garrisons. But when Sr. Eustace Dambreticourts Men, whom he had left in the Garrison of Poug∣ny, heard of this their Loss, they presently trussed up Bag and Baggage, and marched off into better Quatters; for they were not enough to maintain the Place. The same did those who held other Fortresses, which depended on the Lord Eustance: For they greatly doubted the Bishop of Troye, and the Lord of Fenestrages: But Sr. Peter Aud∣ley, thô he had lost a good Neighbour of Sr. Eustace, held his Garrison still at Beau∣fort, Sr. John Segar at Nogent, and the Lord de la Brett at Gye upon the Seyne. A∣bout that time some of Sr. Peter Audley's Men rode forth and took a Neighbouring Town called Rosnay, t 4.149 while the Curate was at Mass, an Eng∣lish Esquire is said to have gone into the Church, and to have taken the Chalice, where∣in the Priest should have consecrated, from the Altar: Which Wine he poured out on the ground; and being therefore with much Christian Gravity blamed by the Priest, he strack him over the Face with his Gauntlet, that the Blood gush'd out upon the Al∣tar; and so went his way with the Chalice and Patine along with him. It is affirmed (and I dare not omit so memorable an Instance of God's Judgments, tho it displease never so many) that this same Esquire being presently after mounted in the Field, his Horse began suddenly to turn about, and flounce, and curvet so fiercely, that none durst come near him: till at last he and his sacrilegious Master fell both together Dead on the ground, and soon after they crumbled away to Powder. Whereupon all the other Souldiers, that were eye-witnesses of this dreadfull Judgment, were so terri∣fied, that they vow'd never more to violate any Church or Holy Place while they lived.

VIII. In these days, as if it pleased Almighty God to afford some short Breathing to the afflicted Realm of France, before King Edward came over to add to her Afflicti∣ons, the greater part of these licentious Plunderers of a sudden fell to decay, and de∣clin'd so fast that it was miraculous. And first u 4.150 in the strong Castle of le Herelle with∣in four Leagues from Amiens, the Lord John of Picquigny, who had been so perfidi∣ous to his Lord and Master the French King, was now in God's just Judgment repaid by his own Servant, his Chamberlain, by whom, as was said, he was strangled in the Night, together with Lucas de Bequesy one of his chief Counsellors; whereupon the terrour of that Garrison was much diminished. Those that were in Mauconsell, th•••• meer want of Provision, were enforced to sell their Fortress to the People of Noyon for 12000 x 4.151 Moutons of Gold, and licence to march off with their Arms, Bag and Bag∣gage. The Noyonnois were glad to be rid of them at any Rate, and upon their De∣parture rased the Castle to the ground, lest it should again fall into the hands of any such ill Neighbours: But of the Garrison some went to Creil, others to Clermont, to Veilly, Pierpont, Roucy or Sissonne, as they thought best. But Sr. John Segar had not so good Fortune in selling his Fortress of Nogent to the Bishop of Troye: Thô the Bi∣shop gave him a Bond for the Payment of such a Summ of Florens, and his safe Con∣duct to come and receive it. Sr. John trusting to the Conduct went to the City of Troye, and alighted at the Bishops Palace, who desired him to stay three or four days, promising his Money by that time; and to this Sr. John agreed in Confidence of the Bishops Protection. But when it was known among the Rabble, that the Captain of the Garrison of Nogent, who had done them so much Mischief, was come now to re∣ceive more of their Money, for selling what he had before stole from them, they said among themselves,

What means our Bishop to trifle and mock us thus, since he en∣tertains in his House the most notorious Robber and Plunderer in all France, and

would have us supply him with our Money? Nay rather, now we have him here, let us make him pay dearly for what he has already forced from us.

To this Resolution all the Common People agreed; for Interest and Revenge together are too great Incen∣tives to be resisted by any, but those whose Reason is well grounded, and to whom Justice and Natural Honour are not indifferent. Presently some flew to the Gates of the Town, that he should not escape them, and others to the Number of about 6000 went armed to the Bishops Palace to kill him. When the Bishop heard the Reason of this Uproar, he said,

Certainly Friends, Sr. John is come hither under my safe Con∣duct, and you all know the Terms of the Treaty and Bargain made between us, for 'twas not done without your Consent. Why will ye now retract what you have en∣gaged, and desire to prove both Cruel and Perfidious, as you must needs be, if you do any harm unto this Man.

Thus the Bishop began to argue, but Reason is seldom heard by an enraged Multitude; wherefore let him say what he would, they rushed by him into the Hall by force, and thence into several Apartments, and sought so nar∣rowly, that at last they found him, and immediately cut him all to pieces. And thus ended Sr. John Segar, a Man to be commended for his Valour, had he taken care to have employ'd it on just and lawfull Occasions only: But Vertues ill used prove Vices; and therefore, thô he was an Englishman, we allow him no Rank among the truly Ho∣nourable.

About the y 4.152 midst of August the Archbishop of Rheims, with the Help of the Pa∣risians and others of the Vicinage, Knights and Esquires from Rhetel, Laon and other Places, went and laid Siege to the Castle of Roucy, which having held out five Weeks, was then by the Besieged yielded up, on Condition they might have their Lives and Goods saved, and Liberty to go whither they would: Of all which they had Letters Patents sealed by the Archbishop, and the Earls of Porcien and of Brayne. But for all that, when they were without the Castle, the Common People fell upon them, and maugre all the Lords and Captains could do, slew most of them. They had much a∣do to save the Captain Hanekin Francois, who perhaps deserved that favour least of any, if we consider the Barbarous Cruelties wherewith he had been delighted: But however the Earl of Roucy now at last in this manner recover'd his Castle.

IX. After z 4.153 the Taking of Roucy Sr. Peter Audley fell sick, and died in his Bed within the Castle of Beaufort; for whom all the Garrisons of the Companions in those Parts were extreamly sorry. At last the Englishmen and Almains thereabouts (since now they made War in the King of England's Name) thought no Man fitter to be their Captain than the Lord Eustace Dambreticourt, who was then perfectly healed of his Wounds, but was still a Prisoner. Then they send an Herald, called Faulcon, to the Earl of Vaudemont, and to Sr. Henry de Quingey, who had taken him in the Bat∣tle of Nogent, to treat about his Redemption. His Ransom was set at 22000 Franks, and yet the English Garrisons in Champaigne made a Purse, and paid it down for him gladly, not doubting but by his Conduct to win ten times as much in a short time. So Sr. Eustace was set at Liberty, and had restored unto him again his War-Horse and his Gelding, that were taken with him at the Battle of Nogent, and which he valued next his own Liberty; because they were sent him from that Fair Nun, the young Lady Elizabeth Countess Dowager of Kent in England. When the English had Sr. Eustace among them, they made him their Chief Captain; and all Men of War drew to him, for the Renown which he had purchased in the Field. And he soon after to give them an Hansell of his Valour, about the time that King Edward of England besieged Rheims, fell into the Country of Rhetelois, where none of the Companions had been before, and surprized the good Town of Attigny standing on the River Aisne, where he found an hundred Pipes of good Wine of Champaigne, most whereof he sent as a Present to the King his Master, as we shall shew hereafter: And here he made his chief Garri∣son, from whence he overran all the Country about Rheims; and spoiled Espernay, Da∣mery, and the good Town of Vertus, where they found great Riches, and made ano∣ther Garrison. The Garrison of Vertus overran all the Country about the River Marne, up as far as la Fert Millon, and that of Attigny ran dayly to Mezieres on the Meuse, to Donchery and other good Towns thereabout.

Now the Lord Broquart of Fenestrages, who had won the Battle of Nogent against Sr. Eustace Dambreticourt, and by that, and other Successes prov'd not a little instru∣mental in ridding Champaigne of those Garrisons of the Companions, was but ill requi∣ted by the Duke of Normandy for all his Services, there being still due unto him 30000 Franks. Frequently by his Messengers he called upon the Duke for this Money, but could never get any agreeable Answer, for they always return'd without the Money or

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Bills of Receipt either. Hereupon the Lord Broquart being justly provoked, sent his Defiance to the Duke and to the whole Realm of France; and presently enter'd a good Town called Bar sur Seyne, containing above 900 Houses, all which having plunder'd and burnt, because he could not take the Castle, he carried off all his Prey and Priso∣ners to his own Garrison. And besides this, he left not till he had done more Mischief in Champaigne, than either the English or the Navarrois had done: And after all that, the Duke was fain to agree with him, and pay him much more than he had at first de∣manded. Whereupon he went into his Country of Lorrain, leaving behind him a se∣vere Memento for Princes to be just to their Mercenaries, and not to provoke them when they have no power to restrain them.

X. In these days a 4.154 Sr. Robert Knolles of England, who by his great Valour and For∣tune in the Wars, arose from a small beginning to vast Wealth and Power, made an Ex∣pedition from the Marches of Bretagne with a small Army of 3000 Men, and rode along by the River Loire, till he came into Berry; where he passed on, burning, de∣stroying, and ravaging the Country. Of his Acts in Bretagne, together with the Lord James Pipe, Sr. Otho Holland and Sr. Thomas Fowkes, we shall here forbear to say any thing; because such a Discourse would be now unseasonable; wherefore we refer the Reader to the b 4.155 Authors in the Margin, and only for this time shall shew, how he pro∣ceeded in this his Expedition.

It is thought, c 4.156 he design'd to march thrô Auvergne, and so to visit the Pope and his Cardinals at Avignon, and to finger some of their Florens, as Arnold Cervoles, the Arch-Priest, had already done. And surely he made great Havock, whereever he went, destroying Towns, Castles, and Cities, in such manner and number, that long d 4.157 after in Memory of him, the sharp points, and gable ends of overthrown Houses, Chap∣pels and Minsters, were called Knolles his Miters. Before his Passage into Berry e 4.158 he burnt and plunder'd the Suburbs of Orleans on the Loire, none daring to come forth of the City against him, his Name was so dreadfull at that time. And before that, when he took the Town of Ancenis in the Marches of Bretagne, the Inhabitants were so surprised at the terrour of his Name, that many of them leaped into the Loire and were drown'd, and not a few brake their Necks from the Walls for fear; so that be∣ing at last come within 12 Leagues of Avignon, the Pope and the Cardinals were in a wonderfull Consternation for doubt of him; and some Clergy-men made these Rhymes of him,

Sr. Robert Knolls, * 4.159 All France controls; He takes their Prey, And them doth slay.

But as he was approaching towards the Court of Rome, he heard that the French Lords were making themselves strong to encounter him about Clermont in Basse Au∣vergne; wherefore he alter'd his Resolution of Visiting Avignon, and turn'd back with a Design to look upon his Enemies, till being within one Days journey of them, he f 4.160 took the Advantage of an Hill and fortified himself there, while his Spies rode forth to discover the French Army. In the Evening they brought back Word, that their Numbers were more than Treble to those of Sr. Robert's, and that they were all well Armed, and seem'd to be order'd discreetly.

The next Day the French Army came and encam••ed on a Mountain near the English, so that each might see the others Fires: And the Morning after they began to draw nearer, till about Noon they came to another Mountain right over against Sr. Robert; there being only a low Meadow of about 12 Acres of Land between them. Upon this appearance of the Enemy, the English presently made ready their Battails to fight, and set their Archers in the hanging of the Hill before them. Against them the French disposed themselves in two great Battalia's, each of them containing 5000 Men; the First was lead by Berault or Beroaldus, the young Earl of Clermont, Dauphin of Au∣vergne, who having just then received the Order of Knighthood from his Uncle the Lord Robert Dauphin, first that Day reared his Banner, which was Auvergne and Mar∣tegues Quarter'd: Besides this young Earl and his Uncle, there was in this Battail the Lord of Montaign en Combraille, the Lord of Tarascon, the Lord of Rochesort, the Lord of Sorigniac, the Lord Godfrey of Boulogne, and divers other Knights and Esquires of Limosin, Quercy, Auvergne and Rovergne. The second Battail had these Prime Leaders, the Earl of Forestes, the Lord John of Boulogne, Earl of Auvergne, the Lord D'Archy and his Sons, the Lord Dachon, the Lord Duzes, and Sr. Reginald de Fore∣sles Brother to the Earl, with many other Gentlemen; all who were very desirous to

come to a Battle. As on the other side Sr. Robert Knolles and his Men seem'd no less willing to receive them; thô the French amounted to 3000 Men of Arms, besides 7000 Others, and Sr. Roberts Company made not up full 3000 Men in all.

In this Order both Armies stood facing each other, till 'twas almost Night, without a∣ny Proffer on either hand to come nearer, saving that certain young Gentlemen descen∣ded down on each side to skirmish in the Meadow, and to break a Lance or so for Love of their Ladies; and whosoever wan his Antagonist had him for his Prisoner. In the close of the Evening they both drew to their Lodgings, having set a good Watch for fear of Surprise: But the French Lords held a Council of War, where 'twas resolved, that at the hour of Midnight they should all march down the Mountain on that side, which was farthest from the English, and fetching a course of two Leagues, come up at the back of the Mountain where the Enemy lay, and so give them a Ca∣misade: For on that side, the Hill was much more easie of Ascent, and they supposed to come upon them so early, as to find them unready and out of order.

However this Device was not carried on so privately, but that Sr. Robert had know∣ledge thereof by an English Prisoner, who stole out of their Camp and brought him word of it: Then Sr. Robert advis'd with his most experienced Captains, who thought, all things consider'd, that it was not best to abide the Power of the Frenchmen at that time; especially because they were so far outnumbred, and in an Enemies Country. So immediately they trussed up their Baggage, and by help of Guides, marched away with great silence. At Midnight the French, pursuant to their late Order, ranged them∣selves in Battle Array, and so fetch'd a Course about to come upon the Backs of the English; and by that time it was Day light they were at the Mountain, where contra∣ry to their expectation they found no Body. With that they sent certain Horsemen to go up to the top, and look about and see, if they could view any thing of them; and af∣ter a while these Men came down and told them,

how they saw them marching towards Esgurande and Milvaches, and believ'd they design'd for Limoges.

The French Lords at this News being out of hopes to overtake them, brake up their Expedition for that time, and disbanded their Men: Soon after which there was a Match made up between the young Lord Beroald Dauphin of Avergne, and the Earl of Forestes his Daughter, which he had by the Duke of Bourbons Sister.

After this Expedition Sr. Robert Knolles, who by these unlawfull Wars in time of Truce was g 4.161 risen to the Wealth of an Earl, began to reflect upon himself, how hei∣nously he had offended the King his Master, and thereby was become outlaw'd; and now that the Wars were open again between England and France, being very desirous to recover his Royal Favour, that so he might be admitted to bear Arms upon a more just Account, he began to make Friends in the Court of England, and sent great Pre∣sents to the Prince of Wales, and other the Kings Sons, earnestly entreating them to move the King in his Behalf; and unto the King himself he h 4.162 absolutely offer'd

what∣soever he had any way acquired in France, whether Castles, Towns, Goods or Chat∣tels, or any other thing, he willingly submitted them all to his Liege Lord to dispose of at his Pleasure, only desiring his full and gracious Pardon; and if it should please his Majesty to permit him to hold any of his Acquests, as a Royal Demesne, and only Durante Bene placito, he should think himself happy in being thereby some∣what enabled to serve his Majesty according to his Hearts Desire.

This hand∣some and humble Submission extreamly pleased the King and his Sons, and so he not only obtain'd a full Pardon, but also a Grant of many Castles and Lordships in Consideration of his Abilities for the War, and because he had so entirely put him∣self upon the Kings Goodness. Yet that same Year he fell into the hands of his Ene∣mies about Michaelmas, but as they were leading him away, he had the good Fortune to be rescued by his old Friend Hanekin Francois, who by chance rode that way; and not only saved his Friend so opportunely, but overcame his Enemies, of whom he took Fourty good Prisoners.

XI. This mean i 4.163 while the Commons of Flanders being wrought upon by the French King, and their own Earl Lewis, rebelled against King Edward, whom before they had acknowledged for their Supream Lord, and drove away the Merchants of England into Brabant, and refused to admit the Easterlings to traffick within their Precincts; and all those Citizens of Bruges, whom they found firm to the English, they either banish'd or imprison'd; not a few of them being beheaded at the Command of the Earl of Flan∣ders. Whereupon King Edward issued out his Royal Proclamation, commanding that all Flemmings, of what Condition soever, except only the Kings Farmers, should be ready to take the Sea, so as to void the Realm by the Feast of k 4.164 St. Margaret then next en∣suing,

on pain of Death without any more Delay. And because the War was now o∣pen between England and France, the Frenchmen were also envolved in the same Pe∣nalty with the Flemmings at the same time.

XII. Now was King Edward busie in providing for the War, which he design'd in his own Person to carry beyond the Seas, and had already sent his peremptory Com∣mand over all the Realm to his Commissioners of Array in all Counties, toward the Equipping of a Royal Army worthy to attend him, who resolved now wholly to re∣duce France to his Devotion, or to die in the undertaking. Nor yet was this Magni∣ficent Prince so absolutely taken up with this grand Affair, but that his Active Soul was as much at liberty as in the most Halcyon Days of Peace: For in the l 4.165 Rogation Week, being the latter end of May, a solemn Just was proclaimed to be held at Lon∣don for m 4.166 three Days together, in which Proclamation John n 4.167 Luffin Mayor, John Barnes and John o 4.168 Bury, the Sheriffs, with their Brethren, the other one and twenty Aldermen as Challengers, undertook to hold the Field against all Comets. But at the time appointed, in their Name and in their Stead came the King privily with his four Sons, Edward the Black-Prince, Lionel, John and Edmund, which latter was then in the 18 Year of his Age, together with 19 other Great Barons of England: The King represented the Mayor, the Black-Prince bore the Person of the Senior Sheriff John Barnes, Prince Lionel acted the Part of John Bury the other Sheriff, and so the whole Corporation of London was personated by the Royal Family and Nobility of England, in Presence of the Kings of France and of Scotland, and an infinite number of Spectators. They were not now armed as Princes or Barons; but the King and his Sons, and the rest of the Challengers bare the City Arms both on their Shields and Surcoats, and held the Field the whole three Days with great Honour, especially to the satisfa∣ction of the Citizens, while they took them really for what they seem'd; but they were extreamly ravish'd with joy, when they understood that the King himself and his Children had done them the Honour to fight so gallantly under their Cognisance.

XIII. The Sunday before Rogation-Sunday, being the p 4.169 14 of the Kalends of June, that is, after our Account the 19 of May, the Lord John Plantagenet (from the Place of his Birth sirnamed also of Gaunt) who was the Kings Third Son, and Earl of Rich∣mond, being now in the 19 Year of his Age, took to Wife by Vertue of a special Dis∣pensation from the Court of Rome, the Lady Blanch his Cousin, Second Daughter to Henry Plantagenet Duke of Lancaster: The Solemnity of the Marriage being kept at Reading in Barkshire about 16 Miles from Windsor, a Week before the Tourneament, which we have just now mentioned.

XIV. About this time King Edward and the Prince his Son, in great Devotion visi∣ted most of the Shrines, and other Holy Places in England, offering up their Prayers e∣very where for a Blessing upon their Arms, or for an happy, lasting and honourable Peace. And one day among the rest, while the King was in the famous Abbey of Westminster, visiting the Ancient Monuments of his Predecessors, he q 4.170 chose a Place for his own Sepulture and Burial in the Chappel of St. Edward hard by the Shrine of that Royal Saint and Confessor: Commanding his Son the Prince, and his other Chil∣dren upon his Blessing, when it should please God to call him out of this transitory Life to a better, to lay his Body there and no where else. And thô the Prince his Son died before him, yet we find the rest of his Sons were not forgetfull of this his Father∣ly Injunction; for there he lies buried to this Day, as we shall shew more particularly, when we come to treat of his Death, which happen'd 18 Years after.

CHAPTER the FIFTH.

The CONTENTS.

I. The Foreign Succours being come to Calais, King Edward sends thither the Duke of Lancaster, who leads them forth, thereby to ease the Town. II. King Edward fol∣lows the Duke with an Army of an 100000 Men. III. The Names of his Chief Lea∣ders, with the Numbers and Order of the Army; the King marches from Calais to∣ward Rheims in Champaigne. IV. An Adventure between the Lord Galahaut de Ri∣bemont,

French, and the Lord Reginald van Boulant, English. V. The Lord Bartho∣lomew Burwash takes the French Master of the Crossbows: King Edward lays Siege to Rheims. VI. The Lord Eustace Dambreticourt sends Relief to the English Army: Cernoy en Dormois, and other Places taken by Detachments from the Camp before Rheims. VII. The King of Navarre breaks with the Dauphin again: The Lord of Gomegines taken Prisoner by the French. VIII. The Lord Bartholomew Burwash takes Cormicy and rases it.

I. ALL this while the whole Realm of England, and the Dominion of Ireland were hot in Preparations for War; and King Edwards Friends wherever they were, resolved at this time to embark with him in this bold Enter∣prise; especially such Lords and Knights of the Empire, as had served him before. These Men a 4.171 made great Provision of Horse and Arms, and other Necessaries according to their Degrees and Qualities; and when they were ready, they all came to∣gether by the way of Flanders to Calais, and there waited till the King should come from England: But he did not come thither so soon as was expected, because he had so many weighty Matters to settle, before he could leave his Kingdom. During there∣fore this time of their Stay, many more Strangers flocking thither, there was hardly room in Calais for Lodging, or Stabling for the Horses; and besides Bread and Wine, Hay, Oats, and other Provision was very scarce, so that they could hardly be got for Gold or Silver; wherefore there b 4.172 were some insolencies committed by the Strangers, as is usual in such cases: But still the general Comfort was, King Edward would presently come thither, and the News ran always that he would be there the next Week. And yet if he had been there, all things would have been much dearer, and Lodgings harder to be got; onely indeed then 'twas expected, that the King would draw off pre∣sently into the Field. Thus the Lords of Almain, Bohemia, Brabant, Flanders and Hainalt, tarried there at their great Charges from the beginning of August till October; so that many of them were fain to sell the best part of their Jewels, and some had spent almost all they had. Whereupon some Quarrels arose between them and their Hosts, and some Mischief was done, and more had been, if the King, finding now that his Af∣fairs would not be ripe till after the time he had appointed (which was the 8 of Sep∣tember) had not sent over the Great Henry Duke of Lancaster with 400 Men of Arms and 2000 Archers, to lead these Strangers forth, lest they should eat up the Town of Calais: For he had heard, c 4.173 that many more were come, than either he expected or desired, hoping belike to enrich themselves by the Spoils of France. The Strangers received the Duke upon his Arrival with great Joy, and asked him News about the King, and when he would follow; and complain'd a little how they had been disap∣pointed. The Duke excused unto them the Kings Delay, by telling them that it was not possible so soon to furnish so great an Army as the King design'd to bring over, with all manner of Necessaries for so long a time, as he intended to stay in those Parts.

And says he, surely Gentlemen, to lie here idly till then is neither honourable nor profitable. I am therefore resolved to ride forth into France, and do something the mean while: Only I desire of you so much Money as will pay off your several reckonings here at your Quarters, and I'll furnish you with Provision of Victuals to carry on your Sumpters.

These Gentlemen were asham'd to deny the Duke, what it seems they had deny'd their Landlords, and so they all satisfied their Hosts punctually, and new shod their Horses, and trussed up their Baggage, and rode forth with the Duke, and went to St. Omers, being in all 2000 Men of Arms, besides Archers and other Footmen. St. Omers they passed by without Medling, and so they went to Bethune, which they left likewise, and rode forward about 6 French Leagues further, till they came to Mount St. Eloy, a large and rich Abbey within two Leagues of Arras. Here they tarried four Days to refresh themselves and their horses, for they found Provision enough in the Abby, and then they marched about ten Leagues fur∣ther, and passed the River d 4.174 Somme, and began to assault Bray sur Somme a considera∣ble Town in Picardy, where the Duke caused his Men to wade up to the shoulders that they might get to the Walls, and so a fierce Attack was made, in which Sr. Thomas Murrers an English Banneret was unfortunately slain with a shot from the Walls, and several others wounded: For the Inhabitants made a good Defence by the Assistance of the Earl of St. Paul, and the Lord of Rayneval and other Gentlemen, who a little before came into the Town at a back-Gate with 200 Spears. The Duke of Lancaster therefore failing here, went along by the River Somme in great want both of Bread and Wine, till he came to Ceresy, a Town on the same River between Bray and Cor∣bie,

where he found good Plenty of both, and having supplied himself therewith, he repassed the River in the same place (for the Bridge was not broken) and went to Chipilly, where he tarried to refresh his Men the remainder of that Day and all Night, it being then the Feast of All-Saints. On that very Day he had notice, that King Ed∣ward was arrived with all his Forces at Calais, and commanded him on sight of his Let∣ters to draw thitherward to meet him.

II. Now e 4.175 before the King had left England, he gave command, that all the French Prisoners should be separately put in divers strong Castles, and that the French King himself, and his Son Philip, should be surely kept in the Tower of London, without any such liberty, as he had before. And the Lord Thomas f 4.176 of Woodstock, the Kings Youngest Son, being then scarce Five Years of Age, was now constituted his Fathers Lieutenant and Lord Warden of England, during this his intended Absence in France; several of the most Politick Prelates and Counsellours of the Realm being appointed to act under his Authority. There were also ordained certain Lords, Knights, and Esquires, with their several Retinues, to look to the Defence of the Realm, and to be still ready to defend the Marches, Castles, and Havens of the same. And things being thus settled at home, the King himself, with his Four Sons, rode forth to Sand∣wich in Kent, where he intended to go on board with all his Army. The Kings Sum∣mons at this time had been particularly severe; for except such and such, none were permitted to stay at home g 4.177 between the Age of Twenty and Threescore: So that after many Thousands had been turned back for some fault or other, there remain'd at least an h 4.178 100000 of the most chosen Men, and the best Arm'd throughout the whole Isle of Brittain. And to receive them and their Provision there lay ready rigged at Sandwich 1123 Sail of Ships, the latter i 4.179 123 Sail being those very Ships which had already convey'd the Duke of Lancaster to Calais, with an infinite Quantity of Pro∣vision to be laid up in Magazines against the Kings coming.

King Edward therefore being come to Sandwich, and having seen all his Men Mu∣ster'd between Sandwich and Dover, declared aloud to all his Chief Captains, and caused to be proclaim'd thrô the Army, k 4.180

That it was his Resolution to go over into France, and never to return again alive, till either by War, he should have ended the Controversie, or else obtain a Peace both to his Honour and Advan∣tage; otherwise, that he would loose his Life in the Attempt. And therefore (said he) if there are any among You, that is not very willing to partake with me in what∣ever God shall please to send us, Honour, or Dishonour; Peace, or War; Life, or Death; that Man hath now my Free leave to depart.

But of this sort of Men there was not one found in this Army: For they all answer'd,

They were resolved to live and die with their Warlike King.

Hereupon the King took shipping at Sandwich in the Dertmouth the 28 day of October, being the Festival of St. Simon and Jude, and a Monday, inter auroram diei & ortum Solis, as the Words of the Record express, and landed that Evening at Calais, l 4.181 about the time of Evening Prayer. Being thus happily arrived, order was given to empty the Ships of all the Horses, Armour, and Provision; and the next day the King held a Council of War, to consider what Course to take. Some were for advising him first to invade Flanders, and Revenge all the Injurious and Unfaithfull dealing of the Flemmings: But He, who came over with a Design to reduce France to equal terms, or to waste it with Fire and Sword, rejected that Counsel, as not so convenient for the present, and commanded, that all Men should be ready within five days, saying, "that he intended to ride after his Cousin, the Duke of Lancaster. So early in a Morning m 4.182 on the Fourth of November, being a Monday, he left Calais with all his Men and Carriages, in the best Order, that ever was us'd by any Army, marching out of a Town. The mean while the Duke of Lan∣caster, who according to his Orders was returning toward Calais, being now within four Leagues of that Place, met with such Multitudes of Souldiers, that they seem'd to co∣ver the Face of the whole Country; all so richly beseen, with Feathers in their Crests, their Arms bright and shining, and their Banners and Ensigns waving in the Air, that it seem'd to him the most Delightfull thing in the World, to behold them marching all in Battle Array, fair and softly. When the Duke and the German Lords met the King, he received them very graciously, and feasted them Royally: But after Dinner the Lords Strangers, as Almains, Brabanders, Hainalders, and other Mercenaries, came all together before the King, and told him,

how they had spent all their Mo∣ney, and pawn'd and sold all their jewels, and other Goods, except only their Horses and Armour: So that little or nothing was left them, wherewithall to do him any Service, according to the Design of their coming; nor yet had they e∣nough

left to bear their Charges home into their own Countries, if they should now go home. Wherefore they humbly entreated his Majesty, that of his Royal Boun∣ty, he would please to take their case into consideration. The King told them; how their Proposal being unexpected, he could not at that present give them a full and final answer, but, said he, Gentlemen, I think you are sufficiently wearied at this time; wherefore go and refresh your selves and your Beasts at Calais for three or four days, and to night or to morrow, when I have advised with my Privy Coun∣cil, I will take Care to send You such an answer, as may in reason content You.

With that they took their leave of the King and of the Duke, who now joyn'd him, and so rode forward toward Calais; by that time they had ridden about half a League farther, they met with a vast Number of Carriages, after which came the Prince of Wales in the Head of his Great Battail, Arm'd most gloriously at all Points; His shield of Arms, which were France and England quarter'd, over all a Labell of Three points Argent, was richly diapred with Gold; the same being curiously embossed and de∣picted with Embroidery on his Surcoat and the Caparisons of his Horse, and on his Crest was a Lion gorged with a Labell, as afore. All his Men likewise were gallantly Armed, and for Multitude seem'd to overspread the whole Country. Thus the Black-Prince rode fair and softly, ready ranged in Battle Array, as thô he had been to en∣gage immediately, being still distant a League or two after the King his Father (for the Carriages took up the space between) and having a Wing both of Horse and Foot on each side: Which Order the Strangers were extreamly taken with.

But when they had view'd this gallant Appearance, and Reverently saluted the Prince and his Lords, and were likewise received graciously of the Prince, just upon their taking leave, they declared also unto him their great necessity, to which their long stay in those parts had reduced them; Desiring, that his Highness would please to consider their Condition: And he promised to do them what kindness he could. Whereupon they all rode on to Calais-ward, and the Prince marched after his Fa∣ther. Within two days the King sent three Knights to the Strangers then at Calais with this Message;

That he had not brought with him Treasure enough to fulfill their Desires, and to answer his own Designs too. But if they would bear him Com∣pany, and partake with him in what should happen at a venture; then if good For∣tune should fall, they should have their proportion, on condition they demanded no Wages, nor Reparation for any loss or damage: For (said the Messengers) you know your selves, that more than Three Parts in Four of you, came hither of your own heads only; and the King our Master hath brought with him enough of his own Subjects to serve for this Expedition.

This answer was not over-pleasing to the Stran∣gers, who had taken much pains, and spent their Money, and some had engag'd to leave their Horse and Arms for satisfaction in their Quarters. But more than this they could not now obtain of the King; except that he sent them indeed as much Money, as might suffice to carry them home into their own Countries. Yet for all this some of those Lords went again to the King to serve him on his Conditions: for they thought it dishonourable to turn home again after such Preparations, without doing any thing.

III. Thus King Edward marched forward with this great Army, consisting of above an 120000 Men in all; his Constable Roger Lord Mortimer Earl of March, the se∣cond of that Name, riding on before him with 500 Men of Arms, and 2000 tall Archers; Then followed the King with 3000 Men of Arms, and 5000 Archers on Horseback, besides Welchmen, and others on Foot; after him were 500 lusty Pioneers with Mat∣tocks and Pick-axes to level the ways, and make them fit for the Carriages. Then came all the Carriages consisting of n 4.183 6000 Chariots, Carts, and Waggons; every Cart having to it at least Four good Horses, brought out of England, to carry Pro∣vision for the Army, and many other usefull things, some such, as had been seldom seen before in any Camp, such as Hand-mills to grind their Corn, Moveable Ovens, and Forges, the one to bake their Victuals, and the other to make shoes for Horses, and the like. After all the Carriages, came the Prince of Wales with his Three Bre∣thren, and their several Retinues, of whom were 2000 Spears, and 4000 Archers on Horseback; besides the Infantry, Bill-men, and Bow-men; all ready ranged for Fight: But they marched not above Four Leagues a day, because of their Footmen and Car∣riages. In this manner it was that they were met by the Duke of Lancaster, and the Lords Strangers in a fair Plain between Calais and the Abbey of Liques, and im∣mediately, as I said, joyn'd by the Duke and those Germans, and other Strangers, whom the King of England had retain'd. And here I shall take leave to present unto

the Reader the Names of the most eminent Leaders in this Army (than which a Fairer never passed the Sea out of England, either before or since that time) as well such as came over with the King, as those, who went with the Duke of Lancaster be∣fore him. First the most Magnificent and Invincible Monarch EDWARD the Third, King of England, and France, and Lord of Ireland; Then his Four Sons, Edward of Woodstock Prince of Wales, Duke of Cornwall and Earl of Chester, Sirnamed the BLACK-PRINCE, Lionel of Antwerp, Earl of Ʋlster, and afterwards Duke of Clarence; John of Gaunt, Earl of Richmond, and Edmund of Langley, afterwards Earl of Cambridge and Duke of York; these were the Kings Four Sons, the Fifth being a Child was left in Eng∣land; There was also Henry Plantagenet Duke of Lancaster, the Kings Cousin-Ger∣man; Roger Lord Morttmer Earl of March, Constable of England, Thomas Beau∣champ Earl of Warwick, and Robert Hufford Earl of Suffolk, Marshals of the Host, Ralph Stafford Earl of Stafford, William Montagu Earl of Salisbury, and King of Man, Humphry Bohun Earl of Hereford and Essex, and William Bohun his Brother, Earl of Northampton, and John Vere Earl of Oxford, o 4.184 who indeed went not over with the King, by reason he had not made his Will; but that being done, he followed him soon after. Besides these Princes, Dukes and Earls, there were these Lords, that follow, Dr. John Synwell Bishop of Lincoln, and Dr. Thomas Hatfield Bishop of Dur∣ham; the Lord Henry Piercy and his Eldest Son, Sr. Henry, who was afterwards the first Earl of Northumberland of that Name, the Lord Ralph Nevill of Raby, the Lord Edward Spencer, Nephew to the late Lord Hugh le Despencer, the Grandchild, a most Noble and Warlike young Gentleman; the Lord John Chandos, the Lord Walter Manny, the Lord Reginald Cobham, the Lord John Grey of Codonore, the Lord John Moubray, the Lord Roger de la Ware, the Lord Thomas Felton, the Lord John Willoughby, the Lord James Audley, the Lord Ralph Basset of Drayton, the Lord John Charleton the Kings Chamberlain, the Lord Bartholomew Burwash, the Lord John Fitz-Walter, the Lord Edmund Pierpoint, the Lord John Botetourt, St. Richard Pemburge, Sr. Nele Loring, Sr. Stephen Cossington, Sr. Hugh Hastings, Sr. Wil∣liam p 4.185 Trussel, and many others, too Long to Name, besides the Lords and Gentle∣men Strangers, among whom were Sr. Henry Eam of Flanders, with 200 Spears in his Retinue, Sr. Frank van Hall, with as many more; Sr. Reginald Boulant with 60 Spears; besides 500 Germans under the Marquess of Nuys; and others, whose Names, I had rather omit, than set them down, as I find them, unorthographically.

The Army rode thrô Artois, passing by the City of Arras, and took the same way, which the Duke of Lancaster had gone before: But they found nothing to live on in the plain Country; for what had been left undestroy'd, was gather'd into strong Towns. Tho besides the Continual Depredations made about in the Country by the Men of War, the Earth had lain in a manner untill'd for three Years together: So that if Oats and Wheat had not been brought out of Hainalt and Cambresis, to sup∣ply those parts, the People of Artois, Vermandois, Laonnois, and Rhemois had died for Hunger. Nor was King Edward ignorant of all this, before he came out of Eng∣land; wherefore he made such wonderfull Provision of all things necessary, except on∣ly of Oats, Hay, and Straw, for which he made as good shift as he could. But that which made the want of Litter more grievous, was, that soon after his coming the Weather was very Rainy, and the Ways began to be deep, which prov'd a great trouble both to Horse and Man. But because such Matters were not strange in the de∣clining of the Year; the King encouraged himself with Patience, resolving to bear, what he could by no means prevent.

However the King rode thus by q 4.186 short journeys, till he came into a dryer Country to Bapaume in Artois; about which Place there happen'd an adventure, between a Lord of France, and a German Lord of the English part, well worthy a particular Re∣lation. Only it is to be premised, that all the Towns, Cities, Castles, and Passages in Picardy and Artois, where the King was suspected to pass, were well guarded with Souldiers, partly such, as the Dauphin and Parliament had sent thither, and partly al∣so such, as the Great Towns had themselves hired for their better security. In the City of Arras was the Earl of St. Paul with 200 Men of Arms; the Constable of France was at Amiens; the Lord of Monsault at Corbie, Sr. Edward of Renty, and Sr. Ingram of Hesdin at Bapaume, and Sr. Baldwin Danequin, Master of the Crossbows at St. Quentin; and the like Provision was made for other Places: For by this it was generally noised about, that King Edward design'd to go and lay Siege to Rheims in Champaigne, intending when he had won the Place, there to be r 4.187 anointed with the Holy Oyl, & Crowned King of France.

IV. But now the Inhabitants of Perone in Vermandois, which lay directly in the King of Englands way, were wholly destitute of an able Captain and Commander to defend them, and that City being scituate upon the River of Somme, when they understood it was King Edwards Custom to march along by Rivers, they expected the English to be upon them every Day, and were infinitely perplexed on that account. At last they bethought themselves of a Valiant Captain, called Sr. Galahaut de Ribemont, who was now unengaged in the City of Tournay, being a Baron of high Courage and Conduct, and Cousin to the Lord Eustace Ribemont, who fell in the Battle of Poictiers. To him therefore now they send very kind Letters, inviting and requesting him to come and be their Captain with such a certain Number of Men of Arms, they promising to allow him 20 Franks per diem for himself and ten for every Knight in his Company; and for every other, one Frank a Day. The Lord Galahaut was a Knight of great Courage and Experience in the Wars, and very desirous to be employed in any Hazardous Attempt for Glory: Wherefore he accepted the civil Proposals of his Neighbours of Perone, and sent them word, that he would not fail to be with them the second Day after. So he rode pre∣sently from Tournay with no more than 30 Spears in his Company, but still as he went on his Number encreased: And particularly Sr. Roger of Coulogne, to whom he had sent to come and joyn him in such a Place, came to him accordingly with 20 Men of Arms more. So that now Sr. Galahaut being fifty Spears strong, besides others, as he was marching towards Perone, came and took up his Lodgings within two Leagues of the English Army, in a little Village in the Fields, which was quite void of Inhabitants; for all the People of the Country were fled into strong Holds for fear; and he design'd the next morning for Perone, near unto which this little Village stood. Now after Supper when they had set their Watch, and discoursed of several things relating to the pre∣sent Juncture, the Lord Galahaut said to his chief Captains then in Council with him,

To morrow early we shall be at Perone, but yet before we go thither, I would advise, that we ride a little nearer toward our Enemies, for I believe there are those among them, who to get Honour or Booty, will ride abroad in the Morning; so that we may chance to meet with some or other of them, who may help to pay our Shot.

To this Advice his Council agreed, and kept it private in their own Breasts; being all ready for that purpose by break of Day with their Horses sadled. Then they moun∣ted and rode forth in good Order, leaving the Road to Perone, and coasting the Woods to see if they could find any good Adventure. At last they came to a certain Vil∣lage, where the People had fortified the Church for their Security, and there Sr. Gala∣haut alighted; for he was sure to meet with Bread, Wine and other Provision in this Place; and those within offer'd him to take what he would, for they knew him to be a Friend. While they tarried here to refresh themselves, Sr. Galahaut called two Esquires unto him, one whereof was named Bridol of Talmond, whom he commanded to take their Horses and ride forth into the Field and discover the Country about, whether they could meet with any thing of Moment, and so to come back, and bring him word thither, for he would stay there for them.

Now on the English Part the Lord Reginald of Boulant a German, of the Duke of Lancasters Retinue, had ridden forth the same Morning, and finding no Adventure was now returning to the Army again; at which time he met with these two French Es∣quires about a League from Sr. Galahaut's Station. The Esquires at first took them to be some French Men of Arms, who had laid an Ambush thereabouts; but when they perceived them to be Germans, they agreed to pretend to be of their Party; for other∣wise they could not escape them. At this Sr. Reginald of Boulant demanded of them in High Dutch, who they were, and to whom they did belong; to which Esquire Bri∣dol, who was skill'd in that Tongue, answer'd,

Sir, we are Englishmen of the Retinue of the Lord Bartholomew Burwash. Why, where is the Lord Bartholomew said Sr. Reginald? Sir, said the Esquire, He is now in yonder Village. What means he to tarry there said the Knight? Sir, said the Esquire, he expects our Return: For he sent us abroad to see if we could meet with any Forage hereabouts in the Country. On my Word said Sr. Reginald, here is none, for I have been abroad all this Morning and can find nothing: Wherefore go back and bid him come away, that we may both ride together toward St. Quentin, to see if so at least we may mend our Mar∣ket. Sir, said Esquire Bridol, who are you then, that would have our Lords Com∣pany? They call me, said the Knight, Reginald van Boulant, only say so much to my Lord Bartholomew, that's enough.

With that the two Esquires returned up∣on the Spur to the Village to their Master, who asked him what Tidings?

Sir, said they, we have seen enough, for in yonder Wood there is the Lord Regi∣nald

of Boulant, who hath been riding about this Morning with 30 Spears, and he desires your Company to ride with him toward St. Quentin. How (said Sr. Gala∣haut) what is that you say? Sr. Reginald de Boulant is a Knight of Germany, and re∣tained under the King of Englands Pay. All that (said the Esquires) we know ve∣ry well; but we pretended to be Englishmen, and told him that you were the Lord Bartholomew Burwash, whereupon he desired your Company, as we said before.

At this Sr. Galahaut studied with himself a little, and then asked Advice of his Friend Sr. Ro∣ger of Coulogne and other his Captains, what they would have him to do in this Case.

Sir (said they) since of your own Accord you always sought out for Ad∣ventures, now they fall into your Hands, you may well afford to take them: For by Right of Arms a Man ought to offend his Enemy when once so declared, either by Stratagem or open Force, as Opportunity serves best.

To this Sr. Galahaut readily a∣greed, and presently leap'd on his Courser, and clapt on his Helmet with the Visor down, because his Face should not discover him, and the same did all his Company. So they left the Village and took the Fields, having already determin'd what to do, and rode forth on the Right hand toward the Wood, where Sr. Reginald waited for them with not above s 4.188 30 Men of Arms in his Company; whereas Sr. Galahaut had about 70 by this time. When Sr. Reginald saw them he displayed his Banner before him, and rode forth fair and softly to meet them verily taking them for Englishmen. Being come up he raised the Visor of his Helmet, and saluted the Lord Galahant by the Name of Sr. Bartholomew. Sr. Galahaut thought not to discover himself yet, till he had train'd them further off; wherefore he only answer'd faintly in English,

Let us ride on;

and so set himself among his Men on the one side, as Sr. Reginald was with his, on the other. When Sr. Reginald saw this their Manner, and how Sr. Gala∣haut rode sometimes near him without exchanging a Word, shewing his Face or unfol∣ding his Banner, then he began to suspect the matter. So that after he had rode thus about the space of a quarter of an Hour he made an Halt, and stood still under his Banner among his Men, and said aloud,

Sir Knight, I am not well assured what you are, I think you are not Sr. Bartholomew Burwash, for I know him well, and he would have been more familiar with me. So that I see you are not the Man, and therefore you are like to tell me your Name before I ride any farther in your Company.

Then Sr. Galahaut lifted up his Visor and made towards him, thinking to have laid hold on the Reins of his Bridle, and crying aloud, "our Lady of Ribemont, while his Fellow Sr. Roger of Coulogne cried, "Coulogne to the Rescue. When Sr. Reginald saw this, he was not in the least dejected, but drew out his Sword, and just as Sr. Galahaut en∣deavour'd to have seised his Bridle, ran him clear through the Body, and drew out his Sword again, and immediately clapping spurs to his Horse took the open Field, and left Sr. Galahaut grievously wounded. But several of Sr. Galahaut's Esquires, pursued after him so hotly, that seeing he must either turn again, or incurr Reproach, he faced about like a Valiant Gentleman as he was, and stood the formost, and gave him such a warm Reception, that he had no more desire to follow him, and in this manner he served three or four of his Pursuers, wounding and bruising them all; and if he had had a good Ax in his hand, he had surely slain a Man at every Blow. By this Means and the good∣ness of his Horse, he made shift to escape himself without the least harm. His Friends received him gladly, and his Enemies and all that heard the Action applauded his good Presence and Courage for coming off so well: Thô most of his Men were ei∣ther taken or slain, but a very few enjoy'd their Masters Fortune. For when Sr. Galahauts Men saw their Captain wounded in that manner, they fell upon the Ger∣mans with all the Fury imaginable, till they had slain, taken or routed them every Man. The Sword had not penetrated any of Sr. Galahaut's Vitals; wherefore they dressed up his Wound and bore him carefully to Perone. But he never perfectly reco∣ver'd that hurt, for he was a Man of such indefatigable Courage, that he would by no means spare himself in time of War, althô his Case required it; wherefore he lived but a little while afterward.

V. The mean while King Edward t 4.189 marched thrô Artois, where he found a poor Country, and little or no Provision; but being entred Cambresis, he met with plenty of all things: For there nothing was taken care of, because that Country, as holding of the Empire (since the Death of Lewis of Bavaria) and not of France, took it for granted, that the English would not hurt them; but King Edward was not of that mind. He was now lodged at Beaurevoir bordering on Cambresis, where because of the Goodness of the Country he tarried four Days to refresh his Men and Horses; many great Detachments the mean while overrunning the whole Country, as well of Cam∣bresis

as Vermandois. Whereupon Peter Bishop of Cambray, and other Lords of that Country with the Burgesses of the Good Towns, having obtained safe Conduct, sent their Deputies to the King of England to expostulate with Him, and to know by what Title and for what Cause he committed those Hostilities. Answer was return'd, that

it was because heretofore they had been Confederates with France, and Enemies to England, of which as yet they had given no sign of Repentance: But had since that also received Frenchmen into their Towns and Castles, and had rebelliously held out against England: On all which Accounts they thought it lawfull to use them now as Enemies.

This was all the Answer they could have, and they were fain to be content therewith. After this King Edward marched forth into la Tierasche, fo∣raging the Country about on all sides, and bringing in Prey to the Army. One day the Lord Bartholomew Burwash rode before St. Quentin, where by chance he met with the Captain of that Place, u 4.190 Sr. Baldwin Danequin Master of the Crossbows, between whom began a terrible Medley, wherein many were overthrown on both sides; but the English obtain'd the Victory without the loss of one Man, and Sr. Baldwin himself was taken Prisoner by the Lord Bartholomew's own Hands: But soon after paying his Ran∣some he had his Liberty, and thereupon x 4.191 went to defend the Town and Castle of Tonnerre in Burgundy. With this Success, which was obtained on the 26 of Novem∣ber, Sr. Bartholomew return'd to the King, whom he found at the Abby of Fenney, where was good store of Provision both for Horse and Man. Thence the Army re∣moved, and went into le Rhemois, or the Marches of the City of Rheims in Cham∣pagne, the King taking up his Station at St. Vall beyond Rheims, the Prince of Wales at St. Thierry, and the Duke of Lancaster and other great Lords in other Villages a∣bout the City, which the King now design'd to block up. Within the Place at that time was the Lord John de Craon, Archbishop of Rheims, the Earl of Porcien, and Sr. Hugh Porcien his Brother, the Lord de la Bonne, the Lord of Carency, the Lord of Annore, the Lord of Lore and divers other Captains, Knights and Esquires of those Parts. King Edward intended after his manner to offer them the choice of his Fa∣vour before he gave them a tast of his Fury; and many times y 4.192 he proffer'd them by his Heralds to exalt and magnifie their City above all others in France, if they would give their Consent that he should there receive the Crown of France, promising to use them all most graciously. But when he saw that he was not heard, believing that they did thus, because they were ashamed to surrender without having received any Loss, he began to threaten them with a long Siege and the Desolation of their Land, if they refused to do what he demanded. But neither fair Overtures nor foul did avail any thing: For by Common Assent this was their Answer,

That they had their Lawfull King, to whom they intended, whilst they had Breath in their Bodies, to be loyal, true and faithfull; and if he used Force against them, they design'd to defend them∣selves by Force.

Nor were these Mens Deeds disagreeable to their Words, for they maintain'd their Loyalty so well, that the Place suffer'd no great Dammage during the whole Siege, which lasted from the Feast of St. Andrew till the beginning of Lent. For besides that the City was very Defensible and well provided of all things, the King would not suffer any Assault to be made, because he would preserve his Ar∣my entire for a greater purpose. And truly the Lords of England wanted a little Rest at that time, for they began their Siege in the Heart of Winter, and there were high Winds and much Rain about St. Andrews, and they wanted Litter for their Horses, for the Country had layen in a manner waste for well nigh two or three Years before; so that little Forage was to be got abroad, under 10 or 12 Leagues off, whereby there fell many dangerous Rencounters, wherein the English sometime wan and sometimes al∣so lost.

VI. During this Siege several strong Detachments were sent abroad from the Army, especially into the Country of Rhetelois in Champagne, to Warcq, to Mazieres, to Donchery, and to Mouson; some whereof would absent from the Camp three or four Days together, ravaging and plundering the Country, and then return again to the Camp before Rheims. At that same time Sr. Eustace Dambreticourt being newly redeem'd from Prison, had begun to manifest by his Hostilities in France, that he was at liber∣ty. He had lately won z 4.193 by Surprize the Town of Attigny on the River Aisne in Retelois, where he found plenty of Provision of all sorts, but especially of good Wines, whereof he sent the greater part to the King of England and his Son the Prince, then lying at the Siege of Rheims, who received it very kindly at his Hands.

Among the divers Adventures, which fell during this Siege, it happen'd, that the Duke of Lancaster, the Earls of Richmond and March, the Lord John Chandos, the

Lord James Audley, the Lord Bartholomew Burwash, the Lord of Mucidan, and Sr. Richard Pountchardon, rode forth about the Fields of Châlons in Champaigne, where 'tis believed, that a 4.194 Attila King of the Hunns was overthrown with the Loss of an Hundred and Eighty Thousand Men, by the joynt Forces of Merovee King of France, Theodoric, or Therry King of the Gothes, and Aetius the General of the Roman Em∣pire: Thô Jornandes makes this Battle to have been fought near unto Tholouse, and not to Chálons. However in these Fields the foresaid English Lords ranged, till they b 4.195 came to Cernoy en Dormois, a fair and strong Castle; which upon view, they resolved to attempt: For it was a place of considerable moment. In this Castle there were two Valiant Knights, Captains, the Chief whereof was Sr. John Caples, who bare for his Arms, Or, a Cross Ancree, Sable. The English assaulted the Castle vigorously, till the Lord Mucidan, being among the foremost, was slain with a stone from the Walls, to the infinite regret of the English Lords, and especially of his own Men, the Gascogners, who loved him entirely for his winning Carriage and resolute Conduct. So that upon his Death, all the Lords sware, that they would not stir a foot thence, till they had taken the Place, and revenged the blood of so worthy a Gentleman: And then the Assault was renew'd with all the Fury imaginable. The Gascogners e∣specially, being enraged at their Loss, plunged into the Ditches like Madmen, with∣out any care of themselves, and approached the Walls, and mounted up with their Targets over their heads; while the Archers of England sent their Arrows so thick to∣gether, that the Enemy durst hardly appear upon the Walls at their Defences, and whoever did but presume to peep over, was in evident Danger of their shot. By this means, thô not without the loss of many Men, the Castle was at last taken by force, and the two Captains only with some few Esquires received to Mercy; all the rest were put to the Sword, as Sacrifices to the Ghost of the Lord of Mucidan.

Thence they c 4.196 marched about two Leagues farther to Autry en Dormois, lying on the River Aisne, which was accounted stronger than Cernoy, but before they came thi∣ther, the Inhabitants fled. Thence they went back to St. Menehou in Champaigne (a for∣tified Town also) whence upon their approach the Inhabitants fled likewise; whereupon they all returned to the Camp before Rheims, and related to the King what they had won, and whom they had lost.

VII. Near this d 4.197 time the inconstant and turbulent King of Navarre fell off a∣gain from the Dauphin, without any known cause or provocation, and leaving Paris of a sudden, retired to Mante on the River Seyne, whence he sent his Defiance to the Duke and his Brethren, who wonder'd upon what Pretence or Title he thus renew'd his Hostilities. Under pretence however of his Quarrel an Esquire of Brussels, named Walter Ostraste, surprized the strong Castle of Rolebois on the Seyne, about a League from Mante, where he kept a Garrison, which did afterwards very much incommode the Parisians, and the Vicinage.

While the Siege c 4.198 before Rheims lasted, the Lord of Gomegines, an Hainalder, who went to England with a Message to the Queen from King Edward, when he sent the Lords Strangers back to Calais, repassed the Sea now again, and rode into Hainalt with certain Knights and Esquires of Gascogne, and of England in his Company; intending from thence to repair to King Edwards Camp before Rheims. These Men (the young Lord of Gomegines, being inflam'd with a desire to advance his Reputation in War) encreased to the Number of 300 Men of Arms, and then set forth in the Head of them from Maubeuge, and went to Avesnes in Hainalt, whence he proceeded to Terlon. Now the Lord of Roye, who lay in Garrison at Roye in Picardy, with a sufficient Number of Knights and Esquires, heard of these Preparations of the Lord of Gomegines, and that he was going to serve King Edward in the Siege before Rheims, and must of necessity (as he also knew) pass through Tierasche; and being exactly inform'd at what time he was to set forward, sent word thereof to certain Captains, his Friends, of the French party: But especially to the Lord Canon Robsart, an Experienced and Valiant Gentle∣man, who then menaged the young Earl of Coucy's Lands, and lay at the Castle of Marle in Tierasche. The Lord Robsart at the time appointed joyn'd the Earl of Roye with 40 Spears: But the Earl was Commander in Chief of the whole Enterprise, not only in consideration of his Quality, but because he had been the first Deviser there∣of. So he led forth in all 300 Men of Arms, and went and laid an Ambush, where he knew the Lord of Gomegines musts needs pass, who suspecting nothing of this Mat∣ter, was already enter'd Tierasche, taking his way toward Rheims, where King Ed∣ward lay. On a morning he came to a certain Village, called Hercigny, where he thought to refresh his Men a while, and so to proceed: But as his Men were setting

up their Horses, he himself, being young, lusty, and desirous of Honourable hazards, said, that for his part he would ride a little way out of Town, to see if he could meet with any forage, and thereupon selecting out 50 Men, he marched out of the Village, a Valiant Esquire of England, named Christopher Moor, bearing his Ban∣ner before him.

Now the Frenchmen, who knew all their Motions, were not far off from the said Village, in a close Ambush, thinking, because the other equall'd them in Number, not to stir till Night, and then by surprising the Town, make their Advantage: For they were fully informed of their being there. But it seems the Lord of Gomegines thrust himself now into their hands, before they had hoped for such fortune them∣selves. When the Frenchmen saw him at first with so small a Company, they wonder'd, who it should be, and sent out a couple of light Horse to view them, who returning, brought word, that they were a party of those they had expected.

At this they all brake out of their Ambush, crying Roye in the Name of the Lord of Roye, who rode foremost with his Banner displayed before him; and the Lord Fla∣mone of Roye his Cousin, was with him, together with Sr. Lewis of Robsart, and the Lord Canon Robsart his Brother, Sr. Tristram of Bonroy, and others. When the Lord of Gomegines saw what a case he was in, like a resolute Gentleman he stood still to re∣ceive them, and scorn'd to flinch a Foot. But at the very first brunt he was over∣thrown, Horse and Man, and finally there taken Prisoner, and with him two Esquires of Gascogne, who had fought with singular Valour, as did also Christopher Moor Es∣quire, who bare the Standard; but at last together with that fell into the Frenchmens hands. To be brief, all on that side, were either slain, or taken; except the Va∣lets, who escaped by running away; the Enemy slighting to pursue them, especially seeing they took not the way to the Town, where the rest of their Men lay, to discover unto them what had been done.

But the Field being f 4.199 now clear'd, the Conquerours took their Horses and rode in∣to the Village upon the spur, crying Roye, in the Name of the Lord Roye; whereat those in the Town were extreamly surprized, to see their Enemies so near them, they not knowing, what was become of their Captain, and beside most of them were un∣armed and scatter'd abroad in the Town. Wherefore being out of hope to make any tolerable Defence, they began to yield themselves, and the Frenchmen bestow'd them about in their Lodgings: The Lord Canon Robsart had a great many Prisoners, because he was best known to the English and Gascogners by his Banner; with which they had been acquainted. But some fled into a little House of Defence, at the end of the Town, which was moated about, and might perhaps have proved a Refuge at that time, had they been all of one mind; but some said, it was best to make good the place, because it was strong enough to secure them, till they might send word to the Army before Rheims; from whence they should doubtless have a speedy Succour: Others said, 'twas difficult to send, now the Enemy was there, and impossible to defend it, till the return of an answer. While thus they were concerting of Reasons, the Lord of Roye with one decisive peremptory threat commanded them to yield up immediately: For if they put him to the trouble of taking them by force, they were all no better than dead Men. At these Words the stoutest of them all began to misdoubt the Event, and so they presently agreed to yield only on security of their Lives. After this all the Prisoners were sent to the Castle of Coucy, and other French Garrisons, to be kept, till their Ransoms should be paid: But when King Edward heard of the Matter, he was greatly dis∣pleased; but was obliged to digest it as well as he could: For the only cure for irreparable Afflictions, is Patience. And this Adventure happen'd in the latter end of December, in the Year of our Lord MCCCLIX; the Siege then enduring before Rheims.

VIII. On the 20 g 4.200 of the said Month the Lord Bartholomew Burwash, Knight of the most Noble Order of the Garter, went with a Detachment from before Rheims, and laid Siege to the Town and Castle of Cormicy; which was near unto his Quar∣ters; for all the Great Lords were disposed about in strong Bodies abroad in the Country, as well for Conveniency of Quarters, as to stop up all the Avenues; that no Provision should enter the City. This Fortress belonged to the Archbishop of Rheims, and was now by him so well furnish'd, that it seem'd far enough out of all Danger: For therein was a square stone Tower, with Walls of a Wonderfull thick∣ness, and at all Points sufficiently provided for a Siege; and moreover the Town it self was fenced with a Double Ditch and High Walls. But against this Place came

the Lord Burwash, together with the Lord John Botetourt, and other Knights, as well of his own Retinue, as belonging to the Prince of Wales, to the Duke of Lan∣caster, and the Earl of Richmond: These Men with unspeakable Boldness presently upon their coming assaulted the Town, passed the Ditch, mounted the Walls, and took it the first Night. When immediately the Lord Bartholomew, who com∣manded in Chief, knowing the strength of the Castle, set a good Number of Pioneers at Work, promising them Large Wages, if they hasted to finish their Task effectually. These Men, encouraged thus by their Lord, began to Work night and day, till at last with much obstinate labour they had gone far under the Great Square Tower, still setting up huge Props of Oak as they went along, and cany∣ing the Earth out in the night: So that the Besieged knew nothing of their be∣ing undermin'd. In about sixteen days, the Miners having done their Work, so that the Tower was ready to fall, when they pleased, their Captains went to Sr. Bartholomew, and assured him of their Success; whereat he was well content, but commanded them to proceed no farther, till they heard from him: For he was re∣solv'd in his Mind to try all fair means to reduce the Place, before he would fire the Mine, as thinking it more Honourable for a Christian Captain to overcome his E∣nemies, than to destroy them. Wherefore taking along with him the Lord John Botetourt, he went toward the Castle, and made offer to speak with some of those within. The Chief Captain there at that time was one Sr. Henry de Vaulx, a Knight of Champaigne, who came to the Battlements of the Castle, and demanded what they would have? Sr. Bartholomew answer'd,

Captain, I would, that You forthwith yield your selves, and all You have into my Hands, for else You are no better than Dead Men upon my Word.

Pray, how said Sr. Henry? That's a pleasant Matter indeed! And therewith he began to smile; We are proof a∣gainst the hardest Siege, and You ask us to yield up simply: But surely Sir, We are not so low either in Wit or Courage, as You take us to be. Well, said Sr. Bartholomew, then your Blood must lie upon your own Heads: For if You knew in what Danger You are at this time, You would yield up simply without any more adoe: But if You have no Faith, You cannot be saved. Why? Quoth Sr. Henry, what Danger are We in? I see none: Unless it be, that We are like to lose your good Company, because You despair to take us.

Sir, said the English Captain, that You may then understand your Condition, come forth your self with so many more, as You please; and I'll shew You, how I have You all at my mercy: And after that, if You shall be minded to hold the Castle, upon my Honour, You shall have liberty to return back unhurt, and there to take your Fortune.

Sr. Henry with three more of his Captains came forth in confidence of the English Knight's Word, and went to him, and there he shew'd them all the Mine, and how their great Tower stood only on Stages and Props of Timber. When Sr. Henry saw this most imminent Danger, in which both He and all his Men were, he said with much Submission,

Honourable Sir, it is true, We were all at your Dispose, when we thought our selves most secure: Surely this Favour of yours extended to us, proceeds from a Noble and Generous Spirit. We therefore hence∣forth yield our selves, and all We have to your pleasure.

Then Sr. Bartholomew took them as his Prisoners, and all the Rest within the Castle, and sent in Men to take all the Goods, and what was of any Value; and that done, he caused Fire to be put into the Mine to burn the Props; and at last the Tower clave insunder with an hi∣deous Noise, and fell suddenly into Ruines.

Look You now, said Sr. Bartholomew to Sr. Henry, and mark, if I did not tell You the Truth. Sir, reply'd He, We thank You for this great Courtesie: For if some other had such an Advantage over us, We should not have fared so well.

Thus was the strong Castle of Cormicy taken, and overthrown, and the Prisoners brought to the Camp before Rheims.

CHAPTER the SIXTH. * 4.201

The CONTENTS.

I. The Duke of Normandy's Method to resist King Edward; the French take land at Winchelsea, and after doing much harm are beaten away. II. The Kings Lieutenant in England takes Order against the like Mischief for the Future. III. The King of England rises from before Rheims, and marches in Hostile manner thrô Champaigne. The Lord Roger Mortimer, Earl of March, dies. IV. The great Pomp and Order of the English Army. V. King Edward is bought off from destroying Burgundy, and turns toward Paris. VI. He sits down before Paris; two Treaties offer'd at in vain. Whereupon the King challenges the Dauphin forth to Battle; the Lord Walter Manny skirmishes at the Barriers; a remark on Mr. Stow. The King re∣solves for Bretagne, and to renew the Siege before Paris at a better season. VII. A Party from Paris worsted by an English Ambush. VIII. The great Miseries of France, with the Predictions of a certain Fryar concerning the same. IX. The Dauphin find∣ing a necessity for Peace, sends overtures after King Edward, who being moved by a Remarkable Tempest, enclines to accept them. A Treaty had thereupon. X. A True and Authentick Copy of the Famous Peace made at Bretigny, near Char∣tres. XI. The two Eldest Sons of England and France solemnly sworn to uphold the Articles of the said Peace, with the Manner thereof. The Parisians, not staying till the Conclusion of the Peace, buy certain Fortresses of the English. XII. King Ed∣ward returns for England, shews King John the Copy of the Agreement, and sends him over to Calais. XIII. The Pope quickens King Edward to finish the Peace: King John's difficulties for want of Money. XIV. King Edward goes over to Ca∣lais, and consummates the Peace. XV. The Copy of King Edward's Letters of Re∣nuntiation; wherein he lays down his Title to France. XVI. The Copy of King John's Renuntiation of certain Lands and Territories in lieu thereof. XVII. The Names of the Grandees sworn on both sides. XVIII. The Copy of King Edward's Orders to all his Captains, enjoyning them to deliver up their Respective Places to the French King. XIX. Other things relating to the said Peace, and also a step to reconcile the two Pretenders to Bretagne. XX. King John's joy at his Freedom, and the mu∣tual Friendship of the two Kings: King John takes his leave of King Edward, and goes to Boulogne. XXI. King Edward returns with the Hostages for England; where he gives Order for their favourable usage: The Pope congratulates the French King his Liberty. XXII. The Death of the Earl of Oxford, of the Earl of Northampton, of the Earl of Hereford and Essex, of the Earl of Warwick's Brother, and of Thomas Holland Earl of Kent: Also of the King of Cyprus.

I. IF any Man should ask me, what the Duke of Normandy, what the Lords and the Captains of France, and what the Three Estates of that Kingdom did at this time, now that they had such an Enemy in their very Bowels: Why sure∣ly, the Parliament being alarum'd with this Publick Danger began to be at Friends among themselves; all the Lords and good Captains of France rose up vigo∣rously in their Country's Defence, and the Duke of Normandy with the Lords of his Council, and other his Friends and Allies gather'd together a vast Number of Men of Arms to the Metropolis of that Kingdom, and set sufficient Garrisons (as we have part∣ly intimated before) in most of the other Cities and Fortresses, where they suspected King Edward had an Eye. But being warn'd by the late ill Success of his Father, and the great Losses of his Grandfather; the Duke resolved no more to give the King of Eng∣land Battle, but rather to hold him short by removing all manner of Provision into strong Places, and in the mean while to stand only on the Defensive Part, well know∣ing, that Hunger and Delay would soon cool the Fury of the most Valiant Souldiers, and that the mightiest Treasures of the Richest Kings would easily be exhausted by such a tedious War.

The a 4.202 mean while, as well to divert the War from his own Doors, as to repay those

Injuries he felt, he had gather'd together into the Ports of Normandy a mighty Na∣vy, which had Orders to sail into England, and exercise there all manner of Hostility. Some of these Souldiers, to the Number of 240 Lances, were met about Honfleur by Sr. Thomas Fowkes an English Captain, who with 27 Lances only, and about an 100 Archers, set upon them, overthrew them, and took of them Prisoners no less than 120 Men of Arms, among whom were the Lord Lewis Harcourt Lieutenant of Normandy, for the Regent, the Lord John Bigott Marshal, the Lord Baldwin de la Huse, with two of his Brethren, the Lord of Bracquemont and his Brother, the Bailiff of le Caulx and another Baron his Kinsman.

But this was too small a Wound to be felt by the Navy of France, who notwith∣standing consisted of no less than b 4.203 120 Sail, and c 4.204 20000 Armed Men, under the Conduct of the Earl of St. Paul, who made for England, and coasting about the d 4.205 Bor∣ders of Kent and Sussex, landed at Rye and Hastings, where they spoiled the Towns, slew the People, and did much harm to the poor Fishers. But especially on St. Mat∣thias his Day they suddenly took Land at Winchelsea, e 4.206 where they slew all they met with, sparing neither Age, Sex, nor Order, but only such Matrons or Virgins, whose Youth and Beauty made them desirable, were cruelly reserved for a Life far worse than Death. Among many abominable and execrable Deeds done at this time by this Pi∣ratical Sort of Villains, one most horrid and diabolically impious is related, namely, that upon their first Landing, hearing that most of the Inhabitants were at Church, it being time of Mass, they ran immediately thither, where without any Regard to the Place, having committed many Murders, and robbed the Altar and the Vestry, at last they found there a very comely young Gentlewoman of exact Shape and Beauty, who came thither with her Neighbours to hear Mass. Her these unchristian Villains abused there in the very Church, making use of her Body so long one after another, till the unhap∣py Woman died under their hands. An Abomination like f 4.207 that of the wicked Gib∣beathites, whose intemperate and barbarous Lust had well nigh occasion'd the total Ex∣tirpation of one of the Tribes of Israel.

But while these ungodly Wretches were thus busied in Spoiling, Robbing, Murder∣ing, and worse Matters, the Townsmen, who had fled, had raised the Country g 4.208 in such Multitudes, that the Frenchmen durst not stand them. Yet before they could reach their Ships, they fell so foul upon one another, thrô the precipitant haste they made to the Water, that what with those, who were killed, and those, who were drown∣ned, they lost above 400 Men. Besides, while the greater part of the Fleet was thus busied in the Plunder, some of our Mariners came upon the rest, and contended with them so well, that they wan of them 13 Vessels laden with Wine and other Provisi∣on, and carried them away. Thô now at last the French also, having set fire to the Town of Winchelsea, which yet was presently quenched, carried away great Spoils and many Prisoners, among whom h 4.209 were Nine very Beautifull Women, whom they so fil∣thily abused, that 'tis shamefull to relate or think it.

II. All England i 4.210 was so alarum'd at this Action of the French (especially because it was reported, how they had a wonderfull strong Navy at Sea, ready to do the like at other Places, besides the perpetual infesting our Merchants) that a Decree came forth from Prince Thomas of Woodstock, King Edwards Son and Lieutenant in England, by Advice of his Council; that all Laymen whatsoever between the Age of sixteen and sixty should be arrayed for the Wars, and of these the lustiest and the best Armed, and the tall Archers should be sent to the Cinque Ports to the Kings Admirals for defence of the Kingdom. The Archbishops also and Bishops thrô their respective Dioceses granted great Indulgences to all those, who went to Sea against their Enemies; particularly, that every of them might choose his Confessor at his pleasure. The Bishops also themselves, the Abbots and Priors, Rectors, Vicars, Chaplains and all Men of the Church, were ready on the Land to defend the Country against the Common Enemy; some as Men of Arms, and others as Archers, by injunction of the Church. And all Persons Benefi∣ced, who could not serve in their own Persons, were bound to maintain one in their stead able for the War; all to be ready whenever the French should land, and Necessity re∣quire them to march against the Enemy. At which time the City k 4.211 of London rigged forth a Navy of 80 Sail, consisting of 14000 Men of Arms and Archers, to re∣venge upon the Coasts of France the Mischief done at Winchelsea. Thô l 4.212 Others say, how this Fleet was commanded by the Kings Admiral, and consisted of an 160 Sail, which passing from London up the Thames, scoured the Sea to Boulogne, and after that to Harfleur in Normandy, where they made great Spoil, even over all the Region called le Pais de Caulx, which is a Part of Normandy, lying between the Rivers Seyne

and Bresle, and terminated by the Brittish Ocean on the one side, and by the Bishoprick of Rouën on the other.

III. Now had King Edward lain before Rheims above m 4.213 seven Weeks, all which time he never offer'd to attack the Place: For he knew well, it would have been ei∣ther wholly in vain, or very expensive of his Subjects Blood. But by this time being wearied out with this tedious way, especially because Forage was so difficult to be got, that his Men began to lose their Horses, and to want Victuals themselves, he re∣solved now to rise from before the Place, and marched forth in good Order, the way that leadeth to Châlons in Champagne, which passing by he proceeded toward Troyes, and encamped about Mery sur Seyne, all his Host covering the Face of the Country for above 8 Leagues together. While the King lay here, the Constable went with the Vantguard to attempt St. Florentin, where Sr. Edward Renty was Captain; but after a great Assault made in vain he gave it over: About which time the King came up to him, and departed thence to Tonnerre in Burgundy, which City he took by As∣sault, but the Castle he could not win: For the Lord Moreau de Fiennes, Constable of France, and Sr. Baldwin Danequin Master of the Crossbows, were there in Garrison with a great Number of chosen Men. But because the King found here 3000 Vessels of Wine, he was pleased to tarry there five whole Days to refresh his Army, in which time thô he gave many Assaults to the Castle, he was yet never the nearer. Thence passing over the River Armancon he refused the way on the Right Hand, and went a little declining to the Left to Noyers, which he took without any Assault; for their Lord and Captain was still a Prisoner in England ever since the Battle of Poictiers. Thence n 4.214 he marched to Mont-Real, and so to Avallon on the River Cousson, where he tarried from Ashwednesday to Midlent, because of the great Opportunity he found thereabout of receiving Supplies of Provision for his Army from a valiant English Es∣quire, named John Argentine, who bore for his Arms Azure, an Escutcheon of Pre∣tence, Argent. This Man had won the Town of Flavigny, not far thence, wherein he found sufficient Provision of all Sorts to serve the whole Army for a Month; and accordingly he constantly supplied the King therewith: Besides which his Marshals and Van-currours overran the Country, wasting and ravaging all about, and they also brought in much prey daily.

During the Kings stay here, namely on the 26 of February, o 4.215 being the Thursday in Quadragesima, there departed this Life at the Town of Rouvray on the Coussin near Avallon in Burgundy, the Noble and Valiant Young Lord Roger Mortimer Earl of March, and Constable of the English Army, leaving behind him one onely Son na∣med Edmund, then about nine Years of Age: Upon whose Death we find, p 4.216 that the King made the Lord John Beauchamp Brother to the Earl of Warwick, Constable of the Army, as also of Dover-Castle, and of the Cinque-Ports, the Letters Patents bea∣ring Date, apud Avallon in Burgundiâ Primo Marti••.

IV. Now the q 4.217 King and his Chief Lords had with them in this Expedition, as we said before, besides the usual Carriages, Hand-Mills to grind their Corn, Ovens to bake Bread, Meat or Pasties; Spits and Cauldrons to roast or boil, and Forges to make Shoes for their Horses: And over and above all this there were brought in Carts a sort of little Boats made artificially of Leather, every one being able to hold Four Men to row on Ponds or in Rivers, and to fish in them at their Pleasure: Which De∣vice proved both pleasant and very convenient to the Lords of England during the sea∣son of Lent. The King had also for his Diversion thirty Faulconers on Horseback, with Hawks, and sixty Couple of Hounds, and as many Grey-hounds, besides those Hawks and Hounds, which his Sons and the Chief of the Nobility had, wherewith they hunted and haw∣ked by the River at their Pleasure. And during all this Expedition, from the time they left Calais till their coming to Chartres, where the famous Treaty for Peace was set on foot; the whole Army was divided into three Great Battalia's, every Battalia subdivi∣ded into three Bodies, each whereof lodged a-nights, well-nigh a League from each other. The Duke r 4.218 of Lancaster, and the Earls of Northampton and Salisbury were in the first Great Battail, the King Himself in the Second, and the Black-Prince with his Three Brethren in the Last.

V. While King Edward lay thus at Avallon, s 4.219 Philip the young Duke of Burgundy, by Advice, and at the Request of all the Country, sent unto him in order to a Treaty, Sr. Anselme de Saulieu Chancellour of Burgundy, Sr. John de Vienne, who had defended Calais so worthily against King Edward, and Sr. Hugh de Vienne his Brother, Sr. John Derie, Sr. William de Thoraise and Sr. John de Mont-martin. These Lords found King Edward in so good an Humour, that they presently obtained this Composition;

That

the King of England giving Security for Himself, and all his Subjects, not to ravage, rob or commit any Hostilities within the Territories of Burgundy for the space of three Years then following, in Lieu whereof the Duke should pay unto the King in ready Money the Summ of t 4.220 200000 Florens of Gold, which amounts to 35000 l. Ster∣ling. Besides which the Burgundians were to administer to the King and his Peo∣ple whatever Provision of Victuals or other things they wanted for their Money.

Some suppose n 4.221 that the Burgundians having little Love at this time for the House of France, and verily believing, that King Edward would attain the Crown of that Realm, entred a Secret Alliance with him, on Condition that then the Duke of Burgun∣dy should be the First Peer of France.

However when this Agreement between the King and the Duke was sealed and en∣grossed, and mutual Security given, the King of England decamped from before Aval∣lon, intending directly for Paris; and so he passed the River of Yonne at Coulogne be∣side Vezelay, and the Army spread along by the River, almost to Clamecy at the Entry of Nivernois: Which x 4.222 Country also compounded with the King as Burgundy had done. But he laid waste all the Country in Gastinois and Brie, thrô which he march∣ed toward Paris with an high Hand. In this y 4.223 March the Prince of Wales passed with his Battalia by a little Town on the Loing in Gastinois, called Moret, till he came to a strong Fortress, named le Plessis aux Tournelles, near the Forest of Provins, which was then an English Garrison, but had been beleaguered by the French for some time; who having fortified their Camp with a strong Tower fenced with Ditches, gave many fierce Alarms to the Englishmen. And thô now they heard for certain, that the Prince of Wales approached that way, they had such Confidence in their Works, that they would not stirr from the Place: But yet they were deceived, for the fifth day after the Princes Coming their Tower was won, and most of them within put to the Sword, no more than 47 who were the Chief among them being taken alive, of whom were the Lord of Bonneville, the Lord of Angreville, Sr. John de Barrois, and Sr. William du Plessis.

VI. Thus at length King Edward succeeded so in his Victorious Progress, that on the last z 4.224 Day of March, being the Tuesday before Easter, he a 4.225 came with his Army before the City of Paris, and took up his Quarters at Bourg la Reine within two little Leagues of Paris, the Army being encamped all along at Longemeau, between Mont-lehery and Chastres, and in the Towns thereabout even to Corbeil. At sight of this Formidable Army, Charles Duke of Normandy, and Regent of France, began to think of some Of∣fers towards a Treaty, especially because King Edward b 4.226 in reverence of the approach∣ing Festival of our Lords Resurrection forbare all Hostilities, intending not formally to lay his Siege till after Easter. Hereupon c 4.227 by the especial Intercession of Father Simon de Langres, Provincial of the Jacobin Fryars, and Legat from Pope Innocent VI, King Edward yielded to admit of a Treaty, to be seriously held at the Maladerie or Spittle of Longemeau on the Good-Friday following, the Solemnity of the Day being look'd on as an Enforcement of so Christianlike an Undertaking. At the Time and Place there appeared for King Edward, Henry Plantagenet Duke of Lancaster, Thomas Beau∣champ Earl of Warwick, William Bohun Earl of Northampton, the Lord John Chandos, the Lord Walter Manny and Sr. William Cheney; and for the Regent of France, there ap∣peared the Lord Moreau de Fiennes Constable of France, the Lord Bouciquault Mar∣shal, the Lord of Garenciers, the Lord of Vignay en Vienne, Sr. Simon Bucy and Sr. Guischard D'Angle: But we pass by the Debates of this Treaty, because they came to no good Effect. Wherefore King Edward the rather to quicken the French to a sincere desire after Peace, on d 4.228 Easter-Tuesday removed something nearer to the City of Paris: Whereupon on the Fryday following, being the Tenth of April, at the ear∣nest Importunity of the foresaid Simon de Langres, and of Androine de la Roche Abbot of Cluigny, who was then newly come from the Pope for that Purpose; another Trea∣ty was appointed to be held, but neither yet could Matters be brought to any good issue: So that again they parted, leaving the Breach as wide as ever. Wherefore on the Sunday following King Edward drew down his whole Army before Paris, and em∣battail'd them in a Field by St. Marcels in three Great Battalia's, each Battalia being divided into Three Bodies, and then he forthwith sent the Duke of Lancaster with his Heralds to the Regent of France, who was within the City with a great Army, to de∣mand Battle of him, assuring him, e 4.229 that if now King Edward should lose the Day, He would never after claim or assume any Right or Title to the Crown of France: But for all this the Cauteous Regent declin'd to answer his Desire. While the Messengers were about this Demand, the King honoured no less than f 4.230 400 Esquires and Young

Gentlemen with the Order of Knighthood, among whom g 4.231 were John Lord Fitz-Wal∣ter, Robert Lord Vavasour, Thomas Spencer, John Nevil and William Torceaux; but Collart Dambreticourt, younger Son to Sr. Sanchio Dambreticourt, and Esquire of the Kings Body declin'd the Honour at that time, by saying, that he could not find his Headpiece and Corslet: For he had made an Oath to do some notable piece of Ser∣vice, before he would accept the Order of Knighthood. But when upon the Re∣turn of the Duke of Lancaster and the Heralds, the King heard how he should not have Battle, he was wonderfully displeased, and upon the Lord Manny's Request, sent him forth with all the new-made Knights, and such others as were thereto appointed to skirmish at the Barriers, and to burn what they could of the Suburbs, so to h 4.232 provoke the Frenchmen to come forth, or at least to offer more ample Conditions. The Assault was vigorous, and lasted from Morning till Noon, and the French defended their Post at the Gate and Barriers with Valour becoming their Circumstances; nor would they have been content to have stood so long on the Defensive Part only, for there were many Noble and Resolute Knights and Gentlemen within the City at that time: but it was the Duke of Normandy's peremptory Command, that no man on pain of his Head should presume to issue out of the Barriers without his Order: So well had that Prince (afterward sirnamed the Wise) learn'd how to deal with this English Hannibal, not only by the Example of the old Roman Fabius, but of two nearer Relations, even of his own Father and Grandfather, whose frequent and great Losses proceeding from their too forward Courage, taught him now to oppose a Shield to this Conquering Sword, and not easily to put his last Stake to the Fortune of a Battle.

But however one i 4.233 says, that after Noon, when the Lord Walter Manny's Skirmish was over, about 30 of these new-dubbed Knights went to the Barriers, requiring a few Courses on Horseback according to the Law of Arms in those Days: Against whom (says he) came forth 60 Frenchmen (if the Number is not mistaken for Thirty, as I rather believe) and between these there arose an hot Skirmish. But in the end the Eng∣lish by the Grace of God had the better, having slain some, grievously wounded o∣thers, and obliged the rest to retire.

It is said, that while the King stood before Paris, the k 4.234 Day being very dark and misty, together with a great quantity of Hail, there happen'd so bitter a Cold, that several Men died as they sat on their Horses; wherefore unto this time, says my Au∣thor, that Day is called the Black-Monday. But this no doubt is a mistaken Relation of that horrible Storm and Cold, which the King met withall afterwards, as we shall shew in due Place. These Actions being over, the Lord Walter Manny returned to the Army, which tarried still in those Fields all that Day and the Night following: But the next Morning being a Monday, and the 13 of April, seeing no Provocations could bring the Dauphin to a Battle, and that it was morally impossible to force, o∣therwise than by Famine, so great a City (which was not only now well forti∣fied, but l 4.235 furnished with great plenty of Souldiers, besides the vast Numbers of In∣habitants) the King therefore resolved to rise from thence, till a more favourable sea∣son; and the mean while to go forth with Fire and Sword through Beauce and le Maine, till he came into Bretagne, where having refreshed his Army, he intended to return to the Siege of Paris in July or August at the furthest, and so to famish them by a long Siege. For as we shew'd before, He had made a Vow, never to return into England, till he had brought France to his Terms, either by Fair means or by Force. Accordingly on the Monday after Easter m 4.236 he raised his Camp, and began to march towards Mont-lehery.

VII. The mean while certain Knights of England and of Gascogne, having found a convenient place, determin'd with themselves to lie in Ambush: For they expected, that among so many Valiant Lords and Gentlemen then in Paris, some of them would not fail to follow the Army; thô only to cut off straglers, and such as lag'd behind. Accordingly by the Kings Order the Ambush was laid in an empty old house, about 3 Leagues from Paris, consisting of 200 chosen Men of Arms, English and Gascog∣ners, under these Captains, the Lord Nevill, the Lord Moubray, Sr. Richard Pont∣chardon, the Captal de Busche, Sr. Edmund de Pamiers, and the Lord of Courton; the Three first of England, and the other of Gascogne. Now when the Frenchmen within Paris had seen the Decamping of the English Army, it was thus discoursed among certain young Knights and Gentlemen there;

Surely it would be well worth our while to make a sally, as secretly as we may, and to follow the English Army at a distance; for its more than probable, we may happen to win some notable Ad∣vantage.

Hereupon the Design was embrac'd by the Lord Ralph de Coucy, Sr. Ralph

de Ravenal, the Lord of Monsault, the Lord of Helay, the Chastelan of Beauvais, the Begue of Vilaine, the Lord of Beaujeu, the Lord Flamone du Roye, Sr. Peter of Savoy, and others, to the Number of an n 4.237 150 Spears in their Company. They fal∣lied out in good order, all very well Horsed, taking the way of Bourg la Reine, till they had passed beyond the English Ambush. With that the Ambush brake forth from behind them, and follow'd after them, crying, "St. George, England! The Frenchmen look'd back in great surprize to be so taken tardy; but when they saw there was no flinching, they stood their ground with a ready Courage, setting themselves in the best Order, to receive them on the points of their Spears. The Rencountre was very rough, and many on both sides were reversed on the Earth; for they were all well Horsed: Such as could, mounted again, and after this brunt with Spears, they drew their Swords and fell in among one another, giving and receiving several rude stroaks; so that the Action deserved more Spectators: For many Noble Deeds of Arms were performed at this time, and the Battle lasted for a while doubtfull. On the English part the Captal of Busche is said to have approved himself most eminent∣ly that day; as also on the French side, the Lord of Ravenal fought like a truly Va∣liant Knight, for he gave many gallant proofs of his Skill and Courage, under his own Banner, till his Standard-Bearer being slain, he himself was taken Prisoner: For now the English and Gascogners prevail'd; so that the Victory was clearly theirs: Thô in∣deed they exceeded the French in Number about one Fourth Part. The other seeing the Scales turn against them, fled away directly toward Paris, thô continually they were fain to face about, and fight as they fled, they were so closely pursu'd. And if the English had not doubted a Rescue from Paris, now that their Horses began to be weary, every Man of them had been either taken or slain: But upon that ac∣count they were content to follow the Chace no farther than Bourg la Reine, where they took Nine Knights and Esquires more, and having by this Success a little secur'd the Reer of the Army from the French Pursuers, they return'd with what they had got to Mont-lehery, where the King lay that Night, and then very courteously set their Prisoners to their Ransom, permitting them to go that same Night, whither they pleased, only engaging their Faith to pay them by such a time at the utmost. On the English part o 4.238 we find about this time that the Lord Roger de la Warre was taken Prisoner by Monsieur John Haubert; but that it was in this Action, I have no warrant to af∣firm: Thô this was the very last, that we hear of, till the Gates of Janus were shut in that Kingdom.

Now King Edward's p 4.239 Design, as we have already intimated, was to march for the pre∣sent into Beauce, and so keeping along by the River of Loire, to go into Bretagne, q 4.240 to the end he might subdue it wholly on the behalf of the young Earl of Mont∣ford, his Son in Law; for him to hold it of the Crown of England, and the mean while to refresh his Army; for now that Country had enjoy'd a long respite from the Wars. Which done he thought to return about August at the time of Vintage, and lay a for∣mal Siege to Paris; because of the Oath which he had made, before his Departure out of England; namely, that he would never return alive, till he had reduced France to terms agreeable to his Honour.

VIII. And over and above the great Army, he led along with him, r 4.241 he had sun∣dry Garrisons in Champaigne, and Brie, in Picardy, Normandy, and almost over all the Realm of France, besides those of the good Towns and Cities, who took his part, either for Conscience, or hopes of Preferment, or of their own good Wills; not to men∣tion the King of Navarre, who at this time also made War in the Marches of Nor∣mandy. And over and above all this the Lord Eustace Dambreticourt, s 4.242 who still held Garrison at the Fortress of Attigny on the River Aisne, made great havock in those parts, and found no opposition. All his imagination night and day, was only to lay stratagems, how to surprize Towns and Castles, and to win Prisoners, and rich booty, and to purchase a Name, that might sound Famous in the Ears of his Lady, the Coun∣tess Dowager of Kent. One Night among others, he rode to a strong Town and Castle in Laonnois near Montegu, which was called Pierrepont, and because it was ve∣ry strong, and scituated also in a Marish ground on the River of Serre, all the Coun∣try thereabout had brought thither the very best of their goods for security. Hi∣ther came Sr. Eustace with part of his Garrison in the Night, and not scrupling to pass the Dangerous Marishes by such Guides, as he had, but going in great silence, his Men assisting one another quite thorough them, he came unperceived to the Walls, and finding the Watch asleep, mounted, slew them, enter'd the Town, and wan it without any Resistance. Here they found more Rich Booty, than ever before they

had met with at one time; all which they took away with them, and so having burnt the Town (thô they could not hurt the Castle) the next morning they return'd home again, laden with Spoil and Booty.

About this time also, the t 4.243 Earl of Armagnac, then of the French side, gave Battle to Gaston Phaebus Earl of Foix, who was reputed a Friend to King Edward, in the parts of Gascogne, in which Battle the said Earl of Armagnac was overthrown with the loss of 15000 Men by the said Earl of Foix, who himself suffer'd very little, or no Damage. But I will not dissemble, that however so great a Loss of Frenchmen might be accounted some gain to the English; yet the Earl of Foix was not at this time on the English part, as will manifestly appear to those, who shall consider, that within a page or two following, in the very first Article of the Peace, the Earl of Foix together with the Earl of Armagnac, and others, is reckon'd among the Friends of the French Crown. There was u 4.244 indeed a Quarrel of some continuance, and of very ill Consequence, between these two Great Lords, transmitted unto them by Inheritance, concerning the Purparties of the Estate of Gaston de Bearn; but that related nothing to the Quarrel of England or France, and besides was again renew'd, even when both the Parties were Friends to England; till, as we shall see in due place, it was fully made up by the BLACK-PRINCE, when he came to Bourdeaux, to his Government of the Principality of Aquitain.

Thus was the Famous Realm of France with Civil Dissentions and Foreign Ene∣mies, streightned on all hands; so that without a very particular Providence, it had been impossible for King Edward to have failed in an absolute Conquest of that Crown: x 4.245 Thô Matthew Villani attributes his failing therein, rather to the Animosity, Hate, and Disdain, which the Frenchmen bare against the English Nation; insomuch that they could not endure to hear of them; but had them ever in despite, as a Vile and Base People. Perhaps this might have been his judgement, but I think not, that it was e∣ver a Popular Opinion in France, or however, that it was ill-grounded and senseless, will appear to those, who know, how y 4.246 both the Ancient Franks, and the English Saxons had one and the same Original.

In these days z 4.247 there lived a certain Fryar Minor, a Man well seen both in Sacred and Profane Letters, whose Name was John de Rochetailladée; in Latine, Joannes de Rupe-scissá: He had preached of a long time in the City of Avignon, with a Life an∣swerable to his Doctrine: But of late Pope Innocent VI. had clap'd him up close Pri∣soner in the Castle of Baignols in the Territory of Nismes, between Avignon and Mom∣peliier. The occasion of his Imprisonment was, because he seemed a little too bold with the Clergy, taxing them of many enormous Sins, and denouncing sundry heavy Judge∣ments, shortly to fall upon them, especially on the Prelacy, for their great Pride and Sensuality. Particularly he secretly touched the outragious Ambition of the Church of Rome, with this pretty Apologue or Moral, making use of an old Fable to a new purpose: a 4.248 Once on a time all the Birds under Heaven made their Assembly in a certain place, where, when all the Rest appear'd in good plight, decently deck'd with Plumes and Wings, both for Ʋse and Ornament, there was one only, of shape indeed Majestick and Divine; but all callow, and wholly destitute of Feathers: So that she could neither fly abroad, nor consequently sustain her self with Nourishment. Then the whole Assembly being moved with respect and pity, agreed from their own Bodies to supply this Bird with Feathers, that she might provide for her self and fly about, as well as others. But in process of time, when this Bird beheld her self so finely adorned, and per∣ceived the Ʋniversal Respect she had among the Winged Nation, she grew so proud and Insolent, that in the end she provoked the Birds in a General Council, to demand every one his own Feathers back again: And so she was left to her former Poverty, Shame, and Nakedness; This Fryar also in his various Discourses and Sermons, fore∣told many things, that he said should come to pass within the Realm of France, and among the Grandees of Christendom in general, for their grievous Oppressions of the Poor. And particularly he doubted not by Letters to rebuke the sins of the French Court, b 4.249 and before the Battle of Poictiers to threaten King John himself with the approach of some heavy Calamity. And c 4.250 oftentimes he spake confidently of many wonderfull things, averring, that he would prove all his words by the Authority of the Apocalipse, and other Canonical Books of the Prophets and Inspired Men; the true Understanding whereof was open'd unto him by the Holy Ghost: Upon which account, he said, he spake not as a Prophet, but only, as one, who had the Gift of expounding those Ancient Prophecies, and from them to shew unto all Christian Peo∣ple the very Years and Times, when such and such things should happen. According

to which his Expositions, many wonderfull and unexpected Accidents did really fall out in those times, which he had limited. He wrote many Books full of much Learn∣ing, one whereof came forth in the beginning of the Year 1346; wherein were writ∣ten such marvellous Predictions, that they almost exceed Belief; thô the Event de∣clared them to be reall: As for Example, propounding therein a Question to himself;

What was to be the Issue of these Wars and Commotions in France,

he answers; That all, which had been already, was not to compare, to what should be seen hereafter. For, says he, the Wars in France shall not be ended, till the Realm be in a manner wholly exhausted and left Desolate; and that from the Years 1346, 1347, 1348, 1349, unto the Year 1360, &c. The Princes and Gentry of the Land should be a∣fraid to shew their faces among the People of low Condition, assembled out of all Coun∣tries, without any great Head or Captain, who should do in France after their pleasure. Which saying we have already seen most evidently fullfilled, as well in those Rob∣beries and Insolencies of the Companions, as in the Rise and Progress of the Ja∣querie; not to mention the Wars of King Edward, and the Seditious Tumults raised by the Parisians and the King of Navarre; whereby that Kingdom seem'd to be reduced to the last Extremity.

IX. Upon all which Considerations the d 4.251 Duke of Normandy, who was still at Pa∣ris with his two Brethren, and their Uncle the Duke of Orleans, began now with his Council to weigh the Matter more maturely: They all well knew the Courage and fierce Resolution of the King of England, and that he daily added to the already-in∣supportable Miseries of France; whereby it evidently appear'd, that it was impossible for the Realm to subsist much longer, without some considerable Respiration. For all the large Rents and Revenues both of Church and State, were already either quite lost, or hugely impaired: So that the most Wealthy in Lands could make little or no Advantage of them. And moreover it was known, how King Edward intended before Autumn to return to the Siege of Paris, having sworn never to leave France, till he had brought her to his Dovotion. Wherefore it was resolved by the Duke of Normandy, and his whole Council, that King Edward must be apply'd to for a Peace, and some advantagious Offers in order thereunto be made unto Him.

There was now in Court at Paris, a Reverend and Discreet Personage, the Chan∣cellour of France, named William Aiscelin de Montegu Bishop of Tercüenne, by whose Direction most of the Publique Affairs had lately been Order'd; for his Advice was al∣ways sound both sound and faithfull: With him were associated two other Sage Pre∣lates, Androine de la Roche, Abbot of Cluigny, and Father Simon de Langers. These Reverend Persons upon their Remonstrance of the necessity of Affairs at that time, went from Paris by Consent of the Duke and his Council, and together with Sr. High de Geneve Lord of Autun, followed after King Edward with certain Articles of Peace, whom they found in Beauce riding toward Gaillardon. Immediately they addressed themselves unto him with all humility, desiring him for the Love of God to permit them once more to hold a Treaty, in order to a Peace between France and Him, and their Allies. The King expecting now more large Offers, granted their Request; and so a Treaty was enter'd upon between them and the English Commissioners, Edward Prince of Wales, Henry Duke of Lancaster, and others; but surely those Au∣thors, who make Roger Earl of March, one of their Number, are widely mistaken; for he died, as we have shewn at least above a Month before, viz. on the 26 of Fe∣bruary, at Rouvray in Burgundy, being then Marshal of the Kings Army. This Treaty was e 4.252 held closely for some time; but all the while King Edward kept on his March, as he thought fitting; yet still the French Commissioners would by no means leave him; but rode along after him, and prosecuted their business with all the application imaginable: For they saw the King, their Master, was in Prison, and his Realm so harassed on all hands, that there was no hope left, without a Peace could be purcha∣sed. On the other side, King Edward is said to have demanded such high things, and so prejudicial to the Realm of France, that the Regent's council could not in Honour admit of them. So that all the while of the Treaty, which lasted for about 17 days, the Commissioners sent every day Post to the Duke of Normandy, who lay then at Paris, an account of the Progress they had made, still desiring an enlargement of their Powers. And this account of theirs was always secretly inspected and canvassed in the Regents Cham∣ber, and their Commissions further enlarged and sent unto them in writing, Witnessed and Sealed by the Regent and his Council.

Now was King Edward come near to Chartres, the Ambassadors still following him with their Proposals, and then again, as frequently before, they made large offers,

[illustration] King Edward in battle

Honoratiss^o Viro Dn^o IOHAN̄I PEAKE. Militi Orphano trophy apud LONDON: He spitoo Christi dicti Praesidi Meritiss nec non Digniss Dii Nathanaeli Hawes Armigero Esi••••t Hospitii Thesau rario, Rel••••uis{que} ill••••s Guber∣natoribus Dioniss Colendiss••••is{que} Hanc EDVARDI Tertij ••iouram, reluti 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 & Eduea ••ionis elim praebilae Mon∣umentū Gratus dicat Iosua Barnes.

Thus arm'd fierce EDWARD did his Troops advance. Resol•••• to Wast 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Stubborne Realm of France But 〈…〉〈…〉 Heaven stops his e••••aged Hand, ••nd loudly pleads in Thunder for the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 EDWARD ••b••u•• his Great Great••re 〈◊〉〈◊〉 To yield to Hearen is but to Conquer 〈◊〉〈◊〉

thereby to obtain a final Conclusion of the War, and to settle a firm and lasting Peace between the two Nations. But the King still rejected all their Offers, being, as is said, resolved now to be Crowned King of France, and to live and die in that Estate.

But God who holds the Hearts of Princes in his Hands, and turns them like the Ri∣vers in the South, having also limited the bounds of all Success, began to make King Edward know at this time, that it was in vain to endeavour to resist his Will; before whom Horse and Armour are but as Stubble, and the Strength of the Mighty as a Thread of Tow, when it toucheth the Fire. For when the Duke of Lancasters Perswasion could not mollifie his Mind, there fell a miraculous Adventure, which was judged no other than the Finger of God himself, and that wholly converted him. But first the Duke, who thô so renowned in War, was for his many Heroick and Princely Vertues f 4.253 called the Good Duke of Lancaster, began one Day seriously to move the Kings Mind to accept of the French Proposals, saying,

Sir, the War which your Majesty hath thus long waged in France. hath been as yet to all Men wonderfull, and to your Self favourable and glorious; But surely your Men only win Riches thereby, and all the trouble and care, and expence and hazard, belong more immediately to your Person. Sir, this War is not only a Gulf to devour the Treasures of You and your People, but also a great loss of Time; for if all things are duely consider'd, You may chance to make War all the Days of your Life, and yet never come to the end of your Design. Sir, in short, since the Fortune of Battles is variable, and You may perhaps lose more in one Day than You have won in twenty Years; I would advise your Majesty to accept the Offers, which are now made unto You in a time where∣in You may leave the War both to your Honour and Advantage.

These reasona∣ble and prudent Words, thus utter'd with a Loyal Mind by the Duke of Lancaster, for the Good of the King and his People, being seconded by the immediate influence of Heaven, fully wrought upon the enraged Prince and enclin'd him to Peace. But sure∣ly the Occasion which wholly brought him over was very remarkable, if not miracu∣lous; for presently upon these Words, while yet the King was inexorable, and refus'd to give the French Commissioners any agreeable Answer, there g 4.254 fell from Heaven such a wonderfull Storm and Tempest of Thunder, Lightning, Rain and Hail among the English Army, that it seem'd as if the whole Fabrick of Nature was falling to pieces; and withall it was so excessive Cold at the same time, that it cannot be imagin'd; so that together with all these Arrows of Gods Anger, there perished no less than 6000 Horses, and well-nigh a 1000 Men, among whom were several Persons of Quality. Particularly the Lord Robert Morley was slain outright, and the Lord Guy Beauchamp, Eldest Son to the Earl of Warwick, being wounded to Death in this Storm, died there∣of on the 28 day of April at the City of Vendosme in Beauce; h 4.255 where also he was buried in a Chappel behind the High-Altar toward the East, having a Fair Monument of Alabaster, with his Pourtraicture thereon neatly carved, and over his Harness a Sur∣coat of his Arms, with this Inscription on the Verge of his Monument, Icy Gist Mon∣siegneur Guy de Beauchamp, Fitz de tresnoble & puissant Homme, Monsieur Tho∣mas de Beauchamp Conte de Warwick, Mareschal d' Angleterre, qui trespassa le XXVIII jour d' Averil l'Ann. MCCCLX. The boldest Heart of all these Valiant Souldiers trembled at the apprehension of this Dreadfull Judgment: But King Edward like a Good and Pious Prince, look'd upon it as a loud Declaration of the Divine Plea∣sure: Wherefore immediately alighting from his Horse, he kneeled down on the ground, and casting his Eyes toward the Church of our Lady of Chartres, made a solemn Vow to Almighty God, That he would now sincerely and absolutely incline his Mind to a final Peace with France, if he might obtain good Conditions; at which time also he made a Devout Confession of his sins, and so took up his Lodging in a Village near Chartres called Bretigny, where the French Commissioners being come the next day with more ample Instructions, the King was content to accept of Peace.

The Treaty i 4.256 was menaged between Edward Prince of Wales, and Charles Regent of France, their Proctors and Agents in the Name of both the Kings, these two Princes and all the Subjects of either Realm. Those who were deputed on the English Part, were Sr. Reginald Cobham, Sr. Bartholomew Burwash, Sr. Frank van Hall Bannerets, Sr. Miles Stapleton, Sr. Richard la Vache, Sr. Nele Loring Knights, and others of the King of Englands Council. Those other on the French side, were the Elect of Beauvais, Charles Lord Monmorency, Monsieur John le Meingre Marshal of France, Monsieur Ainart de la Tour Lord of Viviers, Monsieur Ralph de Ravenal, Monsieur Simon de Bucy Knights, Monsieur Stephen de Paris, and Peter de la Charite Counsellours, with many Others deputed by the Dauphin.

At first, namely on the Seventh of May, a Truce was agreed on, to continue till Michaelmas following, and thence till Michaelmas ensuing; which upon the Return of King Edward into England, was by Writs bearing Date the 24 of the said Month, commanded to be published throughout all the Sea-Ports in England; and by a like Writ notice was given to the Duke of Lancaster, to proclaim it thrô Gascoigne. And the next Day, viz. the 8 of May, the Articles relating to a Final Peace were agreed to on Behalf of both the Kings.

This is that Famous Treaty made at Bretigny near Chartres, so much spoken of by Writers, to which the Eldest Sons of England and France were Principal Parties, common∣ly called the Treaty of RENƲNTIATION of both Kings; in regard that the King of France Renounced the Soveraignty of several Territories to King Edward; and he on the other side Renounced his Title to France and some other Places. As will more particularly appear from the Copy of the Treaty it self, as it was compared with the O∣riginal, kept at Paris by one that was Master of the Rolls there. k 4.257

X.

EDWARD, Eldest Son of the Noble King of England, Lord of Ireland and of Aquitain, Prince of Wales, Duke of Cornwall and Earl of Chester, To all who shall see these present Letters, Greeting. WE give You to understand, that of all the Debates and Discords whatsoever, moved and commenced between our most Re∣doubted Lord and Father, the King of England on the one Part, and our Cousin the King, and his Eldest Son, Regent of the Realm of France on the other Part, for the benefit of Peace; it is ACCORDED, on the Eight of May in the Year of of Grace, One Thousand Three Hundred and Sixty, at Bretigny near Chartres, in Manner and Form following, viz.

1.

Imprimis, That the King of England, besides what he holdeth in Guienne and Gascoigne, shall have for himself and his Heirs for ever, all those things which fol∣low, to hold them in like Manner, as the King of France, or his Son, or any of his Ancestors, Kings of France did hold them; that is to say, what was held in Sove∣raignty, to be held in Soveraignty, and what in Demaine, in Demain, for the Times and in the Manner hereunder specified. The City, Castle and Earldom of Poictiers, and all the Land and Country of Poictou, likewise the Fief of Thoüars, and the Land of Belleville; the City and Castle of Sainctes, and all the Land and Country of Sainctogne, on this side and on that side the Charente, l 4.258 with the Town and Castle of Rochelle and their Appurtenances: The City and Castle of Agen, and the Land and Country of Agenois. The City and Castle, and the whole Earldom of Perigeux, and the Land and Country of Perigort: The City and Castle of Limoges, and the Land and Country of Limosin: The City and Castle of Cahors, and the Land and Country of m 4.259 Cahorsin: The City, Castle and Country of Tarbe: The Land, Coun∣try and Earldom of Bigorre: The Earldom, Land and Country of Gaure: The Ci∣ty and Castle of Angoulesme, and the Earldom, Land and Country of Angoulesm••is: The City and Castle of Rodes, and the Land and Country of Rovergue. And if there are any Lords, as the Earl of Foix, the Earl of Armagnac, the Earl of L'Isle, the n 4.260 Vicount of Carmaine, the Earl of Perigort, the Vicount of Limoges and O∣thers, who hold any Lands or Places within the Bounds of the said Places, they shall make Homage to the King of England, and all other Services and Duties, due because of their Lands or Places, in like manner, as they have done in time passed.

2.

Item, That the King of England shall have all that which the King of Eng∣land, or any of the Kings of England anciently held in the Town of Monstrevil on the Sea.

3.

Item, the King of England shall have the Earldom of Ponthieu all entirely, saving and excepting, that if any things of the said County and its Appurtenances have been alienated by the Kings of England, which have been to other Persons, than to the King of France, then the King of France shall not be obliged to render them to the King of England. And if the said Alienations have been made to the Kings of France which have been for the time, without any o 4.261 Mean, and the King of France holds them at present in his Hand, he shall leave them to the King of England en∣tirely; excepting that if the Kings of France have had them in Exchange for other Lands, the King of England shall deliver to the King of France that which he had by Exchange, or quit those things so alienated. But if the Kings of England which have been for the time, have alienated or conveyed any things to other Persons, than to the King of France, he shall not be obliged to restore them. Also if the things a∣bovesaid owe Homages, the King shall give them to another, who shall do Homage to the King of England, and if the things do not owe Homage, the King of France

shall put in a Tenant who shall do him Service, within a Year following after he shall be gone from Calais.

4.

Item, That the King of England shall have the Castle and Town of Calais, The Castle, Town and Lordship of Merk, the Castles, Towns and Lordships of San∣gate, Cologne, Hames, Wale and Oye, with the Lands, Woods, Marishes, Rivers, Rents, Lordships, Advousons of Churches, and all other Appurtenances and Places lying between the Limits and Bounds following. That is to say, to the Border of the River before Graveling, and so by the same River round about Langle, and by the River which runs beyond the Poil, and by the same River which falls into the great Lake of Guisnes as far as Fretun, and thence by the Vally about p 4.262 Calculi Hill, enclosing that Hill, and so to the Sea, with Sangate and all its Appurtenances.

5.

Item, That the King of England shall have the Castle, Town, and the whole Earldom of Guisnes entirely, with all the Lands, Towns, Castles, Fortresses, Places, Men, Homages, Lordships, Woods, Forests and Rights thereof as entirely, as the Earl of Guisnes last deceased had them in his Time: and that the Churches and the good People being within the Limitations of the said Earldom of Guisnes, of Calais and Merk, and of other Places abovesaid, shall obey the King of England in like man∣ner, as they obey'd the King of France, or the Earl of Guisnes for the time being. All which things of Merk and Calais being contained in this present Article, and the Article next preceding, the King of England shall hold in Demaine, except the He∣ritage of the Churches, which shall remain to the said Churches entirely wheresoe∣ver they be; and so except the Heritages of other People of the Country of Merk and Calais, seated without the said Town of Calais, unto the value of an Hundred Pounds per annum of currant Money of that Country and under: Which Inheritances shall remain to them even to the Value abovesaid and under. But the Habitations and Inheritances being within the said Town of Calais with their Appurtenances, shall remain to the King of England in Demain, to order them after his Pleasure. And also to the Inhabitants in the Countie, Town and Land of Guisnes, shall remain all their Demains entirely and fully, and shall return to them again forthwith, save what is said of the Frontiers, Metes and Bounds, in the last preceding Article.

6.

Item, It is accorded, that the said King of England and his Heirs shall have and hold all the Isles adjacent to the Lands, Countries and Places above-named; together with all other Islands, which the King of England holdeth at this present.

7.

Item, It is accorded, that the said King of France, and his Eldest Son the Regent, for them, and for all their Heirs and Successors, as soon as may be, and at the fur∣thest by the Feast of St. Michael next coming in one Year, without fraud or deceit, shall render, yield and deliver to the said King of England, and to all his Heirs and Successors, and shall convey unto them all the Honours, Obediences, Homages, Al∣legiances, Vassalages, Fiefs, Services, Recognisances, Rights, mere and mixt Empire, and all manner of Jurisdictions High and Low, Resorts, Safeguards, Advousons, Pa∣tronages of Churches, and all manner of Dominions and Superiorities, and all the Right which they have, or may have had, which did appertain, doth appertain, or might appertain by any Cause, Title, or Colour of Right to them, to the Kings, and to the Crown of France, by occasion of the Cities, Counties, Castles, Towns, Lands, Countries, Isles and Places before-named, and of all their Appurtenances, and Dependances wheresoever they shall be, and of every of them without retaining [or holding back] any thing to them, to their Heirs or Successors, or to the Kings, or to the Crown of France. And also the said King and his Eldest Son shall command by their Letters Patents all Archbishops, Bishops, and other Prelates of Holy Church, and also all Earls, Vicounts, Barons, Nobles, Citizens, and Others whatsoever of the Cities, Counties, Lands, Countries, Isles and Places above-named, that they o∣bey the King of England and his Heirs, at their certain Commandment in such sort, as they have obeyed the Kings and the Crown of France. [ q 4.263 And by the same their Letters shall acquit and discharge them in the best manner that may be, of all Ho∣mages, Fealties, Oaths, Obligations, Subjections, and Promises, in any sort by any of them made to the King and Crown of France.]

8.

Item, It is agreed, that the King of England shall have the Cities, Counties, Castles, Lands, Countreys, Isles and Places above-named, with all their Appurte∣nances and Appendages, wheresoever they shall be to hold to him and to his Heirs and Successors, Hereditably and for ever in Demain, that which the Kings of France have had there in Demain; and also in Fiefs, Services, Soveraignties or Resorts, that which the Kings of France have had there in such manner: Saving notwithstanding

what was said above in the Article of Calais and Merk. And if of the Cities, Coun∣ties, Castles, Lands, Countries, Isles and Places above-named, or any of the Sove∣raignties, Rights, Mere and Mixt Empire, Jurisdictions and Profits whatsoever, which any King of England did there hold, or their Appurtenances and Appendages whatsoever, any Alienations Donations, Obligations or Charges, have been made by any of the Kings of France, which have been for the Time within Seventy Years past, by whatsoever Form or Cause it be, that all such Donations, Obligations or Charges, are now at this time, and shall be henceforth made void, repeal'd, aboli∣shed and annihilated, and all things so given, alienated or charged, shall really and de facto be restored and delivered to the said King of England, or to his Special Depu∣ties, in the same entire Condition they were to the Kings of England before or since the said 70 Years, without Fraud or Deceit, so soon as may be, and at the farthest by the Feast of St. Michael next ensuing within one Year: To be held by the said King of England, and all his Heirs and Successors for ever, by Right of Inheri∣tance in manner above-written. Except what is said before in the Article of Pon∣thieu, which shall remain in Force; and saving and excepting all those things given and alienated to Churches, which shall remain peaceably in all the Countries here a∣bove and under named: Provided that the Rectors of the said Churches shall dili∣gently pray for the said Kings as for their Founders, wherewith their Consciences are charged.

9.

Item, It is agreed, that the King of England shall have and hold all the Cities, Towns, Castles and Countries above-named, which anciently the Kings of England did not hold, in the same state and manner, as the King of France or his Children hold them at present.

10.

Item, It is agreed, that if within the Bounds of the said Countries, which did anciently pertain to the Kings of England, there shall be any Places, which otherwise belonged not to the Kings of England, but were possessed by the King of France at the day of the Battle of Poictiers, which was the 19 Day of September, in the Year One Thousand three Hundred Fifty and Six, they shall be, and remain to the King of England and his Heirs in manner as before.

11.

Item, It is agreed, that the King of France, and his Eldest Son the Regent, for themselves and for their Heirs, and all the Kings of France and their Successors for ever, shall without deceit, as soon as may be, and at the furthest by the Feast of St. Michael next ensuing in one Year, render and deliver unto the King of England, and to all his Heirs and Successors, and shall convey unto them all the Honours, Re∣galities, Obediences, Homages, Allegiances, Vassalages, Fiefs, Services, Recogni∣sances, Oaths, Rights, Mere and Mixt Empire, all manner of Jurisdictions high and low, Resorts, Safeguards, Dominions and Soveraignties, which did pertain, or do per∣tain, or might any ways pertain to the Kings and Crown of France, or to any o∣ther Person because of the King or Crown of France, at any time in those Cities, Counties, Castles, Lands, Countries, Isles and Places above-named, or in any of them, and in their Appurtenances and Appendages whatsoever, or in any of the Per∣sons, Vassals or Subjects whatsoever, whether Princes, Dukes, Earls, Vicounts, Archbishops, Bishops, and other Prelates of the Church, Barons, Nobles and others whatsoever, without retaining in them, or reserving any thing to Themselves, their Heirs or Successors to the Crown of France, or to any other Person whatsoever: Whereby they, their Heirs or Successors, or any King of France, may challenge or demand any thing in time to come of the King of England, his Heirs and Succes∣sors, or of any of the Vassals and Subjects aforesaid, in regard of the Countries and Places above-named: So as all the above-named Persons, and their Heirs and Succes∣sors for ever, shall be Liege-men and Subjects to the King of England, and to his Heirs and Successors; and that the King of England, his Heirs and Successors, shall Have and Hold all the Persons, Cities, Counties, Lands, Countries, Isles, Castles and Places above-named, and all their Appurtenances and Appendages: And the Pre∣mises shall remain unto them fully, freely and for ever, in their Dominion, Soveraign∣ty, Obeisance, Allegiance and Subjection, as the Kings of France at any time ever had or held them. And that the said King of England, his Heirs and Successors, shall have and hold for ever all the Countries above-named with their Appurtenances and Appendages, and other Places specified before, with all Franchise and perpetual Liberty, as Sovereign and Liege-Lords, as Neighbours to the King and Realm of France, without recognising any Sovereign, or doing any Obedience, Homage, Resort and Subjection; and without doing in any time to come, any Service or Recognisance

to the Kings, or to the Crown of France, for the Cities, Counties, Castles, Lands, Countries, Isles, Places and Persons above-named or for any of them.

12.

Item, it is agreed, that the King of France and his Eldest Son shall Renounce expressly the said Resorts, and Sovereignties, and all the Right, which they have and may have, in all those things, which by this present Treaty ought to belong to the King of England. And likewise the King of England and his Eldest Son shall renounce expresly all those things, which by this present Treaty ought not to be deliver'd to, or abide with, the King of England, and especially the Name and Right of the Crown and Kingdom of France, and the Homage, Sovereignty, and Demain of the Dukedom of Normandy, of the Dukedom of Tourain, and of the Counties of Anjou and Maine, the Sovereignty and Homage of the Dukedom of Bretagne, the Sovereignty and Homage of the Country and Earldom of Flanders, and all other Demands, which the King of England hath made, or could make, a∣gainst the King of France, for whatsoever cause it may be, saving and excepting what by this Present Treaty ought to remain, or to be rendred to the King of England and his Heirs. And the two Kings shall convey, resign, and leave the one to the other for ever, all the Right that each of them hath, or may have in all those things, which by this Present Treaty ought to remain, or to be rendred to each of them. And the two Kings shall confer and appoint together at Calais con∣cerning the Time and Place, where and when the said Renuntiations shall be made.

13.

Item, To the end that this Present Treaty may be the more briefly accom∣plished, it is agreed, that the King of England shall cause the King of France to be convey'd to Calais within three Weeks after the Nativity of St. John Baptist, next coming (all just Impediment ceasing) at the expence of the King of England, ex∣cepting the Charges of the Houshold of the King of France.

14.

Item, It is agreed, that the King of France shall pay to the King of England Three Millions of Crowns of Gold (two whereof countervail a Noble of the Money of England;) and there shall be paid to the said King of England or his Deputies, six Hundred Thousand Crowns at Calais within Four Months, to be counted after the King of France shall arrive at Calais: And within a Year thence next follow∣ing shall be paid Four Hundred Thousand Crowns, such as aforesaid, at the City of London in England; and from thence every Year next following there shall always be paid Four Hundred Thousand Crowns more, such, as aforesaid, in the said City, till the whole Three Millions shall be fully paid.

15.

Item, It is agreed, that at the Payment of the said six Hundred Thousand Crowns at Calais, and on the Delivery of the Hostages here under-named to the King of England, within Four Months, accounting after that the King of France shall come to Calais, as is said, with the Town, Castle, and Fortresses of Rochelle, and the Castles, Fortresses, and Towns of the Earldom of Guisnes, and all their appurtenances and Dependencies, the Person of the said King shall be wholly acquitted from Pri∣son, and come into his own Power, without any Impeachment; but he shall not arm himself, nor his People, against the King of England; till the time, that he shall have accomplished what he is obliged unto by this present Treaty. And the Hostages, as well Prisoners, taken at the Battle of Poictiers, as others, who remain for the King of France, are as followeth: That is to say, Monsieur Lewis Earl of Anjou, Mon∣sieur John Earl of Poictiers, Sons to the King of France, the Duke of Orleans Bro∣ther to the said King, the Duke of Bourbon, the Earl of Blois and Lewis his Bro∣ther, the Earl of Alenson, and Monsieur Peter of Alenson his Brother, the Earl of St. Paul, the Earl of Harcourt, the Earl of Porcien, the Earl of Valentinois, the Earl of Brayne, the Earl of Vaudemont, the Earl of Forest, the Vicount of Beaumont, the Lord of Coucy, the Lord of Garencieres, the Dauphin of Auvergne, the Lord of Hangest, the Lord of Monmorency, Monsieur William de Craon, Mon∣sieur Lewis of Harcourt, and Monsieur John de Ligny. And as for the Names of the Prisoners taken at the Battle of Poictiers, they are these; Philip of France, the Earl of Eu, the Earl of Longeville, the Earl of Ponthieu, the Earl of Tancarville, the Earl of r 4.264 Joigny, the Earl of Sancerre, the Earl of Dammartin, the Earl of Ventadour, the Earl of Salebruche, the Earl of Auxerre, the Earl of Vendosme, the Lord of Craon, the Lord of Derual, the Marshal D'Endreghan, and the Lord of Aubigny.

16.

Item, It is agreed, that the said Sixteen Prisoners, who are to remain Hostages for the King of France, as is said, shall by this means be discharged of their Impri∣sonment without paying any Ransom for the time past, in case they have not al∣ready

agreed on some certain Ransom, by Covenant made before the Third day of May last past: And if any of them be out of England, and shall not render himself as an Hostage at Calais, within the First Month after the said three Weeks fol∣lowing the Feast of St. John (all just Impediment ceasing) he shall not at all be discharged his Prison, but shall be Constrained by the King of France, to re∣turn into England, as Prisoner, or to pay the Penalty promised by him, s 4.265 if he did not return.

17.

Item, It is agreed, that in lieu of the said Hostages, which shall not come to Calais, or which shall die, or depart out of the Power of the King of England, with∣out leave, the King of France is obliged to send others of a like Estate with them, as near as may be, within three Months, next after that the Bailiff of Amiens, or the Mayor of St. Omers shall be certify'd hereof by Letters of the said King of England.

18.

And the t 4.266 King of France at his Departure from Calais, may take in his Com∣pany Ten of the Hostages, such as the two Kings shall agree upon: And it shall suffice, that of the foresaid Number of u 4.267 Fourty, there shall remain the full Number of Thirty.

19,

Item, It is agreed, that the King of France, within Three Months after he shall be gone from Calais, shall send unto Calais for Hostages Four Persons of the Town of Paris, and Two Persons of every other of the Towns, whose Names fol∣low; that is to say, of St. Omers, Arras, Amiens, Beauvais, Lille, Douay, Tournay, Rheims, Châlons, Troyes, Chartres, Tholouse, Lyon, Orleans, Compiegne, Rouën, Caën, Tours, and Bourges; and that they shall be the most sufficient of the said Towns for the accomplishment of this present Treaty.

20.

Item, It is agreed, that the King of France shall be brought from England to Calais, and shall stay at Calais Four Months after his coming; but he shall not pay any thing the First Month because of his Keeping: But for every other Month following, that he shall stay at Calais, thrô default of himself, or of his Subjects, he shall pay for his Keeping six Thousand Ryals, such as are current at this present in France, before his Departure from Calais; and so proportionably for the time he shall stay there.

21.

Item, It is agreed, that as soon as may be, within One Year next after that the King of France shall depart from Calais, the Lord John Earl of Monford, shall have the Earldom of Monford with all the appurtenances, he doing for the same Liege Homage to the King of France, and all such Duties and Services, which a good and Loyal Liege-Vassal ought to do to his Liege Lord, because of the said Earldom. And also his other Heritages shall be rendred unto him, which are not of the Dutchy of Bretagne, he doing Homage, or other Duty therefore, as it apper∣taineth: And if he will challenge any thing in any of the Inheritances, which are of the said Dutchy, besides the Country of Bretagne, good and speedy Reason shall be done him by the Court of France.

22.

Item, Concerning the Question as to the Demaine of the Dutchy of Bretagne, which is between the said John of Monford on the one Party, and Charles of Blois on the other Party, it is agreed, that the two Kings having called before them, or their Deputies, the Principal Parties of Blois and Monford, shall by themselves, or Special Deputies, as soon as may be, inform themselves of the Right of both Par∣ties, and do their best to set them at an Agreement, touching what is in Controversie between them. And in case the said Kings by themselves, or their Deputies, shall not be able to bring them to an Agreement within One Year, next after that the King of France shall be arrived at Calais, then the Friends of the one Party and of the other shall diligently inform themselves of the Right of the Parties in manner abovesaid, and shall endeavour to bring the said Parties to an Agreement to the best of their Power, and as soon as may be. And if they cannot bring them to an Agree∣ment within half a Year next following, they shall then report unto the said two Kings, or to their Deputies, all that which they shall have found about the Right of the Parties, and touching the points of Discord, which shall remain between them both. And then the two Kings by themselves, or their Special Deputies, as soon as may be, shall set the said Parties at an Agreement, or shall declare their final sen∣tence about the Right of the one Party and of the other, and the same shall be put in Execution by the two Kings. And in case they cannot do this within half a Year next following, then the said Principal Parties of Blois and Montford, shall do what they shall think best; and the Friends of the one Part and of the other, shall aid

either Part, as they please, without any Impeachment from the said Kings, and without any Damage, Blame, or Reproof by either of them at any time for the cause aforesaid. And if it so happen, that one of the said Parties will not sufficiently ap∣pear before the said Kings, or their Deputies, at the time which shall be appointed for them; And also in case, that the said Kings, or their Deputies, shall have ordain∣ed and declared, that the said Parties should be at concord, or shall declare their sentence for the Right of the one Party, and either of the said Parties will not a∣gree unto the same, nor obey the said Declaration; then both the said Kings shall be against him with all their Power, and aid the other Party, which is content to agree and to obey. But the two Kings shall in no case, neither in their own pro∣per Persons, nor by others, make, or enterprize War one against the other for the cause aforesaid: And always the Sovereignty and Homage of the said Dukedom shall remain to the King of France.

23.

Item, That all the Lands, Countries, Towns, Castles, and other Places yield∣ed over to the said Kings, shall be in such Liberties and Franchises, as they are at this present: And these Franchises shall be confirmed by the said Lords, the Kings, or by their Successors, and by every of them, so often as they shall be duly required thereto; if they be not contrary to this present Agreement.

24.

Item, that the said King of France, so soon as he can, and at the farthest within one Year next after that he shall depart from Calais, shall without deceit ren∣der and cause to be rendred de facto to Monsieur Philip of Navarre, and to all his Publique Adherents, all the Towns, Castles, Forts, Lordships, Rights, Rents, Pro∣fits, Jurisdictions, and Places whatsoever, which the said Monsieur Philip, as well in his own Right, as in the Right of his Wife, or which the said Adherents, do hold or ought to hold in the Realm of France. Neither shall the said King do unto them at any time, Reproach, Dammage, or Impeachment for any thing done here∣tofore; but shall forgive them all Offences and Misprisions for the time past, by oc∣casion of the War. And of this they shall have his Letters good and sufficient, so as the said Monsieur Philip, and his said Adherents shall return to his Homage, do unto him their Duties, and be unto him Good and Loyal Vassals.

25.

Item, It is agreed, that the King of England for this time only may give un∣to whom it shall please him in He••itage, the Lands and Inheritance, which sometimes appertained to Godfry of Harcourt, to be held of the Duke of Normandy, or of any other Lords, of whom they should be holden of Right, by the Homages and Ser∣vices anciently accustomed.

26.

Item, It is agreed, that no Person, or Country, which have been of the Obedi∣ence of the One Party, and by this Agreement shall come to the Obedience of the O∣ther Party, shall be Impeached for any thing done in time past.

27.

Item, It is agreed, that the Lands of the Banished and Adherents of the One Party and of the Other, and also of the Churches of the One Kingdom and of the Other, and all they, who are disinherited or expelled from their Lands and Heri∣tages, or are charged with any Pension, Taillage or Debt, or otherwise grieved in any manner whatsoever, because of this War, shall be restored intirely to the same Rights and Possessions, which they had before the War began. And that all manner of Forfeitures, Debts, and Misprisions, done by them or any of them in the mean time, shall be wholly pardon'd; and that these things shall be done as soon as may be, effectually, and at the farthest within one Year next after that the King of France shall be gone from Calais; excepting what was said in the Article of Calais and Merks, and other Places in the said Article named; excepting also the Vicount of Fronsac, and Monsieur John de Galard, who are not comprised in this Article; but their Goods and Heritages shall remain in the same State, wherein they were before this present Treaty.

28.

Item, It is agreed, that the King of France shall effectually deliver unto the King of England, as soon as may be, and at the farthest before the Feast of St. Michael the Year next coming after his Departure from Calais, all the Cities, Towns, Countries, and other Places abovenamed, which by this present Treaty ought to be deliver'd unto the King of England.

29.

Item, It is agreed, that the Towns, Forts, and whole County of Ponthieu, the Towns, Forts, and whole County of Montrevil, the City and Castle of Saincte, the Castles, Towns, and Forts, and all that which the King holdeth in Demaine in the Country of Sainctogne, on this side and beyond the Charente; the Castle and City of Angoulesme; and the Castles, Forts, and Towns, which the King of France

holdeth in Demaine, in the Country of Angoulesmois, with Letters and Mandates of releasing of Fees being deliver'd to the King of England, or to other especially de∣puted for him; then the King of England at his own proper Costs and Charges, shall deliver all the Forts taken and possessed by himself, his Subjects, Adherents, and Allies, in the Countries of x 4.268 France, Anjou, Touraine, Maine, Berry, Auvergne, Burgundy, Champaigne, Picardy, and Normandy, and in all other Parts, Lands, and Places of the Realm of France, except those of the Dutchy of Bretagne, and the Countries and Lands, which by this present Treaty ought to belong and remain to the King of England.

30.

Item, It is agreed, that the King of France shall cause to be deliver'd to the King of England, his Heirs, or Deputies, all the Towns, Castles, Forts, and other Lands, Countries, and Places abovenamed, with their Appurtenances, at the proper Costs and Charges of the said King of France; And also that if he shall have any Rebels, and such as will not obey, to render, yield up, or restore to the King of England, any Cities, Towns, Castles, Countries, Places, or Forts, which by this Present Treaty ought to appertain unto Him, then the King of France shall be obli∣ged to cause them to be deliver'd to the King of England at his own Charges: And in like manner the King of England shall cause those Forts, which by this present Treaty ought to appertain to the King of France, to be deliver'd at his own Charges: the said Kings and their Subjects with them, shall be obliged mutually to aid one a∣nother in this respect, if they shall be thereto required, at the Wages of the Par∣ty so Requiring: Which shall be a Floren of Florence per diem for a Knight, half a Floren for an Esquire, and for others proportionably. And of the surplus of double Wages, it is agreed, that if the pay aforesaid shall be too little, respect being had to the Price of Victuals in the Country, it shall be done at the Appointment of Four Knights elected thereto, that is to say, of two on the One Party, and two on the Other.

31.

Item, It is agreed, that all the Archbishops, Bishops, and other Prelates of Holy Church shall in regard of their Temporalities be subject to that King of the two, under whom they hold their Temporalities: And if they have Temporalities under both the Kings, they shall be subject to each of the two Kings, for the Temporalities which they hold of either of them.

32.

Item, It is agreed, that good Alliance, Friendship and Confederation shall be made between the two Kings of France and of England, and their Realms, in main∣taining the Honour and Conscience of the One King and of the Other, notwithstanding any Confederations which they have on this side, or beyond the Sea with any Persons, whether of Scotland or Flanders, or of any other Country whatsoever.

33.

Item, It is agreed, that the King of France and the Regent, his Eldest Son, for themselves and for their Heirs, Kings of France, shall, as much as may be done, forsake, and altogether depart from the Alliances, which they have with the Scots, and shall promise, as much as may be, that neither they nor their Heirs, nor the Kings of France for the time being, shall give or lend to the King of Scotland, or to the Subjects thereof, present, or to come, any aid, favour, or comfort, against the said King of England, or against his Heirs and Successors, or against his Realm or Subjects in any sort: And that they shall not make any Alliances with the said Scots against the said King of England and Realm of England in time to come. And likewise the King of England and his Eldest Son, so much as it can or may be done, shall forsake and depart from all those Alliances, which they have with the Flemmings, and shall promise, that neither they, nor their Heirs, nor the Kings of England for the time be∣ing, shall give or lend to the Flemmings, present, or to come, any aid, favour, or comfort against the King of France, his Heirs, or Successors, or against his Kingdom, or Subjects in any sort: And that they shall not make any Alliances with the said Flemmings against the said King and Realm of France in time to come.

34.

Item, It is agreed, that the Collations and Provisions made by the One Par∣ty and by the other, of Benefices falling void during the War, shall hold good and remain in Force: And that the Fruits, Issues, and Revenues, received and levied of any Benefices, and other Temporalities whatsoever, in the said Realms of France and England, by the One Party, or by the Other, during the said Wars, shall be quit∣ted on both sides.

35.

Item, that the Kings aforesaid shall be obliged to cause to be confirmed all the Matters aforesaid by our Holy Father the Pope, and they shall be Ratified by Oaths, Sentences, and Censures of the Court of Rome, and by all other Tyes in the most binding manner that may be: And there shall be obtained from the Court

of Rome, Dispensations, Absolutions, and Letters, touching the Accomplish∣ment and Perfection of this Present Treaty; and they shall be deliver'd to the Parties, at the farthest within three Weeks after the King shall be Arrived at Calais.

36.

Item, That all the Subjects of the said Kings, which will study at the studies and Universities of the Realms of France and of England, shall enjoy the Privileges and Liberties of the said studies and Universities, in like manner, as they might have done before the Present Wars, and as they do at present.

37.

Item, To the end, that the Matters aforesaid treated and discoursed, may be more stable, firm and valid, there shall be done and given these Confirmations fol∣lowing, that is to say, Letters sealed with the Seals of the said Kings, and of their Eldest Sons, the best that can be made by the Councils of the said Kings: And the said Kings, and their Eldest Sons, and their other Children, and others of the Line∣age of the said Kings, and other Noblemen of their Realms, to the number of Twen∣ty, on either Party shall swear, that they will observe and endeavour to maintain, as much as concerneth each of them, without fraud or deceit, the said Matters treated and agreed on; and accomplish them without ever going to the Contrary, and with∣out empeaching the performance thereof: And if there be any Persons 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the said Realms of France and of England, who shall rebell, or will not accord to the Pre∣mises, the said Kings shall use all their said Power of Body, Goods and Counsel, to reduce the said Rebels to true Obedience, according to the Form and Tenor of the said Treaty. And moreover the said Kings shall submit themselves, their Heirs and Realms to the Correction of our Holy Father the Pope, that he may constrain by Sentences and Censures of the Church, and other due ways, Him who shall rebell, according as Reason shall require. And among the Confirmations and Securities afore∣said, the said Kings and their Heirs shall renounce by Faith and by Oath all War and all Proceedure of Fact: And if thrô the Disobedience, Rebellion, or Power of any Subjects of the Realm of France, or any just Cause, the King of France, or his Heirs or any of them shall not be able to accomplish all the Premises, the King of England and his Heirs, or any of them, shall not nor ought not to make War against the said King of France, nor his Heirs, nor his Realm; but both together shall endeavour to bring the Rebels to true O∣bedience, and to accomplish the Premises: And if any of the Realm or Obeisance of the King of England will not restore the Castles, Towns or Forts which they hold in the Realm of France, and obey the Treaty aforesaid, or for just cause cannot accom∣plish that, which He ought to do by this present Treaty, neither the King of France, nor his Heirs, nor any for them, shall make any War upon the King of England or his Realm, but both together shall put to their Power, to recover the Castles, Forts and Towns aforesaid, and to be a Means, that all Obedience and Accomplishment may be done to the foresaid Treaties: And there shall also be done and given of the one Party and of the Other, according to the Nature of the Fact, all manner of Confirmations and Securities, that they can think on or devise, as well by the Pope, and the College of the Court of Rome as otherwise, perpetually to hold and preserve the Peace, and all other Matters here-above recorded.

38.

Item, It is agreed by the present Treaty and Accord, that all other Accords, Treaties or Conferences, if any have been made or debated in time past, shall be null and of no Force, and altogether made void; neither may the Parties at any time relieve them∣selves, nor make any Complaint the one against the other, on occasion of the said Treaties or Accords, if any such hath been as is said.

39.

Item, That this present Treaty shall be approved, sworn and confirmed by the two Kings at Calais, when they shall be there in Proper Person: And after that the King of France shall be gone from Calais, and shall be within his own Power, the said King of France, within one Month next following his said Departure, shall make Letters Patents Confirmatory of the same, and such others as shall seem ne∣cessary, and shall send and deliver them at Calais to the said King of England or his Deputies in the said Place: And also the said King of England, when he receives the said Letters Confirmatory, shall deliver back his Letters Confirmatory, like unto them, to the King of France.

40.

Item, It is agreed, that neither of the Kings shall procure, or cause to be pro∣cured by Himself or Others, that any Innovations or Grievances he done by the Church of Rome, or others of Holy Church, whosoever they be, against this present Treaty, upon either of the said Kings, their Coadjutors, Adherents or Allies what∣soever; nor upon their Lands or Subjects, by occasion of War, nor for other Cause,

nor for Services, which the said Coadjutors, Adherents or Allies have done to the said Kings, or any of them: And if our said Holy Father the Pope, or any other would do so; the two said Kings shall hinder it to their Power sincerely without fraud.

41.

Item, Concerning the Hostages which shall be deliver'd to the King of Eng∣land at Calais, and concerning the Manner and Time of their Departure, the two Kings shall determin at Calais.

XI. These Articles being thus agreed on, first by the Commissioners of King Edward, and of the Regent of France, were also after that allowed by both the Principals; thô the Regent is said to have yielded thereto in a manner by Force and Constraint, because he saw the Realm was no longer able to subsist, amidst those Desolations and Ruines which the War brought. However sending back the Testimony of his Hand and Seal, that he had consented thereto, in order to the full Completion of this Treaty, a Truce was taken to continue between the two Kings, their Adherents and Confederates, from that time to the Feast of St. Michael then next following, and from thence on for a Year; that so all Matters in order to a firm and perpetual Peace, might be duely and rightly de∣vised and established. The mean while, till King John might be at Liberty, only the two Eldest Sons of the Kings were solemnly sworn to uphold and maintain this Agree∣ment; a••d first the Prince of Wales ordained on his Part y 4.269 Four Barons of England, that is to say, the Lord Ralph Stafford, Earl of Stafford, the Lord Reginald Cobham, the Lord Guy Brian, and the Lord Roger Beauchamp of Bletso, who were received in∣to Paris, as Messengers from Heaven, all the Bells ringing, and the People thronging the streets as to see a Triumph; all the Street where they passed z 4.270 being spread and tapistred (if we may believe it) with Cloth of Gold. They went straight to the Pa∣lace, where the Regent, his Brethren, and their Uncle with many Lords and Prelates received them honourably: Du Chesne says, that here in the Great Hall in presence of all the People, the English Lords made their Oath, and sware in the Name of the King their Master, and of his Sons, upon the Holy Eucharist, and upon the Holy Evange∣lists, to accomplish and hold the said Articles. From the Hall they were conducted to a Magnificent Feast, and from thence to the Chappel, where the Regent shewed them many Jewels and Relicts, and presented them with one Great Thorn which was believed to have belonged to the Crown of our Saviour. After this they return'd, and the Regent on his Part deputed Four Nobles of France, who went immediately after to Louviers in Normandy, where at that time the Prince of Wales was, and there made for him the same Oath in Presence of the said Prince.

But it is my Opinion, that these Lords on each Side went rather to take the Oath first of the Dauphin, and then of the Black-Prince, as most other Writers affirm; the manner whereof a 4.271 Walsingham thus describes,

That at Paris in the time of Low Mass, when they had thrice sang, O Lamb of God which takest away the sins of the World, Grant us thy Peace, Charles the Dauphin and Regent of France, went up to the Al∣tar, and laying his Right Hand on the Paten, wherein lay the Holy Eucharist, and his Left on the Gospel, he took his Oath in these Words, We Charles do swear upon the Holy Body and the Gospels of our Lord, firmly what in us lies, to keep this Peace and Concord, thus formed between the two Kings, and by no means to go against the same.

So help Ʋs, &c. And the like Oath was afterwards taken by the Prince of Wales in presence of Four Barons of France, in the Church of Louviers in Normandy. Of both which there were made Letters Patents, bearing Date that at Paris on the Tenth Day of May, and the other at Louviers on the Sixteenth of the said Month Anno Do∣mini MCCCLX. Who brake this Sacred and Solemn Oath first, we shall see here∣after, and throughly discuss the Occasion, which I doubt will appear too frivolous to be excused in that manner, as is done by some French Historians.

This mean while the Parisians, b 4.272 by the Dauphins good Leave, redeemed the For∣tresses of Herelle, la Neufville in Haye, Pont St. Maixence, Lyhon, Frescheville, Dei∣teville, Baslieu le Sicq, Chevreuse, and la Ferte sous Jouërre, because of their Im∣portance, for the price and Summ of 24000 Florens of Gold, of the Coin of King Philip of Valois, which they paid to the Earl of Warwick and the Captal of Busche, not endu∣ring to stay, till the Peace being confirmed, they should be rendred gratis.

XII. Within a few Days after the first Form made at Bretigny was established, King Edward being sincerely desirous to hasten the Accomplishment and Perfection thereof, having raised his Camp from about Chartres, marched by Pont de L'Arche over the Seyne, and by Abbeville over the Soame in peaceable manner, and so went to Calais, where he gave order for the embarquing his Men. In this Town he made his Offer∣ings, and paid his Devotion in the Church of St. Mary, after which repairing to the

Port of Harfleur in Normandy, he thence took Shipping with his Sons for England, and landed at c 4.273 Rye in Kent, on the 18 Day of May in the Evening, having left the Earl of Warwick to look to his Men of War at Calais, in Guienne and elsewhere, and to see that on his Part the Peace, which had been already proclaimed thrô France, was duely kept.

The next Day the King being come to London, d 4.274 caused King John to be brought privately from the Tower to his Palace of Westminster, in the Chappel whereof he shew'd him the Treaty made and sworn to by the Regent his Son, whereat he, who de∣sired nothing more than Liberty, at what Price or Composition soever he obtained it, thanked God for his Bounty and Goodness in this matter, and readily agreed to ra∣tifie and confirm it in his own Person. After this he rode with the Prince of Wales from London to Windsor to pay a Visit to the Queen, and having received many great and splendid Entertainments from the King, he return'd again to London, and paid his De∣votion at the Famous Cathedral of St. Pauls, where he made large and Princely Offe∣rings e 4.275 at the Shrine of St. Erkenwald once Bishop of London, it having been newly Beautified about 3 Years before. The manner whereof, as well in Memory of that Prince's Piety, as for the rarity of the Matter, and also that thereby we may make a guess at the great Wealth of the several Shrines in those Days, we shall here more par∣ticularly set down: King John therefore at this time having heard Mass at the High Altar, made his Approach very devoutly to the Shrine of St. Erkenwald, where he of∣fer'd 12 Nobles; at the Annunciation he laid down 12 more, at the Crucifix near the North-Door 26 Floren Nobles, at his first Approach to the High Altar Four Basons of Gold, and at the hearing of Mass after the Offertory, he gave the Dean then Offi∣ciating, 5 Floren-Nobles; and lastly, he gave in the Chapter-House 50 Floren-Nobles, to be distributed among the Officers of the Church.

The mean while King Edward g 4.276 issued out his Warrant, bearing Date the 17 of June, to the Lord John Beauchamp, then Constable of Dover-Castle, and of the Cinque-Ports, forthwith to arrest and equip a sufficient Number of Ships to carry over King John and his Family to Calais within the time agreed on; and accordingly all things being now ready for his Departure, he was by King Edward himself honourably conducted to the Sea-side, the Lord Philip his Son, and the other Lords of France, Prisoners, being with him. He embarqued at the Downs, being attended by the Black-Prince, the Duke of Lancaster, the Lord John Chandos, and many other Great Ba∣rons, who all arrived at Calais on the Ninth of July, where the King was honoura∣bly received and lodged in the Castle, there to expect King Edwards Coming.

XIII. Now before these Things were brought thus far, the Pope, having heard how forward the Peace between the two Realms was, sent his Letters to King Edward, h 4.277 bea∣ring Date Prid. Non. Julii, An^o Pontif. VIII. Wherein he expresses his great Joy for the happy Prospect of a lasting Peace, and quickens the King to a Consummation of the Affair; and that he would shew himself not only Willing, but Liberal, as to the Redemption of the French King.

All this while was King John at Calais, but King Edward remained still in England, till he might hear, that the first Payment was in some readiness for Him: For it is to be remembred, that, according to the XIV Article, there ought to be paid Six Hundred Thousand Crowns of Gold, before King John could be permitted to go from Calais: A great Summ, and which could not soon be collected by his Officers, thô but a small Part of that excessive Summ of 3000000, which amounting to 500000 l. Sterling, was so vast a Matter in those Days, that it i 4.278 is thought to have given occasion for this French Proverb, J••ay payé tous mes Anglois, i. e. I have paid all my English, that is, my Creditors, which is us'd, when with much ado a great and heavy Debt is fully clea∣red. Wherefore King John was k 4.279 forced now to stay almost 3 Months of the limi∣ted Four, e'r he could raise the foresaid Summ, during which time notwithstanding, he had frequently News from the Dauphin and his other Children, who at his desire were now at Amiens. 'Tis said, l 4.280 that Prince Galeas, Lord of Milain, and of divers other Towns in Lombardy, furnished this First Payment, on Condition, that King John should give one of his Daughters for a Wife to his Son John, with the Earldom of Vertus for her Dowry: And we find, that his Third Daughter Isabella was shortly after married to the said John Galeas.

XIV. However the greater Part of the First Payment being now at last ready, and all those who ought to be Hostages for the Rest, being rendred up at St. Omers, King Ed∣ward presently embarqued for France, and on the m 4.281 9 of October being a Fryday, arri∣ved safely at Calais. Upon his Arrival he went straight to the Castle to visit King

John, who welcom'd him with a loving and cheerfull Countenance, agreeable to that sincerity, whereof he was a professed Master. As King Edward was taking his leave to retire to his Lodgings prepared for him in the Town, King John desired him to come the next Day with his Sons and take a Dinner with him. The Invitation King Ed∣ward accepted, but entreated that it might be deferred till the Monday following; and so that Day, being the 12 of October was fixed. At Dinner-time King Edward had the First Seat, and held State, next to him sat the French King, thirdly the Black-Prince, and lastly the Duke of Lancaster: No more sitting at Table. While they were at Dinner, the Earl of Flanders came to the Castle, to pay a Visit to both the Kings; but especially to congratulate the Return of King John, who received him with all ima∣ginable Kindness. When this Royal Entertainment was over, Two of the King of Englands younger Sons, and two of the French Kings, took leave of their Fathers and rode towards Boulogne, where at that time the Dauphin was. He met them half way, and conducted them the other half to Boulogne, where they all rested that night: The next Morning the Dauphin having left the two English Princes there, as it were Pledges for his Security, rode himself forth to Calais; first he waited on his Father, and after∣wards both his Father and he went to King Edwards Palace to Dinner, where they were received with much Honour, and entertain'd at a most Royal Feast. On the Wednesday, being the 14 of October, the said Dauphin took his leave of King Edward and of the King his Father, and rode back to Boulogne, upon whose safe Return King Edwards two Sons rode back again to Calais.

On the Saturday Seven-night after, which was the 24 of October, the Peace was fully sworn to, and established by the two Kings in this manner; The Two Kings being seated in two distinct Traverses in the Church of St. Nicolas at Calais, High Mass was sung before them by Androine Abbot of Cluigny, to the Offering whereof nei∣ther of the Kings came. But when the Pax came to be kissed (by which Ceremony was signified, that the Peace of Christ should ever remain between them, They to love each other as Christian Princes, after his Command and Example) the French King, to whom it was first carried, refused it in Modesty, after which King Edward not admitting it in Generosity; King John rose first, and went toward King Edward, who being aware thereof, rose up hastily and ran to meet him, where both again refusing the Pax, they kissed each other with hearty Demonstrations of a mutual Friendship.

At this Mass both the Kings were severally sworn in Solemn Manner to maintain truly and perpetually the Articles of the said Peace: And for the further Security thereof, many of the Chief Lords of both Realms were sworn to help to preserve the same to their Powers; especially the n 4.282 two Eldest Sons of England and France; and at the same time the Duke of Orleans in the Name of King John, and Prince Philip of Navarre in the Name of the King his Brother, sware to forget all Injuries on both Sides, and to cultivate a mutual Friendship for the future: These Oaths were thus ta∣ken both on the Evangelists and on the Eucharist; and the two Kings received the Sa∣crament in both kinds thereupon. And they were so well satisfied with the Conduct of the foresaid Abbot, o 4.283 that they jointly requested of the Pope to bestow on him a Cardinals Cap, for his diligent and effectual Service therein. And thô we find the Pope in his Answer desires on certain Accounts to be excused for the present, yet it is cer∣tain, p 4.284 that at the next Creation which happen'd the Year after, he was made a Cardi∣nal of the Title of St. Marcellus.

At the same time the Hostages (who according to the 15 and 18 Articles, were to be deliver'd, as well for the Security of the Payment of the Kings Ransom, as of the Restoration of those Places, which as yet were not put into the English Hands) were deliver'd unto King Edward; and also there were then paid unto him q 4.285 400000 Scutes of Gold, in Part of the First 600000, King Edward giving further time for the Pay∣ment of the remaining 200000, till Christmas and Lady-Day following. Which done, both the Kings gave forth interchangeably their Letters Patents concerning these things, all bearing one Date, and containing one Form, only Mutatis Mutandis. The Tenor of King Edwards (wherein he lays by his Title of France) being as follow∣eth, viz.

XV.

EDWARD, * 5.1 by the Grace of God, King of England, Lord of Ireland and of Aquitain,

to all, unto whom these Letters shall come, Greeting.

We give you to understand, that of all the Dissensions, Debates and Discords moved or here∣after to be moved, between Us and our Right Dear Brother the French King, certain Commissioners and Deputies of ours, and of our Dear Son the Prince of Wales, ha∣ving sufficient Power and Authority for Us, and for Him, and for our whole Realm

on the one Party, and certain other Commissioners and Deputies of our Dear Brother the French King, and of our Dear Nephew, Charles Duke of Normandy and Dauphin of Vienna, Eldest Son to our said Brother of France, having Power and Authority for his Father and for Himself, on the other Party, were assembled at Bretigny near to Char∣tres. At which place it was agreed and accorded by the said Commissioners and Deputies of either Party, upon all Dissentions, Debates, Wars and Discords what∣soever; And the Deputies of Us and of our Son, for Us and for Him, and also the Deputies of our said Brother, and of our said Nephew for them both, did swear upon the Holy Evangelists to hold, keep and accomplish this Treaty: By the which Accord, among other things, our Brother of France and his said Son are bound, and promise r 5.2 to deliver and resign unto Us, our Heirs and Successors for ever, all the Counties, Cities, Towns, Castles, Forts, Lands, Isles, Rents, Revenues and other things as followeth (besides that which already We have and hold in Guienne and in Gas∣cogne) to possess for ever, both Us, and our Heirs and Successors, all that is in De∣main in Demain, and all that is in Fee in Fee, by the Times and in the Manner hereaf∣ter specified; that is to say, the City, Castle and County of Poictiers, and all the Land and County of Poictou, with the Fief of Thoüars, and the Land of Belleville, the City and Castle of Sainctes, and all the Land and Country of Saintogne, on both sides the River Charente, with the Town and Fortress of Rochelle and their Appur∣tenances: The City and Castle of Agen, and the Country of Agenois, the City and Castle of Poictiers, and all the Country thereto belonging; the City and Castle of Limoges, and the Lands and Country of Limosin; the City and Castle of Cahors, and the Land and Country of Quercy; the City, Castle and Country of Tarbe; the Land, Country and Earldom of Bigorre; the County, Land and Country of Guare; the City and Castle of Angoulesme, and the County, Land and Country of Angoules∣mois; the City and Castle of Rodes, and the Land and Country of Rouvergue; and if there be any Lords in the Dutchy of Guienne, as the Earl of Foix, the Earl of Armagnac, the Earl of Lisle, the Vicount of Carmaine, the Earl of Perigort, the Vi∣count of Limoges or Others, holding any Lands within the foresaid Bounds, they shall do Homage, and all other Services and Duties, due and accustomed for their Lands and Places, unto Us, in like manner and form as they have done in time passed, as We or any other Kings of England anciently have had. And also s 5.3 in the Town of Monstrevil upon the Sea we are to have, as either We or other Kings of England in time past have had; and in the Lands of Monstrevil our Brother of France pro∣miseth to make a Declaration thereof unto Us, as speedily as he can, after his coming into France: And also the County t 5.4 of Ponthieu entirely, save and excepted, if any thing be alienated away by any of the Kings of England in time past, whereby the said County and Appurtenances have been holden by other Persons than the French Kings, neither our said Brother, nor his Successors shall be obliged to render them unto Us. But if the said Alienations have been done by the French Kings for the time being, without any Mean, and our said Brother now have them in his Possessi∣on, he shall leave them entirely to Us; except that the French Kings have had them in Exchange for other Lands. But if the Kings of England for the time being have alienated, or conveyed any thing to any other Person, than to the French Kings, and they peradventure are now devolved into the hands of our said Brother, then he shall not be obliged to restore them unto Us. He is also to render unto Us all such things as ought to pay any Homage to Us, and to our Successors, and if they owed not Ho∣mage unto Us and to our Successors, then he shall put in a Tenant, who shall do Us Service within a Year after he shall be departed from Calais. Also u 5.5 the Castle and Town of Calais, the Castle, Town and Lordship of Merks, the Towns, Castles and Lordships of Sangate, Coulogne, Ham, Wale and Oye, with the Lands, Woods, Ma∣rishes, Rivers, Rents, Revenues, Lordships, Advousons of Churches, and all other Appurtenances and Places, lying within the Bounds and Limits following, that is to say, from Calais to the River before Graveling; and also from the River that falleth into the great Lake of Guisnes, as far as Fretun, and thence along the Valley about Calculi-Hill, enclosing that Hill, and so to the Sea, with Sangate and all its Appur∣tenances. Also the x 5.6 Castle, Town and whole Earldom of Guisnes, with all the Towns. Castles, Forts, Lands, Places, Homages, Men, Seignories, Woods, Forests and all Rights to them belonging, as entirely as the Town of Calais, of Merks, and other Places before-named, as well to obey Us, as they have obeyed our said Bro∣ther, or the Earl of Guisnes for the time being: And that the Churches of the good People being within the Limitations of the said Earldom of Guisnes, of Calais and

Merk, and of other Places abovesaid, shall obey the King of England in like man∣ner, as they have obey'd either the King of France, or the Earl of Guisnes: All which things of Merk and Calais being contained in this present Article, and the Article next preceding, We to hold in Demain, except the Heritage of the Churches, which shall still remain entirely to the said Churches wheresoever they be; and also except the Heritage of other People of Merk and Calais, under the value of an 100 l. Land per annum, of Money currant in that Country, which Inheritances shall remain to them even to the Value abovesaid and under. But the Habitations and Inheritances within the Town of Calais, with their Appurtenances, shall abide still to the Inhabitants: And also in the Lands, Towns and Earldom of Guisnes, all their Demains shall still remain unto them, except what hath been said before, of the fore∣said Limits and Bounds in the Article of Calais: Also y 5.7 all the Isles adjacent to the Lands, Countries and Places before-named, with all other Isles, the which we held at the time of the said Treaty. And it is agreed, z 5.8 that our said Brother and his Eldest Son, should renounce all manner of Soveraignty, Resort and Rights, that he or either of them should have; and that We shall hold them as his Neighbour without any Resort or Soveraignty to our said Brother, or to the Realm of France; and all the Right that our said Brother hath in the foresaid Things, he yieldeth and conveyeth unto Us for ever. And also it is agreed, that We likewise, and our said Son do expresly renounce all things, that ought not to be granted unto Us by this Treaty; and espe∣cially the Name, Right and Title to the Crown of France, and to the Realm, and to the Homage and Soveraignty thereof; as also to the Demain of the Dutchy of Normandy, of the County of Touraine, of the Counties of Anjou and of Maine; and of the Sovereignty and Homage of the Dutchy of Bretagne, except the Right of the Earl of Montford, which he ought to have or might have in the Dutchy and Country of Bretagne, the which we reserve, and by express Words put clean out of this Treaty: Saving, that We and our said Brother, when we come to Calais, shall order that Matter by Advice of our Councils there as we hope, so as to settle Pe••ce and Concord between the said Earl of Montford, and our Cousin the Lord Charles of Blois, who challengeth and demandeth the Right to the Heritage of Bretagne; And We renounce all other Demands that we do or may make whatsoever they be, except such things aforesaid, as ought to remain unto Us, and to be deliver'd unto Us by Vertue of this Treaty: And that We transfer and convey away all the Right, which We might have in any of these Things, that ought not to be delivered to Us by Vertue of this Treaty: Concerning all which Things, after divers Alterations about the same, especially because the said Renuntiation, Conveyance, Quitting and Leaving of all the said Things should be accomplished, as soon as our said Bro∣ther hath deliver'd unto Us or to our Deputies, the City and Castle of Poictiers, with all the Land and County of Poictou, and the Fee of Thoüars; the City and Castle of Agen, and all the Land and Country of Ag••nois; the City and Castle of Peri∣geux, and all the Land and Country of Perigord; the City and Castle of Ca••••rs, and all the Land of Quercy; the City and Castle of Rodes, and all the Land and Country of Rouvergue; the City and Castle of Sainctes, and all the Land thereun∣to belonging; the City and Castle of Limoges; and whatever We, or any of the Kings of England anciently held in the Town of Monstrevil with the Appurtenances; also the County of Ponthieu whole and entirely; save and except, according to the Tenor of the Article contained in the said Treaty, where it maketh mention of the said County; also the Castle and Town of Calais, and the Castle, Town and Lord∣ship of Sangate, Coulogne, Hames, Wale and Oye, with the Lands, Rivers, Marishes, Woods, Rents, Lordships, and other things contained in the Article thereof making mention: Also the Castle, Town and whole County of Guisnes, with all the Lands, Castles, Towns, Forts, Places, Men, Homages, Lordships, Woods, Forests and o∣ther Rights, according to the Tenor of the Article thereof, making mention more plainly in the said Treaty; with the Isles that we hold already, that is to say, at the time of the said Treaty and Peace, [I say concerning all these Things] We and our Brother the French King, have promised by Faith and Oath each to other, the same Treaty and Peace to hold, keep and accomplish, and not to do any thing contrary thereto; and both We, and our said Brother, and our Eldest Sons are mutually bound by Obligation and Promise, by Faith and Oath, the one Part to the Other, except cer∣tain mutual Renuntiations, according to the Tenor and Form of the said Articles and Peace as followeth; * 5.9 Item, it is agreed, that the King of France, and his Eldest Son the Regent, for them and for their Heirs for ever, as soon as may be, and at the far∣thest

by the Feast of St. Michael next coming in one Year, without Fraud or Deceit shall render, yield and deliver to the said King of England, his Heirs and Successors, and convey unto them all the Honours, Obediences, Homages, Allegiances, Vassa∣lages, Fiefs, Services, Recognisances, Rights, Fealties and Imperial Jurisdictions, High or Low, Resorts, Safeguards, Advousons, Patronages of Churches, Lordships and Sovereignties, that appertain or may appertain in any manner of wise to the Kings, and to the Crown of France, or to any other Person, because of the King or of the Crown of France wheresoever it be, in Cities, Towns, Castles, Lands, Isles, Coun∣tries and Places before-named, or in any of them, or their Appurtenances and Appen∣dages whatsoever, whether Dukes, Earls, Vicounts, Archbishops or other Prelates of Holy Church, Barons, Nobles and others; nothing thereof being to the Kings or Successors of the Crown of France reserved; so that neither They, nor any of their Heirs or Successors, nor any French Kings, nor Others by reason of the King or Crown of France, make any Challenge or Demand in time to come of the King of England, his Heirs or Successors, or any of his Men or Subjects aforesaid, because of the said Countries or Places: So that all Persons aforesaid, their Heirs and Succes∣sors, and all other Persons, Cities, Counties, Lands, Countries, Isles, Castles and Places aforesaid, and all their Appurtenances and Appendages shall hold of the King of England perpetually, peaceably and freely; the said King of England to have o∣ver them Dominion, Sovereignty, Obeisance, Allegiance and Jurisdiction, as the Pre∣decessors of the French King have had in time past; and that the Kings of England, their Heirs and Successors shall have and hold peaceably all the foresaid Countries, in their full Franchises and Liberties for ever, as Lords and Liege Sovereigns, and as Neighbours to the King and Realm of France, without Acknowledging of any Sove∣reignty, Obeisance, Homage, Resort or Subjection, and without doing in time to come any manner of Service or Recognisance to the King, or to the Crown of France for the Cities, Counties, Castles, Countries, Lands, Isles, Places and Persons be∣fore-named, or for any of them. Also it is accorded, that the French King and his Eldest Son shall expresly Renounce the said Resorts and Sovereignty, and all the Right that they have or may have in all these Things, such as by this present Treaty ought to appertain to the King of England; and in like manner the King of England and his Eldest Son Renounceth all things, such as by this present Treaty ought not to be deliver'd unto him, and Renounceth all other Demands of the Realm of France, and especially the Name, Right, Claim and Arms of the Crown and Realm of France; the Homage, Sovereignty and Demain of the Dutchy of Normandy, and of the Dutchy of Touraine, and of the Counties of Anjou and Maine, and of the Sovereign∣ty and Homage of the Earldom and County of Flanders, and all other Demands, which the King of England made at the time of the said Claim, or might make in time to come to the said Realm of France, by any manner of Cause whatsoever; except all that by this Treaty ought to be deliver'd to the King of England and his Heirs: And they to transfer, convey and mutually quit each King to the Other, for e∣ver all the Right, which they ought otherwise to have in these things, which by this present Treaty are to be deliver'd to each of them, at the Time and Place when and where the said Renunciations shall be exchanged. And because, that our said Bro∣ther of France and his Eldest Son, to hold and perform the Articles of the said Peace, have expresly Renounced the Resorts and Sovereignties comprised in the said Articles, and all the Right which they ought to have or might have, in all the said things which our said Brother hath deliver'd and left unto Us; and all other things which from henceforth shall abide and pertain to Us by Vertue of the said Treaty and Peace; We also in like manner expresly renounce all such Things, as by the said Treaty are not to be deliver'd unto Us or to our Heirs: And likewise all Demands that we have made, or might make of our said Brother of France; and particularly the Name and Right of the Crown and Realm of France; the Homage, Sovereignty and Demain of the Dutchy of Normandy, and of the Dutchy of Touraine, and of the Counties of Anjou and Maine; and the Homage and Sovereignty of the Earldom of Flanders, and all other Demands that we have made, or might make of our said Brother, for whatsoever cause it be, ever except all that, which by this present Treaty ought to remain to Us and to our Heirs. And We shall transfer, convey and leave to Him, and He to Us, and so mutually each to Other, in the best manner, and as speedily as We may, all such Right, as Each of Us ought or may have in every thing, which by this Treaty and Peace ought to abide and remain with, and to be deliver'd to each other of Us: Reserving still to the Churches and to Men of the Church, all that

which to them appertaineth or may appertain; and all that is usurped and withheld from them by Occasion of the Wars, shall be again recompenced, restored and deli∣ver'd: And also all the Towns, Forts and Habitations, with the Dwellers in them shall remain and abide in their full Liberties and Franchises, as they did before they came into our Hands and Dominion, and that to be confirmed unto them by our said Brother of France, if he shall be required so to do; and that We do not the contrary in any of the foresaid Things or Subjections. And as to Us and all things to Us, our Heirs and Successors pertaining, We submit our Selves (in this Point) to the Jurisdiction and Coercion of the Church of Rome; and We will and consent, that the Bishop of Rome shall confirm all these things, in giving Monitions and Ge∣neral Commands for the Completion thereof against Us, our Heirs and Successors, and against our Subjects, Commons, Colleges, Universities, or single Persons whatsoe∣ver; and in giving General Sentences, Excommunication, Suspension or Interdiction to be laid upon Us or Them, who shall do the Contrary: And that the said Sentences may fall upon Us or Them, as soon as We or They act or endeavour by seising any Town, Castle, City, Fort, or any thing doing, ratifying or consenting, in giving Counsel, Comfort, Favour or Aid, privily or openly against the said Peace: Of which Sen∣tences the Parties offending not to be assoyled, till full satisfaction be made to all them, who have had or susteined any Dammage in that Behalf. And moreover, to the intent that this said Peace be more firmly kept and holden for ever, We will and consent, that if any Pacts, Confederations, Alliances and Covenants, howsoever they be called, shall be any way prejudicial to the said Peace, at this time or hereafter to be made; even suppose they be firm and deliver'd on certain Penalties, or by Oaths confirmed, or otherwise ratified or embulled by our Holy Father the Pope or any o∣ther, they shall notwithstanding be ipso facto cancell'd and of none effect, as contra∣ry to the Weal Publick, unprofitable to Peace and to all Christendom, and displea∣sing to God Almighty: And all Promises and Oaths in such Cases shall be excused and disanulled by our Holy Father the Pope; so that none be bound to hold or keep any such Promises, Oaths, Alliances or Covenants, to the intent that hereaf∣ter the like may not be attempted: And if any endeavour the Contrary, that it be void and of none effect. And as for our Part, We shall not fail to punish all such as Violaters and Breakers of the Peace, both in their Bodies and Goods, as in equity and reason the Case shall require: And if We procure, or suffer to be done the Con∣trary (which God forbid!) then We will that We be reputed for false and untrue, and that we incurr such Blame and Infamy, as a King Sacred ought to incurr in such a Case. And We swear on the Body of our Lord Jesus Christ to hold, keep and accomplish the said Peace, and to do nothing contrary thereto, neither in our own Person, nor by any other, in any manner of case. And to the intent that these said Bonds should be fulfilled, We bind Us, and our Heirs, and all the Goods of Us and of our Heirs, to our said Brother of France and to his Heirs; and also We swear on the Holy Gospels by Us corporally touched, that We will perform, hold and ac∣complish in the foresaid Cases, all the said Things by Us promised and accorded. And We will, that in like case our said Brother or his Deputies, in Place, Time and Manner as aforesaid, present unto Us his Letters, with a like Assurance on his Part comprised therein to the Effect and Strength of our Letters, which We have promi∣sed and delivered as aforesaid: Always saved and reserved by Us, our Heirs and Succes∣sors, that the said Letters above-incorporated be of none Effect, nor bring unto Us any manner of Prejudice or Dammage, untill the time that our said Brother and Ne∣phew have made, sent and delivered unto Us the foresaid Renunciations according to the manner above-devised: And till that be done, these our Letters not to be against Us, our Heirs or Successors in any manner of wise, but in the foresaid Case. In wit∣ness whereof We have set our Seal to the present Letters;

Dated at Calais, 24 of October in the Year of our Lord MCCCLX.

XVI. The same Letters were set forth in the Name of King John of the same Date, and besides them there a 5.10 are others, which contain the Renunciation of the French King, the Tenor whereof followeth.

JOHN, by the Grace of God King of France,

to all, unto whom these Presents shall come, Greeting:

We give you to know; that We have promised, and do promise to render, or cause to be ren∣dred and deliver'd really, and de facto to the King of England, Our Most Dear Brother, or to his Especial Deputies in that part, at the Augustin Fryars within the Town of Bruges, on the Day of the Feast of St. Andrew next coming, in one Year, Letters sealed with our Great Seal, bound with Silk and Green-Wax, on Con∣dition

that our said Brother shall make the Renuntiations, which he ought to make on his Part and on the Part of our Most Dear Nephew, his Eldest Son, and shall have rendred them to our People, or Deputies at the said Place and Time, in Man∣ner, as they are obliged; of which our Letters, the Tenor word for word follow∣eth. JOHN, by the Grace of God, King of France, We give to know unto all pre∣sent and to come; that whereas Mortal Wars have long endured, between our Most Dear Lord and Father, late King of France, when living, and after his Decease be∣tween Ʋs on the one Part, and the King of England, our Brother, who challenged un∣to himself to have Right to the said Realm, on the other Part, having brought ma∣ny great Damages, not only unto Ʋs and to all our Realm, but to the Neighbouring Realms also, and to all CHRISTENDOM: For by the said Wars oftentimes have happen'd Mortal Battles, Slaughters, Ravagings, and Destruction of People, and Pe∣ril of Souls; Deflowring of Damsels and Virgins, Dehonestation of Married Women and Widows, Burning of Towns, Abbeys, Mannors and Edifices, Robberies and Oppres∣sions; a Disuse of the Roads and Ways; Justice faileth; the Christian Faith is waxen cold; and Merchandise decayeth; and so many other Mischiefs and horrible Deeds have ensued thereupon, that the Numbers thereof cannot be said nor written: Where∣by those of our Realm, and of other Realms in Christendom, have sustained many Afflictions and Irreparable Losses: Wherefore We, considering and revolving the Evils aforesaid, and how it is probable, that Worser may follow in time to come; and ha∣ving great Pity and Compassion of our Good and Loyal People, who so firmly and Loy∣ally have bore themselves for so long a time in true Constancy and Obedience towards Ʋs; by exposing their Bodies and their Goods to all Dangers, without declining ex∣pences or charges; whereof We ought to keep a perpetual Remembrance: We have therefore several times yielded to a Treaty of Peace, chiefly by means of the Honourable Fathers in God, several Cardinals, and Messengers of our Holy Father, the Pope, our Beloved and Faithfull, the Abbot of Cluigny, Father Simon de Langres, Professor in Divinity, Master of the Order of Fryars-Preachers, and Hugh de Geneve Lord of Autun, who were then with the said King of England in his Host, and went and came so often between Charles our most Dear Eldest Son, and between the said King of England, our Brother, and in sundry places held Treaties on the one Part and on the Other, to Confer and Treat of a Peace between Ʋs (who were then in England) and the said King of England, and the Realms of the One and of the Other. And at last they assembled the Treaters and Procurators on the part of Ʋs and of our said Son, for the Matters above written, and the special Deputies, Procurators and Treaters of our Nephew, the Prince of Wales, Eldest Son of the said King of England, our Bro∣ther, having Power and Authority from his said Father in that part at Bretigny near Chartres: At which place it was conferred, treated, and accorded by the Treaters and Procurators of the One Part and of the Other, concerning all the Discords, Dissen∣tions, and Wars, which We and the said King of England, our Brother, have had One against the Other: The Which Treaty and Peace the Procurators of our Son for Ʋs and for Him, and our said Nephew, the Prince of Wales, Eldest Son of the said King, our Brother, for his Father and himself, sware on the Holy Gospels to hold and maintain: And after that our said Son sware solemnly for Ʋs and for Himself, and our said Nephew, the Prince of Wales, having Power thereto, sware for his said Fa∣ther, our Brother, and for Himself; and We, after these things thus done, and unto Ʋs reported and declared, considering, that the said King of England, our Brother, had agreed and consented to the said Treaty, and would hold, keep, and accomplish that and the Peace, on his part, the same Treaty and Peace, being undertaken by advice and consent of sundry of our Blood and Lineage, Prelates of Holy Church, Dukes, Earls, as well Peers of France, as others, Clergy and Men of the Church, Barons, Knights, and other Nobles, Burgesses, and other Wise Men of our Realm, to appease the Wars, and the Evils, and Griefs aforesaid, wherewith the People had been so hardly used, rather than for our Deliverance, to the Honour and Glory of the King of Kings, and for Reverence of Holy Church, of our Holy Father, the Pope, and of his said Mes∣sengers, have consented, and do consent unto, and ratifie, admit, and approve thereof: And whereas by the said Treaty and Peace, We ought to deliver and resign, and do give, deliver, and resign, as is contained in our other Letters made therefore more ful∣ly unto our said Brother, the King of England for ever, for Him and his Heirs and Successors, to hold perpetually and for ever, all those things which follow, in like man∣ner, as We and our said Son, or any of our Ancestors, Kings of France, have held them in time past: That is to say, what is in Sovereignty, to hold in Sovereignty, and

what in Demaine, to hold in Demaine; namely, the City, Castle, and Earldom of Po∣ctiers, and all the Land and Country of Poictou; also the Fief of Thoüars, and the Land of Belleville; the City and Castle of Sainctes, and all the Land and Country of Sainctogne, on this and on that side the Charente; the Town and Castle of Rochelle, and their appurtenances; the City and Castle of Agen, and the Land and Country of Agennois; the City, Castle, and Earldom of Perigeux, and the Land and Country of Pe∣rigort; the City and Castle of Limoges, and the Land and Country of Limosin; the Ci∣ty and Castle of Cahors, and all the Land and Country of Quercy; the City, Castle, and Country of Tarbe; the Land, Country, and Earldom of Bigorre; the Earldom, Land, and Country of Gaure; the City and Castle of Angoulesme, and the Earldom, Land, and Country of Angoulesmois; the City and Castle of Rodes, and the Land and Country of Rouvergue; and moreover that which the King of England, or any of the Kings of England, anciently held in the Town of Montrevil upon the Sea, and its ap∣purtenances: Item, the County of Ponthieu all entirely, save, and except, according to the Tenor of the Article, contained in the said Treaty, which makes mention of the said County; Item, the Town and Castle of Calais; the Town and Lordship of Merk; the Towns, Castles, and Lordships of Sangate, Coulogne, Hames, Wale, and Oye; with the Lands, Woods, Marishes, Rivers, Rents, Lordships, and other things con∣tained in the said Article; Item, the Castle, Town, and Earldom of Guisnes all entirely, with all the Lands, Towns, Castles, Forts, Places, Men, Homages, Lordships, Woods, Fees, and Rights, according to the Tenour of the Article, making mention thereof more fully in the said Treaty; and the Isles adjacent to the Lands, Countries, and Places aforenamed, together with all other Islands, which the said King of England holdeth at present, or held at the time of the said Treaty: And whereas by the Form and Tenor of the said Treaty and Peace, We and our said Brother, the King of England, owe and have promised by Faith and by Oath, One to the Other, and are bound, We and our said Brother, and our Eldest Sons aforesaid, by obligation and promises, by Faith and by Oath, made on the One Part and on the Other, certain Renunciations the One to the Other, according to the Form and Tenor of two Articles, contained among others in the said Treaty and Peace, the Form whereof is this: Item, it is accorded, that the King of France and his Eldest Son the Regent, for them and for their Heirs, and for all the Kings of France and their Successors, as soon as may be, and at the far∣thest by the Feast of St. Michael next coming in one Year, without fraud or deceit, shall render, yield, and deliver to the said King of England, and to all his Heirs and Successors, and shall convey unto them all the Men, Honours, Regalities, Obedi∣ences, Homages, Allegiances, Vassalages, Fiefs, Services, Recognizances, Oaths, Rights, Mere and Mixt Empire, all manner of Jurisdictions, High and Low, Resorts, Safeguards, and Lordships, and Superiorities, which appertain'd, or may in any wife appertain to the Kings of France, and to the Crown, or to any other Person, because of the King and Crown of France, at any time, in Cities, Counties, Castles, Lands, Countries, Isles, and Places aforenamed, or in any of them and their appurtenances and appendages whatsoever, or in the Persons thereof, Vassals, or Subjects whatso∣ever, be they Princes, Dukes, Earls, Vicounts, Archbishops, Bishops, and other Prelates of the Church, without retaining or reserving any thing therein to themselves, their Heirs and Successors, or any of the Kings of France, or any other whatsoever, because of the King and Crown of France, whereby they, their Heirs and Successors, or any King of France, may challenge or demand any thing in time to come of the King of England, his Heirs and Successors, or of any of the Vassals and Subjects a∣foresaid; in regard of the Countries and Places abovenamed; so as all the above-na∣med Persons, their Heirs and Successors shall for ever be Liege-men and Subjects to the King of England, and to his Heirs and Successors; and that the King of England, his Heirs and Successors, shall have and hold all the Persons, Cities, Counties, Lands, Countries, Isles, Castles, and Places above-named, and all their Appurtenances and appendages: And the Premises shall remain unto them fully, freely, and for ever, in their Dominion, Sovereignty, Obeisance, Allegiance, and Subjection; as the Kings of France at any time ever had, or held them: And that the said King of England, his Heirs and Successors, shall have and hold for ever all the Countries above-named, with their appurtenances and appendages, and other things aforesaid, with all Franchise and perpetual Liberty, as Sovereign and Liege-Lords, and as Neighbours to the King and Realm of France, without Recognizing any Sovereign, or doing any Obedience, Homage, Resort, or Subjection, and without doing in any time to come any Service or Recognizance to the Kings, or to the Crown of France, for the Cities, Coun∣ties,

Castles, Lands, Countries, Isles; Places, and Persons above-named, or for any of them. Item, It is agreed, that the King of France and his Eldest Son, shall Re∣nounce expresly the said Resorts and Sovereignty, and all the Right, which they have and may have in all those things, which by this present Treaty ought to be∣long to the King of England: And likewise the King of England and his Eldest Son shall expresly Renounce all those things, which by this present Treaty ought not to be deliver'd unto, or abide with, the King of England, and especially the Name and Right of the Crown and Realm of France; the Homage, Sovereignty, and Demaine of the Dutchy of Normandy, of the Dutchy of Touraine, of the Earldoms of An∣jou and Maine, the Sovereignty and Homage of the Dutchy of Bretagne; the So∣vereignty and Homage of the Country and Earldom of Flanders; and all other De∣mands, which the King of England hath made, or may make against the King of France for whatsoever cause it may be, saving and excepting, what by this present Treaty ought to remain and be rendred to the King of England and his Heirs. And the two Kings shall convey, resign, and quit, the One to the Other for ever, all the Right, that each of them hath or may have, to those things, which by this pre∣sent Treaty ought to remain and to be rendred to each of them; as for the time and place, when and where the said Renunciations shall be made, the two Kings shall con∣fer and agree together at Calais: Now We, to uphold and accomplish the Articles, Peace, and Accord aforesaid, do Renounce expresly all Resorts and Sovereignties, and all Right, which we have and may have in all the things aforesaid; which We have rendred and deliver'd, and resign'd to the said King of England, our Brother, and which from this time forth ought to remain and appertain unto him by the said Treaty and Peace: In respect, that He and the said Prince, his Eldest Son, have Renoun∣ced expresly all those things, which by the said Treaty ought not to be rendred unto, nor to remain with, the said King of England, our Brother, for him and for his Heirs and all Demands, which he maketh or may make against Ʋs: And especially the Name and Right of the Crown and Realm of France; the Homage, Sovereignty, and Demain of the Dutchy of Normandy; of the Dutchy of Touraine; of the Counties of Anjou and Maine; the Sovereignty and Homage of the Dutchy of Bretagne; the Sovereignty and Homage of the Earldom and Country of Flanders; and all other Demands, which the said King of England maketh or may make of Ʋs, for any cause whatsoever; saving and excepting what by this present Treaty, ought to remain and to be rendred to the said King of England and his Heirs: And unto him We convey, yield, and resign, and He unto Ʋs, and each to Other, to the best of our Power, all the Right, which either of Ʋs might, or may have in all those things, which by the said Treaty and Peace ought to remain and be deliver'd to either of Ʋs: Saving still and reserving to the Churches and to Men of the Church, that which to them appertaineth, and all that which hath been usurped and detained from their Hands by occasion of the Wars; that this be rendred and delivered unto them: And that the Towns, and Forts, and all the Inhabitants thereof shall be and remain in such Liberties and Franchises, as they were before they came into our Hands and Dominion, and that to be confirmed unto them by the said King of England, if he shall be thereto required; and that We do not the contrary in any of the Matters aforesaid; And (as to this point) We sub∣mit our selves, our Heirs and Successors, to the Jurisdiction and Coërcion of the Church of Rome, and We Will and consent, that our Holy Father, the Pope, shall confirm all these things, in giving Monition and General Commands for the accomplishment thereof, a∣gainst Ʋs, our Heirs and Successors, and against all our Subjects, be they Commons, Colleges, Ʋniversities, or single Persons whatsoever, and in giving General Sentences of Excommunication, Suspension, or Interdiction, to be incurred by Ʋs and by them who shall do the contrary: And that the said Sentences may fall upon Ʋs, or them as soon as We, or They, act or endeavour, by seising any Town, Castle, City, Fort, or any thing doing, ratifying, or consenting, in giving Counsel, Comfort, Favour, or A••d, privily or openly against the said Peace: Of which Sentences they shall not be absolved; till they shall have made full satisfaction to all those, who by that Act have sustained or suffer'd Damages: And moreover to the Intent, that this said Peace be more firmly kept and holden for ever, We Will and Consent, that if any Pacts, Confederations, Alliances, and Covenants, howsoever they be called, shall be any way Prejudicial to the said Peace, at this Present, or in time to come; even suppose, they be confirmed and deliver'd on certain Penalties, or by Oath, or ratified by Authority of our Holy Father, the Pope, or any other, they shall notwithstanding be ipso facto can∣celled and of none effect, as contrary to the Common Good, to the Advantage of the

Publick Peace, unprofitable to all CHRISTENDOM, and displeasing unto God: And all Oaths made in such Cases shall be released and disannulled by our said Holy Fa∣ther, the Pope; that none be obliged to keep and hold such Oaths, Alliances, or Co∣venants; to the intent that in time to come the like may not be done, and if any en∣deavour the Contrary, that it be immediately void and of no effect, and rendred null and of no Vertue. And as for our parts, We shall punish all such, as Violators of the Peace, both in their Bodies and their Goods, as the Case shall require, and Reason willeth: And if We procure, or suffer to be done, the Contrary (which God forbid!) then We will, that We be held and reputed False and Ʋntrue, and We will incurr such blame and infamy, as a King Sacred ought to incurr in such a Case: And We swear on the Body of our Lord JESUS CHRIST, to hold, keep, and accomplish the things aforesaid, and not go contrary thereto, neither by our selves, nor by others in any manner of Case. In Witness whereof We have caused these present Letters to be Sealed with our Seal. Given, &c. in the Year of Grace 1360. And because that the said things, and every of them may be held and accomplished from point to point, and in form and manner aforesaid, We bind Us and our Heirs and all the Goods of Us and of our Heirs, to our said Brother of England and to his Heirs; and We swear on the Holy Gospels, by Us corporally touched, that We will per∣form, hold, and accomplish in the foresaid Case, all the said things by Us pro∣mised and accorded, as is aforesaid. And We will, that in case our said Brother and our said Nephew, shall have made the said Renunciations, and sent and deliver'd them as is said, and our said Letters shall not be deliver'd to our said Brother at the time and place in form and manner aforesaid, then our present Letters and all that is comprised therein, shall have as much Vigour, Effect, and Fruit, as have had our other Letters, by Us promised to be deliver'd, as aforesaid: Always saved and reserved by Us, our Heirs, and Successors, that the said Letters, above-incorpora∣ted, be of none effect, nor bring unto Us any manner of Prejudice or Damage; untill the time, that our said Brother and Nephew have made, sent, and deliver'd unto Us, the foresaid Renuntiations, according to the manner above devised; and that these our Letters be not against Us, our Heirs, and Successors, in any manner of Wise, but in the case aforesaid. In Witness whereof We have set our Seal to the Present Letters.

Dated at Calais the XXIV day of October, in the Year of Grace MCCCLX.

XVII. Besides these there were several other Letters devised and set forth, bearing the same Date; as b 6.1 Another Copy of King John's Renuntiation; and a more Cor∣rect Form of the Peace bearing King Edward's Name; which the King sware to a new, and these Great Men, following, as it is worded in the form;

Our most Dear Eldest Son, Prince of Wales, and our Younger Sons, Lionel Earl of Ʋlster, and Ed∣mund of Langley, and our Cousins Monsieur Philip de Navarre, and the Dukes of Lancaster and Bretagne, the Earls of Stafford and Salisbury, the Lord of Manny, Guy de Brian, Reginald de Cobham, the Captal de Buche, the Lord of Monferrant, James Audley, Roger de Beauchamp, Ralph de Ferrers, Captain of Calais, Eustace Dambreticourt, Frank van Hall, John de Moubray, Henry de Piercy, Nicolas de Camborthe, Lord of Cominges, Richard Stafford, William de Grandison, Ralph Spi∣gurnel, Gaston de Greyly, and William Burton, Knights. So likewise on the King of France's side were then sworn, his Sons, the Dukes of Anjou and Maine, and of Berry and Auvergne, the Duke of Touraine, the Duke of Orleans, his Brother, and his Cousins, the Duke of Bourbon, and James de Bourbon, John de Artois, Peter of Alenson, John of E∣stampes, Guy de Blois, the Earl of St. Paul, the Earl of Auxerre, the Earl of Har∣court, the Earl of Tancarville, the Earl of Sancerre, the Earl of Joigny, the Earl of Salebruche, the Earl of Breme, the Lord of Coucy, the Lord of Craon, the Lord of Fiennes, the Dauphin of Auvergne, the Lord of Monmorency, William de Craon, the Lord of St. Venant.

Besides all which both the Kings undertook to make the rest of their Children, and the greater part of their Nobility, Prelates, and others, to take the same Oath in order to uphold the said Peace.

XVIII. These Letters, c 6.2 called the Charter of Peace, and Letters of Renuntiation, as well of the One King, as of the Other, being all fairly drawn up, engrossed, and sealed, were then read openly in the Council Chamber, in Presence of both the Kings, their Eldest Sons, and their Councils, and seemed to either Party to be right good and well-ordained: And then again the two Kings, and their Eldest Sons, sware so∣lemnly on the Holy Gospel by them Corporally touched, and on the Body of our Lord, to keep and perform, and by no means to violate any of the Premises. And yet further by advice, and at the request of the French King and his Council, and

toward the latter end of their Conference, the King of England was urged, to give and send a General Commission to all those, who as then, under colour of the War, held Towns, Castles, and Forts in the Realm of France, whereby they should be commanded to avoid and depart. And King Edward, who at that time desired no∣thing, but that Friendship, Good-will, and Peace might be nourished between him and his Brother of France, as he had sworn and promised; readily agreed to this Rea∣sonable Request, and thereupon forthwith Order'd his Council, to draw up a Com∣mission in the Best Manner, that might be, according to the very Mind and Intent of the French King and his Council, whereupon the Chief of both the Kings Coun∣cils drew aside with their Scribes and Secretaries, and between these, by Consent of both Parties, two Commissions were drawn up and engrossed, the d 6.3 One at Large, and particularizing the Places so to be deliver'd, and the other more General, but such, as being sent to all and singular of his Captains in all parts of France, was no less effectual; the Tenour of which Letter followeth,

EDWARD, * 7.1 by the Grace of God, King of England, Lord of Ireland, and Duke of Aquitaine;

To all our Captains, Keepers of Towns and Castles, Subjects, Adhe∣rents, and Allies, being in the Parts of France, as well in Picardy, Burgundy, An∣jou, Berry, Normandy, Bretagne, Auvergne, Champaigne, Maine, Touraine, as in all the bounds and limitations, of the Demaine and Tenure of France, Greeting.

A final Peace and accord having been made between Us and our Brother of France, our Allies and Adherents, comprising all the Debates and Discords, that have been in time past or may be; to which We have sworn on the Body of Jesus Christ, and also our Eldest Son, and our other Children, and others of our Blood, with divers Prelates, Barons, and Knights, and the most Noble of the Realm of England; and in like manner hath sworn our said Brother, and our Nephew the Duke of Normandy, and other our Nephews, his Children, and divers Prelates, Ba∣rons, and Knights of the Realm of France, to keep the said Peace: Yet lest it might so fortune or fall out hereafter, that any Men of War of our Realm, or of our Subjects, should take upon them to do, or attempt any thing contrary to the Peace, in taking, or with-holding, Forts, Towns, Cities, or Castles, or in taking of Pillage, Prisoners, or Merchandise, or any other thing against the Peace; the which to Us would be right Displeasant, and We neither may, nor will suffer any such thing to pass under the shadow of Dissimulation in any manner of wise; but will with all our Power in all the said things find a Remedy: We therefore Will, Re∣quire, and Ordain by the Advice of our Council, that None of our Subjects, of whatsoever State or Condition they be, presume to do, or endeavour to do any thing contrary to the said Peace, in taking any Pillage, or in taking or with∣holding any Forts, Prisoners, or Goods, whatsoever, pertaining to the Realm of France, or to our said Brother, his Subjects, Allies, and Adherents, or any other whatsoever they be: And whosoever shall be thus Guilty of Doing against the said Peace, and will not leave or cease so to do, or will not restore again the Damages by them done, within a Month after they shall be thereto required by our Officers, Serjeants, or Publick Persons; that then by that Deed alone, without any further Process or Condemnation, they be all reputed for out-law'd, as Men cast out of our Realm and Protection, and also out of the Realm and Lands of our said Bro∣ther, and all their Goods shall be forfeited to Us and to our Demaine, and if they may be found within our Realm, We Will and Command expresly; that on them Punishment be forthwith taken, as on Traytors and Rebels against Us, according to what is accustomed to be done in the Crime of High-Treason; without giving in that case any favour, or remission, sufferance or pardon: And in like manner to be done to our Subjects, of whatsoever Estate they be, who in our Realm on this side the Sea, or on the other, take, occupy, or hold any Fort whatsoever, against the Will of those, to whom they should pertain, or that burn, or ransom Towns, or Persons, or commit any Robbery, or take any Pillage in Violation of the Peace, and in moving War within our Dominions, or on our Subjects.

And We do hereby command and expresly enjoyn all our Seneschals, Bailiffs, Pro∣vosts, Governors of Castles, and other our Officers (in avoiding of our high Displea∣sure, and on pain of losing their Offices) that they publish, or cause to be published these Presents, in certain notable Places within their Rules and Precincts; and that this our Command once seen and heard, no one be after that so hardy to remain longer in any Fort, pertaining to the Realm of France, and exempted from the Ordinance of the Treaty of the said Peace, on pain of being proceeded against, as an Enemy to Us

and to our said Brother the French King, and that they see all these Things be duly and punctually observed: And We give all persons concerned to know, that if they be negligent and fail thus to do, beside the foresaid Penalty, We shall cause them to make good all Dammages unto those, who by their Default or Negligence shall be so grieved or endammaged: And moreover We shall inflict such further Punish∣ment on them as shall make them an Example to all Others. In Witness whereof We have made these our Letters Patents.

Given at Calais the 24 Day of October, in the Year of our Lord MCCCLX.

XIX. Besides all this there were several other Letters of Alliance made, even for the space of 15 Days together, which was the time that these two Kings, their Sons and Councils were at Calais; all which time was chiefly spent in Conferring, Devising and Settling new Ordinances, not contrary to the old, but such as should better explain and confirm them. And for the greater Security, all the Letters bare one Date: All which were enrolled in the Chanceries of both the Kings, but as it is tedious to refer them hither, so also is it needless.

All these mutual Renuntiations, Covenants and Agreements were drawn up, sworn to and sealed at the same time, but e 7.2 not as yet Exchanged, because as yet the King of France was not at Liberty; and the Towns, Castles and other Places could not as yet be deliver'd. But it was now nevertheless agreed and promised, that they should be sur∣rendred to the Special Deputies on both Sides by Midsummer following, if it might be; and the Renuntiations sent at the Assumption of our Lady next ensuing to the Church of the Augustin Fryars at Bruges, to be deliver'd to those deputed to receive them. Or if they were not sent till Allhallontide after, then they were to be deliver'd in the said Church on St. Andrews day following; at which Time and Place both Kings en∣gaged to send thither, and cause to be deliver'd to the Deputies of both Parties, their and their Eldest Sons Renuntiations: But if they were not then deliver'd, not any thing agreed on was to take Effect. There was also another Instrument Dated at Ca∣lais at the same time, whereby King Edward was obliged to deliver up to the French King before Candlemas come Twelve Months, all those Castles and Towns which he now held, being Places that by Vertue of the Treaty were not to remain with him; the Particulars whereof from the Records are to be seen in my worthy Friend Esquire f 7.3 Ashmole's Elaborate History of the Garter. For the Surrender of all which the King of England made forth Commissions to several Persons, bearing Date at Calais as a∣foresaid.

Now g 7.4 also the two Kings made a League for them, their Heirs and Successors of perpetual Friendship and Alliance, to become thenceforward Faithfull Friends, and to assist each other against all Persons whatsoever, except the Pope and the Emperour: And moreover, they made a solemn Renuntiation to all Wars against each Other, their Heirs and Successors, Realms and Subjects; to both which League and Renunti∣ation their Eldest and other Sons signed, and divers of the Nobility on both Sides were sworn. And then also a Proclamation issued forth from King Edward to Thomas Holland Earl of Kent, and to all other Captains of Towns, Castles, Forts, &c. held for the King in France, for them to give Notice to all Places within their Command, of this Peace and final Accord thus made between the two Kings.

After h 7.5 all these Articles, Letters and Commissions were made, devised, finished and deliver'd, by the Advice and Consent of the Councils of England and France; so that as to that Point both the Kings were well contented; then they fell into a close Com∣munication concerning the Lord Charles of Blois, and the Lord John of Montford, and their several Claims to the Dutchy of Bretagne; for each pretended the whole and sole Right to that Heritage. Some have been so bold in venting their Opinions, as to say that King Edward and his Council were not over-warm in this Matter, and surely in meer Policy he might well enough be supposed something cool: For if now the Wars of Bretagne should be shut too, there had been no Vent left for those many boistrous Troops, which as yet lay in several Garrisons, and upon their resigning those Fortresses must needs otherwise have filled England with Theeves and Robbers. But certainly, whoever impartially observes the honourable and sincere Practices of King Edward upon all Occasions, and duly compares them with what relates to this Matter in the Articles and Letters foregoing, will not so rashly attribute the ill Success of the Treaty of Bre∣tagne to King Edwards Insincerity; but rather to the Impracticableness of the Affair it self: Since two such Valorous Young Princes had so fair a Pretence to so Noble a Duke∣dome, that there could hardly remain any Prospect of deciding the Controversie with∣out the Sword, or the Death of one of the Parties. But however it was, when now

upon Conference this New Treaty seem'd so hard to be brought to any good Issue, Henry Duke of Lancaster, who was a most valiant and expert Souldier, but chiefly fa∣vour'd the Earl of Montford, and wish'd his Advancement, spake these words to the King of France, in Presence of the King of England and the greater Part of both the Kings Councils:

Sir, said he, the Truce that was taken before Rennes between the Lord Charles of Blois, and the Earl of Montford is not yet expired, but is still to hold to the first Day of May next coming. The King of England my Master here pre∣sent, by Advice of his Council, and with Consent of my Lord the Prince his Son, shall before that time send the Young Duke, the Lord John of Montford; with certain of his Council into France to your Majesty, with full Power and Authority to confer and determine about the Right, which the said Lord John ought to have, as succeeding his Father in the Dutchy of Bretagne. So then by You and your Coun∣cil, and by Ours together, some agreeable Way may be taken between them; for the better Security of which Affair, I think it would be well to prolong the said Truce yet farther, till the Feast of St. John Baptist next following.

According to this Device of the Dukes, so it was done and concluded, and the Truce rela∣ting to Bretagne prolonged to the Feast of St. John Baptist, and then they fell to other Matters.

XX. And i 7.6 now that the Peace between England and France was fully confirmed, King John was so elevated with the Assurance of Returning into his Country, that he then first seem'd sincerely to rejoyce since his being taken Prisoner. He shew'd unto King Edward such an hearty Good-Will, that it appear'd plainly to have no mixture of Dissimulation; and to his Nephew the Prince of Wales, he declared all the endearing Signs of Royal Love and Affection that might be: As also King Ed∣ward and his Son the Prince were exceeding Frank, Generous and obligingly Open un∣to him. These two Illustrious Monarchs, who from this time till Death parted, called themselves Brethren, as a mutual remembrance of their Brotherly Amity, gave now unto Four Knights of either Party, such as chiefly in their stations had promoted this Peace, 8000 Franks of Yearly Revenues for them and their Heirs for ever; King John giving the said Summ to Four Knights of England, and King Edward a like Revenue to Four Knights of France. And at the same time, because the Lands of St. Saviour le Vicount in Coutantine in Normandy were the King of Englands Right by a Deed of Gift and Sale from the Lord Godfry Harcourt deceased, which Lands were not comprised in the Ordinance of the Treaty of Peace; so that whoever held those Lands, must do Ho∣mage therefore to the French King; King Edward k 7.7 now in respect of the many Laudable and Heroick Services of that Valiant and Renowned Knight the Lord John Chandos, gave unto him and his Heirs for ever, a Grant of the Baronies of St. Saviour le Vicount a∣foresaid, of Daunvers and Dongeville, as also of the Lands and Knights Fees of St. Mary de Montefarsellis and Romilly, and of all other the Lands and Possessions of the said Godfry of Harcourt: Which Princely Gift King John at the Request of King Edward confirmed now unto the said Lord John Chandos, he doing Homage therefore unto him, bating that Allegiance, which he owed unto his Master the King of England.

And now, when all the foresaid Agreements were as well made and devised, and as firmly established, as Human Wit could contrive; so that it seem'd by reason of the sundry strict and solemn Engagements, Counter-bonds and mutual Obligations, be∣tween the two Kings and their Sons, that the Peace would prove everlasting; and when the Hostages were all come to Calais, and the 400000 Crowns of Gold were paid down to the King of England, and the remaining 200000 secured, which was the First Payment, then King Edward made a most Royal and Magnificent Supper for the French King within the Castle of Calais, at which the Black-Prince and his Three Brethren, Lionel, John and Edmund, with the Greatest Lords and Barons of England, served the two Kings bare-headed. After Supper the two Kings bad each other Good Night in the most Obliging Manner imaginable; King Edward remaining still in the Castle, and King John going to his Lodgings in the Town, which had been prepared for him upon his being set at Liberty.

The next Morning l 7.8 being the 25 of October, and a Sunday, King John and all those, who were to go with him took his leave of Calais, and rode forth of the Town in the Forenoon, King Edward himself conveying him a Mile onward of his Way; and then the two Kings took their Last Leave of each other with Kissings and Embra∣cings. King Edward return'd to Calais, but John from that time left his Horse, and would go by way of Pilgrimage on Foot to our Lady of Boulogne, to pay his Vows

for his Delivery; the Prince of Wales, and two of his Brethren, Lionel and Edmund bearing him Company. At Boulogne they were all received with great Joy by the Duke of Normandy, who tarried there for them; and after Dinner the French King, and all the Great Princes and Lords of England and France there present, went on Foot to the Church of our Lady, where with great Devotion they made their Offe∣rings, and then returned to the Great Abby, which was furnished to receive the French King and the Lords of England. The next Day the King of France m 7.9 set forth sundry Commissions, Proclamations, Copies of the Peace and Renunciations, all bearing Date at Boulogne 26 of October, being of the same Nature with the Letters and Papers afore-mentioned; and on that same Day the Prince of Wales, and his Bre∣thren with all their Company took leave of King John, and return'd to Calais to the King their Father.

XXI. As for King Edward, now that he had so happily effected his Designs, on the last of October, he went on Board and set Sail for England, with the Princes his Sons, and the Hostages of France in his Company, being Thirty of those Fourty mention'd in the XV Article; only Lewis King Johns Son, who then had but the Name of Earl, was now lately by his Father made Duke of Anjou and Maine, and John his Brother, at that time Earl of Poictiers, was now made Duke of Auvergne and Berry, because the Earldom of Poictiers by Vertue of the Peace belonged to King Edward.

On the First of November early in the Morning the King of England landed safely at Dover, and two Days after went to Canterbury, where he made his Offerings at the Shrine of St. Thomas, and return'd his Thanks to God for bringing his Wars to so happy a Conclusion. He came not to London till the Ninth of November, at what time he gave Command * 7.10 to all his Officers on certain Penalties, that they should bear themselves kind and favourable to the Lords of France his Hostages, and to the Bur∣gesses of the Good Towns, and all their Company; and upon occasion to take their Part and defend them from all Affronts, Injuries and Abuses whatsoever: Which Com∣mand of the Kings was punctually observed; so that the Frenchmen took their Prea∣sure about the City, and used Hunting and Hawking, and rode into the Country to take the Air, and went to Masks and Balls, and visited the Ladies and Gentle∣women without any Controul; they found the King so Courteous and Free unto them.

On the 27 of November the Pope directed his Letters Gratulatory to the King or France, wherein he sets forth his own great Joy at the News of his happy Delivery, advises him to cherish and observe the Peace with King Edward, to respect the Clergy, to follow Justice, to defend the Poor, to admit Sage and Prudent Persons to his Coun∣cil, to repress Pillagers, and those who robbed both Church and State. The Copy of which Letter is to be seen n 7.11 in Odoricus Rainaldus, bearing Date Aven. V. Kal. De∣cemb. Anno Pontificatús VIII.

XXII. And now we have ended the most Remarkable Matters of this Great Year, but we must not forget to shew, how God Almighty usually tempers the Felicities of this Life with Losses and Afflictions; as, thô so happy and honourable a Peace was established with England, several High and Noble Personages to her great Loss went now unto their latest Homes, besides all those of the Nobility and Others, who died by that strange Tempest before Chartres; and besides the Lord Roger Earl of March, whom we have already shewn to have departed this Life on the 26 of February at Rou∣vray in Burgundy.

On the o 7.12 24 of January there deceased in the English Army before Rheims, the Noble and Valiant Lord John Vere Earl of Oxford, Lord of Bolebec, Lord and Baron of Samford, and Lord High-Chamberlain of England, in the 47 Year of his Age; being succeeded in his Lands and Dignities by the Lord Thomas Vere his Eldest Son and Heir, at that time 23 Years old. So that 'tis a Mistake in Walsingham and in Stow, who for want of Judgment follows implicitly others Errors; where Thomas Earl of Oxford is said to have died at this time, whereas it should be John, who was Father to Earl Thomas.

On the p 7.13 16 of September there also died, the High-born and Noble Lord William Bohun, that Martial Earl of Northampton, Lord High-Constable of England, and Knight of the Garter, who was younger Brother to Humphry Bohun, Earl of Here∣ford and Essex, Knight also of the same Glorious Order, and Son to Elisabeth the q 7.14 Seventh Daughter of King Edward the First of England, whose two Sisters by the same Daughter of King Edward, were married, the Eldest to James Butler, the Fast Earl of Ormond of that Name, from whom is descended the present Thrice-Noble

Duke of Ormond, and the Second Sister was married to Hugh Courtney First Earl of Devonshire. Shortly r 7.15 after, his Brother Humphry Bohun, Earl of Hereford and Essex departed also this Life without Issue, so that his Titles were added to Humfry Bohun, Son and Heir of this William Earl of Northampton; but he dying some thirteen Years after left only two Daughters, so that the Male Line of this Noble Family became thereby extinct.

On the s 7.16 Second of December there died that Valiant Warrier Sr. John Beau∣champ, Younger Son to the Earl of Warwick, Constable of Dover, Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports, and one of the Founders of the most Noble Order of the Gar∣ter. He was buried betwixt two Pillars on the South-side of the Middle Isle in the Body of St. Pauls Cathedral in London, where he had a Noble Mo∣nument, vulgarly by Mistake called Duke Humphry's Tomb, the Sculp whereof is yet preserved t 7.17 in Sr. William Dugdale's History of St. Pauls. In his Life-time u 7.18 he had built the fair House in the Parish of St. Andrew near Baynards Castle, where he usually resided: But this being after his Decease sold to King Edward III, was made use of for the Kings Great Wardrobe; and the Parson of the Parish making his Com∣plaint, that Sr. John to build this House had pulled down many small ones, which paid him Tithes, the King ordained that House to pay the Parson in lieu thereof 40 s. per annum for ever.

On the x 7.19 28 of the said Month died the Noble and Valiant Lord Thomas Hol∣land, Knight also of the Garter, and in Right of his Wife, Earl of Kent and Lord Wake; thô it doth not appear, that ever he had any Creation to that Digni∣ty. His Wife was that celebrated Beauty of the Age, Joan, commonly called the Fair Maid of Kent, Daughter of Edmund Plantagenet, Sirnamed of Woodstock, Earl of Kent, and after the Death of her two Brothers Edmund and John, who died suc∣cessively without Issue, Countess of Kent. But Common Historians call her Coun∣tess of Salisbury; the small Foundation whereof We shall now examine. This Lord Thomas Holland y 7.20 had first made a Contract with her, upon which (as he after∣wards alledged) Carnal Knowledge did ensue. Whereupon, understanding, while he was in France, that William the second Earl of Salisbury had a purpose to Wed her, by his Petition to Pope Clement VI, he complain'd of this injurious Design, fairly representing his own Precontract, and the knowledge he thereupon had of her. But that for all this the said Earl, taking Advantage of his Absence in Foreign Parts, had made a second Contract with her, and unjustly detain'd her from him: At this his Holiness, having sully discussed the Matter, gave Sentence for him, and accord∣ingly he enjoy'd her; the Earl of Salisbury, as it seems, acquiescing therein by an af∣ter Matriage z 7.21 with Elizabeth, second Daughter of John Lord Mohun of Dunstor Castle. By this Princely Paragon he left behind him a 7.22 two Sons, Thomas Holland Earl of Kent, who lived many Years after, John Holland, in time, Earl of Huntington and Duke of Excester, and a Daughter, Maud, first Wife of Peter Courtney, Nephew of Hugh Courtney, first Earl of Devonshire, and after his decease Married to Valeran, Earl of St. Paul. The Incomparable Widow, Mother of these Children, was now a∣bout two and Thirty Years of Age, but her Vertues were so singular, and her Charms so strong and attractive; that still she made shift to Captive no less a Man, than him, that had taken King John Prisoner; for the Black-Prince took her to Wife the Year following, as in due place We shall see.

At this time b 7.23 Hugh King of Cyprus died, leaving his Kingdom and the De∣fence thereof to his Son Peter; Hugh, the Son of an Elder Son Guy, being put by: This King Peter was a Man of great Valour and Fortune in the Wars a∣gainst the Saracens; of whom We shall shortly have an occasion to take some Notice.

CHAPTER the SEVENTH. * 7.24

The CONTENTS.

I. King Edward causes all his Lords and Prelates to swear to uphold the Peace, and sends Ambassadors to the Pope for a confirmation of all. II. The manner of King John's Reception at Paris after his long Imprisonment. III. The unwillingness of the Frenchmen to admit of King Edward's Government. IV. King Edward being put in Possession of all the Lands, which were to fall to him by the Treaty, makes the Lord John Chandos his Lieutenant in those parts; the said Lords Praise and Character. V. The English Garrisons deliver'd up to the French King; many of the common Souldiers whereof joyning together turn Robbers: They begin to do much mischief about Champaigne and Burgundy. VI. King John sends against them the Lord James of Bourbon, whom they overthrow. VII. Their formidable Progress; the Pope fearing their Insolence procures them to be drawn off into Italy. VIII. A se∣cond Great Plague in England, the strange Prodigies forerunning it; Its excessive Fury; it sweeps away the Good Duke of Lancaster; the Lord John Moubray and Three other Lords; with six Bishops and the Archbishop of Armagh. IX. The Black-Prince Marries the Lady Joan, Countess of Kent. X. Prince Lionel made the Kings Lieutenant of Ireland; with his Behaviour in that Place. XI. King Edward re∣stores unto the Priors Aliens, what he took from them in the Eleventh Year of his Reign.

I. KING Edward, of England a 7.25 having kept his Christmass in great Splendor at Woodstock, near Oxford, went after the Holydays to his Parliament, which he had summon'd to meet him at Westminster on the b 7.26 24^th of January: Where he communicated unto the Three Estates all the Articles, and the whole Process of the Peace, which he had made with the King of France. Both Houses were entirely satisfied with the whole Affair; and on the last of January the Archbishop of Canterbury with great Solemnity celebrated the Mass of the Holy Tri∣nity, returning Thanks to Almighty God; in which Service there was this small, but comprehensive Scripture, c 7.27 Brethren, rejoyce, be Perfect, be of good Comfort, be of one Mind; live in Peace: And the God of Love and Peace shall be with you. The Grace of our Lord Jesus Christ, and the Love of God, and the Fellowship of the Holy Ghost be with you all. Amen. After Mass, the King and his Sons standing up in pre∣sence of the French Hostages, Torches being lighted and Crosses held over the Eu∣charist and Missale, all those of the Peers, who had not sworn already to keep the Peace, took now their Oath, which also they read from Papers or Scrolls written, and signed with their own Hands; the Archbishop beginning thus, viz. We Simon, Archbishop of Canterbury, do swear upon the Holy Body of God and his Holy Gospel, firmly, as much as in Ʋs lies, to keep the Peace and Concord agreed on between the two Kings, and to do nothing contrary thereto. This being done, every Man, as he had taken the Oath, gave up his Paper to the Kings Notaries, to be laid up as a Wit∣ness to Posterity. After the same Method King John made his Lords and Estates of Parliament to swear to uphold the said Peace to their Power; and thereupon sent his Ambassadors to the Pope for his Apostolical Sanction and surer confirmation there∣of: As also King Edward did the like on his part, and among his Ambassadors We find the Lord Guy d 7.28 Brian to be One. And thus at last was this Peace as fully e∣stablished, and as strongly bound on Earth, as Humane Wisdom, or Authority, could Devise, or secure.

II. But we should say something more particularly of the French King and his Af∣fairs: We waited on him from Calais to Boulogne, and there left him; thô he did not stay long in that place; for in the e 7.29 beginning of November he went thence to Monstrevil, and thence Four Leagues farther to Hesdin, and so to the Good City of Amiens, where he tarried almost till Christmas. On St. Thomas his Day, being a Monday, he rode thence to Paris, where he was Honourably received of the Clergy

with solemn Processions, and the Universal Joy of all the People; who convey'd him with great Demonstrations of Loyal Affection to his Palace. Here He and his Son Philip, and the rest of the Cavalcade alighted; a most Royal and Magnificent Din∣ner being prepared for them. But it is not my business to declare with what Wel∣come the French King was received by all manner of People, at his return into his Realm. For he was indeed a Better Prince, than One would guess by his Ill-For∣tune, and had now been a Prisoner no less, than Four Years, One Month and six Days, viz. from the 19 of September 1356, on which day the Battle of Poictiers was fought, to the 25 of October 1360, when he was fully acquitted and went from Calais to Boulogne. Wherefore his presence was much desired of all his Subjects, and they welcom'd him, where e'r he came, with shouts and Viveleroys, and presents of Gold and Silver, and other Fair and Rich Gifts. And the Prelates and Barons of all his Realm came to Paris to Visit and Congratulate him, and they entertain'd him with Shews, and Feasts, and other Diversions to comfort his Mind, according to their Duty. And the King was hugely pleas'd with these things; it being a∣greeable to have a Right Taste of Recreation, after so much and so bitter Af∣fliction.

III. Soon after this King Edward sent over the Sea such Persons, as were Com∣mission'd by Him to take Possession in his Name of those Lands, Countries, Earl∣doms, Bayliwicks, Cities, Towns, Castles, and Forts, that were to be deliver'd un∣to him by Vertue of the Peace and Treaty. But this Matter was not over-hastily perform'd; for divers Lords in Languedoc would not at first obey the French Kings Orders to yield themselves to hold of the King of England; althô King John frankly quitted them of all the Faith, Homage, and other Tyes, wherewith they had been bound unto Him: It seem'd so hard to them to forget their Natural Lord and yield to obey Strangers. Of this Humor especially were the Lords of the far Marches, as the Earl of la Marche, the Earl of Perigort, the Earl of Cominges, the Vicount of Chasbeau Darry, the Vicount of Carmain, the Lord of Pincornet, and divers o∣thers; all who were extreamly surprized, that the French King should offer to ac∣quit them of the Resort and Homage, which they ow'd to him, and enjoyn them to pay it to the King of England. And some of them began to argue, and said, that the King ought not so to acquit them; for they affirmed, how there were in Gascogne Charters, and Privileges above 500 Years old, granted unto them by Charlemagne King of France; which signified, that their Resort and Allegiance should not be put to any other Court, but his only. And therefore at first they scrupled the Kings Commands; but King John, who was resolved to hold and perform the Articles of the Peace with all sincerity, sent his Dear Cousin the Lord James of Bourbon unto them all severally, who by good Words and found Reasons, shewing them both the necessity of Affairs, and that it was the Kings absolute Pleasure and Resolution, per∣swaded the most part of the said Lords, as the Earl of Armagnac, the Lord De la Bret, the Earl of Foix, and many others, thô much against their Wills, to become Liege-men to the King of England. The same Difficulty was found in the parts on the Sea-side, as in Poictou, Rochellois, and Sainctogne: Unto them this Composition of their King seem'd very grievous; when they saw, that thereby they were in a man∣ner cut off from their Natural Country, and that they must submit to the Govern∣ment of strangers: But especially the strong City of Rochelle, would not of a long while admit of the English Yoke, but excus'd themselves unto the King, and beg'd earnestly of him still to continue their Protector, and they wrote to him in the most endearing manner possible, desiring him in their Letters, and by their Representatives,

that for Gods sake, he would please never to acquit them of the Faith, that they ow'd unto him, nor put them out of his Demaine into the hands of Strangers; say∣ing, how they had rather be Taxed yearly even to the half of their substance, than to be subject to the English, which was a thing wholly insupportable to all true Frenchmen.

King John by these their frequent and humble Remonstrances saw well their Faith and Loyalty to him, and was very compassionate of their case; but he was a Prince of that Honour; that he had rather lose half his Kingdom, than break his Word; and it was his ordinary saying: That if Faith and Truth were banished from the rest of Mankind; nevertheless they ought to be found in the Mouth of Kings. Besides he was called upon by King Edward's Deputies, for by this backwardness of the French Nation, when it seems things were not made ready against Midsummer, the First of the times appointed for compleating these Matters, King Edward f 7.30 on the 15 of November following, constituted, Sr. Thomas Vuedale Knight, and Thomas Dun∣cent,

Licentiate in the Laws, his Agents, whom he sent to Bruges, with Power to make request to the King of France for the effectual Accomplishment of all things concluded on at Calais; and to require, that He and his Son should make the Renunciations and Transports according to all the foresaid agreements, on the Recep∣tion whereof they were enabled to give Acquittance in the King, their Masters Name. These things quickned King John in his endeavours to reduce his People to acquiesce in his Determinations; wherefore he wrote to those of Rochelle,

Desiring them to shew their Loyalty, which they so much professed, in denying themselves for his sake; that otherwise the Peace would be broken upon their account, which would be a great Imputation to his Honour, and no less Prejudice to the whole Realm of France.

Hereupon when the Rochellers saw no other Remedy, and that whether they would or no, since their King would not admit of their excuses, they should be compelled to undergo this hatefull Yoke; then at last after much adoe, they yielded full fore a∣gainst their Wills, the Honest Men of the Town saying to one another,

Well, we shall then from henceforth obey the English; but our hearts are tyed for ever to the French Interest.

And here it may be a matter of our Wonder, how it came to pass, that King Edward should ever expect otherwise from Frenchmen born; but that they would bear a foreign Rider with a Mind always ready to fling him off, upon the first occasion, as after∣wards it proved indeed. Surely, in this case, I cannot tell what to say; since that Prince's Wisdom is by no means rashly to be call'd in Question; unless, that he thought it reasonable to expect as true Service from these Men, as he had his Ancestors had constantly found from the Inhabitants of Gascogne and Guienne; and besides, being himself a Just and Gracious Prince, he might have a confidence by his Good and easie Government to bind them unto him for ever; as surely he did several, and had done all, had all been alike capeable of being justly affected with Obligations: But in∣deed nothing is more changeable and irrational, than the Vulgar, and more forgetfull of Benefits.

IV. However thus the King of England, had now the Possession and Seisin of the whole Dutchy of Aquitain, even from the River Loire to the Pirenean Mountains; and on the other side toward Flanders, of all the Earldom of Ponthieu and Guisnes, and of all the Lands, which he ought to have on that side the Sea, that is to say, in the Realm of France, by Vertue of the said Treaty. And so this Year the Lord John Chandos passed over the Sea, as Regent and Lieutenant for the King of England, in whose Name he began to take Possession of all the said Lands, and received the Faiths and Homages of all the Earls, Vicounts, Barons, Knights, and Esquires, and had deliver'd unto him by the Lord James of Bourbon, all the Towns, Forts, and other Places, which were to be deliver'd by the Tenor of the Peace. And every where he set Captains, Constables, Bayliffs, and Officers, such as he thought good to ordain: But himself resided for the most part at Niort, a strong and great Town on the Borders of Poictou, standing on la Sevre Niortoise, g 7.31 about Nine Leagues from Rochelle: Where he kept a Court, like a Prince, having an allowance sufficient for that purpose. For King Edward, who understood Men, as well as any King in his Days, sent him thither upon the account of his Sweet and Winning Behaviour, which being accompanied with exquisite Prudence and unparallel'd Courage and Conduct; made him appear the fittest Person to enter first upon that Government. And be∣cause he knew Authority would grow cheap without external Pomp and Splendor, he allow'd him to keep an house like a Prince, and set the highest Marks of Honour up∣on him; empowring him h 7.32 even to grant Pardons for Treason, Murder, and Felony, the King promising to Ratifie under his Great Seal, whatsoever he should do in such cases. Nor was this Noble Gentleman unworthy of this Advancement: For, as Froisard says, he was a Good Knight, Courteous and Benign, Well-shap'd, Li∣beral, Heroick, Wise, and Faithfull in all Matters: And had worthily behav'd himself among all Lords, Knights, Ladies, and Damsels; so that there was no Knight in his Days more generally beloved and praised of all People.

V. Now the mean while, i 7.33 that the Deputies of the King of England were taking Possession of the foresaid Lands according: to the Tenor of the Treaty; there were certain other Deputies appointed by the said King, on the Marches and Limits of France and elsewhere, who being joyned with others commission'd from the French King for that purpose, were to deliver up unto him all that which being then in Possession of the King of England, ought to go now to the King of France. In order thereto these Deputies began to cause all manner of Men of War, to avoid and depart out of the

Holds and Garrisons which they held; for the Kings Command ran strictly, that all such who held of England, should on peril of their Lives and Goods, and of being re∣puted as Enemies and Traytors to the said King, immediately leave and deliver up such Forts as they occupied to the French King and his Deputies, they being his by Vertue of the Peace. Now those Captains, Knights and Esquires, who were natural Sub∣jects to the King of England, and who valued their Duty, readily obey'd the Kings Command, and rendred up or caused to be rendred the Places under them: But some refused to obey, pretending now to make War in the Name and Title not of King Edward, but of the King of Navarre, thô that King was now a Friend to the House of France. There were also many Strangers, great Captains and Robbers, who would not depart upon any account, as Almaines, Brabanders, Flemings, Hainalders and o∣thers, besides some wicked Renegadoes both of England and France, who being poor, thought it the best way to enrich themselves by making War still in France. And moreover many Hundreds of Common Souldiers, whom their Captains, having resign'd up their Fortresses according to King Edwards Command, had dismissed and disbanded, gather'd themselves now together again, as thinking it better to continue the Wars with others like themselves, than to return home to their poor Trades; and perhaps ma∣ny of them durst not go home again, they were guilty of such Villanies, or so mighti∣ly in Debt.

These Men being thus gather'd together elected from among them new Captains, the main Qualities which recommended them to their Choice, besides Courage and Skill in Arms, being Cruelty, Lust, and Love of Rapine. At first they rode about in small Companies, and made their general Rendezvous in Champaigne, then in Burgundy, where they assembled in great Numbers, being called Les Tard-Venus, or the Late-Comers in respect of the other Companions, who had before pillaged and destroy'd the Flower of all the Country. These Robbers for their first Handsell went and took by Surprise the strong Fortress of Joinville, where they found great Riches; for all the Country thereabouts had entrusted the best of their Goods to the strength of that Place. The Spoils taken here were estimated to the Value of an hundred thousand Franks, a•••• given up wholly to the Conquerours, who kept the Castle for some time, overrunning and wasting from thence the Country of Champaigne, and the Bishopricks of Verdun in Burgundy, and Langres in Champaigne, and when they had sufficiently ravaged these Parts, then they sold the Castle of Joinville to those of the Country for 20000 Franks. This done, they enter'd into Burgundy, where they rested them∣selves, expecting a Reinforcement of Men like themselves; all which time they were not idle, but practised many Villanous Deeds: For they had among them several Knights and Esquires, Renegadoes even of those Parts, who directed where and how to get Plunder and do Mischief. They lay a long while about Besancon, Dijon and Beaulne, chief Cities of Burgundy, and robbed and commanded all the Country about; for there were none to encounter them. After this they took the Town of Givry in Bresse which they plunder'd, and so tarried thereabout, because that was a plentifull Country, and daily their Numbers encreased: For all the Common Souldiers, that came out of English Fortresses, and had leave of their Captains to go whither they pleased, drew thitherward continually; so that by Lent they were in all about 16000 strong.

Now when they saw themselves so considerable, they began to ordain among them Captains and Leaders, whom they promised to obey in all things: For even wicked Societies cannot hold together without Order: And the Chief of their Captains were these, Sr. Seguin de Batefoil a Knight of Gascogne, who had no less than 2000 Fighting Men: Taillebert of Talleboton, Guyot du Pyn, the little Mechin Battailler, the Wick∣ed Hanekin Francois, the Burgrave de Lesparre, Nandon de Bergerac, the Burgrave de Boure, the Burgrave of Bretuel, Nucharg, Aberdenny a Scot, Bourdonnel a German, Bernard de la Salle an Hainalder, Lortingo de la Salle his Kinsman, Robert Briquet, Edmund of Ortigo, Sr. Garses du Chastel, Gironet de la Baulx, Carnelle and Others: Who being thus gather'd together about Midlent, resolved to go to Avignon to give the Pope and Cardinals a Visit, more for the love of Prey than Devotion; for whatever Treasure the Church might then have in Heaven, they laid up some Treasures also on Earth, as well as Men of the World. Wherefore these Late-Comers went thitherward thrô the Land of Masconnois, intending for the Earldom of Foretz or Forestes that plentifull Country, and towards Lyon on the River Rhosne.

VI. When King John heard of all this, and how these Robbers daily encreased and ravaged his Realm, he was infinitely displeased, for his Council told him, that without

a speedy remedy these Evil Companions might encrease so strangely, as to be able to do more Mischief than ever was done by the Englishmen themselves in time of War: Wherefore they advised him to send against them a well form'd Army without any more delay. Then the King wrote his Special Letters to his Cousin, the Lord James of Bourbon, k 7.34 Earl of la Marche, who was at that time in the Town of Mompellier in Languedoc, having newly put the Lord John Chandos in Possession of divers Lands, Cities, Towns, Castles, Forts and other Places thereabout, belonging to the King of England by Vertue of the Peace, as we said before. The King in his Letters desired his Cousin of Bourbon to be his Chief General, to muster Souldiers to a sufficient Num∣ber, till he should find himself able to keep the Field, and then go forth and fight a∣gainst these Companions and root them out. The Lord of Bourbon immediately on re∣ceipt of these Letters, went Post to the City of Agen in Agennois, whence he issued out his Letters, and sent Messengers into all Parts, desiring and commanding in the Kings Name, all Knights and Esquires to come to him ready appointed for the War, which was done accordingly: For this Lord James of Bourbon was generally beloved over all France; so that every one obey'd him readily, and drew to the Place of General Rendezvous towards Lyon on the River Rhosne, from Auvergne and Limosin, from Pro∣vence and Savoy, and from the Dauphiné de Vienne; and moreover many Valiant Knights and Esquires were sent from Burgundy by the Young Duke who was not yet dead. With all these Forces the Lord James of Bourbon marched forth from Lyon, and the Parts of Masconnois and Beaujolois, and entred the Earldom of Forestes, where his Sister was Lady in Right of her Children; for the Earl of Forestes her Husband was then newly dead: Wherefore she govern'd the Country by the Hands of Sr. Re∣ginald of Forestes her Husbands Brother, who received the Lord James of Bourbon and his Company with great joy, and feasted him to his Power; as did also his two Nephews, who presented their Service to their Uncle the Earl of la Marche, to ride with him in Defence of their Country against the Companions, who were by this time about Charolle and Tornus, drawing thitherward. For when they understood how the Frenchmen were gathering together to suppress them, their Captains presently went to Council, to advise how to maintain themselves: At this time they found their Num∣ber to be no less than 16000 Fighting Men, wherefore they said among themselves,

Let us then go boldly against these Frenchmen, who are so desirous to find us out, and let us fight them at some Advantage if we can, or else without, for we are e∣nough: If Fortune favour us at this time we shall be rich for ever, as well by the Prisoners we shall take, as by the Booty of the Field; and also we shall gain such Reputation to our Arms, that none hereafter will dare to withstand us; and if we lose we have no more to care for.

Being thus agreed, they dislodged and went up the Mountains, designing to pass into the Land of Forestes and to come to the River of Loire; but in their way they found a Good Town called Charlieu in the Bailywick of Mascon, where they made a fierce Assault which lasted an whole Day; yet the Place was so well desended by the Gentlemen of the Country, that they could win nothing there. Then they marched forward, sending abroad several Detachments to scour the Country of Beaujolois, where having done considerable Dammage, they en∣tred the Bishoprick of Lyon. In their March they would be sure to take some small Hold or other every Day, where they lodged usually for the Night following, making sad Havock of all things whereever they came. One day particularly they took a Ca∣stle called Brignais, about three Leagues from Lyon, with the Lord thereof and his La∣dy in the Place; and there they lodged and refreshed themselves, and here they were certainly informed how the Lords of France were drawn into the Fields, and stood ready to receive them.

The Lord James l 7.35 of Bourbon was now again return'd to Lyon, when he understood that the Companions drew near him apace, having won the Castle of Brignais and ma∣ny other Holds, and brought the Country into great Desolation: At this News he was extreamly displeased, because he was Guardian to his Nephews, the Earl of Fo∣restes Sons, and had the Care of their Lands. Wherefore he drew into the Field and muster'd his Men, and found them to be an Army sufficient to cope with the Enemy; but first he sent out his Currours to view the Face of the Enemy, and to consider well their Number and their Order, and where he should surely find them. In the mean time these subtle Companions had taken a Mountain at Brignais near Lyon, where they so order'd themselves, that they could not be perfectly view'd, and so the best Armed Troops were conceal'd behind, and the Residue who were worse armed, and a far smal∣ler Number stood ready ranged along in Order of Battle on the Hill side. These Men

only were seen by the Lord of Bourbons Currours, whom they permitted leisurely to view them, thereby to feed them with an Errour that might prove their Bane. Being come back to the Earl of la Marche, these Men told him what they had discover'd, saying to him and the Lords about him;

Sirs, we have seen yonder Company your Enemies, and have viewed them well to our Power, and all things rightly consider'd according to the best of our Judgment, they exceed not five or six Thousand; nor are they very well arm'd neither.

Look you there now (said the Lord of Bourbon, speaking to Sr. Arnold of Cervoles the Arch-Priest)

Sir, you told me before this, that they were to the Number of 16000 Fighting Men, and now you all hear to the Contrary. Sir, said the Arch-Priest, I never believed them to be under that Number I'll assure you: But if they be, God be thanked, it is so much the better for us: Therefore now consider what you will do.

In the Name of God said the Lord of Bourbon, we will go and be the Aggressors; and with that he order'd his Battails, and set them in good Array, for now he might see his Enemies before him. Then he made certain New Knights, as the Lord Peter his Eldest Son, whose Banner was raised that Day, also his Nephew the young Earl of Forestes, the Lord of Tournon, the Lord of Malinier, and the Lord Groslee of Dauphiné, besides whom there were present at this time the Earl of Ʋzes, Sr. Reginald of Forestes, the Lord Lewis of Beaujeu, and Sr. Robert of Beaujeu his Brother, Sr. Lewis of Challon sur Saone, Sr. Hugh de Vienne, and divers other Good Knights and Esquires, to the Number m 7.36 of 2000 Men of Arms, all desirous to advance their Honours, and to overthrow these Companions, that thus ravaged the Country without any pretence or reason. The Arch-Priest and divers of the most expert Knights, that were present said plainly, how it would be best to wait till their Enemies had left that Mountain, and so they should have more Ad∣vantage over them: But this Counsel being overrul'd, Sr. Arnold Cervoles the Arch-Priest had order to begin with his Battail, for he was a good Commander, and had with him 1600 Chosen Men. Now the Companions on the Mountain saw well all the French Order, but the French could discover nothing of them, but only those who being evil arm'd, were set there to amuse and deceive them. And yet even those Men were very advantagiously posted; for the Ascent of the Hill was difficult, and they had among them a 1000 Cart-load of great Stones, which did them that Day extraordi∣nary good Service. The Frenchmen who are naturally soon wrought into Security and a confidence of Success, were very eager to set upon their Enemies: But for all that they could do, they could not ascend the Mountain directly to come to them, it was so steep, wherefore of necessity they were obliged to coast about, till they came al∣most unto them. But then this worst-arm'd Battail of the Companions, who had by them a vast provision of sharp and heavy Stones, began to cast them down on them that approached, with such Violence, that they beat down, slew, hurt and maimed a great Number: Insomuch that they neither could nor durst approach any nearer. Wherefore presently the first Battail of Frenchmen was so sore beaten, bruised, disor∣der'd and trampled on, that all the Day after they were able to do but little Good. To their succour therefore came now the Lord James of Bourbon, his Son and his Ne∣phews with their Banners, bringing up the other two Battails, who all went forward with great Courage only to be flung away, as we shall shortly see; so that 'tis a great pitty they had not taken the Arch-Priests Advice, and order'd their Affairs more discreetly. Now as the Lord James and the other Lords, with their Banners and Penons before them approached valiantly, coasting the Mountain, the worst-armed Battail of the Com∣panions entertain'd them with their old Trade of flinging Stones so fiercely, that the boldest of them was glad to stand at a Bay. And while the French were thus attemp∣ting to get forward, and their Enemies to keep them off, the great, fresh and well-ar∣med Battail of the Companions, consisting of 10000 chosen Men, which had not yet been seen, found a way and came about the Mountain well ranged, and having cut their Spears to six Foot length, came on with a great Shout, and fell in among the Frenchmen, of whom at the first Meeting they overthrew Hundreds to the Earth. Truly for such a Surprise the French did their Devoir and fought valiantly; but the Companions had the Advantage by the suddenness of their Attack, and were in a man∣ner equal to them in Number; but above all they fought with such Ardour and Cou∣rage, that it was wonderfull: And still the Stones came thundring on the Frenchmens Helmets and Shields, riveing of Bucklers, and striking down, bruising and maiming of Men: So that the Victory presently enclined to the Worse Side, and a Righteous Cause miscarried for want of Discretion. The Arch-Priest did all that a good Captain and a Valiant Gentleman was capable of doing, but at last he was there taken Prisoner, ha∣ving

first received many grievous Wounds; and with him several Knights and Esquires of the first Battail. The Lord James of Bourbon Earl of la Marche, and his Son Sr. Peter, were both very much wounded; the young Earl of Forestes, his Uncle Sr. Re∣ginald, the Earl of Ʋzes, Sr. Robert of Beaujeu, Sr. Lewis of Challon, and above an 100 Knights more were taken. Those that fled from the Battle escaped to Lyon, whither also, thô not without much labour and difficulty, the Lord James of Bourbon, and his Eldest Son Sr. Peter, were brought on Shields by their trusty Servants. For their Hurts all the City was very sorry, and the Ladies and Gentlewomen of the Town went themselves to visit them, and to dress their Wounds; but within three Days the Lord James of Bour••on died, and Sr. Peter his Son followed him a little after, to the gene∣ral Regret of all Mankind especially of the King of France: Yet neither he nor any else, had any other Remedy but Patience, and a Resolution to revenge their Death. This Battle was thus fought at Brignais near Lyon, on the * 7.37 26 of March being a Good-Friday, in the Year of our Lord MCCCLXI.

VII. At this Disaster all the Country was struck with horrour, and it was generally feared, that the Companions would be rendred invincible by these Successes, and would also grow more numerous thereupon, unless it should please God to put a speedy stop to their mad Career. But as for them, they grew more insolent and wicked than ever, being now strong and formidable, and rich also with the Booty of the Field, and the Ransoms they were to have for Prisoners. And immediately after this Victory, having surmounted all Opposition, they overspread the whole Land of Forestes, and rob'd and ravag'd, and did what they pleased wherever they came: For now they were so strong, that hardly here and there a few of the most Desensible Fortresses were able to resist them. Wherefore within a while after, that the Desolation which they carried along with them, had render'd the Country unable to bear them any longer, they divided into two Parts; the Lesser by far consisting but of 3000 Fighting Men, followed Sr. Seguin Batefoile, who went and kept Garrison at Ance on the Soane about 4 Leagues from Lyon, which Place he fortified exceedingly; and here he flesh'd himself, till he was gorged like any Horsleech. For he commanded all the Marches thereabouts, that Coun∣try being as then one of the most plentifull in the whole World; that is to say, all the Land on each side the River of Soane, as Masconnois, the Archbishoprick of Lyon, Beau∣jolois, as far as to la Marche, Bourbonnois and Nivernois: All which Parts he overtan and rob'd, and ransom'd People at his pleasure. Being glutted here he sent forth some Troops which wan by Scalado the good City of Brioude in Auvergne, where after∣wards he tarried above a Year, having so well fortified it, that he now feared neither Siege nor Surprise: And from hence he overran the Lands about Clermont, Monferrand, Riom, La Cheze Dieu, Nonnotte, Issoire and all the Country of Avergne, the Earl thereof being then an Hostage in England; at all which Places he did much Mischief and got huge Spoils. And having thus at last utterly harassed the Country, he then went away by Composition into Gascogne whence he came, and ever after lived more re∣gularly.

The mean while the greater Part of this Company amounting to 13000 Men and upwards, after the Battle of Brignais, took their way towards Avignon, saying, they would now visit the Pope and his Cardinals, and have some of their Money, or else live upon their Lands: And so in their March they tarried here and there, to gather up the Ransom of such Prisoners as they had taken, and to see if the Peace between France and England would hold or not. In their way they took Towns and Fortresses as they pleased, none daring to hold out against them; their Renown being so great, and the Experience as well as Courage of the People of those Parts being so little: For they had not been used to the War. Now the Captains of these Robbers had intelligence, how that in the City of Pont St. Esprit about seven Leagues from Avignon, all the Treasures and Riches of the Country were gathered together, in Confidence of the Places Strength. Wherefore they held a close Consult among themselves, how to win this Fortress; for besides the Spoil thereof, they should then be Masters of the River Rhosne, and consequently of the City of Avignon. At last according as they had de∣vised, Guyot du Pyn and the Little Mechin rode with their Troops, being 3000 Select Men and Horses, no less than fifteen Leagues in one Night, so that the next Mor∣ning by Break of Day they came suddenly to Pont St. Esprit, which they present∣ly took by Surprise, and so became Masters of all that was therein; the more the Pitty: For there they slew many an Innocent Person, and violated many Honest Damsels, and wan innumerable Riches, and Provision enough to keep them all an whole Year.

When the other Companions, English, Gascognors, French, and Germans, who yet held Garrisons in France, and would not deliver them up at the Command of any Man living; for they said,

they must live, and War was the only trade they could live by:

I say, when these Men heard of the Success of those other Companions, then they yielded up what they held on Composition, and marched all toward Pont St. Esprit, in hopes to partake with them in their Success. And here altogether they held their Chief Garrison, being at liberty, now to ride into France, and now into the Empire, as they pleas'd, without Danger. From hence almost every day they sent out strong Detachments even to the Gates of Avignon, whereat the Pope and Cardinals were in a great Consternation: For they heard, how their Chief Captains were the greatest Enemies to Religion, and Despisers both of God and Man. So that Pope n 7.38 Innocent. VI, and the College of Cardinals, seeing their Danger, sent a serious Embassy to the Emperour of Germany, and the Lords of Almaine, and moreover they ordained a solemn Croisade, or an Holy Expedition against these more than Heathen Christians; since they did their endeavour to destroy all Christendom, as other Bands, like them, had attempted before; without the least just Pretence or Title of Reason. For indeed they robbed, and took whatever they could lay hands on, Holy or Profane, violating and ravishing Nunns, and other young Maids and Wo∣men, without the least remorse, and slaying Men, Women, and Children without Mercy; thô they had never given them the least shadow of offence: And those, who were most notorious in the Practise of these Villanies, were in greatest esteem with them. Upon which account the Pope and his Cardinals preached openly this Croi∣sade, and absolved ab omni poenâ & oulpâ all those, who would undertake this cause of Religion, and would adventure their Bodies to destroy this accursed People. The Lord Peter of Monstier, Cardinal of Arras, by some called Cardinal of Ostia, was appointed chief Captain of this Croisade, who immediately leaving Avignon, went to Carpentras, where he began to retain all manner of Men of War, especially such as de∣sired to save their Souls in purchasing by the hazard of their Bodies the foresaid Par∣dons and Indulgences: But of other Wages there was not a Penny to be had. Whereupon this formidable Expedition vanish'd into Air, all Men leaving the under∣taking, when they heard the Conditions; and some of them went into Lombardy, o∣thers into their own Countries; and not a few to those very Companions against whom they were designed. So that daily their Numbers encreased, and they extreamly ha∣rassed the Pope, the Cardinals, and the Merchants about Avignon, doing much mis∣chief untill Midsummer, in the Year one Thousand Three Hundred Sixty and One: And then the Pope and his Cardinals happily remembred them of a Noble and Va∣liant Knight, called John Marquess of Monferrat in Italy; who held War and had done a long while against the Lords of Milain. Him the Pope invited to Avignon, and treated with him to take all these Men into his Pay, and to lead them away thence into Lombardy to his Wars there. The Marquess lik'd the motion well, and began to fall in Treaty with the Chief Captain of the Companions, who was at this time an English Man, named Sr. John Hawkwood, and at last agreed with the Mar∣quess on consideration of 60000 Florens of Gold to be divided among his Officers, and such and such Wages to be constantly paid, to go along with him into Lombar∣dy: So that first there might be obtain'd from the Pope, a Full Absolution ab omni∣poenâ & culpâ; all which being agreed and perform'd, and the Florens paid down by the Pope, they deliver'd up Pont St. Esprit, and left the Marches of Avignon, and went forth with the Marquess into Italy, to the great joy of the French King and all his Realm; althô many of them soon after returned into Burgundy; and Sr. Seguin of Batefoile would not forsake his Garrison at Ance. But however France was in a far better Condition, being thus happily purged of those noxious Humors, which began to corrode and prey upon her Vitals.

The mean while these Companions were led by the Marquess into Piedmont; where by their help he prevailed o 7.39 mightily against the two Lords of Milain, Galeas, and Barnabo, and conquer'd Alba Pompeia, Pavia, Novarre, and other Towns, Castles, Lands, and Fortresses belonging unto them, and had several Rencounters and Skir∣mishes with them to his Honour and Advantage: So that within a Year he ob∣tain'd the better hand of the Brothers of Milan, and had of them in a manner what he demanded: Thô afterwards the said Lords by their good Policy surmounted these Matters, and brought off the better part of these Companions to their own side; where∣upon their Dominion was enlarged, and they ruled in great Prosperity, as we shall shew more fully in another place.

VIII. Nor was England much more happy all this while; thô now in full Peace, thô now free from all Foreign or Domestick Enemies; thô now she had no such Thieves or Robbers to disturb her Quiet. For there p 7.40 fell in England a New Ca∣lamity this Year, a Plague something like the former, and which in respect thereof was called the Second Plague, nothing near so Dismal and Universally Fatal, as the Former; but much more Destructive of the Nobility and Prelacy, where ever it went.

Nor was this Visitation unaccompanied with Prodigies; for on the q 7.41 Fifth of May, being a Wednesday, the Eve of the Ascension, at 14 Minutes after Ten in the Morn∣ing, there happen'd a very remarkable Eclipse of the Sun; which is mention'd also in the Turkish Annals; and there followed such a strange Drought, that there ensued great scarcity of Corn, Fruit, and Hay. That same Month it rained Blood in Bur∣gundy, and on the 27 of the said Month at Boulogne in France, there appeared in the Air a Bloody Cross, from Morning until Six in the Evening, at which time being seen of many it began to move, and seem'd presently to fall into the middle of the Sea. After which there came forth of Woods into Towns many Foxes in the Dusk of the Evening, which devoured Men alive in those parts. And in the Summer of this Year both in England and France, in Deserts and plain Countries, there appeared suddenly at several times two Castles in the Air; the One full South-East, and the Other South-West, whence there issued two Hosts of Armed Men, the One whereof, viz. That which came from the South-East, bare Argent, and the other Sable, which engaging together, the White would beat the Black; but afterwards the Black recollecting their Forces would fall upon the others, and extort the Victory back again: And then each Party would return to the Castles from whence they came, and so all things disap∣peared. Those, who are particular in these unusual Matters, add, that after Michael∣mas the Rose-beds brought forth Roses of a perfect Growth, Colour, and Smell; and that Crows, and other Birds brought forth their young at the same time. And in England on the 17 of January, namely on the day of St. Anthony the Ab∣bot, there arose out of the South such an horrible and dreadfull Tempest of Wind with an Earthquake, as the like was never known before; for it blew down after an incredible manner, strong and mighty Buildings, Towers, Steeples, Chimneys, Houses, Woods, Orchards, and all kind of Trees, bearing many a great way off with the very Roots, and doing Wonderfull Harm to Churches, Bells, Walls, Mills, and Houses, especially in the City of London: And this Storm continued by fits more or less for the space of five, some say six, others eight days. And in the same Year many Men, Beasts, Trees, and Buildings, were destroy'd with Thunder and Lightning from Heaven; and the r 7.42 Devil appeared Bodily in humane shape to many People, as they travelled in divers places in the Country, and spake unto them to their great Affrightment.

Let no supercilious Critick be too rash in condemning me for inserting such Mat∣te••s here; as if thereby We Magisterially imposed upon the Belief of any Man. For we expect no more Credit from such an One, than his Reason and Judgement may allow; nor do we put any stress on these things: But however think it our Duty to relate even doubtfull narrations, when they are so generally attested, as We find these to be. Especially because there is no Age, but has produced something as strange and incre∣dible; nor no Historian, that pretends to be so discreet, as not to take notice of such preternatural Accidents.

However at this time there happen'd a Second Plague, which we shall spare to de∣scribe more fully any other way, than from its Effects; because in the First Plague, which was of the same kind, we were so large and so particular. It took away, as we said before, Persons of the Highest Rank and Quality; yet neither did it spare the meaner sort; but especially it rag'd among Young Men and Children, being less s 7.43 fa∣tal to Women; as if choosing to be Cruel, as well to the Better Sex, as to the bet∣ter part of that Sex. Whereupon, 'tis said, t 7.44 that afterwards the Widows of those, who died, took unto them husbands at random, of strange Countries, or Vile Condition, for∣getting their Estate and Families.

On u 7.45 St. John's day and the day following, there died little less than 1200 at London; at Paris above 30000 in the whole Year; and besides the many. Thousands of Common People that died at Avignon, there fell no less than x 7.46 Nine Cardinals, and Seventy other Prelates. But here in England I shall not stand to enumerate, how ma∣ny of the Vulgar perished; our Loss will easily appear from the Quality and Worth of those Few, whom I shall now name.

And first of all there died a Man Worthy to live for ever, even the Great, High∣born, Valiant, and Liberal Prince, Henry Plantagenet, who was taken away y 7.47 by the Plague, on the 24 of March, being the Eve of the Annunciation of the Blessed Vir∣gin, or as some say, z 7.48 on the Tuesday after the said Feast, which that Year fell on the 30^th of March. England had less wanted him, now that the War was ended; if he had not been as Eminent for Counsel in Peace, as he was remarkable for Milita∣ry performances. He was only Son to Henry de Torto-Collo, who was younger Bro∣ther, and next Heir to Thomas Earl of Lancaster, who was Eldest Son to Edmund, Sirnamed Crouchback, Second Son to King Henry III of England, and Brother to King Edward the First, Grandfather to King Edward the Third. This Illustrious Person in his life time did nothing degenerate from the Blood Royal of England, of which he so largely partook; as may be seen in those many foregoing Passages of this History, which speak of his Warlike Actions. His many Heroick Vertues obtain'd him the Glorious Sirname of Good, he being generally called the Good Duke of Lancaster. Wherefore his Death was universally Lamented, especially by the Poor, by the Cler∣gy, and by Scholars, to whom he was a Constant Friend and Patron. Nor was King Edward a 7.49 less concerned for the loss of so Renowned a Kinsman and Captain; as were also all the Barons of England, Lords, Knights, and Esquires: For he was in his Days an Ornament to the Nobility, a Patron to the Church, a Prop to Learning, a Glory to the Souldiery, and a shield unto his Prince. He was b 7.50 buried on the South-side of the High-Altar in the Collegiate Church of Leicester, which c 7.51 himself had founded and set over it one Dean, Twelve Canons, Prebendaries, as many Vicars, and others, all sufficiently provided with Revenues: Besides he consummated the Hospital there, which his Father had begun, wherein were maintain'd an 100 Infirm and Poor people, d 7.52 50 Men, and 50 Women; together with 10 lusty and able Women, to serve the said Infirm Ones, with Meat and Drink, and other bodily Necessaries, day and night. Both which Hospital and College of Canons he sufficiently endowed for ever; and indeed they were the Greatest Ornament of that City, until the heavy Hand of King Henry VIII among other the like Foundations, laid their Ruines at his own Feet: At which time the College Lands d 7.53 were valued at 595 pounds 7 shillings and 6 pence per annum.

He left behind him two Daughters, his Heirs, the Lady Mathilda the Eldest, then 22 Years of Age, at that time Married to William of Bavaria, Son to Lewis the Em∣perour, and Duke of Zealand, Holland, Hainalt, and Friseland; the other Daughter, named Blanch, then 19 Years of Age, and the Wife of John of Gaunt, Earl of Richmond, but upon the Death of her Eldest Sister (which happen'd shortly after) without Issue, in her Right, Duke of Lancaster, Earl of Darby, Lincoln, and Lei∣cester, Steward of England, and also Lord of Brigerac, Beaufort, and Nogent: Who had by her Henry, Sirnamed of Bolingbroke, who afterwards traiterously deposing King Richard the Second, became King of England by the Name of Henry IV.

Soon after his Death the Lady f 7.54 Mathilda, his Eldest Daughter, came into England to claim her Purparty of the Inheritance; where she died presently; being, g 7.55 as was thought, poison'd, that the Inheritance might not be divided among Foreigners; but go entirely, as thereupon it did, to her Younger Sister, who was Married in England.

Besides this Great Prince, there h 7.56 died this Year of the same Plague the Lord John Moubray, a most Valiant and Noble Knight of England, who was styled Lord of the Isle of Haxiholme, and of the Honours of Gower and Brembre. He died at York on the 4^th of October, leaving behind him John his Son and Heir, a Valiant Young Gentle∣man, then of full Age; whom he had by his Wife, the Lady Joan of Lancaster, Sister to the Duke of Lancaster aforesaid. But this Young Lord John Moubray brought more i 7.57 Honour and Possessions to his House and Name by taking unto him for Wife, the Lady Elisabeth, Daughter and Heir to John Lord Seagrave, by Margaret his Wife, Daughter and sole Heir to Thomas of Brotherton ( k 7.58 Second Son to King Edward the First) Earl of Norfolk and Marshal of England. From which Marriage l 7.59 are Descended all the Dukes of Norfolk and Earls of Nottingham, of the Sirname of Moubray and Howard, the Earls of Suffolk and Barkshire; and particularly the Thrice Noble Henry Lord Mordant, the present Earl of Peterborough, m 7.60 Son of John Earl of Peterborough, by his Lady Elisabeth, sole Daughter and Heir of William Howard, Lord Effingham, Eldest Son to Charles Earl of Nottingham. Nor ought We to forget the Death of the Valiant Lord n 7.61 Edward Montague, Brother to William the first Earl of Salisbury of that Name, which happen'd in this Year; he leaving behind him only one Daughter,

at that time XII Years of Age, then Wife to the Lord William Hufford, Eldest Son to the Earl of Suffolk.

Besides this o 7.62 there died the Lord Reginald Cobham, a Baron of great Renown in those days, leaving behind him a Son of his own Name and Character: Also William p 7.63 Lord Fitz-Warine, of the House of the Lord Fulk Fitz-Warine, and Sr. Nicolas q 7.64 St. Maure, aliàs Seymor, a considerable Baron of the Realm. Besides whom there were now taken away six Bishops, r 7.65 as Michael Northborough, aliàs Northbrook, Bi∣shop of London, who was succeeded by Simon Sudbury; Reginald Brian Bishop of Worcester, whose Chair was supply'd by John Barnet; Thomas Lylde Bishop of Ely, a good Benefactor to Peter-House College in Cambridge, whose loss was repaired by the Succession of Simon Langham; also Robert Stratford Bishop of Chichester, into whose place came William Lenne, aliàs Lenlimere; and John Synwell Bishop of Lin∣coln, whose Successor was John Buckingham, Lord Privy Seal; but these two latter died in the beginning of the next Year. There died also at this time that Famous Scholar, Richard Fitz-Ralph Archbishop of Armagh, Primate of Ireland, and Chan∣cellour of the University of Oxford; of whom we s 7.66 have spoken more largely else∣where: Only it is here to be added, that this Archbishop t 7.67 had such a Reputation for Holiness and Integrity of Life; that he is said to have been conspicuous for Miracles even after his Death; so that Pope Boniface IX gave order for an Inquisition to be made thereafter, designing thereupon to Canonize him; as 'tis generally believ'd, he deserved.

IX. But yet among these frequent Funerals, there was a Glorious Torch of Hymen lighted up at Court this Year: For the most Heroick Prince of Wales, who was all along unconquerable in War, laid aside now his Lions skin, and began to be soften'd with the warm Fires of Love. The Object of his Affections was that Incomparable Paragon of Beauty the Lady Joan, commonly called the Fair Countess of Kent, at this time a Widow: And yet neither in Age much unequal to this Great Prince, nor in Vertue, or Nobility, thô a subject, unworthy of him. She was now in the 33^d Year of her Age, and the Prince in the One and Thirtieth of his: He being Great Grandchild to King Edward the First, and she Grandchild to the said King by a second Venture: He, the Glory of his Sex for Military performances and other Princely Ver∣tues; and She the Flower of hers, for a Discreet and Honourable Mind, sweetned with all the Delicacies of a most surprizing Beauty. However, 'tis u 7.68 said, the Prince only intended at first to endeavour to encline her to the Love of a certain Knight, a servant of his, whom he design'd to advance thereby; but that after sundry De∣nials, with which he would not be put off, she told him plainly,

how when she was under Ward, she had been disposed of by others; but that now being at Years of Dis∣cretion, and Mistress of her own Actions, she would not cast her self beneath her Rank; but remembred, that she was of the Blood Royal of England, and therefore resolved never to Marry again; but to a Prince for Quality and Vertue, like Him∣self.

The Black-Prince was a Passionate Admirer of every Gallant Spirit; how then could he do otherwise, but take satisfaction from so obliging a Declaration; when he well knew, that all she said, was true, and beheld her still Mistress of such Graces and agreeable Qualities, as might worthily recommend her to the Love of the Greatest Prince on Earth? He presently therefore returns her Compliment with an Affectionate Kiss, and from that instant resolved to become her servant. Soon after which, having easily obtain'd the Consent of the King, his Father, and an especial Dispensation from the Pope (not only because he was so near of Kin unto her, but had x 7.69 also stood Godfather for her Eldest Son Thomas) he was solemnly Married unto her, to the great satisfaction of the King and the whole Court.

X. Much about this time also his Brother, Prince Lionel, one of the Loveliest shape in the World, being about Twenty three Years of Age, is y 7.70 said to have taken to Wife the Lady Elizabeth, sole Daughter and Heiress of William de Burgo, alias Burgh, aliàs Burke, once Earl of Ʋlster in Ireland, in whose Right and Title he be∣came Earl of Ʋlster. But here we must excuse, or at least explain Sr. William Dug∣dale: Whose Words run thus, z 7.71 that in the 35 of this King, to wit, this very Year, being made Lieutenant of Ireland, he took to Wife Elizabeth, &c. Which Words naturally seem to imply, that he was not Married till this Year unto the foresaid Lady. And yet this account is evidently too late by almost seven Years; for it appears, that his Daughter Philippa, which he had by this Lady, a 7.72 was born no less than six Years before, An ^o. 1355, or the 29^th of Edward the Third; and that seven Years hence, namely An ^o. 1368, b 7.73 she was 13 Years of Age; and that 3 Years after, viz. c 7.74 An ^o. 1571 She

brought forth her First-born Daughter Elizabeth, unto her Husband Edmund Mortimer, Earl of March. Otherwise She must have been a Mother at Nine Years of Age, which is impossible.

But to proceed, Prince Lionel her Father, d 7.75 was this Year made Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, to which Charge he repaired immediately: And upon his Coming thither pub∣lished an Inhibition to all Irish-born, not to dare once to approach his Court, nor to take up Arms, or to follow the Wars, thô in his Service, upon any account. After which he vanquished Obrian the Rebel; and yet once on a sudden, thô all things were quieted, he lost an Hundred of his Men, no Man could tell how, while they lay in their Quarters. Which secret Mischief was judg'd to have been occasioned by that unplea∣sant Decree aforesaid: Whereupon Prince Lionel taking better Advice, began to re∣ceive the Natives of Ireland into the same degree of Favour, as other Lieutenants had formerly held them in, shewing a Princely Candour and tender Concern for their Wel∣fare, by which means he wan the Hearts of that stubborn People, and ever after pro∣sper'd in his Affairs relating to that Country. He advanced to the Honour of Knight∣hood several of their most forward Gentlemen, among whom were these, Preston (which Family was since better known by the Name of Gormanston) Holywood, Tal∣bot, Cusac, Delahide, aliàs Hide, Patrick, Robert and John de Fraxinis, all Persons of great Fame in the Wars. And during his Stay in those Parts he removed the Ex∣chequer to Catherlagh, and bestow'd on Defence of that Town 500 l. Sterling.

XI. Now that the Wars between England and France were ended, King Edward was pleased to restore unto the Priors Aliens their Houses, Lands and Tenements (which e 7.76 23 Years before he had confiscated to his own Use, letting them out to Farm) as by his Letters Patents may appear, f 7.77 the Tenor whereof followeth, viz.

EDWARD, by the Grace of God King of England, Lord of Ireland and of A∣quitaine,

to all who shall see or hear these Presents, Greeting.

Whereas the Priory of Montacute in the County of Somerset, by reason of the Wars between Us and France, with all the Lands, Tenements, Fees, Advousons, together with the Goods and Cha••els belonging to the same, hath been of late taken into our Hands, and by Us farmed and rented forth as appeareth by divers Patents: Now therefore since Peace is betwixt Us and the Noble Prince, our most Dear Brother King of France, We for the Honour of God and Holy Church, restore unto the said Prior, the Priory with all the Lands, Tenements, Fees, Advousons, and whatsoever else belonging to the same, the same to hold in as free manner as they held it before. And withall We forgive and Release all Arrearages of Rents, which might be due unto Us by reason of any former Grants. In Witness whereof We have made these our Letters Patents:

Dated at Westminster the Sixth of February, in the Thirty Fifth Year of our Reign.

The like Letters of Restitution were granted to all the rest of the Houses of Aliens thrô England: All which Priories Aliens were many Years after g 8.1 utterly suppressed and dissolved by another Martial King, Henry the Fifth, and their Lands given by him and his Son Henry VI, to Colleges of Learned Men in Cambridge and Oxford, and to other Monasteries.

CHAPTER the EIGHTH.

The CONTENTS.

I. An Embassy from the Kings of Armenia and Cyprus; whom King Edward enter∣tains with Justs and Tourneaments. II. King Edward creates his Eldest Son Prince of Aquitain, with the Copy of his Charter. III. The Prince prepares to go over with his Family: An occasional Prophecy concerning the next Successor to the Crown after King Edward: The Prince's Reception in Aquitain; he creates Officers and settles his Court at Bourdeaux. IV. A Parliament at Westminster, the Jubilee of King Ed∣wards Age: He creates his Sons, Prince Lionel, Duke of Clarence, John, Duke of Lancaster, and Edmund, Earl of Cambridge; and bestows many large Favours upon his People. V. The King holds a solemn Hunting with great Royalty. The Lord Faulconberg dies; Sr. John Copland murthered.

I. * 8.2 IN the beginning of this Year there came into England an Honourable Embas∣sie of Gallant Knights of Armenia and of Cyprus, sent from the two Kings of those Countries, who were now engaged hotly in a War with the Saracens, to request the King of England for his Aid, either in Men or Money, or in both, towards the carrying on of those Holy Wars; or at least-wise to prepare the Kings Mind against the time that the King of Cyprus should come hither for that pur∣pose, which he did not long after. The King received them graciously, and they were in a fair way to succeed with him according to their desire; and he for his Part as well to entertain these Gentlemen Strangers, as to divert the Princes and Lords of France now in Hostage with him, began a 8.3 on the First of May to solemnize a Royal Justs and Tourneament in Smithfield, which was held with great Honour for Five Days toge∣ther, the King himself, the Queen and their Children being present, with the most Part of the Nobility of England, and those Noble Guests of France, Spain, Cyprus and Armenia.

II. A while after King Edward advised with his Council about the better Establi∣shing of his Affairs; and it was resolved, b 8.4 that since the Prince of Wales was now upward of Thirty, and a Married Man, the King his Father should give unto him the whole Dutchy of Aquitain, to hold by Homage of the Crown of England: Espe∣cially because the Lords and Knights of those Parts (althó the Lord Chandos was not only blameless, but dear among them) did perpetually importune the King to send his Son the Prince unto them. It is easily remembred, that in the late Treaty of Peace, among other things it was agreed and sworn to, both by the French King and his El∣dest Son, afterwards called Charles V, that all the Dutchy of Aquitain should from that time forward for ever remain to King Edward of England and his Heirs and Successors in such manner, as that they should not owe or pay any Homage or Resort unto the King or Crown of France therefore; but to be held by Them with all Freedom and Liberty perpetual, as Sovereign Lords, Allies and Neighbours to the King and Realm of France, with∣out acknowledging any kind of Superiority, or making any Obedience, Homage or Sub∣jection, and without yielding in time to come any Service or Recognisance to the King or Crown of France, for either the Whole or any Part of those Lands, whether Cities, Earldoms, Castles, Countries, Lands, Isles, Places or Persons, named in the Articles of the said Treaty.

Now therefore King Edward having a full and peaceable Possession of the said Dutchy of Aquitaine, according to the Tenor of the said Agreement, c 8.5 resigns and gives unto his Son the Black-Prince, by his Royal Charter, all the Land of Guienne and Gascogne, by the Name of a Principality for his Life, in which Charter he created him Prince of Aquitain and Gascogne; and also granted unto him those other Castles, Towns and Counties of Poictou, Saintogne, Angoulesmois, Agenois, Limosin, Quercy, Rovergue, and all other Places on the Borders of Gascogne, which by Vertue of the Peace were to fall to King Edward, reserving to himself Power of Erecting Guienne into a Kingdom, and retaining also to himself the Resort and Sovereignty both over the Principality and the Rest that went with it: And this Charter was Dated the 19 of July 1362, being the 36 of Edward the Third. But besides this Charter of Do∣nation and Creation, there was another bearing Date the same Day, of Explanation, whereby the King more particularly declared the Sense of his Reservation of the Resort and Sovereignty, and besides of an Ounce of Gold Yearly payable unto him by the Prince, at his Palace of Westminster on Easter-Day. The Charter of Creation is in∣corporated in that of Explanation; the Margin of the d 8.6 Roll being Pro Edvardo Prin∣cipe Aquitaniae & Walliae, i. e. For Edward Prince of Aquitain and of Wales. The Char∣ter of Explanation is French, and that of Creation Latine, in the Originals, which the Reader may find in e 8.7 Mr. Selden; I shall here take leave to render the whole in English.

The King to all those, who shall see or hear these Letters, Greeting. Whereas this present Day We have given to our Right Dear Eldest Son, Edward Prince of Wales, the Name, Renown and Title of the Principality of Aquitain, transferring unto his Person for his Life only, all the Cities, Counties, Castles, Lands, Countries, Towns, Forts, Isles, Provinces and Places, which We have and ought to have by Vertue of the Peace last made between Ʋs and our Right Dear Brother the King of France, in the Country of Aquitain; and also those which We have and hold, or ought to have and hold in all Gascogne, together with the Homages, Allegiances, Honours, Obeisances, Vassalages, Fees, Arreer-fees, Services, Recognisances, Rights, Meer and Mixt Em∣pire, and Jurisdictions, High, Mean and Low, Safeguards, Advousons and Patrenages

of Churches, Metropolitan and Cathedral, Abbies, Priories, Monasteries, Hospitals, both Secular and Regular, and of other Benifices of the Church, appertaining unto Ʋs by Cause or on Occasion of the Premises; the Duties, Cens, Rents, Confiscations, Emo∣luments, Profits, Reversions, and all manner of Rights, and all other Appurtenances and Appendages, as entirely and perfectly as We hold them, or as any of our Progeni∣tors have held them in any time past, to hold under Ʋs and our Dominion of Aquitain, by Liege Homage, as these and other things are more largely comprised in our other Let∣ters made to this Purpose, the Tenor whereof followeth.

EDWARD, by the Grace of God King of England, Lord of Ireland and of A∣quitain,

to our Most Dear Eldest Son Edward, Prince of Wales, Greeting.

All tem∣poral Dignities, as Rays breaking from the Sun, do proceed from the Throne Royal: So that from hence the Perfection of their first Original may not feel the Detriment of Contempt, but rather being exalted above Care and Anxiety, may so much the more persist securely, and be govern'd and continually protected in Prosperity, by how much in Adversity it was sustained by more and more excellent Defences. The King∣ly Throne stands firm, when it is environ'd with the Power of many Princes; and the Subjects rejoyce more frequently to behold the Person of their Principal Lord in the lively Pictures of their Blood and Lineage; and count it their Happiness, that since their Principal Lord cannot be Personally present in all Provinces of his Domini∣ons, yet they may behold Him, who if Nature keeps her right Course, is to be his Heir, continually standing by them: From whence the insolence of Transgressors, by the Honour and Power of the Right committed unto him, may for the safeguard of the Loyal, be more frequently punished, and the laudable and fruitfull Perfor∣mances of others may be recompenced with the return of a worthy Retribution. We therefore being moved on this Consideration, O our most Dear Son, and for ma∣ny other Reasonable Causes, intending by a liberal Recompence to do Honour unto You, who lately in the Parts of Aquitain and Gascogne, while there the frequent Storms of War raged, for our Sakes did not refuse the Summer Dust and the Labour of War, but under the Name and Title of our Lieutenant have supported the Bur∣then of our Cares, and with your Presence supplied our Absence, out of our Princely Prerogative do convey and grant unto You by these Presents, the Principality of the under-written Lands and Provinces of all Aquitain and Gascogne; Willing and Gran∣ting, that of all and singular the said Places, Lands and Provinces in our Name, next and immediate under our Throne and Government, You from henceforth be the true Prince, and freely during your Natural Life, enjoy the Honour, Title, Appellation and Name of Prince of Aquitain; even althô hereafter these Provinces should be ere∣cted unto the Title and Dignity of a Kingdom; and from this time We do especial∣ly reserve unto our Selves a Power of Erecting them into a Kingdom. And that the Honour of this Name thus granted may prove hereafter, God willing, more advanta∣geous unto You, of our meer Bounty and certain Knowledge, We give and grant unto You, and to your single Person only, convey, in the best Right and manner that We can, the Cities, Castles, Towns, Lands, Places and Provinces under-written, and whatsoever Right of Possession and Propriety We have, or any way have had, or that any of our Progenitors hath any way had heretofore to them or in them (the direct Lordship or Superiority thereof being always especially to Us reserved) to wit, the City and Castle, and all the Land and Country of Poictou, together with the Fief of Thoüars, and the Land of Belleville; the City and Castle, and all the Land and Country of Saintogne on this side and on that side the Charente; the City and Castle, and all the Land and Country of Agennois; the City and Castle, and all the Land and Country of Perigort; the City and Castle, and all the Land and Country of Limosin; the City and Castle and all the Land and Country of Quercy; the City and Castle, and all the Land and Country of Tarbe; the Land, Country and Earldom of Bigorre; the Earldom, Land and Country of Gaure; the City, Castle, Land and Country of Angoulesmois; the City, Castle, Land and Country of Rouvergue; the City and Castle of Dax, and the Town and Castle of St. Sever; [ f 9.1 and also the City and Castle of Bourdeaux, and the City and Castle of Baionne] and all the Cities and Castles, Towns, Places, Lands and the whole Country, as well of Guienne as of Gascogne; To HAVE and to HOLD from Us under Liege Homage (the said Direct Lordship and Soveraignty to Us as aforesaid, reserved) un∣to your Self, as long as you Live, all and singular the Cities, Castles, Towns, Places, Lands, Counties and Provinces aforesaid, together with all the Isles thereto belong∣ing, Homages, Allegiances, Honours, Obeisances, Vassalages, Fees, Arreer-Fees, Ser∣vices,

Recognisances, Rights, Meer and Mixt Empire, and with Jurisdictions, High, Mean and Low, Safeguards, Advousons and Patronages of Churches Metropolitan and Cathedral, both Secular and Regular, and of other Ecclesiastical Benefices whatsoe∣ver to Us appertaining, by Occasion or Cause of the Premises, the Duties, Cens, Rents, Confiscations, Emoluments, Profits, Reversions, and all their Rights and Pur∣tenances, as entirely and perfectly as we hold or have held them, or as any of our Pro∣genitors had or held them in time past. And for the stronger Support and Confirma∣tion of your Name and Honour, We grant unto You especial Authority and Power in the Lands, Places and Rights aforesaid, to give and grant unto Persons deserving ei∣ther in Fee or Demain for ever, or for a time, those Lands or Places, which of old did not belong to our Demain; as it shall please You and seem best. Also to make Coin, and st••mp Monies of Gold and Silver, or any other, and to grant unto the Ma∣sters and Workmen of the Mint, Indulgences and Privileges, usually to such given; and also to Amortize Lands, Places and Rents, freely or under Finance, which are gi∣ven at present to Mortmaine, or shall be given or left hereafter: Also to Enoble Per∣sons Ignoble; and Seneschals, Judges, Captains, g 9.2 Consuls, Secretaries, Publick Solicitors, Receivers, and any other Officers to create, ordain and set in every Place of the said Provinces; and the said Officers so placed and ordained, when and as of∣ten as need should be, to remove and to set others in the place of them so removed: Banished Persons and Criminals whatsoever belonging to the said Provinces, present, past and to come, to their Condition, Good-name and Country, together with their Goods moveable and immoveable, to restore and call back; and unto them full Par∣don and Remission of their Offences, done and to be done in the foresaid Provinces (althô therefore they have been condemned to Death, or shall be condemned, and have been of other Provinces) to give, grant and confirm: To any Cities, Castles and Places, Churches and Persons of the Church, Monasteries, Colleges, Universi∣ties, and single Persons, of what Condition soever they be, Privileges, Immunities, Franchises, Liberties and Indulgences, perpetual and temporal whatsoever, to give and to grant: And if of old given and granted, together with the Customs and Usages (provided they be not contrary to the Peace and Accord last made between Us and our most Dear Brother the King of France) by our Authority to confirm, when and as often as you shall be required so to do; and any other things whatsoever to do and exercise, which the True Prince of the said Provinces might or should do for the Welfare and Government of the Inhabitants thereof, and for the Quiet of his Subjects. All and singular which Premises We will have given, alienated, granted, bestowed, authorized, restored, revoked, pardoned, remitted, conceded, confirmed, done, acted and performed by You and your Deputies; and from this time as hereto∣fore, they shall have a like perpetual Validity, as if by Us they were done, acted and performed as aforesaid. And moreover and above, and as there shall be need for their greater Validity, from this time as heretofore, We commend, allow and ap∣prove, and by the Tenor of these Presents confirm them.

Datum sub Magni Sigilli Nostri Testimonio in Palatio nostro Westmonasterii die 19 Mensis Julii, Anno Do∣mini Millesimo, Tercentesimo, Sexagesimo, Secundo, & Regni Nostri Tricesimo Sexto.

Now to take away all Doubts and Contentions, which may arise hereafter about this Matter, and to the end that the Affair may be more clear, over and above, and again We reserve to our Selves, and to our Majesty Royal, expresly and by Tenor of these Presents, the Direct Supremacy, and all the Sovereignty and Resort of the whole Prin∣cipality of Aquitain and Gascogne, and of all the Cities, Counties, Castles, Lands, Countries, Towns, Forts, Isles, Provinces and Places, and of all Prelates; Earls, Vi∣counts, Barons, Nobles and other Subjects, and Inhabitants of the said Provinces, which We have given to our said Eldest Son, and conveyed unto his Person by the Te∣nor of our Letters hereabove incorporated: And We will and declare, that the Imme∣diate Supremacy, the whole Sovereignty and Resort abovemention'd, be and remain for ever to Ʋs and to our said Majesty, to use the said Resorts in time and place, as We shall think fit, which We will not, nor intend to, leave nor convey to our said Son, by the Title of a Principality, nor by any other thing whatsoever comprised in our said Let∣ters. And for an evident Token and clear Demonstration, that our said Son shall hold, and ought to hold, under Ʋs of our said Majesty, and by Liege Homage, the which he hath made unto Ʋs at present, all the said Things and every of them; He shall be ob∣liged to pay unto Ʋs every Year at our Palace of Westminster, on the Feast of Easter, one Ounce of Gold, whereof he hath already given Ʋs Possession and Seisin, as in to∣ken and Recognition of our Supream Dominion: The which thing by the Name of Re∣venue

and annual Tribute, We impose on, and really and de facto ordain of certain Knowledge, and of our Authority and full Power; and will, that he pay it at the Place and Time above said, reserving unto our Selves express and especial Power, to diminish or enlarge the said Imposition and annual Tribute, or appoint it to be paid unto Ʋs in other things at other times and elsewhere, as it shall seem good unto Ʋs to do for the time to come, in gracious Consideration and Regard had to the Estate of our said Son, and to the Charges which are convenient of necessity to maintain and support him in the Govern∣ment of the foresaid Countries.

Donne per Tesmoignance de nostre Grant Seal a no∣stre Palays de Westmonster le XIX jour de Juyl, lan de Grace Mill. Triscentes. Sex∣ante and Deux & de nostre Regne, Trente, Sisme.

III. When the Prince of Wales had made his Homage to the King his Father for this Principality of Aquitaine, and had received these Letters Charters, the King or∣der'd him to prepare his Family, according to the Dignity that he now held, and then to pass the Seas in the Name of God, and enter upon his Government. For he saw well, that his Son was of great Conduct, Prudence, and Courage, and in the full Vi∣gour of his Youth, capable for any Government whatsoever: He intended also here∣by, to render him the better instructed, and as it were Tutor'd with Experience a∣gainst the time, that by his Decease he should succeed to the Crown of England; and he well understood, that by the Acquisition of so great a Principality, he would be able and Rich enough to keep as Royal a Court, as any King should do; for at this time, not to mention the Earldom of Kent, and the other vast Lands and Possessions, which he had with his Princess, He was Prince of Aquitaine and Wales, Duke of Corn∣wall, and Earl of Chester. The Young Prince readily obey'd his Fathers Pleasure, and busied himself the remainder of this Year about preparing for the Departure of him∣self and his Lady, the Princess, with all their Family. After Christmas the King and Queen, and all the rest of their Children, Sons, and Daughters, went to Barkhamsteed near London, a Mannor of the said Princes, to visit and take their last leave of him: And there they were altogether for several days, during which space there were many serious Debates between the King and the Prince, and also many Notable and Royal Diversions and Entertainments. Froisard, the French Historian i 9.3 was then present in the Prince's Court, and he says, that at that time he heard an Ancient Knight, na∣med Sr. Bartholomew Bruels, in discourse among the Ladies, say, how he had seen a certain Book, written by way of Prophesie, called le Brusc, in English the Broom; alluding, no doubt, to the Sirname of the Kings of England, Plantagenet, which Hen∣ry the Second obtain'd from the Flower of the Broom, named in Latine Planta Ge∣nistae.

This Book, said He, expresly declares, that neither the Prince of Wales, Eldest Son to King Edward, nor the Lord Lionel Earl of Ʋlster, nor the Lord Thomas of Woodstock, should ever come to the Crown; nor none of King Edwards Sons should ever come to the Crown: But that the Realm of England should within a while devolve to the House of Lancaster.

Whatever this Book was, or by what∣ever Art written; in this it failed not: For the Black-Prince dying before his Father, and Prince Lionel also, Henry of Bolingbroke Earl of Darby, Son to John of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster, usurped the Crown from Richard of Bourdeaux, Son and Heir to the said Black-Prince, and King of England at that time; in whose House the Dig∣nity Royal Remain'd to the Third Generation; when the Yorkists wrested the Scepter into their own Hands, and held it, till the Uniting of both Houses. But to return.

All things being now ready, the Prince of Wales k 9.4 in the beginning of February went on Board his Fleet, whereof the Earl of Warwick was Admiral, and took the Sea with a strong and Princely Retinue, and arrived on the Fourth day at Rochelle, where he was received with great Demonstrations of Joy, and tarried among them four Days. The mean l 9.5 while the Lord John Chandos, who for more than a Year had Go∣verned all Aquitaine, as the King of England's Lieutenant, heard, how the King, his Master, had now given all those parts by the Name of a Principality to his Son, the Prince of Wales, and how he was come to Rochelle, in Order to enter upon his Government. Whereupon He presently made ready Horses and Chariots, and set forth from Niort with a goodly company of Men of Arms, Knights and Esquires, to∣ward the City of Rochelle, to pay his respects to the Prince, and to bid him Welcome to his Government. The Prince and Princess received my Lord Chandos exceeding Graciously; and there passed many mutual Embraces between the Lords and Knights of England. But on the Fifth Day from the Prince's Arrival, the Prince and the Lord Chandos with all their Retinues, which were very considerable, rode from Rochelle to

the City of Poictiers, in great Pomp and Glory, the double Face of Peace and War, of the Ladies and Men of Arms, making a Delightfull Mixture of Mars and Venus, of the Court and of the Campaigne. At Poictiers he was met with infinite Respect and Joy by all the Lords, Barons and Knights of Poictou and Sainctogne, and here, where his last Triumph was gain'd upon the French King, he first received the Feal∣ties and Homages of those French Gentlemen, whom he had subjected thereby. From Poictiers he went to Bourdeaux, where he kept his Court in as Splendid a Manner, as if he had been King of France; his Beloved Princess being with him all the while. Unto Bourdeaux there came to see him all the Earls, Vicounts, Barons, and Knights of Gascogne, such as were subject to the Crown of England: Whom he entertain'd most Graciously, behaving himself in the eyes of them all so Honourably; that they were extreamly satisfied with his Noble and Generous Dportment, and promised them∣selves much prosperity under his Government. Hither also came to visit him and to pay him their Homage, the Earls of Foix and of Armagnac; Lords of great Power and near of Blood; but at this time there was an High Disgust between them. They had, as we m 9.6 shew'd before, for a long while made Bloody War against each other, on the account of a particular Quarrel of their own; which the King of France * 9.7 durst not undertake to compose, for fear of displeasing the King of England, whose Vas∣sals they were for the Lands then in contest between them. But however now Prince n 9.8 Edward took up the Matter, and made a final Peace and Agreement between them. For besides the obliging Words he gave them, and the close Arguments he us'd to per∣swade them, the many mutual heavy Losses, which they had already suffer'd, made them much more inclinable to admit of an Accommodation.

This done the Prince made the Lord John Chandos, his Constable of all Aquitaint, and the Lord Guischard D'Angle, his Marshal; the latter being by Birth a Frenchman of Angoumois; but by the Tenor of the Peace a subject of England, as ever after he continued to his great Honour. And into other great Offices the Prince set such Knights of his House, as he most favour'd, and filled all Constableships and Bailywicks with English Knights and Gascogners, such as he was most assured of, or were best recommended unto him by their own Vertue, or the testimony of Vertuous Men. And here a while We will leave him Governing in Peace, till War shall call him forth again to reap another Glorious Victory.

IV. The mean while King Edward held his High Court of Parliament at Westmin∣ster, where o 9.9 all the Peers were expresly commanded to be present, and not one per∣mitted to appear by Proxy. This Session lasted from the 13 of October to the 13 of November, in which one Months time he made more good Laws, and bestow'd more Acts of Grace upon his People, than some other Kings have done in all their Life time. The Causes of this Assembly were p 9.10 declared by the Lord Chief Justice, Sr. Henry Green, to be for redress of Matters relating to the Church; for observation of the Peace; to settle Affairs with Scotland; and to enhance the Price of Wooll: All which were well order'd, as may be seen in the Records and Printed Statutes of this Year. And whereas some say, q 9.11 that the King at this time, contrary to his Oath, set up a Staple of Wooll at Calais; it should have been consider'd, that when a Prince, at the Request of his Parliament, promises to do, or not to do, a thing, if at another time, the Reason of things being then alter'd, this very Parliament requires the Con∣trary; the King ought not to be charged with breach of promise in complying with them. Because the very occasion of his Promise seems at first to have been the Good of his People, which same thing is also afterwards the occasion of his not observing it. And We find r 9.12 in the Records, that when the Lords were commanded to speak, what they thought of the Repair of Merchants to Calais, they all agreed, how it seem'd to them a Matter very profitable to the Realm: To which point the Commons, thô at first they demurr'd, till they might have conference with the Merchants, at last yielded also themselves Wherefore the King shortly after s 9.13 sent over XXVI of the most considerable Merchants of the Realm, to hold the Staple there for three Years, and to keep and defend the Town, every Merchant having six Men of Arms, and four Archers at the Kings Charges, and besides the Mayor of the Town, he also ap∣pointed another to be over the Staple, the King being to receive for Maletot Twen∣ty shillings, and the foresaid Merchants, Wardens of the Town, 40 pence, of every Sack of Wooll.

It was t 9.14 in this Parliament Enacted, that neither Gold, nor Silver should be used in Apparel, Knives, Girdles, Chains, Rings, or other Bodily Ornament by any Man, who could not expend Ten pounds by the Year. And that none, who could not

expend an 100 l. per annum, should presume to wear Silks, Furs, or other pretious Garments. But I shall pass over the other Statutes made in this Parliament, because they are every where to be had in Print, but only those Acts of Grace, which King Edward did unto his People, are not to be left in silence.

Now on the 13 of November, which was the Birth-Day of this Great Monarch, at which time he had exactly finished 49 Years of his Age, and was come to the En∣trance of the Fiftieth, King Edward, as he was a Man of more exalted Thoughts than any other in his Days, resolved to keep a Jubilee of his Age in the most remarkable and solemn Manner imaginable; at least to the greatest Satisfaction of those under his Government. Of Jubilees in general, and of their Original we u 9.15 have already spoken, wherefore we shall repeat nothing of that in this Place; but immediately dispatch our pre∣sent Narration. Only we shall observe this, that King Edward had this extraordinary Pri∣vilege to see two Jubilees, besides that of Pope Clement the Sixth; this First being upon the Account of his having arrived to the Fiftieth Year of his Age, and the other, of which we shall speak in its Place, because he had then Reigned as many Years: But now we are entertain'd with this under our Hands. On the 13 of November, which was the First Day of our King Edwards Life, and the Last of this Parliament, when the Petitions of the Commons were answer'd, and they with loyal and well-affected Minds had unanimously x 9.16 granted unto the King for three Years 26 s. & 8 d. of eve∣ry Sack of Wooll, besides a Subsidy of Woolls, Fells and Skins, y 9.17 then by the Kings Command rose up the Lord Chancellour Sr. Henry Green aforesaid, and declared, that the King being arrived to the Fiftieth Year of his Age, intended to shew several Acts of Grace and Mercy unto his People; and first, that he design'd to advance unto Ho∣nour such of his Sons as were of full Age; namely, that his Son Lionel (then being in Ireland) should have the Title of Duke of Clarence, to Him and to the Heirs Male of his Body lawfully to be begotten, in Right of his Wife z 9.18 Elisabeth, Daughter of William Earl of Ʋlster, Son of John de Burgo, by Elisabeth de Clare, Sole Daugh∣ter and Heiress of Gilbert Rufus Earl of Clare, the Name of Clare being changed into Clarence. And hereupon a 9.19 an Addition of the Arms, belonging unto the House of Clarence, was elegantly inserted into the Label of this Dukes Coat, viz. Argent with the Fourth Part of a Scutcheon Gules. The Lord Chancellor further declared, that his Son John should be Duke of Lancaster in Right of his Wife, for her Eldest Sister, Daughter to the late Duke, was now dead in England, as we intimated before; and lastly, that his Son Edmund should be Earl of Cambridge in Fee. After which in b 9.20 full Parliament the King Girt his Son John of Gaunt with a Sword, and set on his Head a Cap of Furr, and a Circlet of Gold with Pearls thereon, and created him Duke of Lancaster, c 9.21 with all the Liberties and Regalities of an Earl Palatine in the County of Chester, as also Earl of Leicester, Lincoln and Darby, with the Office of High-Stew∣ard of England, in the Right of his Wife Blanch, whereof he gave him his Charter. This done he d 9.22 Girt his Son Edmund with a Sword, and Created him Earl of Cambridge, whereof he gave him a Charter: So that the incomparably Diligent Antiquary and He∣rald Sr. William Dugdale himself appears here to have slipt a little, when he says, e 9.23 that Prince Edmund (thô he was then in Ireland at this time) was created Earl of Cambridge: The Mistake I suppose, happen'd from the Words foregoing, which take Notice that Prince Lionel was then in Ireland.

At the same f 9.24 time the King granted his General and Special Pardon to all, without Fine or paying of Fees for the Seal; set all Debtors and Prisoners at Liberty, and recal∣led those that were Banished; and for the better ease of his People in their Law-Sutes, and also perhaps lest England should any longer bear those Marks of Slavery, he or∣dained, that hereafter all Pleas should be used in English, and that all Law-Cases, Plea∣dings, Sentences, Decrees, Judgments and Contracts, should be written and enrolled in the English or Latine Tongue, the French being wholly laid aside. But whether by length of Time the Custom had been too strongly radicated, to be so suddenly broke off, or whether by the Wit and Subtlety of the Lawyers, this Law was not long after in part eluded: For thô to this Day our Pleadings are in English, yet our Law-Cases remain in French, or rather as Polydore, in the Norman Language, which Custom was first introduced by William the Conquerour. Only it is here to be observed, that althô the Printed Statuto, touching Pleading in the English Tongue (Chap. 15.) doth agree with the Record, yer where the Print says, that all such Pleas should be enrolled in La∣tine, the Record doth nothing warrant the same. Besides this King Edward now con∣firmed Magna Charta, which in his whole Reign he is said to have done no less than 12 several times. Nor shall I omit, that althô of our Kings since his Days few have

lived so long, none have reigned so long; wherefore they had no Opportunity to imi∣tate King Edward in these things, yet g 9.25 from Occasion of this Jubilee of his they have since used that Famous Custom on Maundy-Thursday, being the Day before Good-Fri∣day, to bestow their Alms more largely than usually, and in Imitation of our Savi∣ours Humility, to Wash, Feed and Clothe as many poor People, as they themselves are Years Old.

V. The Parliament being ended, the King rode forth with all the Chief Dukes, Earls, Barons and Lords of the Realm, together with the French Hostages in his Com∣pany to several great Forests, h 9.26 as Rockingham Forest in Northamptonshire, Sherwood Fo∣rest in Nottinghamshire, and Clunne Forest in Shropshire, and many other Woods, Parks and Forests, where he hunted all sorts of Noble Game in Season; and all the while he expended extraordinary an 100 Pounds one Day, and an 100 Marks the other; and so on while the Sport continued, which was both long and very divertising.

About this time the i 9.27 Noble Lord Walter Fauconberg, a Valiant and Hardy Baron of this Realm, departed this Life, leaving behind him Thomas his Son and Heir, then seventeen Years of Age. And thô with all my Diligence, I cannot find the manner or the occasion, yet for the Eminence of the Person, I shall not pass by the Murder of Sr. John Copland, the same who at the Battle of Durham took the King of Scotland Prisoner, as we have shewn already. This Valiant and Worthy Gentleman, upon what Quarrel doth not appear, was this Year k 9.28 murder'd by the Lord John Clifford of Ewyas, who thereupon was forced to fly the Land, and could by no means obtain his Pardon till about 15 Years after, or the last of King l 9.29 Edward, when upon the Testimony of di∣vers English Peers in Parliament of his singular Valour, and of his special Services in the Wars in France, the King at last upon the instant Request of the said Peers and Commons of England, then assembled in Parliament, gave him his Charter of Pardon.

CHAPTER the NINTH.

The CONTENTS.

I. King John of France, on the Death of the Duke of Burgundy without Issue, takes Possession of the Country, and goes to visit the Pope at Avignon; Pope Innocent VI dying, Urban V succeeds. II. The King of Cyprus comes to Avignon to get and a∣gainst the Saracens; A Combat fought there; A Croisade proclaimed, whereof the King of France is made the General. III. The King of Cyprus visits the Emperour; the Emperours Opinion concerning the Holy War: The King of Cyprus goes to other Chri∣stian Princes. IV. King Edward allowing the French Hostages some Liberty, the Duke of Anjou makes his Escape. V. The Kings of Cyprus and Denmark, and the Duke of Bavaria come into England: King Edwards Answer to the King of Cyprus, upon his demanding Assistance for the Holy War. VI. A Parliament at Westminster. VII. A Convocation, wherein the excessive Number of Holydays are retrenched. VIII. The Death of the Dutchess of Clarence, of Edward Bailiol once King of Scot∣land, and of the Bishop of Bath and Wells. IX. A Man, who after execution at the Gallows recover'd, is pardon'd by the King. X. The King of Cyprus and the Shrine of St. Hugh of Lincoln robbed. XI. King David of Scotland comes into England upon a Visit: A long and hard Frost.

I. * 9.30 IN the preceding Year King John of France undertook a Journey to Avignon to visit the Pope and Cardinals, but he chose to ride through the Dukedom of Burgundy, because that Provence was newly fallen unto him, by the Death of Philip the young Duke, Grandson of Duke Eudes the VI, and Son of that Philip, who was slain at the Siege of Aiguillon, and of the Lady Jane of Boulogne, who afterwards was married to King John, and died the Year before this her Son. In a 9.31 his Person was extinct the First Branch of the Dukes of Burgundy, being of the House of France, which had produced no less than twelve Dukes, and had lasted the space of 330 Years. For this young Prince died b 9.32 about Easter 1362, without Issue, himself

being but Fifteen, and his Lady Margaret of Flanders not above Eleven. When there∣fore King John c 9.33 was ready for his Journey, and had appointed his Son Charles Regent and Governour during his Absence, he began his Progress from Paris about the latter end of July 1362, having with him in his Company, his Cousin the Lord John of Ar∣tois, Earl of Tancarville, the Earl of Dampmartin, the Lord Bouciquault Marshal of France, and many other Grandees. Having by small Journeys and great Expence rode thrô Burgundy, he came in the beginning of September to Villeneufe without Avignon, where Lodgings were provided for Him and his Attendants. He was entertained with great Magnificence of Feasting by the Pope and the whole College of Cardinals, and many interchangeable Visits were made between the King and Them: But in the heighth of all d 9.34 Pope Innocent the VI, having sat Nine Years, Eight Months and Twenty Days, departed this Life at Avignon on the Twelfth of September. Where∣upon there arose much Difference among the Cardinals about Choosing of a new Pope, for each of them aspired to the Dignity himself, especially the Cardinal of Boulogne, and the Cardinal of Perigort, who were by far the Greatest, and had most powerfull Friends. Wherefore after much Altercation the rest of the Cardinals agreed to put the Decision of the Matter to these Two, who finding thereby, that neither of them could obtain the Papacy themselves, agreed together, that neither any of the rest should have it, but rather that they would pitch upon some other Indifferent Person. There was at that time in the Parts of Lombardy one, e 9.35 who was employ'd thither by Pope Innocent about Affairs with the Lords of Milain, named William Grisant, by some named Grimoardi, Abbot of St. Victor of Marseille, a Devout and Holy Man, of un∣blameable Life and eminent Learning, who was called Anglicus; whereupon f 9.36 many have believed him an English Man; thô I rather believe he might obtain that name because he was a Gascogner, and so by Birth subject to the King of England. This Man the Two Ambitious Cardinals chose, rather out of Envy to their Fellows, than thrô a∣ny Love to Him or his Vertue. He g 9.37 was elected on the 28, or as Some say on the last of October, and Crowned on the Sixth of November following, being a Sunday, at which time he took the Name of Ʋrban V. It is said of him, h 9.38 that having long wai∣ted at the Court of Avignon in fruitless expectation of Preferment, he complained to a Friend of his saying,

I believe verily, if all the Churches of the World should fall; there would none fall upon my Head.

Whereupon this Friend of his coming to visit him after his Coronation, said all smiling,

You lately complain'd (most Holy Father) that if all the Churches in the World should fall, yet none you thought, would fall up∣on your Head. Behold now, how God hath disposed things, for all the Churches in the World are now fallen upon your Head together.

Soon i 9.39 after this Mans Creation, King John heard News, that Peter of Lusignan, King of Cyprus intended shortly to come to Avignon, to give his Holiness a Visit, and that in order thereto he had already pas∣sed the Sea; whereupon he resolved to tarry still at Avignon till his Coming, being very desirous to see him, because of the great Renown he had heard of him both for his Valour and Piety, and particularly of the great Honour he had won in the War a∣gainst the Saracens; and that among other his Successes, he had lately taken from them Sattalia the chief City of Pamphylia, and put all the Infidels to the Sword. This Pe∣ters Ancestor, Guy of Lusignan, King of Jerusalem, k 9.40 purchased the Island and King∣dom of Cyprus, of our Richard the First, King of England, sirnamed Coeur du Lyon, by Exchange for his Kingdom of Jerusalem, ever since which it remain'd in the hands of the said Guy and his Descendants.

II. King Peter came to Avignon l 9.41 about Candlemas in the beginning of this Year, of whose Coming the whole Court was glad; and most of the Cardinals, together with the French King, went forth to meet him, and conducted him with much Honour to the Popes Palace, where they were highly caressed, and after a splendid entertainment the two Kings returned to their Lodgings prepared for them in Villeneufe. Thus they tarried during all the season of Lent, and made frequent Visits to the Pope, and discoursed him of many serious Matters, concerning which they came thither. While the Kings were at Avignon, there happen'd a Controversie in Arms (which by the Court Martial was adjudged to be tried by Combat) between two Noble and Experienced Knights, namely Sr. Edmund de Pamiers and Sr. Fulk de Orillac, the King of France being to sit as Judge of the Field. Both the Knights behaved themselves with that Activity, Skill and Resolution, that is was no easie matter to say who was the Better: So that when after a long and gallant Fight, neither had any apparent Advantage of the other, and both their Spears and Swords being broken, they were proceeding to Pole-Axes, King John presently flang down his Wardour,

and caused the Combat to cease; after which He reconciled them together.

Now the King of Cyprus spake more than once to the Pope, his Cardinals and the French King,

That it would be both an exceeding Honour and Advantage for all Christendom, if some Powerfull Christian King would undertake to lead the Way o∣ver the Sea and rear his Banners against the Enemies of the Christian Faith; who for want of such Opposition overran all Asia, and hung now like a dreadfull Storm over Europe.

These Words the French King consider'd well, and resolved with Himself, if he might live Three Years longer, to be One among the Foremost in this Holy Ex∣pedition; not only out of a pious Consideration backed with the Words of the Pope, and the King of Cyprus, but also for two other Respects; the one because his Father King Philip had made a Vow so to do, to the m 9.42 Breach whereof he constantly attri∣buted all the Miseries, which had befell France since that time; and the other, that by so doing he should not only drain his own Country of those Evil Companions, who harassed his People without any just Title or Pretence; but also thereby prove an In∣strument of saving their Souls, by making them draw their Swords in the more righ∣teous Cause of Christ. These were his Reasons, and this his Resolution, which he kept secret to himself till Good-Fryday, at which time Pope Ʋrban himself preached in his Chappel at Avignon, in the Presence of both the Kings of Cyprus and of Fr••nce, and also of Waldemar King of Denmark, who was newly come thither for the same purpose. Sermon ended the French King in great Devotion stept forth and professed himself a Champion of Christ, and took upon him the Croisade, which he solemnly sware personally to set about, and to begin the Voyage within two Years from that Time, it n 9.43 being then the last of March. He also requested the Pope to yield his Consent and Furtherance thereto, and by his Bulls to authorise this his pious Under∣taking. The Pope not only most readily agreed to this Request, but also granted him his Pontifical Diploma, Dat. Aven. Pridie Kal. April. Anno Pontif. I. Wherein he constitutes him Governour and Captain General of all the Christian Armies, and pro∣duces these three Causes of that Expedition; First, the Indignity of the Matter, that Christians should suffer those places, which our Saviour had honoured with his Foot∣steps, and the Mysteries of our Redemption, to be defiled and trodden down of the Ma∣hometans: also the seasonable Occasion of Recovering Syria; now that the strength of the Saracens was exhausted with a Pestilence; and lastly the great Necessity of repres∣sing the growing Tyranny of the Turks, when 'twas to be feared, that all Christendom would be a prey unto them, unless their Fury should meet with a timely Check. Ta∣layrand the Cardinal of Perigort was the Popes Legate in this Holy Expedition, and then Methods were taken how to support the Design with Tithes and other pecuniary Colle∣ctions; the Prelates were commanded to publish this Croisade from their Pulpits, and to distinguish those who took it upon them with the Sign of the Cross. And then Ex∣communication and an Anathema was set forth against them, who should offer to dis∣swade the French King from his pious Design of recovering Syria: On which account circular Letters were sent, and solemn Prayers were appointed to engage the Divine Assistance. The Pope also sent his Letters to the Emperour Charles, to King Edward of England, to Lewis of Hungary, and to other Kings and Princes, that they would now employ all their power and Conduct toward the reducing of Asia unto Christ; and because King John could not conveniently set forth till about two Years after, by rea∣son that his Realm was so unsettled, and he could not in less time finish his Musters, and other vast Preparations thereupon; wherefore he tied himself to a certain Day, which was to be the Kalends of March in the Year of our Lord, One Thousand, three Hundred, Sixty and five: The King of Cyprus resolved in the mean time to go about and visit all the great Courts in Europe, and as he should succeed to go over before the King of France, to whom the Pope o 9.44 promised considerable Assistance. And thus a mighty Resolution was taken up, and the Cross of Jerusalem was worn by John King of France, Waldemar King of Denmark, and Peter King of Cyprus; p 9.45 also by Talay∣rand, commonly called the Cardinal of Perigort, thô he was Earl of Perigort, and Bi∣shop Cardinal of Alba; the same was done by the Earl of Artois, and the Earl of Eu, the Earl of Tancarville, the Earl of Dampmartin, the Lord Arnold D'Endreghan, the Lord Bouciquault, and the Grand Prior of France, and many other Lords and Knights then and there present. The King of Cyprus was extreamly overjoy'd at the great Zeal he found in all these Christian Worthies, and thought his Journey well bestow'd in so great a purchase towards the Advancement of Religion. But yet not content with this, he design'd to proceed and visit Charles the Emperour, and all the Princes and Chief Lords of the Empire; he intended likewise to see the King of England, the Prince of Wales,

and all other Potentates of Christendom, to stir them up singly at least to a Contri∣bution in Men or Money toward so pious and general an Undertaking. And the Pope gave him many Absolutions and Pardons, and full Authority to publish them, the bet∣ter to encline all Devout persons to joyn with him in so Holy and Meritorious a Cause, as it was in those Days accounted. And surely the King of Cyprus wherever he went, easily engaged the Love of all Men; for besides the Reputation which he had got in Arms, and that himself had long been a Souldier in the same Quarrel, he gave such good Reasons, and spake so elegantly, and perswaded so pathetically, that all Men of War had far rather hear him than a Sermon of the Pope's to that purpose: And so on this point they rested. Having therefore thus forwarded his Business here, he took his leave saying, how he would go and visit the Emperour, and the Lords of the Empire, and promised to return thither again by Brabant, Flanders and Hainalt; and so he was dismist by the Pope and the French King, who both acquitted themselves towards him very honourably, the latter presenting him with many rich Gifts and Jew∣els, and the former with Pardons, Absolutions and Indulgences for Him and all his Men, which as the Superstition of the Times went were no less Valuable. After the King of Cyprus his Departure, whom the King of Denmark accompanied, King John also took his leave of the Pope, and went to Mompellier to visit Languedoc; for he had not been in those Parts of many Years before.

III. The mean while the King of Cyprus rode so long by his Journeys, till he came to Prague the chief City of Bohemia, where the Emperour then was, of whom he was graciously received, as also of all the Lords of the Empire there present. It is said, q 9.46 that the Emperour told the King of Cyprus,

That he applauded his Words, and approved of the Popes pious Endeavours, as also of the French Kings Resolution, and of the King of Denmarks; and that for his own part he neither wanted Wealth nor Will to set about the Holy War, if he thought it would really be so much for the Benefit of Christendom, to shed the Blood of many good Men for the Affairs of Syria; that it was impossible to recover those Countries without much De∣struction of Christian People, of which Slaughter to make no account was the part rather of an Hangman than of a Prince. That moreover a Country so surrounded with Enemies, if it should be won, could not by any be long retain'd in Obedience; where∣fore to him it seem'd not the part of a Christian to seek the purchase of so little false Glory with the hazard of so many Lives.

But however lest any should ima∣gin, that he declin'd these Matters upon the account of Frugality, he offer'd the King of Cyprus as much Money, as might probably suffice for that War, which he presently caused to be paid unto him. The Emperours Liberality was imitated by the Dukes of Ba∣varia, Austria and Saxony his Brethren, the Marquess of Moravia, and the Duke of Luxemburgh and others; of all whom he received considerable Sums of Gold: Three Weeks he tarried at Prague, labouring all the while to bring over Proselytes to his inten∣ded Expedition against the Infidels, and wherever he went, while he was within the Bounds of the Empire, his Charges were born by the Emperour. After this he rode into the Dukedom of Juliers, and thence into Brabant, where he was received with much Ho∣nour by the Duke and Dutchess, and highly entertain'd in their chief City of Brussels with Feastings, Justs, Tourneaments and other Princely Diversions, and at his De∣parture he was largely presented with Jewels and other rich Gifts; and after all he went into the Earldom of Flanders to visit Earl Lewis, who treated him with great Magni∣ficence at Bruges, and in all things gave him full Satisfaction. Here he staid therefore the remaining part of the Summer, still minding the main Business, for which he had left his own Country, and earnestly exhorting the Earl, and other Lords and Gentle∣men, to embarque in the same Bottom with him, where Christ and his Holy Vicar were sure to be the Pilots, and Earthly Honour and Immortal Glory lay ready for them at the end of their Voyage: And all the Lords that heard him approved of his Words, and declared themselves willing to follow him.

IV. The mean while King Edward had dealt very Graciously with all the French Hostages; but especially r 9.47 unto Four of the Chief of them he shew'd Great Favour, namely, unto the Duke of Orleans, the Duke of Anjou, the Duke of Berry, and the Duke of Bourbon. For he permitted these Four Princes to reside at Calais for such a time, and during their stay there, each of them to have four days liberty to ride abroad into the French Pale, on the Marches of Calais; provided, that at the end of four days they return'd to Calais by Sun-setting. And this Grace the King allow'd with a Good Design, that so having some opportunity to be near their Friends, they might the sooner gather up the Money still remaining due for King John's

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Ransom, and thereby release themselves and their fellow Hostages. These Four Lords being thus at Calais, sent frequent Messengers to the French King, and to the Duke of Normandy,

desiring them to make quick dispatch in working their Delivery, as they had promised and sworn unto them, when they went Hostages into England: For if they were neglected any longer, they were resolved to look to look to themselves; because, as they said, they were not properly Prisoners, but only sureties for ano∣ther: And that if the Principal would not concern himself to perform the Cove∣nants, for which they were Pledges, it would be high time to shift, as well as they could, for themselves.

Thus eager were the Young Princes to be at liberty; but King John and the Duke of Normandy, and their Council, were so deeply taken up in Matters of a more pressing Nature, what in preparing for the Croisade, and what for other Wars, which the Inconstant King of Navarre began again to renew in France, having already sent into Lombardy for certain Troops of the Companions to come to his Assistance, that they had no leisure as then, to take the Remonstrance of these Dukes into consideration, or to send them any satisfactory Answer: Whereupon the Duke of Anjou, being young and angry, and neither well considering his Fathers Honour, nor his own, took the opportunity, one of the Four Days allow'd him, to ride clear off; whereat King John was infinitely displeased.

V. By this time the King of Cyprus, having dispatch'd his Affairs with the Earl of Flanders, came at last to Calais, where he found the remaining three French Dukes of Orleans, Berry, and Bourbon; the Duke of Anjou, being, as we shew'd, newly esca∣ped away. These Three Dukes, together with the King of England's Captains, who had the charge of them, received the King of Cyprus into Calais, where they were all together for two or three days; till there came from England a Safe Conduct, bearing Date 6 f 9.48 December, and to continue in Force, till Midsummer following for the King of Cyprus, the King of Denmark, and Albert Duke of Bavaria. Then these two Kings and the Duke aforesaid, took shipping for England, and arrived at Dover a little be∣fore Christmas, where tarrying two days to refresh themselves and their Retinues, and till all their Carriages and Horses were unshipped, they rode by small journeys easily, till they came to London. Here at the Kings Command they were Honourably met by the Young Earl of Hereford, Essex and Northampton, by the Lord Walter Man∣ny, the Lord Edward Spencer, the Lord Ralph Ferrers, Sr. Richard Pemburge and Sr. Richard Sturry, together with the Lords of France, Hostages, who conducted them to the Lodgings prepared for them. 'Tis to no purpose to mention all the Great Din∣ners and Publick Entertainments, wherewith King Edward received these Grand Person∣ages, he shewing by all ways imaginable the high Respect he had for them, and for the Pious Enterprise they had all taken in Hand. But unto the King of Cyprus he made a free declaration of his Mind, saying,

That from his Soul he desired to be reckon'd among the Heroick Champions of the Christian Faith; but he added, how it could not be warranted by the Word of God, that Religion was to be propaga∣ted by the Sword, or that it was a thing pleasing to God, to endeavour the Reco∣very of the Land of Palestine; at the expence of so much Christian Blood, as it hath too often cost already, or that it was the Duty of a Christian King, without any absolute necessity to leave his own Subjects, over whom God hath set him, to rush into Foreign Wars, which had no immediate relation to him: But only in this case, where a Pagan Prince doth unjustly seek to ruine or destroy any Christian Prince, that it would be the Interest of other Christians, near unto him, to protect and maintain his cause with their United Powers against the said Infidel. That as for him, he was not to be look'd on in that capacity; neither could he be spared from the Realm; for thô (blessed be God!) he had now Peace both abroad and at home; yet it behov'd him not only to look to the Peaceable Government of his Realm, but also to stand upon his Guard; lest by occasion of his Absence an Advantage might be taken against him, which he might never be able to repair: But as to a Friend and to a Christian King, who had come so far for the cause of Christendom, he promised him very considerable Sums of Money, and leave to take as many Volun∣tiers, as he could raise thrô the Realm.

VI. Before this t 9.49 there was a Parliament Summon'd this Year to meet the King at Westminster, as on the Fryday in the Octaves of St. Michael, being the Sixth of Octo∣ber; of which I shall take leave to glean some few remarkable Observations. On the Fryday aforesaid both houses not being full, the Lord Chief Justice, Sr. Henry Green, in presence of the King, Lords, and Commons, by the Kings Order, prorogued the Parliament, till Fryday following. At which time Simon Langham Bishop of Ely, and

Lord Chancellour of England, declared before the Lords and Commons the Reasons, why the King had called the said Parliament; namely,

because he was desirous to know the Grievances of his Subjects, and particularly that he might by the help of their advice redress what wrongs had been done against the Liberties of Ho∣ly Church; and also all Enormities, especially about exhibiting of Petitions.

Then there were appointed Receivers and Tryers of Petitions for England, Ireland, Wales, and Scotland; also for Aquitaine and other Foreign Places and Isles. On the Wednes∣day after Commandment was given, that no Man should transport Woollen Clothes, Sheep, Butter, Cheese, Malt, or Ale; only that the Merchants of Almaine might export Worsteds, and straight Clothes, and the Merchants of Gascogne might carry forth Woolen Clothes to the Value of the Wines imported.

Then the Commons gave the King their most humble thanks for the great Good∣ness he had shewed, and confirmed unto them with his own Mouth the last Parlia∣ment: And they humbly pray, that the King would enjoyn the Archbishops and all others of the Clergy, that they would put up their joynt Prayers to God Almighty, for the Prosperity of his Majesty, in Order to the Peace and good Government of the Land, and for the continuance of his Majesties Good-Will towards his Commons. The same prayeth the King. That the Coyners be order'd to Coyn half their Bul∣lion into half-pence and farthings, for the use of the Poor. The King hath so ap∣pointed. That Remedy may be had against Merchants, Hostelers, Regraters, and Fore∣stallers of Wares, Fish, Wine, and Corn. The Ordinance for Fish sold at Blackney in Norfolk shall be kept, to look to the Execution whereof William Wickingham and John Barry are appointed. That an Order be set forth against Merchants for export∣ing of Corn, Meal, and other such Provision. A Proclamation to the contrary hath been, and is now again newly made. That Remedy be had against Wears, and such other Engines on Rivers, as are a great annoyance to Boats. The Statute made for that purpose shall be kept. That the House of Commons may choose Justices of the Peace for every County; and that those whom they shall so choose, be not displa∣ced upon any surmises. Let the House of Commons name Able Men, and the King will choose, as he thinks best. That such Persons, as in the time of the Great Pe∣stilence, did let out their Mannors, which they held of the King in Capite, to sundry Persons for term of Life, without Licence, may accordingly continue the same, untill the Land become more populous. The King will be advised. That those, who bring in any Wines from any of the Kings Dominions, may be obliged to bring Testimo∣nial under Chief Officers hands of the Prizes of the same; so that upon their Arrival the Justices of the Peace may set Prizes agreeable thereto. The Statute therefore made shall stand. The Printed Statutes for the u 9.50 most part agree exactly with the Records, except that where the Print touching Wines hath Couchers, the Record hath English Couchers; and that of the Seventh Chapter in the Print touching Silver Ves∣sels, and of the Nineteenth for finding of Hawks, there is no mention found in the Record.

This Parliament was continued by several Prorogations, till the Third of Novem∣ber, when the Lord Chancellour in Presence of the King, Lords, and Commons, declared, that the King was resolved to execute the Statute of Apparel, and there∣fore charged them all to promote the same. After which he demanded of both Houses, whether they would have such Matters, as they agreed on, to be by way of Ordi∣nance or of Statute; they answer'd by way of Ordinance, that they might amend the same at their Pleasure, and so it was done. Then the King thanked them for their Pains taken, and so dismist them for that time.

VII. A Convocation x 9.51 of the Province of Canterbury, being held this Year under Archbishop Islip, the Holy-days were by a Canon retrenched to a far less Number than before; which indeed amounted to few more, than We now observe in England: Excepting to particular places, the Days of Dedication of Churches and the Saints days, Patrons thereof, and also the Double Festival of y 9.52 St. George; liberty being left to Work on any other Saints Days.

VIII. This Year z 9.53 departed this Life the Fair young Lady Elizabeth, Dutchess of Clarence, leaving one only Daughter behind her by Duke Lionel, her Husband, called Philippa, who afterwards was Married to Edmund Mortimer, Third Earl of March, Lord and Baron of Wigmore, Trim, Clare, and Connaught, as also of the Lord∣ship and Town of Ludlow: By him She had Roger Mortimer, Fourth Earl of March, whose Son Edmund dying without Issue, his Daughter Anne was Married to Richard Plantagenet Earl of Cambridge, Son to Edmund Langley Duke of York, Fifth Son of

King Edward the Third, and so convey'd her Title to her Son Richard Duke of York, who thereupon openly challenged the Crown of King Henry the Sixth, the Son of Henry the Fifth, the Son of Henry the Fourth, the Son of John of Gaunt, King Edwards Fourth Son; when as by the Mothers side, himself was the Son and Her of Anne, Daughter and Heir of Roger Mortimer, Son and Heir of Edmund Mortimer, by the Lady Philippa, sole Daughter and Heiress of Prince Lionel Duke of Clarence, King Edward's Third Son. And thô this Richard failed in the attempt, yet his Son Edward, afterwards call'd the Fourth, obtain'd the point, having destroy'd the House of John of Gaunt, in the Third Generation after his Son Henry of Bolingbroke, had depos'd King Richard the Second by Rebellion. King Edward solemnized the Funerals of this great Dutchess of Clarence, and a 9.54 gave Command to the Keeper of his great Wardrobe, to deliver out Four Cloths of Gold Baudekin, or Tinsell, and Nine of Bau∣dekin of Lucca, to be offer'd for himself and his Queen at her Funeral. Her Body b 9.55 was solemnly interred in the Chancel of the Augustine Fryers at Clare in Suffolk. Queen Philippa (who together with the Lady Catherine Countess of Warwick, and Daughter to Roger Mortimer, First Earl of March, had stood her Godmother) took her young Daughter Philippa into her Care and Protection, She being then in the Eighth Year of her Age.

This Year also Edward Bailiol, who was in his time King of Scotland, till he re∣sign'd his Title to King Edward of England, c 9.56 departed this Life at Doncaster in York∣shire without Issue, being the last of the Family of John Bailiol: So that hereby there was no pretence left to any to disturb the Then-uncontroverted Right of David Bruce King of Scotland, and consequently of Prince Robert Stuart, who being the Eldest Son of King David's Eldest Sister, succeeded him in the Kingdom, upon King David's Dying also without Issue, as we shall see about Ten Years hence.

On the d 9.57 Fourteenth of August Dr. Ralph Shrewsbury Bishop of Bath and Wells de∣parted this Life, being succeeded by Dr. John Bernet, who was translated thither from Worcester, and William Wittlesey Bishop of Rochester, supply'd his place at Wor∣cester, whose vacant See was filled by Dr. Thomas Trillick Dean of St. Pauls, London.

IX. About this time e 9.58 one Walter Winkeburne was for some Capital crime or other so violently prosecuted by one of the Knights Hospitallers, that whether Guilty or no, he received Judgment to be Hanged, and Hanged he was. Being after such a time cut down, as he was carried for Dead to be laid in the Church-yard of St. Sepulchers at Leicester, he began to revive in the Cart, and being thereupon carried for safeguard into the Church, was there perfectly recover'd, and carefully watched by the Clergy of Leicester, lest the Sheriff should take him away to hang him again; while some were sent to tell the King, who was then in those Parts, of the Adventure, and to beg his Charter of pardon; since the Person had in a manner satisfied the Law, and that his miraculous Recovery might seem no bad Argument of his Innocency: Accordingly King Edward presently after granted him his Charter of pardon in the Abbey of Lei∣cester, saying these Words, which Knighton affirms, that himself heard from him,

Since God hath given him Life, I'll give him my Charter.

Such another Case happen'd at London in my Time about the Year 1670, upon the Body of one Savage an hopefull young Man, who gave great testimony of his Repentance both before and at the place of Execution. After he had hung a full Half Hour, his Body being gran∣ted to his Friends for Burial, they perceiving some signs of Life to remain, put him in∣to a warm Bed, and at last perfectly recover'd him; thô by his own Confession he had been guilty of the Murther and Robbery laid to his Charge. But he had not such For∣tune as this Walter Winkeburne; for before King Charles the Second could be made acquainted with the Accident, the Sheriff having an inkling of the matter, by the in∣discretion of his Friends, came and took him away to the Gallows again, where finally he died.

X. In this Season, either because the Wars being now ended, those who had been Souldiers, had rather do any thing than return to their former Occupations, or thrô relaxation of Discipline, there s 9.59 arose Swarms of Theeves and High-way Men in se∣veral parts of England, who set upon Travellers and brake up Houses, and robbed Churches and the Shrines of Saints, and carried away the more pretious Reliques, and all the Rich Offerings: Particularly they robbed the Abbey of Thornton in Leicester∣shire, and took away the Image of our Lady of Mirivale out of her Chappel, and the Image of our Lady of Monks-Kirkby; and the like they did in many other places, thô

most of the Authors were taken and hanged. Some of these People stole away the Head of St. Hugh, formerly Bishop of Lincoln, which, after they had spoiled it of all the Gold, Silver and precious Stones belonging unto it, they flang away in a Field, and went to London to sell their ill-gotten Goods; but afterwards being themselves rob'd of all their Gains, and thereupon confessing their Sacrilege, they received their reward at the Gallows. Among other Instances of these licentious Robbers violence and con∣tempt of the Law, Peter King of Cyprus himself, as he rode about here in England, with a small Attendance in confidence of King Edwards protection, was g 9.60 set upon by a Gang of these Fellows, and inhumanely strip'd and rob'd of all he had about him: Which with other things might easily give occasion to Foreigners of concluding our Nation Uncourteous, Barbarous and Inhospitable; but that it is not the part of dis∣creet Judges to attribute that unto an whole People in general, which is only the Chara∣cter of the most rascally and villanous sort of Theeves among that People. However King Edward was extreamly incensed hereat, and did what he could to bring the Authors to condign punishment; and in order thereto granted unto the City of London more am∣ple power to do Justice, and to deliver up Prisoners within their Liberties to the Kings Justices, as they used to do before, thô without Licence.

XI. About this time King David of Scotland h 9.61 came also into England to visit King Edward, and to see if he might obtain a Relaxation of some part of his Ransom, but we don't hear any thing of his Success therein. However he stayed some time here, as well in respect to King Edward, as for the sake of the Kings of Cyprus and Denmark, whom he had never seen before. So that shortly after, King John of France coming also into England, there were present here at one time Four Stranger Kings, as John King of France, David King of Scotland, Peter King of Cyprus, and Waldemar King of Denmark.

This Year i 9.62 it is remembred, that there happen'd a grievous hard Frost, attended with an unusual Cold, which continued from the Seventh of September, as some say, thô others have December, to the Fourteenth of the Kalends of April following, which was Occasion of incredible Harm, as well to the Land in General, as to poor People in Particular.

CHAPTER the TENTH.

The CONTENTS.

I. King John of France comes over into England. II. King Edward gives him an honourable Reception. III. An Alderman of London entertains Five Kings at one Time. IV. The King of Cyprus returns into France, and visits the Black-Prince, then Prince of Aquitam; by whom he is received with great Honour. V. King John sickens and dies in England. VI. The King of Navarre on News thereof breaking out again, the Duke of Normandy sends for Sr. Bertram of Clequin to oppose him: A Story of Sr. Bertrams Original. VII. Sr. Bertram by Stratagem takes Mante and Meulan from the Navarrois. VIII. The King of Navarre makes the Captal of Busche his General, who prepares to ride against Sr. Bertram of Clequin. IX. Sr. Bertram reinforced; the Lord Beaumont de la Val taken Prisoner by Sr. Guy of Granville a Navarrois. X. King John's Funeral Rites performed in England, his Body buri∣ed in France; a Day appointed for the Coronation of the Duke of Normandy. XI. The Particulars of the famous Battle of Cocherel, between the Captal of Busche and Sr. Bertram of Clequin, wherein the Captals Forces are overthrown, and himself taken Prisoner. XII. Sr. Guy of Granville saves the Life of his Father the Lord Gran∣ville, and redeems him by Exchange for the Lord Beaumont de la Val. XIII. Charles Duke of Normandy, Crown'd King of France at Rheims, and makes his Brother Phi∣lip Duke of Burgundy. XIV. Sr. Bertram buyes the Castle of Rolebois; the Duke of Burgundy sent with an Army to reduce the rest. The Army dividing into three Bodies acts separately under the Duke, Sr. Bertram and the Lord de la Riviere. XV. Prince Lewis of Navarre grows strong about Bourbonnois; a Party of his takes la Charité by Surprise. XVI. The Duke of Burgundy wins Marcheville and besie∣ges Cameroles: The Lord de la Riviere takes Aquigny by Composition; Cameroles

won and demolished; * 9.63 Connay besieged. XVII. Prince Lewis and his Garrison of la Charité do their Pleasure: The Earl of Monbelliard invading Burgundy, King Charles remands the Duke thither, who yet takes Connay first, and then goes and chaces away the Earl of Monbelliard and wasts his Lands. XVIII. The Constable of France lays Siege to la Charité, and is enforced by the Duke of Burgundy. XIX. The Place taken by Composition.

I. KING John of France, who had all this while made vast Preparations for the Holy War, which he had so solemnly undertaken, a 9.64 was now at the City of Amiens in Picardy with all the Lords of his Council, before whom he seriously declared,

That he had a Mind to cross the Seas, and pay a Visit to his Brother of England, and the Queen his Sister, for which cause he had assembled them to let them know his Resolution.

All his Council for the main were against this, so rash Attempt, as they thought it, of their Kings, and several of their Prelates and Barons told him plainly,

That it would not be either for his Honour or Advantage, so easily to put himself into the power of a Reconciled Enemy. Messteurs, said King John, let me believe my own Judgment: I have found by Ex∣perience so much Faith and Honour in the King of England my Brother, and in the Queen and their Children, that I can never commend them too highly: Wherefore as to that Point I am confident they will embrace me with all Sincerity and Friend∣ship. I desire also to confer Personally with King Edward about this Croisade, which we have undertaken; and besides I intend to excuse my Son the Duke of Anjou, who like an indiscreet Young Man, by his Unlicensed Return into France, has en∣trenched upon my Honour.

To these Words none durst make a Rejoinder, for they saw he was absolutely determin'd as to that Matter. Then the King appointed his Son Charles the Dauphin, to be again his Lieutenant and Regent of the Realm, during his Absence, and he promised the Lord Philip his youngest Son, to make him at his Re∣turn Duke of Burgundy, and Inheritor of that Dutchy. And so Order being given to provide all things necessary for the Voyage at Boulogne, he rode from Amiens to Hesdin, where he solemnised the Festival of our Lords Nativity, together with Earl Lewis of Flanders, who came thither to meet him, and tarried with him four Days. On St. Innocents Day he left Hesdin and went to Boulogne, where he took up his Lodgings in the Abbey, expecting till the Wind might serve, having in his Company the Earl of Eu, the Earl of Dampmartin, the Grand Prior of France, the Lord Bouc••∣quault, Sr. Tristram de Magnilieu, Sr. Peter and Sr. John Villers, Sr. John de Aune∣ville, Sr. Nicolas de Bracquemont and divers other Lords, Knights and Esquires.

Many of our Writers seem too indiscreetly to surmise, as if one Occasion of King John's coming to England at this time was for Love of the Countess of Salisbury, which Opi∣nion the Noble Lord of b 9.65 Orrery hath lately authorised with his excellent Pen. But it is to be consider'd, that my Lord wrote a Poem for Delight, and not an History for the Establishment of Truth; wherefore he is not to be accused: And yet Sr. Richard Ba∣ker, and others of his Character, are by no means to be pardoned, who so lightly make such unwarrantable Roflections without weighing the Matter. If they mean by the Countess of Salisbury, the First Earl Montagu's Lady, that was Madam Catharine, Daughter of the Lord Grandison, and she was dead c 9.66 above 12 Years before this time. If they refer to the Fair Lady of Kent so much talk'd of, we have shewn how she was two Years since married to Prince Edward, and it appears that she was now with him in Aquitain, of which King John could not be ignorant: And if they shall be forced to own the Lady Elizabeth, Daughter to the Lord Mohun of Dunstor, d 9.67 who only was at this time Countess of Salisbury, and Wife to the Second Earl Montagu; let them bring the least shadow of Authority, or shew that ever they themselves thought upon that Person before, and I yield. But otherwise I must profess, that I cannot without Resentment see the Honour, not only of a Noble Lady, but also of two Kings, John and Edward, who are both said to have been in Love with her, thus shamefully tradu∣ced by Men of either no Industry or no Honesty: But to proceed.

King John of France, when all things were ready for his Voyage, and the Mariners told him the Wind stood fair for England, e 9.68 went on Board, and set sail from Boulogne with his Guard and other Attendants, about the hour of Midnight, and arrived safely at Dover about Ten the next Morning, being the Day before the Vigil of the Epi∣phany, or the Fourth of January, f 9.69 which was a Thursday, in the Year of our Lord MCCCLXIV.

II. King Edward was at that time with his Queen and the whole Court at Eltham

in Kent, about 8 Miles from London; to which Place News was brought him of King Johns Arrival. Hereupon he presently sent forth certain Honourable Knights of his Court to bid him Welcome, and to conduct him forward on his way; as the Lord Bartholomew Burwash, Sr. Alan Boxhull, Sr. Richard Pemburge and Others; who rode Post to Dover, where they found King John, and in their Masters Name gave him Welcome, saying,

How the King of England was extreamly satisfied with the obli∣ging Honour of that Royal Visit.

King John replied, he never doubted of a Wel∣come from his Dear Brother of England. The next Day they all mounted their Horses and rode to Canterbury, where having din'd, King John would needs visit the Cathe∣dral, where he offer'd a Rich Jewel at the Shrine of St. Thomas; and there they tarri∣ed the remainder of that Day. On the Sunday Morning they set forth all together toward Eltham, where the King of England was, with a great Number of his Nobi∣lity, ready to receive his Dear Brother of France. On Sunday after Dinner King John came thither, where he was highly caressed and embraced by the King and Queen of England, and between that and Supper-time there was nothing but Princely Diversions, of Dancing, Singing and Carolling. But especially the young Lord Ingel∣ram of Coucy set himself forth to entertain the two Kings, and danced so pleasantly, and sang so sweetly, that he extreamly satisfied the Whole Presence, and wan the Com∣mendations both of the French and English Nobility, who were all delighted to be∣hold and hear him; for all that ever he did became him wonderfully. At this time the Lady Isabella, Eldest Daughter to King Edward, began to cast her Affections upon that Gallant Lord, and became so serious therein, that shortly we shall find it a Match. Soon after the Court removed from Eltham toward London, but in the way the Lord Mayor and Aldermen with an Honourable Retinue met the two Kings on Black-Heath, and so conducted them over the Bridge thrô the City with Sounding of Trumpets.

III. King John was conducted to the Savoy in great Honour, where he was lodg∣ed with those Hostages that were of his Blood, as the Duke of Orleans, the Duke of Berry and the Duke of Bourbon, the Earl of Alenson, the Lord Guy of Blois, the Earl of St. Paul, and divers Others. He was well entertain'd among these his Relations, with whom he constantly conversed, at the same time making and receiving frequent Visits to and from King Edward of England, King David of Scotland, King Peter of Cyprus, King Waldemar of Denmark, Albert Duke of Bavaria, Lionel Duke of Clarence, John Duke of Lancaster, and Edmund Earl of Cambridge; many Sumptuous and Princely Sports and Banquets passing among them. And the City of London was at that time so flourishing, that not only the Lord Mayor, but most of the Aldermen in their Turns, had the Generosity and Ability to invite and entertain all these Great Kings and Po∣tentates singly, and together, as Occasion served. Particularly Sr. Henry Picard, g 9.70 a Merchant Vintner of Gascogne, who some Years before had been Lord Mayor of Lon∣don, one Day made a Splendid Feast at his own House, now called the Vintry, over a∣gainst St. Martins Church; at which Entertainment were present the Kings of England, Scotland, France, Denmark and Cyprus, the Duke of Bavaria, the Chief Hostages of France, and King Edwards Sons (excepting the Black-Prince then in Aquitain) and ma∣ny of the Chief Nobility of England. And after Dinner he kept his Hall for all Co∣mers, that were willing to play at Dice and Hazard; his Lady Margaret at the same time keeping her Chamber for the Entertainment of the Princesses and Ladies.

IV. King John went h 9.71 as often as he pleased, privately by Water to visit King Ed∣ward at his Palace of Westminster, and both the Kings, when upon their Communica∣tion they were put in mind of the Lord James of Bourbon, who was slain two Years before at the Battle of Brignais near Lyons, greatly bewailed his Loss, as who was a Person of a most agreeable Conversation in all Noble Company. The French King had brought with him into England, a i 9.72 Moiety of one Million of the Three he was enga∣ged to pay for his Ransom, and desired that some of the Hostages might be deliver'd; but that King Edward would not grant. However King John tarried still in England disporting himself, and taking his Pleasure in and about London and Westminster, his chief Residence being at the Savoy, at that time k 9.73 one of the Faitest Mansions in Eng∣land belonging to the Duke of Lancaster: And the late Duke Henry had bestowed no less than 52000 Marks thereon. King David of Scotland came also to pay some part of his Ransome, and hoped to prevail with King Edward to acquit him of the Remainder; but he could not obtain that Point. The King of Cyprus, having purchased a Choice Band of English Gentlemen Volunteers, and received many large Presents from King Edward, l 9.74 repassed the Seas with King Waldemar of Denmark in his Company,

and went to Boulogne, and thence to Amiens, where he found the Duke of Normandy and his Council, by whom he was hugely caressed, and related unto them his Success in England, and how he had left King John in Health, whereat they were all pleased. Having been here a while he said,

That for all this he thought he had neither done nor seen any thing of Moment, untill he should have seen the Prince of Wales, adding, that by the Grace of God he would go and visit him and the Lords of Poictou and of Aquitain.

The Regent approved of his Resolution, but desired him at his Return to come thrô France and visit his Father, whom by that time they expected from England. King Peter promised to do thus much, and so took his leave and rode toward Beauvais, and passed the River of Seyne, and so thrô Perche and Tourain over the Loire, till he came to Poictiers, where he was informed how the Black-Prince was at his City of Angoulesme. The Prince was then busie in providing a Solemn Feast, Justs and Tourneaments, which he design'd to hold with Fourty Knights and as many Esquires, for the Love of his Beautifull Princess, who was just then brought to Bed of an Hopefull Son called Edward, after his Fathers Name. When Prince Edward heard how the King of Cyprus was coming to visit him, he sent forth the Lord John Chandos with a great Number of Knights and Esquires of his Court to meet and conduct him forward, which they did accordingly. And so King Peter was honourably convey'd to Angoulesme, where he was received by the Prince with all the Demonstrations of Joy and Respect imaginable. He found himself also extream Welcome to all the Lords of England, and of Poictou and Sainctogne, such as were then at the Princes Court, na∣mely to Sr. John Chandos, to Sr. Thomas Felton and his Brother Sr. William Felton, Sr. Thomas Beauchamp, Sr. Simon Burley, Sr. Neal Loring, Sr. Roger Delaware, Sr. Richard Pountchardon, Sr. Baldwin Frevile Seneschal of Saintogne and many more, besides the Lords of Aquitain, as the Vicount of Thoüars, the young Lord of Pons, the Lord of Par∣tenay, Sr. Guischard D'Angle and Others. The King of Cyprus was highly feasted and cares∣sed by the Prince, and the Lords of his Court, and when he had tarried there about a Month, the Lord John Chandos rode with him thrô the Country to divert his Mind, and shew him what was Curious and worth Observation. He was Nobly entertain'd at Rochelle, and other Places by the English Governors there, and having visited the Country all about in the most Remarkable Places, he returned again to Angoulesme, at what time the Prince held the foresaid Solemnity in Honour of his Princess with great Pomp and Splendour, and a Glorious Retinue of Men of Arms. The sight of these Mens valiant Justings, made the King desire to have some of their Company along with him against the Infidels: And so after the Solemnity of the Feast was over, he accosted the Prince and the Lords of his Court, shewing unto them distinctly the Prin∣cipal Reason of his Coming thither, namely,

How he had taken upon him the Red Cross which he wore, and how the Pope had by his Authority confirmed it, and what Honour and Privileges remain'd for those, who should joyn with him in this Expedi∣tion, and how the French King, and the Lord Talayrand the Cardinal, and divers other Great Lords and Princes had devoutly sworn to embarque in the same Enterprise.

Then the Prince and his Knights answer'd him kindly and said,

How truly it was an Expedi∣tion well worthy the Consideration of all Men of Honour, and that by the Grace of God, when once the Matter was enter'd upon, and the Passage laid open, he should not be alone; but should find among them those that would be glad at any Rate, together with Religion, to advance their Honours.

With these Words the King of Cyprus was well pleased, and so being laden with Gifts from the Prince and Princess, he took his leave, the Lord Chandos at the Princes Command, waiting upon him to the Bounds of the Principality. But the Lord m 9.75 Thomas Beauchamp Earl of Warwick, the Lord Thomas n 9.76 Roos, and divers o 9.77 other Stout Barons of England and Gascogne, went quite thrô with design to aid him in the Wars in the Holy Land: Being no less than 300 Select Horse. Knights and Esquires, besides Archers and others their Friends and Servants, who at the request of the Pope hand Letters of Safe-conduct from the Go∣vernour of Dauphiné and le Viennois, to pass without any molestation or interruption through those Parts; Sr. James de Arteville being appointed with Ten Officers in his Company, to guide and conduct them to the Limits of Piedmont.

V. The mean while King Peter having sent them before, returned to Paris, where he thought to have found the French King, but he mist of his Expectation: For that Prince was not returned out of England, but lay dangerously sick at his Lodgings in the Savoy at London, and every day grew worse and worse to the infinite Regret of King Edward and his Queen: For all the Physicians agreed, that his sickness was Mor∣tal. All this was not unknown to the Duke of Normandy, who was at Paris, being

Regent in his Fathers Absence; for the Lord Bouciquault was return'd from England to inform the Dauphin in what a Desperate Condition the King lay. The King of Na∣varre also was fully acquainted with the News, but was very little concerned at it; for he hoped to make War more easily in France, if King John should die; and it is to be noted, that this unquiet Prince p 9.78 pretended a Right to the Dutchy of Burgundy, which King John had already seised into his Hands, but because the Inhabitants so ear∣nestly desired a Duke of their own, he designed to give it to his youngest Son Philip at his return out of England; for he lov'd him the best of all his Children, because he stuck so close to him at the Battle of Poictiers. Being therefore desirous to take hold of the Opportunity of King Johns Sickness, he sent his Letters to the Lord John Gre∣illy Captal of Buche his Cousin, who was at that time with the Earl of Foix, desiring him to come unto him in Normandy; for that he design'd to make him Generalissimo of all his Forces. Whereupon the Captal presently set forward toward Normandy, and gather'd up as he went along several Knights and Esquires, English, Gascogners and o∣thers, who were willing to partake with so Renowned a Captain in his Adventures: But they were not over many.

This mean while on the VI q 9.79 of the Ides, aliàs on the 8 Day of April, King John of France departed this Life at the Savoy in London, whereat King Edward, and the Queen and their Children were exceeding sorry, because of the great Love and Friend∣ship, that was between them ever since the Peace of Bretigny. One says, r 9.80 that upon his Death-bed, having one time sent for King Edward, he began very earnestly to beg his Pardon, confessing unto him,

That from his first Coming into England, he had Confederates in London and other Places, who secretly collected the Finest Gold of the Kingdom, and made it into Plates, and put it up in Barrels hooped with Iron to send into France; and how they had bought up to the Number of 1000 Bows and Arrows, and a great Quantity of other Arms to the same Purpose: All which he now confessed to the King, and in whose Hands the said Things now were; and al∣so that he had illegally and unjustly withheld from him the Crown of France untill the Peace made at Bretigny: For all which he now most heartily beg'd his Pardon.

And King Edward forgave him with much Tenderness, but caused all the Gold and Arms asoresaid to be seised on, and severely punished those English Men, whom he found offending in the Premises; among whom were s 9.81 many Lombard Merchants, who being discovered by some of their Fellows, were clapt up in the Tower, till they had com∣pounded as the King pleased.

VI. Immediately upon King Johns Death, t 9.82 the Duke of Orleans his Brother, and the Duke of Berry his Son, who were still in England among the Hostages, and wonder∣fully dejected at his Departure, wrote Word thereof to the Duke of Normandy, where∣at he was extreamly troubled. But knowing that there was now no Remedy, and that Himself was the next Heir to the Crown of France; and that the King of Navarre was preparing to give him a Baffle at his first setting forth, he thought it high time to rouse and put on the Spirit of a King, and endeavour to establish his Affairs on all hands.

At that time there flourished a gallant Captain in Bretagne a Valiant and Hardy Knight, named Sr. Bertram de Clequin, of whose Name and Original it w••ll not be amiss for us to enquire a little; thô only for the great Renown he afterwards arrived to, and the many Noble Deeds of Arms which he performed, as we shall see in the Process of this History. About the Year of our Lord 800, u 9.83 Charlemain being then King of France, there reigned in Bougie in Barbary a King called Aquin, in whose time the said Charlemain was taken up in his Spanish Wars, which lasted him in all for a∣bout Nine Years: For the Kingdom of Spain is a large and great Country, whose Beginning was reckon'd heretofore at St. Jean Pied de Port, and so it went along including the Realms of Biscay, Navarre, Aragon and Portugal, of Conimbria and Lisbon, of Sevile, Toledo, Corduba, Castille and Leon, up as far as the Streights of Gibralter, where is the shortest Passage into Barbary. In this Country was that Great French Monarch, when the foresaid Aquin an African King, whose Dominions lay directly over Spain, undertook to divert him from pursuing his Victories among the Saracens, and went into Bretagne, and landed at the Port of Vannes with a Mighty Army, his Wife and Children being also in his Company. On the Sea side hard by Vannes he built a great and strong Tower called by him Glay, which in the Phoenician Tongue signifies a Castle, and there he made his chief Residence; but daily he sent forth his Captains, and conquer'd about in Bretagne at his pleasure. Charlemain heard in Spain how King Aquin proceeded without Opposition; however he would not re∣turn

back to make Head against him, but said,

Let him alone in Bretagne for a while, we shall easily rid the Country of him, when once we have throughly esta∣blished the Christian Faith in these Parts.

Accordingly when he had finished his Af∣fairs there, he returned into Bretagne, and there one Day gave Battle to King Aquin, and overthrew him with a mighty Slaughter, so that he fled to his Castle of Glay, where he found a good Ship ready for him at the Foot of the Tower, into which he enter'd with his Wife and Children, and a few of his Servants, and escaped away: But in such a Hurry, that he forgot a young Son of his scarce a Year old, who then lay a∣sleep in the Tower. This Child was found and brought to Charlemain, who received him gladly, and caused him to be baptized, Rowland and Oliver, two Heroick Princes of those Days, being his Godfathers, who named him Oliver, and the King gave unto him all the Lands that his Father Aquin had conquer'd in those Parts. The same in process of Time became a most Valiant Knight, and was called Sr. Oliver de Glay Aquin, be∣cause he was found in the Tower of Glay and was Son to King Aquin. This Original, whether true or false was afterwards assigned to Sr. Bertram de Clequin, when he came to the height of his Honour, but at this time he was not greatly taken Notice of, ex∣cept among the Knights of Bretagne that were of his Retinue, with all whom he was highly esteemed and well beloved, still making War in the Behalf of the Lord Charles of Blois, by whom he was recommended to the Duke of Normandy; and he had a lit∣tle before employed him in those Parts.

VII. Now when the x 9.84 Duke of Normandy heard of his Fathers Death, and of the Preparations of the King of Navarre against France, he said to his Marshal the Lord Bouciquault,

I would have you forthwith ride with your Troops into Normandy, where you shall find a Valiant Knight, a True and Loyal Frenchman, called Sr. Bertram of Clequin, and look that you and he together make up a sufficient Power of Good Souldiers to resist the King of Navarre, and to guard the Passages of the River Seyne:

And therewithall he gave him some secret Orders how to proceed. Sr. Bouciquault pro∣mised to do his Devoir, and soon after went with a competent Number of Knights and Esquires, and took his way toward Normandy by St. Germain, having declared to his Men tho feignedly, how he design'd to go to the Castle of Rolebois, wherein was a Garrison of those Villanous Companions, who did so much Mischief thrô most Parts of Christendom. Rolebois was a strong Fortress on the River of Seyne about a League from Mante, at that time full of the said Companions, who made War indifferently both a∣gainst the French King and the King of Navarre; their Captain was one Vantair Au∣start an expert Man at Arms, Bold and Hardy, a Native of Brussels, who kept them at limited Wages, and on such and such Conditions under his Obedience. Whereby he rob'd and held in awe all the Country about him; so that none hardly durst go between Paris and Mante, towards Roüen or to Pont-Oyse, whether they were French or Navarrois, it was all one to them. But especially they constrained those of Mante, which was then Garrison'd by the Navarrois, more grievously, because of their Neighbourhood to them. Now therefore when the Lord Bouciquault left Paris, he gave it out openly, that he in∣tended to go against Rolebois, to revenge himself of the Companions there. But before he came thither he made an Halt, waiting for Sr. Bertram of Clequin, who had secret Knowledge of all beforehand. However as Sr. Bertram marched forth to meet Sr. Bou∣ciquault, he attempted by fair Words to obtain the Castle of Eureux, but being an∣swer'd with Stones, he left them, and soon after came to the Place where Sr. Bouci∣quault expected him, not far from Rolebois. At their joyning they made up 500 Men of Arms; and then the two Captains laid their Heads together about putting their Design into Execution, which was indeed to get the City of Mante by any means. The Result was that Sr. Bouciquault with an Hundred in his Company should ride in great haste toward Mante, as if they were in doubt of their Lives, pretending to be cha∣sed by those of the Garrison of Rolebois, and so should beg of them for God-sake to open their Gates, and let them in for safeguard of their Lives. Which Point being once obtain'd, then the Gates were to be secur'd, at what time Sr. Bertram with his whole Company should be ready at hand to back them, and so they thought to enter the Town and do what they pleased: But if they should fail this way, they knew of no other how to succeed. This Method therefore being resolved on, the Captains kept the Determination private in their own Breasts, without the least intimation in the world to any of their Men. Sr. Bouciquault early one Morning rode toward Mante with his hundred Men, and Sr. Bertram with the other 400 wheel'd about another way, and went and laid himself in Ambush near the said Town, only Sr. Bertrams part was first acted. As S•• Bouciquault began to come in sight of the Town, his Compa∣ny

at his Command fell into Disorder, like Men utterly routed, and fled toward Mante upon the Spur; but so that Sr. Bouciquault came first thither with but Ten Men about him, the rest following at some distance one after another. Sr. Bouciquault like a Man in great fear, call'd aloud at the Barriers,

Ah! Ye good People of Mante for God∣sake open your Gate and save our Lives; for here come after us these villanous Mur∣derers and Theeves of Rolebois, who have routed us and now pursue us to Death.

Then the Watchman demanding who they were, he continued

I am the Lord Bouci∣quault Marshal to the Duke of Normandy, and sent by him to fight with those of Rolebois: But the Rogues have prevailed and discomfited us, so that I am forced to fly against my Will; and here they will take me and those few of my Men who are left, unless you will please to open your Gate and allow us Sanctuary.

Those upon the Watch believing all he said, replied,

Sir, we know well, that the Gar∣rison of Rolebois are our Enemies as well as yours; for they care not upon whom they make War: But on the other hand the Duke of Normandy, to whom you are Mar∣shall, hateth us, because of our Lord the King of Navarre, so that we may well be afraid of a Trepan, if we should let in any of his Servants.

Sirs, said he, by my Faith you shall have no harm of me; I am not come hither into this Country, but only a∣gainst the Theeves of Rolebois, and we are not passing threescore of us left alive; and they are all dead without you have pitty upon us speedily.

Upon these words they open'd the Gates and let Sr. Bouciquault in, and always by little and little the rest of his Men followed; so that between the hindmost of his Men, and the foremost of Sr. Bertrams, who had now left their Ambush, the Men of Mante had no leisure to shut their Gates again. Yet Sr. Bouciquault as a Man wholly innocent, withdrew to an Inn and unarm'd himself, the better to blind them of the Town, that they should not too much mistrust him. But at that instant Sr. Bertram with his 400 Men came on upon the Spur, galloping furiously into the Town and crying, "St. Yves, a Clequin! To the Death of all the Navarrois; and so enter'd and flew in the Town and Houses, and robbed and took Prisoners at their pleasure. At that same time, and by the same Directions another Company of Bretons was dispatched away to Meulan, about three Leagues from Mante, and lying on the Seyne also, which Place they likewise took by Stratagem;

For say they, we are Men of Arms sent hither by the Lord William of Granville, who is now at Mante with as many more.

Now the Men of Meulan could not suspect any Falshood in this; because they came the way from Mante, and knew well they could come no other way, nor pass the River of Seyne but at the Bridge of Mante; wherefore they easily believed them and set open their Barriers and Gates, at which time these Bretons enter'd, but presently set themselves in an Hostile Posture and cried St. Yves, a Clequin! And so slew all manner of People down before them, none being able to resist, but flying away in Despair, when they saw themselves so suddenly betrayed. Thus were the strong Cities of Mante and Meulan taken at one time to the great satisfaction of the Duke of Normandy, but to the no less regret of the King of Navarre, who by these two Places had found an easie Entrance in∣to the Isle of France at his Pleasure; both which were now cut off from him.

VIII. Wherefore in all other his Towns and Castles he began to set more discreet Captains, and gave more strict Orders concerning Opening their Gates; and that same Week the Captal of Busche came to him to Cherburgh with 400 Men of Arms, which was a very seasonable and agreeable Refreshment to the exulcerated Mind of the King of Navarre, who made him very welcome; but complain'd of his Loss of Mante and Meulan bitterly.

Well Sir said the Captal, if it please God we shall take the Field shortly, and I hope to succeed so well as to recover those Places again with interest. It is said, how the Duke of Normandy is going to Rheims to be Crowned; but per∣haps we shall a little disturb the Solemnity.

The King of Navarre for his part was so glad that he had the Captal with him (who was one of the most Renowned and Hardy Captains in the World, and as we have shewn before, one of the Knights, Founders of the most Honourable Order of the Garter) that he declared, how he would forthwith make an Inroad into the French Pale; and thereupon he sent forth his Summons, and sent for Souldiers into all Parts, where he thought to get any for Love or Money. Among others there was at that time an English Knight in Nor∣mandy named Sr. John Jones, a right Valiant and Expert Man of War, who was Cap∣tain of three hundred Chosen Men, and had before that drawn his Sword in the King of Navarre's Quarrel: No•• again therefore he is invited to the same Service, which be readily embraces and comes accordingly.

IX. When the Duke of Normandy (for so we beg leave to call him for distinction

sake, till we shall see him Crown'd) understood of these hot Preparations of the King of Navarre, and that the Captal of Busche was to be his General, he wrote to Sr. Ber∣tram Clequin, desiring him and his Bretons to keep Frontier War upon the King of Navarre; on which account he engaged to supply him with sufficient Forces to dis∣pute with his whole Power, and he commanded the Lord Bouciquault at the same time to stay with his Troops and keep Mante and Meulan. According to these Orders Sr. Bertram went with his Troops of Bretons to Vernon, whither shortly after the Duke of Normandy sent unto him the Earl of Auxerre, the Vicount Beaumont, the Lord of Beaujeu, and divers other Knights and Esquires, with a competent Number of choice Souldiers. Besides, at that time several Lords and Knights of Gascogne, Subjects to the Prince of Wales and Aquitain, went into France to offer their Service to the Duke of Normandy; as the Lord of Albret, the Lord Edmund of Pamiers, Sr. Arnold of Cer∣voles the Arch Priest, Sr. Petition Courton or Coutras, the Soldiche of Estarrac and o∣thers, to whom the Duke gave many thanks, and order'd them to go into Normandy and joyn Sr. Bertram; but the Lord of Albret only sent his Men, himself tarrying be∣hind with the Duke. At the same time there lay on the Frontiers of Bretagne towards Normandy, a Breton Knight of the French Interest, named Sr. Beaumont de la Val, who was Captain of fourty Spears besides Others, all of his own Country. This Knight rode one day and came before Eureux, where he did much harm to the Out-houses, and alarum'd the whole City and Castle also; the Captain of which latter was Sr. Guy of Granville, Son to the Lord William Granville, who had so subtilly taken the Castle of Eureux by stratagem some Years before, as we have related. When he heard the first Noise of the Fray, he presently armed himself, and commanded certain of his Men to do the like, and so mounted his Horse and took the Field; by which time Sr. Beau∣mont de la Val, having accomplished what he had designed, was now marching off a∣gain. But Sr. Guy rode after him in the Head of his Men, crying aloud,

Beaumont, you shall not go off thus, you must first speak with them of Eureux, that they may know you better against another thime.

Sr. Beaumont hearing this, faced about like a Couragious Gentleman, and setting his Spear in his Rest, came roughly against Sr. Guy, who sat ready to receive him on the Point of his Spear. The two Knights met fully and performed their Course so gallantly, that both their Spears shiver'd to pieces, yet neither of them fell, or was so much as moved. Now as they had passed this first Course, and were returning again with their Swords drawn, both their Companies joyn'd in Fight, at which Meeting many on both sides were overthrown. The Bretons fought as well as was possible, but Sr. Guy's Men fought so too; and besides he was back'd with continual Assistance from the Town, so that they were every Man either slain or taken. Sr. Beaumont de la Val was taken by the hands of Sr. Guy himself, who led him as his Prisoner into the Castle of Eureux together with the rest, who remained alive. For this Adventure Sr. Guy was greatly commended, and grew much in Fa∣vour with the King of Navarre and the Men of Eureux, whom he had so notably revenged.

X. We shewed before how King Peter of Cyprus, after his Departure from the Black-Prince, returned to Paris to the Duke of Normandy, whom he found there with his Bre∣thren, the Duke of Anjou, and the Lord Philip afterwards Duke of Burgundy, all in Mour∣ning, and expecting the Body of the King their Father out of England. Now King Edward having a pious Regard to the late Love and Good-will between King John of France and Himself, attended his Death with due Sorrow, and having y 9.85 caused his Bowels to be buried in the Cathedral of St Pauls, and z 9.86 appointed for him solemn Obsequies in divers Places of the Land, he conducted his Body to the Sea-side with a Royal Magni∣ficence, and at his own Charges sent it over the Seas into France, to be by his Sons deliver'd to the Sepulchre of his Ancestors. The mean while the King of Cyprus was extreamly cast down at the News of King Johns Death, especially because thereby his intended Expedition against the Infidels was in a manner wholly quash'd, and so he put himself into Mourning also. But a 9.87 when he heard of the Herse's Arrival, he went from Paris with most Part of the Clergy of that City on Foot, and a little beyond St. Den∣nis met with the Royal Body, which was attended thither out of England by the Earl of Artois, the Earl of Dampmartin, the Grand Prior of France and Others; all who had been lately joyn'd with the Duke of Normandy and his Brethren. And so in the Church of St. Dennis he was interred with great Solemnity on the Seventh of May being a Tuesday, the Archbishop of Sens saying the Mass 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his Funeral; after which succeeded a Magnificent Supper, and the next Day all the Princes, Lords and Prelates return'd to Paris, where a Parliament was held by the Duke of Normandy, to advise

about Settling the Kingdom. Here it was concluded, that on Trinity-Sunday following, b 9.88 being the 19 of May, the Duke of Normandy, who hitherto had used no greater Ti∣tle, should be solemnly Crowned in the Cathedral of Rheims, to which Coronation the Duke invited his Uncle Wenceslaus, Duke of Brabant and of Luxemburgh, and Son to Charles the Emperour; together with Lewis Earl of Flanders, and other Princes his Re∣lations and Allies.

XI. But while these things were in Agitation, the Frenchmen and Navarrois were draw∣ing near each other toward the obtaining of a Battle, to which they came, about two o•• three Days before the Coronation. Now c 9.89 the Captal of Busche had made his Rendez∣vous in and about the City of Eureux in Normandy, and being fully provided, and ha∣ving left Sr. Michael Dorgery Captain of the Place, instead of Sr. Guy of Granville, whom he had sent to Conches to keep Frontier War there, he began his Murch from Eureax with an Army of 700 Spears, 300 English Archers on Horseback, and 500 other Chosen Men of War, Archers and Footmen. For he was sully informed, how the Frenchmen were abroad near those Parts, thô at that time he knew not exactly where they were, but resolved to find them out. In this small but well compacted Body of Men were several Valiant Knights and Esquires, particularly a Banneret of the Realm of Na∣varre, called the Lord of Salses, an expert Man at Arms, also the Lord Peter of Sam∣ville, the Lord William of Granville, the Lord Bertram de la Franque; Sr. Bascels of Mareville, Sr. Geoffry of Roussillon and many Others: But Sr. John Jones an English Knight lead the greatest Number of Archers and Men of Arms of any Gentleman there; and all of them were very desirous to meet Sr. Bertram de Clequin, and to give him Battle.

On Monday in Whitsun-week the Captal began his March from Eureux towards Pas∣sy, and Pont de l'Arche, for he thought the Frenchmen would pass the River of Seyne either at Vernon, or Pont de l'Arche, if they had not passed already. But on the Tuesday as he rode forth of a Wood, he accidentally met with an English He∣rald called Faulcon, who but that same Morning had passed by and seen the French Ar∣my. The Captal knew him at the first sight, both by his Face and Ensigns of his Of∣fice, and began to make much of him for the King of England his Masters Sake. He demanded whence he came, he said from Paris; then the Captal asked him, if he could tell any News of the Frenchmen who were abroad.

Sir said he, in the Name of God, I should know pretty well where they be, for I came from them but this Mor∣ning, and they seem as desirous to find you, as you are to find them.

Where are they, said the Captal, beyond Pont de l'Arche, or on this side?

They passed the River, replied Faulcon, at Vernon, and I believe by this time they are got as far as Passy. What Number do you judge them to be, said the Captal, and who are their Prime Leaders? Pray Sir, let me know that. Sir said Faulcon, I judge them to be at least 1500 Fighting Men, and their Chief Captains are Sr. Bertram de Clequin, who commands the greatest Number, his Troops consisting mostly of Bretons: Then there is the Earl of Auxerre, the Vicount de Beaumont, the Lord Lewis de Châlons, the Lord of Beaujeu, the Master of the Crossbows, the Lord Edward de Renty, and of your Gascogners, there is Arnold de Cervoles the Arch-Priest, the Lord Edmund de Pa∣miers, the Lord Soldiche de l'Estarrac; and the Lord Albrets Men were there.

When the Captal heard these Gascogners named, he was much surprised, and blush∣ing for Displeasure said,

Faulcon, is this true that you say? Are these Lords of Gas∣cogne there and the Lord of Albrets Men? Yes Sir, answered the Herald, most cer∣tainly. And where then is the Lord of Albret himself said the Captal? Sir, replied Faulcon, I left him at Paris with the New King there, who is now preparing to go to Rheims; for they say, that on Sunday next he is to be Crown'd there.

Then said the Captal, laying his hand on his own Head in great displeasure,

By St. Anthonies Cap, Gascogne against Gascogne!

Sir, said Faulcon, Hard by there tarries for me an Herald sent from the Arch-Priest, who earnestly desires to speak with You.

Say ye so, said the Captal, you may e'n tell the French Herald, that he need not trou∣ble himself any further; but let him return and tell the Arch-Priest, since he ap∣pears in the Field against me, I'll have nothing to do with him. At this Sr. John Jones stept forth saying,

Sir, why will you not vouchsafe to speak with him? Perhaps he may have some Proposal or secret Advice for our Advantage. Nay said the Cap∣tal, 'Ill warrant you, there is little Good intended for us; for the Arch-Priest is so contentious a Person; that if he comes hither, hee'l do nothing but brawl and bran∣gle, and all the while observe our Strength; Order and Number, which may prove of ill Consequence to us: And for that reason I desire not to speak with him now.

And with that the Herald Faulcon was dismissed back to the French Herald, who tar∣ried for an Answer under an Hedge hard by, and excused the Captal unto him so discreetly, that he went away satisfied, and told the Arch-Priest what he had heard from Faulcon.

Thus Both Parties were informed of each other, but the Captal, having understood the Number of his Enemies, and doubting by the Greatness of their Leaders, that they were yet far more than Report made them, dispatch'd away immediately a Light Horse∣man to the Captain of Eureux, desiring him presently to send unto him all manner of Companions, or Souldiers of Fortune and Others, whom he could spare, well armed and mounted, and who should all find him at la Croix St. Leoffroy; for thereabout he thought to meet the French, and he said he would most surely fight them where're he found them. Sr. Michael Dorgery the Captain of Eureux, sent him accordingly a∣bove Sixscore lusty young Men, Natives of the Town, besides Others. So all that Tuesday the Captal lodged on a Mountain, and the Frenchmen the mean while marched forward to find him, till they came to a River which led toward Eureux, but had its Rise near Conches, and there they took up their Quarters near to Aquigny for the re∣mainder of that Tuesday, in a fair Meadow along by the Rivers side. The next Morning both Parties sent out their Currours to see, if they could bring any fresh Tidings of each other; and then it appeared, that they were not above two Leagues asunder. At that time the Captal rode by the Guidance of Faulcon towards the French that same way, by which he had travelled from them, and about Noon he came into the way to la Croix St. Leoffroy and passed the River Eure; when they might plainly see the French before them ordering their Battails; but there were with them so many Ensigns and Streamers, that they seem'd to be double the Number they really were. Wherefore the Captal rested his Men a while near a little Wood that was there, and the mean while called his Captains together, and gave Directions how he would have them or∣der their Men. All the Carriages and Pages he sent into the Wood for their Securi∣ty, and so ranged his Troops into three Battalions all on Foot in most decent Order. In the Front stood Sr. John Jones, with his 300 Men of Arms and Archers of England, and his Friend d 9.90 Sr. James Planchine with 200 more, both Archers and Men of Arms; and these were all Chosen and Resolute Men. The Second Battail he led himself with 600 Fighting Men, and with him was the Lord of Salses, a lusty young Knight of Navarre, the Lord William of Granville, and the Lord Peter of Samville. The Third he com∣mitted to the Lord Geoffry of Roussillon, the Lord Bertram de la Franque, and Sr. Bascels of Mareville; and that Battail also consisted of 600 Men. Being thus or∣der'd, he took the Advantage of a little Hill hard by on the Right hand, between the place where he order'd his Men, and the Wood. And on the Brow of the Hill he stood in Battle Array directly before his Enemies, with his Banner raised high on a Bush of Thorn, about which stood sixty Chosen Men of Arms for its safeguard: To the in∣tent, that if his Men should be scatter'd, they might repair thither and rally again, and so he determin'd not to descend from the Mountain for any Cause whatsoever, but to let his Enemies come to him, if they intended to fight him. The Captals Banner war Or, Five Escalopes Argent on a Cross Sable, which Arms were richly depicted on his Shield; and on the Crest of his Helmet was a dreadfull e 9.91 Medusa's Head Sable, the Snakes Argent.

By this time were the Frenchmen also orderly ranged in three Battalia's, besides a Rereguard, or strong Body for a Reserve: The f 9.92 First was lead by Sr. Bertram of Cle∣quin and all his Bretons, and he was design'd to oppose the Captal: The Second was govern'd by the Earl of Auxerre, with whom were the Vicount Beaumont, and the Lord Baldwin Danequin Master of the Crossbows, and several other Knights of France, Picardy and Normandy, as Sr. Edward of Renty, Sr. Ingelram of Hesdin, Sr. Lewis of Pequescourt and Others: The Third was commanded by the Lord Arnold of Cervo∣les, commonly called the Archpriest, with whom were the Lord of Châlons, the Lord of Beaujeu, the Lord John de Vienne and Others, and in the Rereward were all the o∣ther Gascogners; as the Lord of Pamiers, the Lord Soldiche of Estarrac, Sr. Perdiccas of Albret, with the Lord of Albrets Troops, but he himself was not there; together with the Lord Petition of Courton and several Others. These Gascogners observed par∣ticularly the Behaviour of the Captal, and how his Standard was raised high on a Bush, and the Guard that was set to defend it. Whereupon they agreed, that when the Ar∣mies were hotly joyn'd in Battle, they should themselves endeavour to conquer the Captals Banner, believing if they might gain that Point, to be soon Masters of the Field. And besides they had another Device, which proved that Day very serviceable

to the Lords of France: For while in a Council of War they held a long Debate how to behave themselves, so as morally to secure the Victory; a certain Gascogner Lord let fall a Word, which was very seasonable and well accepted.

Gentlemen, says he, We all know well, that the Captal is as Worthy a Knight as can be found in any Land, and that as long as he is able to endure, he will be very terrible to Us; both by reason of his extraordinary Valour and Conduct: Let us therefore set apart Thir∣ty Chosen Men of Arms on Horseback, and let these Thirty mind nothing else this Day, but to set upon the Captal, at the same time that our Rereguard attempts to win his Standard; and so by the strength of their Horses to break the stress, till they can get to him to take him; immediately upon which to bear him out of the Field: For otherwise I cannot bode any good end of this Battle; the Person of the Captal is that, whereon all his Men do wholly depend: If he is safe, they win all; if we win him, the Victory comes to us of Course.

The Knights of France and Bretagne ap∣proved hugely of this Project, and resolved to put it in Execution; so they selected accordingly Thirty of the most Valiant Men of Arms, and mounted them on Thirty of the best Horses in all the Company, and drew them out on one side of the Field, well informed before-hand what to do, and all the rest of the Army remained on Foot in Bat∣tle Array as they had been ranged. Now as yet there was no one, that pretended to have the Chief Command over all, in the French Army, because there were several Persons of far higher Quality than Sr. Bertram of Clequin: Wherefore in this Council of War they consulted what should be their Word that Day, and to whose Banner they should all repair. At last they all agreed to cry our Lady of Auxerre, and to make the noble young Earl of Auxerre their Captain. But he began with great Modesty to excuse himself saying,

Gentlemen, I most heartily thank you all for the great Ho∣nour you are pleased to confer upon me, but certainly as for my Part, I shall by no means at this time accept thereof. No— I am too Young and Unexpert to sustain so great a Charge; for this is the First Expedition that ever I was concern'd in: Here are many good Captains, as Sr. Bertram of Clequin, Sr. Arnold of Gervoles, the Ma∣ster of the Crossbows, the Lord Lewis of Chalons, the Lord Edmund of Pamiers, Sr. Edward of Renty and the like: These have all been in many great Hazards, and also have held considerable Employs in the Wars, and I am sure understand Milita∣ry Conduct far better than as yet I do. Wherefore Lords, I desire your Pardon at this time. Then the Lords and Captains began to look on one another, and at last said, O Noble Earl of Auxerre, you are the most Eminent among us all, and therefore it is all the Reason in the World You should now be our Head: For Nobility reconciles Authority to a Captain. Certainly Gentlemen, replied the Earl, You say after your Pleasure: But this Day I am resolved to be but as one of your Companions; and till I shall be able to rule, will learn to obey. Come Life, come Death, I promise to share with you in this Adventure; but as to the Chief Rule, You shall never perswade me to that.

Then again the Captains beheld each other, and at last unanimously agreed, that since Sr. Bertram of Clequin was the most practised in War among them all, they would for that Day obey him, and the Word should be our Lady of Clequin. And thus the Tuesday was spent, and both Armies prepared to fight the next Morning.

Early the next Day the Frenchmen being drawn out in Battle-array into the former Field, came and presented themselves before their Enemies; and stood a long while without receiving any offer of Battle. They beheld the Navarrois on the heighth of the Hill, who seemed resolved not to stirr thence, but rather to expect them to at∣tack them there in their Strength, which was very displeasing to the Frenchmen, be∣cause it was apparently disadvantageous to mount the Hill; and the Sun was also very hot, and the best of them began to grow faint and weary: For they were in a man∣ner Fasting, having neither taken Wine nor other Victuals that Morning, because they imagin'd to have Battle presently, but they mistook their Aim; and so the Day was nigh half gone before things were brought to a Resolution. For when the French Lords perceived the Captals humour, they went to Counsel again, to learn what was best to be done, and whether they should go and fight with their Enemies or no. Some were directly for it and said, it would be a great dishonour to do otherwise: But the more sober and best advised maintained the Contrary, saying,

If we go and fight them in that advantageous Post, which now they hold, it will certainly redound to our great Dammage, if not utter Loss; for upon our Ascent of every Fifteen of us, Three are sure to fall, if not more. And when once Men drop fast in an Army, the Terror and Ruine spreads far over all that Side.

Thrô such hazardous Representations given forth by the most experienced Officers, they were withheld back; and the Cap∣tal

in all Probability had succeeded, if not for one small Matter, which however seem'd well done by him, but contributed not a little to his Overthrow. The Captal had with him certain Knights and Esquires, Normans, his Prisoners, whom, when he saw the French ready to come upon him, lest in Battle they might turn against him, he let go now upon Parole. These Men stole privily into the French Host, where being brought before the Lords then in Council, they said,

Gentlemen, con∣sider what you do: For if you let this Day pass without Fighting, your Enemies will be much stronger by to Morrow; it being confidently discoursed among them, that Prince Lewis of Navarre will joyn them by that time with 400 Men of Armes.

These Words greatly animated them to set upon the Navarrois forthwith; but still the Discreeter sort held them back saying,

Gentlemen, let us but wait a little lon∣ger and see what they'll do first: For their Hearts are so bold and presumptuous, that they would as gladly fight with us, as we with them; and since we are so wea∣ry and fasting; and many of our Men chafed by standing thus long in our Armour, surely if after all we attempt the difficult Ascent of that Hill, we are no better than lost. You see it is now Noon, therefore let us withdraw for the present to our Lodgings, and there having refreshed our selves, we may take other Counsel against to Morrow.

These Considerations much shook the Resolution of the stoutest Men there, for they were loth to defer Fighting, till the Enemy might be rendred more strong, and yet they durst not attack him in that Place, because many of their side were faint and weak, and to go up-Hill against an Enemy requires the greatest Vi∣gour that may be. At last Sr. Bertram of Clequin their General, pitch'd upon the Right Counsel; for he said,

Gentlemen, we know well our Enemies are desirous e∣nough to fight with us; and yet we see, that they intend not to leave their Post, unless we draw them thence by the means that I shall shew you. Let us make an Offer, as if we design'd to retreat, and not to give them Battle this Day; and to that end we will send our Valets with our few Carriages and Horses over the Bridge, and pretend all to march back to our Quarters. But still as we go, we must all be ready to return upon Occasion: And so we shall try what they will do. If they are willing to fight us, they'll come down the Hill in pursuit of us: And if once we gain that Point, we shall readily Face about upon them, and deal with them more easily. But if they come not, our own Men will be more encouraged to see them stand in fear of us;

and however we shall be the Fresher for to Morrows Service. This Counsel being approved by all the Chief Captains, they went to their several Ensigns, and caused a Retreat to be sounded, and commanded all their Valets to repass the Ri∣ver before them, and take over their Carriages; and these were followed by some Troops of Men of Arms, who for the greater blind, went over in a careless Manner faintly.

When Sr. John Jones, who was an Experienced Knight (thô now he committed a fatal Errour) and had always a huge desire to give the Frenchmen Battle, saw the manner of their Retreat, he said to the Captal,

Sir, let us immediately pursue them: Don't you see how they fly; they fly by St. George. Ah! said the Captal, Sr. John, Sr. John, never believe that. For what they now do is by Stratagem, only to deceive us to our Ruine.

Sr. John seem'd content with the Captals Opinion; but being come among his Men in the first Battalion, he said aloud,

St. George, they that love me, let them now follow, for I am resolved to go and fight these French∣men, that are stealing away from us.

And with that he grasped his Spear in his hand, and went forth in the Head of his Men before all the Battails, and made such haste, that he had got down the Hill with most of his own Troops, before the Captal knew any thing of the Matter. But when now he understood and saw, that Sr. John Jones was gone down the Hill against the Enemy, without the Consent of his Chief Cap∣tain, he thought it proceeded of Presumption and Contempt of Martial Discipline. However knowing it not a time to chide as then, nor to dishearten his Men by vainly complaining of the Rashness of the Action, he said aloud to those that were about him,

Sr. John Jones shall not fight without me this Day; Courage my Friends, and Banner advance in the Name of God and St. George!

And therewithall the other two Battails began to march in good Array down the Hill into the open Field. When the Frenchmen saw all their Demeanor, and how the Enemy voluntarily quitted their Place of Advantage, they were very glad and said one to another,

Lo! now we may see, what we have so much desired all this day.

And with that they all faced about in their appointed Order, and returned to meet their Enemies, being ranged on Foot, except those Thirty Horsemen, who had Orders to seise the Captal. But as soon as Sr.

Arnold of Cervoles the Archpriest, saw that a Battle must needs ensue, he said to his Standard-Bearer and to all his Officers,

I charge you all as you love me, or fear my displeasure to keep the Field, and to do your Devoirs, till the Business of the Day shall be decided. But as for me I must withdraw, and not come among you again during this Fight: For I am under an Oath never to fight nor bear Arms in Person against one certain Knight, who is now in the Field on the other side: And so I would have you say to those, who shall chance to ask for me.

This Oath the Arch∣priest had made to the Captal of Busche, and therefore, before the Battle, endeavour'd to accommodate Affairs by speaking with him, or at least to have warned him of the Frenchmens stratagem against his Person. But the g 9.93 Captal seeing him now armed in the Field against him contrary to his Oath, was so displeased, as not to vouchsafe him a Conference whereby he lost himself. However the Arch-priest being now mindfull of his Obligation left the Field, with one only Esquire to wait on him, and repassed the River, leaving his Troops not withstanding behind him: Whereupon the rest of the Army never mist him, because they saw his Banner there all the while, and so verily believed him to be Personally present.

In the beginning of the Battle, when Sr. John Jones saw the Frenchmen returning in such good Order upon him, he perceived his Error, and knew well he had too unadvi∣sedly left his former Post; but however, like a Man not used to fear, when he found the Captal and the rest of the Army would not forsake him, he marched toward his Ene∣mies with great Resolution, hoping to extort a Victory by pure Valour. He chanced to be matched with Sr. Bertram of Clequin and his Bretons, all expert and chosen Men of War, who notwithstanding found no Childrens Play from Sr. John and his English Troops. He for his part before he joyned, made an Halt to review and encourage his Men, and then he brought his Archers forward, who before were in the Reer; and so the Archers began the Battle, shooting fiercely against the Frenchmen. But they were so well armed, that they received but little harm thereby; wherefore soon they came to Handy-stroaks on all sides, and the Men of Arms fell on one another with Spears, Swords and Axes; so that the Fight was bloody and furious. The Gascogners especi∣ally, who were on the French Part, came against the Captal and his Gascogners with such fury and animosity, as is usually seen between Countrymen, when they come a∣gainst one another in a civil War or otherwise. Thus were the French and Navarrois hotly engaged on all Hands, and by wrestling and strength of Arms, they wan Spears, Axes and other Weapons from one another, and took Prisoners, and slew and wounded on both Sides with such Courage and Bravery, that it was wonderfull to behold. And truly the Frenchmen had need at that time not to sleep or stand idle, for they dealt with Men of approved Valour and Conduct; wherefore it behoved them all to play the Men, and to defend their Bodies to the utmost of their power, and to take all manner of Advantages; or else most certainly they had lost the Day. And surely the Bretons and Gascogners on the French side behav'd themselves like good Souldiers, and did many Wonders in Arms; as also did the Navarrois, English and Gascogners on their Part. But now while the Battle waxed thus hot, and Victory was gallantly cour∣ted on both Sides, but seem'd as yet inclinable to neither; the Thirty chosen Men of Arms, who were appointed to set upon the Captal, and stood hitherto aloof on Horse∣back, caring for nothing but the execution of their Design, came all together upon the Captal of a sudden, as he was fighting with a massy Ax in his Hand, wherewith he gave such Mortal stroaks, that hitherto none durst abide him. But these Thirty Men breaking the Preass by force of their Barbed Horses, fell all together upon him at once, and so seised his Person and took him Prisoner. At that instant the fury of the Battle waxed much hotter than before, the Frenchmen being animated with so notable a Suc∣cess, and the Captals Men crying out To the Rescue. But all their Endeavours for his Rescue prevailed little, all their Horses being removed far out of the way, and be∣side the Captal was immediatly convey'd out of the Field by those Horsemen that had taken him, who never rested till they had convey'd him as far as Vernon upon the Seyne. Before the Captals taking, it was hard to judge to whom the Victory enclin'd; but now the Matter was presently decided: For at that instant, while the Englishmen and the other Navarrois were labouring to rescue their General, the Gascogners on the French Part, as namely the Troops of the Lord of Albret, and the Lord Edward Pa∣miers, the Lord Soldiche of Estarrac, and Sr Petiton of Courton with their Retinues, divided themselves into two Bodies, the one whereof kept the Field where they fought before, and the other addressed themselves couragiously toward the Captals Standard, which stood high on a bush of Thorn, with sixty Chosen Men of Arms for its Defence.

They came on with a mighty Shout, but were bravely received; for those who guar∣ded the Standard were Chosen Men of War, especially Sr. Bascells of Mareville, and Sr. Geoffry of Roussillon their chief Captains: Wherefore many were taken and rescu∣ed on both Sides, and many wounded, reversed and slain, before the matter was deter∣min'd. But at last the Navarrois that kept the Standard, being far outnumbred were overcome; and the Lord Bascels of Mareville slain, and the Lord Geoffry of Roussil∣lon taken Prisoner, and the Captals Standard was pulled down and torn all to pieces. The mean while the Bretons, Frenchmen, Picards and Burgundians acquitted themselves to their great Commendation, which they had need enough to do, for the Navarrois had once made them give back; at which time they slew the Vicount of Beaumont, which alone was a great Loss on the French Side; for he was a young Valiant Knight, and of fair hopes, whose Body yet his Friends made shift to bear out of the Field. And at that time the Navarrois stood so fair for the winning Cast, that 'tis thought they had notwithstanding obtain'd the Victory, if just then as they were upon the very point of Prevailing, the other Battle, who had won the Captals Standard had not come upon them, and the Rereward also was brought by Sr. Bertrams order, who together wholly turned the Scales on the other Side: However 'tis said by Authors of those Days, how it was hardly ever seen, that two such little Armies should so long main∣tain themselves with such obstinate Valour, all on Foot fighing hand to hand, as they were intermingled together, with Swords, Spears and Axes of Steel, contending for the Day. On the French Part, Sr. Petiton of Courton, and the Lord Soldiche of Estarrac, re∣ceived so many Wounds, that they were carried out of the Field, in a condition almost as hopeless as the Vicount Beaumonts: The Lord Baldwin Danekin, Master of the Cross∣bows of France, was slain, together with Sr. Lewis of Pequescourt and divers others. On the part of the Navarrois Sr. John Jones, who began the Fight, did that day all that was possible for a good Knight to perform; but at last, after he had received many grievous Hurts, he was taken Prisoner by an Esquire of Breton of Sr. Bertram of Cle∣quins Retinue, and by him born out of the Field; but he died of his Wounds before next Morning. With him was slain the Lord of Salses and most of his Men, and as we have shewn the Lord Bascels of Mareville; there were taken the Lord William of Granville, the Lord Peter of Samville, the Lord Geoffry of Roussillon, Sr. Bertram de la Franque, and many Others; and in short, few or none of the Navarrois escaped, being now ranked either among the Prisoners or the Dead. This Battle was fought in Normandy, h 9.94 near to a Place named Cocherel and la Croix St. Leoffroy, almost exact∣ly between Eureux and Vernon, on the Wednesday before Trinity-Sunday, being the 15 of May, in the Year of our Lord MCCCLXIV.

XII. After this Discomfiture, when all the Dead were spoiled, and the Wounded dressed, and the most part of the French Army had repassed the Bridge to draw to their Quarters, to rest and refresh themselves after this hard Service; there appeared in the Field another Body of Men marching up against them. The Captain of this Company was Sr. Guy of Granville, Son to the Lord William of Granville; who had that morn∣ing left his Garrison of Conches, and with fifty Spears rode with all convenient speed to the Captals aid, if by any means he might come time enough to the Battle. When the Frenchmen saw him they call'd out to their Fellows, that had passed the River, and sent several over to acquaint the whole Army, saying,

Gentlemen, turn hither again; for here is a Fresh Body of our Enemies coming hitherward.

Now Sr. Ber∣tram of Clequin and his Troops were still on this side; but every of them extream weary: However when Sr. Bertram saw this appearance of more Navarrois, he raised his Standard on high upon a Bush; that his Men might all draw thitherward, and sound∣ed his Trumpets, and faced about toward the Enemy, setting his Men in order with great Diligence. But when Sr. Guy of Granville heard them cry our Lady of Clequin, and saw neither the Captal, nor any other of his Friends there; but many Dead Men lying on the Ground, he concluded, that his Party had lost the day, and so return'd back without doing any thing. And surely this Valiant young Gentleman, thô he came not time enough to save his Father from being a Prisoner, did yet make a shift both to save his Life, when he was in Danger of losing his Head, and also to redeem him from Prison afterward. For Charles the King of France, i 9.95 who not being of that Ho∣nourable Disposition with his Father John, was rather enclin'd to subtlety and unprince∣like Cruelty, shortly after caused the Lord Peter of Samville to lose his Head, and had done the like to the Lord William of Granville, the same who by stratagem won the strong Castle of Eureux in Normandy; thô Prisoners of War and none of his Sub∣jects: But Sr. Guy of Granville sent word to the French King, that if he put his Dear

Father to Death, or to any Bodily loss or pain, he would serve the Lord De la Val, a considerable French Nobleman, then his Prisoner, in the same manner, and also all o∣ther Frenchmen, that should ever after fall into his Hands. By this means the Vali∣ant young Gentleman commendably sav'd his Fathers Life, and shortly after he was de∣liver'd in Exchange for the foresaid Lord of Bretagne. The k 9.96 Night ensuing the Battle, the Frenchmen lodged in their own Camp on the other side the River, and took good Care of their Prisoners, and then there was much speaking and enquiring after the Arch∣priest, it being now known, that he was not present at the Fight; but his Men ex∣cused him, as he had directed them: However they could not presently clear him from all suspicion of Treachery; for his Courage, no Man there could doubt in the least. The next day the Frenchmen dislodged, and went to Rouën, where they left the greater Part of their Prisoners; but the Captal was convey'd from Vernon to Paris.

XIII. This was an auspicious Hansel to King Charles, now upon the entrance of his Reign; and we shall find him hereafter to have frequently such Successes against his Enemies, thô mostly by Fineness and Stratagem, and altogether without his Presence, as this happen'd. On the l 9.97 Trinity-Sunday following this Success, being the 19 of May, Charles Duke of Normandy, Eldest Son and Heir to John late King of France, was Crowned and anointed King of the said Realm in the Cathedral Church of our La∣dy at Rheims, and together with him his Beautifull Consort, Queen m 9.98 Jane, Daugh∣ter to Peter Duke of Bourbon, and the Lady Isabella de Valois. The Ceremony was performed by the hands of the Archbishop of the said Place: And it is n 9.99 remarkable, that the Emperours Son, Wenceslaus of Bohemia, Duke of Luxemburgh and Brabant, John Duke of Lorraine, and Robert Duke of Bar, notwithstanding they were Stran∣gers and Vassals of the Empire (thô indeed related to the King) did at that time per∣form the Office of Peers of France, the first representing the Duke of Normandy, the Second personating the Earl of Champagne, and the Third the Earl of Tholouse. The Duke of Burgundy (which Philip his Brother was now in Title and Designation) and Lewis Earl of Flanders, held their usual Places, and Lewis Duke of Anjou, represented the Duke of Aquitaine. Besides these Great Personages, there were present at this So∣lemnity, o 9.100 Peter King of Cyprus, Waldemar King of Denmark, the Earls of Eu and of Dampmartin, of Tancarville, and of Vaudemont, with the Chief Prelates of that King∣dom, and many other Lords, all who were Feasted for five days together. On the Fryday following the New King return'd in great Pomp to Paris; where he was received with infinite expressions of Publick Joy and satisfaction. And then he put his younger Bro∣ther Philip into Possession of the Dutchy of Burgundy, p 9.101 who shortly after rode in∣to those Parts, with a great and splendid Retinue, and took Livery and Seisin of the Country, and received Homage of all the Barons, Knights, Cities, Castles, and good Towns of the said Dutchy, and having settled all things there, return'd to Paris to the King, his Brother. At that time it was, that the Archpriest found himself obliged to make use of all his Friends to excuse him to the King, who was much offended at him; because he was not present in the Battle of Cocherel; but now being admitted into the Presence he made it appear, that he was bound by Oath not to be armed in Person against his Friend, the Captal, who himself, at the request and instance of the Lord of Albret, had been a little before released of his Imprisonment only upon his Parole; and being by this time sufficiently convinced, that he had unjustly suspected the Archpriest's Faith, was now very serviceable in helping to make his excuse to the King; and to those Lords of the Council, that held him in suspicion. Besides all which the Archpriest himself (not to mention the many great Services, he had for∣merly rendred to the Crown of France) had lately near Dijon in Burgundy overthrown 300 Companions, robbers of the Country, whose Captains were Guyot du Pyn, Taille∣bert of Talleboton, and John de Chafour.

About this time the said King Charles of France caused the Lord Peter of Samville, who had been taken in the Battle of Cocherel, to lose his Head in the City of Rouën, and had served the Lord William of Granville in the same manner; had not his Son Sr. Guy of Granville threatned the Lord Beaumont de la Val, then his Prisoner, with the like severity. Whereupon that Lords Kindred and Friends made such earnest suit to the King; that he was content to deliver the Lord Granville in Exchange for the Lord de la Val, as we said before.

XIV. Soon after the foresaid Battle of Cocherel, Sr. Bertram of Clequin bought the strong Castle of Rolebois for the Sum of 3000 Franks, which he paid to Sr. Vantaire Austard, the Captain thereof; whereupon he return'd quietly into Brabant, from whence

he came. Yet there were other Troops of Companions, that held still together in Fortres∣ses in Normandy, le Caulx, Perche, Beausse, and other places, which prov'd very in∣commodious to the Realm of France, some of them making War in the Name of the King of Navarre, others on their own account only to get spoil, and to rob, without Law or Reason. Wherefore King Charles q 9.102 sent his Brother the Duke of Burgundy, against these Pillagers, commanding him to root them out of the Land; in order where∣to the said Duke made his Rendezvous in the City of Chartres. Soon after he took the Field, his Forces consisting of 5000 Men of Arms, besides Footmen, and others; among whom were Sr. Bertram of Clequin, Sr. Bouciquault Marshal of France, the Earl of Auxerre, the Lord of Beaujeu, Sr. Lewis of Châlons, Sr. Edmund of Pamiers, Sr. Lewis of Ravenal, the Lord of Beague of Vilaine, Sr. Nicolas du Line, New-made Master of the Crossbows, Sr. Edward of Renty, Sr. Ingelram of Hesdin, and many other Emi∣nent Captains. When they found themselves so strong, they thought to divide into Three Bodies; One whereof consisting of a 1000 Men of Arms, Sr. Bertram of Cle∣quin led into Coutantine, even to the Marches of Cherburgh to keep the Frontiers there, that the Navarrois should not pass to endamage the Country of Normandy; and with Sr. Bertram were the Earl of Auxerre, and the Earl of Joigny, the Lord Ar∣nold D'Endreghan, and many Knights and Esquires, both of Bretagne and Normandy. The Second Body was committed to the Lord de la Riviere, with whom were ma∣ny good Knights and Esquires of France and Picardy, as Sr. Hugh de Chastillon, the Lord of Samny, Sr. Matthew of Roye, the Lord of St. Eloy, the Lord of Crespy, the Lord of Campy, Sr. Edward of Renty, Sr. Ingelram of Hesdin, Sr. Monsange, and others, to the Number of 2000 Men of Arms; and these were sent into the Earldom of Eu∣reux; but the Duke himself with the remaining 2000 Men of Arms, and a vast Num∣ber of others went and laid Siege to Marcheville in Chartraine, a strong Castle, held by the Navarrois, against which he carried many Engines from Chartres, which perpetually play'd upon the Castle with huge stones, to the infinite trouble of those within.

XV. While these Three Armies were thus in Beausse and in Normandy, making War against the Navarrois, the King of Navarre was not asleep as to his own Defence. The Lord Philip of Eureux, his Brother, was dead indeed a little before this; but he had another younger Brother, called Lewis of Navarre, of no less towardliness for the War, nor less addicted to his Interest. This Lord Lewis had likewise defy'd King Charles of France, because the War which the King his Brother undertook, did also concern a good part of his Inheritance. After the Battle of Cocherel he made his Musters on all hands; and wan certain notable Captains of the Companions to enter his pay; so that by this he was at least 1200 Spears strong: The Chief Captains of which Troops were Sr. Robert Knolles, and Sr. Robert Cheiny, Knights of England; and Sr. Robert Briquet of Larsuel, but as yet Sr. Robert Knolles had not joyn'd him. However his Forces encreased daily, his Head Quarters being between the Rivers of Loire and Allier; so that he overran a great part of the Country of Bourbonnois, as about Moulins, St. Pi∣erre le Moutier, and St. Pourcain. One day 300 of his Men, having Sr. Bernard de la Salle and Ortingo for their Captains, went, and passed the Loire, hard by les Marches, and rode till they came to la Charité on the River Loire, a Town large and well-enclosed; which they immediately enter'd by Scalado, but stood still together in one place, till the Morning; for doubt of some Ambush laid to entrap them by the Townsmen, whom they heard to be in a perpetual hurry: The mean while the Towns∣men, giving up the Place for lost, only took care to convey all their best Moveables into Boats, which were ready in good Number on the Loire, and so before Morning got off with them, their Wives and Children, and went to Nivers, which was not a∣bove six Leagues from thence. When it was day, the Navarrois, English and Gascog∣ners, that had thus scaled the Town, marched thrô the Streets, where they found all the Houses void: However they determin'd to keep a Garrison there, and make it more defensible; because it stood so opportunely to command the Country on both sides the Loire. Wherefore presently they sent word to Prince Lewis of Navarre, who was then in the Marches of Auvergne, for a Reinforcement; and he furnish'd them with 300 Spears, who were led by Sr. Robert Briquet, and passing thrô the Country without the least Opposition, went over the stone Bridge, and entred la Charité. And now being all together, they thought themselves strong enough to make good the Place, and so began to fortifie apace, and to ravage about to let the Country know, who they were.

XVI. All this while the Duke of Burgundy had held Siege before Marcheville, where∣by

by he so streightned the Garrison, that at last they were content to yield up the Town, their Lives and Goods saved; which Conditions being granted them, they departed. The Duke order'd Sr. Bouciquault Marshal of France, and Sr. John de Vienna Marshal of Burgundy, to take possession of the Town; over which he set an Esquire of his, named William of Chartres, with Fourty Men of Arms, and so departed, and went to Cameroles; to which he laid Siege, because it stood in the plain Country, and had been a very troublesome Neighbour to the Inhabitants of Chartres.

While this Siege lasted, the Lord John de la Riviere, who had the Second Division, consisting of 2000 Spears, laid his Siege to Aquigny, near to Louviers in the County of Eureux; wherein was a Garrison of English, Normans, Frenchmen, and Gascogners, all Navarrois, who had held that place ever since the Battle of Cocherel, and now main∣tain'd it with great Obstinacy; for they had good store of Ammunition and Provision of all sorts; and yet notwithstanding they were at last so streightned, that they were fain to yield up the Castle, their Lives and Goods saved: After which they went with all they had, and were by the Lord de la Riviere's Conduct safely convey'd to Cherburgh; where they remain'd. The Lord de la Riviere, having Garrison'd Aquigny, marched directly toward the City of Eureux, but there he was not able to prevail.

And now the Duke of Burgundy had constrained the Garrison of Cameroles to yield up to his pleasure; which done all the Souldiers Strangers he took to Mercy; but as for those Frenchmen, whom he found among them, because they had been Renegado's, Robbers, and Enemies to their King and Country, he hanged them up every Mothers Son. And then certain of the Chief Burgesses of Chartres came unto the Duke, hum∣bly desiring that of his Goodness, and as a reward for the Engines of Battery, which they had lent him, he would please to grant unto them the sole Disposal of the For∣tress of Cameroles, which had formerly been so troublesome to them. To this re∣quest the Duke readily agreed, and then the Burgesses immediately set Labourers at Work, who rased the Castle down to the ground. After this the Duke went to the Castle of Dreux on the River Blaise, in the plain Country of Beausse, which was a Nest of the Companions likewise; all whom, having carried the Place by fine force, he caused to be put to the Sword. Thence he marched to Preux, and invested it round, and gave many vigorous Assaults, before he could obtain any advantage; at last the Besieged thought best to yield, their Lives only saved, but as for their Goods they all fell to the Conquerour; with whom also the Frenchmen found therein, were detained Prisoners. When the Duke had taken possession of this place, he commit∣ted it to the Custody of Sr. Peter du Bois, a Knight of Beausse, whom he order'd to repair the Fortifications, and defend the Place. After this he went to Chartres, where he tarried five days to refresh himself and his Men; and then he laid his Siege to Connay, a Castle, that had been troublesom to the whole Country; and caused six great Engines of Battery to be raised up against it.

XVII. But while he did these things, his Enemies gave him sundry Diversions: For the Lord Lewis of Navarre overran all the Low-Country of Auvergne, and brought those Parts into much Distress; for thô he kept the Field, there was none to oppose him. Those also of the Garrison of la Charité did what they pleas'd round about them. And the Earl of Monbelliard likewise with his Allies of Almain, was entred into the Dutchy of Burgundy by the way of Bezancon, where he began to ravage over all the Country, in revenge, that his Pretences to the said Dukedom were not al∣lowed; but another was brought in over his Head. Upon News of these unexpected Commotions in Burgundy, the King sent to the Duke, commanding him immediately to raise his Siege from before Connay, and come back to Paris in order to march into Burgundy against the new Invaders. The Duke, however his own Dominions were in danger, was not a little concerned at this Message; because he had made a solemn Vow not to rise from before Connay, till he should be Master of the Place. But now those of his Council told him;

That since the King sent for him, he might lawfully de∣part notwithstanding his Vow, for that no Vow could cancell that previous Duty, wherein he was bound to his Prince:

Hereupon he resolved to quit the Siege, but making as yet no shew thereof, he sent his Marshal to demand of the Besieged, whe∣ther they would yield up absolutely to the Dukes Pleasure or no? They returned Answer,

No, they would not do that; but however on Condition they might have their Lives and Goods saved, they were now content to yield.

The Offer was glad∣ly accepted, and they permitted to depart with Bag and Baggage: After which, the Duke having deliver'd the Castle to a Knight of Beausse, called Sr. Philip of Artenay,

with Order to repair the Fortifications, went from thence to Chartres, where he left the greater Part of his Forces under the Care of the Earl of Auxerre, the Lord Bouci∣quault, and Sr. Lewis of Sancerre, and so rode forth to Paris with Sr. Lewis of Alen∣son, the Lord of Beaujeu, the Lord John de Vienna, and all the Burgundians in his Company, and went thence to the King his Brother, whom he found at Meaux in Brie; and there he tarried but one Day. On the Morrow he rode on till he came to Troyes in Champaigne: Thence he went to Langres, and still as he proceeded he en∣forced himself with Men of War. At Langres he was met by a considerable Body of Burgundians, who to their Power had maintained themselves hitherto against their Enemies, and were now extream glad of their Lord, the Dukes so seasonable coming a∣mong them. The Chief Captains of these Troops were the Arch-priest, the Lord of Chasteau Villain, the Lord of Grancy, the Lord of Vergny, the Lord of Sobournon, the Lord of Rugemont, Sr. Hugh de Vienna, the Bishop of Langres, and a Wealthy Man called John of Boulogne, with others. Being thus enforced he marched against his Enemies, who made at least 1500 Spears, and yet durst not abide him, but reti∣red beyond the Rhine: Notwithstanding he followed them beyond Monbelliard, burn∣ing and destroying the Earls Lands as he went; and so having sufficiently reven∣ged his Wrongs for that time, he returned with most of his Troops to Paris.

XVIII. This mean while King Charles, his Brother, had sent the Lord Moreau de Fi∣ennes his Constable, and his two Marshals, Sr. Bouciquault and Sr. Moron de Branville, with a goodly Number of Men of Arms, to go and lay Siege to la Charité on the River of Loire, which they did, and skirmished almost every Day with the Besieged: But as yet prevailed not. Wherefore now the King sent the Duke of Burgundy with a 1000 Spears more to reinforce the Siege; so that now they made up in all 3000 Men of Arms besides Others. These held frequent Skirmishes with the Besieged, wherein both Parties suffer'd considerably; but especially those of the Garrison, who were not in all a Thousand Men. And the Duke of Burgundy to encourage his Men the more, at one Sally of the Navarrois made many Knights Bannerets, who at that time raised their Banners, as Robert of Alenson, Son to Charles Earl of Alenson, who being King Philips Brother, was slain at the Battle of Cressy, about 18 Years before; the same Honour had Sr. Lewis of Auxerre, Son to the Earl of Auxerre, who died at the same time, and younger Brother to the present Earl. Thus the Siege continued to the great Ter∣ror of that Garrison, who were so mightily streightned therewith, that they would willingly have yielded up the Fortress upon Composition; but that the Duke refu∣sed them so much Grace.

I'll have them yield up absolutely to my Pleasure, says he, I have already taken away from them the use of the River, so that they must expect no more Provision that way: Let them stand out longer at their utmost peril.

XIX. Now Prince Lewis of Navarre knew of all these Difficulties his Friends were in, and having ravaged a while at his Pleasure in the Marches of Auvergne, he ardent∣ly desired to raise the Siege before la Charité. He had already 2000 Fighting Men, but not thinking them sufficient to cope with the Duke, he sent into Bretagne to Sr. Robert Knolles, Sr. Walter Hewet, Sr. Matthew Gournay, and other Valiant Knights and E∣squires of England, then in those Parts, to come and serve him in this Action. These Knights would all very willingly have come to his Aid, but they were already engaged in the Siege before Auray, a Town of Lesser Bretagne, about 3 Leagues from Vannes Westward, towards Blavet. For now the two Pretenders to the Dutchy of Bretagne, having rejected all terms and Methods of Reconciliation, flew out into open Hostili∣ty; the Lord Charles of Blois making his Musters at Nantes, and the Lord John of Monford laying Siege at the same time to Auray. So that when the Lord Lewis of Navarre saw, that he could not obtain the Service of those English Knights, who now assisted the Earl of Monford in the said Siege, he returned by Command of the King, his Brother, to Cherburgh, leaving la Charité to her Fortune. But however this Garrison had the good Luck to escape by the same Occasion, which had hindred their Relief: For immediately after Prince Lewis was retired into Normandy, because Sr. Charles of Blois might be more powerfully aided, the King of France sent to the Duke of Burgundy, commanding him to receive the Garrison of la Charité, their Lives sa∣ved, on condition they would swear not to bear Arms on the King of Navarre's Be∣half for three Years to come. Thus the Garrison had their Lives saved, but were fain to leave all their Goods behind, and so being secur'd by the Dukes Safe Conduct, went away on foot thrô the Realm of France. And then the old Inhabitants, whom they had before frighted away to the City of Nivers, came back again to their former Habitati∣ons, and the Duke returned with Honour to Paris.

CHAPTER the ELEVENTH.

The CONTENTS.

I. The French King assists Charles of Blois, and King Edward at the same time sends Help to John of Monford, both who prepare to decide their Right to the Dukedom of Bretagne by Battail. II. Charles of Blois marches forth of Nantes against John of Monford. III. Who prepares to receive him. IV. The Frenchmen order their Men. V. And the Lord John Chandos orders his English, giving a Reserve to be menaged by Sr. Hugh Calverley. VI. The Lord of Beaumanoire obtains a Truce between the Parties for one Day, in order to bring them to some Agreement. VII. The Lord Chandos breaks off the Treaty, and both Sides prepare for Fight. VIII. The famous Battle of Auray fought between Charles of Blois and John of Monford, wherein the latter wins the Day and the Dukedom, by the Death of the former. IX. The Number of the slain and Prisoners on both Sides. X. Earl Monford weeps over the Body of Charles of Blois, with the Character and Praise of the said Charles. XI. Earl Monford gives Truce to the Country to come in and bury their Dead; he returns to the Siege before Auray; the Kings of France and of England diversly affected with the News. XII. A Treaty for a Match between the Daughter and Heiress of Lewis Earl of Flanders, and Edmund Earl of Cambridge, King Edwards Fifth Son, being pretty forward, is suddainly dash'd by the French Kings subtlety. XIII. The Christians obtain a Cadmean Victory against the Turks and Infidels.

I. KING a 9.103 Charles of France at the Request of his Cousin the Lord Charles of Blois, had yielded to lend him towards the Conquest of his Inheritance a Thousand Spears, and besides that he wrote to Sr. Bertram of Clequin, who was then in Normandy, enjoyning him by all means, on sight of his Letters, to go as strong as he could into Bretagne to the Aid of his Cousin Charles of Blois, against his Antagonist Sr. John of Monford. Sr. Bertram having received the Letters, was glad at his heart to be thus commanded to what he so earnestly desired himself; for he always took the Lord Charles to be his only Lawfull Lord, and true Duke of Bretagne. Wherefore as speedily as he could, he went out of Normandy into Bretagne with his own Retinue only, and such Troops as he could raise of him∣self, the Marshal Bouciquault prosecuting the War in Normandy in his stead. He found the Lord Charles of Blois and his good Lady at the City of Nantes in Bretagne, to whom he was extream Welcome for this his seasonable and eminent Succour. Then they held a Council of War, what Course they had best take; for there was the grea∣ter part of all the Lords and Knights of Bretagne come thither to the Lord Charles his Assistance, whom they all reputed and held for the True Duke of Bretagne: And they were all of Opinion, that 'twas best to go and raise the Siege of Auray, and fight Earl Monford if he would abide it. Thither also were come many Great Barons of France, as the Earl of Auxerre, the Earl of Joigny, the Lord of Franville, the Lord of Prye, the Beague of Villers, and many other Lords, Knights and Esquires. But of these Preparations there were brought Tidings to the Earl of Monford (who together with the Lord b 9.104 William Latimer of England, lay now at the Siege before Auray) and how the Lord Charles had purchased many Powerfull Assistants out of the Realm of France, besides the great Forces he had gather'd up in Bretagne. Wherefore immediately he sent word thereof into the Principality of Aquitain, to the English Knights and Esquires of the Princes Court; but especially to the Noble Lord John Chandos, desiring him and them heartily, now at this great and last Pinch to send him a Competent Assi∣stance, not doubting, but that in Bretagne they should find many a fair and honoura∣ble Adventure, for which all men of Honour ought especially to seek, toward the Ad∣vancement of their Names. When the Lord John Chandos, who greatly desired the Prosperity of this Noble Earl, saw how earnestly he wrote unto him, he went imme∣diately and asked leave of the Black-Prince his Lord and Master, who told him,

He was well content, that he should go to the Assistance of his Dear Brother-in-Law;

because (said he) this is no Breach of the Peace between England and France: For the Frenchmen in like manner take Part with Sr. Charles of Bloic against the Earl of Monford, and have a Licence so to do from the French King himself. And thus much was expresly agreed on in the c 9.105 XXII Article of the Peace of Bretigny, that if the two Parties cannot be reconciled, the Friends of either of them shall aid either Par∣ty, as they please, without any impeachment from the said two Kings, or without incurring, or bearing any dammage, blame, or reproach for the cause aforesaid.

With this answer Sr. John Chandos was extreamly satisfied, and provided accordingly; desiring several Knights and Esquires, both of England and Aquitain to bear him Company in this his Attempt: Thô but a few Gascogners (I know not upon what Grounds, for 'tis evident they lov'd him well) went with him; but several English Knights that were there, except such whom the Prince's Service detain'd, embraced the Invitation hear∣tily. So having collected 200 Spears, and as many Archers Voluntiers (for the Prince would not appear in the Matter) he lead them thrô Sainctogne and Poictou, till pas∣sing the Loire he entred into Bretagne, and came safely to the Siege before Auray. Here he found the young Earl of Monford, who received him with great joy, as who divin'd himself a Victory from his Coming; and so did Sr. Oliver Clisson, Sr. Hugh Calver∣ley, Sr. Robert Knolles, Sr. Walter Hewet, Sr. Matthew Gournay, and others both English and Bretons, who all generally concluded there could no ill Success fall unto them, now that they had the Lord Chandos in their Company. Upon the account of whose Re∣putation in Arms sundry Knights and Esquires of England passed the Sea, being desi∣rous to advance their Honour in Fighting against the Frenchmen; all who came in good time before Auray, where they were heartily welcome to the Earl of Monford; and some of them brought d 9.106 Letters from the King of England directed to the Lord Chandos, wherein he was required to take particular care of his most Dear Son Monford, and in time of Battle constantly to attend his Person. And now the whole Number of English and Bretons amounted to about 2000 Men of Arms, and about 900 Archers on Horseback, besides Footmen.

II. All this while Sr. Charles of Blois was in the City of Nantes, where he made his Musters, and gather'd together Men of War from all Parts, where he could procure them for Love or Money: For he had perfect Intelligence of all the Earl of Monfords Preparations. But especially he required all those Lords, Knights and Esquires of Bre∣tagne, who had already own'd his Cause and Title, and rendred Homage unto him, as to their Lord, to come now and help him to defend his Inheritance against his Ene∣mies. Upon these Summons there came unto him the Vicount of Rohan, the Lord of Rochefort, the Lord of Leon, the Lord of Raix, and the Lord of Rieux, the Lord of Malestroit, the Lord of Quintin, the Lord of Avaugeur, the Lord of Lodeac, the Lord of Ancenis, the Lord of Lomine, the Lord of Ponto, and Sr. Charles of Dinant with divers others, whose Names we cannot at such a Distance recover. All these together with their several Retinues were quarter'd in the City of Nantes, and in the Villages thereabout, and together with the Aid from France, consisted of 4500 Men of Arms, besides Crossbows and Footmen. These Lords in a Council of War advi∣sed the Lord Charles, now that he was so strong, not to waste any more time there, but presently to march forth against his Enemy and give him Battle.

This Counsel the Lord Charles resolved to pursue, and being now ready to march, the sprightly and Masculine Lady, his Wife, the Lady Jane, Daughter of Guy Earl of Pentebria, who was Elder Brother to John of Monford, stept forth and said these Words unto him, in presence of Sr. Bertram of Clequin, and many other Lords and Knights of France and Bretagne,

Sir, You are now going to fight for mine Inheri∣tance and your own (for what is mine, is yours also) which the Earl of Monford claims wrongfully, and without cause, God Almighty knows! And all the Lords of Bretagne here present know very well, that I am indubitate Heiress thereto. There∣fore, my Dear Lord and Husband, I heartily require of You, not to make or accept any Composition, Agreement, or Treaty of Peace with Earl Monford; unless the whole Body of the Dutchy shall be yielded to remain entire with Us and our Heirs for ever.

This her Husband promised to do, and then saluted, and took leave of his Dutchess, as they call'd her; and so directed his march toward Vannes: At which place he made an Halt, as well to refresh his Army, as to inform himself of his Enemies behaviour, and to advise, how to get some advantage in ordering his Men. Here there was much altercation and debate among his Council, for certain of the graver sort, who were wholly sway'd by Christian Principles of Charity, made such friendly Overtures, that the Lord Charles of Blois, who was of a sweet and Can∣did

Disposition, had perhaps been perswaded to accept of a Peace, and to Divide the Dukedom, had he not been so adjured by the last Words of his Lady, and also now set on by the encouragement of the Hotter sort of his Captains; that he absolute∣ly declared, he neither could, nor would propose, or admit of any such kind of Treaty.

III. Now between Vannes and Auray, where the Earl of Monford held Siege, it was about the space of Three Leagues; so that News was presently brought to the Earl, that the Lord Charles of Blois was coming with the goodliest Company of Men, armed at all Points, that ever was seen in France.

At these tidings the Englishmen rejoyced greatly, the better sort for the opportunity of gaining Honour, and the Companions for the occasion of reaping benefit: For being al∣most bankrupt with the long Peace, they desired nothing more than War, in hopes of Spoil and Riches. Then they all made ready their Harness with great exactness, new furbished their Spears, Swords, Daggers, and Axes, Helmets, Habergeons, Shields, and all man∣ner of Weapons and Armour: For they expected to use them very shortly. But the Chief Captains especially drew together in Council, being thereto called by the Lord John Chandos, to whose Conduct all the rest submitted themselves, not only on the account of his Quality, but also of his known Wisdom and Experience in the Wars; besides which he had a secret Commission from the King of England to be the Chief Captain in this action. With him was the Lord John Nereford an English Baron, William Lord Latimer, the Lord John Bourchier, Sr. Robert Knolles, Sr. Hugh Calverley, Sr. Richard Burley, Sr. Matthew Gournay, Sr. Richard Taunton, the Lord Oliver Clisson, and the Valiant Sr. Eustace Dambreticourt, all who were of the Opinion, that the Earl of Mon∣ford should rise from the Siege, and take the Field early next Morning, and so ex∣pect his Adversary, and if he came forward give him Battle. This being resolved on in Council, all the Captains of the Army were acquainted therewith, who told it to their respective Officers; by whom the whole Army was informed, that the next Morning they were to be all ready to take the Field, to fight the Enemy. Before six the next Morning, being a Saturday, and the Eve of St. Michael, the Englishmen and Bretons, left their Trenches, and marched forth in Battle-Array, the Lord John Chan∣dos leading them to a convenient plat of ground behind the Castle of Auray. And soon there came toward the same place the Lord Charles of Blois, who had left Vannes the Evening before, with all his Army, which was disposed in the best manner imagi∣nable: For 'tis said, they rode in such good Close Order; that if any thing had been cast among them, it must have rested on their Spears points; so that the f 9.107 Englishmen were extreamly delighted to behold them. The Frenchmen being come in sight of their Enemies made an halt, as they were in Battle-Array before them, choosing their Field among the Bushes; and the Marshals gave Command, that no man should stir forward without Order. Wherefore both Armies stood still, confronting each other, being ready ranged for Fight; which they all eagerly desired.

IV. The Lord Charles of Blois, with the advice of Sr. Bertram of Clequin, who was an experienc'd Captain, and well belov'd by the Barons of Bretagne, made Three Battails and a Rereguard: The first was led by Sr. Bertram himself, who had with him more than a 1000 Choice Men of Arms, Knights and Esquires of Bretagne. The Second was headed by the Earls of Auxerre and Joigny, and the Lord of Prye, with the French Auxiliaries, consisting of 1500 Spears and upwards: The Third was brought up by the Lord Charles of Blois himself; with whom were the Chief Barons of Bretagne, that held of his side; as the Vicount of Rohan, the Lord of Leon, the Lord of Avaugeur, the Lord of Rieux, the Lord of Malestroit, and divers others, as aforenamed. In the Rereguard, or Fourth Battail stood John the Bastard of Blois, a most Valiant Young Gentleman with Eight or Ten stout Barons of Normandy, and many other Knights and Esquires, and in every g 9.108 Battail there were at least a 1000 Men of Arms, besides o∣thers. And the Lord Charles of Blois rode about to every Battail, earnestly desiring them all to do their utmost that day, and for their better assurance, he took it on his Soul, and on his part in Paradise, that they were to Fight in a Righteous Quarrel; and moreover he promised to reward every Man liberally, according to his Per∣formances.

V. Now on the other part the Lord Chandos, who because of his Abilities in the War was the Principal Captain, thô the Earl of Monford was head of the Cause, be∣gan wisely to consider, how he might with a lesser Number overthrow a greater in plain Field, where no advantage of ground might be had. Especially his concern was now encreased, because the King of England, his Master, had given him such a Charge

to look most carefully to the Business of his Son in Law; for the Earl of Monford had h 9.109 Married the Lady Mary, his Daughter. Wherefore like a Loyal Gentleman, he fully determin'd with his utmost diligence to advance the Affairs of the Earl of Mon∣ford, and to stick close to him that day. He had perfectly noted the exact order and discipline of the Frenchmen upon their approach, and hugely applauded to himself the great Conduct and Discretion, that appeared among them, and therewithall said aloud to his Friends, the Lords and Captains about him,

Gentlemen, it is high time for Us to order our Battails:

For our Enemies are giving Us an example. Those, who heard him, answer'd,

Sir, You are in the Right; But this is your Province: You are our Chief Master, and best Counsellour; therefore order Us at Your plea∣sure; for no Soul here shall contradict You, since we know, the King has committed this Charge to You, and surely You have the most experience in these Affairs of any among Us.

Thereupon the Lord Chandos began also to form Three Battails, and a Rereguard, The First he committed to the Care of Sr. Robert Knolles, Sr. Walter Hewet, and Sr. Richard Burley, with whom was the Lord John Nereford; the Second was led by the Lord Oliver Clisson, who i 9.110 bare Gules, a Lion Rampant Argent, Crown'd Or; with him were the Lord John Bourchier, Sr. Eustace Dambreticourt, and Sr. Matthew Gour∣nay, whose Arms were k 9.111 Or, Three Pales Azure. The Third was govern'd by the Earl of Monford, who himself was governed by the Lord Chandos, and here was Wil∣liam Lord Latimer; and in each of these Battails were 500 Men of Arms, and 400 Archers. But when Sr. John came to the ordering the Rereguard, he called unto him Sr. Hugh Calverley, and said,

Sr. Hugh, You must be Governour of the Rereguard, with 500 Men of Arms in your Company: But you are to stand on a Wing, and by no means to quit your Station for any thing, that may happen, unless you see an ab∣solute necessity. As when any of our Battails are disorder'd or broke by the force of our Enemies, if you think there is Danger, then come you on with your Battail, and en∣tertain the Enemy, till our Men are rallied again: And when you have done thus much, draw off, and keep your former Post, till such another occasion calls to a like assistance:

For surely this will be the best piece of Service You can do Us this day. When Sr. Hugh Calverley had fully heard the Lord Chandos his Words, he was a∣sham'd and displeas••d in his M••nd, and said,

My Lord, pray commend this Rereguard to some other Man besides me: For I have no desire to meddle with it. And Sir, I admire in my heart, what You have seen in me, that You should not give me leave to be one of the foremost of those, that are to Fight our Enemies this day.

The Lord Chandos, who well knew his own Reasons, reply'd,

Sr. Hugh, I do not appoint You to command this Rereguard, because You are not as good a Knight, as any other; No certainly, that was never in my mind: But I choose You for this purpose; be∣cause I know You to be a prudent and well-advised Gentleman. And Sir, believe me, it is absolutely necessary, that either You or I take this Office, if We intend to survive this day. Wherefore once again I heartily require You to do it, and I dare engage, that if You undertake it, You will not only do a very notable piece of Service; but also obtain to your self much Honour thereby: And yet over and a∣bove, I here faithfully promise to grant You the first reasonable request, You shall ever desire of me.

But all these Words could not Work upon Sr. Hugh; for he did not as then imagine any such necessity of a Reserve, and he thought it reflecting upon his Honour to stand in a manner idle, when others should be adventuring their Lives in the heat of Action. Wherefore again he desired him for Gods sake, hold∣ing up his hands,

That he would please to give this Charge to some other; since he for his part desired nothing more, than to fight among the foremost.

The Lord Chandos was ready to weep at these Words, but he added seriously,

Sr. Hugh, con∣sider well what I say: For to be short, this matter is of such concern to Us all; that either You or I must undertake it, and then think with your self who of Us can best be spared. But don't trouble your self about a false Notion of Honour: For he fights best, who is most serviceable to his Friends; althô he stands still all the while.

At this Sr Hugh began to reflect upon the Matter; for with these last words all his former thoughts were dashed and confounded, and then he said,

Cer∣tainly, my Lord, I know well, You are too much my Friend, to put me upon any thing, which may redound to my dishonour: Since therefore it can be no otherwise, I accept of your Commands with all my heart, and to my Power shall obey your Or∣ders.

And with that he took upon him the Charge, and drew out his Men aside on a Wing, where he set them in very good Order to give or receive an Onset: His Banner

waving aloft in the Front, which l 9.112 was Argent, a Fess Gules, between Three Calves Sable.

Thus on a Saturday, which was the 28 of October, in the Year of our Lord MCCCLXIV, were both these Rival Dukes embattail'd each against other in a Fair Plain near to Auray in Bretagne; which no doubt was a delectable sight to be∣hold. For there were many embroider'd Banners and Penons waving in the Wind, and Rich Surcoats of Sattin, diapred with Gold and Silver, and bright Armour shi∣ning against the Sun: But especially the Frenchmen were so well armed at all Points, and so Richly beseen, that it was a great pleasure to view them. And in this manner they fronted one another; neither Party, as yet making offer to begin.

VI. Now there was at this time with the Lord Charles of Blois a Great and Potent Baron of Bretagne, called the Lord of Beaumanoir, who was at that time a sworn Pri∣soner to England, and so was not to bear Arms; but being otherwise at liberty might go too and fro between the two Armies, or elsewhere, as he pleased: Of which Power he made this Advantage, to endeavour to accommodate Matters between the two Powerfull Competitors. All Saturday Morning he went in and out frequently, till Noon; so that at last he obtain'd a Respite between both Parties for the remainder of that day, and for the Night following, untill the Sun-rise next Morning. Where∣upon on both sides they drew to their respective Lodgings, and took their ease, and refreshed themselves with what they had by them, That Evening the Captain of Au∣ray issued out of his Garrison peaceably, because the Truce also extended unto him, and went to the Lord Charles his Camp, who received him joyfully. His Name was Henry of Tintineac, an Esquire, and a good Man at Arms, who brought 40 Spears well Horsed and Armed, of those who had holpen him to defend the Fortress. When the Lord Charles saw him, he asked him all smiling, of the Condition of his Castle, and the Esquire answer'd him,

Sir, blessed be God, We have Provision enough to hold Us two or three Months longer, if need were. Well, Henry, said the Lord Charles, to morrow You shall be wholly rid of the trouble of a Siege, either by Peaceable Agreement, or the Decision of open Battle.

God give Grace Sir, said the Esquire. By my Faith, continued the Lord Charles, I have here in my Com∣pany 4500 Men of Arms, besides others, all as well provided, and as likely to ac∣quit themselves Nobly, as ever yet did any Company, that came out of France. And my Lord, said the Esquire, that is a great Advantage; for which You are to thank God, and Sr. Bertram of Clequin, and those other Barons, Knights, and Esquires of France and Bretagne, that are come with so much Zeal to your Service.

Thus the Lord Charles passed his time in discoursing with One or Other about the present State of Affairs: But on the other hand, the Lord John Chandos was that same Night ear∣nestly desired by the Officers of the English Companions, then in his Service, by no means to admit of any Accord or Agreement to be had between the Earl of Mon∣ford and the Lord of Blois. For they said, they had already spent all that they had, and were almost reduced to Poverty, wherefore they resolved now to win something by fighting, or to lose all together: Upon which account it is said, that Sr. John promised them that whatever Treaty he might hold, not to yield however to any Agree∣ment, otherwise, than what the Sword shall appoint. From whence there arose a Pro∣verb, m 9.113 Chandos his Treaty; spoken, when Men make or receive many Overtures in order to an Agreement; thô at the same time they are determin'd to decide all by Battle.

VII. On the Sunday Morning early both Armies drew again into their former Field in their appointed Order, having first heard Mass and shrived themselves; but about Sun-rise the Lord of Beaumanoir came again toward the English Army with a design to renew the Treaty, and compose Matters if possible, to avoid the Effusion of Christian Bloud, which was his earnest Desire. He took his way directly to the Lord Chandos, where he saw his Banner next to that of the Earl of Monford: At his ap∣proach my Lord Chandos stept aside to speak with him, because he would not have the Earl of Monford hear what was said. At the first meeting the Lord of Beauma∣noir gave a reverent Salute to the English General, and said,

Sir John Chandos, I de∣sire you for Gods Sake, that you would seriously endeavour to bring these two Par∣ties to an Agreement. For 'tis a great Pity, that so many Gallant Men, as are here in the Field on both Sides, should engage together in Mortal Battle upon their Ac∣counts.

The Lord Chandos replied,

Monsieur de Beaumanoir, it will not be: Wherefore I advise you as a Friend to ride no further about these Matters; for our Men are resolved, if they can get you in among them to destroy you: Your best

way is to turn back and tell the Lord Charles of Blois from me, that whatever be the Event, Earl Monford is resolved to come to Battle, and renounces all Treaty of Peace:

For he says, he will either be Duke of Bretagne this Day, or else die upon the Spot. When the Lord of Beaumanoir heard Sr. John say these Words, he was extreamly offended in his Mind, and shaking his Head said,

Ah! Chandos, Chandos, my Lord hath as great a Courage to fight as your Lord hath, and so have all his Men; but yet he is ready like a good Christian Knight to offer Terms of Peace, if you had not thus rejected them.

And so without any more Words he parted, and rode back to the Lord Charles of Blois, and the other Lords of Bretagne who tarried for him; and said aloud to the Lord Charles,

Sir, Sir, by my Lord St. Yves, I have heard just now the proudest Word from Sr. John Chandos, that ever I heard in all my life. For he said, that the Earl of Monford should be this Day Duke of Bretagne, and declares plainly that you have no Right unto the same.

At which Words Sr. Charles changed Colour and said, "As for the Right God above knows it is mine, and the same said all the Barons of Bretagne: And therewithall he commanded his Banners to be advanced in the Name of God.

The mean while the Lord Chandos also returned to the Earl of Monford, who en∣quired of him how Affairs went, and what his Adversary said; the Lord Chandos to en∣courage him the more, pretended the Matter otherwise than it was, and answer'd,

Sir, he sent you Word by the Lord of Beaumanoir, from whom I parted but now; that whatever comes of it, he is resolved to give you Battle, and either be this Day Duke of Bretagne, or else to leave his Body in the Field.

This the Lord Chandos fai∣ned, thereby to divert the Earl from all Hopes of Peace, and so to enflame his Courage the higher, and then he continued;

Now therefore consider Sir, quickly what you intend to do, and whether you will put all to the hazard of a Battle or no?

Sir, said the Earl, in the Name of God and St. George, let us then go to it with a good Courage, and God help the Right! Cause our Banners to advance.

So the Banner of Bretagne which was Ermins, went forward, and the Guidon n 9.114 of the Lord Chandos, being Or a Pile Gules, was bore next unto it.

VIII. Thus a little before the hour of Prime the Armies approached near together, all so well order'd, that it was a delightfull Terrour to behold them: For some that were there present, declared unto my o 9.115 Author, that the Frenchmen were in manner of a Phalanx, so close knit together, that a man could not cast a Glove among them, but it should have fallen on the Point of a Spear or Helmet: For every Man bore his Spear of five foot length upright before him, and they had all short Axes hanging by their sides; and thus they came against the English fair and softly, all in good Array after their Banners breathing War and Slaughter, and all well instructed how to behave themselves. Nor was the Order of the English less to be commended, who marched forth to meet them, being led by as bold and expert Commanders as any living. First Sr. Bertram of Clequin and his Troops of Bretagne encountred with the Battail of Sr. Robert Knolles, Sr. Walter Hewet, Sr. Richard Burley and the Lord Nereford; at which time the Lords of Bretagne on both Sides set up the Banners of their Lords, who both claim'd the Dukedom, directly one against the other, both being Ermins, which are the Arms of Bretagne. At the first. Encounter there began a cruel and ter∣rible Battle, especially when they joyn'd hand to hand: For thô the English Archers at the beginning shot most fiercely, yet as then they did but little Execution, the Frenchmen were all so well arm'd, and defended with broad Shields and Targets. Which p 9.116 when the Archers saw, who were big and lusty Men, thrô great Disdain, that they should do nothing now, who at other times had a chief stroke in all Victories, they flang away their Bows and Empty Quivers, and ran up to the Frenchmen that bare the Axes, and at the first Meeting they began to wrestle and trip with them, and laid hold on their Weapons, so that they wrested several Axes out of their Enemies Hands, with which they slew several of their Owners, and fought couragiously the remainder of that Day. But now the Men of Arms meet on both sides, and begin a Fight full of Horrour, wherein many a notable Feat of Arms was done, and many a Man taken and rescued a∣gain; but he that was once down was never like to rise again without some suddain and extraordinary Succour. The Lord Charles of Blois his Battail was engaged with that of the Earl of Monford, where the Fight was very cruel beyond Imagination; and first the Earl began to have the Worst of it: But at that Instant Sr. Hugh Cal∣verley, who stood on a Wing with 500 Chosen Men of Arms, heedfully observing e∣very Circumstance, when he saw his Friends begin to disorder, rode up immediately to the Place, and with his fresh Men held the Enemy at Play, till the Lord Chandos had

repaired the Breaches, and set his Men in Order again; and then Sr. Hugh retreated to his former Post, and the Lord Chandos returned to the Battail. Surely this Device of that Noble Captains proved of no small Advantage to him that Day: For no less than four times were his Men broken, and yet as often restored again by Sr. Hugh and his Troops.

While thus the two Rivals were contending with each other, the Lord Oliver Clisson, the Lord John Bourchier, Sr. Eustace Dambreticourt, and Sr. Matthew Gournay and their Men were matched with the Earls of Auxerre and Joigny, who had a great Battail, and well furnished with Chosen Men: And long and couragiously this Fight was menaged with Spears, Swords and Axes, that no more could be expected from Men of Valour. However this tough Resistance was no way pleasing to the Lord Oliver Clisson, who raged in the Head of his Men like a Wild Boar, and did Wonders with a great, sharp and heavy Ax in his hands, wherewith he brake and opened the Preass, so that none durst abide his stroaks. More than once he adventur'd so far among his Enemies, that he was in great danger of being lost; but he was also seconded by Men like himself, who yet had all enough to do to save themselves. The Lord Clisson not only gave, but received also many great stroaks, but his Armour was so good it preserved him; and yet one time he received a Blow with an Axe on the Visor of his Helmet, so that the Corner Point of the Ax grased cross his Right eye, whereby for ever after he lost the sight of that Eye: But yet for all this Wound, he still behaved himself like a Noble Champion, and like Sampson, sought to revenge the loss of his Sight with the Death of his Enemies.

It is in vain to seek to particularize every Mans Actions; Sr. Matthew Gournay, Sr. John Bourchier, Sr. Eustace Dambreticourt, and the rest were nothing inferiour to the Lord Clisson, but signalized their Valour abundantly: And surely every Man must do his Devoir, or else he could not have escaped: For the Enemy was both Numerous, and fought with as much Bravery as was possible.

The Lord Charles of Blois more especially approved himself a most Accomplished Knight, and well Worthy of the Dukedom he fought for: And yet Sr. John Monford was not a whit behind him; but bare himself with such incredible Courage and Prow∣ess, that he ever after obtain'd the Sirname of Valiant. The Lord John Chandos did that Day many Wonders in Arms, and fought valiantly with a massy Ax of Steel that he had in his Hands, wherewith he gave such Blows, that no Armour could resist; so that the boldest of his Enemies durst not abide him. For he was a great and mighty Man, well formed of all his Limbs, and together with his notable Strength and Cou∣rage, had much Discretion, Skill and Experience. All the time of the Battle he mena∣ged the Earl of Monford, being very carefull to comfort Him and his Men, and said, as he saw Occasion, "Sir, do thus and thus, and draw to this or that side; and the Earl constantly follow'd his Directions.

In another part Sr. Bertram of Clequin and his Bretons fought couragiously with Sr. Robert Knolles, Sr. Walter Hewet, and their Men, that none could tell to which side the Victory would encline: For both English and Bretons were Men of approved Cou∣rage, and neither Part knew how to turn their Backs. All the Lords, Captains, Knights and Esquires on all hands fought with extream Animosity and Resolution, and every Battail had its hands full, and were hard at it together, except only that of the Eng∣lish, whereof Sr. Hugh Calverley had the Conduct; he all along kept on a Wing some∣thing aloof, and minded nothing else, but to repair what Breaches he saw to be made among his Friends, in any part as they were fighting. At last the Lord John Chandos having by this means, and by the exalted Courage of his Men, very much prevail'd a∣gainst the Lord Charles of Blois, brake quite thrô him, making a mighty slaughter a∣mong his Men, and came and fought with the Earls of Auxerre and Joigny, who were hard enough put to it before; and whatever brave Resistance he found here, it lasted not long, for being animated with Success, he soon brake that Battail also to pieces, so that it was utterly discomfited; all their Banners and Penons taken or overthrown to the Earth, and the Lords and Captains put to Flight, slain or taken: For they had no re∣freshment from any other of their Battails, every one had their Hands full already. And indeed it ought to be remembred, that the Bastard of Blois was afterwards by new Counsels remanded to joyn the Lord Charles, because all the stress of the Matter lay upon him, and the Earl of Monford; and the Lord Chandos began to prevail; but still by the Assistance of Sr. Hugh Calverley and his Men, this Great Battail was at last bro∣ken and overthrown, as we have shewn. After which now the Earls of Auxerre and Joigny suffer'd the same Fate, for they had no Succour to aid them against these New-Comers.

And to say Truth, when a Discomfiture begins, a small Matter decides the Controversie; for if one flies, there follow three more, and ten after them, and after the ten thirty, and then an Hundred.

Thus it was in this famous Battle of Auray, the Lords of the French Party cried their Cries, so that those, who heard them, took Heart and rallied again; but many could not hear them at all, or not return unto them for the Preass, noise and confusion of the Field. The Earl of Auxerre being very much wounded, was by Force of Arms taken Prisoner under the Standard of the Lord John Chandos, together with the Lord of Joi∣gny, and the Lord of Prier a Great Baron of Normandy.

Yet all this while the other Battail kept entire and fought couragiously, and indeed all the Bretons and Frenchmen on Sr. Charles of Blois his Part held a long while to∣gether with Bravery enough, like Good Men of War: But to say the Truth, q 9.117 they kept not their Order so well, as the Englishmen and the Bretons, with the Earl of Mon∣ford, did. For when they saw their Enemies would not in the least flinch from them, but resolv'd to win all or to die; their Martial Ardour languish'd by Degrees, and they became more remiss in their Discipline, as despairing of doing any Good. But surely the Wing which Sr. Hugh Calverley lead, stood the English in great stead that Day, as we have particularly instanced before: So that at last beginning to have an Advantage against their Enemies, when they saw their Ranks broken, they redoubled their Courage, and flew in among them with such Fury, that nothing was able now to resist them. When some Frenchmen, who had their Horses near at hand in the field, perceived how Matters were like to go, they went away to their Beasts, mounted and rode off upon the Spur. Then the Lord Chandos with a select Company (leaving the rest to glean the remain∣ders of the Field) began to move against the Battail of Sr. Bertam of Clequin, which as yet stood firm, having done many notable Deeds; so that hitherto Sr. Robert Knolles, Sr. Walter Hewet, and the rest of that Body with all their Endeavours had gain'd but small Advantage upon them. But now upon the Lord Chandos his Coming, this Battail was open'd also, and Ruine rush'd in at the Breaches to the Destruction of many a Valiant Gentleman: For now the English gave many terrible stroaks with their hea∣vy Axes, and many an Helmet was cloven in sunder, and many a Man wounded to Death: So that neither Sr. Bertram nor his Men were any longer able to hold out against their Enemies.

IX. There Sr. Bertram of Clequin himself was taken by an Esquire of England, un∣der the Standard of the Lord John Chandos, who at the same time took a Great Lord of Bretagne Prisoner with his own hands, called the Lord of Raix, a Knight of ap∣proved Valour. And by that time this Battail was thus open'd, all the rest were quite discomfited and lost their Array, and every Man began to flee away as fast as he might to save himself: Except certain Valiant and Loyal Gentlemen, Knights and Esquires of Bretagne, who would not by any means forsake the Lord Charles of Blois, but chose rather to die with him than to leave the Field with Dishonour: Wherefore they all drew together about him in a Ring, and disputed the Point to the last Man. Thus the Lord Charles, accompanied with these Gallant Souls, play'd his last Stake as bravely as was possible; but 'twas not likely those few should hold out against an Army new∣ly flush'd with Victory; especially since the rest of the Field being cleared, the grea∣er Part of the English came thither against them. So that at last they also were by fine Force broken, discomfited and slain. There the Banner of the Lord Charles was beaten down to the ground, and he that bare it was slain; and with him fell the Lord Charles of Blois himself, with his Face towards his Enemies, and by his side was slain a valiant Bastard Son of his, called Sr. John of Blois, and many other Knights and Esquires of Bretagne. It is said, that the Captains of England had agreed beforehand, that if they had the better in Fight, and Sr. Charles of Blois were found upon the Place, he should not be taken to Ransom by any Man, but slain outright. And the same Design had the Frenchmen and Bretons upon the Earl of Monford, if they should obtain the Victory: For both Sides were resolved, how that Day should make an end of the Controversie. So when it came to the Rout, there was a great Slaughter, and many a Good Knight slain or taken, which was the lot of the very Flower of all that Side; but a few Men of Honour that escaped, especially of the Bannerets of Bretagne. There was slain first of all the Noble and Valiant Lord Charles of Blois, who called himself Duke of Bretagne, and his Son Sr. John the Bastard, Sr. Charles of Dinant, the Lord of Leon, the Lord of Ancenis, the Lord of Avaugeur, the Lord of Lodeac, the Lord of Malestroit, the Lord of Ponto, the Lord of Gargol and many others, whose Names cannot be recovered, r 9.118 to the number of about a Thousand. Besides

whom there were taken Prisoners the Earls of Auxerre and Joigny, Sr. Bertram of Cle∣quin, the Vicount of Rohan, Sr. Guy du Leon, the Lord of Rochefort, the Lord of Raix, the Lord of Rieux, the Lord of Lomine, the Lord of Quintin, the Lord of Franville, the Lord of Ravenal, the Lord de la Fevilleé, Sr. Henry of Malestroit, Sr. Oliver Manny and divers Others, Lords, Knights and Esquires of Bretagne, France and Normandy; in all, one Vicount, s 9.119 two Earls, Twenty seven Lords, and fifteen Hundred Knights and Esquires. On the English Part I can find but one Man of Ho∣nour that fell this Day, t 9.120 namely the Lord John de Nereford; and the highest Account that appears any where is, u 9.121 that there fell one Knight and five Esquires, at the most there died but x 9.122 Seven in all: But many were grievously wounded. To conclude, this Discomfiture was great and wonderfull, and many Gallant Men were put to the Sword, as well in the Field as in the Chace, which lasted eight long Leagues, even to the Gates of Rennes. There happen'd many notable Adventures as well during the Fight as the pursuit, which cannot all be recounted, and then Gentlemen were either taken alive or slain outright, as they fell in the hands of those that were Courteous or Cruel. This Battle was thus fought on the y 9.123 Twenty ninth of September, being a Sunday and St. Michaels Day, near to Auray in Bretagne, in the Year of our Lord MCCCLXIV.

X. After the Discomfiture, the Lords and Knights of England and Bretagne having sent out certain Troops to make good the Chace, returned themselves and came to the Earl of Monford, who had a rich Tent with the Arms of Bretagne thereon, pitch'd up for him in the Field. Thither came to him to his Tent Door the Lord John Chandos, the Lord John Bourchier, the Lord William Latimer, Sr. Walter Hewet, Sr. Hugh Calverley, Sr. Robert Knolles, Sr. Richard Burley, Sr. Eustace Dambreticourt, Sr. Matthew Gournay, Sr. Richard Taunton and Others, who first had retired to the side of an Hedge and un∣armed themselves, when they saw the Day was unquestionably their own, and the Chief of them set up their Banners and Standards on the Hedge, and the Banner of Bretagne a∣loft on a Bush, to direct their Men thither. Then the Lord Chandos being attended with the other Knights aforesaid, went to the Earl of Monford, and with a Smile said unto him,

Sir, Praise God and be merry, for this Day you have conquer'd your In∣heritance of Bretagne.

Then the Earl enclined his Body very respectfully, and said aloud,

Oh! Sr. John Chandos, this Prosperous Adventure, that hath now befallen me, was brought about thrô your great Conduct and Prowess, as I know very well, and so do all that hear me at this time.

Sir, I pray drink with me. And with that he reach'd him a Flagon of Wine, of which himself had drank just before, and when Sr. John had drank and deliver'd the Drink to another, the Earl added,

Sr. John, next to God Almighty and his Grace, I ought to be most thankfull to you, and do here∣by own my self obliged to you above any other Mortal Man.

And at that instant came up to them the Lord Oliver Clisson, very much chafed and enflamed with his continual Action in the Fight, and the long pursuit of his Enemies; so that he had much ado to return again with his Men in any time, he was so extream weary; but he brought back with him many rich Prisoners. And now he alighted and came to the Earl of Monford, and refreshed himself and began to unarm, and had a Chirurge∣on called to dress his Eye; when there came up to the Earl two Knights and two Heralds, who had been to view the Field, and to search among the Dead Bodies, if so they might find the Body of Sr. Charles of Blois, whether he was Dead or no. These Heralds spake aloud to the Duke, "Sir, God give you Joy of your Dukedom of Bretagne; for we have seen your Adversary Sr. Charles of Blois lying dead upon the Earth. At that the Earl of Monford rose up from his Chair and said, he would go and view him, for he had as lief see him Dead as Alive; and so he went thither with the Knights who were about him. Being come to the place, where he lay co∣ver'd with a Shield, he caused his Shield to be taken off, and then beheld him with much Compassion, and having look'd stedfastly on him a while, he burst out in these Words,

Ah! Sr. Charles, my Fair Cousin, by your indiscreet Obstinacy how many E∣vils have fell out in Bretagne? And yet so God help me, as I am sorry at my Heart to find you in this Condition!

But now it is past Remedy. And with that he be∣gan to weep over him; not that he was not well satisfied with the Victory, he had so hardly obtained, but that this cruel and costly Decision of his Quarrel did much affect his Generous Mind, considering his own Case might have been the same. But Sr. John Chandos quickly drew him out of this melancholy and unseasonable Humour, saying,

Sir, pray come away, and thank God for this fair Adventure thus happily fallen to You: For without the Death of this Man, you could never have enjoyed your Inhe∣ritance

of Bretagne; and perhaps he would have been content to have found You here in his stead.

Then the Earl gave order that the Corps of his Cousin Sr. Charles of Blois should the next Day be conveyed in Great State to Guerande a City of Bre∣tagne, where he was honourably interred, as he was well worthy: For he was a most Noble, Courteous and Valiant Knight; so that a while after he obtain'd the Reputa∣tion of a Saint, being reported to have done many Miracles after his Death, whatever Bloodshed he occasion'd in his Life-time. But 'tis a Mistake of Froisard's, z 9.124 where he says how he was Canonized for a Saint by Pope Ʋrban V. When as the Truth is, that thô indeed he had some such Matter in his Mind, and there are a 9.125 extant Letters of his to John Duke of Bretagne to that Purpose; yet when he understood, that by the manner of his Death he was not to be look'd on as a Martyr; he was very angry with those, who presum'd without the Approbation of the Apostolick See to give such Honours unto his Memory, and by his Letters to the Bishops of Bretagne, enjoyn∣ed them in their several Dioeceses to prohibit, that any such thing be done for the future. Dat. apud Montem Flasconem XVII Kalen. Octobris Anno Pontificat. VI. Which agrees with the Year of our Lord 1368, being the Fourth Year after his Death.

XI. Now when all the Dead were spoiled, and the Englishmen were all returned from the Chace, the whole Army drew off to their former Camp, and unarmed themselves, and took their ease, having first set a good Watch, and secured their Prisoners, and caused the Wounded to be well dressed. On the Monday in the Morning the Earl of Monford caused Proclamation to be made to the Citizens of Rennes, and all the Towns and Villages thereabout, that he would most inviolably grant them a Truce for Three Days following; whereby they might be emboldened to come forth, and gather up the Dead Bodies, and bury them in Holy Ground; which Christianlike Proclamation was both well accepted, and also generally prepar'd the Hearts of the People in his behalf. Then the Earl return'd to his Siege before Auray, saying, that he would not stir thence, till he was Master of the Place: And soon after it yielded un∣to him.

The mean while Fame was very busie in carrying tidings abroad into Divers Coun∣tries; that the Earl of Monford by the Assistance and Conduct of the Englishmen had won the Day against Sr. Charles of Blois, and discomfited, slain, or taken all the Ca∣valry of Bretagne; such as were against him. The Lord John Chandos especially had great Renown every where; for all manner of People, Lords, Knights, and Esquires, as well Foes as Friends, that had been present in the Field, agreed together in acknow∣ledging, that chiefly by his Conduct and Great Valour his side had got the better.

But at this News all the Friends and Assistants of Charles of Blois were extreamly cast down; and especially the French King; for this Loss concerned him very nearly, as well because of the Death of his Kinsman, Sr. Charles, as also because many of the best Knights of his Realm were either there slain, or taken; as Sr. Bertram of Clequin, whom he highly favoured, and the Earls of Auxerre and Joigny, and all the Barons of Bretagne, none excepted. Wherefore presently he sent his Brother Lewis Duke of Anjou, to the Marches of Bretagne, to animate the Country, which was utterly de∣jected and cast down with this great blow; and also to comfort the Dutchess of Bre∣tagne (as she was called) Relict of the Lord Charles, who took on so extreamly for the Death of her Husband, that it was a great Pity to behold her comfortless Con∣dition. The Duke of Anjou had newly Married a Daughter of hers, and therefore thought himself the more strongly engag'd to this Office: And indeed he promis'd faithfully to afford unto all the Good Cities and Castles in Bretagne, his best Coun∣sel, Comfort, and Assistance in all Cases; whereby the Poor Afflicted Lady, whom he called Mother, and all the Country, that held for her, had for some while a little Confidence yet to see better times: Till the French King to avoid worse Inconveni∣ences, took other Measures, as we shall see hereafter. The Earl of Monford wrote the News of this Victory to his Father-in-Law, King Edward of England, five days after the Battle was ended. His Letters bearing Date from before Auray, the Fourth of October, were shortly after brought unto the King, then at Dover, by a Pursuivant at Arms; who had been in the Battle: And the King was so well pleas'd with the News, that immediately in reward thereof he b 9.126 made him an Herald at Arms by the Name of Windesor. But it will not be amiss briefly to declare the Occasion, why King Edward was then at Dover.

XII. About Three Years before, there began a Treaty concerning a Marriage be∣tween Prince Edmund of Langley Earl of Cambridge, King Edward's Fifth Son, and

the Lady Margaret, Daughter of Earl Lewis of Flanders. To which Match the said Earl had lately given his Consent, on Condition there might be a Dispensation ob∣tain'd from Pope c 9.127 Ʋrban V, because of their Proximity of blood: And so a Con∣tract was made between the Parties. And on this account the Duke of Lancaster and Earl Edmund, his Brother, had lately passed over the Sea into Flanders, with many Knights and Esquires in their Company, to visit Earl Lewis, of whom they were re∣ceived very Honourably, and with special Tokens of Peace and Love. Insomuch that upon their Return, the Earl of Flanders accompanied them to Calais, where they took the Sea all together, and Landed at Dover; where at that time the King was with certain of his Council ready to receive them, and to Treat further with the Earl of Flanders about the Consummation of the foresaid Affair. This was the occasion of the Kings being there at that time, when the foremention'd Pursuivant came and brought him the News of the Victory near Auray. Whereat the King was wonderfully plea∣sed, and all the Court; the Earl of Flanders being no less glad, than any of them, because of the Advancement of his Cousin German, the Earl of Monford, which must needs happen thereby. Thus King Edward tarried with the Earl of Flanders at Do∣ver, for the space of Three Days; which were spent in Royal Feastings and Princely Recreations. And then Matters, concerning which they met being adjusted, He took his solemn leave of the King, and sailed back for Flanders, being attended to Bruges by the Duke of Lancaster, and Earl Edmund, his Brother. But yet this Intended Match was soon after d 9.128 broke off by the French Kings envious Policy, he craftily hindring the Pope from granting a Dispensation, and then he never left Courting the Earl of Flanders, till he had given his Daughter in Marriage to that Kings Brother, Philip Duke of Burgundy. Notwithstanding which it appears, e 9.129 that the Year following, Sr. Nicolas Tamworth Knight, and John Wyn Esquire, were sent by King Edward to all the Nobles, and other his Friends beyond the Seas; to sollicit their Help for expelling those Strangers, who had invaded the Lands of Burgundy, Nivers, and Reth, of Right belonging to the Countess of Flanders and her Son; which were to return unto Ed∣mund Earl of Cambridge, and to the Dutchess of Burgundy, Daughter to the same Earl of Flanders, in regard of that Matrimonial Contract made betwixt them; as the Record doth manifest.

XIII. This Year on the Feast of All-Saints f 9.130 there was fought a great Battle on the Plains of Turkey, between the Christians and Pagans, where the Christians after a long and doubtfull Fight obtain'd a Bloody and Cadmean Victory. For on their side there fell the Great Master of the Hospital of Rhodes, and one or two Kings, and of the meaner sort to the Number of 5210: But of the Infidels there were slain more than 40000 of their Men of Arms, besides an incredible Number of the Common Souldiers. The Chief Captains of the Heathens, were the Soldan of Babylon, and the King of Turkey, Kinstut, or Keystut, the King of Lithuania, Janibech King of Tartary, King Baldoc, and King Belmarine; three whereof were slain in the Field, and the King of Lithuania's Son g 9.131 was taken Prisoner by Thomas Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick, who afterwards brought him into England, and made him a Christian, call∣ing him Thomas, after his own Name, as being at that time his Godfather. But where∣as Walsingham says, that among other Christian Princes, I— King of Hungary was slain at this Fight; there is a double mistake; for it should be written L in stead of I, that King's Name being Lewis; and it is most certain, that he lived many Years after, h 9.132 as will appear to any that shall enquire.

CHAPTER the TVVELFTH.

The CONTENTS.

I. John of Monford, having taken Auray, goes before Jugon, which yields; thence to Dinant, which at last yields also; then he invests Quimpercorentin. II. The Prisoners taken in the Battle of Auray, secur'd for fear of new stirs, while Earl Monford takes in all Bretagne. III. The French King perswaded to admit John of Monford for

true Duke of Bretagne, * 9.133 sends unto him to try him; He has King Edwards leave to hold the Dukedom of France, and so Bretagne is settled in Peace, and John Mon∣ford, sirnamed the Valiant, own'd Duke thereof. IV. Peace made between the French King, and the King of Navarre, by Vertue whereof the Captal of Busche is acquit∣ted his Prison; the French King endeavours to win him, but in vain. V. The Death of the Lord Lewis of Navarre. VI. A Parliament at Westminster. VII. King Edwards Buildings; and the Foundation of Kings-Hall in Cambridge, now called Trinity College. VIII. The Pope Demands the Annual Fee, which King John of England engag'd to pay to the Apostolick Chamber, and orders King Edward upon his refusal, to be cited to answer the Contempt at the Court of Rome. Which Matter, the King refers to his Parliament. IX. The Lady Isabella, Daughter to King Edward, given in Marriage to the Lord Ingleram de Coucy. X. The King punishes the Lord Chief Justice and others, his Justices, for Male-Administration of the Laws. XI. The King of Cyprus takes Alexandria in Egypt; but is forced to leave it a∣gain. XII. Dr. Thoroton twice corrected. XIII. The Earl of Warwick returns in∣to England with the King of Lithuania's Son, his Prisoner, whom he makes a Christian, and stands his Godfather, naming him Thomas, after his own Name.

I. BEing now enter'd upon the Thirty Ninth Year of King Edwards Reign, it will be necessary for the understanding of what follows, to set down an ac∣count of Matters, which happen'd in the close of the foregoing Year, namely after the Battle of Auray. And we shall find, that the Earl of Mon∣ford upon that notable and entire Victory, return'd a 9.134 unto the Siege of that Fortress, which he follow'd with greater application than ever before, and made a Vow not to Rise thence, till he had the Besieged at his Devotion. And surely those within were much diminished in Courage, thô not in Provision; for they had lost in the late Battle their Captain, Esquire Henry of Tintineac, together with Fourty Men of Arms, the very Flower of all their Garrison: Wherefore since now they could not expect any further Succour, they at last resolved to yield, while they might hope to obtain tolerable Conditions; and so they began to enter a Parly with the Earl to that pur∣pose. The Earl was not willing to lose much more time here, and besides he knew not, how other Places stood affected to him, and he had a mind to try the Country, while the Terrour of his Arms was fresh; on which Considerations he received them to Mercy, and gave them leave to depart with their Goods; for they would not yet own his Authority; or submit to his Government. Having now placed in Auray a good Garrison of his own, he rode on with his Army, which encreased daily; Men of Arms and Archers continually flocking to him. Nay the very Bretons, who before rejected his Yoke, being now won by the Reputation of his Sword, came in to him apace, especially the Bretons Bretonant, or those of Lower Bretagne.

First he marched toward the Higher Bretagne however, and lay down before the Town of Jugon, which had been in the Hands of Sr. Charles of Blois almost 22 Years; for it was taken by him b 9.135 in the latter end of the Year 1342, as we have shew'd in due place. Here he tarried Three Days, in which time he gave two terrible Assaults, wherein many were hurt on both sides: But when the Besieged saw with what Vi∣gour they were attacked, and that there was no prospect of any Succour, they thought not to drive Matters to the extreamity; but on the Third Day accepted the Earl of Monford for their Right and Lawfull Lord, and so without any further Tryal open'd their Gates unto him, and sware to continue his true Liegemen for ever. Then the Earl removed all the Officers in the Town, and set new Ones in their Places; and so proceeded, and went and sat down before Dinant, where he lay'd a Siege, which lasted far in the Winter, to his great Inconvenience. For Dinant was of it self a strong Town, well fortifi'd, and sufficiently furnished with Provision and Men of War: Besides the Duke of Anjou by his Letters exhorted the Inhabitants and Garrison to hold out a while boldly, promising to send them speedy Relief. These Words of the Duke animated them to endure so long, and to undergo so many hard Assaults; but when they saw their Provisions almost spent, and not the least appearance of any Duke of Anjou to relieve them, they requested to be admitted to the Earl's Peace: And he for his part freely granted their Request; for he demanded nothing else of them, but that they should acknowledge him for their Lord, and so they did; and he entred the Place with great Solemnity, and there received all their Oaths and Homages. Soon after he marched to Quimpercorentin, which he presently began to Invest, saying, He would not

stir, till he was Master of that City; to which intent he had brought thither several great Engines from Vannes and Dinant.

II. Now all this while the Lord John Chandos, and other Englishmen and Bretons on Monford's side, who had taken any Prisoners at the Battle of Auray, had all firmly agreed on good deliberation to keep them still in their Hands, and by no means to put them to any Ransom, till the Earl had subdued all his Enemies; lest they should raise New Forces, and put him to any more trouble. Wherefore they sent all their Pri∣soners into the parts of Poictou and Sainctogne, to Rochelle and Bourdeaux, there to be secur'd; the mean while the Bretons of Monford's side on one hand, and the English on the other, rode about and reduced all Bretagne. For c 9.136 during the Siege before Quimpercorentin, which was sufficiently alarum'd with Assaults and Batteries, several Detachments being daily sent from the Army, went ravaging all over the Coun∣try, and left nothing, which they took not away with them, except it were too hot, or too cold, or too Heavy for them, to use Froisard's expression. But the Spoil was only done among those, who refus'd to yield to Monford; those, who acknowledg'd him, were taken into his Protection.

III. Of all this the French King was well informed, and frequently advised how he should bear himself, as to this Matter: For it was plain, that at this time the Country of Bretagne, and the Lord Charles of Blois his Widow were in hard Circumstances; and yet he saw, he could not well apply a Remedy, without raising a Royal Army, and thereupon engaging in a War with England, for the sake of Bretagne. But this he was advis'd by no means to do; and after many great and weighty Considerations and Reasons canvas'd on both sides, this was the opinion of his Council,

Sir, You have a long while sustain'd the Quarrel of your late Cousin, the Lord Charles of Blois, as did also the King, your Father, and King Philip, your Grandfather, who gave him in Marriage the Dutchess of Bretagne: Whereby innumerable Mischiefs, and much Desolation and Bloodshed have since befell in Bretagne, and the Countries adjacent. But Sir, now it is so; that your Cousin, the Lord Charles, in keeping and maintaining his Right to Bretagne, hath lost his Life, and many a Gallant Soul with him: And on this side the Sea there is none, either to prosecute his Claim, or to make a just War upon Monford for this Dukedom: For his two Sons, the next Heirs, John and Guy, are both Prisoners in England. And Sir, You hear daily, how he Conquers and takes in Towns and Castles, and reckons them his own true Inheritance. So that at this rate You may at last lose your Right of Ho∣mage, that You ought to have of Bretagne; which is a Matter both of Honour and Advantage to your Realm; wherefore it would become your Majesties Wisdom, to be very jealous of losing that. For if this Earl of Monford once become Liege∣man to King Edward, and hold the Dutchy of Bretagne of the King of England, as his Father once did, You cannot recover it again without great War and Conten∣tion between You and the said King; whereas at this time (God be thanked) there is perfect Peace and Amity; which we would not advise Your Majesty to break by any means. But Sir, We think, all things consider'd and well weigh'd, that it were good for Your Majesty to send certain Messengers in order to a Treaty between You and the Earl of Monford, and to try, how far he is inclinable to agree with the Lord Charles his Relict, and whether he will be content to hold that Dutchy of your Majesty or no: And Sir, as your Messengers feel him dispos'd in these things, you may take your Measures accordingly. For if the worst come, 'tis better for him to remain Duke of Bretagne, provided, he will hold of Your Majesty, and do un∣to you all those services, that a subject ought to do unto his Sovereign Lord, than that you should endanger losing all, by exasperating his Mind too far, before you have made Tryal of Milder ways.

This safe Advice agreed best with the Dispo∣sition of that Prince, and so he appointed the Lord John de Craon Archbishop of Ren∣nes, and the Lord of Craon, his Cousin, with the Lord Bouciquault Marshal of France, to go to Quimpercorentin to Treat and Discourse with the Earl of Monford and his Council on the Premises. So these Three Lords, being furnish'd with full Instructions, how to behave themselves, rode from Paris, till they came to the Siege, where the English and Bretons lay, before Quimpercorentin; and presently they gave notice to the Earl, that they came unto him, as Messengers from the King of France. The Earl of Monford, with the Lord John Chandos and his Council, received them joyfully, and gave them audience presently: At which time the French Commissioners decla∣red the substance of their Business. When the Earl of Monford had fully understood what they had to say, he told them he would take Advice in the matter, and return

them his answer on such a day: Till which time the Three Deputies went and lay at Rennes. Then streight the Earl sent William Lord Latimer into England, to certifie the King of the French Kings Proposals, and to crave his opinion and direction in the Matter. King Edward, being rightly informed of the whole Affair, said,

How he would advise the Earl of Monford to accept of a Peace, on Condition he might ever after remain Duke of Bretagne, and also thought good, that he should shew him∣self inclinable to yield some Honourable Allowance to the Lady, who called her self Dutchess, Widow of the Lord Charles of Blois, and that he should assign her some handsom Pension, or yearly Revenue to be payable out of some certain place, where it should best please her. And he granted also, that he might do to the King of France for that Dutchy, as other Dukes his Predecessors have done heretofore.

This answer the Lord Latimer brought back again to the Earl, who having read the King, his Father-in-Law's Letters, and understood his pleasure, as to the Premises, by advice of his whole Council, sent presently for the French Commissioners to come before him; at which time he gave them a very agreeable Answer. But it was said to them expresly,

that the Earl of Monford would by no means lay down his Claim to the Dutchy of Bretagne, but that he would remain Duke thereof, and so be called while he lived. Notwithstanding, whereas the French King would have him peace∣ably to open his Cities, Towns, and Castles, and to yield Faith and Homage unto Him, and to do all other Rights and Services, which the Dukes of Bretagne have done in times past, all this the Earl is well content to do, nay he shall gladly ac∣knowledge the French King for his Natural Lord, and render unto him his Homage and Service in presence of the Peers of France: And further he makes Offer to give Friendly Aid, Help, and Comfort to his Cousin, Relict of the Lord Charles deceased, and moreover, to use his Interest to deliver his Cousins her Sons, out of Prison in England.

This Answer extreamly satisfied the French Lords, and they took a cer∣tain day, whereon these Matters were to be fully Ratified and Concluded at Guerande; and with that the City of Quimpercorentin, and all Bretagne was to be entirely his. Accordingly the French Deputies sent away to the Duke of Anjou, who was then at Angiers, having from the King of France full Commission and Authority, to conclude this Treaty, or to lay it aside at his pleasure. When the Duke of Anjou saw the Con∣ditions, he had a long Deliberation, for thô he found the Earls Proposals extreamly reasonable, considering the juncture of Affairs, yet he remembred he had promis'd o∣ther things to the Dutchess his Mother-in-Law; which notwithstanding he now saw to be exceeding difficult for him to perform. But at last he was wholly overrul'd to accept and Ratifie the Treaty, and the two Knights, that were sent to him returned back to Rennes with his Answer engrossed and sealed. Then the Messengers of the French King, and the Deputies of Earl Monford went and met d 9.137 at Guerande, where soon af∣ter the Peace was fully made and compleated on both Hands, and Quimpercorentin was forthwith yielded up, and all other Places, that had hither to held out against the Earl of Monford, and He remain'd thenceforth True Duke of Bretagne on this Condition;

that if he should leave no Children of his Body lawfully begotten, then the Duke∣dom should return to the Children of the Lord Charles of Blois; and also that the Lady Jane, late Wife to the said Lord Charles deceased, should be Countess of Pen∣tebria, or Pontheure; which Lands were of the Yearly Value of 20000 Franks: And also that Duke John should come into France, whenever it should please the King to send for him, and render unto him his Homage for the Dutchy of Bretagne.

For the surer Confirmation of all which, there were sundry Charters and Instruments interchangeably Engrossed and Sealed on both Parts. Thus did John Earl of Mon∣ford at length obtain the Dukedom, he had so long contended for, and henceforth re∣main'd Duke thereof without any contradiction; till other Wars broke out again, as We shall shew in due place.

When this Concord and Agreement was made between King Charles of France, and the Duke of Bretagne, the said King, who was very Politick, and desired greatly to win to his side as many brave Souldiers, as he could, restored unto the Gallant Young Lord Oliver Glisson, what his Grandfather, King Philip had taken from him, when he so cruelly and unjustly put his Father to Death, as we have e 9.138 shew'd in the XVIII Year of King Edward's Reign. After which time this brave Lord Clisson, did by his Vertuous behaviour so win upon King Charles by degrees, that at last nothing of moment could be done in France without him, and he might e'n do, whatever he pleased: Which liberty however he used to no Mans hurt; but only he utterly forgot his old Friends the English, and ever after prov'd a true Frenchman.

And thus at last was the Fertile Country of Bretagne allowed a most pleasing Re∣spit after those long and Cruel Wars, which had almost emptied her Veins of the best Blood in France. All the Natives were extream glad at this happy Change, and received their New Lord with an universal Respect and unfeigned Joy; he taking Faith and Homage of all the Cities, Towns, and Castles, and of all the Prelates, Ba∣rons, Knights and Gentlemen of the whole Country. Shortly after his Dear Lady, Mary of England, Fourth Daughter of King Edward, was honourably convey'd over the Seas into Bretagne; and there again the Marriage Rites were solemnly renewed with Feastings and Publick Rejoycing in the City of Nantes; and in process of Time f 9.139 he had Issue by this Lady, John Duke of Bretagne, called the Sage (Father of Peter and Francis, both Dukes of Bretagne, who died without issue) Richard Earl of Estampes, and Arthur Duke of Bretagne also, the Third of that Name. And thus We shall leave this Valiant Duke in the full Enjoyment of his Good Fortune, till the Wars between France and England being renewed, shall give us an Occasion to bring him upon the Stage again.

IV. Nor was there only a full Peace established thus in Bretagne, but about the same time also Queen Jane, Aunt to the King of Navarre, and Queen Blanch his Sister, endeavoured so earnestly, that there was at last a Peace struck up between the French King and the King of Navarre, chiefly by the prudent and dextrous Menagement of that renowned Lord the Captal of Busche, who shew'd himself so diligent in Compo∣sing of Differences between these two Princes, that in Consideration thereof King Charles wholly discharged him of all Obligations, which lay upon him as to his Ran∣som; for till now, thô at Liberty, he was but a Prisoner upon Parole. And indeed the French King began to shew himself wonderfull Gracious and Favourable to the Captal, and gave him freely the fair Castle of Damemarie in Brie with all its Appurtenances, which Gift was more than 3000 Franks per annum. And by this seeming Generosity of that subtle Prince, the Candid Gentleman was easily won to do Homage to the French King, and to become his Liegeman, thô only for that Castle; wherewith King Charles was wonderfully pleased, for he had an extream Value for all Men of Worth, but e∣specially he prized the Service of so Famous a Knight, as the Captal was. But that Service lasted not over long; For when the Captal was returned into the Principality of Aquitaine, and came before the Prince of Wales, who had been fully informed of all that was done, the Prince took him aside, and chid him very smartly, asking him,

how he could acquit himself Loyally and truly to two several Lords of different In∣terests, and whether it was agreeable for a Man of Honour to taint his Mind with Covetousness, and to sell his service for Bribes, and indeed but to accept of Lands, lying in France, where he knew himself to be neither sincerely loved, nor duly re∣spected?

When the Captal heard these words, and saw, how he had unawares incurred an evil Opinion from his Natural Lord, the Prince, he was very much ashamed, and be∣gan to excuse himself, saying,

Sir, I am not so strictly bound to the French King, but that I may easily undo again all that I have done or promised; since I acted on∣ly conditionally, if it might so please you, my Lord, and the King your Father; to whom the French King knows me bound by Ties far more strong and more early.

Then the Prince gave him his Hand, and banished all evil thoughts of him; and the Captal presently sent into France to the King, an Esquire of his, by whom he flung up all that had been given him, and renounced to hold any thing of him, whereby he might be tempted to divide the Service, which he ow'd entirely to the Prince of Aqui∣taine. He himself tarried still with the Prince at Bourdeaux, for he was wholly ac∣quitted of his Imprisonment by Vertue of the Articles of the Peace made between the Kings of France and Navarre: By which Articles also the Cities of Mante and Meu∣lan were to remain for ever with the King of France, in Consideration whereof the King of Navarre had other Castles in Normandy restored unto him as an Equi∣valent.

V. About this time the Young Lord Lewis of Navarre took his leave of France, and went into Lombardy, having taken of the French King at his Departure 60000 Franks in lieu of certain Castles in Normandy, which he deliver'd up: What his bu∣siness was in Lombardy I do not find; for 'tis certain, g 9.140 Froisard is in a mistake, who says, he went thither to Marry the Queen of Naples, and that accordingly he did Marry the said Queen; when as we are h 9.141 infallibly assured, that Joan, Queen of Sicily and Naples was at this time, and 3 Years before, and many Years after, the Wife of James, the Young King of Majorica. However Prince Lewis of Navarre died soon after, without any Issue of his Body; thô he left behind him the Reputation of having

been all along a most Valiant, Courteous, and Noble Knight, which is a Character, that Worthy Souls esteem beyond Life or Children.

VI. On the i 9.142 Fourth of December in the Close of the foregoing Year, King Edward sent forth his Summons for the Parliament to meet him at Westminster on the Octaves of St. Hilary following. On which day being assembled accordingly, Proclamation was made in Westminster-Hall, that for that Day they might depart, but they were to re∣turn the next Morning into the Painted Chamber, there to hear the Kings Pleasure. At which time Dr. Simon Langham Bishop of Ely, and Lord Chancellor of England began in a long and solemn Harangue to open the Parliament, taking for his Theme that of the Royal Prophet, Vera justitia, &c. Faithfull Judgement doth adorn the King's seat:

From whence he took occasion to discourse of the King, his Master, and of the great Prowess and manifold Victories, which by Gods Assistance he had Atchieved in his Youth; not forgetting the constant and dutifull Goodwill, and ready concurrence of the King's Loyal Subjects, towards the Furtherance of those his Important Undertakings: For which, as now the King did by him return them his hearty thanks; so he let them know, that on his part he was resolved to seek the Common Peace and Tranquillity of all his People; especially by enforcing a due Ob∣servation of all the good and sound Laws, and by amending such of them, as were faulty; as also by Establishing New ones, where Necessity should so require.

Then they proceeded to appoint Receivers and Tryers of Petitions for England, Ireland, Wales, and Scotland; as also for Aquitaine, and other foreign Countries and Isles. That same day the King declared with his own Mouth to the Three Estates,

how Citations and false Suggestions were daily made to the Pope, for Matters deter∣minable in his own Court within the Realm, and for procuring Provisions for Eccle∣siastical Dignities, to the great Scandal of the Ancient Laws, to the Derogation of his Crown, to the daily conveying away of the Treasure of the Land, to the Dimi∣nution of Ecclesiastical Livings, to the Withdrawing of Divine Service, Alms, Ho∣spitality, and other Good and Acceptable Works, and to the daily encrease of all Mischiefs; wherefore no Person, &c. And the King by his own Mouth requireth them, according to the old Statute heretofore, to provide a sufficient Remedy.

Where∣upon (besides two former Acts made against the Popes Provisions, the One k 9.143 25 Ed. 3. and the other 27 Ed. 3. as may be seen in the Statute-Book) another Act to the same purpose was made now; which agreeth in all things with the Print, c. 1, 2, 3, 4. Only in the Record are more biting Words, a Mystery (says Sr. Robert Cotton) not known of All Men.

On the Saturday after, being the Conversion of St. Paul, or the 25 of January, the Bishops, Lords, and Commons, brought into the Parliament the foresaid Act, and another touching the Preservation of the Liberties of the Bodies of Prelates, and other Lords of the Parliament.

Then follow the Petitions of the Commons with their Answers.

That no Victuals, or Corn be carried from the North-Marches into Scotland, and that no Protection or Pass-port be granted to any Scot to pass thrô the Realm. The King will provide therefore. That the Fines of the Chancery may be, as they were at the Kings Coronation. The King would have them to be reasonable for the ease of his People. That 3 s. 4 d. laid upon every Sack of Wooll at Calais, and all other un∣reasonable Impositions may cease. The King willeth, that all unreasonable Impositions should cease.

It is agreed, that One Staple be at l 9.144 Melcomb, and another at Ipsewich, and that all Merchants, and others, for their Ease may ship Woolls at Lewes, where the Customers of Chichester shall take the Customs, and the Customers of Yarmouth shall take in like man∣ner at Lynn.

As for the Statutes made in this Parliament. I shall refer those, who desire to In∣spect them, to the Statute-Books in Print, especially because those of this Year do more exactly agree with the Record. Only for my self I must put in this Caution, that whereas in the Record and Statute-Books, this Parliament is rightly fixed to the 38 of Edward the Third; considering, that he began not to Reign till the 25 of January, before which time the Parliament sat; yet I have placed it here, as well because I begin the Year constantly with January; as because it was indeed the Thirty Ninth of this Kings Inchoate, before the Parliament was adjourn'd: For on the m 9.145 Seventh of Febru∣ary, after the King in Presence of the Lords and Commons, had given his Royal Assent to all the Premises, He gave his Thanks to the Three Estates, and so gave them leave to depart.

VII. Now is King Edward said to have finished all his Wars; for he had full Peace with France and Scotland, and all the Quarrels about the Dukedom of Bretagne were ended, and Aquitaine gladly embraced the Government of his Son, Prince Edward; and his other Son, the Duke of Clarence had brought Ireland to a very good Settle∣ment. Wherefore thô in the Midst of his Wars he always would find leisure to ex∣ercise Actions of Devotion, Piety, and Charity; yet now he more seriously apply'd himself, and in a manner wholly Dedicated his time, to such Matters, as in his Build∣ings at Windsor Castle, Queenborough Castle and Town, St. Stephen's Chappel at West∣minster, Aberconney in Wales, Henley, and East-Hamstead, and his Royal Foundation of Kings-Hall in Cambridge; which being afterwards augmented with the Addition of Two or Three other adjoyning Foundations, was by King Henry VIII, named Tri∣nity-College; and lastly, by the Beautifull Accession of a Magnificent Building, called the Library, is rendred now the most August and Famous Structure, that ever the Christian World hath seen Dedicated to the Studies of good Letters. Which College is no less adorned with those Illustrious Lights of Learning, that have continually shined there: Nor have their Beams been confined to any Limits, but have spread themselves like the Rays of the Sun, over Earth and Heaven, and enlightned the Church and State, and the whole Universe. 'Tis now happily Govern'd by the Reverend Doctor John Montagu, Brother to the Earl of Sandwich, a Person no less conspicuous for his Eminent Parts and Vertues, than for his Birth and Quality.

VIII. This Flourishing Condition of our King Edward, put the Pope, it seems in mind of some Old Debts, which he pretended to be due from England to the Apo∣stolick See, for the Kingdom of England, and Lordship of Ireland; which King John promised to hold of the Church as a Fee Farm for ever. His n 9.146 Letters bear Date at Avignon Idibus Junii, An^o. Pontif. III; in which Letters it appears, that the Sum de∣manded was but 1000 Marks sterling per annum, and that the last payment was made by this King on the Seventh of July, An^o. Dom. 1333, but had ever since by reason of the Wars been discontinued: So that at this time there was due no less than 32000 Marks to the Apostolick Chamber. Thô in good truth, saving the Authority of these Letters, I could never find, o 9.147 that ever this Annual Pension was paid to Rome, since the Days of King John. But in the next Year we shall see, how King Edward now resented this Matter: For the Pope had besides his foresaid Letters, empower'd his Nuntio, John Abbot of the Monastery Stⁱ Bavonis Gaudensis of the Order of St. Be∣nedict in the Dioecese of Tournay, by process to cite the King unto his Court to answer for his Default, on Condition he should refuse to pay the Arrears. But the effect of this daring Summons we shall see in the Parliament of the next Year.

IX. At this time King Edward p 9.148 gave his Daughter the Lady Isabella in Marriage to the Young Lord Ingelram de Guisnes; the Rites being performed with Great Pomp and Splendor at the Famous Castle of Windsor. The said Lord was by Birth a Baron both of England and of France; and his Titles were Lord and Baron of Coucy, of Oi∣sey and Mount-Mirabel, of Doüilly, of Beauraine, and of Barques, Earl of Soissons and of Nide, and some Years after Arch-Duke of Austria. Besides which the King at this time created him Earl of Albemarle, to have and to hold the said Earldom for him, and the Heirs Male of his and her Body for ever. He also confirmed unto him the Mannor of Moreholme, the Moieties of the Mannors of Wyersdale and Ashton, with the Third Part of the Lordship of Whittington in the County of Lancaster, to him, and to the said Isabell, and to the Heirs of their Bodies lawfully begotten. I say, he confirmed them unto him: For the q 9.149 Author of the Catalogue of Honour mistakes in saying, they were now given him in the name of a Dowry, since we find the said Places, or the greatest part of them did belong unto his Grandfather r 9.150 William de Guisnes, Lord Coucy. What further Honours he obtain'd, we shall see next Year; wherefore at this time we shall only add this; that the King gave him s 9.151 leave to go over with his Lady into France, declaring, that whatever Children, Male, or Female, they might have between them, thô born beyond Sea, they should enjoy and inherit all Lands descendible to them in this Realm, as Freely, as if they were born in England. He bare for his Arms, t 9.152 the First and Fourth Barry of Viverry and Gules, the Se∣cond and Third, Gules, A Fess Argent; and in process of time he was elected into the Most Honourable Order of the Garter; of which Grace he was well Worthy.

X. In these days King Edward caused the Lord Chief Justice Sr. Henry Green, and Sr. William Skipworth, another of his Justices, to be arrested and imprison'd on the account of many notorious Enormities, which he understood they had committed a∣gainst

Law and Justice. Nor could they redeem themselves from Prison without re∣funding to the King many large Sums of Money, which by Injustice they had got from others: But for ever after they were secluded both their Places and his Favour.

XI. We have frequently heretofore mention'd the great Diligence, which Peter King of Cyprus us'd in travelling to most Courts in Europe, in Order to raise a Power sufficient to stem the furious Tide of Pagan Insolence, which threatned a Bloody Inun∣dation to all Christendom. Now therefore being pretty well furnish'd with Valiant Souldiers of several Nations, after that by the Pope's means he had made a Peace with Genoa, which had some resentments against him, u 9.153 he went from Venice to Rhodes, where he was Magnificently received by the Master of the Hospital, and whither he had sent before many Ships laden with Armed Men, and about 500 good Horses for the War. He had some Months before wrote to his own Brother the Prince of An∣tioch, his Lieutenant in the Kingdom of Cyprus, that having left a sufficient strength at home, he would by such a time send an Army of his Realm of Cyprus to meet him at Rhodes; which was done. For the King had been but a little while in that Island; when an Army of Cyprus came thither, namely sixty sail, one with another laden with Men of Arms, Arrows, Crossbows, and other Weapons in good quantity; to which the Master of the Hospital added an hundred chosen Knights of his Order, and com∣manded his Gallies to be fitted up. And all the while St. Peter Thomas, Patriarch of Constantinople, the Pope's Legate, who had an extraordinary Zeal for the Work, en∣couraged the King and his Souldiers, and blessed them, and pray'd, and preach'd, and signed them with the Cross, and heard Confessions, and absolved and reconciled Sin∣ners; one while labouring in the Kings Council, another while among the Mariners and poor People; now among the Lords and Knights, and the Master of Rhodes, and now again with the Common Souldiers in great humility: Now he visited the sick, and presently he fell to pacifying of Rumors; sometimes he conversed with the English, sometimes with the Cypriotes, Venetians, French, Spaniards, and Germans; but always he exhorted to Unity and Charity, to Faith and Courage, and to the War of God: And every Christian Soul in this small Army was by this Holy Legate, a few days be∣fore they left Rhodes, admitted to the Sacrament of Gods Body, and strength∣ned with Divine Power by feeding on their Redeemer, whose Cross they were going to advance.

At the time of their Departure from Rhodes, the King in secret Council proposed to invade the Soldan of Babylon, who usurped the Holy City of Jerusalem and his In∣heritance, not in the Tail, but in the Head, and to Steer his Course towards Alex∣andria; and so taking leave of the Grand Master, he went on board his Galley, with a Fleet consisting of more than an 100 Vessels of all sorts, above 10000 good Soul∣diers, and about 1400 Nobles and Men of Arms, with their Horses, besides Mari∣ners. Being come to the Haven of Alexandria, after about an hours resistance made by the Saracens, they gain'd Land, and soon after put all their Enemies to flight, and made them retire into the City in great Confusion; and shut their Gates. But their Hearts were so lost, that upon the Christians approach to the Walls, and setting fire to their Gates, they fled away towards Grand Cairo, or New-Babylon. Wherefore the City of Alexandria was taken by the Christians on the Fourth of October, 1365, about Nine of the Clock in the Morning; and all the Pagans found therein put to the Sword. But many of these Christians, being now satiated with spoil, began forth∣with to cool in their Devotion, and so were for leaving the City, now it was rifled, nor could the King of Cyprus, nor the Zealous Legate with all their Endeavours pre∣vail with them to the Contrary; wherefore upon News of the Soldan's Arrival with the Prince of Assyria, and a Mighty Army, who were coming to relieve the City, on the Fourth or Fifth day, after he had won it, he was forced to leave it to his great Grief. The occasion of which dishonourable Departure is by the Legate in his x 9.154 Let∣ters attributed to the English, and to their Leader, and by y 9.155 Petrarch to the Transal∣pine Auxiliaries in General;

who he says, being always better at Enterprising, than at Compleating, forsook the King in the midst of a most Glorious Work, and be∣cause they follow'd him not for Devotion, but for Gain; when they had laden them∣selves with spoils,

went away, and being rendred Masters of their Greedy desire, made him fail of his Godly Design. The Prosecution of this Matter may be seen at large in the foremention'd Philip è Mazeriis, who was himself present in this Expedi∣tion, and also in z 9.156 Odoricus Rainaldus: We shall only add, that the Englishmen and Gascogners, who had been at the taking of Alexandria, upon a 9.157 their return into England

and Aquitaine, brought many rich pieces of Cloth of Gold, Velvets, and Precious Stones, as witnesses of their Success in those parts.

XII. It is said by some, b 9.158 that John Lord Roos after this Expedition died at Paphos in the Island of Cyprus, leaving no Issue behind him by his Wife, the Lady Mary de Orrebe: So that his Brother William succeeded in his Honours. Thô to say the Truth this Lord John was not Born till this Year: For Sr. William Dugdale shews, c 9.159 that his Death happen'd about 28 Years after this, viz. in the Seventeenth of Richard the Second; at which time he was but d 9.160 28 Years of Age.

Notwithstanding, I grant, that about this time, as e 9.161 Thoroton says, there died the Lord Thomas Furnival, Sirnamed the Hasty, leaving no Issue behind him; whereupon he was succeeded by his Brother William Lord Furnival: Who about 17 Years after died also, leaving behind only One Daughter Joan. Her, Sr. Thomas Nevile, Brother to Ralph Earl of Westmorland, and Treasurer of England, taking to Wife, became in her Right, Lord Furnival. But here again I am fain to correct Thorton's many mistakes by comparing him f 9.162 with a more accurate and judicious Writer.

XIII. Toward the End of the Year, the Noble and Valiant Hero, Thomas Earl of Warwick, who had been in the Parts of Prussia, g 9.163 return'd into England with his Re∣tinue, and the Voluntiers, who accompanied him, besides the King of Lithuania's Son, whom as we shew'd before, he caused to be baptized, and called after his own Name, Thomas; he himself at that time standing for his Godfather. Soon after that h 9.164 the said Earl of Warwick was sent by the King upon special Service into Flanders, having an allowance of 7 Marks and an half per diem; at which time also he had his Commission for Earl Marshal of England renewed.

CHAPTER the THIRTEENTH.

The CONTENTS.

I. A Parliament at Westminster; * 9.165 wherein notice is taken of the Pope's foremention'd Ci∣tation to the King: Peter-Pence forbid to be paid thenceforward to the Pope: The Quarrel taken up between the Fryars Mendicants and the two Ʋniversities: The Kings Son-in-Law, the Lord of Coucy, made Earl of Bedford. II. A Treaty of Marriage began between Prince Lionel, King Edward's second Son, living, and the Lady Vio∣lantis, Daughter to Galeas, Lord of Milain. III. Dr. Simon Islip Archbishop of Can∣terbury dies; his Foundation of Canterbury-College in Oxford, now called Christ-Church. Dr. Simon Langham Bishop of Ely translated to Canterbury. IV. On the French Kings Complaint of the Insolencies of the Companions, King Edward raises an Army to repress them; but finding the French King jealous of his Designs, desists in great anger: The King of France and the Pope endeavour to have those Licen∣tious Souldiers drawn off into Hungary; but they would not stir, till a business from Spain invited them that way; the Relation of which Matter is refer'd to the begin∣ning of the Fourth Book.

I. IN the beginning of this Year, viz. a 9.166 on the 30^th of March, being the Mon∣day next after the Feast of the Annunciation of our Lady, King Edward held his high Court of Parliament at Westminster: At the opening whereof Simon Langham Bishop of Ely, and Lord Chancellor of England declared, in the Painted Chamber, in presence of the Lords and Commons, the Reasons, why that Par∣liament was called; which in effect were these:

That since the King had sent his Eldest Son, the Prince of Wales, to govern the Country of Aquitaine; as also the Duke of Clarence, his next Son, then living, into Ireland, to be his Lieutenant there, his chief Care now was, how he might best govern his Realm of England here at home.

And so having appointed Receivers and Tryers of Petitions, for England, Ireland, Wales, and Scotland, as also for Aquitaine, and other Foreign Isles, and Pla∣ces; they adjourn'd, till the next day. And then the Chancellour in presence of the King, Lords, and Commons, declar'd, that he had the day before informed them in general of the occasion of their Assembling,

and that now they should know it more particu∣larly;

there being a fresh Matter, which the King was resolved to communicate unto them,

viz.

The King had lately received Notice, that the Pope, in considera∣tion of the Homage, which King John of England acknowledged to the See of Rome, for his Realm of England, and Dominion of Ireland, and because of the Tribute then by him granted unto the said See, intended by Process to cite the King to the Court of Rome [Then at Avignon] to answer for his Default in not performing what the said King John, his Predecessor, had so undertaken for him and his Heirs, Kings of Eng∣land: Whereupon the King required the Advice of his Parliament, what Course he had best to take; in case any such Matter should be attempted. The Bishops by themselves, and the Lords and Commons by themselves, desire Respite to give in their Answer, till the next day; which was granted:

And then the Three Estates being met together with one Consent, Enacted in effect following, viz.

That for∣asmuch as neither King John, nor any other King could bring his Realm and Peo∣ple into such thraldom and subjection, but by general Consent in Parliament, which was not done; and therefore what he did was against his Coronation Oath; and moreover, that he was notoriously compell'd by the necessity of his Affairs, and the iniquity of the times; besides many other Reasons; if therefore the Pope should at∣tempt any thing against the King by Process, or any other way, that then the King and all his Subjects should with all their Force and Power, oppose and resist the same.

Thus was this business quash'd for ever, and it seems the King was so moved at the Insolence of the thing, that over and above, he caused it now to be b 9.167 ordain'd, that from that time forward St. Peter's Pence should not be paid; which the Noble King Ina, sometime King of England of the West-Saxons, who began his Reign about the Year of our Lord DCLXXV, had first granted to the See of Rome, in consideration of an English School there to be continued for ever.

That same day c 9.168 the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge, and the Fryars of the Four Orders, Mendicants, within the said Universities, made long and grievous Com∣plaints by their Proxies, each against the other, to the King in Parliament: But in the end they all submitted themselves to the Kings Order. Whereupon the Lords ha∣ving well deliberated on the whole Matter, by full Assent in Parliament took Order;

that as well the Chancellour and Scholars, as the Fryars of those Orders within the said Universities, should in all Graces and School-Exercises use each other in Friendly man∣ner, without any noise and disturbance, as before. And that none of those Orders should receive any Scholar into their Orders, being under the Age of 18 Years: And that the Fryars should take no advantage, nor procure any Bull, or other Process from [the Court of] Ronie against the said Universities, or proceed therein. But that the King alone have Power to redress and determine all Controversies between them from thenceforth, and the Offenders should be punished at the pleasure of the King and his Council.

The Parliament continued till d 9.169 Monday the XI of May; at which time the Lord Chan∣cellor declared, how the King had given in Marriage the Lady Isabell, his Daughter, to the Lord of Coucy, who had a Fair Estate, as well in England, as elsewhere; and that it would concern the King's Honour to create him an Earl by some English Title, which all the Lords yielded to be very convenient. Whereupon the King, by his Letters Patents, bearing e 9.170 Date the same XI of May, advanced him to the Title of Earl of Bedford, and for the better support of himself and his Lady Isabell, gave him a Grant of a 1000 Marks per annum, to be paid him out of the Exchequer, as also Thirty Marks more out of the Is∣sues of the County of Bedford, to be Yearly paid by the Sheriff of that Shire.

At that time f 9.171 Sr. Thomas Ludlow, Chief Baron of the Exchequer, declared before the whole Parliament, how William, the Son and Heir of William Stephens, who held diversly of the King in Capite, as of the Crown, had by Writ of Aetate probanda sued out Livery out of the Kings hands; whereas the said William, the Son, for a long time should be within Age, as by a prolix Schedule doth appear. Whereupon the whole Parliament upon sight of the said William, the Son, judged him still to be within Age, and therefore took Order, that all his Hereditaments, so sued out of the Kings hands, should be forthwith reseised into the Kings hands, till his full Age, and that all Obligations, Charters, Statutes, Recognisances, and all other Writings made by the said William, the Son, should be null and void. This done the King gave thanks to the Three Estates, and licensed every One to depart, and so this Session ended.

II. Galeacius, or Galeas, the Second Duke of Milain, and Elder Brother to Duke Ber∣nabo, g 9.172 being a Person of a truly Royal Spirit, had already Married his Son, John Galeas, to the Lady Isabella, Sister to the King of France, and now for the more sure Establishing of

his Affairs, design'd to match his Beautifull Daughter Violantis with King Edward of Eng∣land's Son, Prince Lionel Duke of Clarence. To that purpose he began to make some O∣vertures about this time; insomuch that King Edward sent over to him an Embassy, where∣of the Lord h 9.173 Humphry Bohun Earl of Northampton, Hereford, and Essex, was the Prin∣cipal Person, to adjust Matters fully and equally on both sides: The Effect of which Em∣bassy we shall take notice of hereafter.

III. Dr. Simon Islip Archbishop of Canterbury, i 9.174 riding to Magfield this Year, his Horse chanced to fling him into a Miry Pool: So being very wet, however, he conti∣nued his journey, till he came to the said place. Being there, and having changed his Apparel, he fell asleep; but at his waking found himself in a Palsie, and so within a few days died, viz. on the 26 of April, 1366. This Man k 9.175 founded a College in Oxford, then called Canterbury College; but since that it hath been mightily augmented and en∣larged, and bears the name of Christ-Church; being at this time One of the most Mag∣nificent Colleges in the whole World. This College the said Archbishop endow'd with good Possessions, appropriating to the same the Parsonages of Pagham and Magfield; but some Ages after the Famous and Munificent Cardinal Woolsey took it in as a part of his College; and lastly, that and this was accounted the Foundation of King Henry VIII; so that now it is wonderfully encreased, and is still acquiring New Magnificence and Beauty every day. Archbishop Islip being thus dead, the l 9.176 Monks of Canterbury chose Dr. William Edington, then Bishop of Winchester for Archbishop, but he declin'd the Dignity, saying, as it is reported,

That Canterbury was the Higher Rack; but Winchester the better Manger.

Whereupon Simon Langham, then Bishop of Ely, was translated to that See; and John Barnet Bishop of Bath and Welles, went to Ely; and Bath and Welles was given to a Chaplain of the Black-Prince, named Dr. John Harewell. 'Tis observable, that Dr. Simon Langham, m 9.177 on the day of his Consecration, demanded and had Homage of the Earl of Stafford, of Sr. Thomas Ross, Sr. John Tyrrell, Sr. Robert Brockhill, and Sr. Ralph Sr. Leger, for their Lands, which they held of the See of Canterbury: But of this Great Prelate we shall speak more largely hereafter.

IV. In these n 9.178 days there was still in France a Mighty Number of Warlike Compa∣nions, who, after the Wars of Bretagne were ended, knew not what to do; but how∣ever were so wickedly frugal; that they had rather do Mischief than be idle. The scene of all their Extravagances was the unhappy Realm of France; which they called their Chamber; for they durst not do any harm in Aquitaine; the Land would not suffer them. And to say the truth, the greater part of their Captains were Gascogners or Englishmen, Subjects of King Edward, or the Prince, his Son; there were but a few Bretons and Runagate Frenchmen. Wherefore many French Lords began to murmur against King Edward and the Prince, and said among themselves, how they did not ac∣quit themselves fairly to the French King: Since they did not do their utmost to de∣stroy these kind of People; who now began to be unsufferable. For the Duke of An∣jou had lately gone against them with an o 9.179 Army of 15000 Men; all whom Sr. Ni∣colas Dagworth, their General, vanquished, and put to slight, and took many Prisoners, among whom were the Duke of Orleans and the Duke of Anjou himself. It is re∣ported of this same Sr. Nicolas, who was a Baron of England, and Son to the Famous Sr. Thomas Dagworth, of whom we have spoken heretofore in this History; p 9.180 that with Thirteen English Horse he fought sixty French, near to Flavigny in Burgundy, and by means of certain Chariots, which he made use of for his Defence (they being placed in a Circle, whereinto he could enter at pleasure) utterly vanquished them. But that he Headed the Companions at this time against the Frenchmen, proceeded from the great desire he had to Revenge the Blood of his Father, who about 17 q 9.181 Years before had been basely murder'd by the French in time of Truce. However King Charles of France and his Nobles, being terrified with this great Success of the Companions, r 9.182 sent to King Edward of England, desiring him to interpose his Authority against the Fury of these Men, who were for the most part English, or at least under his Dominion. For it was so provided in the Articles of the Peace at Bretigny; that if the Souldiers should refuse to acquiesce, both the Kings should joyn together to compell them. First therefore, King Edward sent his Letters of Proclamation, commanding them on their Allegiance to go out of France, and no longer to infest that Kingdom. Some few obey'd; but others made answer,

that as they held nothing there of the King of England, so nei∣ther for him would they leave their Garrisons, and that Livelihood they had got with so much labour.

The King was so enraged at this piece of Insolence, that immediately he prepared to Chastise them in Person with a Royal Army: But when the French King heard of his vast Preparations, he began to fear, lest after he had destroy'd the Compa∣nions,

he himself might be prey'd upon by him to the hazard of his Crown, under co∣lour, that he ought to pay the Wages of the Army, or by whatever other pretence a Conquerour should please to make. Wherefore he now again sent to him, desiring him to desist, and keep at home: At which affront the King was so displeas'd, that he sware by the Virgin Mary,

Never to stir again about aiding the King of France, no—thô the said Companions should endeavour to thrust him out of his Kingdom.

But yet soon after these outlaw'd Captains, having at the King of England's Command deliver'd up their Fortresses and Castles, were content to go along with Sr. Bertram of Clequin into Spain, upon an occasion of which we shall discourse more fully by and by. As yet the Wise Men of France, could find no way to purge the Land of them; but they saw e∣vidently, that unless they could think of a Remedy, and a speedy One too, either by beating them, or buying them out of the Realm, they would shortly prey upon the very Vitals of France, and perhaps of a good part of Christendom; for they were reckon'd to be about 60000 Fighting Men: And by Success they were like to be augmented with new accessions of Men of their own ungracious Principles. At that time s 9.183 Lewis, the Valiant King of Hungary, having at Buda made an Alliance with John Palaeologus, the Greek Emperour, who requested his help against the Turks, made great Preparations for the War, and among others desired much to have these bold Fellows in his Service: And thereupon t 9.184 wrote to Pope Ʋrban V, then at Avignon, and to the French King, and also to the Prince of Wales, shewing, how desirous he was to employ these Warriers in a more Righteous Cause against the Enemies of Christ, and to give them good pay. So these Three Grand Personages agreed together, and offer'd the Companions Gold and Sil∣ver, and free Passage, and the Pope's Pardon; but nothing would do; they were not so devout to change their Quarters, when they were well, and they said, they would not go so far to fight, when they might do it nearer at home. For they were well informed by some of their own Company, who had already been in Hungary, that in those Parts there were such straits, that if among any of them they should meet with an Enemy, they could never escape; but must inevitably die a shamefull Death; with which words, whether true or false, they were so terrified; that they absolutely refused to go thither. When the Pope and the French King saw, they could not be rid of them this way, they knew not what course to take; till at last another occasion offer'd it self, as we shall shew in the following Book more largely.

The End of the Third Book.

Notes

• a 1.1

  Frois. c. 157. f. 78.
• b 1.2

  Stow p. 259.
• c 1.3

  Walsing hist. p. 163. & M.S. Vet. Angl. in Bibl. C.C.C. c. 230.
• d 1.4

  Mezeray ad hunc annum.
• e 1.5

  Stow p. 259.
• f 1.6

  Frois. c. 157.
• g 1.7

  Stow p. 259.
• h 1.8

  Frois. c. 157. & Stow ibid.
• i 1.9

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 395.
• k 1.10

  Dugd. ibid. p. 380.
• * 1.11

  Speeds Maps in Devonshire l. 1. c. 10. p. 20.
• l 1.12

  Frois. c. 157.
• m 1.13

  Frois. c. 158. fol. 78. b.
• n 1.14

  Frois. c. 280. f. 170. b.
• o 1.15

  Knighton p. 2614. n. 50. li∣cet ibi Broun analè pro Craon & Briciusgauth pro Bouci∣quaut pr••pter 〈◊〉〈◊〉 M. SS. Codicum leg. tur.
• p 1.16

  M.S. vet-An. gii••in Biblieth. C.C.C. Cantabr. c. 23••.
• q 1.17

  Fro s. c. 159. f. 79. &c.
• r 1.18

  Haec nomina & tituli ecrum; v. Victerell. 1 Vol. p. 911. ad p. 923 & Od••r. Rainal.
• s 1.19

  Frois. ibid. cen∣ser cum Knigh∣ten p. 2614. n. 50.
• t 1.20

  M.S. vel. Ang. in Bibl. C. C C. Cantab. c. 230.
• u 1.21

  Frois. c. 160. fol. 79. b.
• x 1.22

  Ex Literis Clement. VI. PPa, d••t. Avin. XI. Kal. Jalii An^o Pontif. III. Extant apud Oder. Rainald. ad ann••m 1344 §. 62.
• y 1.23

  Frois. & Du Chèsne legunt Ser••e, i. e. 16000; sed ut puto figuris de∣cepti Codicum F••••scripteres; cirnalias id. Frois. dic••t te∣tam armater••m numerum ultra 20000 non as∣cend••sse: Al••ter ad 48000 Ar∣••••atorum ••••llia, pr••ter pedites 〈◊〉〈◊〉 entur; 〈◊〉〈◊〉 absurd••on.
• z 1.24

  Vid. Odor. R••nil. ad hunc ••n. §. 7. &c.
• a 1.25

  Frois. c. 160. and True use of Armory in Vita Demini Joh. Chandos p. 47.
• b 1.26

  Frois. ibid. & Mezeray.
• c 1.27

  Du Chesne le∣git Nosto: sed alias Nassau, Frois. Noscy; culpa vett. M.SS.
• d 1.28

  Paul. Aemyl, p. 286.
• e 1.29

  Frois. c. 160.
• f 1.30

  Ita Mezeray legit illius nemen ali•• Quesnol, a∣lit Canol, al••i dem{que} Knolles, & fratrem di∣cunt fursse Rob. Knolles, Mil. Angli. sed tum quomodò centra Anglos in hac pugnâ staret?
• g 1.31

  Frois. c. 161.
• h 1.32

  Frois. ibid. Matth. Villani l. 7. c. 10. ad c. 13.
• i 1.33

  Frois. ibid. and True use of Armory in Vità Dimini Joh. Chandos p. 48.
• k 1.34

  Psal •••• 120. v. ult.
• l 1.35

  Frois c. 162. fol. 81.
• m 1.36

  Life of the Lord Chand••s ex Bibl. Cott••ni∣ana p. 53.
• n 1.37

  Vid. l. 2. c. 6. §. 9. p. 399.
• o 1.38

  Stow p. 260. &c.
• p 1.39

  Frois. c. 161.
• q 1.40

  Stow p. 261.
• r 1.41

  Frois. ibid.
• s 1.42

  Frois c. 162. fol. 81. a. & Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 749.
• t 1.43

  True Use of Armory e•• Bibl. Cotton. p. 50. & Ashmole Knight. Garter Plate 22.
• u 1.44

  Frois. c. 162. and True use of Armory p. 86. vid. Ashmele at Plate 25.
• x 1.45

  Wilsingh. hist. p. 164. ad hunc annum n. 10. & Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 749.
• y 1.46

  H••linshead Hist. Scotl. p. 243.
• z 1.47

  Favine le Pa∣ris••on's Theater of Honour l. 5. c. 34.80.
• a 1.48

  Ashmole's Gar∣ter Plate 5. & True use of Armory in Vi∣tâ Captal de Buz. p. 110.
• b 1.49

  Stow p. 262.
• c 1.50

  Walfingh. Hy∣pod. p. 124.
• d 1.51

  Dudg. War∣wickshire p. 317. & M.S. in Bibl. Bodleian. Can∣tuar. K. 84, 123 vid. Dudg. Bar. 1 Vol. p. 233.
• e 1.52

  Pat. 37. Ed. 3. p. 1. m. 25.
• f 1.53

  Frois. c. 164.
• g 1.54

  Paul. Aemyl. p. 287.
• h 1.55

  An ^o 1364. An ^o Aetat. 52. ergo hoc an. 44. Mezeray p. 66.
• i 1.56

  Natus Anno 1336.
• k 1.57

  James Meyer apud Holinsh. Engl. Chron. p. 976.
• l 1.58

  Frois. c. 162. Knighton p. 2614. n. 20. & Mezeray, &c.
• m 1.59

  Du Serres p. 22. Fabian & Speed.
• n 1.60

  Mezeray ibid.
• o 1.61

  Frois. c. 163.
• p 1.62

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 358.
• q 1.63

  Frois. c. 163. & Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 358.
• r 1.64

  Ex A••togra∣pho apud Ca∣strum de Berk∣ley. vid. Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 358.
• s 1.65

  Frios. c. 164.
• t 1.66

  Frois. c. 165.
• u 1.67

  Frois. c. 164. Mezeray, Du Chesne, Sand∣ford, Ashmole, Fabian, I abbe, &c. CB Lit. Dom.
• x 1.68

  Walsing hist. p. 164. Frois, c. 164. Paul. Ae∣myl. p. 287. Pol. Virgil. p. 381. Mezeray p. 45. Du Chesne, Ash∣nole p. 672. Fox Acts & Mon. p. 357.
• y 1.69

  Walsing. ibid. n. 28.
• z 1.70

  Du Chesne p. 677. C.
• a 1.71

  Pel. Virgil. p. 381. Du Ser∣res ad hunc an•• num p. 22.
• b 1.72

  Paul. Aemyl. p. 287.
• c 1.73

  Walsingh. hist. p. 164.
• d 1.74

  Frois. c. 169. fol. 84. b.
• e 1.75

  Selden's Ma∣re Clausum l. 1. c. 26. p. 171.
• f 1.76

  Frois. c. 167. fol. 84. a.
• g 1.77

  Hic William Lego pro Frois. Ralph ex Dug. 1 Vol. p. 268.
• h 1.78

  Ashmole's Garter p. 705. ex Lib. M.S. penes W. Flower nuper Norroy Reg. Armorom.
• i 1.79

  Du Chesne p. 676. D.
• k 1.80

  Frois. c. 168. fol. 84.
• l 1.81

  Matth. Villani l. 7. c. 20. Meze∣ray, Frois. &c.
• m 1.82

  Du Chesne p. 678. Paul. Ae∣myl p. 287. Holinsh. Engl. Chron. p. 960. apud quos emnes ••••ta hac Oratic.
• n 1.83

  Frois. c. 168.
• o 1.84

  P. Aenyl. p. 288.
• p 1.85

  Stow p. 263.
• q 1.86

  Frois. c. 168. fol. 84. b.
• r 1.87

  Stow p. 263. a.
• s 1.88

  Frois. Du Ches. Mezeray, P. Ae∣myl. Du Serres, & Matt. Villani l 7. c. 20. vid. Odor. Rainald. ad hunc annum § 9.
• t 1.89

  Frois. c. 169.
• u 1.90

  Pol. Vingil. l. 19. p. 381. n. 14. & Frois. c. 169.
• x 1.91

  Pol. Virgil. ibid. n. 15.
• y 1.92

  Pat. Aenyl. p. 2••8.
• z 1.93

  Frois. c. 169. & Coulden's Remnas p. 238. Dadg. 1 Vol. p. 745. & Ash∣m••le's C••••ter p. 7••5.
• a 1.94

  3 May Pat. 33. Ed. 3. p. 2. m. 14. per Inspe∣ximus. Vid. Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 749. & Ashm. Garter p. 70••.
• b 1.95

  Frois. c. 169.
• c 1.96

  Polyd. Virgil. p. 384.
• d 1.97

  Vid. Odor. Rai∣nal••ad hunc an. §. 7. Matt. Vil∣lant l. 7. c. 21. P. Virgil. l. 19. p. 381. & Frois. ibid.
• e 1.98

  Matt Villani l. 7. c. 21.
• s 1.99

  Froisae. 169. fol. 85••.
• g 1.100

  Frank 2••.
• h 1.101

  Odo. Rai••al. all hanc ann. §. 8. & 9. ex T••n. 4. Epist. Secret. p. 2••1, &c.
• i 3.1

  Frois. c. 169. fcl. 75.
• k 3.2

  Paul. Aeonylius p. 288.
• l 3.3

  Frois. c. 169.
• m 3.4

  Frois. c. 170.
• n 3.5

  Frois. c. 170.
• o 3.6

  Fabian p. 282. Frois. & Meze∣ray, & Da Chesne p. 678.
• p 3.7

  Fr••is. c. 170.
• q 3.8

  Fabian ibid.
• r 3.9

  Fabian p. 283. Duserres p. 25. & Paul. Aemyl. p. 289.
• s 3.10

  M••••eray p. 47.
• t 3.11

  Frois. c. 171.
• u 3.12

  Fabian p. 284.
• x 3.13

  Frois. c. 172.
• y 3.14

  True use of Armory, in the Life of the Lord Chandes p. 57. in Bibl. Cotton.
• z 3.15

  Fabian p. 284.
• a 3.16

  Lit. Dom. C. B.
• b 3.17

  Fabian ibid.
• c 3.18

  Frois. c. 173.
• d 3.19

  Fabtan p. 285.
• e 3.20

  Frois. c. 173.
• f 3.21

  Frois. c. 271. fol. 166. legit 400000 Franks, i.e. 40000 l. sed corruptum hìc puto; nam alibi astimat ad 30000 Franks tantùm, cmisiâ unà Decimâ.
• g 3.22

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 503. ex Claus. 34. Ed. 3. p. 1. m. 35.
• h 3.23

  Odor. Rainal. ad hunc ann••m §. 10. &c.
• i 3.24

  Yom. 4. Epist. secret. p. 202. apud Oder. Rai∣nald. ibid.
• k 4.1

  Matth. Villani l. 7. c. 46.
• l 4.2

  Matt. Villani l. 7. c. 46.
• m 4.3

  Rebdorf. in A••nal. ad hunc annum Albert. Argentin. in Chron. Lib. Priv. Rom. Eccl. Tom. 1. p. 401. Fat. etiam in Arce St. Angel. & inter Collect. Platin. T••m. 3. p. 103, 128. & 156. & apud Goldast. in Col∣lect. Constit. Im∣perial. Tom. 1. in Carolo IV. vid. Odor. Rainal. ad hunc annum §. 12. & 13.
• * 4.4

  Fabian p. 285.
• n 4.5

  Stow p. 263.
• o 4.6

  Dugd. Warw. p. 672. ex Joh. Rous Hist. M.S. de Reg. in Bibl. ••otton p. 253.
• * 4.7

  AN. DOM. 1357. An. Regni Angliae XXXI. Franciae XVIII.
• a 4.8

  Frois. c. 173. f. 86. & Mat. Vill. l. 7. c. 58. & 66. Knighton p. 2615. n. 13. Walsingh. Hyp. p. 124. & Hist. p. 164. & Speed p. 582. & Polyd. Virgil. l. 19. p. 381. &c.
• b 4.9

  Lit. Dom. A. Pascha 9. April. Pestum D. Geor∣gii 23 April.
• c 4.10

  Knighton, in vigilia St. Joh. ante Pert. Lat. quod idem est: Walsing. id. &c.
• d 4.11

  Speed p. 582.
• e 4.12

  Ita Me••er••y ad a••n. 1378. where Charles King of France had an Enter∣view with Charles the Em∣perour: He en∣tertained him (says he) with all the magnifi∣cence imagina∣ble, & paid him all manner of Respects, but such as denote S••ve∣raignty, &c. And at his Entrance into Paris the King affected to be mounted on a white H••rse, and order'd a ••••••k one for the Em∣perour.
• f 4.13

  Knighton p. 2615. n. 19.
• g 4.14

  Walsingh. hist. p. 164. & Hy••. p. 124. & Speed p. 182.
• h 4.15

  Mezeray p. 49 ad 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ann.
• i 4.16

  Polyd. Virg. l. 19 p. 381. n. 42.
• k 4.17

  Pol. Virg. p. ••82. n. 3. Speed l. 539.
• l 4.18

  Pol. Virgil. l. 19. p. 382.
• m 4.19

  Psalm. 137. v. 5.
• n 4.20

  Pol. Virg. ibid.
• o 4.21

  Mezeray ad hunc annam.
• p 4.22

  Frois. c. 175. sol. 87.
• q 4.23

  Knighton p. 2615. n. 44.
• r 4.24

  Ashmole p. 658.
• s 4.25

  Frois. c. 173. & Knighton p. 2615. & Wal∣sing. Hist. p. 164. Ashmole p. 658.
• t 4.26

  Ashmole p. 658. ex Pat. 31 Ed. 3. p. 2. m. 25.
• u 4.27

  Knighton ibid.
• x 4.28

  Psalm. 99. v. 4.
• y 4.29

  Or est le Pape devenu F••anceis; Et Jesu devenu Engleis: Or serra veou, qui fra plus; Ou le Pape, ou Jesus. Knighton p. 2615. vid.
• x 4.30

  Knighton p. 2617. n. 50.
• a 4.31

  Knighton p. 2617. n. 60.
• b 4.32

  Knighton ibid. n. 46.
• c 4.33

  Freis. c. 173.
• d 4.34

  Asomole's Gartor p. 697. ex Rot. 31 Ed. 3 m. 5. Dat. 18. Novemb.
• e 4.35

  Knighton p. 2616. n. 13.
• f 4.36

  Non enim ad Archiep. erecta est haec sedes, ante Sixtum IV. P P. qui id fecit An^o. 1471
• g 4.37

  Rot. Sect. 31. Ed. 3. m 2. D••r∣so. Vid. Ash∣mole's Garter p. 658.
• h 4.38

  Knighton p. 2617. n. 40. Du Chesne p. 680.
• i 4.39

  Thô we find 24000 Marks of the said Summ upon Arrears 27 Years after. Vid. Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 277. ex Rot. Sect. 7. Pic. 2. m. 8.
• k 4.40

  Knighton. p. 2617. n. 30.
• l 4.41

  Speeds Ma••s Nottingham∣shire c. 34. §. 6. fol. 65.
• m 4.42

  Holinsh. Chron. Scotl. p. 243.
• n 4.43

  Holinshead ibid. p. 240.
• o 4.44

  Holinsh. Chron. Scotl. p. 243. & Hector l. 15.
• p 4.45

  Odor. Rainal. vecat Alexand. alii Johann. sed Rainaldi fides prastantior.
• q 4.46

  Odor. Rainal. ad ann. 1358. §. 4. & Scotici Scriptures, Ho∣linsh. &c.
• r 4.47

  Vid. Lib. 3. c. 2. §. 2. p. 527.
• s 4.48

  Leland Collect. 1 Vol. p. 824. vid. Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 788.
• t 4.49

  Knighton p. 2616.
• u 4.50

  Fab. say. but 60000. a Scute 6 s. 8 d. i. e. a Noble English.
• x 4.51

  Me••eray ad hunc annum.
• y 4.52

  Frois. c. 213. f. 108. a.
• z 4.53

  Knighton p. 2616. n. 40. &c.
• a 4.54

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 109.
• b 4.55

  Frois. c. 176.
• c 4.56

  Weever's Fu∣neral Monum p. 623. & Camb∣den in Essex p. 324. &c.
• d 4.57

  Matt. Villani calls him Gian∣ni dell'Agu∣glio, Sartore Inghilese. l. 9. c. 37.
• e 4.58

  Johannes fi∣lius Johannis Hawkwood miles, natus in partibus Italiae, factus Indigena An^o VIII Hen∣rici IV. Mater ejus nata in par∣tibus transmari∣nis. M.S. in Bibl. Cotton. & in Archiv. Tur∣ris Lond. 1 Part. Pat. 8. Hen. 4. m. 20.
• * 4.59

  Frois. c. 178.
• g 4.60

  Frois. c. 177.
• h 4.61

  Oder. Rain••l. ad hunc annum §. 3. & 4.
• i 4.62

  Frois. ibid. & Mezeray ad hunc annum.
• k 4.63

  Frois. c. 178.
• l 4.64

  Frois. c. 179. fol. 98.
• m 4.65

  Du Serres & Mezeray, &c.
• n 4.66

  Frois. c. 180. Mezeray ad hunc annum, &c.
• * 4.67

  AN. DOM. 1358. An. Regni Angliae XXXII. Franciae XIX.
• a 4.68

  Knighton p. 2617. n. 60. & p. 2618. n. 10 & M.S. vet. Angl. in Bibl. C.C.C. Cantab. c. 230. Holinsh. Engl. Chron. p. 963.
• b 4.69

  M.S. vet. Ang. in Bibl. C.C.C. Cantab. c. 230. ibid.
• c 4.70

  Dugd. Warw. p 647. ••. •••• Pat. 32. Ed. 3. p. 2. m. 25.
• d 4.71

  Od••r. Rainal. ad hunc annum § 3. ex Tom. 6. Epist. secret. p. 6.
• e 4.72

  Knighton p. 2618. n. 10.
• f 4.73

  Da Serres, &c.
• g 4.74

  Holinsh. Eng. Chron. p. 963. & Matt. Villani l. 8. c. 51. & l. 9. c. 9.
• h 4.75

  Ita Authenti∣ca Articulerum copia; Church-hill's Divi Britan. p. 242. Fabian p. 240. &c.
• i 4.76

  Vid. Odor. Rai∣nal. ad hunc annum §. 3.
• k 4.77

  Matt. Villani l. 8. c. 101.
• l 4.78

  Knighton p. 2618. n. 56. &c.
• m 4.79

  Forte esset 6 cent. Mill. ut suprd.
• n 4.80

  Knighton p. 2619. n. 24.
• o 4.81

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 168. 1 Vol. p. 3••••. Heim••••. Engl. Chron p. 964. & Knigh∣t••n ibid. Ash∣mole p. 659.
• p 4.82

  Frois. c. 182. f. 88. &c. Meze∣ray, Da Serres, &c.
• q 4.83

  Cotgrave in his Dictionary says, they had the name of la Jaquerie, or les Jaquiers, from a short Coun∣try Jacket worn in those days. 〈…〉〈…〉 h••c arridet O∣pin••e.
• r 4.84

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 4.
• s 4.85

  In Gestis In∣nocent. VI. apud Besqu. vid. Odor. Rainald. ad ann. 1359. §. 1.
• t 4.86

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 761.
• u 4.87

  Frois. c. 183.
• x 4.88

  Frois. c. 185.
• y 4.89

  Odor. Rainal. ad hunc annum. §. 2. & 3. ex Tom. 6. Epist. Secret. p. 6. & 7.
• z 4.90

  Frois. c. 186. fol. 100.
• a 4.91

  Da Serres, &c.
• b 4.92

  Du Serres. &c.
• c 4.93

  Frois. c. 186. &c.
• d 4.94

  Frois. ibid. & Mezeray, &c.
• e 4.95

  Frois. c. 187.
• f 4.96

  Da Serres, &c.
• g 4.97

  Fabian p. 302.
• h 4.98

  Frois c. 187. & 188. f. 101. Fabian & Me∣zeray, &c.
• i 4.99

  Frois. c. 189.
• * 4.100

  Lit. Dom. G.
• k 4.101

  Frois. c. 189. fol. 102.
• l 4.102

  J••nes Me••••r Ann. Flandr. l. 13. p. 183.
• m 4.103

  Da Serres, &c.
• n 4.104

  Mezeray & Da Serres, &c.
• o 4.105

  Fr••is. c. 200.
• p 4.106

  Walsing. ••••st. p. 166. ••. 1.
• q 4.107

  Knighton. p. 2618. n. 60.
• r 4.108

  Frois. c. 191. fol. 103.
• s 4.109

  Frois. c. ibid.
• t 4.110

  D••gd. 2 Vol. p. 121.
• u 4.111

  Fabian p. 236
• x 4.112

  Mezer cy p. 57.
• y 4.113

  Frois. c. 192.
• z 4.114

  Knighton p. 2619. n. 2. &c.
• a 4.115

  Walsing. Hyp. p. 125. n. 10. & Kn••ghton p. 2618. n. 60.
• b 4.116

  Sandfords Ge∣neal. hist. p. 146. Walsingh. hist. p. 165. Stow's Chron. p. 264. & Survey of Lon∣don p 421. & Kn••ghton p. 2618. n. 54.
• c 4.117

  James Meyors Annal. Flandr. l. 12. p. 152.
• d 4.118

  Extant Tom. 4. Epist. Secret. p. 158. vid. O∣dor. Rainal. ad ann. 1356. §. 4. & al as.
• e 4.119

  Hoc ann. G. Dom. Lit.
• f 4.120

  Holinsh. Scotl. p. 244.
• g 4.121

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. Chron. 〈…〉〈…〉. ad ann. 1359.
• h 4.122

  Knighton p. 262. ••r. 1. ••. Walsing••. hist. p. 165. Godw. Cal. l. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. p. 269. & A••••. p. 〈…〉〈…〉. p. 146. &c.
• l 4.123

  D••••d. 1 Vol. p. 467.
• k 4.124

  Antiq 〈◊〉〈◊〉 & C. du. 〈…〉〈…〉 l. Bish. ibid.
• l 4.125

  Godwin ibid. Knighton. ibid. Walsing ibid. & Odor. Rainal. ad hunc an. §. 4.
• m 4.126

  〈…〉〈…〉 ad hunc annum §. Walsingh. hist. ••. 165. ••e∣s••••. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Vl. 〈…〉〈…〉. 181. 〈…〉〈…〉 Bil. V. 〈…〉〈…〉 n. 376••. •• M.S. 〈…〉〈…〉. Bo V. & Speed p. 5••3.
• n 4.127

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Acts & M••n. p. 53••.
• o 4.128

  S••••••il. Enne. ad. l. 6.
• p 4.129

  Walsing. Hist. p. 16••. n. 20. Speed p. 5••3.
• * 4.130

  AN. DOM. 1359. An. Regni Franciae XX. Angliae XXXIII.
• a 4.131

  Frois. c. 2••1. f. 107. ••.
• b 4.132

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 f. ibid. & D•• Chesne p. 681. D. 〈…〉〈…〉. lyd. 〈…〉〈…〉. 19 p. 3••3.
• c 4.133

  Frois. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 1••••. f. 1••4.
• d 4.134

  Frois. c. 194.
• c 4.135

  Frois. c. v. 5. fol. v. 5.
• f 4.136

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 74.
• g 4.137

  Dugd. ibid. p. ••9.
• h 4.138

  Frois. c. 195.
• i 4.139

  Sandfords Ge∣neal. Hist. p. 125
• k 4.140

  Frois. ibid.
• l 4.141

  Frois. c. 196.
• m 4.142

  Frois c. 197.
• n 4.143

  Dugd. 2. Vol. p. 7••. 〈…〉〈…〉.
• o 4.144

  Frois. c. 198.
• p 4.145

  Frois. c. 198. &.
• q 4.146

  Dugd. 2. Vol. p. 94 & 95.
• r 4.147

  Frois. c. 199. &c.
• s 4.148

  Frois. ibid.
• t 4.149

  Frois. c. 200.
• u 4.150

  Frois. c. 200.
• x 4.151

  C••tgrave dicit h••c Numisin•• n••n f••ction ante an D••m. 1371. sed 〈…〉〈…〉 Fr••is. & alus.
• y 4.152

  Frois. c. 201. fol. 108.
• z 4.153

  Frois. c. 202. &c.
• a 4.154

  Frois. c. 203. Waising. h••st. p. 166.
• b 4.155

  Fab an p. 236. & Knighton p. 2619.
• c 4.156

  Frois. c. 203.
• d 4.157

  Weevers Fun. M••num. p. 436. & L••••b. Peram.
• e 4.158

  Knighton p. 2619. &c.
• * 4.159

  Roberte Knellis. per te fit Francus mollis; Ips••••, tollis praedas, dans vulnera Collis.
• f 4.160

  Frois. c. 204.
• g 4.161

  Walsingh. hist. p. 166.
• h 4.162

  Knighton p. 2619. n. 65. &c.
• i 4.163

  Knighton p. 2620. n. 56.
• k 4.164

  20 July.
• l 4.165

  Pascha 21 A∣pril. Lit. Dom. F.
• m 4.166

  M.S vet. Ang. in Bibl. C.C.C. Cantab. c. 230. Holinsh. Engl. Chron. p 963. Walsingh. hist. p. 165. &c. The Names of the Mayor and Sheriffs vid. a∣pud Fabian p. 236. Stows Sur∣vey of London p. 553. & Sr. Rich. Baker p. 147.
• n 4.167

  Al••as Louf∣kin.
• o 4.168

  Al as Baris.
• p 4.169

  Walsing. hist. p. 166. & M.S. vet. Ang. in Bib. C.C.C. Cantabr. c. 230. &c.
• q 4.170

  M. S. Vet. Angl. ••n Bill. C.C.C. Cantab. c. 230.
• a 4.171

  Frois. c. 205. fol. 99.
• b 4.172

  Knighton p. 2621. n. 10.
• c 4.173

  Frois. ibid.
• d 4.174

  Leland Collect. Vol. 1. p. 824. & Dugd. Bar. 1 Vol. p. 788. Frois. ibid. & Knighton p. 2621. n. 40. &c.
• e 4.175

  Frois. c. 206.
• f 4.176

  Walsing. hist. p. 166. & Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 169.
• g 4.177

  Knighton p. 2623. n. 10.
• h 4.178

  Mezeray & Matt. Villani l. 9. c. 53. p. 539. & Walsing. hist. p. 166.
• i 4.179

  Matt. Villani l. 9. c. 53 p. 539.
• k 4.180

  M. S. Vet. Anglan Bibl. C.C.C. Cantabr. c. 230. & ••••teri emnes.
• l 4.181

  Circà horan•• Vesperarum. Claus. 33. Ed. 3. m. 9. Dorso vid. Ashmele p. 669.
• m 4.182

  Frois. c. 207. Holinsh p. 964.
• n 4.183

  Frois. c. 2•••• & Hol••••h. p. 965.
• o 4.184

  Dugd. 1. Vol. p. 193. vid. ••and. ad 〈…〉〈…〉 fro Barenrgio.
• p 4.185

  Dugd. Warw. p. 538.
• q 4.186

  Frois. ibid. c. 2••7.
• r 4.187

  Mezer•• •• p. 58.
• s 4.188

  Frois. c. 207. fol. 102.
• t 4.189

  Fr••••s•• ••••8. &c.
• u 4.190

  Frois. ibid. sed Knighton v••cat tro Danequin, Bald. Barton. p. 2621.
• x 4.191

  Frois. c. 210 fol. 103.
• y 4.192

  Matt. Villant l. 9. c. 67. p. 549
• z 4.193

  Vid. l. 3. c. 4. §. 9. p. 561.
• a 4.194

  An^o. Dom. 453.
• b 4.195

  Frois. c. 208. Knighton p. 2621. True use of Armory p. 54. Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 788, &c.
• c 4.196

  Knight••n p. 2621. n. 20. & Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 7••8.
• d 4.197

  Frof. c. 208.
• c 4.198

  Frois. ibid.
• f 4.199

  Frois. c. 209. &c.
• g 4.200

  Frois. c. 209. & Knighton p. 2622. & Lord Montagne's Es∣says. c. 5. l. 1. p. 11.
• * 4.201

  AN. DOM. 1360. An. Regni Angliae XXXIV. Franciae XXI.
• a 4.202

  Knighton p. 2622. n. 40.
• b 4.203

  Matt. Villani l. 9. c. 83. p. 558.
• c 4.204

  Knighton ib.
• d 4.205

  Fabian p. 234.
• e 4.206

  Walsing. Hist. p. 166. n. 30. Dom. Lit. E D.
• f 4.207

  Judges c. 19. & 20. &c.
• g 4.208

  Knighton p. 2622. n. 60.
• h 4.209

  Knighton p. 2623. n. 1.
• i 4.210

  Knighton ib. n. 10. & Walsin. hist. p. 166.
• k 4.211

  Walsing. hist. p. 167. n. 20. & M. S. vet. Angl. in Biblieth. C.C.C. Cantabr. c. 230.
• l 4.212

  Knighton p. 2623. n. 30.
• m 4.213

  Frois. f. 103. c. 209. §. 3. Knighton ibid. & Du Chesne p. 682. & Guil. Paradin Annal. de Bourgogne l. 2. p. 345.
• n 4.214

  Frois. Holinsh. Ashmole p. 660. &c.
• o 4.215

  Lit. Dom. ED. Pascha 5 April.
• p 4.216

  Rot. Franc. 34. Ed. 3. m. 45. vid. Ashmole's Gar∣ter p. 695. & p. 692.
• q 4.217

  Frois. c. 210. f. 103. b.
• r 4.218

  Knighton p. 2623. n. 50. & Matt. Villani l. 9. c. 85. p. 559. &c.
• s 4.219

  Frois. ibid. & Paradin Anna∣les de Bour∣gogne l. 2. p. 346. & Mezer. & Holinsh. p. 965. Fabian p. 238. Speed & Matt. Villani l. 9. c. 82. & 84. p. 557. &c.
• t 4.220

  De hac Sum∣mà variant Au∣theres; Knigh∣ton & Da Chesne & Froi. 200000 Motons: Mat. Villani 100000 Motons: Para∣din 200000 Florens: Wal∣singh & M. S. vet. Angan Bibl. C.C.C. Cantab. 70000 Florens: Paul. A••••yl. 100000 numm. 〈◊〉〈◊〉: ••elyd. 〈…〉〈…〉 non 〈…〉〈…〉 sed 〈…〉〈…〉 Speed. alti••ae me•••••• sentiunt.
• n 4.221

  Matt. Villani l. 9 c. 82. & 84. p. 557. & 558.
• x 4.222

  Mezeray ad hin•• ann p. 59.
• y 4.223

  Fab••an p. 238.
• z 4.224

  ED. Lit. Dom. Pascha 5. April.
• a 4.225

  Vid. Frois. c. 210. Fabian p. 238. Mat. Vil∣lani l. 9. c. 85. & 86. p. 759. &c.
• b 4.226

  Knighton p. 2623. n. 40.
• c 4.227

  Fab••an, Ho∣••••st, &c.
• d 4.228

  7 April.
• e 4.229

  Walsing. hist. p. 167. n. 10. & M. S. vet. Angl. in Bibl. C.C.C. Cantab. c. 230.
• f 4.230

  Speed p. 583. & M.S. id. ibid.
• g 4.231

  Frois. c. 211.
• h 4.232

  Me••eray ad. hunc an. p. 59.
• i 4.233

  Knighton p. 2623. n. 60.
• k 4.234

  Stow p. 264. Where he says, this happen'd on the 14 of April, and the Morrow after Easter-Day: Whereas Ea∣ster-Day that Year tell on the 5 of April; and on the 1•• of April, which was the Monday after Faster K. Edward left Paris. Thô Mr. Ashmole thrô haste past••r o∣ver this Fault of Stows.
• l 4.235

  Fab••an p. 239. ex Chron. ••••anc.
• m 4.236

  Frois. c. 211. fol. 1••4.
• n 4.237

  Vid. Frois. c. 211. fol. 104. l. ••or. 22.
• o 4.238

  Dadg. Bar. 2 Vol. p. 16. ad an. 34. Ed. 3. m. 12. ex A••t••gr. penes Cler. P••il.
• p 4.239

  Frois. c. 211. &c.
• q 4.240

  P••l. Virg••. 19. p. 383 n. 4••.
• r 4.241

  Frois. c. 211. fol. 104.
• s 4.242

  Vid l. 3 c. 3. § 9. p. 561.
• t 4.243

  Knighton p. 2624. n. 10.
• u 4.244

  Vid. Mezeray p. 63. & 64. ad an. 1362.
• x 4.245

  Matt. Villani l 9. c. 82. p. 558.
• y 4.246

  Antiqui Fra∣ci, ut & Saac∣nes, à Getis, sive Gothis, oriundi: Qui in Cimeriâ vocabantur Ci∣merit, in Sar∣matia 〈◊〉〈◊〉, in Thra••••cta T••••a∣ces; & sic Can∣b••i, Germani, Saeenes, Ceitae, Franci, qui & Galli, pro loco∣rum varictate. Vid. R. Shering∣ham de Angle∣rum Gentis ori∣gine. p. 164. &c.
• z 4.247

  Frois. c. 211. Paul. Aem••l. p. 299. Ashmo••e p. 660. P••a Acts & Mon. p. 359. &c.
• a 4.248

  Paul. Aemyl. ibid. &c.
• b 4.249

  Paul. Aemyl. p. 299. C.
• c 4.250

  Frois. c. 211. fol. 104.
• d 4.251

  Frois. c. 211. fol. 104. b.
• e 4.252

  Frois. ibid.
• f 4.253

  Catal. of Hon. p. 324.
• g 4.254

  Frois. c. 211. f. 105. Du Ches. p. 684. Mezeray p. 59. Walsing. hist. p. 167. n. 30 Knighton p. 2624. n. 10. M.S. vet. Angl. in Bibl. C.C.C. Cantab. c. 230. Ashmole p. 660. Jacob. Meyer Annal. Flandr. l. 13 p. 184. & Odor. Rainal. & omnes.
• h 4.255

  Dugd. Bar. 1 Vol. p. 235. & id. Warwicksh. p. 319. sed in anno obitûs LI, malè scribitur utrchi{que} pro LX, quod not andum.
• i 4.256

  Ashmole p. 660
• k 4.257

  Extant Galli∣ce apud Da Ches. l. 15. p. 684. & Dr. Stillingfl. M.S. ad hunt ti∣talum copia Tra∣ctatus magnae Facis in Latino, inter Reges Anghae & Fran∣cix fact•• apud Bretigny jurta Carnotum, &c. E••tant c••am Anglice in MS. Deticris Johan. Spencer Coll. C.C. Cantab. Magistri. Vid. Ret. de Tractatu Pacis Franciae ad an. 34 Ed. 3. m. 10.
• l 4.258

  This Clause omitted in Du Chesne's Copy; sed ea Johannis Regis Franciae Recapitulatione & al••is addo & res ••••sa prebat la Rochelle Angis traditam
• m 4.259

  i.e. Quercy.
• n 4.260

  Hunc addo eâ∣dem rat••one, quâ clr••sulam supe∣r••. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• o 4.261

  i.e. Middle Person.
• p 4.262

  i.e. Chalkhill.
• q 4.263

  This Clause added out of King Johns Re∣capitulation of the Articles.
• r 4.264

  Ità Corrigo Ligny apud Du Chesne autho∣ritate M. SS. Anglici Docto∣ris Spencer, quod legit Oigny, & Latini Doctoris Stillingfleet, quod legit ex∣pressè Joigny: Praeter quodilli∣us nomen inter Captivos appa∣ret, uti probâsse meminimus.
• s 4.265

  Du Chesne & incurred by his Default in not returning.
• t 4.266

  Du Chesne hunc articulum pracedenti ad∣jungit: Nos se∣quimur M. SS. suprâ citata.
• u 4.267

  This shews, that in the XV Article, where in all the Co∣pies, French, English, and La∣tine, 'tis read Charles of Blois, or his Brother, and the Earl of Alenson, or Monsiceur Peter of Alensen, his Brother; in both places it should be and for or (as I have corrected it) or else the Num∣ber of the Ho∣stages amounts but to 38, and not to 40, as it is here expresly said.
• x 4.268

  Lisle de la France.
• y 4.269

  Tillet has six, and Fab.
• z 4.270

  Du Chesne p. 692. C.
• a 4.271

  Walsingh hist. p. 167. & Hypod. p. 127. vid. Odor. Rainal. ad hunc annum. §. 1. Fabian p. 241. &c.
• b 4.272

  Du Chesne p. 692.
• c 4.273

  Ashmole p. 662.
• d 4.274

  Du Chesne p. 692.
• e 4.275

  Dugd. Hist. Cathedr. St. Paul p. 21, 22.
• g 4.276

  Ashmole p. 662.
• h 4.277

  Vid. Odor. Rai∣nal. ad hunc an. §. 2. ex Tom. 8. p. 1. Epist. Secr. p. 93.
• i 4.278

  Vid. Cotgraves Preface to French Diction. p. 5.
• k 4.279

  Du Chesne p. 693.
• l 4.280

  Du Chesne ib. Mezeray ad an. 1361.
• m 4.281

  Fabian p. 242 b. ED. Lit. Dom.
• n 4.282

  Odor. Rainal. ad hunc an. §. 3.
• o 4.283

  Odor. Rainal. ibid.
• p 4.284

  Victorell. ad an. 1361. p. 917
• q 4.285

  Ashmole p. 662. ex Rot. de Tract. Pacis, &c.
• * 5.1

  Frois. c. 212. fol. 105.
• r 5.2

  Article 1.
• s 5.3

  Article 2.
• t 5.4

  Article 3.
• u 5.5

  Article 4.
• x 5.6

  Article 5.
• y 5.7

  Article 6.
• z 5.8

  Article 7.
• * 5.9

  Article 8. &c.
• a 5.10

  M. S. Reve∣rendi admodùm Edvardi Stil∣lingfleet S.T.P. Ecclesiae Cathed. D. Pauli Decan. Cui titulus, sequitur Renun∣tiatio pura per Regem Franci••.
• b 6.1

  M.S. Dr. Stil∣lingfleet.
• c 6.2

  Frois. c. 212. fol. 107.
• d 6.3

  M.S. Dr. Stil∣lingfleet.
• * 7.1

  Frois. ibid.
• e 7.2

  Ashmole p. 663. ex Rot. de Tract. Pacis Franc. 34. Ed. 3. n. 7. & 8.
• f 7.3

  P. 663. &c. ex R••••praed. de Tract. Pacis Franc. m. 5.
• g 7.4

  Ashmole p. 664. ex Rot. Tr. Pacis Franc. 34 Ed. 3. n. 6.
• h 7.5

  Frois. c. 213.
• i 7.6

  Frois. c. 213. f. 108.
• k 7.7

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 503.
• l 7.8

  Fabian p. 243.
• m 7.9

  Dr. Spencers M.S. & Dr. Stillingfleets M.S. ubi C. piae Latt. ita Dat.
• * 7.10

  Frois. c. 113. ad fine••••.
• n 7.11

  Odor. Rainal. ad hunc ann. §. 4
• o 7.12

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 193. ex Escu. 34 Ed. 3. n. 84. Leit. & Catal. Hen. p. 686. ubi tanen per errc∣rem dic••tur chi∣••sse an^o. 1358.
• p 7.13

  Dugd. 1. Vol. p. 186.
• q 7.14

  Catal. Honor. p. 1071. & Speed p. 552. & Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 183.
• r 7.15

  15 Octobr. an. 1361. vid. Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 185. & Catal. Honor. p. 1074.
• s 7.16

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 231. Ashmole p. 695. Stow p. 264.
• t 7.17

  Dugd. Hist. Paul. p. 52.
• u 7.18

  Stow's Survey Lond. p. 408.
• x 7.19

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 74. &c.
• y 7.20

  Liber Islep dict. in Arch. Cantuar. Bibl. Vid. Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 74.
• z 7.21

  Catal. Honor. p. 1044.
• a 7.22

  Catal. Honor. p. 765.
• b 7.23

  Odor. Rainal. ad an. 1360. §. 13.
• * 7.24

  AN. DOM. 1361. An. Regni Angliae XXXV.
• a 7.25

  Walsing. hist. p. 170. n. 40. & M. S. vet. Angl. in Bibl. C.C.C. Cantab. c. 231.
• b 7.26

  Stow p. 264.
• c 7.27

  2 Cor. c. 13. v. 11, &c.
• d 7.28

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 151.
• e 7.29

  Frois. c. 214.
• f 7.30

  Ashmole p. 663. ex Rot. Franc. 35. Ed. 3. n. 3.
• g 7.31

  Ita Ferrar. in Never••gus, i. e. Nicrt.
• h 7.32

  As••••••le p. 7••2.
• i 7.33

  Frois. c. 214. fol. 109. b.
• k 7.34

  Mezeray.
• l 7.35

  Frois. c. 215. fol. 110.
• m 7.36

  Frois. c. 215. f. 111. b.
• * 7.37

  C. Lit. Dom. Pasch. 28 Mart.
• n 7.38

  Frois. ibid. Odor. Rainald. ad hunc an. §. 5. Rebdorf. Annal. &c.
• o 7.39

  Paulus Jovius in Galeacio se∣cundo, & Matt. Villani l. 10. c. 43. &c.
• p 7.40

  Odor. Rainal. ad hunc an. §. 3. John Harding, &c.
• q 7.41

  Labbe Chron. Technica ad hunc ann. & M. S. vet. Angl. in Bibl. C.C.C. Cantabr. c. 231. Wal∣singh. hist. p. 171. habet 6^to Maii C. Lit. Dom. Pasc. 28. Martii. Vid. e∣tiam Odor. Rai∣nal. ad hunc an. § 5. Walsing. ibid. M.S. id. ibid. Fabian Lanqet, Stow, Knighton p. 2626. Pol. Virg. l. 19. p. 385. John Harding c. 184. &c. de omnibus hisce Prodigiis.
• r 7.42

  M. S. vet. Angl. in Bibl. C.C.C. Cantab. c. 230. ad finem.
• s 7.43

  Walsing. hist. p. 171. n. 36.
• t 7.44

  M.S. vet. Ang. in Bibl. C.C.C. Cantab. c. 231.
• u 7.45

  Matt. Villani l. 10. c. 45. p. 54.
• x 7.46

  Matt. Villani ibid. Mezeray p. 63. & Od. ric. Rainal. ad hunc annun. §. 4.
• y 7.47

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 789.
• z 7.48

  Dugd. Warw. p. 165. ex Esc. 35. Ed. 3. p. 1. n. 122.
• a 7.49

  Frois. c. 216.
• b 7.50

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 789.
• c 7.51

  Knighton p. 2625. Speed's Maps in Leice∣ster.
• d 7.52

  Stow p. 265.
• d 7.53

  Stow p. 265.
• f 7.54

  Knighton p. 2625.
• g 7.55

  Id. p. 2626. n. 31.
• h 7.56

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 127.
• i 7.57

  Dudg. ibid. p. 128.
• k 7.58

  Fifth Son, but Second survi∣ving.
• l 7.59

  Sandford's Geneal. Hist. p. 110.
• m 7.60

  Dugd. Bar. 2 Vol. p. 279. & p. 312.
• n 7.61

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 653. & Mills Catal. Honer. p. 531.
• o 7.62

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 68.
• p 7.63

  Id. 1 Vol. p. 447.
• q 7.64

  Id. 2 Vol. p. 89.
• r 7.65

  Walsing. hist. p. 171. Gedw. Catal. Bps & Stow p. 265.
• s 7.66

  Huius hist. l. 3. c. 3. §. 15. p. 552.
• t 7.67

  Vid. Od••r. Rainal. ad ann. 1358. § 6. & Wad. in Annal. Minor. Tem. 4. ad cund. ann.
• u 7.68

  Joh. Harding c. 185. f. 186.
• x 7.69

  Ashmole p. 676.
• y 7.70

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 167.
• z 7.71

  Id. ibid.
• a 7.72

  Sandford's General. Hist. p. 221.
• b 7.73

  Id. ibid. p. 222. & Dugd. Use Bar. 2 Vol. p. 168.
• c 7.74

  Monast. Angl. 2 Vol. p. 228. a.
• d 7.75

  D••gd. 2 Vol. p. 167. & Ho∣linsh. Chron. Irel. p. 72.
• e 7.76

  Vid. hujus Hist. l. 1. c. 10. §. 5. p. 113.
• f 7.77

  Weevers Fa∣ner. Monuments p. 339.
• g 8.1

  Weevers Fun. Monum. p. 339.
• * 8.2

  AN. DOM. 1362. An. Regni Angliae XXXVI.
• a 8.3

  Walsing. Hist. p. 172. Stews Survey of Lon∣don p. 421.
• b 8.4

  Frois. c. 216.
• c 8.5

  M. S. ••et. Ang. in Bibl. C.C.C. Cantab. c. 232. & Historici om∣nes.
• d 8.6

  Ret. Vascen. 36 Ed. 3. m. 18. n. 17.
• e 8.7

  Seldens Titl. Honor. Part. 2. ch. 3. p. 487. &c.
• f 9.1

  These enclo∣sed words were at first omitted in this Char∣ter; but af∣terwards inser∣ted in this Place; the Charter being renewed with the same Date and the addi∣tion only of those words. Seldens Titl. of Honour. Par. 2. ch. 3. p. 492.
• g 9.2

  In most Ci∣ties of Aquitain the chief Go∣vernors are sti∣led Consuls, Cotgrave's French Diction. in vece Censul.
• i 9.3

  Frois. l. ult. fol. penalt. c. 299
• k 9.4

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 233. Wal∣sing. hist. p. 172.
• l 9.5

  Frois. c. 217.
• m 9.6

  Vid. l. 3. c. 6. § 8. p. 581.
• * 9.7

  Me••er••y p. 63.
• n 9.8

  Frois c. 217.
• o 9.9

  Walsing hist. p. 173. Speed 584.
• p 9.10

  M.S. Ret. Parl. 36. ••d. 3. n. 2. p. 88. Sr. Rob. Certen's A∣br••dgement p. 92. &c.
• q 9.11

  ••tow p. 255.
• r 9.12

  M.S. id. & S••. Rob. Cotton ibid.
• s 9.13

  Knighton p. 2626. n. 40, &c.
• t 9.14

  W••lsingh. ••••st. p. 173. n. 10. & 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• u 9.15

  Vid. L. 2. c. 10 §. 1. p. 449.
• x 9.16

  Walsingh. hist. p. 172. n. 30.
• y 9.17

  M.S. Rot. Par. p. 90. & Sr. Rob. Cottens Abridg. p. 92, &c.
• z 9.18

  Vid. Mills Ca∣tal. Hon. p. 334.
• a 9.19

  Id. Mills Ca∣tal. Hon. p. 336.
• b 9.20

  M.S. Rot. Par. p. 90. Sr. Rob. Cotton p. 94.
• c 9.21

  Mills Catal. Honor. p. 326.
• d 9.22

  M.S. Rot Par. p. 90. S••. Rob. Cotton p. 94.
• e 9.23

  Dugd. Bar. 2 Vol. p. 54.
• f 9.24

  Polyd. Virg. l. 19. p. 385. Speed p. 584. Walsing. Hist. p. 172. Fa∣vine le Paris. Theatre of Hen. l. 5. c. 1. p. 60. & M.S. vet. Angl. in Bibl. C.C.C. c. 232.
• g 9.25

  Polyd. Virgil. idid. Speed, &c.
• h 9.26

  Knighten p. 2627. n. 20.
• i 9.27

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 4.
• k 9.28

  Knighton p. 2626. n. 30.
• l 9.29

  Dagd. 1 Vol. p. 341.
• * 9.30

  AN. DOM. 1363. An. Regni Angliae XXXVII.
• a 9.31

  Favine le Pa∣risiens Theater t' Honour l. 4. c. 3. p. 7.
• b 9.32

  Paradin An∣nal. Burgund. l. 2. p. 348.
• c 9.33

  Frois. c. 216. fol. 112.
• d 9.34

  Labbei Chronl Techn. ad ann. 1362.
• e 9.35

  Vid. Odor. Rainal. ad ann. 1362. §. 6. & Ciacon. cum Vi∣ctor. p. 925. &c.
• f 9.36

  Walsing. hist. p. 172.
• g 9.37

  Labbei Chron. Techn. ad ann. 1362. Lit. Do∣min. B.
• h 9.38

  Walsingh. hist. p. 172.
• i 9.39

  Frois. c. 216. fol. 112.
• k 9.40

  Speed p. 477. §. 40. in Ri∣cardo Primo.
• l 9.41

  Frois. c. 217.
• m 9.42

  Od••r. Rainal. ad hunc an. §. 14
• n 9.43

  Pascha 2 Apr. Lit. Dom. A.
• o 9.44

  ••d••r. Rain. ad h••nc ann. §. 19.
• p 9.45

  Freis. c. 217.
• q 9.46

  Pan••tale••n de Ord. Johannita∣rum Rebus Ge∣slis l. 4. p. 102.
• r 9.47

  Frois. c. 218.
• f 9.48

  Ashmole p. 665.
• t 9.49

  M.S. Rot. Par. p. 92. An ^o. 37. Ed. 3. & Sr. Rob. Cotton's A∣bridgement p. 96. &c. Vid. Statute Book p. 120.
• u 9.50

  Vid. qu••medò Rot. Parl. & Sr. Rob. Cotton. p. 97, &c. n. 20. &c.
• x 9.51

  Regist. Arch. Cant. Simon Islip fol. 186. b. & Selden's Titl. Honor. c. 5. § 43. p. 815.
• y 9.52

  Lind••ood de Feriis C. e•• Scriptur is.
• z 9.53

  Knighton p. 2627. n. 40.
• a 9.54

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 167.
• b 9.55

  Sandford's Geneal. Hist. p. 220.
• c 9.56

  Knighton p. 2627. n 50.
• d 9.57

  Gedw. Catal. Bps p. 371. & Walsing. hist. p. 173. Dagd. Warw. p. 557.
• e 9.58

  Knighton p. 2627. n. 40.
• s 9.59

  Knighton p. 2628. n. 10, &c.
• g 9.60

  Walsing. hist. p. 173. n. 30.
• h 9.61

  Knighton p. 2627. n. 10.
• i 9.62

  Knighton p. 2627. n. 50. Walsingh. hist. p. 173. n. 30. Fabi∣an p. 246. M.S. ver. Angl. in Bib. C.C.C. Can∣tab••c. 232. Sr. Rich. Baker p. 143. &c.
• * 9.63

  AN. DOM. 1364. An. Regni Angliae XXXVIII.
• a 9.64

  Frois. c. 218. fol. 114.
• b 9.65

  In hi•• Play 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the black-Prince.
• c 9.66

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 647.
• d 9.67

  Dugd. ibid. p. 648.
• e 9.68

  Frois. c. 219. f. 114.
• f 9.69

  G F. Lit. Dom.
• g 9.70

  Stows Survey of London p. 87. & 255. d & b.
• h 9.71

  Frois. c. 219. f. 114. b.
• i 9.72

  Knighton p. 2627. n. 20.
• k 9.73

  Knighton p. 2627. n. 10.
• l 9.74

  Frois. c. 218.
• m 9.75

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 232.
• n 9.76

  I••••reton N••t∣tingh. p. 116 ubi John male pro Tho••••as.
• o 9.77

  Walsing. hist. p. 174.
• p 9.78

  Mezeray p. 62
• q 9.79

  Labbei Chron. Techn. ad hanc annam.
• r 9.80

  Knighton p. 2627. n. 60.
• s 9.81

  Walsingh. Hyp. p. 128. n. 40.
• t 9.82

  Frois. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 219. f. 115 a.
• u 9.83

  Frois. l. ult. c. 90. f. 103.
• x 9.84

  Frois. c. 219. f. 115.
• y 9.85

  John Harding c. 184.
• z 9.86

  Ex vet. Cod. de Epis. & Pri∣crib. Dunelm. Eccles. & Wal∣sing. hist. p. 173. & Ashmole p. 665. Speed. &c.
• a 9.87

  Frois. c. 220. fol. 116.
• b 9.88

  Pascha 24 Ma••••••, ••••t. D••••. GF.
• c 9.89

  Frois. c. 220. f. 116. vid. in Veta Captal de B••••che apud Lib••dict. True Use of Armo••y in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 C••ion.
• d 9.90

  Tr•••• Use of Armory p. 120
• e 9.91

  True Use of Armory p. 110 p. 147. u•••• ta∣men ma•••• legi∣tur Midas Head: Vid. Ashmoles Garter. Plate 5.
• f 9.92

  Frois. c. 221. f. 117.
• g 9.93

  True Use of Armory p. 122 in Vitâ Captal de Busche id. p. 128.
• h 9.94

  Mezeray Chr. Abridg. T••m. 3. Part. 2. p. 70.
• i 9.95

  True Use of Armory in the Life of the Captal of Busche p. 129.
• k 9.96

  Frois. c. 222.
• l 9.97

  Frois. c. 223. Labbe Chron. Techn. ad hunc ann. & Mezeray p. 69.
• m 9.98

  Mezer. p. 106
• n 9.99

  Mezeray p. 69
• o 9.100

  Frois. c. 223.
• p 9.101

  Paradin An∣nal. de B••ur∣gegne l. 3 p. 3••2
• q 9.102

  Frois. c. 223. & Guil. Paradin Annal. de B••ur∣g••gne l. 3 p. 252
• a 9.103

  Frois. c. 224. f. 120. b. &c.
• b 9.104

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 32. & Walsing. h••st. p. 174.
• c 9.105

  Vid. l. 3. c. 6. §. 10. Art. 22. p. 588.
• d 9.106

  True Use of Armory in Bib. Cotton. Lord Chand••s his Li••e p. 62.
• f 9.107

  Frois. c. 225. fol. 121.
• g 9.108

  Frois. c. 225. fol. 121. b.
• h 9.109

  Speed p. 590. Sandford's Ge∣neal. hist. p. 179. Ashmole's Gar∣ter p. 669.
• i 9.110

  True Use of Armory in Chandes his Life p. 62.
• k 9.111

  Id. p. 67.
• l 9.112

  True Use of Armory p. 66. GF Dom. Lit.
• m 9.113

  John Ha••d∣ing c. 184. fol. 185. True Use of A••••••ory, &c.
• n 9.114

  True Use of Armory in the life of the Lord Chandos p. 67.
• o 9.115

  Frois. c. 225. f. 122. b.
• p 9.116

  Frois. c. 225. f. 122. b.
• q 9.117

  Frois. c. 226. f. 123.
• r 9.118

  Walsingh. hist. p. 128.
• s 9.119

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 32. & Walsin. hist. p. 128. & Ashmole p. 703.
• t 9.120

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 9.
• u 9.121

  Knighton p. 2628. n. 30.
• x 9.122

  Walsing. ibid. & M.S. vet. Angl. in Bibl. C.C.C. Cantab. c. 232.
• y 9.123

  Mezeray p. 71 Lit. Dom. G F.
• z 9.124

  Frois. c. 226. ad sin.
• a 9.125

  Tem. 6. Ep. secr. p. 160. Vid. Odor. Rainal. ad an. 1368. §. 11.
• b 9.126

  Frois. ibid. A••••m••l•• p. 703.
• c 9.127

  Rot. Fr. nc. 38. Ed. 3. m. 8. Wal∣sing hist. p. 128. n. 40. Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 154. Fros. c. 227.
• d 9.128

  Walsing. hist. p. 128. n. 40.
• e 9.129

  Rot. Franc. 39. Ed. 3. m 9. Vid. Dagd. 2 Vol. p. 154.
• f 9.130

  Walsingh. hist. p. 174 n. 20.
• g 9.131

  Dugd. 1 Vol. Bar. p. 233. & id. in Warwick∣shire p. 317. a.
• h 9.132

  Vid. Odor. Rainal. C••ntin. Baron. Tom. XVI & Tom. XVII.
• * 9.133

  AN. DOM. 1365. An. Regni Angliae XXXIX.
• a 9.134

  Frois. c. 228. fol. 128.
• b 9.135

  Vid. Lib. 1. c. 20. §. 17. p. 266.
• c 9.136

  Frois. c. 229. fol. 124. b.
• d 9.137

  Mezeray, &c.
• e 9.138

  Vid. Lib. 1. c. 22. §. 8. p. 299
• f 9.139

  Sandford's Geneal. Hist. p. 179.
• g 9.140

  Frois. c. 229.
• h 9.141

  Vid. Odor. ad an. 1362. § 10. & 11.
• i 9.142

  M.S. Record. Parl. p. 95. Sr. Rob. Cotton's A∣bridgement p. 99
• k 9.143

  Vid. Statute-Book ad an. 25. Ed. 3. ad an. 27. Ed. 3. & ad an. 38. Ed. 3.
• l 9.144

  Melcomb Regis in 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• m 9.145

  Ita M.S. Fe∣••••rd Pa••l. ••••d Sr. Rob. C••tt••••'s Abrid p••••ent Seventeenth legit.
• n 9.146

  Extant apud Odor. Rainald. ad hunc an. §. 13
• o 9.147

  Vid. John Speed in the Reign of King John p. 500. §. 48. & 49.
• p 9.148

  Pat. 39. Ed. 3. p. 2. m. 8. & Ash∣mole p. 669. & Sandford p. 178 & Dugd. p. 761. & Mills Catal. Hon. p. 440. & Knighton p. 2628. n. 40. &c.
• q 9.149

  Robert Glover Somerset He∣rald: set forth by Tho. Mills.
• r 9.150

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 761.
• s 9.151

  Dugd. ibid. ex Pat. 39. Ed. 3. p. 2. m. 8.
• t 9.152

  Mill's Catal. Hon. p. 440. ubi haec Arma Pe∣riscelidi invelu∣ta cernurtur.
• u 9.153

  Philippus è Mazeriis c. 15. &c. in Vità Be∣cti Petri Tho∣mx ••pud B••l∣l••nd. T••n. 2. XXIX Januar.
• x 9.154

  E••tant apud Odor. Rainal. ad h••nc an. § 20
• y 9.155

  Petrarch. l. 8. Senil. Fp. 8. & l. 13. ••p. 2.
• z 9.156

  Odor. Rainal. ad 〈◊〉〈◊〉 §. 18. ad §. 22. Vid. Pan∣〈◊〉〈◊〉. 1. V 3.
• a 9.157

  Walsing. ••••st. p. 174. n 30. & Speed p. 584. §. 129.
• b 9.158

  Therton's Nottingham∣shire p. 116.
• c 9.159

  Dugd. 1 Vol. Baren. p. 551.
• d 9.160

  For, 18 years old An ^o. 7. Rich. 2. id. Dugd. ibid. p. 550. ex Esc. 7. R. 2. n. 68.
• e 9.161

  Thoroton Not∣tingh. p. 455.
• f 9.162

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 727.
• g 9.163

  Hist. M.S. Je∣han. Rous p. 253. &c.
• h 9.164

  Dugd. Bar. 1 Vol. p. 233. & Warwick p. 317. a. ex Claus. 40. E. 3. m. 4.
• * 9.165

  AN. DOM. 1366. An. Regni Angliae XL.
• a 9.166

  MS. Rot. Par. p. 98. & Sr. Rob. Cotton's Abridg∣ment p. 102. sed ibi tempus a•••• g∣natur esse, The Monday next after the In∣vention of the Cross; which is the 4 of May this Year; quod mirè discrepat à M.S.
• b 9.167

  M.S. vet. Angl. in Bibl. C.C.C. Cantab. c. 232.
• c 9.168

  M.S. R••t. Par. ibid. & Sr. Rob. Cotton's Abridg∣ment. ibid.
• d 9.169

  Lit. Dom. D. Vid. M.S. Ret. Parl. p. 99. §. 13. & Sr. Rob. Cot∣ton's Abridg∣ment p. 103. §. 13.
• e 9.170

  Dugd. 1 Vol. Baron. p. 761. b.
• f 9.171

  M.S. Ret. Par. &c. ut suprà.
• g 9.172

  Paul. Jovi••s in Vitis Princip. Mediolanens. p. 151.
• h 9.173

  Dugd. 1 V. l. Baron. p. 186.
• i 9.174

  Godw. Catal. Bpsp. 142.
• k 9.175

  Vid. Anton. Wood Antiqu. Oxon. l. 2. p. 246. & p. 338.
• l 9.176

  God••. ibid. p. 143.
• m 9.177

  Philipet's Ca∣tal. Chancell. & Treas. p. 37.
• n 9.178

  Frois. c. 229. fol. 125.
• o 9.179

  Knighton p. 2628. n. 60. & Dugd. 2 Vol. Baron. p. 148.
• p 9.180

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 148. ex ••e∣land. Collect. Vol. 1. p. 826. M.S. in Bibl. Bod∣leian.
• q 9.181

  Vid. Lib. 2. c. 9. §. 6. p. 445.
• r 9.182

  Walsingh. hist. p. 175. n. 10, &c.
• s 9.183

  Vid. Odor-Rainal. ad hunc ann. §. 3, &c.
• t 9.184

  Frois. c. 229. fol. 125. b.