The history of that most victorius monarch, Edward IIId, King of England and France, and Lord of Ireland, and first founder of the most noble Order of the Garter being a full and exact account of the life and death of the said king : together with that of his most renowned son, Edward, Prince of Wales and of Aquitain, sirnamed the Black-Prince : faithfully and carefully collected from the best and most antient authors, domestick and foreign, printed books, manuscripts and records / by Joshua Barnes ...

THE HISTORY OF King Edward III^d. * 1.1 (Book 2)

BOOK THE SECOND. (Book 2)

CHAPTER the FIRST.

The CONTENTS.

I. King Philip sends his Son John Duke of Normandy, with a mighty Army against the Earl of Darby, now (since his Father's Death) called Earl of Lancaster. II. Duke John having retaken Miramont and Ville-Franche in Agenois, goes and sits down before Angoulesme. III. The Earl of Lancaster (hearing the Enemy had left Ville-Franche void) sends thither a new Garrison; as also a Reinforcement to the strong Castle of Aiguillon. IV. The Seneschal of Beaucaire with a Detachment from the French Host wins An∣cenis, and returns with a great Booty to the Camp. V. Sr. John Norwich the Eng∣lish Captain of Angoulesme, by a neat Device escapes away thrô the French Army in the Day-time with Bag and Baggage, and goes to Aiguillon: After whose Depar∣ture the Duke takes the City to Mercy; as also the Fortress of Damasan by Force, and Tonneins by Composition. VI. The Duke of Normandy takes Port St. Mary by Force, and goes before the strong Castle of Aiguillon. VII. The Particulars of the Famous Siege of Aiguillon, counted the most Notable of that Age. VIII. The French Kings Seneschal of Guienne beaten, and taken Prisoner by a Detachment from the Earl of Lancaster. Which Earl hovering near the Duke, cuts him short.

I. ALL this while we may wonder, that between two such Potent Monarchs, as Philip of France and Edward of England, althô no less than a Kingdom was the Prize, there seem'd rather a certain-Tendency and Disposition to War, than any deadly and irreconcileable Rupture. But this we should attribute to the Goodness of God, who is always slow, when he intends to strike home; and partly also, as well to the pious Assistance of the Pope, King Robert of Sicily, the Lady Jane of Valois, and other Peace makers; as in a manner to the Huma∣nity of these Princes themselves, and also to the weight of the Affair, which required much Advice and vast Preparations▪ But now at last all things being sufficiently ripened; we shall presently see the Bloody Flag of War hung out in good earnest, and the two Kings hastily opening the Way to their own several Destinies.

King a 1.2 Philip of France was quickly alarum'd at those notable Conquests, which the Earl of Darby (whom henceforward we shall call the Earl of Lancaster) had made in Gascogne the preceding Year; and resolv'd with all Expedition to provide a whol∣som

Remedy against so devouring a Gangrene. While therefore himself was busie in raising a Mighty Power for the Defence of his Kingdom, he dispatched away his El∣dest Son, John Duke of Normandy, with considerable Forces to stop the English Earls Career. But when he began to approach, he heard such Reports of the strength of the English; the Terror of their Conquests belike encreasing their Numbers, that for that time b 1.3 he return'd back to his Father again, without once looking the Fail of Lancaster in the Face: And this was towards the Declining of the preceding Year.

King Philip was extreamly incensed at this Action of his Sons: Wherefore to avoid his Fathers Displeasure, he immediatly resolves to address himself with all his vigour to the War, and rather to venture any thing than to hazard the loss of his Fathers Love, and his own Reputation. King c 1.4 Philip also, desiring to Reinforce him in the best manner, sent forth his General Summons; That all Nobles and Others on that side the Loire of such and such Qualifications, and able for the War should, laying aside all Excuse, repair to Orleans and Bourges, and the Parts thereabout by such a Day: Where∣upon there came to the King, being at Paris, Eudes Duke of Burgundy, and his only Son Philip, Earl of Artois and Boulogne with a 1000 Lances. There came also the Duke of Bourbon, and his Brother the Earl of Ponthieu, Ralph Earl of Eu and Guisnes, and Constable of France, the Earl of Tancarville, the Dauphin of Anvergne, the Earl of Forestes, the Earls of Dampmartin and Vendosme. The Lords of Coucy, of Craon, of Suilly, of Fresnes, of Beaujeu and of Roye; the Lord John of Chalons, with the Bishop of Beauvais; and under them an infinite Number of Men of Arms, who all made their Rendezvous in and between Orleans and Bourges. These the Duke of Normandy lead thrô Berry, la Marche and Quercy to Tholouse, where all those on the other side the Loire had their Rendezvous appointed: And hereabout in Tholouse and the Marches, he met with all the Men of War from Poictou, Xaintogne, Rochelie, Quercy and Limosin: Having joyn'd these, he went back on the left hand and found more Company in the City of Rhodes, in Rovergue, who were come from Auvergne and Provence. All these joining with the Duke went with him back to Tholouse, where they were lodged in and about the City; for their Numbers were too great to be contained within, amounting to d 1.5 more than an Hundred Thousand Men. This Army was thus compleated in the very end of the Year 1345, and the Duke was now so eager to begin the Campaign, that presently after the Christmas Holydays, viz. in the beginning of January this Year, he began his March from Tholouse, his two Marshals, the Lord of Monmorency, and the Lord of St. Venant riding before the Host.

II. They e 1.6 first stood before the Castle of Miramont, which had been won toward the end of the last Campaign, and was Garrison'd with an 100 English Men, under the Command of John Bristow Esquire. Now the Duke of Normandy had with him Don Lewis of Spain, the Titular Prince of the Fortunate Islands, who retain'd so ma∣ny Genouëse Crossbows, that the English were not able to stand at their Defences for their Quarrels: Wherefore at last the Castle was won by Force, and they within slain every Man, Captain and all. Thence they went before Ville-Franche en Ageno••, whose Captain Sr. Thomas Cook was not then there, but at Bourdeaux with the Earl of Lancaster: For none could Imagine, that the Duke of Normandy would begin to take the Field so soon. Yet the English within made a f 1.7 gallant Defence, but to little purpose: For they were infinitely overmatched, and so taken by Force, and most of them put to the Sword. Thence the Duke went up higher, and invested the City of Angoulesme, whereof the Lord John Norwich was Captain.

III. The mean while the Earl of Lancaster heard, what a great Army of Frenchmen were now in the Field, and how they had retaken Miraniont and Ville-Franche, at the latter whereof they had burnt the Town, and left the Castle empty. Whereupon he sent Sr. Stephen Tombey, Sr. Richard Haydon, Sr. Hugh Hastings and Sr. Norman Fine∣froid, with 60 Men of Arms and 300 Archers to Ville-Franche; commanding them to enter the Castle, and to fortifie the Town, and he promised them if the Frenchmen return'd thither to assault them, he would come to their Relief himself, thô he should lose all thereby. Then he spake to the Earl of Pembroke, the Lord Walter Manny, Sr. Frank van Hall, Sr. Thomas Cook, Sr. John Tuchet, Sr. Richard Bayeux, Sr. Philip Ratcliff, Sr. Robert Nevill, Sr. Thomas Biset, and other valiant Knights and Esquires, to the Number of 40, to take along with them 300 Men of Arms, and a proportio∣nable Number of Archers, and with all Speed to go to the Reinforcement of Aiguil∣lon, and to maintain that Fortress to their Power; for thô the Duke of Normandy had passed it by without Attempting it, he would not have it lost by any means. These Lords and Knights went thither accordingly, and there found Sr. John Moubray with an

hundred and twenty Lusty Souldiers, whom the Earl had lest there the last Year. These were all welcome to one another, and immediately they applied themselves with all their Power to fortifie the Castle, to fetch in Provision from all Parts, and to retain La∣bourers to make Engines, and what else they saw necessary. And the other four Eng∣lish Knights that were sent to Ville-Franche, found in their way thither many Beeves, and Sheep, and several Barns full of Corn, all which they took along with them to Ville-Franche, and laid up for their own Use: Then they repair'd the Castle, and men∣ded the Walls and Gates of the Town; so that at last the Place was as strong as e∣ver; and the Garrison consisted of 1500 Fighting Men, who had already Provision for six Months.

IV. All this while the Duke of Normandy held his Siege before the City of Angou∣lesme, but all his Attacks proved so fruitless, that when he saw that he obtained no∣thing thereby, but great loss of his Men; he commanded there should be no more Assaults made, but that they should make their Approaches nearer to cut off Supplies, and so to reduce them by Hunger. One day, during this Siege, the Seneschal of Beau∣caire came to the Duke of Normandy, saying,

Sir, I am well acquainted with all this Country; and if it please your Highness to let me have 600 Men of Arms, I'll un∣dertake to go forth, and fetch in some store of Provision for your Highnesses Army: For we shall very shortly be in Want, if we continue to lie here.

The Duke was well pleas'd at the Motion, and so the next day gave the Seneschal leave to take 900 Spears with him, the Captains whereof were the Duke of Bourbon, the Earl of Pon∣thieu his Brother, the Earl of Tancarville, the Earl of Forestes, the Dauphin of Au∣vergne, the Lord of Pons, the Lord of Partenay, the Lord of Councy, the Lord of Au∣bigny, the Lord of Aussemont, the Lord of Beaujeu, the Lord Guischard d' Angle, the Lord of Santerre, and divers other Lords, Knights and Esquires, that were willing to partake of this Adventure. These all took Horse in the Evening, and taking their Course North-west rode all Night, till the next morning about Break of Day, they came near a great Town on the other side the Loire, called g 1.8 Ancenis, then in the Hands of the English. At that instant a Spie came to the Seneschal and said,

Sir, there are in yon∣der Town sixscore Men of Arms, English and Bretons, and 300 Archers, who are able to maintain the Place if you attack them. But I saw this Morning about 200 Head of Cattle put forth of the Town to graze in the Meadows adjoyning.

Then said the Seneschal to his Company,

My Lords and Gentlemen, I think it best for you all to tarry still in this Valley where you are, and I only with 60 Good Horse will go and drive the Cattle hitherward: Which when the English shall see done, I doubt not but they'll Sally out after us to recover the Prey, and then we shall bring them into your Toyl.

This was agreed too, and the Seneschal choosing out 60 of their best Horses, rode about the Town by the directions of the Spie, conceal'd in by-ways, till at last he came into the Fair Meadows, where the Cattle were. Immediatly they began to drive all the Herd before them by another way, than that they came, which yet carried them directly to the Valley, where their Companions were ready for the first Opportunity. The English, who kept Watch on the Walls and in the Castle, saw all this and presently gave the Alarm: Whereupon the Garrison began to rise and arm, and some were fain to be awaked out of their Beds (for it was early in the Morning) and then they drew together and took Horse, Sallying out after their Enemies, who were not yet got very far, because of the Cattle's slow Pace; but yet by that they were overtaken they were almost at the Valley. The English were so eager to recover their Prey, that they all followed in the Chace, leaving none but a few Servants and common Souldiers in the Town. When they were near, they spur∣red on upon the French, crying out,

Sirs, you must not think to steal Cattle and be free.

Then the French faced about upon them, and the Ambush came on with great Shouts, and in terrible Array: So that the English were presently surrounded, over∣come, and slain every Man, except the Captain Sr. Stephen Lacy, and three or four more of his Officers. This done the Frenchmen hasted to the Town, which they easily won by Assault, for there were too few Hands to defend it: First the Duke of Bourbon's Men entred, and having slain all they found, and set new Captains of their own there, with a sufficient Garrison, they went back with their Prey and Prisoners, and return'd the next day to the Army before Angoulesme. Here they were all gladly received, and though there had been greater Lords in that Exploit than the Seneschal of Bean∣caire, yet he got the highest Praise, because all was done at his Motion and under his Conduct.

V. Thus the greater part of January they h 1.9 held Siege before Angoulesme, and o∣verran

all those parts, thrô Santogne, and Poictou, and to the Confines of Bretagne, with their several Detachments, and brought daily to the Army many Prisoners, and much Prey: But in all these Adventures the two Brethren of Bourbon, to their great Honour would ever be present among the Foremost.

When Sr. John Norwich saw, how the Duke was resolv'd not to stir, till he had the Town at his Pleasure; and that already his Victuals began to fail, and that the Earl of Lancaster was not able to give the Enemy Battle, or to raise the Siege; but chiefly, because he knew the Men of the Town were more enclin'd to France, than England; so that he was sure they would have open'd their Gates to the Duke be∣fore now, if he had not Commanded the Castle: Upon these, and the like Con∣siderations, he thought it high time to contrive how to bring himself, and his Men off with most Honour, and least Disadvantage. Hereupon, as he was a Man of a good reach, without letting any One know, what he intended, on the first of February, be∣ing the Eve of the Purification of the Virgin Mary, he went all alone upon the Walls of the City; where he made a sign with his Hat towards the Army. Some of those, who saw him wave his Hat, came to him, demanding, what he meant thereby? He said, he had a great mind to speak with the Duke of Normandy, or at least with one of his Marshals. The Duke being acquainted with this News, went straight to the Walls with certain of the Chief Lords in his Company. When the English Captain saw the Duke near, he pull'd off his Hat, and saluted him; to whom the Duke ha∣ving return'd the like, said,

Sr. John, and how is it with you now? Will you at last deliver up this City to Me, or no? Sir (reply'd he) as yet I have not fully resolv'd upon that point: But, my Lord Duke, for the present, I would desire of You, that for the Honour of the Virgin Mary, whose Day is now approaching, You would grant us a short Truce, only to endure for to Morrow, so that for that time, neither You any way to molest Us, nor we You; but both sides to remain in full and perfect Peace and Amity all that Day.

Said the Duke,

Sr. John, as to that, I am well content, and upon my Word You may rest assured;

and having said so, he rode back to his Tent, and the Captain went into the Town. Now early the next Morning, which was i 1.10 Candlemas Day, the Lord John Norwich Arm'd him∣self and all his Men; and having trussed up their Bag and Baggage, and being every Man furnished with a good Horse from the Town, the Chief Gate being set open, they began in peaceable Manner to take their March thrô the French Host. At first sight of them the Frenchmen ran to their Arms, but the English Captain rode up be∣fore his Men, and spake to them saying,

Sirs, beware that You offer no Violence to Us, as neither shall We to You; for We have a Truce granted Us for this Day by your General, the Duke himself. If You know it not, go and enquire of him: For by Vertue of this Truce, We may ride whither We please.

Upon this the Duke being consulted, answer'd,

Let them go whither they will; for thô they have overreach'd me, I will by no means break my Promise.

This was that No∣ble Dukes Character, to be always firm to his Word, whatever Loss he might in∣curr thereby; and this Temper he kept to his dying Day; so that being King, he is said to be the k 1.11 Author of this Golden Sentence;

That if Faith and Truth were Banished from all Mankind, yet they ought to be found in the Mouth of Kings and Princes.

And 'twas the knowledge of this Veracity of the Duke's, that made the English Captain venture upon this Device without any further security. Wherefore now with all his Men and his Goods, he passed freely thrô the heart of the French Ar∣my, without any Damage or Impeachment, and went straight to the strong Castle of Aiguillon; where the English Lords received him gladly, and having heard the Manner of his Escape, said, he had handsomly and honestly outwitted his Enemies. The next Day the Citizens of Angoulesme took Counsel, and resolved to yield up the Town to the Duke of Normandy; wherefore immediately they dispatch'd unto him certain Depu∣ties, who at last by their submission prevail'd so far, that the Duke took them to Mercy, and pardon'd them all their Miscarriages, and so entred, and took Possession of the Town and Castle in his Fathers Name, and having left Sr. Anthony Villiers Cap∣tain of the Place, with a sufficient Garrison, he departed thence, and went backward, and laid Siege to the Castle of Damasan, which after having endured his Assaults for 15 Days together, was at last taken by Force, and every Man within put to the sword, both English and Gascogners. This Place with the Lands thereto belonging, the Duke gave to an Esquire of Beausse, called George du Milly; and so repassing the Garonne, came before Tonneins: Which after a Siege of 4 Days, yielded on Condition to have their Lives and Goods saved, and to be safely convey'd to Bourdeaux. So the English

Garrison went away free; but those of the Town submitted to the Dukes Government, who tarried there till it was past * 1.12 Easter.

VI. Then he came to Port St. Mary, standing also on the River Garonne, where he found 200 Englishmen ready to defend the Town and Passage; which were well fortified: But at last the Place was won by Force, and every Man within put to the Sword. The Duke having Repaired what was out of Order, and set a good Gar∣rison there, went now to the strong Castle of Aiguillon, seated upon the Confluence of two Great Rivers, the Lot, and the Garonne. Here they laid their Siege in the Fair Meadows along by the River, which was able to bear Ships; every Lord with his own Men, and every Constable by himself; for so the Marshals had order'd, as well to raise a mutual Emulation in the Army, as that Obedience and Discipline might be more readily observed, when the Souldiers should find themselves still under their accustomed Leaders. The Castle was well fortified, besides its most advantagious sci∣tuation, and very well victualled beforehand; but a braver Garrison could not be found thrô the whole World, then those, which were now therein. There was the Lord John Moubray with an 120 chosen Men, set there at first by the Earl of Darby; and since that as we shew'd before, there were come thither the undaunted Earl of Pembroke, the Invincible Lord Walter Manny, the Couragious Sr. Frank van Hall, and those other Knights and Esquires, to the Number of 40, which the Earl of Lan∣caster and Darby aforesaid, had lately sent thither with 300 Men of Arms, and 600 Archers to Reinforce the Garrison; and lastly, to all these the Politick and Wor∣thy Captain Sr. John Norwich was added, with all those Valiant Men whom he had brought off so finely from Angoulesme; the whole Number amounting to l 1.13 400 Lords, Knights, and other Gentlemen, Cavaliers, and 800 Gascogners, and English. Foot∣men; besides Carpenters, Workmen, and Labourers. The Defendants wanted no more Provision, nor Materials, than they did Courage; and the Assailants were nei∣ther deficient in Numbers, nor Animosity, nor Art, nor Industry; so that this Siege was the m 1.14 most Memorable (considering the Place, and the few Hands to Defend it) of any We find in all that Age; whether We look upon the Attacks, or the Defen∣ces; for it lasted notwithstanding all Opposition from the latter end of April, till the Feast of St. Remigius, or the First of October, when it was Raised, as We shall shew in due Place; the Fortress being entire, and the Garrison in Good Condition.

VII. The French Army consisted of an n 1.15 100000 Men of War, both Horse and Foot; so that they could easily afford to make two or three Assaults every Day, and most commonly from Morning, till the Evening without any intermission: For still, when one Party was well wearied with Storming, there came fresh Assailants in their stead, whereby they held the Defendants in continual Action. But first, the French Lords considering, that they could not come freely to the Front of the Castle at the Bridge and Gate; unless they passed the River Garonne, which was Large and Deep: The Duke of Normandy Commanded, that a Bridge should be laid over the River, whatsoever it cost. When the English Captains perceived the Bridge to be more then half finished, then they equipp'd three Good Vessels, and Manning them well with Select Men of Arms and Archers, sent them forth to destroy the Enemies Works. These Men came furiously upon the Workmen, and chased away both them and their Defenders, and presently broke all to pieces, what they had been so long in making. Upon this, the French Lords prepared other Vessels to receive those of the Garrison, and then again set their Workmen about a New Bridge; which they began in Confi∣dence of these their Protectors. They had hardly been at this Work above one half of a day, when the Lord Walter Manny himself, with the Flour of the Garrison en∣ter'd a Ship, and came suddenly upon the Workmen, and in spight of all Opposition, drove them away, and utterly destroyed all their Labour. This Course was thus car∣ried on for several Days together; till at last the French Lords Defended their Work∣men so strongly, that the Bridge was brought to its Perfection, thô it cost far more than it was worth. Then the Lords, and all the Army passed over in Battle Array, and began an Assault, which they continued for an whole Day together without any Intermission; but all signified nothing: For at Night the Frenchmen being retired to their Lodgings, the Garrison mended what was broken; as having Materials of all sorts, and Workmen enough. The next Day the French drew out four Great Detachments, every One to Assault the Castle in its turn, the First beginning in the Morning was to continue their Attack till Nine; then immediately the Second to succeed, and to hold till Noon; The Third from that time till Three of the Clock, and the Fourth

from thence, till Night came on: And this Method they used for six Days together; but all the while the Garrison maintain'd their Defence so Bravely, that the Enemy wan nothing of them, but only the Bridge without the Castle. Then the Duke of Normandy was advis'd to go another way to Work; He sent to Tholouse for Eight huge Engines of Battery, and they themselves made four greater there: And all twelve being ready, they cast therewith vast Stones, both Day and Night into the For∣tress; but the Garrison had beforehand so well secured themselves against this Device, by I know not what Art, that o 1.16 not one Stone did them any considerable hurt; except that the Coverings of some Houses were now and then a little broken. Besides the English Lords within soon provided such Counter-machines, as within a few Days brake six of the Assailants biggest Engines all to pieces.

Frequently during this Siege the Lord Walter Manny would sally out at the Postern with an 100 or an 120 Brave Companions, and go on the other side of the River a Foraging, and always came back again with much Corn and Cattle, in the sight of the French Army. One time among others the Lord Charles of Monmorency, Marshal of the Duke's Host, rode also forth the same way with 500 Men in his Company, and was retur∣ning back with a great many Head of Cattle, which he had gather'd up in the Coun∣try to serve the Army with Provision: By Chance he was met by the Lord Manny, who neither well could, nor much car'd to avoid him. There happen'd between these two Lords a most fierce Rencounter, and many were unhorsed, hurt, slain and taken on both sides: For the p 1.17 French were Five to One. While this Medley lasted, News there∣of was carried to Aiguillon: Whereupon the English Lords prepared hastily to relieve their Fellows, and first the Earl of Pembroke with his Men rode forth, and being come to the Skirmish, he there found his Noble Friend, Sr. Walter Manny q 1.18 on Foot, surroun∣ded by his Enemies, but doing wonderfull Deeds of Arms. To him the Earl presen∣ted a lusty fresh Horse, and it was well, in the mean time some Frenchmen drove the Cattle away toward their Camp: For else they had lost both them and themselves too. For the English that made this Sally, set upon the French with so much Fury, that they presently put them to the Rout, and deliver'd all their Friends, and took many of their Enemies Prisoners: So that the Lord Charles of Monmorency himself had much ado to make an Escape. And such Rencounters happen'd frequently, almost r 1.19 every Day; beside the Assaults made upon the Castle.

One day above the rest the whole Host was armed, and the Duke of Normandy gave Order, that the Men of Tholouse, Carcassone and Beaucaire should make an Assault from Morning till Noon; and those of Rodes, Cahors and Agen from Noon till Night; and he himself promised, that whoever could win the Bridge of the Gate, should have for his Reward an hundred French s 1.20 Crowns of Gold. And the better to render this Days work effectual, he mann'd several Ships and Barges on the River, some whereof ply'd by the Bridge, and others passed the River to divert the Defendants. At last certain of the Frenchmen came in a Boat under the Bridge, where they cast up great Hooks of Iron to catch hold on the Draw-Bridge, and having so done, never left pul∣ling till they had broke in sunder the Chains that held it, and so laid down the Bridge by Force. Then Others that were ready for that purpose, leap'd thereon so hastily, that one overthrew another, they were all so greedy of the 100 Crowns. The mean while the Defendants, when they saw the Bridge as throng'd as ever it could be, threw down plentifully among them vast Bars of iron, massy pieces of Timber, Pots of quick Lime, with burning Pitch, Tarr and scalding Oyl; so that many were brained and scal∣ded to Death, grievously wounded and overthrown, Dead and half-dead into the River and into the Ditch. However the Bridge remained for that time in the Possession of the French, but it signified little, for they could not win the Gate for all that. So at last when it was late, the Retreat was sounded to the French, and they being reti∣red to the Camp the Defendants open'd their Gates, and raised up the Bridge again and made it stronger than ever it was, and bound it fast to great Rings in the Wall with thicker Chains of Iron.

The next Day there came to the Duke two Cunning Carpenters, well skill'd in Ma∣thematicks, who said,

Sir, if your Highness will allow us Timber and Workmen to follow our Directions, we will make you Four strong Scaffolds, as high or higher than the Walls of this Castle, whereby your Men may come hand to hand with the De∣fendants.

The Duke commanded they should do so, and empower'd them to press Carpenters about in the Country at his Pay, and promised them liberal Rewards. So at last after a long Time, excessive Labour, and vast Expence, these four Scaffolds were rea∣dy, being built on the Decks of four Great Ships; and such as were appointed for that

Work were disposed in them. But having passed scarce half way in the River to give the Assault, the Defendants (who having observed all these Preparations, had by this time provided a Remedy) set up against them four tight Engines, which they had new∣ly made to resist the Scaffolds. These four Engines cast such huge Flints and Stones with such a force, and hit the Scaffolds so luckily, that presently they were all so un∣cover'd and broken, that they could yield no Defence to those that were within. Wherefore they were all commanded back again; but before they reach'd the Land, one of the Scaffolds, Ship and all sunk in the River, and the greater Part of those within it were drown'd: Which was a great Loss, for none were there, but good and valiant Knights and Gentlemen, who only courted Honour by this Hazardous En∣terprise.

When the Duke saw that whatever way he went, was thus rendred unsuccessfull, he let the other three Scaffolds lie still; and repented much that ever he came thither: For now he saw no likelihood of Winning the Castle; and yet at his first coming thi∣ther, he had t 1.21 swore a solemn Oath, that he would never rise thence, till he had the Place at his Devotion. Then he sent the Constable of France, and the Earl of Tan∣carville to Paris to the King his Father, to let him know the State of the Siege before Aiguillon; and it was the Kings Pleasure, that the Duke should lie there still, till he had won them by Famine, since he could not by Assault. But this latter De∣vice signified as little as any of the former; for this Garrison was so far from al∣lowing themselves to be pent up within Walls, that having heard of two u 1.22 Great Ships, which were coming from Tholouse to the Army, laden with Provision of Vi∣ctuals and Armour, they adventur'd forth both by Land and by Water, those beating up the Enemies Quarters in their Camp, and these fetching away the Ships, which they brought into the Castle to their great Comfort, and the infinite Loss and Vexa∣tion of the Duke of Normandy: This Action happen'd on the 16 of June.

VIII. During this famous Siege before Aiguillon, x 1.23 the Seneschal of Guienne, under the French King, departed from the Duke of Normandy with a Detachment of 800 Horse and 4000 Foot, designing to take in a Castle belonging to a Nephew of the Cardinal de la Motte, which was about 12 Leagues distant from Aiguillon. The Arch∣deacon of Ʋnfort, who was Lord of the Castle, and held for England, understanding of the Frenchmens Approach to his Fortress, went out privily and rode Post to la Reole; where the Earl of Lancaster and Darby lay at that time with his little Army, waiting for some Advantage against the Duke of Normandy. Upon the Information and Request of this Man, the Earl appointed a certain Number of Horsemen and Archers to ride along with him: With whom the Archdeacon going back, came on the 31 of July, early in the Morning, before his own Castle called Castillon upon the Dordonne, where he found the Frenchmen, who had invested it the Day before, and made a vigorous Assault or two, but to little Purpose. The English immediatly set spurs to their Horses, and assailed the Frenchmen with such fury, that after a sharp and hard Rencounter, they to∣tally routed them, having slain and taken Prisoners no less than 2000 Foot and 400 Horse; among whom the Seneschal himself, and many other Persons of Quality, were taken: The Residue made their escape by reason of the Weariness of the English in obtaining this Victory.

Many such Successes the Earl of Lancaster had against several of the French Detach∣ments; which either Himself, or some of his Captains Chanced to meet with: So that the Duke of Normandy was in a manner besieged himself by him and his Garrisons; for he durst never send out any Parties, but in very considerable Numbers; whereby he was not without his difficulties. Neither was he able, as oft as need required, to get in suf∣ficient Provision for the Army, for fear of the Earl of Lancaster; who thô he was not strong enough to raise the Siege, yet so well watched his Advantages, that the Besie∣gers were likely to be soon wearied out.

CHAPTER the SECOND.

The CONTENTS.

I. King Edward resolved in Person to succour his Friends in Aiguillon, calls a Parli∣ament at Westminster, and takes Order for the Government and Defence of the Realm, during his Absence. II. He sets Sail for Gascogne, but lands in Normandy. III. Ʋp∣on his Landing he Knights his Son, Edward, Prince of Wales, and together with him certain young Noblemen. IV. King Philip, hearing of his Adversary's Landing, sends some Troops to defend Caen against him. V. A cruel Execution done at Paris upon a Frenchman for Asserting King Edward's Right to the Crown of France. VI. King Edward marches thrô Normandy in Hostile Manner. VII. King Philip prepares to oppose him. VIII. King Edward takes St. Lo and Caen. IX. Two Cardinals sent to him from the Pope, to exhort him to Peace; but in vain: While he tarries at Poissy to repair the Bridge, in order to get over the Seyne, he sends a Defiance to King Philip, with different Remarks thereupon. X. King Philip goes to his Army; King Edward gets over the Seyne, receives an Answer of his Challenge from King Philip, to which he replies: His Progress thrô France. XI. King Edward's Princely Carriage to two Fair Ladies that were taken at Poix: The Men of Poix being found Treacherous, are put to the Sword. XII. King Edward endeavours to get over the Somme, the French King following with a great Army: The Opinion of some Au∣thors, as to his Flight, examin'd. XIII. A French Prisoner offers to shew King Ed∣ward a Passage over the Somme: Which yet King Philip for fear of the worst had guarded. XIV. King Edward passes the Somme at Blanche ttaque, and discomfits those that kept the Passage. XV. King Philip displeased hereat, returns to Abbe∣ville for that Night; while King Edward prepares to receive him, and encamps in the Fields of Cressy.

I. THE mean while King Edward had full Information, from the very begin∣ning of the Duke of Normandy's Descent into Guienne; and had particu∣lar Notice from the Earl of Darby of all the Occurrences in those Parts from time to time: Wherefore he resolved to go now in Person to save his Lands, and succour his Loyal Friends and Subjects. But first to settle Matters at home He held his High Court of Parliament a 1.24 at Westminster about the Season of Lent, where he took into his own Hands all the Profits, Revenues, and other Emoluments, which the Cardinals and other Foreign Clergy held within the Land; for he thought it not reason, that those who favour'd the Pope (who was b 1.25 a Frenchman born) and the French King, who was his Adversary, should enjoy any such Promotion or Advantage in his Realm. Here he Order'd, that all his Justices throughout his Dominions should renounce, and utterly forbear taking of Pensions, Fees, Bribes, or any Sort of Gratu∣ities, which before they were found to receive, both of Lords Temporal and Spiritual and Others; that so their Hands being free from Bribery, Justice might be by them more purely and uprightly administred. For this Pious Prince then thought he might expect a Blessing upon the Justice of his Cause, when he took Care that his Subjects might meet with Righteous Judgment. Here therefore it was, that a Form of Oath was drawn up for all Justices, which thô in the Book of Statutes falsly placed, in the 18 Year of this King, as we observed before, in the last Clause of Paragraph XIII, doth properly belong to this Place, and for its Rarity deserves also to be here repeated.

Ye shall swear, c 1.26 that Well and Lawfully Ye shall serve our Sovereign Lord the King, and his People, in the Office of Justice, and that Lawfully You shall Counsel the King in his Business, and that Ye shall not Counsel, nor assent to any thing, which may turn him in Damage or Disherison, by any Manner, Way, or Colour. And that Ye shall not know the Damage, or Disherison of him, Whereof Ye shall not do him to be warned, by your self, or by other: That Ye shall do even Law, and Execution of Right to all his Subjects, Rich and Poor, without having Regard to any Person. And that Ye take not by your self, nor by other, privily, nor apertly,

Gift, nor Rewards of Gold, nor Silver, nor of any other thing, which may turn to your Profit, unless it be Meat, or Drink, and that of small value, of any Man, that shall have any Plea, or Process, hanging before You, as long as the same Process shall be so hanging, nor after the same Cause: And that Ye take no Fee, as long as Ye shall be Justice, nor Robes of any Great Man, or small, but of the King himself. And that Ye give none Advice, nor Counsel to no Man, Great, nor Small, in case, where the King is Party. And in case, that any, of what Estate or Condition they be, come before You in your Sessions, with Force and Arms, or otherwise against the Peace, or against the Form of the Statute therefore made, to disturb Execution of the Common Law, or to meance the People, that they may not pursue the Law, that Ye shall do their Bodies to be arrested, and put in Prison: And in case, they be such, that Ye may not arrest them, that Ye certifie the King of their Names, and of their Mispri∣sion, hastily, so that he may thereof ordain a covenable Remedy. And that Ye by your self, nor by other, privily, nor apertly, maintain any Plea, or Quarrel, hanging in the Kings Court, or elsewhere in the Country, and that Ye deny no Man Com∣mon Right, d 1.27 by the Kings Letters, nor none other Mans, nor for none other Cause; and in case any Letters come to You, contrary to the Law, that Ye do nothing by such Letters, but certifie the King thereof, and go forth to do the Law, notwith∣standing the same Letters. And that Ye shall do and procure the Profit of the King, and of his Crown, with all things, where Ye may reasonably do the same. And in case Ye be from henceforth found in Default, in any of the points aforesaid, Ye shall be at the Kings Will, of Body, Lands, and Goods thereof to be done, as shall please him, As God You help and all his Saints.

A like form, mutatis mutandic, was set for the Clerks of the Chancery, for which we refer the Reader to the Statute-Book: Where also he will find an excellent Statute made 7 Maii, An••, Reg. Angl. 20. Fr. 7. which is to be refer'd hither.

Now also the King, hearing e 1.28 Complaints made against the Purveyors of Victu∣als for his Houshold (who under Colour of their Commissions, abused the same, in taking up whatever they pleased among the Commons, at the rate only set in their Commission) he caused strict Inquisition to be made of these Misdemeanours; and those who were found Offenders in the Premises, of which there were many, all con∣demned, some to the Gallows, and other to Great-Fines, whereby the Groans of the Commons ceased; and other of the Kings Officers were made more Wary and Discreet.

Having thus provided for the settlement of Justice, during his Absence, he f 1.29 left his Queen to the Care of his Cousin John Plantagenet, the Young Earl of Kent, his Second Son; Prince Lionel of Antwerp, he g 1.30 constituted his Lieutenant of the Realm, appointing the Archbishop of Canterbury, and others of his Council to assist him: And to Watch the Motions of Scotland b 1.31 he left the Lord Henry Percy, the Lord Ralph Nevil of Raby, together with the Archbishop of York, the Bishop of Dur∣ham, the Bishop of Lincoln, and the Chief Lords of the North: But he gave an e∣special Charge to Sr. Geoffry Witchingham, Lord Mayor of London, and to John Croy∣den, and William Clopton Sheriffs, to take diligent Care of the Peaceable and Quiet Government of the City; and particularly he i 1.32 commanded them to look after the Spreaders of False News in and about the City, and to apprehend all such Persons and lay them up in the Prison of Newgate.

II. And having thus providently settled Affairs at home; k 1.33 and sent to the Prior of the Order of Fryers Preachers in London, to offer up Prayers, that God would please to Protect and Defend him, and give his Forces Victory over his Enemies, he repaired to his Army, which was now ready to go on board. And there he spake aloud to all his Captains and Officers, which was also communicated to the whole Army, l 1.34

That he had more Right to the Realm of France, upon the account of Queen Isabella, his Mother, Daughter of Philip the Fair, than Philip of Valois had, who was Son of the Lord Charles, Second Brother, which was, of the said Philip the Fair, who now usurped the said Realm, thô he was not in the direct Line, but collateral. He there∣fore earnestly desired them to play the Men; forasmuch, as it was his Resolution to send back his Navy again, as soon as ever he was Arrived in the Realm of France: Wherefore it behoved them to be Valiant, and either to Win the Land with their Swords, or resolve to die every Man; for they would have no place to flye: But that if any one was in doubt, or fear, to pass the Seas with him, he might ev'n stay in England with his good leave. To this they all answer'd, as it were with one Voice; That they would follow him, as their Good and Dear Lord,

with a good Will, even to the Death.

Then the King, seeing his Men well dispo∣sed to the War, deliver'd his Letters, close Sealed, to the Admirals of his Fleet (least it should happen that by force of Wind they should be separated from the Rest) in which letters was contained, where he would have them Land, and commanded them, unless they were divided by Storm, not to open them till they came to Land. And so he went on board in the Name of God and St. George at m 1.35 Southampton in the close of June, with a Fleet of n 1.36 200 Sail, thô Authors vary much in the Number; wherein were 4000 Men of Arms, 10000 Archers, and Footmen of Wales 12000, and 6000 Irishmen. The King had with him in his Company the Young Prince of Wales at that time, about sixteen Years of Age; There was also Humphry Bohun, Earl of Hereford and Essex, and his Brother William Bohun Earl of Northampton, Thomas Beauchamp Earl of Warwick, Richard Fitz-Alan Earl of Arundel, John Vere Earl of Oxford, William Clinton Earl of Huntington, Robert Hufford Earl of Suffolk; and of Barons, the Young Lord Roger Mortimer, the Lord Gerard o 1.37 Lisle, and his Kinsman the Lord John Lisle, the Lord Reginald Cobham, the Lords John and Roger Beauchamps, the Lord John Moubray, the Lord William Ros of Hamlake, the Lord Thomas Lucy of Cockermouth, the Lord William Felton, the Lord Thomas Bradestan, the Lord Ralph Basset of Sapcoate, John Lord Willoughby, of Eresby; the Lord Peter Mauley V. of the Name; * 1.38 Thomas Lord Ʋghtred, John Lord Fitz-Walter, William Lord Kerdeston, the Lord Roger Say, the Lord Almaric de St. Amand, the Lord Ro∣bert Bourchier, the Lord John le Strange, the Lord Edward Montagu, the Lord Ri∣chard Talbot, the Lord John Mohun of Dunster, William Lord Boteler of Wemme, Robert Lord Ferrers, John Lord Seymor, John Lord Grey, William Lord Botreaux, the Lord Hugh Spencer, the Lord John Striveling, Michael Lord Poynings, Robert Lord Morley, Thomas Lord Ashley, John Lord Sutton, the Lord Nicholas Can∣tilupe, and Others; and of Knights Batchelours, the Lord John Chandos, the Lord Peter Audeley, and the Lord James Audeley, the Lord Bartholomew Burwash ju∣nior, the Lord Thomas Holland, the Lord Fulk Fitz Warine, Sr. Richard Pembroke, and several others: There were but a few Strangers at this time with King Edward, because his Friends of Germany had fell off together with the Emperour; but the Lord Henry Eam of Brabant in Flanders, was here, and 7 or 8 Knights of Germa∣ny, whose Names are so corruptly written, that they are not to be recovered aright: And lastly, the Lord Godfry of Harcourt, a Valiant Baron of Normandy, was there at this time, enflaming the Kings Mind against his Native Country upon all occasions. Being thus therefore embarqued on the last of June, King Edward sets Sail, designing, as was thought for Bayonne, or Bourdeaux, that so he might Raise the Siege from before Aiguillon; but being pretty forward on his way toward Gascogne, on the third Day there arose a Contrary Wind, which, without any further harm, drove the whole Fleet back upon the Coasts of Cornwall. There having layn at Anchor six Days wait∣ing for Wind, they made forward again; but a like Wind, in the very same manner, drove them back again to the same place, without any Damage, as before. Which Chance happening thus p 1.39 twice together, and the Wind still continuing against them, the Lord Godfry of Harcourt, being of the Kings Cabinet-Council, began to take hold on that occasion, to divert the King from Gascogne to Normandy; and told him, that it seem'd, Heaven it self directed him to take another Course, and therefore Advis'd him to take Land in his Country; which was one of the most plentifull Provinces in the World, and had not seen any War for two whole Ages.

Sir, q 1.40 said he, if You will please to make thither, on hazard of my Head, You shall find no Impeachment in your Landing. For besides, that the Commons of Normandy are unexpert, and wholly ignorant of War, all the Lords, Knights, and Esquires of the Country, are now with the Duke at the Siege before Aiguillon. And here, Sir, You shall meet with great Towns, without Walls, or strong Fortifications; so that your Men may gain such Wealth and Riches, as to be the better for it for Twenty Years hence: And thus You may do without any stop, till You come to the Great City of Caon in lower Normandy. I only beg, Your Majesty would put some Confidence in me at this time; for as I have been a Lord of that Country, so I understand it as well, as any other. And being now unjustly cast out of it, own her for my Ene∣my, and England that receives me, for my better Country.

The King, who was then but in the Flour of his Manhood (for he had not yet seen 34 Years) and desi∣red nothing more ardently, then Deeds of Arms, readily enclin'd to the Lord Har∣court's Advice, whom he had look'd on, as his Friend, and called him Cousin; and so he suddenly commanded his Pilots to direct their Course for Normandy. There∣upon

he took into his own Ship the Standard of the Chief Admiral, (who was then the Earl of Warwick) saying, that he himself would be Admiral in that Expedition; and so set forward as chief Governour of the Fleet: And now as if Heaven consented to all this, had Wind at Will, on the 11 day of July he happily arrived with all his Fleet at the Haven of la Hogue St. Vast in Coutantine (a great Cape or Penin∣sula in Normandy) within 9 French Leagues of St. Sauveur la Vicomte, the right He∣titage of the Lord Godfry of Harcourt. In this Haven the King found r 1.41 30 great Ships and Gallies, all which he took, and then endeavouring first of all to take land, he leap'd on the shore with such violence, that by a suddain Antispasis or contrary Attra∣ction, the Blood gushed out of his Nose: Whereat his s 1.42 Lords, abominating such an ill∣boding Token, desired him to reenter his Ship, and not to land that Day; for that was no good Sign for them. But the King briskly reply'd, "That it was only a sign the Land desired to have Him.

One reports t 1.43 that there being some Opposition at their Landing, the Earl of War∣wick with one Esquire and six Archers only, Himself by reason of the great Haste, not having a very good Horse, lifted up his Hand couragiously against an Hundred Men, striking every one he met to the ground; and together with those his seven Assistants, slew no less than 60 Normans; whereby he made way for his Army to land.

But althô Sr. William u 1.44 Dugdale passes by this Story without the least Remark, yet we who have a greater Obligation to examine the Truth and Probability of Reports, must either not allow this Action at all, or not in this Place, but rather at Caen; as we shall shew hereafter. For by the Kings Landing in that Manner, as we related, it ap∣pears, there was no Opposition made against him; and 'tis x 1.45 certain; that no Soul in France knew of King Edwards Design against Normandy; much less could they be rea∣dy to resist him at this time. Nor can I understand the Connexion of the Matter, that the Earl of Warwick fought against an Hundred: For either there were more to oppose his Landing, and then he might; being but so thinly attended, be said to list up his Hand against them all; Or if but an Hundred, there was no need of any Man of Honour to beat them away: The Boys and Pages of the Navy might have done it. A MS. by me with more probability reports this Action of the Earls, to have been done after∣wards in the Night against a Company of Rovers, who thought to have made a Prize of him.

III. Upon that pleasant Diversion of the Omen which King Edward gave, his Lords smil'd for the good Hopes they conceived; and so landed all with much Ease and in good Order: In which Action the residue of that day was spent. The y 1.46 approach of the next Morning brought an unwelcome notice of their Arrival to the Inhabitants of those Parts; so that leaving their Goods behind them, they fled to hide themselves in Woods and Caves before the face of the Enemy. At * 1.47 la Hogue the Lord Godfrey of Harcourt paid his Homage unto King Edward, professing to hold his Lands and Possessions in Nor∣mandy of him, as Rightfull King of France. That same Day about Noon the King removed, and took an high Hill near the Shore; from whence he made a Dreadfull Ap∣pearance over all the Country. And here z 1.48 he presently Knighted his Eldest Son the Prince of Wales, then just 16 Years and 27 Days old; and together with him se∣veral young Noblemen, as William Montagu a 1.49 Earl of Salisbury, Roger b 1.50 Lord Mortimer, William Lord c 1.51 Ros, Roger d 1.52 de la Ware, Grandson to the Lord John de la Warc, and ma∣ny Others. At which time he made John D'Arcy, son to the Lord John D'Arcy, Ban∣neret, allowing him 200 l. per annum out of the Exchequer for his better supporr in that Dignity whereof he gave him his Letters Patent (as appears by their e 1.53 Date) three days after.

IV. Presently Fame f 1.54 spread abroad, how the English were landed in Normandy, but especially the Towns of Coutantine sent word thereof to King Philip at Paris, desi∣ring a speedy Succour from him. He for his part had heard before, how King Edward was upon the Sea with a great Navy, but he knew not which way he was resolved, whether toward Normandy, Bretagne of Gascogne; and hitherto believed, he design'd the latter, with a purpose to raise the Siege before Aiguillon. But now when he un∣derstood for certain, that he was in Normandy, he sent the Lord Robert Bertram his Constable, together with the Earl of Eu and Guisnes, and the Earl of Tancarville, who were but newly come to him from his Son, lying before Aiguillon, and had not yet re∣turned back again thither, to the City of Caen, commanding them expresly to keep that Place against King Edward. They said they would do their Devoir, and so went from Paris thitherward with a good Band of Men of Arms, and still their Numbers encreased as they went along. These great Lords with their Troops, were gladly re∣ceived by the Citizens, and those of the Country thereabout, who were all fled thither for more Surety of themselves and Goods. Then all together they fell to fortifie the

Place, in the best manner they might (for in those Days it was not walled about) and to prepare all things necessary for Defence of the Town, like Men of good Ex∣perience.

Now King g 1.55 Philip had designed to have carried the War home to King Edwards Doors, and to have invaded England with a Mighty Army: For which intent among others, he had built a Ship of incredible Magnitude in the Haven of Harfleur in Nor∣mandy, and expected every day a good Number of Ships of Burthen, which he had sent for to the State of Genoua. But that Assistance being too much delayed, and King Edward the mean while thus coming into Normandy, that Design was dash'd, and the Terrour diverted into France.

V. About this time of King Edwards passing over the Sea, there was h 1.56 one Simon Pawlett, a very Substantial Citizen of Compeigne in the Isle of France, openly accused to have said before witnesses,

That in very Truth the Right of the Crown of France did more justly belong to King Edward of England, than to Philip of Valois:

For which Words he was apprehended, and on the First of July put to a most cruel Death at Paris in this Tragical Manner: He was first hanged upon Tenter-hooks, like an Ox in the Shambles, and there he was gradually dismembred alive; and so his Arms, and then his Legs, and lastly, his Head being cut off from his Body, the Trunk was hung in Chains on the Common Gallows at Paris, called Monfaucon. But these Cruel Executions, amidst such manifold Taxes, and the Difficulties usually attending War, did but lay more horrour upon the Dejected Minds of the People of France: So that althô they would by no means admit of an English Ruler, yet they were but little satisfied with this of their Own.

VI. King Edward the mean while upon his Landing, set up his Tent on the Shoar, till his Marshals had taken the Town of Hogue, before which he Lodged that Night; during which time the Ships were discharged of their Horses, and other Baggage: The next Morning i 1.57 upon the Kings Departure, the Souldiers set fire to that Town, and then the King order'd his Battails after this manner. The Earl of k 1.58 Huntington, he ap∣pointed his Admiral with an 100 Men of Arms, and 400 Archers to ply by the Sea-Coasts, following the Course of the Land Army, with a small part of the Navy, ha∣ving sent the l 1.59 Residue, as he had before Resolved, into England. On his Right Hand he order'd the Earl of Warwick, One of his Marshals, with the Lord Thomas Holland, and the Lord Reginald Cobham, to lead one Battalia along by the Sea-side, Northward; on his Left Hand marched the other Marshal, the Lord Godfry Harcourt, with ano∣ther Battalia, and the King Himself, and his Son the Prince held the Main Battail; The whole Army amounting to 30000 Men Effective, besides the Fleet: And all the Three Battails were order'd every Night to joyn, and to lodge in One Field. Be∣ing thus Order'd, they set forward together, the Admiral taking all the Ships, and o∣ther Vessels, that he found at Sea, and the King and his Marshals clear'd all by Land. That Night they lodged in m 1.60 Wissel, about three Leagues North of St. Vast, where the King tarried five Days, in which time all the Country was wasted, and spoiled up to the very point of Land; and the Town of n 1.61 Barsleur taken; the People yielding it up immediately for fear of Death: Yet neither so could they save the Town from the Rapacity of the Souldiers. For their Chief Burgesses, and others, being put on Board the Fleet, for fear they should afterward Rebell, the Conquerours sessed all the Gold, Silver, Jewels, and Plate, that ev'r they could lay their Hands on: Insomuch that the meanest Footmen, and Servants of the Army scorn'd to meddle with good furred Garments, or any other Stuff, but Silks, Embroideries, or Plate. And this was done by the Earl of Warwicks Battalia; who passing thence by Coqueville and Bre∣teville, which he took, came to a Great and Rich City, called Cherbourgh, which he also wan, and spoil'd, and partly burnt; but the Castle he could not presently take, it was so well furnished, and long they could not stay in those Parts. Thence the Bat∣tail returned back on the Left Hand to o 1.62 Valognes, which they took and spoil'd, and set on Fire; the same they did afterward to Monteburgh, and all the Towns in those Parts, from whence they wan much Spoil, and great Riches. At last they came to a Considerable Town, named Carentan; which was enclosed with a Trench, and Ram∣pier, protected by a strong Castle, and furnished with a good Garrison. The Earl of Warwick from the Land, and the Earl of Huntington from the Ships, came and made a terrible Assault upon this Place: So that the p 1.63 Burgesses being terrified thereby, to save the Lives of themselves, their Wives, and Children, against the Mind of all the Souldiers, yielded up the Town to the English, and offer'd for security of their Lives, all their Goods to their Discretion. When the Souldiers saw the business of the Inha∣bitants,

and that against their Wills, it was impossible for them to make good the Place, they retired to the Castle; but within two Days after were obliged to yield, thô on better Conditions, than the Townsmen; for these obtained security for Life and Goods. So the Town and Castle of Carentan were taken; and all the Inhabitants sent to the Ships, as Prisoners; but when King q 1.64 Edward understood, that the Heads of some of his Friends, whom the French King had murther'd, were upon the Gates of that Town; he commanded them to be taken down and buried Reverently: And or∣der'd both the Town and Castle, as a Sacrifice to their Ghosts, to be burnt and rased to the ground.

These things were done by the Earl of Warwicks Battalia, which went along by the Sea-Coast; while on the other r 1.65 side, the Lord Godfry of Harcourt rode forth on the Kings Left Hand; for he knew all the Avenues, and Passages of Normandy better than any other: He had in his Battalia 500 Men of Arms, besides Archers and Foot∣men, and sometimes ranged six or seven Leagues from the Kings Battail, as far as the Sea-Coast, Westward, where Normandy looks on the Isles of Jersey, and Garnesey, burning and spoiling all before him, with no less Hostility and Fury, than the English Lords used on the other side. They all found the Country very Rich and Plentifull; the Granges and Barns full of Corn and Provender, the Shops and Houses full of Rich Stuffs, and other Goods and Commodities, and the whole Country abounding with Chariots, Carts, Horses, Swine, Sheep, Oxen, and Poultry: For there had been a long Peace and Security in those Parts. The Souldiers now took of all this, what they pleas'd, and brought it to the King; but of what Gold and Silver they found, they gave no account either to him, or his Officers, but kept it to themselves. In this manner the Lord Godfry of Harcourt, and the Earl of Warwick rode forth by Day, but at Night for the most part, they both lay in the Kings Field, or very near him.

When thus all things were clear'd behind, as to the North-point of Normandy, King Edward began to March Eastward, and went directly to St. Lo in Coutantine; but be∣fore he came thither, he encamped by the River Vire, till his two Battails might come up to him, and then he proceeded.

VII. The mean s 1.66 while King Philip was not negligent on his Part, but enforced his Summons to his Subjects, and others, who held of him any way, and sent for all his Friends and Allies; as to the Noble and Valiant Old King of Bohemia, John of Lux∣emburgh, Son to Henry the VII, once Emperour of Germany, and to his Eldest Son, the Lord Charles Marquess of Moravia, who about this time was called Caesar, being advanced in Opposition to Lewis of Bavaria; upon whose Death a Year after, He was made Emperour. King John and his Son Charles came speedily to King Philip's Assi∣stance, with a goodly Number of Bohemians, Germans, and Luxemburghers; as did al∣so upon the said Kings Request, Ralph Duke of Lorraine, King Philip's Nephew, and James, Son and Heir to Humbert, the Old Dauphin of Vienna, which two lead 300 Spears: Then came the Lord John of Hainalt, Lord of Beaumont, who as we shew'd, was lately brought over from the King of England's Service, with a gallant Troop of Valiant Hainalders: there was likewise Lewis Earl of Flanders, who had but few Men under him, and those only of the Gentry and Nobility of Flanders; for the Commons of that Country held all for King Edward: Thither came also James King of Majorica, who being beaten out of his Kingdom by Peter, King of Aragon, had lately for an t 1.67 100000 Crowns of Gold, sold unto King Philip of France, his Right to Monpellier; that thereby he might be enabled to give Battle to the King of Aragon: But at this time he could not refuse, with what Forces he had, to Assist King Philip. While thus the French King was making himself strong on all sides, he had full Infor∣mation of the uncontroled Progress of his Adversary of England, and sware openly,

That he should never return again into England without Battle: And that all those Spoils; Slaughters, and Devastations should be dearly Revenged.

But many of his Auxiliary Friends came from far, and so it was long, before he had his full Assem∣bly: Wherefore the mean while King Edward went on without any considerable Opposition.

VIII. The English Army still kept their first Order, marching up toward High-Normandy in three Battalions: They went on fair and softly, in Battle Array, as if the E∣nemy was always before them; and they took up their Lodgings every day early; so that for the most part, the whole Army, except the Marshals Fore-runners, was en∣camped betwixt Noon and Three of the Clock. The Country was so Plentifull, where∣soever they went, that they had no need to look out for any other Provision; but Wine, (and yet here and there they also found enough of that.) Althô the King to

prevent the Worst, had brought Provisions of all sorts along with him; and besides u 1.68 he gave strict Command, that none should presume to make any unnecessary waste of Vi∣ctuals, Drink, or Forage. It was no x 1.69 great Wonder, if all the Country trembled at the sight of this Royal Army; for till then they had seen nothing like War in those Parts, nor knew any thing beyond the Ordinary Trainings of their Militia; so that generally the People fled before the Face of the English, as far as they might hear the sound of their Name; leaving behind them their Houses full of Goods, their Barns and Granaries full of Corn, and their Cattle in the Fields; for they knew not whither in that Hurry to bear them away: Particularly the y 1.70 City of Bayeux for fear of him, sending 15 Chief Citizens, as their Deputies unto him, and desiring to enter into his Homage, and to be taken into his Protection, were admitted. And in this Manner King Edward rode forth, burning, wasting, and ravaging the Country, and leaving long tracks of Fire and Desolation behind him, till he came to the Great Town of St. Lo, the farthest z 1.71 Port of Lower Normandy, wherein were no less, than Eight or Nine∣score Rich Burgesses, and exceeding much Drapery. When the King came thither, he order'd his Lodgings to be set up without the Town (for in War time he would ne∣ver endure to lodge in any Town for fear of Fire) having already sent a strong Detachment before him, who presently took the Town, and plunder'd it, sending their Burgesses Pri∣soners to the Ships.

From hence the King (having burnt Torigny, Cormolin, Fontenay and Chesne) marched directly toward the great City of Caen. in Normandy, about eleven French Miles Eastward of St. Lo, which likewise abounded with Mercers Ware, and other Merchan∣dise; and was inhabited with Rich Burgesses, Noble Ladies, and Fair Virgins; and ador∣ned with goodly Churches and other Buildings, among which there were two stately Abbeys, the one of the Trinity, and the other of St. Stephen, which latter was built by William Duke of Normandy, who was in time King of England, sirnamed the Con∣querour; and lay then buried before the a 1.72 High Altar in the said Church of St. Ste∣phen, under a most stately Mausoleum, erected there for him by his Son King William, sinamed Rufus.

On the one side of this City b 1.73 stood the Castle, being the very fairest of all Nor∣mandy, wherein was Captain Sr. Robert Wergny with 300 Genouese. Arbalistes, be∣sides Men of Arms: And in the Town there was William Bertrand Bishop of Bayeux, Ralph Earl of Eu and of Guisnes, and Constable of France, and John Melun Earl of Tancarville and High Chamberlain, with a sufficient Number of Men of War. King Edward c 1.74 being desirous to save the Effusion of Christian Blood, sent unto them first Geoffry de Maldon, Fryer of the Order of the Hermits of St. Austen, and Professor of Divinity, with his Letters, wherein he exhorted them to deliver up unto him the Town and Castle; and he promised to receive them into his Grace and Protection, and to let them enjoy their Properties securely. But him the Bishop of Baieux caused to be clapt in Irons, and detained in the Dungeon of the Castle, tearing the Kings Let∣ters in pieces, and urging the Captains to stand boldly to their Defence. For that day the King of England took up his Lodging early in the Afternoon by a little Port-Town called Estrehan, near the River Orne; whither his Admiral came to him with his Navy. The Constable and the other French Lords in Caen kept good Watch that Night, and the next Morning betimes were all in Arms, together with the Inhabitants, ready to serve their Country with the hazard of their Lives. The Constable's Reso∣lution at first was only to stand on the Defensive Part, and therefore he gave Order, that none should sally forth by any means, but stand in their allotted Stations upon the Walls, Gates, Bridge and Rivers. As for the Suburbs he gave over all care of them, because they were not tenable: For he thought it sufficient, if he might make good the City it self, because it was only enclosed with the River. But when the Burgesses and chief Inhabitants heard of this Order, they said,

that for their Part they would march out against the King of England, for they were both able and willing to give him Battle, for all his Puissance.

The Constable seeing their Alacrity said,

Be it so then in the Name of God and St. Dennis; You shall not want my Company.

Then they set open their Gates, and marched out all in good Order, making Counte∣nance, as if they were resolved to Conquer, or to sell their Lives Dearly.

That Morning being the 20 of d 1.75 July, King * 1.76 Edward rose early, and having heard Mass before Sun-rise, set his Men in order to go against the City of Caen: And so took horse with the Prince his Son, and the Lord Godfry of Harcourt, one of his Mar∣shals, whose Word the King much rely'd on; and approached the Town in three well-order'd Battalia's. But when the e 1.77 Burgesses of the City, who had hitherto stood

ready to receive him in the Field, saw the Dreadfull Appearance of Standards, and Ban∣ners waving in the Wind, and the Tall Archers shooting fiercely from their long Bows, presently their Hearts began to fail them, and having scarce endured the first Brunt of the Battle, for all that the Constable could say, or do, they ignobly abandon'd both Him and their Honour, and fled precipitantly toward the Town; the English eagerly following them at the Heels. Here it was that the Archers finding some faint Resi∣stance at the Bridge, King Edward lest they should suffer by the French Men of Arms, sent the Earl of Warwick to succour them, who by his wonderous Valour (thô he found the Archers out of all Danger, and fighting with some Advantage on their Side) so signaliz'd himself, that together with Seven Men of Arms more (if he did not as f 1.78 Walsingham reports, slay an Hundred Normans) yet he won the Bridge, and enter'd the Town pell-mell with the Enemy. When the Constable and the Earl of Tancar∣ville saw how things went, cursing the Cowardise of the Townsmen, and their own Credulity, they took a little Tower at the Bridge Foot, which they enter'd with cer∣tain Knights in their Company. The Bishop g 1.79 of Bayeux with some other Captains, Knights and Esquires of France, such as knew the ready way to the Castle, hasted all thither, where they were received by the Captain Sr. Robert Wergny; for the Place was large enough. All this while the English were chasing and slaying such as they found; for as yet they gave no Quarter: And it happen'd so ill for the Town, that the River, which at other times could bear Ships of Burthen, was now so low, that Men might without Danger pass and repass it both on Horseback and on Foot. Where∣fore the City was presently full of Enemies, and the French were on all hands beaten down without Mercy; so that what within the Town, and in the Chace, there fell a∣bove h 1.80 5000 of the Enemy. The Constable and the Earl of Tancarville beholding this Slaughter, and considering that they were not able to make good the Place where∣in they were (wherefore they were like to be slain, as they saw their Men were, with∣out Mercy) began to think of saving their Lives by yielding. So looking down along the Street, at last they espied an English Lord Sr. Thomas Holland, who with his Bro∣ther Sr. Robert and Others, were of the Retinue of Thomas Beauchamp Earl of War∣wick. Froisard says he had but one Eye; which because he also reports of William Montagu late Earl of Salisbury, of the Lord John Chandos and other English Knights, I am apt to think, that he was one of those 500 young Gentlemen, who in the Be∣ginning of these French Wars clapt Patches on their Left Eyes, with a solemn Vow ne∣ver to take them off, till they had done Exploits worthy of the Voice of Fame. How∣ever these French Lords knew him by Name (for they had seen and known him in the Holy Wars in Prussia, Granada and other Places) and called out unto Him and his Company saying, they would yield themselves his Prisoners. Then Sr. Thomas Hol∣land went thither with his Men, and took the two Lords and 25. French Knights more, who all yielded themselves to Sr. Thomas and those with him; among whom we find one Tho∣mas Leigh a valiant Esquire of the Lord Holland's, who took the Earl of Tancarville; i 1.81 for which and other his worthy Services done in this and other Expeditions, King Ed∣ward gave him the Lordship of Hanley in Broxton-Hundred, in the County Palatine of Chester, which still remains in that Ancient Family. But to the Lord Holland, be∣sides the great Honours he arrived to afterwards, the King k 1.82 gave 4000 Florens of Gold, and in lieu thereof took the Earl of Eu for his own Prisoner. This done, and the Prisoners committed to safe Custody, the Lord Holland remounted his Horse hasti∣ly, and rode into the Streets; where by his Authority he interposed and saved many Lives, and preserved many Ladies, young Damsels and Nuns from violation. For now the Common Souldiers rag'd exceedingly, because many of the Town being got on the tops of Houses, had flung down Tiles, Stones, Timber and Iron, wherewith they did much harm to their Enemies; and not only provoked the Souldiers, but also the King himself: Insomuch that having heard at night, how near upon 500 of his Men were in this manner either grievously hurt or killed out right by the Citizens he gave Com∣mand, that the next day they should put all to the Sword, and reduce the City to Ashes. But then the Lord Godfry of Harcourt, either in a pious Commiseration of his own Country, or that he really saw of what ill Consequences such severe Beginnings might prove to the English, stept out before the King and said,

Sir, for God's Sake refrain your Pas∣sion a little, and let what You have already done suffice for this time: For You have still much Labour to go thrô, before You can arrive at Calais, whither You are designed. And Sir, in this Place there are many People, who if driven to Despair, will not fail so obstinately to defend their Houses, and to sell their Lives so dearly, as it may cost You many of your Men, unless You resolve to destroy the City and

the Spoil together. Whereby peradventure You will not be able to accomplish your Design upon Calais; which must needs redound to your no small Vexation. Where∣fore I pray Sir, save the Lives of your Men; for before a Month come to an end, You will have occasion for them, even thô You had as many more: For besides the many Difficult Passages and Rencounters You will every day meet with, I be∣lieve in my Conscience, your Adversary King Philip will present You with Battle. But if it shall please Your Majesty to proclaim a Pardon for all that shall submit, I'll engage, that without any more Bloodshed You shall be Lord of this City and all that is therein. The King having well weigh'd the Reason of these Words, answer'd, Sr. Godfry, You are our Marshal, order all things at your own Discretion.

So next Morning the Lord Godfry Harcourt rode early from Street to Street, with his Banner dis∣played before him, and commanded aloud by an Herald in the Kings Name, l 1.83 that no Man should presume to set fire to any House, to murder any Person, or to violate any Woman whatsoever. The Townsmen hearing this Proclamation, freely admitted the English into their Houses, and gave them good Entertainment, and many opened their Closets, and bad them take what they pleased, so they might be secure of their Lives: And yet for all that, there were many Rapes, Murders and Robberies committed in the Town. Thus the English were Lords of Caen, where they tarried three Days gathe∣ring of the Spoil, because they made Resistance and were taken by Force; among other Riches of Gold and Silver and the like, there were found as One m 1.84 reckons, no less than 40000 Pieces of Fine Cloath, Silks and Linnen, beside other Wares proportio∣nable. All which the King sent down the River Orne to Estrehan, where the Navy lay, to be carried to St. Saviour the Vicount, from whence soon after by the Kings Com∣mand, the Earl of Huntington conveyed all into England, as well Cloth and other Stuff for Garments, Vessels of Gold and Silver, Jewels and other Riches, as all the Priso∣ners; whereof in this Bout at Caen there were no less than n 1.85 86 Great Lords, Barons and Knights, and above 300 Rich Citizens.

IX. King o 1.86 Edward having now done his Pleasure at Caen, after three Days without Firing the Place, departed thence (having also taken in Bayeux) in the same Order he used before; and continued his March thrô the Bishopricks of p 1.87 Lisieux and Eureux, having among others taken and sacked a good Town called Louviers, where he found a vast quantity of Riches, Drapery and other Merchandise. He took also q 1.88 Lisieux it self, a chief City in Normandy, and abounding with Wealth and Merchandise, which his Souldiers plunder'd. And hence r 1.89 He gave Letters of Protection and safe Conduct to Annibald Cardinal of Tusculan, and Stephen Cardinal of St. John and St. Paul, sent from the Pope to mediate Peace. These Men hereupon soon after came to the King, he being then at s 1.90 Gaillon (between Pont de l'Arche and Vernon) which Place he had newly ta∣ken and burnt: And here they represented unto him; t 1.91 how they were sent from his Holiness to endeavour an Accord between Him and the King of France, willing him to remit the whole Matter to the Pious Decision of the Pope. But King Edward, who could put no Trust in the Pope, would not hear of any Accord, but presently brake off all Treaty with the said Legates, because it appeared to him, that the Pope was much more favourable to the King of France than to Him or his Cause. Yet forasmuch as some of them had been rifled of what they had by some English Souldiers, King Edward not only caused their own to be restored unto them, but gave them something over and above of his own, to make them amends; and so they returned towards Paris. The mean time King Edward with his Detachments overran the Country far and near; and all the way he went on Burning and Spoiling whatever he met with, except some few strong Towns and Castles that were fortified: For he would not give any Assault to such, being resolved to spare his Men and Artillery for a greater Enterprise. Thus he went on like a Torrent, overwhelming all before him on that side the Seyne, even to the Isle of France and to u 1.92 Paris it self. But as for Rouën, he left that on his Left hand, passing it by for the Lord Godfry's Sake, for there was his Brother the Earl of Harcourt, on the French Kings part, and the Earl of Dreux in his Company, with a Choice number of Brave Souldiers. Thô others say, that the King of France himself was there on the other side the Seyne, coasting the King of England all along till he came to Poissy; as appears by the Letters of the Kings Chaplain, which we shall pro∣duce hereafter. Wherefore the King of England turned thence to Pont de l'Arche on the Seyne, which he took and destroy'd, as also all the Country about Rouën; the same he did to Vernon, and sent a Detachment thence, which took and burnt the Town of Gisors, but would not dwell upon Attempting the Castle, for the Reasons before al∣ledged. The mean while the King marched along by the Seyne to Mante and Meulan,

which he passed by, as also the strong Castle of Rouleboise; but all along the River Seyne he found the Bridges broken, till at last he came to Poissy, a Town about five Leagues from Paris, where the Bridge indeed was broken down, but the Joists and Arches lay in the River. For when King x 1.93 Philip, who most certainly coasted the English Army on the other side the River, saw King Edwards Motion toward Paris, which he chiefly dreaded, and guessed that the Bridge of Poissy could not be made strong enough against the English, because thô otherwise the Place was strong, it was not Walled about, he went thither, and as my Author was afterwards informed, with Tears in his Eyes, perswaded the Lady Prioress who was his Sister, and the rest of the Recluses, being of the Order of St. Dominic, to depart away for the present, together with all the Inhabitants, and at their going off to break down the Bridge. So they brake the Bridge, thô their Fear hindred them from doing it so effectually, as else they might have done, and fled all away to the City of Paris; and the French King intended, if the English came thither, to destroy the Suburbs; and all things were made ready there, as if they expected a Siege the next Day. But when King Edward was come to Poissy, he gave order immediatly to his Carpenters to use all their Diligence in Repairing the Bridge strongly; and there he tarried three Days, expecting the Issue of their Labour: He himself being lodged in a New Royal Palace of King Philip's, ad∣joyning to the Priory, and the Prince his Son in another Palace of the said Kings. But the Priory it self is commended by the Ancient Author, whom I follow, for one of the most Delicate and Beautifull Structures that ever he saw. And no doubt the Town was well beloved by the later Kings of France, not only because it lay so near to Pa∣ris upon the River Seyne, but also because it had now been rendred famous for giving Birth to St. Lewis, Grandfather to King Philip the Fair. While King Edward thus stay'd at Poissy, his Marshals made their Excursions to St. German en Laye, to Mount∣joy, St. Cloud, Petty Boulogne by Paris, and Bourg la Reyne, which were all taken, sacked and fired. The Flames y 1.94 were seen from St. Cloud and other Places to Paris, which put the Citizens into such a Consternation (as the French Chronicles confess) that if King Philip had not at that time been there upon the Spot, they had sent and yielded up their City to King Edward. He for his part, seeing he could not as yet pass the River of Seyne toward Paris, after he had used the Palaces and Mansions of the French King's, and drank off the Wines, and disposed of what else he found there at his Pleasure, set them on fire at his Departure, and consumed the most of them either by Himself or his Marshals, as at St. German, Mont-joy and Poissy ( * 1.95 especially at Cha∣stell du Roy, an House of all most Dear to King Philip, and which he himself had built and finished but about 2 Years before) and the other Places above-named. A∣bout z 1.96 this Time the Lord Robert Ferrers of Chartley, having by means of a small Boat conveyed over the Seyne his own Troops, went and gave Assault to the Castle of Roche-Guyon. The Place was thought to be impregnable; insomuch that there was current a Prophecy or Proverb concerning it, signifying its great Strength; and that was

Le Fleur du Liz perdera son nom, Quand sera gaignee la Roche-Guyon.

In English,

The Lilly loses her Renown, When Roche-Guyon Castle's won.

But however after a brisk Assault, in which Sr. Edward Attewood was slain, the Castle was yielded to the Lord Ferrers; who finding therein a great Number of Ladies, dis∣mist them civilly without the least Abuse, and having taken an Oath of all the Knights and Esquires his Prisoners for the Payment of their Ransoms, he let them go also, and return'd again over the Seyne to the King. While King Edward remained at Poissy, he a 1.97 sent his Defiance again to Philip of Valois, challenging him forth to Battle, and offering to meet him in the Field under the very Walls of the Louvre. Thô by some this was thought but a Trick to amuse King Philip, that he might not pursue him, for that being now laden with Spoil he seem'd not unwilling to return. But since Truth is our Aim, we must not conceal, that all along King Edward's Actions agreed with his Defiance; and that he always sought to meet King Philip, till in the end he obtain'd a Battle; and that if he intended to retire, he might more safely have done it by go∣ing back the same way he came, thrô a Country already conquer'd, than by making of Bridges so near the Metropolis of France to go further, where it seem'd morally im∣possible

for him to escape a Battle. Nor do we hear of any Navy that expected him any where on the other side the Seyne, nor had he as yet any Place of Retreat in those Parts, where to secure his Booty or his Person. The Truth of it is, that he had al∣ready design'd a Siege for Calais, and therefore marched now that Way; that either before he came thither, he might try his Fortune with Philip, or at least passing so far without Battle, have a sufficient tast of his Courage, and a free Opportunity of En∣riching his own Men, and ravaging the Lands of his Enemies. Nor could he intend to retreat for safety to his own Lands in the Earldom of Ponthieu, as b 1.98 some say, because they as well as others, that belonged to him, were now in the Hands of the French King, as may appear by the King of Englands frequent Complaints thereof in his Letters. As for the Army of the Flemings, which Others c 1.99 say he went forth to joyn in Picardy, we cannot think, that any such Design or Appointment was had or made, because no such Effect appeared afterward, even thô all Impediments were re∣moved.

X. However d 1.100 when the Parisians saw such Dreadfull Fires so near their own Walls, they were in great doubt of themselves: And King e 1.101 Philip himself was extreamly incensed, to behold from his Capital City the heart of his Kingdom in Flames. Where∣fore he resolved forthwith to remove to St. Dennis, having first commanded all the Penthouses in Paris to be pulled down: But when the Parisians saw their King ready to leave them, they came flocking to him, and upon their knees, said,

Ah, Gra∣cious Prince! What means Your Majesty, thus to forsake Your Royal Chamber of Paris?

The King reply'd,

Good People, fear you nothing: For the English shall come no nearer to you, than they are already. Why Sir, said they, they are not a∣bove 2 Leagues off now; and when they shall hear of Your Departure, they will come and Assault us, and without You, we are not able to hold out against them: Sir, for Gods sake, tarry here still, and defend your Loyal City of Paris. Speak no more, said the King, of this Matter: For I am resolved to go to St. Dennis to my Men of War, and I will encounter the English, and give them Battle, whatsoever chance shall betide me.

And thereupon, f 1.102 having left for the Guard of the City, and of his Queen, and Children, 1200 Men of Arms, besides the Inhabitants, and Footmen, he rode forth to St. Dennis, about 2 Leagues Northward of Paris, where he g 1.103 found the King of Bohemia, and his Son Charles, Elected King of the Romans, the Lord John of Hainalt, the Duke of Lorraine, the Earl of Flanders, of Namur, of Bleis, and other great Lords and Knights, with their Troops ready to serve him. All this time King Edward, while his Men were repairing the Bridge, lay at h 1.104 Poissy in the Nunne∣ry, where he kept the Feast of the Assumption of our Lady, on the 15 of August, and sat in his Royal Robes of Vermilion Scarlet, furr'd with Ermines, without sleeves; having the day i 1.105 before published by Proclamation, that for Reverence of the approach∣ing Solemnity, no man whatsoever should offer, during that Festival, to commit any outrage by Fire or Depredations, on pain of Life and Limbs: But that all should de∣voutly solemnize the Praises of the Mother of God. While this Bridge was thus re∣paiting by the English, the French King k 1.106 sent thither 2000 Souldiers to hinder the Workmen; but the Archers by their continual shooting with their home-drawn Bows, slew the greater part of them: So that the Rest flying, the Work was brought to Perfection. Wherefore the Day after this Feast, the Bridge being ready, King Ed∣ward passed over in his former Array, having l 1.107 fired the Town of Poissy, but spared the Nunnery, in Honour of its Founder Philip, the Fair, who was his Grandfather, by the Mothers side. Being thus passed over the Seyne, and entred into le Vexin Fran∣cois, he marched toward Pont-Oyse, which is a City of great Defence, but the Van∣guard being past the Town, the Rere-guard Assaulted it, and took it, where more than 300 Men of Arms of the Enemy, were slain. The next Day one of the English Marshals, namely the Lord m 1.108 Godfry Harcourt together with the Earl of Suffolk, and the Lord Hugh Spencer, riding out on one Hand with 500 Men of Arms, and 1300 Ar∣chers, met by chance with a great Number of Burgesses of Amiens on Horseback, who upon King Philips Command, were riding to Paris for the better Defence of that Ci∣ty, in case of Necessity. The English immediately fell upon them with great Co••∣rage, and the French Defended themselves a while, as Valiantly; for they had four good Knights of Amiens to their Captains, and they exceeded the English in Num∣ber, and were all very well armed. So that at the beginning many were reversed on both parts, and the Skirmish continued something doubtfull: But at last the English by their obstinate Valour, and great Experience prevailed, and then the Burgesses were well-nigh all taken, or slain; so that about n 1.109 1200 of them remain'd Dead in the

Field; and all their Carriage, Baggage, and Harness, o 1.110 being 302 Carts and Waggons, laden with Crossbows, Quarrels, Armour, and Victuals, fell to the Conquerours share; besides 60 Gentlemen Prisoners.

Thus the p 1.111 King of England marched in Hostile Manner thrô Vexin Francois into Beauvaisis; burning and destroying all before him. Now it is to be remembred, that on the Second Day after King Edward had passed the Seyne, he being then at Aune∣vil, within 3 Leagues of Beauvais, there q 1.112 came Letters unto him from King Philip, signifying, that he would give him Battle, as on that Thursday, or else on the Satur∣day, Sunday, or Monday following: On Condition he would in the mean while for∣bear destroying the Country. In Answer whereto King Edward immediately sent him this Letter following.

EDWARD, by the Grace of God, King of France, and England, and Lord of Ireland,

unto the Illustrious Lord, Philip, Earl of Valois. r 2.1 Sr. Philip of Valois,

We have read your Letters, wherein you signifie unto Us, that You will Combat with our whole Power, between St. Germaine de Prez, and Valgirart de la Paris, or between Franconville and Pont-Oyse, this Thursday, or on Saturday, Sunday, or Monday next following; provided, that neither We nor our People, do any Dam∣age, Spoil, or Waste; Whereupon We give You to know, that thrô Assurance in God, and the Clear Right which We have to the Crown of France, which You Usurp injuriously, to the Disherison of Us, our Country, God and Right, We are come, not in any Pride, or Presumption, into our said Realm of France, holding our way toward You, to make an end of the War between Us: But that when it was in Your Power to have Battle, You caused the Bridges to be broken down between You and Us; so that We could not approach unto You, nor pass the Water of Seyne, till We were come to Poissy; and there We took Order to Repair the Bridge, which You had caused to be broken; and We tarried there three Days, waiting for You and your Power, which You have assembled; unto which Place You might have come, either on the one side, or the other at your Pleasure. And because We can∣not have Battle with You, We have taken a Resolution to pass further into our said Realm to comfort those that are our Friends, and Faithfull, and to chastise those, who are Rebellious unto Us, whom You unjustly call your Subjects. And surely We will stay in our said Realm without departing, till We have atchieved our War, as far as We may, to our Advantage, and the Grievance of our Adversaries. Where∣fore, if You are desirous, as your Letters report, to fight with Us, and to save those whom You claim, as your Subjects (if You will let Us know at what time You will come) You shall find Us ready in the Field to Encounter You by the help of God: Which thing We ardently desire for the Benefit of Christendom; seeing that You will not vouchsafe either to offer or admit of any Reasonable way of Peace with Us. But We are not at all advised to be directed by You, nor to accept of Place and Day of Battle from You on the Conditions above written.

Dated at Anneville this Thurs∣day, the 17^th. of August, in the Year of our Reign of France the Seventh, and of England the Twentieth.

That s 2.2 Night the King of England took up his Lodgings in a Fair Abbey, called Messene near Beauvais: But being upon his March the next Morning, as he chanced to look behind him, and saw the Abbey on fire, he straight commanded 20 of the Au∣thors of that Fact to be hanged: For at t 2.3 his first entrance into France, he had com∣manded by Proclamation through his Army, that no Man should presume on pain of Death to violate any Church, or burn any Religious House.

Then he passed by the City of Beauvais, without giving any Assault for the Reasons aforemention'd: But his two Marshals, while the King was drawing toward a little Town, called Milly, where he intended to encamp that Night, went so close to Beau∣vais, that they made an Attempt in three Places, and gave a fierce Assault at the Bar∣riers: But the Town was so well Defended, by reason, that the Bishop was present with sufficient Forces; that having only burnt the Suburbs, close up to the very Gate, they left off toward the Evening, and proceeded, and encamped in the Kings Field. Thence the whole Army went, and encamped at Granvillers; and the next Morning, as they passed by Argies, finding it void, they set it on fire, and went directly to the Town of Poix, which was furnished with two Castles.

XI. In the Castles there were only u 2.4 two Fair young Ladies (with their Servants) who were presently taken, and had been villanously abused, had it not been for 2 Wor∣thy English Knights, Sr. John Chandos, and Sr. Ralph Basset of Sapcoat; who preserved the Honour of the two Ladies, and brought them with great Respect before the King,

their Master. King Edward pittying their Youth and flourishing Beauty, and carefull not to sully his Victories with any Ignoble Stain, entertained them with Princely hu∣manity, and after a Noble Refection, demanded of them whither they most desired to go. They being encouraged by the Kings Royal Behaviour, reply'd, "To Corbie: Whereupon the King immediately caused them to be safely and Honourably conducted thither, being little more than 9 Leagues distant from Poix, and about four from A∣miens, Eastward, and standing also on the Somme. That Night King Edward lodged near Poix; the mean while the Chief of the Town came to a Composition with the Marshals, offering unto the King a certain Sum of Florens, on Condition their Town might neither be burnt, nor plunder'd, neither then, nor the next Day. This being granted, the King marched off next Morning with all his Army, except some few, whom he had left behind to receive the Money, which the Townsmen had engaged to pay, as a Ransom for their Town. But when these Frenchmen perceived, that the Army was gone off, and out of sight, and only these few Collectors left behind; they resolved to pay never a penny, and so rang the Alarum Bell, and began to fall upon the English, who had already sent for Succour to the Army; and were not wholly un∣provided, for they had Harness under their Coats for fear of the Worst, and a good Captain over them, and were altogether in a Body, as the King had order'd them. When the Lords Sr. Reginald Cobham, and Sr. Thomas Holland, who had Charge of the Reer, heard of this, they returned back to the Town upon the Spur, and as they entred, cryed, Treason, Treason: Being come thither, they found their friends still fighting, and hardly maintaining their Post. The English Lords enraged at this falshood, put all they met to the Sword, ransack'd all the Town, and Demolished the two Castles, and so return'd with their Spoil to the Camp (then at Airaynes) leaving no∣thing but Blood and Fire behind them. While the King of England lay about Airaynes, he caused Proclamation to be made thrô his Host; that on pain of Death no Man should do any harm to the Towns of those Parts; for as much, as He was minded to tarry there two or three Days, to take Advice, how he might pass the River of Somme: For it was necessary for him to pass that River; but as yet there appeared no means, how it might be done; for the Bridges were all broken down; or strongly Defended.

XII. King x 2.5 Philip the mean while having gather'd all his Forces about him, be∣gan to March from St. Dennis, and went to Compiegne, in his way to Amiens, where he tarried a while waiting King Edwards Motions. He for his part was well inform'd of the French Kings approach, and resolved to abide him; but thought it not fit to en∣gage, while he was enclosed between two Rivers, the Seyne and the Somme, in that Manner: Wherefore he took great Care to get a convenient Passage: For the Ri∣ver was Large and Deep, and the Bridges, as we shew'd before, broken down, and if any Place was suspected to be fordable, that was most strongly guarded. First there∣fore, the two Marshals were sent forth with 1000 Men of Arms, and 2000 Archers, to view along by the River side, if they could find, or win a Passage. These Troops Marching by Lompre, came to the Bridge of Pont de Remy, which was very strongly kept by a great Number of Knights, and Esquires of France, together with the In∣habitants. Here the English alighted from their Horses, and made a brisk attack upon the Place: But the Defence was so vigorous, that after a long contest, which lasted a whole Morning, the Assailants were fain to leave off, and go to seek better Fortune elsewhere. In the way they took Fontaine-Sur Somme, which they pillaged, and set on Fire; but there was no Passage there; thence they went to another Town, called Longe in Ponthieu, where a Bridge was laid over the River; but it was so well De∣fended, that after a brisk Assay, they were fain to quit all hopes of winning it. So they passed on to Picquigny, where again they found the Town, Bridge, and Castle, so surely fortfied, that it was next to impossible to force them. King Philip had taken such Care to secure all the Passages, with design, by keeping the King of England, as it were, locked up between two Rivers, either so to famish him, or to give him Battle at his great Disadvantage. So that when the two Marshals had thus made Tryal all along by the River, and found no likelyhood of getting over, they return'd to King Edward their Master, shewing him their ill Success, and how every where the Enemy had prevented them. That same Night the French King came to Amiens, with more than an Hundred Thousand Men, to be nearer the English, whose Motions now he resolved to observe more narrowly. Amiens is the Chief City of Picardy, ly∣ing upon the Somme, and distant about 10 Leagues from Abbeville, but little more than six from Airaynes, where now the King of England lay. He for his part, know∣ing the King of France so near him, behind; and the River before him, which he

could not pass, remain'd very thoughtfull most part of that Night; but resolved now to seek a Passage himself with all his Forces: So the next Morning, having heard Mass before Sun-rise, he presently after began to decamp from about Airaynes, his two Marshals scouring along before him. As thus he rode thrô the Country of Vimeux, toward Abbeville, a good and large City of Ponthieu, upon the Somme, he found in his way a pretty considerable Town, called Fountaines les Secques, whither many of the Country People were fled with their Goods, in hopes of that little Defence that was there: But these hopes proved pernicious; for the Town was presently taken and spoil'd, and the Inhabitants put to the Sword. King Edward continued his March to Oysemont, which he also took, and lodged there for that Night, in a great Hospital near the Town.

The mean time King Philip had left Amiens, and as in pursuit of the English, came about Noon to Airaynes, from whence King Edward was gone that Morning: Here he found great store of Provision, left there by the English upon their hasty departure, as meat ready spitted, Bread and Pasties in the Ovens, Tunns and Casks full of Wine, and Tables ready spread. All these things, as they were then Arguments to Philip, that Edward fled, so have they been to several, especially to the French Historians of the same. But whoever impartially considers, the Policy and Courage of King Edward; and that he not only now had the leisure to take Towns in his Flight, but also both before and after, shew'd his firm Resolution to abide his Enemies; and that Tables are not usually spread so early in the Morning, as when he left that Place, will easily imagine, that all these things were purposely, and designedly left there by that Prince, to nourish security in his Adversaries; as We shall find it did to their Destruction.

XIII. However there King Philip was obliged to stay that Night, for the Reer of his Army and some of his Lords which were not yet come up. King Edward the mean while, being at Oysemont, had sent out his Marshals, who overran the Country even to the Gates of Abbeville, and as far as St. Valery, where they had a brisk Skir∣mish at the Gates. Upon their return at Night, King Edward held a Council of War, wherein 'twas agreed to call certain of the French Prisoners before them, which being done, the King himself in a very Affable and Courteous Manner demanded,

if there was any Man among them, that knew of any Passage beneath Abbeville, whereby he and his Men might get over the Somme: And he added, that if any one could rightly and truly inform him as to this point, he would grant him his Liberty, and twenty other Frenchmen for his sake.

Now there was among the Prisoners there pre∣sent, a young lusty Yeoman called Gobin y 2.6 Agace, who boldly stepping forth before the King, said,

Sir, I promise You on peril of my Neck to guide You to such a Ford, where Your Majesty, and all your Men shall pass the Somme without Danger: There are certain places at this Passage so broad, that 12 Men may go over in Front with ease; and hardly knee-deep in the Water; for thô at the return of the Floud, the River swells so intolerably, that the biggest Ships may ride there, yet during the Ebbe, which happens twice in 12 Hours, the Water is so low, that either Horse or Foot may pass over with security enough. And the bottom of this Passage is so hard and firm, with Chalk, White-stones and Pebbles, (whence it is called Blan∣chetteaque, or White-Water) that all your Carriages also may go safely over. And if it please Your Majesty to set forward very early, We may be there by Sun-rise; for it is but about 4 Leagues of.

The King said, if this proved true, he would set Gobin and all his Company at Liberty, and give him over and above an Hundred No∣bles for his Pains. And thereupon, having committed the Fellow to the Marshals Cu∣stody, he sent Command thrô the Host, that every Man should be ready to March at the sound of the Trumpet.

About two days before, z 2.7 King Philip, who understood the Country well, and doubt∣ted, that some one or other, either for hope or fear would inform King Edward of that Passage, for the more Security ordered Sr. Gondemar du Fay, a valiant Baron of Nor∣mandy, to go from Amiens on the other side the Somme, and defend Blanchetteaque with a 1000 Men of Arms, and 6000 Foot, together with the Genouese Crossbows; so this Lord went on by St. Requier, in Ponthieu, from whence he passed to Crotoy, to be there rea∣dy at hand, and he had such Help from Arras, Montrevil, Abbeville and St. Requier, that he now compleated a 2.8 12000 Men.

But King Edward, after he had heard of this Place by the Prisoner, took but little Rest that Night: For at Midnight he arose, commanded the Trumpets to be sounded, and all things to be ready for a March. About Break of day he left Oysemont, and

rode after the Guidance of Gobin Agace; so that by Sun-rise they came to Blanchet∣teaque (by b 2.9 Saigneville) a Place below Abbeville, between c 2.10 St. Valery and Crotoy; where the Somme spreading it self more largely in Breadth, proves less rapid, and more shallow in Depth than elsewhere, thô even here it is not passable, but at Low Sea.

XIV. At their first coming thither, they found the Flood up; wherefore they tarried waiting for the Fall of the Water till Prime; in which time Sr. Godmar du Fay came thither from Crotoy, and ranged his Men in Order upon the Banks, and at the As∣cent of the River, to defend the Passage against the English. But King Edward no way discouraged at this daring Appearance, when the Ebbe came, commanded his Marshals to enter the Water, d 2.11 and himself looking back on his Men said aloud,

They that Love me, let them Follow me,

plunged in after them, the whole Army following in good Order.

Upon this the French Men of Arms on the other side, being attended with the Crossbows, descended also into the Water, and there the Gentlemen of Artois and Picardy behav'd themselves with much Resolution, and being back'd by the Genouese Crossbows, gave the English no small trouble: But King Edwards Archers shot with such Advantage against them, that they were forced to retire from the Men of Arms, who after an obstinate Dispute were also beaten back by the English Men of Arms: and so the English took land, and still as they came up, began to order themselves in the Field. When the Lord Gondemar du Fay saw how strangely his Men gave back, and that the Landing of the Enemy could no further be impeached, he presently fled away and left the Field, with the Chief of his Horsemen; some whereof recover'd Abbeville, others St. Ricquier: But most of the Foot were slain, for the Chace en∣dured for above three Miles. So that there were slain more than e 2.12 2000 f 2.13 Men of Arms, besides Footmen, and those that were taken Prisoners. Nor did the English escape wholly without Loss, for before their Reer could get quite over, the g 2.14 Van-Cur∣rours of the King of Bohemia, and the Lord John of Hainalt came upon them, and slew some of them before they could gain the Ford, and took some Horses and a few Carriages.

When now the King of England with his Army had thus escaped the great Dan∣ger they were lately in, he h 2.15 first return'd his Thanks to God, and then called G••bin Agace before him, and gave both him and all his Company their liberty, and an 100 Nobles and a good Horse to Gobin, as he had promised. And having so done, i 2.16 he rode forth in his former Order, designing to take up his Quarters at a great Town called Noyelle sur la Mer; but being informed that it belonged to the Countess of Aumale, who was Sister to his late Friend the Lord Robert of Artois; for the Sake and in Memory of that Lord, he forbore to do the least harm either to the Town or the Lands belonging thereto, and so went forward. But his Marshals rode up to Crotoy by the Sea-side, which after some Opposition they took and burnt, having slain above 300 Germans, whom they found therein. Here in the Haven they found many Ships, and other Vessels laden with Wines of Ponthieu, which were taken up by the Merchants of Xaintogne and Rochelle; but now the Marshals seised thereon, and brought the best to the King, the rest they disposed of as they thought fitting. Then one of the Mar∣shals rode up even to the Gates of Abbeville, and thence to St. Ricquier, and the o∣ther unto the Town of Rue St. Esprit, attempting, if they could find any of those Places at any Disadvantage. All this was done that Morning, on which the King passed the Ford at Blanchetteaque, and the Marshals return'd to the King early after Noon.

XV. That same Morning which was a Fryday, and the 25 of August, the Frence King marched from Airaynes in pursuit of King Edward, whom he expected to find enclosed between the River of Somme and his Army: But when he heard how the Pas∣sage was won, and that the Lord Gondemar du Fay was defeated, he complain'd aloud, k 2.17 that he was betray'd: For he thought it impossible, that 12000 Men so well posted, should not be able to defend so narrow a Passage against all the World, if they had done their Duties. However he immediatly followed the English by the Banks of the Ri∣ver (on the other side whereof King Edward and his Army lay) and thô he had in his Company an Army of above an Hundred Thousand Men, yet King Edward l 2.18 offer'd him free Passage over the Ford, provided he would come over the next Tide and choose a Place apt for Battle.

King Philip demanded of his Marshals, what Course he should take in this Case, they said,

Sir, You cannot pass this River, but at the Bridge of Abbeville; for now

'tis high Tide, and if it was not, thô your Adversary would let you pass freely over, yet he would then have you at Disadvantage; your Men being not duely order'd, and beside that wet and weary. But if your Majesty returning to Abbeville, will take the benefit of this following Night for the Refreshment of your Men, we shall pass the Bridge time enough to Morrow, and fight with our Enemies without any Disadvantage.

Upon this Advice King Philip returned to Abbeville, and King Edward marched up further into Ponthieu about 3 Leagues, till he came to the Forest of Cressy, near to the Town of Cressy, which stands on the River Maye, exactly between Abbeville and Hesdin. When the King saw here, that there was convenient Ground for two Armies to meet, con∣jecturing rightly, that now his Adversary of France was resolved to give him Battle; he said to his Lords,

We will now go no further till we have look'd our Enemies in the Face; for I have good reason to expect them here, all this Land of Ponthieu be∣ing the Right Heritage of the Queen my Mother, which was given her for her Dow∣ry by her Father Philip; thô since it hath been unjustly taken away by mine Ad∣versary Philip of Valois: Of whom now I will challenge this Country of Mine, and God defend the Right.

And because he had not the m 2.19 Fourth Part of that Number, which King Philip brought into the Field, he commanded his Marshals to choose out a Plat of Ground something for his Advantage. This was all done accordingly, and at the same time the King sent out his Van-Currours towards Abbeville, to observe if they could see any Tokens of King Philip's Coming forward that Day. These Men upon their return brought word to the Contrary, and so the English took their Rest for the remaining part of that Day and the Night following; being first All command∣ed to be ready provided in the Place, which the Marshals were Meeting out, the next Morning at Sound of Trumpet.

This same Fryday the French King spent in Abbeville, waiting for all his Forces to come up, and especially for the Earl of Savoy, whom he expected with a 1000 Spears, and had paid him for 3 Months by the Men of Troyes in Champagne. In the mean time he sent out his two Marshals to ride and view, how and where the English were encamped: And these coming back at night related, that they were lodged in the Field of Cressy. Then King Philip made a most Royal and magnificent Supper for all his Chief Lords and Captains, and there he effectually exhorted them to lay aside all pri∣vate Animosities, and to be perfect Friends one with another, and valiantly to joyn together, like true Frenchmen against the Common Enemy. About Supper-time there arrived at Abbeville the long-expected Earl of Savoy, named Amè or Amadis, with a 1000 Men of Arms, which encreased the Security the French were already too prone to entertain.

CHAPTER the THIRD.

The CONTENTS.

I. King Edward disposes himself to receive the Enemy; with the Order and Number of his Forces, and Names of his Chief Commanders: He makes 50 New Knights. II. King Philip marches out of Abbeville against the English. III. Who on sight of the Enemy put themselves into a Posture; with the Manner of their being Embat∣tel'd. IV. King Philip advances his Auriflambe, and King Edward his Burning Dragon. V. The Order of the French Army. VI. The Battle of Cressy. VII. The English Captains send to King Edward for Succour, with his Answer. VIII. The Prince of Wales having overcome several Bodies of the French, marches forward a∣against the Main Force of the Enemy, routs the Marquess of Moravia, kills his Fa∣ther, the Old King of Bohemia, and wins his Banner of the Ostrich Feathers. IX. King Philip after much Personal Valour being wounded in two places quits the Field, and leaves the Victory to the English. X. The Number of the Slain on both Sides. XI. An occasional Inquiry after the Antiquity of the Invention of Guns. XII. King Philip retires to the Castle of Broye, thence to Amiens, and a while af∣ter to Paris. XIII. The Behaviour of the English after the Victory: Two Parties of the French defeated next Day by the English. XIV. The Conquerour takes the Spoil

of the Field and Care for the Burial of the Dead. XV. King Edward marches from Cressy, and lies down before Calais.

I. THUS a 2.20 were the English encamped in the Fields of Cressy in Ponthie••, whre they found plenty of good Wines and all manner of Provision: Th•• if it had been otherwise, the Army should not have wanted; for the King had providently gather'd before-hand a sufficient Store of all things ne∣cessary, which followed in Carts among the Carriages. On the Fryday Night King Ed∣ward also made a Supper in his Royal Pavilion for all his Chief Barons, Lords and Cap∣tains: At which he appeared wonderfull Chearfull and Pleasant, to the great Encou∣ragement of his People. But when they were all dismist to their several Quarters, the King himself retired into his Private Oratory, and came before the Altar, and there pro∣strated himself to Almighty God and devoutly prayed,

That of his Infinite Goodness he would vouchsafe to look down on the Justice of his Cause, and remember his un∣feigned Endeavours for a Reconcilement, althô they had all been rendred frustrate by his Enemies: That if he should be brought to a Battle the next Day, it would please him of his Great Mercy to grant him the Victory; as his Trust was only in him, and in the Right which he had given him.

Being thus armed with Faith, about Midnight he laid himself upon a Pallet or Mattress to take a little Repose; but he rose again be∣times and heard Mass, with his Son the Young Prince, and received Absolution, and the Body and Blood of his Redeemer, as did the Prince also, and most of the Lords and o∣thers, who were so disposed.

Immediately after Mass was ended, he commanded that all Men should betake them∣selves to their Arms, and march in their appointed Order to the same place in the Field, which had been chosen by the Marshals, and approved by the King the day be∣fore. The Place was on the East-side of the Forest of Cressy, the Town and the Ri∣ver Maye being on their left Hands; and beside this Defence, the King now commen∣ded a Park to be made by the Wood-side in the Reer of his Army, wherein were en∣closed all the Carts and Carriages of the Army, in the Middle whereof were all the Horses; for it was the Kings Resolution (to enflame the Courages of his Men by De∣spair, as well as other Arguments) to fight that day on Foot. This Park had but one Entrance, and that was well defended with Men of Arms and Archers: Then the King divided his Host into three Battalia's. In the First whereof was his Eldest Son, Edward Prince of Wales, now but 15 Years, two Months and 11 Days Old; but yet of Courage and Strength so far beyond his Age, that even then he seem'd nei∣ther unworthy that Place nor that Father: With him were joyned the Lord Thom•• Beauchamp Earl of Warwick, the Lord John Vere Earl of Oxford, the Lord 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Harcourt of Normandy, the Lord Ralph Stafford, the Lord John de la Ware, the Lord Thomas Holland, the Lord Reginald Cobham, the Lord Bartholomew Burwash the El∣der, and his Son, a valiant Knight of the same Name, with the Lord John Mohun, Son in Law to the Lord Bartholomew aforesaid; the Lord Robert Bourchier, the Lord John Chandos, the Lord Thomas Clifford and Sr. Robert Neville, Second Son to the Lord Ralph Neville of Raby, and several Others, Knights and Esquires, to the Number of 800 Men of Arms, 4000 Archers, and b 2.21 6000 valiant Welchmen: But the Earl of Warwick and the Lord John Chandos, had a particular Charge from the King to stand firm that day to his Sons Person, and direct and defend Him by their Counsel and Va∣lour. The second Battalia was Headed by the Lord Richard Fitz-Alan Earl of Arun∣del, and the Lord William Bohun Earl of Northampton, with whom were the Lord John Willoughby the Elder, the Lord William Roos, the Lord Ralph Basset of Sapcote, the Lord Multon, Sr. Lewis Tufton of Toketon, from whence the Honourable Nicolas E••l of Thanet is derived; and many others to the Number of 800 Men of Arms, 2400 Archers, and 4000 strong Bill-Men. The third and last Battalia was Headed by the King himself, who had in his Company John Lord Moubray, Roger Lord Mortim••••, Thomas Lord Dagworth, Sr. Richard Goldesborough, Sr. Richard Damory or Damuer, Sr. Nele Loring, Sr. Hugh Hastings, Sr. John Butterell and Others, to the Number of 700 Men of Arms, 6000 Archers, and 5300 Bill-men; the whole Battalia amounting to 12000 Men; and all Three to 30000 compleat. As for the Names of other Lords and Knights who were present in this Action, I have recovered these, thô here placed out of Order, because no certain Rank is any where assigned; Sr. Peter Gran∣dison Banneret, Robert Lord Morley, the Lord William Felton, the Lord Adam E••••∣ringham, Robert Lord Ferrers, the Lord Hugh Meinill, the Lord Maurice Berk••••, Thomas Lord Furnival, the Lord William Kerdeston, the Lord Michael Poynings, the

Lord Robert Ʋghtred, the Lord Thomas West, the Lord John Engaine Banneret, the Lord John Striveling, the Lord John Montgomery, and Sr. Giles Erdinton of his Retinue, Sr. Fouk c 2.22 Bermingham, Peter Lord Mauley, Sr. William Swinnerton, Sr. Richard e 2.23 Whitacre, Sr. John f 2.24 Murda••, Sr. Gerard g 2.25 Burdel, besides many Others, whose Names it is both difficult to collect, and tedious to recite. Over and above all which, the King to encourage his Men the better to pursue Honour, created this Day no less than h 2.26 50 New Knights, the Chief whereof were Sr. Guy Brian a young Baron, Sr. Robert Mauley Brother to Peter Lord Mauley, Sr. John Ravensholm, Sr. Peter Brewis, Sr. Tho∣mas Lancaster, Sr. Henry d' Engaine, and Sr. John Beauchamp younger Brother to the Earl of Warwick; to which i 2.27 last was committed that Day the Honour of Bearing the Kings Standard. All things being thus order'd, every Lord and Captain under his own Banner and Pennon, and the Ranks duly settled, the Valorous Young King mounted on a lusty White Hobby, and with a white Wand in his Hand, rode between his two Marshals from Rank to Rank, and from one Battalia into another,

exhorting and en∣couraging every Man that Day to defend and maintain his Right and Honour.

And this He did with k 2.28 so cheerfull a Countenance, and with such sweet and obliging Words, that even the most Faint-hearted of the Army were sufficiently assured there∣by. By that time the English were thus prepared, it was Nine a Clock in the Mor∣ning, and then the King commanded them all to take their Refreshment of Meat and Drink; which being done, with small Disturbance they all repaired to their Colours again, and then laid themselves in their Order on the dry and warm Grass, with their Bows and Helmets by their side to be more fresh and vigorous upon the Approach of the Enemy.

II. That l 2.29 same Day King Philip on the other side, rose early in the Morning, and heard Mass at Abbeville, in the Abbey of St. Peter, where he had lodged; and ex∣actly at Sun-rise began to March out of the City against the English, with more than an m 2.30 Hundred Thousand Men. Abbeville is between three and four Leagues from Cressy; whereof when King Philip had passed about two Leagues, some of his Lords said to him;

Sir, it is now High time to set your Battails in good Order, and let your Infantry pass on forward, while You range your Cavalry here.

This Advice the King follow'd; and moreover sent out four Knights of great Experience, viz. the Lord Moyne of Bastelberg in Bohemia, the Lord of Nogheres, the Lord of Beaujeu, and the Lord of Aubigny, to ride forward and discover the Face of the Enemy. These Lords rode so near, that they took notice of much part of their Order, and Behaviour; and yet the English made no offer to hinder them, but lay still, and let them alone, thô they saw their Business, and knew who it was that sent them. So these four Lords return'd to their Master, who presently demanded of them, what tidings? They look'd about upon One another, as being every Man loath to speak; since they had no good News to declare. Then the King Commanded the Lord Moyne of Bastelberg to tell him what discovery they had made, and freely to utter his opinion. Now this Moyne Lord of Bastelberg in Bohemia, was an Ancient Gentleman, a Native of that Country, who in his Youth had been an Esquire to John of Luxemburgh, the Valiant Old King of that Realm; and had behav'd himself in all his Masters Wars, with so much Gallantry, that he gain'd the Reputation of being One of the Bravest and most Expert Knights in the World: Thô now Age had rendred him more fit for Counsel, than Action. This Man thus Answer'd the King;

Sir, since it is your Pleasure, I shall speak under Correction of my Fellows, if they should chance to think otherwise: Sir, We have ridden forth, and at our Leisure view'd the Countenance of Your Enemies; and know for certain, they are ready ranged in three Fair Battalla's, as resolved to wait Your co∣ming; being in all by Estimation little more, or less, than 30000 Men. Sir, as for my part, bateing Your Majesties Displeasure, I would Advise, that for this Day You go no further; for before Your Reer is fully come up, and all Your Forces ranged in good Order of Battle, it will be late. Not to say, that Your Footmen are weary with this long March in their Armour, and their Ranks much disorder'd; whereas the Ene∣my is Fresh and Lusty, and ready to receive You. Thô by to morrow Morning, as their Vigour will be more languid and pall'd, so Your now-tired Troops will then be more Vigorous. And hereby also Your Majesty may with more Deliberation, and greater Exactness both Order Your Men, and view the whole Posture of the Ene∣my; as well, as consider after what Manner to assail them: For doubtless, Sir, they will not flinch from You.

This Counsel the King Commanded to be put in Execution; but the Evil Genius of France would not suffer that Command to take any Effect: Althô the Kings two Marshals rode forth, One to the Front, and the Other toward the Reer, saying to all

the Captains and Ensigns,

Stand and tarry here in this place in the Name of God and St. Dennis.

They that were foremost, stood still according to Command; but the Hindmost would hear nothing of Obedience, or Order, but with Words of great Bravery rode forward, saying,

they would make no stop, till they were as forward as the Foremost.

So that by their pressing on, the First were again forced to March, to make room for them that thus followed; by which means, neither the King, nor his Marshals, could make them stand, till they came in sight of the English. And then the Front recoyled back very disorderly, to the great Wonder of those behind; who thought the First Troops were now engaged with the Enemy: And then they might have had Leisure, and room enough to have gone forward, but they were con∣tent to make an Halt. Yet some went with Courage enough; and many of the Com∣mon Souldiers, of whom all the Ways between Abbeville and Cressy, were full, when they perceived the Enemy was near them, drew their Swords, and cry'd

down with 'um, down with 'um; let us slay them every Mothers Son.

There was no Man present could imagine, or guess at the Reason of all this Disorder that happen'd a∣mong the French; but only for that they were such a great Number, and despis'd the small Power of their Enemies. This account Sr. John Froisard n 2.31 learn'd not only from several English Gentlemen, who were present, and saw all this, but also from certain Knights, belonging to the Lord John of Hainalt, who was all that Day near the Per∣son of King Philip, and proved the Occasion of saving him from being either flain or taken.

III. When the o 2.32 English, who lay still on the ground in three Battalia's saw the Ap∣proach of the Frenchmen, they sprang up lightly from the Earth upon their Feet, and order'd themselves fair and leisurely. In the first Battail, which was govern'd by the Young Prince of Wales, his Chief Assistants being the Earl of Warwick, and the Lord John Chandos, the Archers stood in Manner of an p 2.33 Herse, about 200 in Front, and but 40 in Depth; which is undoubtedly the best q 2.34 way of embattelling Archers; e∣specially, when the Enemy is very numerous, as at this time: For by the Breadth of the Front, the extension of the Enemies Front is matched; and by reason of the Thinness in Flank, the Arrows do more certain Execution, being more likely to reach home. In the bottom of this Fatal Herse stood the Prince of Wales on Foot, among his Men of Arms, in a close square Battail: On whose left Wing were the Earls of Arundel and Northampton, with a strong Brigade of above 7000 Choice Men of Arms, Bill-men and Archers. And on their Left Hand ran a Ditch, new cast up, toward the Town and the River, to prevent being surrounded: Which being like an Half-Moon, with One Horn reach'd the Park, behind the Princes square Battail, and with the O∣ther touch'd the Left-side of their Front, their Right-side being cover'd with the Princes Brigade. And afar off, on the Right-side of the Park, where the Carriages were, stood the Kings firm Battail of 12000 Men, near an Hill, whereon there was a Wind-mill, as a Forlorn, if need should be.

Old John r 2.35 of Luxemburgh, King of Bohemia, who in his Days had been a Great Souldier, and having in his Wars in Italy formerly lost one Eye, was now by reason of his great Age reputed little better than Blind; having heard from the Lord Moyne this account of the good Order of the English Army, reply'd, as a Man of much Experi∣ence; "Then I see, the English are resolv'd to win all, or die.

IV. 'Tis s 2.36 reported, that King Philip, as fully secure of the Victory, and resolving to make an end of the War at One Blow, had by erecting his Banner of Oriflambe, which was the Great and Holy Standard of France; signified thereby, that all the English should be put to the Sword on pain of Death, and none taken to Mercy, ex∣cept the Persons of King Edward, and of his Son the Prince of Wales, only: And that on the other Hand, King Edward understanding of this cruel Determination of his Adversary, caused also his Burning-Dragon to be raised up, which signified as little Mercy to be shew'd to the Frenchmen. And this presents us with a sufficient Rea∣son, for King Edwards standing still all the time of the Battle; for on this account, he may well be supposed to alter his First Resolution of fighting himself; as seeing then, that without a Powerfull Reserve, if Fortune should be adverse, all would be utterly lost. And therefore, now sending his Eldest Son, as his Dearest and most valuable Pledge into the Field, with Good and Expert Captains about him, he himself tarried on the Hill, which he fortified, either thence to relieve his Men, if they should be worsted, or to pursue the Victory, if they succeeded. And this Opinion seems high∣ly probable; if We consider, that this Banner, being by the Frenchmen held sacred, as having come down from Heaven, was originally, only used in Wars, made against the

Infidels; however, afterward it was used against Christians also, till at last it was whol∣ly lost in a Battle against the Flemings, and likewise, that according to the Rigour signified by the Burning-Dragon of England, not one Frenchman was taken Prisoner at this time, thô so many Thousands were slain; which Calamity had happen'd in like Manner to the English, if the loss had fell on their side. This Standard is t 2.37 said to have been of Red Silk; Adorned and beaten with very broad and fair Lillies of Gold; and bordered about with Gold and Vermilion. Thô Villani u 2.38 doth not mention this Ensign to be taken down, or used in these Wars, till the next Year; when King Phi∣lip resolved severely to Revenge his Losses, and Dishonour upon the King of England. However, We rather encline to believe, that at this time King Philip brought with him from St. Dennis, this Hallowed Banner into the Field, as well upon the foremen∣tion'd accounts; as because without this Supposition, 'tis hard to give a Reason, why King Edward should leave his Eldest Son to deal with so numerous an Enemy; and that so many being slain on the French Part, We yet hear not of so much as One taken Prisoner: Except, that this might be the Occasion, which is also Reported, that King Edward seeing, how far the Enemy exceeded him in Number, and fearing his Forces would be too much distracted, if they were allowed to take Prisoners, gave a x 2.39 se∣vere Charge that Morning; that no Man should be taken to Ransom, till the Victory was Compleat.

V. King Philip had divided his Army into y 2.40 Nine Squadrons, which made also three Great Battails, thô the French Lords coming up one after another, there was much changing and confusion among them. The Van was first committed to the King of Bohemia, and Charles Earl of Alencon, King Philips Brother, the One's Sagacity and Experience, being prudently joyn'd with the Others Youth and fiery heat to temper it: With them was the Marquess of Moravia, Charles of Luxemburgh, Son to the King of Bohemia, and afterwards Emperour of Germany; Peter of Clermont Duke of Bourbon, Lewis Earl of Flanders, Ralph Duke of Lorrain, James the only Son of Prince Hum∣bert, Dauphin of Viennois, Henry, firnamed the Liberal, Earl of Vaudemont, Guy Earl of Blois, and others, to the Number of z 2.41 3000 Men of Arms, 6000 Crossbows of Ge∣nona, with other Italians, under the Command of Sr. Carolo Grimaldi, and Sr. Anto∣nio Doria, in all about 20000 Men. But afterwards it was encreased, when John the King of Bohemia advised; a 2.42 that all those Genouese Crossbows, who were under the Leading of Amè Earl of Genoua, should be joyned to the rest of their Countrymen in the Front, as a Match for the English Archers; and so they were in all 15000 Crossbows, and 29000 Men were contained in this First Battail.

The Second Battail was headed by King Philip himself, having with him (thô some deny it) James b 2.43 King of the Baleares, now call'd Majorica and Minorica; but I agree not with those, who say that the Kings of Scotland and Navarre, were here also; for 'tis evident, that King David was now in his own Country, and Charles King of Navarre was at home, being a Minor, and under his Mothers Tuition, as Mezeray well ob∣serves. But there were in this Battalia with King Philip, Prince Albert Elector Pa∣latine of the Empire, Otho Duke of Austria, the Bishop of Liege, John Lord Beaumont of Hainalt, and others, to the Number of six Thousand Men of Arms, and fourty Thou∣sand Foot: And hither was the King of Bohemia removed afterwards, at King Phi∣lips desire.

The Third and Last Battail was Lead by Amè Earl of Savoy, a Valiant and Noble Lord, sirnamed le Vert, who c 2.44 afterwards became the Soveraign of a Knightly Or∣der, called the Snares of Love, which in time was changed to that of the An∣nuntiada; with him were joyn'd the Bishop of Noyon, the Earl of St. Paul, the Earl of Sancerre, and other Noble Gentlemen, to the Number of about 5000 Lances, and 20000 Foot.

VI. And now when this Numerous Army was with much ado order'd in the best manner that might be, by that time they stood in the open field ready embattel'd a∣gainst the Enemies, it was about Three in the Afternoon: King Philip, when first in the Head of his Squadrons he beheld the Face of the English, his d 2.45 Blood changed, and he said aloud to his Marshals,

Make the Genouëse there go on before, and let them begin the Battle in the Name of God and St. Dennis.

Now it is to be remembred as we said before, that in all there were 15000 Crossbows of Genoua, rightly fitted for the War: But they were so weary with going on foot that day 3 long Leagues, ar∣med and with their Bows, that they said to their Constable, how they were not able to do any great Service at that time, for they had then more need of a little Rest than of fresh Labour. But yet they followed their Commanders, and so were removed

to the Front of all the Battails; the mean while their words being told to the Earl of Alencon, he said,

A Man has wonderfull advantage in hiring such a Company of Ras∣cals, who then begin to faint and flinch when there is most need.

At that ver, In∣stant, e 2.46 before the Armies engaged, there fell suddainly a smart Shower of Rain, ac∣companied with loud Thunders, and a short Eclipse of the Sun; before which Storm there flew over the Host an infinite Number of Ravens, and other Birds of Prey cry∣ing and cawing, which the Old King of Bohemia hearing of, said to those about him,

How that was indeed a Prodigy and an evil Token; for it signified many Carcasses would fall.

But immediately the Air began to clear again, and the burning Sun ap∣pearing out of a Cloud at the Englishmen's Backs, darted his Rays full in the French∣men's Faces, and made a spacious f 2.47 Rainbow. At that very time the Genouëse g 2.48 began to approach, giving after their Manner a great Leap and Shouting horribly, to amaze their Enemies, who yet stood still with their Bows ready, and their Arrows nock'd. Then the Genouëse took a second Leap, and shouted as before, but still the Eng∣lish stirred not; lastly, the Genouëse after a third Leap, accompanied with the like Noise, being now within Shot, sent forth all together their Quarrels against the Eng∣lish: But they all fell short, because their Strings had received Wet in the late Rain. Then at last the English Archers, whose Bows were kept cover'd in their Cases during the Shower, stept forward one Pace, and altogether let fly their home-drawn Arrows among the Genouëse, which fell as thick as Hail upon them; wherefore when they felt these stinging Scorpions, and saw them piercing the Heads, Arms and Bodies of their Fellows; and that the English were ready to send an other deadly Flight among them, many of them cast down their Bows, and others cut their Strings and turned their Backs in much Disorder. King Philip seeing them fly thus, cry'd out aloud saying,

Slay these Rascals, for they will hinder us all by their Cowardise.

And then the Lord Charles of Alencon, no less fierce than his Brother, cry'd out like a Desperate Man, h 2.49

Come on my Friends, come on, and let us boldly Charge the English, ma∣king our Way over the bellies of these Genouëse, who do but hinder us.

These Words were followed with Actions agreeable thereto; so that there arose a wonder∣full Confusion between the Horse, contending to go forward, and the Foot who sought to retire; the English Archers at the same time sending their thick Flights of Arrows where the Confusion was greatest. Then the Cry of the Genouëse and others arose unto the Stars, being overrun and trodden down by their own Horse, as well as stung in their backs by the English Archers, who liberally bestow'd whole Clouds of Shot upon them. So that many of the Men of Arms also fell down Horse and Man among the Genouëse, where they were so far from being able to rise again, that they were an oc∣casion to Others of falling over them. And immediately certain i 2.50 Rough Fellows that belonged to the English Army, ran in among them, and with Long Knives cut the Throats of those that lay thus entangled on the ground, whether Earls, Lords, Knights or Esquires; for none that Day were taken to Mercy. The mean while the Earl of Alencon and the Earl of Flanders, the Earl of Blois, the Duke of Lorrain, and James Dauphin of Vienna having at last got clear of the poor Genouëse, coasted wide a∣bout with their Troops, and came, though not without much Loss, on the Right Side of the English Archers, where they fell to Handy-strokes with the Prince's Battail right fiercely.

VII. King Philip saw their Banners, and would willingly have come on to their Assi∣stance, but if he had coasted after their manner, all his Battails had been disorder'd; and he thought it impossible yet to force a way thrô that great Hedge of Archers. So that after much Valour shew'd in vain, the Prince of Wales prevailed against this Battail of the French, and there all their Men of Arms were beaten down to the Ground, and cut in pieces by the obstinate Prowess of the English, and Welchmen with the Prince. Scarce was this done, when three Fresh Squadrons of French and Ger∣mane Gentlemen rushing forward with great fury, forced the Archers Battail to open, and so came full upon the Prince with such Violence, and such a Number of Men of Arms, that the Young Prince was very hard put to it: But then the Archers joyning their Ranks again, and stepping several Paces forward, the Earls of Arundel and Nor∣thampton sent out a strong Brigade of Men of Arms to help the Prince, who falling in at their Reer and on their Flank, the Enemy was almost enclosed; while in the Front the Couragious Prince and his Men laid about them most furiously with Spear and Shield. When first these Men broke thrô the Archers, the Earl of Warwick doubting the worst, and that the whole French Army follow'd them at the Heels, dispatched a Knight away to King Edward, who saw all the manner of the Fight from the Windmill, desiring

him to move forward and succour his Son.

Sir, said the Knight, the Earl of War∣wick, the Earl of Oxford, Sr. John Chandos and Sr. Reginald Cobham are so fiercely fought withall, and so hard put to it by the French, that they are in much danger; wherefore they desire that You would please to set forward to their Aid: For they are now disputing with the main Strength of the Enemy, so that if any more Troops should break through upon them, both They and the Prince your Son would go nigh to miscarry.

Well said the King, is my Son Dead, or Wounded, or Fell'd to the Ground? For I see the French Standards drop, and conclude no otherwise, but that things are yet in good Case.

No Sir, replied the Knight, Thanks be to God, our Prince is yet well, but he begins to want your Assistance.

Go you back said the King, and bid them that sent you, take care to trouble me no further, while my Son is alive: But let him take pains to win his own Spurs, and to deserve the Ho∣nour of Knighthood, which I so lately confer'd upon Him. For I am resolved, by the Grace of God, that the Reputation of this Glorious Day shall fall to his Portion, and to those that are with Him.

This Answer being brought back to the Prince's Captains, they were wonderfully encouraged thereby, being displeased with themselves, that ever they should send so mean a Message to the King. But by this time the three Squadrons were utterly broken, beaten down and slain by the Prince and his brave Companions.

That Morning King Philip had given a lusty black Courser to the Lord John of Hainalt, who appointed his Standard-Bearer Sr. John Fussels to ride thereon: This mettlesome Horse in the Heat of the Battle, at the same time that the Archers were broken, taking the Bridle in his Teeth, carried his Master by force thrô the English Van, between the Prince's Battail, and the Earl of Arundels on the left Hand; and as Sr. John thought to return, he fell Horse and Man into the great Ditch which the English had made, and there had perished, had it not been for his faithfull Esquire, who having followed him thrô the Archers, saw now this Mischance of his Masters, thô he was in no other Danger but what he might receive from his Horse: For the English∣men would never stirr that day out of their Ranks to take any Prisoner whatsoever. Wherefore the Esquire securely alighted and relieved his Master from under the Horse; but they went not back the same way they came, but coasted far about, and so at last came again in safety to the Lord John of Hainalt.

VIII. And now the Prince and his Men being throughly chafed and enflamed with Courage, began to March sorward, the Archers being order'd to fall into a Wing on each Side; and the Earls of Arundel and Northampton joyning the Prince. The French∣men met them with equal Courage, being refreshed with the Thoughts, that now their Deaths should not be sent them at a Distance; but that they might contend hand to hand for the Mastery.

And first the Marquess Charles Elect Emperour, resisted the Prince with great Cou∣rage, but his Banner was beaten to the ground, his Men slain miserably about him, and himself wounded in k 2.51 Three places of his Body; wherefore thô not without much Difficulty, he turned his Horse and rode out of the Field, having cast away his Coat-Armour, that he might not be known. The mean while his Father John King of Bohemia, who was Son to the Noble Emperour, Henry of Luxemburgh, althô he was near blind with Age, when he understood how the Day was like to go, asked of his Captains, what was become of the Lord Charles his Son;

They told him, they knew not, but that they supposed him somewhere in the Heat of Action.

Then the good Old King, resolving by no means to Disgrace his former Victories, and Cancell the Glo∣ry of his Youth by a degenerous Old Age, said unto them,

Gentlemen, you are my Men, my Companions and Friends in this Expedition: I only now desire this last piece of Service from You, that You would bring me forward so near to these English∣men, that I may deal among them One good Stroak with my Sword.

They all said they would obey him to the Death; and lest by any Extremity they should be separa∣ted from him, they all with one Consent tied the Reins of their Horses one to ano∣ther, and so attended their Royal Master into Battle. There this Valiant Old Heroe had his Desire, and came boldly up to the Prince of Wales, and gave more than one, or four or five good Stroaks, and fought couragiously, as also did all his Lords and O∣thers about him; but they engaged themselves so far, that there they were all slain, and the next Day found dead about the Body of their King, and their Horses bridles tied together.

Then were the Arms of that Noble King (being the Ostrich Feathers, with the Motto IGH DIEN, signifying, I SERVE) taken and won l 2.52 by the Prince

of Wales; in whose Memory they have ever since been called the Princes Arms, being also from that time worn by his Successors, Princes of Wales, Eldest Sons to the Kings of England.

With him also fell the Unhappy King of Majorica, named James, by the Hands of that Incomparable Martialist, William Bohun Earl of Northampton; if We may be∣lieve the most m 2.53 Creditable Authors: Thô some say, that he was afterwards slain by his Adversary the King of Aragon, in Battle; and others, that he was by him starved in Prison.

Of the Death of which two Kings n 2.54 One says thus;

On the Feast of St. Ruffus the Battle of Cressy was fought, between the French and English: Hence is that Day still accounted Black, Dismal, and Unlucky; which took away the Lives of two Kings by the Sword of the Enemy.

The Historian was a Man in his Days of great Piety, Learning, and Judgement, and of so High Esteem, that he became Pope of Rome, by the Name of Pius II. And the two Kings, He there means, were this Jo•••• of Bohemia, and James of Majorica; whom also o 2.55 Giovani Villan••, an Italian, who died two Years after this Fight, averres to have fallen in this field: Thô Mezeray p 2.56 denies it.

IX. All q 2.57 this while King Philip of France was not forgetfull to perform the part of a most Resolute and Noble Captain; for at last he entred the hottest of the Battle, with some Choice Troops of his most Valiant Friends and Subjects about him, and be∣ing mingled with the English Men of Arms, he contended so long in his own Person, doing r 2.58 Marvels in Arms, till having one Horse slain under him with Arrows, he was again dismounted, being s 2.59 wounded both in the Neck and Thigh; and had certainly there been slain, or taken Prisoner, but that the Lord John of Hainalt quickly re∣mounted him the Third time, and obliged him to quit the Field, saying,

Sir, 'tis now too late to expect any Recovery: For Gods sake ride away, and don't will∣fully fling Your self into Destruction. What You have lost at this time, may be re∣paired at another, if You do not make the Loss irreparable, by adding Your self to it.

And with these Words, taking the Kings Horse by the Bridle, he lead him out of the Field in a manner by Force. Thus did the Noble Lord of Beaumont in Hainalt, repay to his Brother in Law, King Philip, that Horse, which the King had presented him in the Morning; whereby he Dutifully compelled him to reserve himself to a better Fortune, and to save that Life, which else in Despair he had flung away. And yet, I find, that the Honour of this piece of Service done thus to King Philip, is by t 2.60 o∣thers attributed to Don Juan Hernando d' Heredia, a Native of Aragon, Prior of Ca∣talogna, and Castillian d' Emposta, Knight of the Rhodes, and Thirty Years after, Grent Master of the said Noble Order.

Upon the King of France's Departure, the Royal Standard of France was beaten down to the ground, (the Standard u 2.61 Bearer having been slain before King Philips face) and had, no doubt, at last fell into the Hands of the English; if it had not been for a certain French Knight, who alighting from his Horse immediately, adventur'd his Life to save it; and while the Contention lasted hot about it, having ript it off from the shaft with his Sword, wrapt it in folds about his own Body, and so rode out of the Field. From this time there was little, or no Resistance made, but by the Earl of Flanders, the Earl of Auxerre, the Earl of St. Paul, and some Germans, who notwithstanding were all at last slain, and their Men utterly discomfited.

Before the Fight the Lord Godfry of Harcourt having understood for certain, that the Earl his Brother was in the Field on the French Part, x 2.62 endeavour'd all he could to save him; and for his Sake there were particular Orders given to all the Captains, and Officers to that purpose. But for all this, He also among others fell in the Fury of the Battle, together with his Nephew, the Valiant Young Earl of Aumale, who had mar∣ried a Sister of the Lord Robert of Artois. This was so great a trouble to the Brother∣ly Mind of the Lord Godfry, that as many y 2.63 French Writers say, reflecting afterwards upon this Ruine of his Family, and Desolation of his Country (which thô he had not absolutely intended, yet by his Revolt he gave Countenance thereto) he went at last bare-footed and bare-headed to King Philip, with a Napkin about his Neck, acknow∣ledging his Offence with Tears, and most penitently begging pardon for the same: Which King Philip out of great Compassion is said to have granted, letting fall such Words as these;

That it was not to be attributed to him as a Fault, but rather to the Evil Genius of France, who still made use of some of its own Children to fo∣ment its Miseries.

But however agreeable this Story may seem, I cannot allow it for currant; because hereafter We shall find, that this Lord Godfry did not only from this

time live in a good Correspondence with King Edward, but at last also laid down his Life in his Quarrel.

X. This Battle indured from z 2.64 before Four of the Clock in the Afternoon, till Dark Night, and if We reckon the several snatches, that some French Troops made by fits, till a 2.65 two the next Morning. On the French Part were slain two Kings, John King of Bohemia, and James King of Majorica; Charles Earl of Alenson, King Philips Brother, Guy Earl of Blois, Lewis Earl of Flanders, Ralph Duke of Lorraine, Nephew to the King of France, James Son of Humbert, the Old Dauphine of Vienna, Henry Earl of Vaudemont, Sirnamed the Liberal, the Earl of Harcourt and his Ne∣phew, the Earl of Aumale, the Earl of St. Paul, the Earl of Auxerre, the Earl of Sancerre, and others of the Chief Nobility of France: The Earl of Salemmi a Ger∣man Lord, and the Lord Moyne of Bastelberg, both of the King of Bohemia's Reti∣nue, with seven other Lords of Germany, and Seigniore * 2.66 Carolo Grimaldi, and An∣tonio Doria, of Genoua: Besides all whom there fell 24 Bannerets, 1200 Knights. 1500 Gentlemen, and Men of Arms, and Esquires on Horseback 4000, and of the Commons of France, at least 30000.

On the English Part, I cannot meet with any Particulars, who were slain; except∣ing b 2.67 that Knighton says,

There fell one Esquire before the Fight, and three Knights in Battle, God Almighty preserved all the rest.

And surely, since neither French, nor English, nor any other Writer, are more particular in this Point, and it is most c 2.68 cer∣tain, that not one of the English Nobility fell that Day, it is to be look'd upon, as a Re∣markable Instance of Divine Favour to King Edwards Arms.

XI. One d 2.69 Author only, and He a very late One, presumes on his own Authority to Averre,

that King Edward brought into this Battle Four or Five pieces of Cannon, which did no small Execution; but scatter'd an Infinite Terrour and Confusion among the Frenchmen; for this, says He, was the First time, that ever those thundring Engines were seen in the Wars of Europe.

Of which Deadly Machines, both because they may be menaged by Persons of no Force or Courage, and also cannot be resisted, or eluded by any Natural Power or Conduct, We may justly say, as e 2.70 Archidamus the Son of Agesilaus, said of a certain Engine, brought out of Sicily,

O Hercules, now is the Valour of Man∣kind at an End!

But as my Design is not presently to admit every thing, thô back'd with never so great Authority of Person, if otherwise the Matter it self is void of truth or probabili∣ty: So neither shall I conceal what I have found, as to the Antiquity of this Won∣derfull Invention of Guns; whatever Use the Reader may make thereof against my self: For in such a Case the Love of truth ought to overballance all other Respects. And thô the first Publique Use of Guns, that We read of, hath been generally held to be about the Year of our Lord 1380, as Magius, or 1400, as Ramus, in a Battle be∣twixt the Venetians and Genouese, fought at Clodia-Fossa; in which the Venetians so galled their Enemies, that thô they saw Wounds and Death fly among them, yet they knew not how it came, or how to avoid it; as Witnesseth Platina in the Life of Ʋrban the VI. And thô Laurentius Valla, in a Book, which, as he says himself, he wrote in the Year 1438, affirms, that the f 2.71 Gun grew in Use, not long before his time; yet my g 2.72 Author says, he hath seen the Copy of a Record, that Great Ordnance were brought by the French to the Battery of a Castle or Fort, called Outwick, near Calais, and then in the Possession of the English; whereof One William Weston was Captain, who in the First of Richard the Second, being question'd in Parliament for yielding up the Place, doth in his excuse alledge; that the Enemy brought to the Bat∣tery thereof Nine pieces of Great Cannon, whereby the Walls and Houses of the said Castle were in divers places rent in sunder, and sorely batter'd: And in another place, he calls the said Pieces, most Huge, Grievous, and Admirable Ordnance: And this his Answer h 2.73 Sr. Robert Cotton says, if it was true, as it was not disproved, was very Rea∣sonable. Notwithstanding he was for the same Surrender adjudged to Death, and sent back to the Tower, from whence he came; because without Commission he yielded up the Place, whereas he took upon him the Defence of the same. And this Surrender happen'd in the last Year of King Edward the Third, Predecessor to the said King Richard the Second. And i 2.74 Petrarch, who died above three Years before King Edward the Third, says of these Guns,

This Pestilent Device was lately so rare, that it was look'd on with great Astonishment: Now, as Mens Minds are very apt to learn the Worst, it is as Common, as any other sort of Arms.

Nay, more than so, we are credibly in∣formed, that a Commission is to be seen for making of Salt-Peter in Edward the Thirds time; and another Record of Ordnance used in his Days, some Twenty Years before

his Death. Nay, We can go Higher yet, and refer to that part of the Record of the k 2.75 14 Year of this Kings Reign, six Years before the Battle of Cressy, in which is mention made of Thirty two Tuns of Powder.

And thô We are able to trace the Original of Guns thus High, yet surely it doth not appear, by any other Author except Mezeray, that King Edward brought any such thing into the Field at this Battle: The first time, that Old Writers say he used them, was at the Siege of Calais: where, thô he might be allowed to bring such Machines against Walls, with more Generosity, than Men: Yet We shall shew hereafter, that he on∣ly intended to reduce that Place by Famine, and not to win them by Assault or Bat∣tery. Nor can We find, that during at least the greater part of his Reign, any such Engines on either Part were brought into the Field, or planted against any Castle, or Fortress; which doubtless would have been, had they been well known at that time, in these Parts, or had either of those Princes, been minded to make use of such inhu∣man Executioners. No! Hitherto Men fought like Men; and thô those Devillish En∣gines, I grant, were invented something about, perhaps before this time; yet either for a while they were not known, or at least not made use of. But if these Instruments were so Wonderfull to that Age, how much more Admirable is the later Invention of our Days; of Guns, that are not actuated by Sulpher, or any Combustible Matter, but only by Wind. Of which a late * 2.76 Author says thus,

There is in Basile a Gun∣smith, that maketh Wind-Guns, and he shewed me One, that as it received at once Air for 10 shot, so it had this Peculiar to it, which he pretends for his own Invention, That he can discharge all the Air, which may be parcelled out in 10 shot, at once, to give an home blow.

These are terrible Instruments indeed; and it seems the Interest of Mankind to forbid them quite; since they can be employed to assasine Persons so dex∣trously, that neither Noise, nor Fire, will discover from what Hand the shot cometh: But to return.

XII. King Philip of France retired, as We have shewn, out of the Battle, under favour of the Night: Having not above l 2.77 sixty Persons in his Company, of whom, on∣ly Five were Barons, John Lord of Beaumont in Hainalt, the Lord Charles Monmoren∣cy, the Lord of Beaujeu, the Lord of Aubigny, and the Lord of Monfort l'Amaury; besides the Archbishop of Rheimes, the Bishop of Amiens, and the Chancellor of France's Son, all under the Standard of the Young Prince James, Son of Humbert, Dauphin of Vienna, who was himself slain in the Battle. The French Nation so well at that time allowed of this Flight of King Philips, that as the Roman Senate approved of Teren∣tius Varro, who, escaping from the Battle of Cannae, did not yet despair of the Com∣mon-Wealth, as his Collegue Aemylius had done; by way of Commendation it hath been called to this Day, m 2.78 la Beau Retracte. Thus slightly now attended, this Unhappy Prince, rode out of the Field, till he came to the Castle of Broye on the Authie, about two Leagues Northward from the Place of Battle. The Castle was now shut up, for it was by this time dark, wherefore he called out for the Captain, in haste; who coming to the Walls, demanded, who it was, that expected to be let in there at Dark Night? The King reply'd,

Open your Gates quickly: For I am the Fortune of France.

Perhaps secretly thereby taxing those Flatterers, who had fir∣named him le Bien-Fortunè, or the Fortunate King, which Title he holds to this Day; thô, as Mezeray observes, at this time he was the Ʋnfortunate. The Captain under∣standing by his Voice, that it was the King, made haste, and open'd the Gate, and let down the Bridge, where he was Dutifully received; but not without many sad Cries, and condoling Lamentations of his sorrowfull Subjects, who like poor frighted Children came flocking about the Distressed Father of their Country. The Unhappy Prince could not long endure so pittifull a Spectacle, and perhaps neither did he think himself secure so near the Enemy: Wherefore having drank, and taken some refresh∣ment, he departed thence about Midnight, and by the help of his Guides, which knew the Country, came to Amiens the next Morning; where having tarried a few Days, he went to Paris. But during his stay at Amiens, instead of looking up to the Hand of God, and Humbling himself under his Judgements, the Passionate n 2.79 King began to rail against several of his Captains; but especially he was so Highly incensed at the Lord Gondemar du Fay, that if he could have got him in his Fury, it had cost him his Head; for he said, and believed, "that he did not do his Devoir truly in Defending the Passage at Blanchetteaque, where the English went over the Somme. Nor did the King only say thus, but many of his Council also were of the Mind, that he ought to die, saying, that he was a Traytor, and the Chief Occasion of that Great Loss at Cressy. But then John Lord of Beaumont began wisely to excuse him, and to

qualifie the Kings unjust Displeasure, by putting in these few words only,

How could it lye in Gondemar's Power to Resist the whole Puissance of the King of England; when a Royal Army it self, and all the Flower of the Realm of France could not prevail against him?

This apt saying pacified the Kings Displeasure, and soon after he return'd to Paris to consider of his Weighty Affairs in so sad a juncture.

XIII. All that Saturday, being the Day of Battle, the English never broke their Ranks, for taking of any Prisoners whatsoever; but knowing how Numerous the Ene∣my was, and that there were two or three Fresh Armies near those Parts, they never offer'd to follow the Chace, but stood ready upon their Defence: And if o 2.80 One says True, they had need to do so; for the French rallied upon them several times that Night, thô they were still repulsed with Loss. Certainly this Day King Edward shewed himself a most Accomplish'd Captain, and all the Night too the greater Part of the Ar∣my, especially all the Fresh Men who had not fought, kept the Field, standing to their Arms: But I can no ways believe, that the Frenchmen after so absolute a Discomfi∣ture, the Flight of their King, and the Death of so many of their Prime Leaders, could have the Courage to assault their Enemies: Especially in the Night, when all things are doubtfull even to a Conquerour. Yet indeed the Earl of St. Paul had drawn off several entire Troops, and had done more, if in his last Attempt he had not been slain; and more than Half the French Army escaped away, thô in small scatter'd Parties, that singly were no way formidable, and some whereof by the errour of the Night fell a∣mong the English; where they found no better Usage than they would have done in Battle.

Now p 2.81 Edward the Young Prince of Wales, whom from this time the French began to call Le Neoir, or the q 2.82 Black-Prince, when he heard no more of his Enemies (for it was now so dark he could make no further Discovery) began to repute the Victory his own, and that all the French Host was totally discomfited. Then he gave order for huge Fires to be made, and Links, Torches and Flambeaus to be lighted up all about: At which time the King his Father, being come down from the little Hill, where he had stood with his Helmet on his Head, which never came off, till now, all the time of the Battle, drew near in the Head of all his Men, and ran up to the Young Prince, and embraced him in his Arms, and kissed him and said,

My Fair Son, God Almighty give you Grace to persevere as you have begun: Now are you my Good Son, and have acquitted your self right Nobly, You are well worthy of a large King∣dom:

The Prince reply'd only by humbly enclining himself to the Earth, honouring the King his Father. That Night r 2.83 the whole Army return'd their publique Thanks to God for their good Success, and made no manner of Boasting; for it was the express Command of the King, that none should insult, or make any Brags in Songs or other∣wise, but all humbly to give Thanks to God Almighty: And s 2.84 so the High Mass of the Holy Spirit was solemnly sung, and the Victory acknowledged to the Author thereof. Moreover the next Day for the sake of the Dead, the Pious King * 2.85 caused the Place of Battle to be Consecrated, for the decent Sepulture both of his Enemies and Friends; and that the Wounded, being removed from among the Dead, should be dressed; to the meaner sort of whom he afterward gave Money, and sent them away. That Morning be∣ing a Sunday, t 2.86 there was such a Mist, that a Man could hardly see the breadth of an Acre from him; but however the King of England and his Marshals sent out u 2.87 500 Spears, and 2000 Archers on Horseback to scour the Fields, and to see whether any French∣men were again gather'd together. Now many Inhabitants of Abbeville and St. Re∣quier in Ponthieu, with the Commons of Rouën and Beauvais had early that Morning, (being the Day before joyned together) come into the Field, not knowing of the late Discomfiture. Some say that the English had reared French Colours, which they had taken in the Fight, whereby those Frenchmen being deceived, came up to joyn them as if they had been their Friends. The English immediately made them know their Errour, and set upon them so lustily, that within a little while they put them to Flight, and chased them, and slew in the Ways, and among the Hedges and Bushes more than 7000 Men; nor had one of them escaped if the Day had been clear. They had scarce wip'd their Swords and recover'd their Order, when they had an other Occasion to bestir themselves: For now they met with a more formidable Number of their Enemies, who were conducted by two Noble Leaders, the Archbishop of Rouën and the Grand Prior of France; they also being ignorant of the Overthrow given to their Friends the Day before: For they had heard, how King Philip intended not to fight till the Sunday, and therefore came thither now to his Assistance. Upon these (the Day beginning now to clear) the Englishmen under the Leading of the Earls of

Arundel, x 2.88 Northampton and Suffolk, set with a Courage, which their last acquired Victo∣ry had doubled; and fought so obstinately, that after a Stout Resistance they gain'd a Compleat Conquest, having slain the two Leaders, with 2000 of their best Men upon the Spot, and pursuing the Chace for 3 Leagues together. Beside these two Succes∣ses, they met with several Frenchmen, who had strayed in the Dark night, and not knowing, where the King or any of his Captains were, had lain about in the Fields: But their Respit was not long, for now they were all put to the Sword, as many as were found, and sent to bear them Company, who were slain the Day before: Whereby it was thought, that of the Commons and Footmen of the Cities and Good Towns of France, there fell now four times as many as were slain on the Saturday in the great Battle.

XIV. That same y 2.89 Sunday about Noon, as the King came from Hearing Divine Ser∣vice, the Captains of this Brigade return'd and shew'd the King what they had seen and done, and how they had succeeded; and assured him, that there was no more Ap∣pearance of any Enemy in the Field. Then the King order'd the Lord Reginald Cob∣ham, and Sr. Richard Stafford Brother to the Lord Ralph Stafford, with three Heralds in their Company, to go and search the Field, and view the Number and Quality of the Slain: For in those Days every Great Man wore a Surcoat of his Arms over his Ar∣mour, to distinguish him according to his Quality. These visited in Order the Bodies of all them that were slain, and when they had taken a full and exact Account of every Parcel; certain Men, who were thereto appointed of the King, spoil'd their Bo∣dies, taking their Money and Rings, and what else was most valuable, but with so much Decency, that they left their Apparel on to cover their Nakedness: All which Booty the King caused to be distributed among his Souldiers by equal Portions. These Lords with the Heralds returned from visiting the Dead, and brought along with them all the Spoil of the Field just as the King was going to Supper; and after Supper they reported to the King a just Account of what they had found, namely, that there lay Dead in the Field 11 Great Princes, 80 Bannerets, 1200 Knights, and more than 30000 of the Common Souldiers. The Contemplation of this Success made a z 2.90 pious Historian of those Days break out after this manner,

O Holy, Holy, Holy Lord God of Hosts, how great is thy Power in Heaven and Earth and especially in Battles? Since sometimes, nay very often, he brings to pass, that a small People and Power doth vanquish Mighty Armies; thereby to set forth his own Power, and to pull down the Proud and Arrogant, and to punish the Sins of Kings, Lords and People. And parti∣cularly in this Discomfiture he shew'd his Power evidently, for there were Thrice as many Frenchmen as English: But yet this was not, says he, without just Cause, that such Mischief should happen to the King of France. Since among his other Offences, that we may not instance in the Wrong done to the King of England, and other his Lords, in Usurping their Inheritance and Lordships; but Ten years before, being sworn to Pope John to undertake the Croisade, and promising within two Years to go be∣yond the Seas and to regain the Holy Land, he took the Tenths and Subsidies of all his Realm; and yet made War against Christian Princes unjustly: On occasion whereof, there died and were taken Prisoners by the Saracens beyond the Seas, of Armenians and other Christians above an 100000, who in Confidence of his Assistance, had be∣gun the War against the Saracens in Syria.

Thus far Giovanni Villani.

XV. The King of England kept the Field all Sunday-Night also, and on the M••n∣day Morning he prepared to March thence; but a 2.91 first by Proclamation granted a Truce to all the Towns thereabouts for Three Days, that so the Country People might be encouraged to come forth and search the Fields of Cressy, and to bury their Dead. But as for the Bodies of the Kings and Great Princes, he caused them to be taken up decently, and conveyed along with him in solemn Pomp to Monstrevil, were they were all de∣posited in Holy Ground in the Great Abby: The King b 2.92 Himself and his Chief Lords wearing Blacks at their Funerals, especially for the Sake of John the Famous Old King of Bohemia, whose Death he took heavily, and prosecuted with Lamentations: After which he sent his Body with much Honour to the Marquess his Son, then at the Abby of Riscampo, whence afterwards it was honourably conveyed to Luxemburgh by his Son aforesaid.

While the King lay thus at Monstrevil, his Marshals made an Excursion towards Hes∣din, and burnt Campagne and Beauraine; but they let the Castle alone, because it re∣quired some time to win it, and that Night they lodged by the River of Canche near Hesdin towards Blangy.

The next Day the whole Army began to March forward c 2.93 towards Boulogne, and by

the way took St. Josse, the Town of Estaples, Neufchastel, St. Estienne, and burnt and wasted all the Country for about 8 Leagues; as also they did to the Suburbs of Boulogne. After this the King, with the Prince his Son, went and encamped by Wissan, on the Sea-side, about 3 Leagues from Calais: And having tarried here one Day to refresh his Army, on the d 2.94 Thursday being the last of August (others say the e 2.95 7 of September) he came and lay down before the strong Town of Calais; which had been of old a great Nuisance both to Him and his Kingdom.

CHAPTER the FOURTH.

The CONTENTS.

I. The Description, Scituation and Strength of Calais: Which King Edward blocks up by Sea and Land: The strength of his Navy. II. The Calisians not yielding upon his Summons he lays a formal Siege; the Plenty of Provision continually in his Camp. III. The Earl of Warwick takes Terouenne; the Flemings at the same time besiege St. O∣mers. IV. The Captain of Calais thrusts out 1700 poor and impotent People, whom King Edward in pity relieves. V. The Copies of two Letters written by one of the King of England's Chaplains, and containing the Summ of all this Expedition from the Winning of Caen to the Siege of Calais. VI. Iohn Duke of Normandy makes another Attempt upon Aiguillon, but to his Loss. VII. King Philip sends his perem∣ptory Command to his Son to rise from before Aiguillon, and also urges the King of Scotland to invade England on that Side, so to divert King Edward from the Siege of Calais. VIII. The true Manner of the Duke of Normandy's Leaving the Siege of Aiguillon. IX. He is cut off at the Reer by the Lord Walter Manny, who agrees with a Prisoner of Quality to let him go free, so that he will procure him a safe Conduct to ride thrô France to Calais with 20 Men only. X. The Prisoner brings him the Duke of Normandy's Conduct, and is himself acquitted: Sr. Walter Manny riding in Confidence thereof towards Calais, is by King Philips Order secured: But the Duke of Normandy changes his Fathers Bloody Intentions against him, and saves his Life, &c. XI. The Earl of Lancaster upon the Duke of Normandy's Departure takes the Field, and wins Towns and Castles at his Pleasure in Xaintogne, Rochellois and Poi∣ctou. XII. An Instance of the Princely Munificence of the Earl of Lancaster. XIII. He wins the City of Poictiers, and leaving it desolate, returns by St. Jean D'Angely to Bourdeaux. XIV. An Army of Poictevins utterly discomfited by the English Garrison of Lusignan.

I. THE City a 2.96 of Calais, thô of no considerable Extent, is a famous Mar∣ket-Town, Rich, and strongly Fortified, being scituate on the Marches of Artois five Leagues Northward of Boulogne, and three Westward of Gra∣velines; and but little more than fourteen from the nearest Coast of Eng∣land or Dover Castle, which it directly confronts: And the Sea between is by the Eng∣lish called the Strait of Calais, and by the French, La Manche. It is furnished with a strong Castle and a spacious Haven, where a considerable Navy may take safe Harbour; and is also enclosed about with a Double Wall and a Double Ditch, besides that on the West-side from Risban to Cologne; it is fenced with b 2.97 an Arm of the Sea in a Semicir∣cular manner. This Town and Castle are reported to have been first built by Julius Caesar the Famous Roman Emperour, after he had brought all France to do Homage to his Eagles: As he is also said to have built the Castle of Chepstow in Monmouth∣shire in Venodocia or South-Wales; and that of Dover in Kent, when he was about the Conquest of Brittain, now called England.

Wherefore thô it was of incredible Strength, as well for its advantagious Scituation, as those wonderfull Accessions of Art, which made it almost Impregnable by any hu∣man Power; yet because it was a most convenient Landing-place for any out of England to set Footing in France, and had also by its Piracies, exercised on the English Seas, done many great Displeasures to King Edward and his People, he resolved to lay Siege unto the Place, knowing that having already given such a Blow to France, if he could

not be able to reduce them by Force, he might yet overcome them by Famine, which enters thrô the strongest Fortifications.

All along as the King marched hither by Land, his Fleet being return'd out of Eng∣land, took the same way by Sea, under the Command of William Clinton Earl of Hun∣tington, and then Lord High c 2.98 Admiral of England, together with the Lord John Mongo∣mery Vice-Admiral, which Two at the very Instant of King Edward's Investing the Town of Calais by Land, came and block'd it up also by Sea, with a Mighty Navy, consisting in all of d 2.99 738 Ships, wherein were no less than 14956 Mariners, together wich Souldiers, and Provisions of all sorts accordingly.

II. Now the e 2.100 King knew, that the strength of the Place, and the Courage of the Garrison, were likely enough to give him some trouble; but considering the Opportu∣nities he had, while he lay here, of receiving Assistance either from England or Flan∣ders, he resolved to starve them, if they would not otherwise accept his Mercy. First therefore by his Herald he Summons the Captain to yield up unto him, as Right∣full King of France, that his Castle and Town of Calais; otherwise, that he would put them all to the Sword for their Obstinacy. The Captain Answer'd,

He knew but One King of France, who had sent him thither to keep the Place for his behoof; and him only was he resolved to obey, being ready either to live or die in his Ser∣vice:

Thô upon Occasion he doubted not, but to have sufficient Assistance from him. Upon this peremptory Answer of the Captain, King Edward began to entrench him∣self strongly about the City, setting his own Tent directly against the Chief Gates, at which he intended to enter, then he placed Bastions between the Town and the Ri∣ver, and set out Regular Streets, and reared up decent Buildings of strong Timber be∣tween the Trenches, which he cover'd with Thatch, Reed, Broom, and Skins: Thus he encompassed the whole Town of Calais, from Ruban on the Northwest side to Cour∣gaine, on the Northeast, all along by Sangate, at Port and Fort de Nieulay, com∣monly by the English call'd Newland-Bridge, down by Hammes, Cologne and Marke: So that his Camp look'd like a spacious City, and was usually by Strangers, that came thither to Market, called New-Calais. For this Prince's Reputation for Justice was so Great, that to his Markets (which he held in his Camp twice every Week, viz. on Tuesdays and Saturdays, for Flesh, Fish, Bread, Wine, and Ale, with Cloth and all o∣ther Necessaries) there came not only his Friends and Allies from England, Flanders, and Aquitain; but even many of King Philips Subjects and Confederates convey'd thi∣ther their Cattle, and other Commodities to be sold. Besides which, the Maishals of the Host would scour the Country daily, and rode often toward Guisnes and Terouenne, and to the Gates of Ardres and St. Omers, and sometimes to Boulogne, and mightily refreshed the Army with Prey, which they brought thither in great a∣bundance.

III. One time especially, the f 2.101 Earl of Warwick went forth with a Detachment of Men of Arms, as far as Terouenne, where he heard a Great Fair was then kept: Here they sound the Bishop of Terouenne with 10000 Souldiers, ready to Defend the Fair; but this strength was not sufficient, for they were all Worsted by the English, the Bishop himself being grievously Wounded, and hardly escaping with Life; all the Merchandise and Riches of the Fair taken and carried away in Carts, and upon Horses to the Camp before Calais, to the Infinite Loss of the French, and the Comfort and Satisfaction of their Enemies. But as to this Action, g 2.102 another Reports, that the Bishop himself, not daring to expect the English, fled away to St. Omers, leaving the Defence of Terouenne to a Valiant Captain, Sr. Arnold D'Andreghan; who is said to have made a good Resistance thô in vain: For the English enter'd the Place by fine Force, slew all his Souldiers, and took him Prisoner: And having Sacked the City, set it on Fire. But as for my part, I rather encline to believe the first Account; because We shall find the Lord Arnold D'Andreghan to be now in Calais; and the Bishop could not come with any hope of Protection to St. Omers; for that was the same time a∣ctually Besieged by King Edwards Friends and Allies of Flanders, Brabant, and Hai∣nalt, who h 2.103 seeing the Great Fortune of the King of England, not only sent i 2.104 38 Vessels well Mann'd to encrease his Fleet before Calais, but also raised an Army by Land, werewith they laid Siege to St. Omers, and other Places; as We shall shew hereafter. And these Flemings, k 2.105 when they understood, what the English had done at Terouenne, sent out a Party of their own thither, who began a new Spoil and Slaughter, of those Persons and things, which had escaped the English: Particularly, they fired the Canons Houses, and other Religious Places, which in Devotion the Earl of Warwick had spared.

IV. Now there was at this time Captain of Calais, a Renowned Knight of Burgun∣dy, named l 2.106 John de Vienne, afterwards Marshal of France, and with him the Valiant Lord Arnold D'Andreghan, Sr. John Surrey, Sr. Barton Belborne, Sr. Godfry de Lament, Sr. Pepin de Vermand, and divers other Knights and Esquires, were there in Garrison; all Brave and Resolute Men, full of Courage and Loyalty to the King their Master. When Sr. John de Vienne perceived, that King Edward intended to lye long there, he thought to rid the Town of as many useless Mouths as he could; and so on a Wed∣nesday, being the 13 of September, he forced out of the Town more than 1700 of the poorest, and least necessary People, Old Men, Women, and Children, and shut the Gates upon them: Who being demanded, wherefore they came out of the Town, Answer'd with great Lamentation; that it was, because they had nothing to live on. Then King Edward, who was so fierce in Battle, shew'd a truly Royal Disposition, by considering the sad Condition of these Forlorn Wretches: For he not only would not force them back again into the Town whereby they might help to consume the Victuals, but he gave them all a Dinner, and two-pence a piece, and leave to pass thrô the Army without the least Molestation: Whereby he so wrought upon the hearts of these poor Creatures, that many of them prayed to God for his Prosperity.

V. Of all this Years Expedition, from the time that King Edward wan the City of Caen in Normandy, even to this time; One of the Kings Chaplains, who was present and attended him all along, wrote two Letters; which for their Authori∣ty, and further Confirmation of what We have said, We here think good to subjoyn.

The First Letter of Michael Northborough, a Dominican Fryer, and Chap∣lain, and Confessor to King Edward the Third.

m 3.1 Benedicere Debemus Deum Caeli, &c. We have great Cause to Bless and Magnifie the God of Heaven, and Worthily to Confess his Holy Name; who hath so wrought his Mercies for Us. After the Conflict at Caen, where many were put to the Sword, and the City taken, and sack'd even to the bare Walls; the City of Bayenx immediately yielded of its own accord; fearing least their Councils had been discover'd. Thence our Lord, the King, directed his Progress towards Rouen; and being at the City of Lis••eux, there came unto him from the Pope, two Cardinals, to perswade him to admit of Peace. These Cardinals being Graciously Received by the King, had this Answer: How the King being very desirous of Peace, had used all Reasonable Ways and Methods to cultivate it, and therefore had made many Fair Overtures and Conditions, to the no small Prejudice of his own Cause: And even yet was ready to admit of any Reasonable Offer, if it might be secured unto him. With this Answer the Cardinals being dismiss'd, went to the French King, the Kings Ad∣versary, to Treat and Sound him in like Manner; and upon their Return to King Edward, offer'd unto him in the French Kings Name, the whole Dukedom of Aquitaine; in as Ample Manner, and as Full Assurance, as everthe King his Father had it before him: Besides further hopes of Obtaining more, if a Trea∣ty of Peace might take Place. But forasmuch, as that could not satisfie the Kings Mind, and the Cardinals had not found the French King so tractable and inclin'd to the study of Peace, as they expected, they return'd [to Avignon] leaving the Matter, as they found it. And so the King Marching forward in his intended journey, subdued all the Country, and the great Towns, without any Resistance of the Inhabitants; who all fled and ran away before us; God Almighty strack such a terrour into them, as if they had lost their hearts: So that in this Expedition, as the King had taken many Towns and Vil∣lages, he also subdued several strong Castles, and fortify'd Places, with little Labour. His Enemy being then at Rouën, had Raised a Mighty Army; yet notwithstanding his Forces were so Numerous, he still kept on the other side of the River Seyne, break∣ing down all the Bridges, that We might not come over to him. And thô the Coun∣try was continually harassed, spoiled, sacked, and consumed with fire, for more than 20 Miles in circuit, yet the French King, thô sometimes distant scarce a Mile from us, either would not, or else durst not (for he might have easily passed over the River) make any Resistance for the Defence of his Country and People. And so our King proceeding for∣ward came to Poissy, where the French King had likewise broken down the Bridge; and keeping on the other side; would rest in no certain Place.

Dat. apud Pusiacum Festo Assumptionis B. Mariae Virginis, &c.

The other Letter of the said Michael Northborough begins where this ends, and proceeds even to the Siege of Calais, in this manner. n 3.2

Salutations premised, we give you to understand, that our Sovereign Lord the King

came to the Town of Poissy on the Vigil of the Assumption of our Lady, where was a certain Bridge over the Water of Seyne broken down by the Enemy: But the King tarried there so long, till the Bridge was made again. And whilst the Bridge was in Repairing, there came thither a great Number of Men of Arms and other Souldiers to hinder the same. But the Earl of Northampton went out against them, and slew of them more than a Thousand; the rest fled away, Thanks be to God. And at another time our Men passed the Water (althô with much Difficulty) and slew a great Number of the Common Souldiers of France, about the City of Paris, and Country adjoyning, being part of the French Kings Army, well and throughly appointed: So that our People had soon made other good Bridges in spight of our Enemies (God be thanked) without any great Loss or Dammage on our Part. On the Morrow after the Assumption of our Lady, the King passed the Water of Seyne, and marched toward Pont-Oyse, which is a Town of great Defence, and strongly im∣mured, being also furnished with a marvellous strong Castle, which our Enemies kept: And when our Van-guard was passed the Town, the Reer made an Assault thereto, and took the same, where more than 300 Men of Arms on the Enemies Part were slain. And the next Day following, the Earl of Suffolk, and Sr. Hugh Spencer march∣ed forth against the Commons of the Country, who were assembled together and well-armed; and in fine, slew of them more than o 4.1 1200, and besides others took 60 Gentlemen Prisoners. After that the King marched toward Grandvillers, and while he was there encamped, his Van-guard was descried by the King of Bohemia's Men of Arms: Whereupon certain of our Men issued forth in great haste, and be∣gan to joyn Battle with them, but were enforced to retire; notwithstanding (thanks be to God) the Earl of Northampton issued out, and rescued the Horsemen with o∣ther Souldiers, so that few or none of them were either taken or slain, saving only Thomas Talbot, but had again the Enemy in Chace, till within two Leagues of Ami∣ens; of whom we took 8 and slew 12 of their best Men of Arms, the rest being well horsed got to the Town of Amiens. After this the King of England marched towards Ponthieu upon the p 4.2 Feast of St. Bartholomew, and came unto the Water of Somme, where the French had posted 500 Men of Arms, and 3000 Footmen, with design to keep and defend that Passage against us; but Thanks be to God, the next Morning the King of England and his Host entred the same Water of Somme, where never Man passed before, without the loss of any of our Men: And after that encounter'd with the Enemy, and slew of them more than 2000, the rest fled toward Abbeville; but in the Chace many Knights, Esquires, and Men of Arms were taken. The same Day Sr. Hugh Spencer took the Town of Crotoy, where He and his Men slew 400 Men of Arms, and kept the Town, wherein they found good store of Provision. That same Night the King of England encamped in the Forest of Cressy, bordering upon the same Water: For that the French Kings. Host came on the other side of the Town near unto our Passage, but declining to take the Water of us, he marched back to Abbeville. And upon the Saturday the King being still encamped in the said Forest, our Van-currours descried the French King, who marched toward us in Four Great Battails: And having by this means, as it pleased God, understanding of our Ene∣mies a little before Even-song, We set our Battails in Array, and presently the Fight began, which was sore and cruel, and endured long: For our Enemies behaved them∣selves right Nobly. But Thanks be to God the Victory fell on our Side, and the King our Adversary was discomfited, with all his Host and put to Flight. Where al∣so was slain the King of Bohemia, the Duke of Lorrain, the Earl of Alenson, the Earl of Flanders, the Earl of Blois, the Earl of Harcourt with his two Sons, the Earl of Aumale, the Earl of Nevers and his Brother, the Lord of Thonon, the Archbi∣shop of Nismes, the Archbishop of Sennes, the Grand Prior of France, the Lord of Marle, the Lord of Guise, the Lord of St. Venant, the Lord of Rosemburgh, with six Earls of Almain, and divers other Earls, Barons, Knights and Esquires, whose Names are unknown: But Philip of Valois himself with another Marquess, who was called Lord Elector of the Romans, escaped from the Battle. The Number of the Men of Arms which were found dead in the Field, besides the Common Souldiers and Foot∣men, came to 1542: And all that Night the King with his Host abode armed in the Field where the Battle was fought. On the next Morning before the Sun-rise, there marched towards us another huge Host of Frenchmen, mighty and strong: But the Earl of Northampton and the Earl of q 4.3 Suffolk went out against them in three Bat∣talions, and after a long and terrible Fight discomfited them likewise, by Gods great Help and Grace (for otherwise it could not have been done) where they took of Knights

and Esquires a good Number, and slew above 2000, following the Chace three Leagues from the place where the Battle was fought. The same Night also the King encamped still in the Forest of Cressy, and on the Morrow marched towards Bou∣logne, and by the way took the Town of Estaples, and from thence he marched to∣ward Calais, where he intendeth to plant his Siege and lay Battery to the same.

Wherefore our Sovereign Lord the King, willeth and commandeth you in all that ever you may, to send unto the said Siege Victuals convenient: For from the time of our departing from Caen, we have travelled thrô the Country in great peril and hazard of our People, but yet always had Plenty of Victuals; Thanks be to God for it. But now as the Case stands, we partly stand in need of your Help to be refreshed with Victu∣als: Thus fare you well.

Dated at the Siege before the Town of Calais 14 day of September.

VI. And now for a while we shall leave King Edward at the Siege of Calais, and look what became of the Siege of Aiguillon in Agenois, the News whereof had lately incited the King of England to make this Expedition. All this while r 4.4 the Duke of Normandy lay before the strong Castle of Aiguillon, not now so much in hopes to win the Place (for, not only the English held out still with their usual Bravery; but he also himself was held short by the Earl of Darby) as because he had rashly made a solemn Vow never to depart thence till he had the Fortress at his Devotion. Now a few Days before the Battle of Cressy was fought, Duke John hearing, that King Ed∣ward was marching through France, resolved to give one more general Assault, if by any means he might by Carrying the Place, both save his Oath, and also be at liberty to go and assist his Father. It was then about the middle of August, and the French∣men being irritated with their long stay here, became more resolved to do their Ut∣most, in order to end so tedious a Siege with Honour: Nor were encouragements wanting from the Duke, nor provocations from the Enemy. But for all that, althô in a manner the whole Army was engaged in a general Assault, carried on with the utmost vigour for the space of an whole Day, yet all was in vain, and their Losses were doubled, but their Advantages no whit better'd. Among many others, there fell that day the young Lord Philip of Burgundy (Eldest Son to Eudo the IV. Duke of Burgun∣dy) who was Earl of Artois and Boulogne, and Cousin-German to the Duke of Nor∣mandy. This Gallant Gentleman was in the Flower of his Youth, and but newly come thither: But being desirous at this time to signalize himself, when the Skirmish was be∣gun, he set Spurs to his Courser, and came onward to the Assault. But the mettlesome Horse taking the Curb between his Teeth, ran away with his Master, and chanced to stumble in a Ditch, where they fell both Horse and Man: The young Lord being so rudely handled, that he died within a few days after, leaving behind him s 4.5 one Infant Son and a Daughter.

VII. Now King Philip was returned to Paris, where he busied himself in Thoughts nothing unworthy the Grandeur of such a Monarch; nor did all this Adversity abate his Courage, or extort one Low thought from him: He resolves to try all means to up∣hold his Sinking Honour, and take a severe Vengeance of his Enemies for the Loss he had received. First therefore he sends a peremptory Command to his Son John, who lay still before Aiguillon with a very considerable Army, immediately to rise up; and all Excuses laid aside, to come away to aid his Country nearer Home against the Enemy, who had already drank deep draughts of her best Blood, and now lay gnawing at her very Bowels. At the same time he seriously bestirs himself to raise another Mighty Ar∣my, wherewith he design'd to go and drive away King Edward from before Calais: Which he intended to succour in Person very early the next Campagne. And besides this, in hopes to divert the War from his own Doors into England, or at least to repay the Losses of France with the like in England; he presently after the Battle of Cressy, sent his special Messengers to his Old Friend and Ally, David Bruce King of Scotland,

Not only desiring him earnestly to remember former Obligations, and their late strict Alliance, but encouraging him at such a time, t 4.6 when all the strength of England was drain'd out in the parts of Gascogne, Bretagne, and before Calais; to invade the Northern Borders of his and their Inveterate Enemys the English, and to revenge the manifold Injuries they had Both received; earnestly requesting him not so much to stand upon a slight Truce, which King Edward had only made for his own Advan∣tage, as to value and respect those sacred Tyes of mutual Amity and Entercourses, that have been not only for many Generations inviolably maintain'd between both their Ancestors; but also in especial manner had been cultivated and confirmed be∣tween them two.

And besides all these Arguments, he sent him a good round Summ

of Mony, and 15000 Crossbows of Genoua to his Assistance, thô not as some say, un∣der the Command of Antonio Doria and Carolo Grimaldi, for they were both slain in Cressy-Field, as we have shewn from the Testimony of Giovanni Villani, who was him∣self an Italian. And truly it might be wondred, that any of the Genouese should now care to serve King Philip any more after that great Affront at Cressy; but that it is to be remembred, how these People were in those Days Mercenaries to the Crown of France, as of late the Swissers have been; and so might well be now appeased with gracious Words, especially attended with Gold, which always bears a Great Sway not only among Souldiers of Fortune, but also with the major Part of Man∣kind.

The Effects of this Message we shall shew by and by, when we have first related how the Siege was broken up from before Aiguillon.

VIII. And as for John Duke of Normandy, when he had received his Fathers perem∣tory Command, he became infinitely displeas'd, as well at the unhappy News of King Edwards Victorious Progress, as because he saw his own Honour so apparently touched, in that he had received such Opposition before so inconsiderable a Fortress. Indeed he had met with many Checks and Rebuffs during this Siege, not only from the Besie∣ged themselves, who maintain'd the Place with invincible Courage, as we have parti∣cularly shew'd; but also from the most Noble Earl of Darby, who held him so short with his flying Troops, that scoured about the Country for that purpose, having cer∣tain strong Garrisons for their Retreat, that he could never get in Provisions fast enough to supply the wants of his Army; and what he got was not many times without great Labour, thô fetch'd in by Considerable Bodies. Wherefore that he suffer'd some Difficulty is very easily granted, but that he was thereby obliged secretly to forsake his Army, and escape away by stealth, I cannot by any means allow, thô u 4.7 some of our Writers have too heedlesly ventur'd to say as much: And that his Headless Army thereupon flying away after him in much Confusion, they were between the People of the Country and the Earl of Darby, almost all reduced to nothing.

I have all along professed to have a zeal for Truth, and must not therefore here allow of those improbable Relations of some of our Countrymen: For it is certain, that Prince John was a Man of truly Royal Courage and Magnanimity; and the Army he lead very formidable for the Fame of its Captains and Officers, as well as its own Numbers. And we are sure, not only that the Earl of Darby was unable to keep the Field against him; but that King Edward, who also well knew as much, chiefly at first undertook this Expedition, as was generally reputed, with a design to raise that Siege: Thô as we have shewn he was diverted into Normandy, as well by the Necessity of the Weather, as afterwards by New-Counsels. And also we shall presently see this Duke in the Head of a considerable Army, watching King Edwards Motions, which could not have been, had he so unworthily deserted these Forces and betray'd them to Ruine. Wherefore we shall embrace the more probable Account, which x 4.8 Froisard gives in this manner: That when Duke John received this express Command from his Father, that he should forthwith break up his Siege from before Aiguillon, and with all Expedition return into France, to defend his Heritage against the English, he call'd his Chief Lords and Captains about him to a Council of War, to know what Course he had best to take in that Juncture: For as he said, he had solemnly sworn, never to de∣part thence till he had won the Castle. The Lords all agreed with one Consent,

That since his Father commanded him, he must obey, notwithstanding his Oath, which must be implied but Conditional, since being both a Son and a Subject, he was not therein at his own Dispose: For his Duty to his King and Father had laid a greater and more early Obligation upon him.

IX. According to this Advice, the next Morning early he prepared to March back with his Host toward Paris, having y 4.9 sent unto the Pope to Avignon, requesting to be absolved of his Oath, which he had made not to part thence, till he had the Castle; whereupon he receiv'd the Popes Absolution. It is said by z 4.10 some, that Ralph Lord Stafford was at this time Captain of Aiguillon; but it appears, that althô indeed, upon the Death of Oliver Lord Ingham, he was by the King made Seneschal of Gascogne, yet early this Year he Resign'd that Office into the Kings Hands, and was actually in the Battle of Cressy, as We have declared; which Battle preceded the raising of this Siege: As appears by the Confession even of those, a 4.11 who otherwise say the Contra∣ry, though imprudently; for yet they allow the Battle of Cressy to have been fought on the 26 of August, and acknowledge this Siege was not raised, till the Feast of the Decollation of St. John Baptist, which is known to be not till the 29 of August; al∣thô

for want of comparing they make the latter to be before the former. And then with what Forces could this Lord Stafford pretend to go above an 100 Miles thrô France, to meet with the King at Cressy, unless he left Aiguillon void? We shall therefore leave these Idle Tales, and go to a more probable and better attested Narra∣tion. The Earl of Pembroke, and the Lord Walter Manny were with some other afore∣mention'd Chief Captains of Aiguillon: Who when they saw the Departure of the Duke of Normandy (for he had b 4.12 fired his Tents to the great Damage of those that were Infirm, and the Loss of their Necessaries) resolved to give him a brisk Farewell. And so the Lord c 4.13 Walter Manny issued out with his Banner before him, and dashed in among the hindmost of the French, and fell upon them with such Vigour, that he slew one with another 600 of them; and took about 60 Prisoners, whom he brought back with him into the Fortress. Of these Prisoners, upon enquiry, he under∣stood, how the King of England, his Master, had made an Expedition into France, and had won a notable Victory in the Fields of Cressy, and was intended to lay his Siege before Calais.

Hereupon f 4.14 Sr. Walter Manny some days after fell into Communication with one of the Chief of all his Prisoners, who was a Noble Knight of Normandy, and both ve∣ry Dear, and also nearly Allied to Duke John; demanding of him, how much Money he was content to pay for his Ransom. The Knight reply'd,

He would very wil∣lingly give him 3000 Crowns.

Well, said the Lord Manny, I am fully enformed, that You are of Kin to the Duke of Normandy, and very High in his Favour; of that I am sure. And if I would press upon You, I am certain, You could pay me 10000 Crowns: But I shall deal otherwise with You, and only rely upon your Faith and Promise. You shall go to the Duke your Lord, and endeavour to obtain of him a Safe-Conduct for me, and 20 more of my Company to ride thrô France to Calais, We paying courteously for all our Expences, and lying but One Night in a place, till We come thither; and not offering the least Wrong or Violence to any soul whatsoever. And if You can get this Grant of the Duke, or of the King, his Father, I shall clearly quit You your Ransom with many Thanks: For I am very desirous to see the King, my Master. But if You cannot procure thus much for me, You shall return hither again within a Moneth, and yield your Body up, as my Prisoner.

X. To all this the Knight agreed, and gave his Promise to keep the Bargain truly and honestly, and so went to Paris; where having found the Duke of Normandy, he Obtained of him a Pass-port and Safe-Conduct for Sr. Walter Manny, and only 20 Horsemen beside, and therewithall returning punctually to Aiguillon, upon deli∣very of the said Conduct, he was freely acquitted of his Ransom and Impri∣sonment.

Then the Lord Walter Manny, made sufficient Provision for his journey, and ha∣ving took leave of the Earl of Pembroke, and the other English Lords and Captains, left the Fortress with 20 Gallant Fellows in his Company, all well Mounted, and rode thrô Auvergne, and when he came to any City or Town, he produced his Letters, and so was let pass unmolested. But being come to Orleans, for all his Letters, he was arrested, together with all his Company, and hurried away to Paris; where by the Kings Order they were Imprison'd in the Chastelet, or Chief Prison. The Duke of Normandy, having got notice hereof, went immediately to the King, his Father, and told him, how Sr. Walter Manny had his Safe-Conduct; wherefore he earnestly desi∣red him to deliver him;

Sir, said he, for Gods-sake, blemish not Your Royal Ho∣nour by such an Unjust and Unprincely Action. I was furnished with full Power from Your own Commission, to grant a Safe-Conduct, or to Treat with any of Your Enemies, in what Manner I should think fit. Neither did I make this Grant, which yet is of small consideration, to an Enemy, but for the sake of a Loyal and Valiant Subject, who was redeem'd from Prison thereby. Nor could he have been reduced into Your Power by the Force of Your Arms (for that was try'd in vain) but by the Faith he reposed in Your Princely Honour; which all Kings should take the utmost Care to keep inviolate. My Lord and Father, let it not be said, that the Heir of France, after a Fruitless Siege of many Months, was fain to falsifie his Word, confirmed with his, nay with Your, Royal Seal, to trepan a Generous Enemy into an Ignoble Death: For thô all this proceeded of Your Majesties Pleasure alone, yet there is no Man, but will believe, that it was I, who betray'd him; and so they justly may, unless they shall see him set free again by my Endeavours.

Set Free again (reply'd the incensed Prince) let me see, who dare pretend to dispose of my

Prisoners, otherwise, than I shall think Convenient. Be this your satisfaction; that your Father and your King is resolved, He shall die: For I look upon him as One of my most Deadly Enemies, and so would You, if You knew, how he aims to ra∣vish away for another, that Crown, which You may one Day Wear.

Father, said the Duke, if this be Your final Determination, surely I shall never bear Arms on Your behalf against the King of England, nor shall any of those, on whom I have any Influence: For I am not greatly Ambitious to Wear a Crown, that is upheld by any Unjust Action;

and then, going out of the Presence in Great Displeasure, he repeated his former Words, Vowing on that Condition, never more to bear Arms for the King, his Father again. Thus the Matter stood a while, King Philip in doubt, whether to appease his Son, or rid himself of an Enemy, the Prince in deep Sorrow, Shame, and Displeasure, and the Lord Manny in great Danger of Death. But there was at Court a Worthy Knight of Hainalt, named Sr. Mansart de Sue, who made it his sole Endeavour to deliver the Lord Manny; he held about this Matter several private Conferences with the Duke of Normandy, and by his means with the greatest Peers, and Barons of France; whereupon at last King Philip was so importun'd by their joynt Prayers, and Remonstrances, that he was content to let him go out of Prison, with all his Men, their Horses, Goods, and Armour, and all their Costs paid. And because now the King himself was ashamed of what he had done, he sent for the Lord Manny to his Palace of Nesle in Paris, and made him sit down with him at Dinner, at his own Table. All which time the King spake so familiarly with him, and shew'd him so good a Countenance, as might become the most Gracious King in Europe, to use with his most Loyal Friend and Favourite: After all he presented him with great Gifts and Jewels, to the Value of a 1000 Florens of Gold. But Sr. Walter would not receive this Present, saving on this Condition; that if his Master, the King of England, upon his Arrival before Calais, should allow thereof, then he would keep them, as Tokens of his Princely Bounty; but otherwise, he must crave Pardon, thô he send them all back again to the Royal Donor. The King said, "how he spake like a Man of Honour; and so the Lord Manny took his leave, and rode Northward, till he came into Hainalt, where he had his Birth; and having only tarried three Days at Valenciennes, he proceeded, till he came to Calais, where he and all his Men were welcome to the King of England.

But when he had shew'd the King the Particulars of all his Journey, and the Dan∣ger he was in at first, as also how afterwards, on certain Conditions, he had accepted of Gifts from the French King, Edward took him aside and said,

Sr. Walter, You have hitherto served Us with much Loyalty, and We doubt not, but You will continue so to do. Send again to Philip of Valois his Presents; You have no need of them; We thank God, We have enough for our selves and for You too. And surely We design for You both great Honour, and other Rewards according to the Good and Laudable Service, You have done Us.

Upon these Words of the King, the Lord Manny took immediately all the foresaid Jewels, and delivering them to a Cousin of his, named Sr. Mansel, a young Gentleman of Gallant Shape, Deportment and Cou∣rage, thô at that time of no considerable Office, because of his Youth, he said,

Cou∣sin Mansel, ride into France to the King there, and recommend me to him, and tell him, that I thank his Majesty a Thousand times for the Favours he was pleased to shew me, and the Gifts he gave me: But let him know, that it is not the Plea∣sure of the King, my Master, that I should keep them: Wherefore I now send them a∣gain unto him.

This young Knight rode to Paris accordingly, and deliver'd his Message with the Jewels to the King: But he thought it agreed not with his Honour to take them back again; wherefore (as Sr. Walter had imagin'd) He bad Sr. Mansel take them to himself. He for his part (as one, whose Place laid no such Obligation upon him, as the Lord Manny's did) thanked his Majesty heartily, and made no scruple to bring them along with him to Calais.

XI. Now as soon g 4.15 as the Duke of Normandy had Raised his Siege from before Ai∣guillon, and was returned to Paris, Henry Earl of Lancaster and Darby, who during the Siege had kept at Bourdeaux, or la Reole, and thereabout, when he heard of the Duke's Departure, sent his Summons throughout Gaseogne, to all the Lords, Knights, and Esquires of England, besides such Gascogners, as held for King Edward: Among whom were the Lord of Albret, the Lord de Le Sparre, the Lord of Rosam, the Lord of Muci∣dan, the Lord of Pamiers, the Lord of Tourton, the Lord of Bouqueton, Sr. Emery of Traston, and others; so that the Earls Forces amounted in all to 1200 Men of Arms, 2000 Archers, and 3000 Foot. With this small, but well compacted Army, he pas∣sed

the Garonne, between Bourdeaux and Blaye, and marching up the way toward Saintogne, came to Mirembeau, which he took by Storm, both Town and Castle, and set therein a Garrison of English. Then he turned to Mortagne by the Sea-side in Poicton, which he took by Assault, and Garrison'd also: From hence he rode to Taillebourg, and wan the Bridge, Town, and Castle, putting all whom he found to the Sword, in Revenge of the Death of a Knight of his, who was slain in the As∣sault. After this he advanced to Aunay, Surgieres, and Benon, all which he took; but the Castle of Marans beyond Rochelle he could not prevail upon by any means. Then he went and laid Siege to the Fair Town of St. John the Evangelist, called in French St. Jean D'Angely, and gave there a great Assault, which lasted, till almost Night. There were no very Expert Captains at that time in the Place, wherefore Sr. William de Rions, their Mayor, and the greater part of the Aldermen, sent to the Earl of Lancaster for a Safe-Conduct, whereby six of them might have security, to wait upon him, and Treat with him that Night, or early the next Morning. This latter was granted, and so next Day six Burgesses were brought to the Earls Tent, where presently they concluded to become good Subjects of England, as long as King Edward, or some of his Captains would protect them, and their Town against the French King. So the Earl tarried there three Days to refresh himself, and to take the Ho∣mage of all the Inhabitants: After which, he proceeded to Lusignan, where, as some say, he only burnt the Town, but could not win the Castle: Thô on better Authori∣ty h 4.16 it seems, that both the Town and Castle of Lusignan were now taken, and Gar∣rison'd by the English, as will further appear in the close of this Paragraph. Thence the Earl rode to the strong Town of Niort, whereof the Lord Guischard Dangle was Captain, who maintain'd his Honour, and the Place so well, that after three Vigorous Attacks spent in vain, the Earl was content to leave it, and go on the Right Hand to Bourg St. Maixent, where he found better Success, and entring the Place by Storm put all to the Sword.

The whole i 4.17 Country was so terrify'd with his Name, that every Man fled before him into strong Holds and Towns Defensible, forsaking their own Houses, and their Goods: Nor was there the least Preparation made by any to stop his Career; for all Knights, Gentlemen, and other Captains kept close in their Fortresses, without ma∣king any show of presenting Battle to the English. Then the Earl went forward to Monstrevill-Bonnin, wherein he heard, there were no less than 200 Coyners, making Money for the French King. The Inhabitants were resolved by no means to yield, but to Defend the Place to the extreamity: Thô therein they shew'd much more Courage, than Discretion; if We ought not rather to call that Brutish Valour, than Courage, which is not guided by Discretion. For the Earl with his Men of War gave them so fierce an Assault, whereto he encouraged his Men, by promising, that every One should freely and entirely Possess, what he could first light on in the City; that all Opposition being soon surmounted, the Place was enter'd by Storm, and all within put to the Sword. And here I shall make bold to supply Froisard with a Story, the truth whereof is notably attested by many, thô by none yet refer'd to this Place, as every Judicious Reader will easily grant it ought to be; when he shall consider our Reasons.

XII. The Relation is this, that at the Assaulting of a certain Town in France, the Earl of Lancaster to encourage his Men the better, proposed to them as a Reward, the Spoil of whatever House or Person every one should first have in his Power: Now it chanced that the French Kings Mint being there, one man among the rest, who was but a Common Souldier, and named Reth, had the good hap to light upon that House wherein it was. And finding there several Sacks of Coined Money besides Bullion, he was almost carried beyond himself for joy and wonder: But at last considering, that such vast Riches were too disproportionable to his Condition, and only proper for the Coffers of Kings, he secur'd the entrance of the House, and went and told the Earl of Lancaster, desiring him to take Care and Possession thereof. The Earl bad him keep what Fortune had put into his Hands, for it was and should be his own: But the honest Fellow finding upon a more particular search, that the Immensity of the Trea∣sure exceeded all imagination, went again to the Earl, protesting it was too much for any Private man to possess; and that he neither would nor durst accept of it. The Earl replied,

Fear nothing honest Archer, but be content with what God hath given thee: For the Treasure thou hast found cannot possibly be so much as to make me break my Word to my Souldiers: Since a Prince ought not to do so for all the Treasures in the World.

And hereupon some of his Captains dissallowing of that his

too profuse Liberality, and saying, that he might without any imputation of Injustice, have abundantly contented that poor Fellow with a good Part, and reserved the grea∣ter Quantity for his own and his Country's Use; he nobly answer'd in these k 4.18 Words,

It is not for my State to play Childrens Play, to give a thing and take it back again: Since he has my Word, let him hold the Money if it were thrice as much.

This is the Substance of the Story, which after so great a Man as Cambden I have not doubted to relate, notwithstanding the Diversity of Authors, as to the Place and Time, when and where the Action was done. For l 4.19 thô Knighton says, the Earl of Darby found a Pipe of Gold at Bergerac; yet since we shewed before how that Place was not taken by Force, but yielded upon Composition, it certainly ought not to be given to the Plunder. And m 4.20 Froisard and n 4.21 Du Chesne say expresly, that in Monstrevil Bonnin there were 200 Money-makers that coyned for the French King; not to say that this Place being confessedly taken by Storm, and the Inhabitants consequently put to the Sword, all this Money must of necessity have been found: Thô Froisard might not have heard of this heroick and magnificent Act of the Earl of Lancaster's thereupon.

XIII. The Earl having repaired the Fortifications of the Castle, and left a Ganison for its Defence, went homeward now again, but in his way presented himself before the City of Poictiers. This Place was of so large Extent, that his small Army was not sufficient to invest it round; wherefore he laid his Siege to it but on one side, and began to assault them fiercely. But the Inhabitants being very numerous, thô for the most part mean People, and without any sufficient Number of expert Captains or choice Souldiers, did yet defend themselves so well, that they took but little Dammage at that time; and so the English retired to their Lodgings. Whereat, as o 4.22 one says, the Townsmen were so puffed up with fond Conceit, that the next morning they adventur'd to Sally forth with no less than a 1000 Men of Arms, such as they were, and a migh∣ty number of Footmen: Who scorning the small Forces of the English defied them to a Fattle. But the Earl of Lancaster marched forth against them in good Order, and came upon them with so much Fury, beating down their Ranks with his Chosen men of Arms, and terrifying them with his Archers; that they presently turned their Backs with as much Dishonour, as they had sallied out with Vain-glory: For they had no manner of Conduct, nor Skill in matters of War any further, than their ordina∣ry Trainings of the Militia in Peace might have instructed them with. The English enter'd the Town with them Pell-mell, where seising immediatly upon the Gates, they held them open till the Earl of Lancaster and all his Men were enter'd. And this is the manner as an ancient Author witnesses, of Taking Poictiers, tho p 4.23 Froisard gives a different Account thereof, which is this. That the English having after the first As∣sault, rested that Night in their Camp, the next Morning certain Knights and Gentle∣men of the Army, by the Earls Order took their Horses, and coasted about the Town to view it, if peradventure any where they might find it more Assaultable. These up∣on their return reported to the Earl, that they had found a Place of more easie Ac∣cess than ordinary, by which they doubted not to carry the City. Hereupon the Earl determin'd to renew the Assault the next Day in three several Places, the greatest Noise and Show to appear elsewhere; but the whole stress of the Business to lie there, where it was most likely to succeed. Now as Froisard also witnesses, there was not in the Town any Captain of Name or Experience in matters of War; nor were the Inhabi∣tants of any great Skill or Conduct in making good a Defence, whatever Courage they had in holding out thus long. Wherefore the Assault being on the third Day renew∣ed, according to the former Device, the English who attacked the weakest part enter'd by Force, and so presently became Masters of the City. When they within saw this, they fled away in heaps at other Gates, and escaped away because the Place as not surrounded; but yet there were slain more than 700 of them, for at the beginning all were put to the Sword, who were found, both Men, Women and Children: And the whole City was overrun and robbed, as well of what the Inhabitants had owned, as of what was brought thither from Parts adjoining for better Security. Several Churches and Houses of Religion were robbed and defaced, and many Rapes and other Licentious deeds committed; and more had been, but that the Pious Earl of Lancaster commanded the contrary on Pain of Death; proclaiming, that no House, much less Church, should be fi∣red, forasmuch as he said he designed to tarry there ten or twelve Days: So that the Rage of the Souldiers being thus repressed, far less Harm was done than would else have happen'd; but however as it falls out in such Cases, there was Plundering and Mischief enough.

Here the Earl tarried 12 Days, and might have done longer, if he had so pleased, for there was none to resist him; all the Country was in such a Consternation. During his Stay here, because the Place was of too large extent to be Garrison'd, without great Numbers, which he could not spare at that time, he resolved to leave it void, and so it was Dismantled, given up to Plunder and laid wholly desolate; except that they for∣bore to fire it, the Souldiers finding so much Spoil, they hardly knew what to do with it; insomuch that they valued nothing but Gold, Silver, and Feathers for Men of War.

From hence the Earl returned by easie Marches to St. jean D'Angely, where he tarried a while treating and caressing the Ladies and Gentlewomen of the Town, with Banquets and Collations, besides Gifts of Jewels and other rich Presents, and he behaved himself so gallantly amid these Sports and Revels, that the People said,

He was the Noblest Prince that ever rode on Horseback.

After some short Continuance here, during which time he took a new Oath in the King his Masters Name, of the Mayor and Burgesses of the Town, to keep and defend it as the Indubitate Right and Inheritance of the King of England, he took his leave, and return'd by such Fortresses as he had won before, to the City of Bourdeaux; where having largely satisfied his Men of War with Spoil, Thanks, Pay and Commendation, he disposed them into their se∣veral Quarters, the Winter being far entred at that time.

XIV. When the Earl of Lancaster had thus respited the Country, the Inhabitants of Poictiers who had escaped, repaired again thither, and fell with all their might to fortifie the Place: And soon after being joyned with great Numbers of their Neigh∣bouring Friends, and headed with sufficient Captains, they sent forth a strong De∣tachment of Men of Arms and others, designing to surprise Lusignan, the Garrison whereof hugely annoyed them. But in this their Attempt, thô q 4.24 treble the Number of the English, they were with great Loss discomfited, and their Captain the Earl of Monferrand, with many others slain: Which was look'd upon as another wonderfull Instance of King Edwards invincible Fortune.

CHAPTER the FIFTH.

The CONTENTS.

I. King Philip by his Ambassadors prevails with the King of Scotland to break the Truce with King Edward, and to invade England. II. King David resolves on a War with England: The Number of the Scotch Army; they begin to March. III. King Da∣vid's Cruelty to an English Knight in cold Blood: He encamps near the City of Dur∣ham. IV. Queen Philippa makes her Musters at York in order to resist the Scots: She sends an Expostulation to King David, who prepares for fight: The Order of the Scotch Army. V. The Order and Number of the English, with the Names of their Chief Leaders. VI. Queen Philippa encourages her Men, who beat Earl Douglas and Sr. David Graham before the Battle. VII. The Lord Robert Stuart Prince of Scot∣land begins the Fight, but is forced to Retreat. VIII. King David is taken Priso∣ner by John Copland an Esquire of Northumberland. IX. The third and last Batta∣lia of the Scots discomfited. X. The Time and Place of this Battle certainly assign∣ned: A gross Mistake of Hector Boethius the Scotch Historian. XI. The Durati∣on or Time how long it lasted, with an Account of the Loss on both Sides: And the Names of the Scotch Nobility slain and taken. XII. John Copland bears away the King of Scotland to his Castle, where he resolves to keep him: The Queen sends to him for the King his Prisoner; and She returning to York, King Bailiol and the English Lords invade Scotland. XIII. John Copland upon refusal to deliver his Pri∣soner to the Queen, is sent for by King Edward, who upon full knowledge of his Reasons, holds him excused and rewards him Royally. XIV. King David brought to London and put in the Tower: The Earls of Menteith and Fife executed. XV. The Earl of Lancaster returns into England and the Queen goes over to Calais. XVI. The Pope seeks to make Peace between England and France, but in vain.

I. NOR were these all the Triumphs of this glorious Year: King Edward's Good Fortune is providing another King to be Conquer'd, and another Royal Army to be overthrown by his Successfull Arms. We spake in the former Chapter, how King Philip sought by his Ambassadors to provoke King David of Scotland to break the Truce made with England; and with all Expe∣dition strongly to invade the Northern Borders. But this Matter however closely car∣ried on, came to be scented by King Edward, who then lay before Calais: Thô he re∣solved for all that not to quit the Siege, as well because he had Confidence in the Courage and Sufficiency of those, to whom he had left the Care of the Government in his Absence; as because he had some hope that the Scots themselves, either in Re∣spect to their Faith given, or thrô Remembrance of their former Losses, would not ea∣sily venture to break the Truce, so solemnly taken between them. Yet however to prevent if possible the Calamities, that might ensue upon an Invasion from Scotland, he presently dispatched away from Calais certain of his Lords, being Captains of great Experience, either to perswade King David to a punctual Observance of the Truce, or if that might not be obtained, to help to defend his Subjects against him. Among these were John Lord Moubray, William Lord Ros, and Thomas Lord Lucy of Cecker∣mouth, who bare for his Arms Gules, Three Lucies Hariant, Argent. These with o∣ther the Kings Ambassadors are said by the Scotch Writers, a 4.25 to have offer'd King Da∣vid in their Masters Name

Not only to deliver into his Hands the strong Town and Castle of Barwick, but even the Person of his old Competitor King Bailiol, for whose Sake the War was first begun betwixt them; on Condition, that he would reject the Motions of the French King, and agree to observe the Truce, as both in Equity and Honour he was bound.

These Offers (if the Scotch Authors do not enlarge them, as we have good reason to doubt, especially in that part which relates to the Delive∣ry of the Bailiol) being propounded to the King of Scotland in his Council, caused the more Prudent Sort to advise their Master,

that in no wise they ought to be reject∣ed: Since the Friendship of a Conquerour, especially on Conditions both Honoura∣ble and Advantageous, was more preferable than to abett the Weaker Side, both a∣gainst Equity and Profit.

But David himself thrô the great Love he bore to the French King (with whom he had also sojourned about seven Years, during his Exile) and the Major Part of his Nobility being such, as had either Younger Heads or more Daring Hearts; or who were either sway'd by their Princes Example or France's Gold, were all desirous to take this Opportunity of King Edward's Absence, to revenge them∣selves on the English Nation, and so were fatally drawn to condescend to King Phi∣lips chargeable and hazardous Request, and reject King Edward's more safe and profita∣ble Offers.

II. Wherefore a b 4.26 Parliament of all his Earls, Prelates, and Barons of Scotland, being met at St. John's Town, it was concluded, that England should speedily be in∣vaded with a Puissant Army: Now that, King Edward being at Calais, and such o∣ther of his Forces in Bretagne, Gascogne, and Poictou, a pleasing hope of Success be∣gan to smile upon Scotland. So a War was resolved, an Army appointed to be levyed forthwith, and Solemn Proclamation made, that all who were able and fit to bear Arms, should come to the King to the General Rendezvous at St. Johnston upon the Tay, by such a Day, well appointed. Accordingly toward the latter end of September, there came to St. Johnston the Earls, Barons, and Prelates of Scotland, all ready to serve their King against their old Enemies the English. Among other great Captains, thi∣ther came c 4.27 Reginald, Lord of the Isles of Hebrides, who govern'd the Wild Scots; for they would not endure the Government of any Man else, thô others desired to obtain it: And he brought with him no less than 3000 of the most Couragious and Hardy People of all that Country. There came also thither at the same time, David Earl of Rosse with his Troops, and made his Musters before the King: But the Night fol∣lowing he treacherously slew the Noble Lord of the Isles, with seven of his Kinsmen, as they lay in their Beds, and immediately fled thereupon, and gat him into Resse: At which horrid Fact, as the Army was greatly troubled, so it was very much weakned, the Friends of both Parties, for fear of a Civil Combustion between the two Families, de∣parting to their several Homes.

King David, thô he was extreamly incensed hereby, and eagerly bent, and fully re∣solved severely to punish that insolent and daring Fact; yet because he would not break off this Expedition, defer'd the prosecution thereof, till a more convenient Opportunity. Althô the Lord William Douglas of Liddisdale, us'd his utmost to perswade him rather for that time to defer this journey, and first to Chastise these Insolencies 〈◊〉〈◊〉

Home, thereby to allay those unkind heats, that might else raise a General Conflagration in his Absence. But all would not do, the King was so hot upon his purposed War with England; to which his Affection and Obligations to the French Nation, and his own e∣vil Destiny, hurried him on continually.

When the whole Army was assembled at St. Johnston, it amounted to between 50000 and 60000 Fighting Men; with which Forces King David began his March from St. Johnston in the beginning of October, about a Moneth after King Edward had lay'd his Siege before Calais. On the first Day he reach'd Dumfermeling, which was about 20 Scottish Miles onward: The next Day passing a little Arm of the Sea, he came to Sterling, and thence to Edinburgh; where again he muster'd all his Men and found them to be 3000 Men of Arms, Knights, and Esquires, and 30000 other on Gel∣dings, and Gallowayes, besides the 15000 Crossbows of Genoua, and the French Auxi∣liaries. From Edinburgh he marched to Roxborough, the first Fortress that was then on the English side that way. The Captain whereof was a Famous Souldier. Sr. Ed∣ward Montagu, Uncle to the present Earl of Salisbury: Of whose Valour We had oc∣casion d 4.28 to speak in the Fifteenth Year. King David, whether in dobut of a Man, whom he had already experienced to be unconquerable, even when in a Place of less strength and importance, or rather because he designed greater things, passed him by, without offering the least Assault to the Castle; and on the sixth of October began to enter Northumberland. Upon his first coming to the Borders, before he set foot with∣in the English pale, he made many new Knights, to encourage and animate his Men: But especially he created the Lord William Douglas, the Son of Archimbald Douglas, who fell in the Battle of Halliden, Earl of Douglas; and committed to his Charge the Leading of one Brigade.

III. The first e 4.29 Fortress they came to, near the Borders, was Lidel, round which they lay encamped for three Days, but on the Fourth, after a Vigorous Attack, car∣ried it by fine force, where they put most of those they found to the Sword: But the Captain Sr. Walter Selby, before he would deliver his Sword, compounded with a Scotch Knight, to have his Life and the Lives of his Children saved; which was thereupon assured him. But when King f 4.30 David heard of the Captains being taken he gave or∣der, that his Head should be cut off: Then the Scotch Knight, who had taken him, began to intreat in his behalf, at least, that he might be admitted into the Kings Presence; this with much adoe being granted, the English Knight upon his knees re∣quested, that his Life might be saved for a Ransom: But notwithstanding he was a∣gain adjudged to die: Nor only so, but the Cruel Prince commanded two of his Chil∣dren to be strangled in sight of their Father; and having thereby afflicted his Mind almost to Madness, with rage and grief, he presently caused his Head to be stricken off; not allowing him so much time, as to make a Confession; thô like a good Christian, he in∣stantly desired that Ghostly comfort. Surely that hatred is Diabolical and Implacable, nor only unworthy of a Christian, but even exceeding the Barbarity of Infidels; which extends beyond this Life, and endeavours, not only to destroy the Body, but also to plunge the Soul into Eternal Ruine.

After this Merciless Execution, the Scotch Army marched to Lenercost; where they spoil'd the Abbey of all its Ornaments, and whatever was valuable therein, and so pas∣sing the River Irthing, they went by Naworth Castle, and leaving Cumberland, en∣ter'd on the other side the Picts-Wall into Northumberland, wasting all along with fire and sword, till they came to the Priory of Hexham, which was also pillaged and sacked; but the Town was saved from fire by the Kings Command; for he was advised to spare four Towns from fire in his Passage to York (whither he thought to go without Resistance) namely this of Hexham, Cerbridge, Durham, and Darlington; to the end they might serve him as so many storehouses, to lay in what quantities of Victuals and Provender, he should find about in the Country; therewith to sustain his Army upon Necessity, if he should either stay long in England, or be reduced to any extremity. At Hex∣ham he lay three Days, and thence Marched to Ebchester, beyond the River Derwen, being one of the first Towns on that side within the Bishoprick of Durham. As thus he marched, wasting and spoiling the Country on every side, toward the City of Dur∣ham, he destroyed many of the Farms, belonging to the Abbey of that City; and had utterly ruin'd them all, had g 4.31 not some of the Monks, who were taken there∣abouts, and were kept, as Prisoners to be Ransomed, made an agreement for them∣selves, and the rest of their Fraternity, to pay the next Day ready down a 1000 pounds Sterling, on Condition they would forbear spoiling the Residue of their Mannors, or their Tenents: But of all others, they h 4.32 took one penny for every Head, and one

penny for every Foot, which being done, they were left free; but otherwise put to the sword: And thus they intended to do to every Soul they should meet with, e∣ven to the River Trent; but that they found a stop long before. At last King Da∣vid came, and encamped by the Wood of Beare-Park, within three Leagues of Dur∣ham, not far from Nevils-Cross: He took up his Lodgings in the Mannor there, and daily sent forth strong Detachments to fetch in Booty, and to burn and destroy Houses and Villages. The Spoil, Desolation, and Slaughter, which Rapine, Fire, and Sword, spread along before the Enemy, was both Barbarous and terrible; for they spared nei∣ther Young, nor Old, neither Church, Chappel, nor Monastery; but in their blind fu∣ry, made one General Heap of both Sacred and Profane. Not so much as the Goods and Lands, belonging to the Patrimony of St. Cuthbert were exempted from Rapine and Plunder, as the Scotch Writers themselves confess; thô not only the Monks of the Abbey dedicated to that Saint, had compounded for their exemption; but also, as Hector says, King David was strictly admonished in a Dream, by no means to presume to touch any thing be∣longing unto his Church.

IV. Now the Noble Queen of England, Philippa, being at that time in the North∣parts about York, when she heard of the first Motions of the Scots, was not forgetfull of the King, her Husbands Honour, and of the Good of his Kingdom: But putting on a Spirit, worthy of Her that was Confort to King Edward, and Mother to the Black-Prince, sent out her Summons to all the Lords and Prelates of those Parts, and others, left by the King for the Defence of the Borders, to repair with all speed unto her. The Summons were sent forth in the Name of the King of England, by the Queen, and the Archbishop of York; and soon after there came the Lords and Captains of England, with their Retinues to York, to the Queen; where she made her General Musters. Then the Queen and the Archbishop sent away an Herald at Arms to King David,

requi∣ring him to desist from further invading the Country, and to return into Scotland, till some Reasonable Order for a final Peace might be agreed betwixt him, and the King his Master: Otherwise he should be sure to have Battle to the Uttermost within three Days after. i 4.33 But that if he refused all terms of Agreement, he should remem∣ber, that there was in Heaven a Just God, of Power sufficient to Revenge the In∣juries done unto England; and especially to his Servants the Priests, and other Ho∣ly Persons, whom he had slain with the Sword, neither sparing Church, nor Church-Lands, nor weak Women, nor Innocent Children.

But all this signified little, or nothing, to that Prince, who was not only stirr'd up by his Youth, and an Emulation of his Fathers Glory, but also provoked to Revenge, as well by the former dealings of his English Enemies, as by the manifold Benefits received of his Friend of France: Where∣fore he sends back a Mortal Defiance, and the next Day set his Men in Order to receive their Enemies; if they should come forward.

The first Battalia he committed to the Care of the Lord Robert Stuart, Prince of Scotland, as being Eldest Son of King Davids Eldest Sister, Margaret Bruce; with whom was the Lord Patrick Dumbar Earl of March: The Second was commanded by John Randulph Earl of Murray, and William Earl of Douglas: And the Third he Lead himself, having with him the French Auxiliaries, and the Flower of the No∣bility of Scotland. Thô Buchanan, by I know not what Authority, contradicts his Friend Hector here, and gives the first Battail to the Earls of Murray and Douglas, the Middle to the King, and the last to Prince Robert Stuart and Dumbar. In the same man∣ner also, the Scotch Historians divide the English Army, contrary to what we shall mani∣fest forthwith.

V. Now were the English come from York within about three Miles of Durham, be∣ing in Number 1200 Men of Arms, 3000 Archers, and 7000 Footmen; besides a Choice Band of Expert Souldiers, newly come from before Calais; the whole amount∣ing to k 4.34 16000 compleat. Then they were Order'd into Four Bodies, Three to en∣gage with the Enemy, and the Fourth to stand behind, as a Reserve on Horseback: For since the Scots exceeded them in Number, it seem'd best to the English thus to dispose their Men, because if one of their Battails should be broken, by this fresh Re∣serve, it might be again Repaired. And their Fronts being little less large, than the Scots, their Paucity was not so well observed; nor were they unlikely to make good their Part with the Enemy, because (thô the Scots Numbers were greater) while things should be doubtfull, no more Hands among them could be employ'd, than among the English; who well-nigh equall'd them in Front; and if the English should prevail, their Enemies Numbers would rather encrease the Confusion, than give them any Advan∣tage. Of these a great Part were Clergymen; Priests, Chaplains, Fryers, and the

like; but, as my l 4.35 Author says, good tall Trenchermen, such, as were not afraid of a Crack'd Crown, thô they had no hair to hide the Wound. But m 4.36 Piety, and a Love to their Country, laid the Foundation of this Courage, for seeing what havock King David had made of Holy Places and Persons, they armed themselves with Faith in him, who sets himself in Array against those, who defie Religion, and reared up the Banner of their Saviour, as if now they fought against Infidels.

The First Brigade was govern'd by the Lord Henry Piercy, who was General of all the Army, thô not Earl of Northumberland, as Hector foolishly calls him; since it appears, n 4.37 that his Grandson was the first Earl of that Title. With him was Thomas Hatfield Lord Bishop of Durham, Gilbert Ʋmphravile Earl of Angos, the Lord Tho∣mas Musgrave, and the Lord Henry Scroop of Masham. In the Second Battalia was William Zouch Archbishop of York, and Lord Warden of the North, and John Kirkeby Bishop of Carlile; with whom were the Lord Ralph Nevil of Raby, and his Son Sr. John Nevil, and o 4.38 Ralph Lord Hastings and Others: Althô I must not dissem∣ble, that p 4.39 Tinemouth places the Lord Nevil in the Van. The Third Battail was lead by Thomas Beck Lord Bishop of Lincoln, a Man of great Fame and Merit, being assisted with the Lord John Moubray, the Lord John Leyburn, and Sr. Thomas Rokeby High-Sheriff of Yorkshire, of whose first Advancement from an Esquire we have spoken in the first Year of this History. The Fourth and Last Battalia was govern'd by Edward Bailiol, David's Competitor for the Crown of Scotland, with whom were John Stratford Arch∣bishop of Canterbury, William Lord Ross of Hamlake, and q 4.40 Robert Lord Bertram, High-Sheriff of Northumberland, and Governour of Newcastle on the Tine. Besides all which, William Lord Deincourt, and Robert Lord Ogle, Sr. r 4.41 Nicolas Charnells, and Sr. Henry Bellasis of Durham, were appointed with a strong Guard to attend the Queens Person, who by the best Authors is affirmed to have kept the Field all the time of the Battle. Each of these Four Battalia's consisted of 4000 Choice Men, among and besides whom were, as we said, many Clergymen, who came thither now of their own Accord, with wonderfull Zeal to fight against the Scots; who had so profan'd and violated the Honour of God in his Members the Clergy, that with great Devotion and Faith, these Holy Men had already marked them forth for Ruine: Some whereof refused not to fight against these Enemies of Religion, and Others carried their Crosses, as Banners before the Men of War, singing at the joyning of the Battle Miserere, to the great Encouragement of the Sword-men, who thought themselves unconquerable, since they fought now as well with the Sword of the Spirit, as with an Arm of Flesh.

VI. When thus on both Sides the Armies were order'd, the Amazon Queen Philip∣pa t 4.42 rode before the Battles on a white Courser, being attended with her Guard, and passing from Rank to Rank, she sweetly desired them all

to use their utmost endea∣vour to defend the Honour of her Dear Lord, the King of England, and wished them every Man in the Name of God to take Heart and be of good Courage, graciously promising, that to her Power she would remember and consider the Well-deserving no less, than if her Lord the King was there personally to bear witness of all their A∣ctions:

And so she recommended the whole Army and her Self to God and St. George. This was done early in the Morning.

Now before the Armies began to move, Earl Douglas by the Kings Command rode forth with a good Brigade of Horse to discover the Face of the Enemy, and as Oc∣casion was offer'd, to skirmish with them. But he coming suddenly e'r he was aware, into their Danger, was received so sharply, and upon his flight pursued so warmly, that having lost u 4.43 500 of his best Men, he very narrowly escaped himself to the Main Bo∣dy. Where as soon as he had recover'd himself, the whole English Army appeared in Three Battalia's, for the Fourth was not yet discover'd, marching forward very cou∣ragiously. Whereupon Sr. David Graham, x 4.44 a valiant Baron of Scotland, with a Wing of 500 Horse well appointed, gave a full Charge upon the left Flank of the English Archers, hoping to disorder and overrun them: But he was mistaken, for they recei∣ved him with such a Showre of Arrows, that after two or three Attempts in vain, having lost many of his Men, he also was fain to fly back to the Main Battle upon the Spurr, in great danger of being taken by his Pursuers.

VII. These inauspicious Beginnings did nothing at all startle the Courage of the Scotch King: Who was both Young and Valiant, and because he had never yet in Person maintain'd a just Fight, greedy of War, hoping to be no less Victorious than his Father Robert Bruce had been before him. Wherefore he presently commanded to sound a Charge: And immediately the Lord Robert Stuart, Prince of Scotland joyn'd furiously with the English Van; the other two Battails disposing themselves the same

way. This fight was well maintain'd, and with much Bravery on both Sides: And the English Archers and the Crossbows of Genoua brought up the first Course of this Martial Banquet; but the English had much the better share, for their Shot endured longer and did more Execution. But Prince Robert resolving not to stand aloof at such Disadvantage, pressed hard forward to come to handy Strokes, so that the Archers were obliged to yield him Way, as their manner was in Extremity by opening to the Right and Left: Thô even at that instant they gall'd him on each Flank. However now he joyn'd with the Lord Percy's Battail, and maintain'd the Fight with much Courage and Honour, the Scots manfully laying about them with sharp and heavy Axes, with which they gave mighty Strokes, cleaving Helmets and Shields; so that for a while the English were very hard put to it. Which when King Bailiol saw, as one that con∣sider'd (no such Danger being in other places) the chief Power of the Scots lay here, and not doubting, but if the English were rendred absolute at the beginning, so good an Omen would add Courage to them and Terrour to the Enemy, he resolved pre∣sently to fall on here; and accordingly comes up with 4000 Horse, on a good round Trot in very dreadfull Order. This new and unforeseen Enemy so amazed the Hearts of that Battalia of Scots, who already had found themselves well enough match'd, that all their Martial Ardour began to languish immediately; and the English were ex∣ceedingly exalted in their Courages: Which when Prince Robert and the Earl of March perceived, and that already their Men began to give back in some Disorder, hoping to bring them off by an early Care, and so to prevent that Loss, which else they saw ine∣vitable; they gave Order to Retreat, and drew off not only pretty well, but conside∣ring the Circumstances, wisely. Nor let any Man here reckon me Partial, as if be∣cause our Present Soveraign King James the Second, is derived from the Loyns of that Lord Robert Stuart, I should appear diligent in putting a fair Gloss upon this his Flight, which some Authors have condemned, and for which King David afterwards for a while disinherited, and excluded him in his Passion from the Right of Succession. For I appeal to all, that have duely consider'd the History of Robert Stuart, as well before as after this Day, not only in these Papers which yet are sincere, but in any either Scotch or other Writer, whether he was not generally reputed for a Person both of good Con∣duct and Courage unquestionable: Insomuch, that during King Davids Absence in France, he had in a manner freed all Scotland from the English Yoke, and when in time he came by Right of Succession to wear that Crown himself, he certainly maintained his Honour and his Kingdom, not only against King Edward himself, but even to the very end of his Life.

But to return; whatever King David, whose Heat and Rashness could not let him see so clearly, thought of this Matter either then or afterwards, either his Military Skill, or at least the Genius, whose Care it was to preserve the Founder of the Illustri∣ous Family of the Stuarts, perswaded him to this timely Retreat: Which Example had King David with the rest of his Army follow'd, either their Loss had been no∣thing at all, or very inconsiderable: The English being not able to compell them to any thing against their Minds, much less to pursue them too close without breaking their Order, and perhaps exposing themselves to some notable Disadvantage.

VIII. However King David disdained to follow those, whom now he look'd on, if not as Cowards, yet as Traytors and Desertors: For he was jealous, that his Nephew Robert retreated thus, with design to leave him expos'd to be cut off, that so the Crown might fall to Him. Wherefore now he fought with the more Resolution, be∣ing fully determin'd, either to repair this Fault or not to survive it. But at that instant his Adversary King Bailiol, having clear'd his hands of the Van of the Enemy, whom he thought not fit as yet to pursue, comes in with his fresh Troops, and falls upon King Davids Battail in the Flank, the English Van pressing hard upon him in the Front, which together with the late Disaster so discouraged the Scots, that they were no longer able to endure unshaken, but began by degrees to give back: At what time the y 4.45 Monks of Durham being in the Steeple of their Church, and upon the Leads and Battlements, beholding the Scots upon the point of Loosing all, and some actually flying and fled, lifted up their Voices altogether, and fill'd the Air with the Noise thereof, crying aloud, and praising God and singing for Joy, even with weeping Tears, Te De∣um laudamus: Which Voice the English hearing, as if it had been just at their backs, took thence a more confident Faith in God, and resisted the Enemy more vigorou∣sly, and trod them down more valiantly. For whatever some say, affirming that Dur∣ham was now destroy'd also; it is certain, that as we said before, the Monks of that City had compounded with the Scots for themselves, their Mannors and Tenants there∣abouts,

on Consideration of a 1000 l. Sterling, to be by them paid the next Day with∣out any further Delay: Which yet, being deliver'd by this Victory, they did not pay. And it was King Davids Design to leave these Parts in pretty good Case till his Re∣turn; for he z 4.46 thought to visit the Monastery of Beverly, and other Religious Places in Yorkshire, that abounded with Riches, and even to attempt the City of York it self: For he imagin'd there would be none able to resist him; but that all the Strength of England was now before Calais.

When therefore King Davids Battail also was broken, and the Scots began to fly, the English fell more furiously on those that still kept the Field, resolving not to ha∣zard so glorious a Victory by an inconsiderate and rash Pursuit. Wherefore many Scots were gather'd up by Prince Robert and Earl Patrick, who hover'd a far off in so con∣siderable a Body, that the English durst not too freely follow the Chace, especially the Victory not being yet clearly their own: And yet neither could they by any means prevail with their Men to make another Attempt against the Enemy; because their Friends came flying that way continually, and so added to their former Discourage∣ments.

As for King David he failed nothing, either in the Duty of a Good Captain or of a Valiant Souldier; but more than once rallied his disorder'd Men, and encouraged them both by his Words and his Example: So that those, who were most near unto him, were even asham'd to forsake so Valiant a Prince, and therefore long they held toge∣ther close in a Ring, like a Tower of Steel about their Master, fighting desperately with Spear and Shield, sharp Battle-Axes and Halberds, till not above 80 of them re∣main'd with the King alive. He for his part being sensible of the unhappy Event of the Day, and not willing to outlive so many of his Nobility and other Loyal Subjects, pressed now forward to meet a like Death himself: When a valiant Esquire of Nor∣thumberland named John Copland, who well knew him to be the King, step forward with one hundred Men of Arms, whom he had retained for that Service, and bad him yield himself. Here the Scotch Writers say, a 4.47 that King David thô wounded in two Places, and having his Weapons beat out of his Hands, yet thrô Indignation gave Es∣quire Copland such a Stroke over the Mouth with his Gauntlet, that he beat out two of his Fore-teeth. But in my Opinion so small an Effect ought not to be ascribed to so great a Cause, as the Hand of an angry young Warrier, especially when arm'd with a Gauntlet. For if Copland's Visor was down, the Stroke would not have reach'd his Teeth, and if his Face was unarm'd, it must have been much more severe, if not fatal unto him. Wherefore I rather believe what Others also report, that King David upon Cop∣lands Summons refused to yield, but to some Person of Quality, whereupon the Esquire deceived him, by telling him that he was a Baron of England, on which account per∣haps it is, that Hector calls him a Knight, thô indeed he was not so: However King David believing him, gave him his Gauntlet, in token he was his Prisoner alone, and so yielded.

Yet certainly it surprises me not a little, that of all the English Lords there present, not one was found, to have any Ambition to take so great a King; especially, when the Matter was so feasible, his Men being most either slain, or routed; but that they all left the Task to a mean Esquire: Upon these Reasons, I confess, that I am rather enduced to believe, what is also deliver'd by no mean b 4.48 Author, that seeing all things run to ruine, and having received some Wounds himself, besides an Arrow in his Head, he endeavour'd to escape, but in the Chace, was taken by this Valiant Esquire at Mering∣ton; which is the more confirmed by what follows; when we shall find, how it was some time, e're it was known to the Queen of England; that this Royal Prisoner was taken.

IX. Now before this Second Battalia of the Scots was thus overcome, their Third Battail also, as well by their Discouragement from the ill Success of their Fellows, as by the Valour of their Opposers, was discomfited, broken, slain, and put to Flight: Thô few escaped of this Brigade. One of the Leaders, John c 4.49 Randulph, Earl of Murray was slain, with a great Number of the Nobility of Scotland, beside the Com∣mons; and the other Leader William Earl of Douglas, was taken Prisoner. So that the English gain'd an entire Victory; and as one d 4.50 says, had they totally joyn'd in a close pursuit, and not been distracted in taking Prisoners and Plunder, that Day had been the last, to the Obstinate Rebellion of the Scots against the English Nation, and they might have blotted out their Name from the Land of the Living. But it pleased God in his Providence to order it otherwise.

X. This Cruel Battle (thô some e 4.51 by mistake place it near Newcastle, and so call

it the Battle of Newcastle upon Tyne) was fought at Nevils-Cross near Durham, whence also it bears the Name of the Battle of Nevils-Cross, with most Authors; as f 4.52 also it is called the Battle of Durham in the Record it self. And as thrô mistake there is some variety among Authors, as to the Place, where it was fought; so neither do they agree, as to the time; notwithstanding it fell g 4.53 most certainly on the 17 of October, or St. Lukes Eve, which that Year proved to be Tuesday: Thô Froisard in this point is much in the wrong, who expresly affirms, that it was fought on the Saturday next after St. Michael, which that Year was the 30 of September; and Du Chesne, who generally follows Froisard, yet here mistakes him, saying, that it was the Saturday next before St. Mi∣chael, which must have been the 23^d. of the said Moneth. But these differences are nothing so Material, as that of Hector Boetius, who positively, and in Words at length averres, that this Misfortune happen'd to their Nation, in the Year of our Lord, One Thousand, Three Hundred, Fourty and Eight, which is wide two Years, and most notoriously false and erroneous, as appears not only from the joynt Testimonies of Records and Histories; but from all other Concurrences in the World.

XI. The Fight continued in all three Hours, viz. from Nine in the Morning, till High Noon; and therefore, thô h 4.54 one says, the English lost but four Knights, and five Esquires; yet that must not be allowed, unless we understand, that besides them, many of the Commons were slain also: For we are assured by a good i 4.55 Author, as well as sound Reason, that this Victory was not bought without the Lives of many Men; and we find from k 4.56 undeniable Proof, that particularly the Lord Ralph Hastings, was here Mortally wounded, of which hurts he died, leaving however, a Scotch Priso∣ner, whom he had taken in this Battle, to his Nephew, Edmund Hastings of Rousby, and John de Kirkeby of Wigginthorp, a Gentleman of an Ancient Family, to be sha∣red betwixt them.

But of the Scots, we are assured, there fell no less, than 15000, one says above l 4.57 20000, together with many great Lords, and an 100 of the best Knights in Scot∣land: Namely, John Randulph Earl of Murray, the Earl of Stratherne, the Lord Da∣vid Hay, Constable, the Lord Edward Keth Marshal, the Lord Straqutrin Chamber∣lain, together with the Chancellor of Scotland: The Lord Philip Meldron, the Lord John Stuart, and Alan Stuart his Brother; Maurice Murray, John Crawford, William Haliburton, Reginald Kirk-Patrick, Patrick Herring, Sr. Michael Scot, Sr. Alexander Gurdon, Sr. William Frasier, Sr. John Lindesay of Gleenesk, Sr. Thomas Vaux, Sr. Den∣gal Campbell, Sr. Alexander Ramsey, a Valiant Knight, who bore that Day the Kings Standard, and Sr. Alexander Bodeval, who was called by the Souldiers the Flour of Chevalry; and would not depart from the Kings side, but died there by him: Besides these Frenchmen, Sr. Humphry Blois, Sr. Robert Maltalent, Sr. John de la Motte, and Sr. John Bonville. These are the Names of the slain, as many as were found with their Coat-Armours on, whereby they were known; besides the Prisoners, who were, David Bruce, King of Scotland, the Earl of Fife, the Earl of Menteith, the Earl of Southerland, the Earl of Wigton, the Earl of Carrick, the Earl Douglas, with a Bro∣ther of his, the Lord James Douglas, the Lord Robert Vescy, the Bishop of Aberdeen, and the Bishop of St. Andrews, the Lord William Kinaston, the Lord William Ram∣scy, the Lord Malcolm Flemin, the Lord David Banant, the Lord John St. Clare, the Lord William Moubray; besides those of less Mark. In the Field many Spoils of great Value were taken, together with the Holy-Cross of Halyrood House, which was found upon the King, who bare it about him in confidence of its Vertue; and that thereby he should be secur'd from all Danger: But he was now spoil'd both of that, and other his Jewels, which were found about him. Now also was all the Booty re∣cover'd, which the Scots had taken in this Expedition, and all the Provision, which they had left for their own use at Hexham, or elsewhere, and the Chace of them was held as far as m 4.58 Pruddo-Castle, and Cerbridge, for about 14 or 16 Miles together.

XII. John Copland, the Esquire of Northumberland, immediately, after he had ta∣ken his Royal Prey, rode out of the Field with him, and having Eight of his Friends and Servants in his Company, all well mounted and armed, never left riding, till he had gotten above twenty Miles from the Place of Battle, unto the strong Castle of Ogle in Northumberland, on the River Blithe, whereof He was Captain; and then he said,

He would not deliver the King of Scots to any Man or Woman, living; but only at the Command of the King of England, his Sovereign:

And so with great Care he apply'd himself to heal the Kings Wounds, and sent for his Friends and Allies, and others, whom he could procure for Money, or Friendship, to help to defend the

Castle, because he well knew, he must give an exact Account of this his Royal Prisoner.

The Queen of England tarried in the Field till toward the Evening, with her Guard about her; at which time most of the English Captains were returned from the Chace unto her. But when she heard, that an Esquire, named John Copland, had taken the King of Scots Prisoner, and carried him away, no Man could tell whither: She dis∣patched a Pursuivant after him, with Command to bring forth his Prisoner, the King of Scots unto her; gently admonishing him, that he had not done well in carrying Him away without leave. All the Remainder of that Day, and the Night following the English Army kept the Field, as well for their greater Honour, as for the security of their Friends, many whereof were still in the Chace: But the Queen had Lodgings provided for her in the City of Durham. After which she rode back with her Guard to York, leaving Edward n 4.59 Bailiol, and the other English Lords of the North to pro∣secute the War with Scotland; who forthwith entring that Land with fire and sword, took the strong Castle of Hermitage (for Roxborough was English before) and without any Resistance subdued the Countries of Anandale, and Galloway, the Marches, Tivi∣dale, and Ethrick Forest, extending their Arms to Cockburne-Peke, and Sowtray-Hedge: And thus for that time Scotland was subdued.

XIII. The mean while Esquire John Copland, o 4.60 having received and perused the Queens Letters, returned this bold Answer;

That as for the King of Scots, he should be safely kept, and he would be answerable for his forth coming upon occa∣sion: But that He was resolved to deliver him at the Command of no Man, or Wo∣man living, but only at the Pleasure of his Sovereign Lord and Master, the King of England.

This Answer did not well satisfie the Queen; wherefore she sent to the King, her Husband, who lay before Calais, Letters of Complaint, desiring to know, what he would have done in this case; when one of his Subjects refus'd to Obey her Commands: And fully enforming him of the Affairs of the Realm, particularly of this last Success near Durham. King Edward having received these Letters from his belo∣ved Queen, sent immediately for John Copland to come over the Sea to him to Calais; which Command the Esquire most readily obey'd, and having put his Royal Prisoner in safe Custody, under the Hands of the Lord Ralph Nevill, and other his Friends and Allies; he rode thrô England, till he came to the Lands end at Dover: Where he went on Board a good Vessel, arrived safe at the Camp before Calais, and so was brought to the Presence of the King. As soon as the King saw him, he took him graciously by the hand, and said,

Ha! now welcome, my Loyal Esquire, that by your Hardiness have taken mine Adversary, the King of Scots.

Sir, said the Esquire kneeling, if God of his Grace have suffer'd me to take the King of Scots by true Conquest of Arms, I think, no Man ought to look with an Evil Eye upon me; For God of his Goodness may as well send such Fortune to a poor Esquire, as to a Great Baron. And Sir, I humbly intreat Your Majesty, not to be displeased with me, thô I did not deliver the King of Scots at the Queens Command: For Sir, I held Service of Your Majesty (as mine Oath is also made only to You) and not of the Queen; but only in Good Manners. Besides, I did not think fit to commit so great a Prisoner to any small Company, least had he been lost by a Rescue, I my self had incurr'd the forfeiture of my Head to Your Majesty; and thô the Queen sent Messengers indeed, yet there came no Forces sufficient to have secur'd his car∣rying up to London, if I had deliver'd him upon Command.

The King took him up graciously from the ground, saying,

John, the good Service that You have done Us, and your known Loyalty and Valour are of so high Merit, that they must coun∣tervail your trespass: So that We admit well of your Excuse; and shame light on them, that bear You any Envy or Evil Will. But now it is our Pleasure, that with∣in these three days You return home, and upon the next demand, deliver up your Pri∣soner to the Queen, my Wife: And to encourage You to pursue Honour, as well as to requite this last piece of Service, I hereby assign You, near to your House, where You shall think best, 500 pounds Sterling of yearly Rent for You and your Heirs for ever. Which till it shall be fully settled, shall from this day forward be paid You yearly out of my Exchequer, and here I make You Esquire for my Body.

By this we must understand him to be made Knight Banneret, as Mr. p 4.61 Stow proves out of the Record, who also shews from thence, how this Annual Donation was paid, viz. 400 l. out of the Kings Custom of the City of London, and an 100 l. out of his Custom of the Town of Barwick upon Tweed, till 500 l. lands were firmly settled upon him for him and his Heirs for ever. And there it appears, that the King gave him further

for his good Service at the Battle of Durham with one hundred Men of Arms, one hundred Pounds per annum out of the Custom of the Kings Port of Newcastle upon Tine, till he should settle upon him so much in Land for him and his Heirs for ever.

After so truly a Royal Bounty, King Edward enquired of him concerning what he knew as to the Particulars of that Battle, and afterwards he was fain to repeat this News to a great many Lords and Gentlemen of the Army. But on the third Day he went on Board, and return'd for England, and with him there went a q 4.62 Command from the King to all and singular High-Sheriffs and Others, that no Scotch Prisoner should be deli∣ver'd for any. Ransom whatsoever, but that they should be all kept in safe Custody, and the King himself would satisfie all those, who took them, for the Redemption of all and every of their Prisoners. And this Command of the Kings was generally pub∣lished throughout all England, to be observed on forfeiture of Life and Limb.

XIV. Sr. John Copland (for so now we shall call him) being come into England, r 4.63 went to York where the Queen was, and there made his Excuse before the Queen and the Lords of the Council, in so dutifull and rational a manner, that they were all ve∣ry well satisfied with his Conduct in that Affair, and immediately took Order how, and with what Forces, and at what time the King of Scots should be conveyed to the Tower of London. After this Sr. John Copland went home to his own Castle of Ogle and assembled his Kindred and Friends, who together with those of the North-parts, and Others made up 20000 fighting Men: With whom Sr. John Copland, the Lord Ralph Nevil, and the Lord Henry Piercy convey'd him to the Limits of Yorkshire, s 4.64 where on the 20 of December he was deliver'd, according to the Kings Command to Sr. Thomas Rokeby High-Sheriff of Yorkshire, who received him from the Lord Ralph Ne∣vill by Indenture: And this Sr. Thomas Rokeby with all the Forces aforesaid conducted the King of Scots up to London, where the said King being mounted on an huge Black Courser, was, at the Kings Command signifi'd in his Letters, received by the Mayor, Aldermen and Citizens of London with great Pomp and Solemnity, every Company in their Proper Liveries attending the Cavalcade from Street to Street; vast Multitudes of People following him, and infinite Numbers from Belconies, and the Tops of Houses beholding this Triumphant Spectacle. And being thus brought to the Tower of Lon∣don, he was lastly deliver'd up from the Hands of Sr. Thomas Rokeby aforesaid by t 4.65 In∣denture, dated the second of January, to the Lord John Darcy senior, Constable of the Tower of London, there to be kept in safe Custody. King David himself was thus secured in a safe, but respectfull manner, and the rest of the Scotch Prisoners bestow'd in other Places of Safety: But in February following, u 4.66 John Earl of Menteith, for∣asmuch as he had done Homage and sworn Allegiance to King Edward of England, and had now contrary to his Oath and Duty broken his Faith, and taken up Arms in be∣half of David Bruce against the King of England and the Bailiol, was by the said King of Englands Command indited of High-Treason, and thereupon arraign'd, con∣demn'd, hang'd, drawn and quarter'd; as also the Earl of Fife was at the same time condemn'd to the same punishment.

XV. This Winter the Noble and Valiant x 4.67 Earl of Lancaster and Darby, together with the Earl of Pembroke, and some of their Chief Knights and Captains, things be∣ing first settled in Gascogne, return'd for England. In which Voyage on the 8 of December, they were taken in a Storm and in great Danger, according to the King their Masters Fate, who usually was thus handled at his return for England: But God deli∣ver'd them also this time, and they arrived safe whither they were bound.

After the Battle of Durham, y 4.68 Queen Philippa made good Provision for the De∣fence of the Cities of York and Durham, for the Castles of Roxborough and Newcastle upon Tine, and other Frontier Towns on the Marches of Scotland; and having set the Lord Henry Piercy, and the Lord Ralph Nevill as Governours over that side of the Country, she went from York to London: Where having taken order for the safe Cu∣stody of the King of the Scots, and the rest of the Prisoners; she then went with an Honourable Company of Ladies of the Highest Quality, whose Husbands, Fathers, Bre∣thren and other Friends lay then before Calais and with a good Convoy, among whom was the Bishop of Durham and many other great Personages, took the Sea and had so good a Wind, that She arrived safe in the Camp that same day, being three days before the Feast of St. Andrew. The King received her with extream delight and satisfaction, and made a great and splendid Feast for all the Lords and Ladies that were with him; especially for those that came with the Queen: For the Sea being his own, he had all things, that might serve either for Use or Pleasure in great Abundance. But the City of Calais began to be very much straitned for want of Victuals.

XVI. And yet all this while many Overtures were made by his Holiness toward the Concerting of Matters, insomuch, that by the instant Mediation of the Cardinals of Naples and Cleremont, five z 4.69 days after the Battle of Durham, a Commission was made out to William Marquess of Juliers, William Bohun Earl of Northampton, Constable, Thomas Beauchamp Earl of Warwick, Marshall, the Lord Bartholomew Burwash, the Lord Ri∣chard Talbot Steward of the Kings House, Dr. Thomas Bradwardin Chancellor of Lon∣don, John Thoresby Canon of Lincoln, and Andrew Hufford Canon of York, either to all Eight, or to any Seven, Six, Five, Four, or Three of them, to treat and conclude with the said Cardinals of and upon all Quarrels and Controversies, depending between the King and the Lord Philip of Valois and their several Allies: But we shall say no more of this Meeting, because it took no Effect, the Concessions of France being no way answerable to King Edwards Demands. So that this Year passed away without closing that Breach, which threatned to prove an Inlet to many great Calamities the Year fol∣lowing.

CHAPTER the SIXTH.

The CONTENTS.

I. King Philip holds a Parliament at Paris. II. Prince Lionel holds another in King Edwards Name at Westminster. III. The Pope writes to the King of England to per∣swade him to Peace; King Edward's Answer, and Odoricus Rainaldus refuted. IV. King Philip attempts to gain the Flemings but in vain: The Earl of Flanders returning home is imprison'd by his Subjects, because he will not match with a Daugh∣ter of England. V. King Edward reinforces the Siege of Calais. VI. The Earl of Flanders by pretending a Compliance, gets his liberty and escapes into France. VII. Two Frenchmen, for favouring King Edwards Right, put to Death at Paris. VIII. John Duke of Normandy receives a Foil before Cassel in Flanders. IX. The French make several Efforts to relieve Calais, but fail: The Losses and Difficulties of the English Camp. X. Sr. Robert of Namur tenders his Service to King Edward before Calais. XI. A short Account of the Scotch Affairs since the Battle of Durham. XII. An Account of the Affairs of Bretagne: The Battle of Roche d' Arien, where Sr. Charles of Blois is taken Prisoner by Sr. Thomas Dagworth. XIII. Roche d' A∣rien retaken by the French, and the English Garrison put to the Sword by the Men of the Country. XIV. The French Navy, intended to Victual Calais, defeated: The Calisians thrust 500 Poor out of the Town. XV. And send a Letter of their Case to King Philip, &c. XVI. The Earl of Lancaster leading a Detachment towards Amiens, upon News of King Philips Approach, returns to the English Camp: The French Kings Strength; he desires Leave of the Flemings to pass thrô their Country, but is refused: The Flemings besiege the Town of Aire, but upon Philips Approach rise. XVII. King Philip comes to Sangate near Calais, and demands Battle of King Edward, with the Answer. XVIII. Two Cardinals obtain a Treaty, which comes to no∣thing: King Philip goes off in Despair. XIX. The Manner how Carais was yielded. XX. Calais settled by King Edward. XXI. A Truce betwen the two Kings; King Edward returns for England. XXII. A Brush between the English and Scots of the Borders. XXIII. Lewis the Emperour dies: King Edward chosen Emperour, refuses. Charles King of Bohemia succeeds: The Death of William Occam and Walter He∣mingford: A Law-Case.

I. THE mean while King Philip of France, * 4.70 having now about him his Son the Duke of Normandy with his Forces (thô he had by this heard also of the great Loss that his Friend the King of Scots had suffer'd for his Sake) was not able as yet to attempt any thing against his Enemy of England, because of the Winter Season, further, than that he provided a 4.71 for the Cities of Pi∣cardy that lay nearest unto Danger, and set Men of War in every Fortress in the Marches of Guisnes, Artois, Boulogne and about Calais. But however, being desirous to employ that Unactive time of the Year to the best Advantage; that he might as well further the

next Campagne, as also seek the Advice of his Peers, Lords and Commons of France, he b 4.72 calls a Parliament of the Estates to meet together at Paris on the Palm-Sunday following, which fell that Year c 4.73 on the 25 of March, or the Annunciation of the Blessed Virgin; and so became a double Holy-day: Requiring all the Barons, Prelates and Commons of his Realm, to assist him in Leavying a mighty Army against the King of England, who lay as then before Calais: For he said, how he had sworn, not to make a Peace, or so much as a Truce with his Enemies, untill he had taken full Re∣venge for the Loss he had received at Cressy, and of the high Indignities which the King of England had put upon the Crown of France, as well by Invading his Realm in Hostile Manner, as now by holding a Siege before Calais. Which Oath, tho it could not be punctually observed, yet prov'd a strong Enforcement to assemble together all his Barons, Prelates, Chief Burgesses and Citizens to his Parliament.

Here several Ways were in this Great Council devised to raise Mony for the mainte∣nance of his Wars, and leavying of two Formidable Armies: For King Philip had long since in his Secret Council resolved to carry on the War against England with an High hand this next Campagne, Himself intending in Person to go at the Head of one Army against King Edward to raise the Siege of Calais; and at the same time to send his Son, the Duke of Normandy, with another mighty Army into England, to attempt the Con∣quest thereof. And upon this latter Point there had been an Ordinance drawn up and contrived, called the Ordinance of Normandy, of which we shall speak when we come to the English Parliament, held at Westminster in the beginning of this Year.

Now for the Procuring of a sufficient stock of Money for the Kings Service, d 4.74 it was in this Assembly agreed, first of all to call the old Treasures, and other Great Officers and Ministers of State to an exact Account for Abusing their Places, and embezling or con∣verting to their own Use, the Taxes and other the Kings Monies they had been entru∣sted with; and to leavy and raise of all such Offenders Fines and Mulcts proportionable to their Offences: And for the future to refer the Government of the Treasury to the most eminent Persons of the Clergy and Nobility; thereby to free the People from suspecting that their Contributions were any more like to be ill employed. Of this Af∣fair the Abbots of Marmoutier and Corbie are chosen Superintendants, to whom Four Bishops and Four Temporal Lords were joyned Assistants. Monsieur Peter of Essars, Treasurer of France is flung into Prison, and condemned in a vast Fine to the King; and together with him many other great Officers being condemned, whether justly or un∣justly, yield up that at once for a satisfaction, which they had been so long in heaping together; the Golden Spunge of Oppression being now squeez'd by the Iron Hand of the Law. Then the Banquers, Lombards and other Usurers, are call'd to a strict Account for all their unjust Exactions upon the poor Subjects of France: The interest is proved to exceed the Principall; wherefore the Principal is adjudged forfeit to the King, and the Interest to be remitted if not paid, or if paid to be refunded to the Debtor, who had borrowed the Mony upon such Interest; and all the Bonds and Obligations therefore to be cancell'd and made void: And yet after e 4.75 this Wipe, the Usurers themselves were not released out of Prison without large Fines to the King.

But the chief Honour of this Assembly was, that the whole Body tenderly sympa∣thizing with the Head, was unanimous to serve the King with their Lives and Fortunes in Defence of his Crown and Dignity: Wherefore at that time they leavied vast Con∣tributions among themselves according to their Qualities, Estates and Offices, and or∣dained the like thrô the whole Kingdom. They set also a general Tax upon the whole Clergy, nor were they shie to make bold with what Sums had been gathered through France for the Holy War; and with the Plate, Shrines, and other Riches and Profits of Abbeys and Monasteries. Particularly the King having received a Subsidy, which was required of the Monks of St. Dennis; among certain other Jewels of that Place which he would needs have, demanded a great Crucifix of Masse Gold, standing over the High Altar of the Monastery. But to this the Monks replied, that it could not be taken away without great hazard of the Souls of those who should be concerned in that Action. For Pope Eugenius the III, more than 200 Years before, had in the Days of Lewis the VII, King of France, solemnly accursed all those of any Degree whatsoever, that should offer to lay violent hands upon that Crucifix, sacrilegiously to take it away from its Place, or to convert it to any Secular Use; as f 4.76 appeareth by a Plate engraven under the Pedestall of the Cross: With which Answer King Philip was satisfied.

In this Parliament it was also Ordained, that the King should send forth his general Summons throughout the whole Realm, commanding all Persons, who any way held of

the Crown of France, to be with the King at the City of Amiens by Whitsuntide next following ( g 4.77 Whitsunday falling on the 20 of May that Year) there to attend at the Rendezvous with all their several Retinues, in their best Array. Nor did they forget to invite all the Friends and Allies of the House of France, especially the Lord Charles of Luxemburgh, Son to the late King of Bohemia and Elect Emperour, or King of the Romans; set up by the Pope and his Adherents against the Emperour Lewis of Bavaria, who again lay under the Censures of the Church.

And lastly, to enflame the Minds of the French Nation more eagerly to prosecute their Revenge against the English, King Philip h 4.78 caused to be brought from St. Dennis the sacred Banner of Oriflambe, which of old was never taken down but in the Cause of Christ against Infidels, or upon some great Distress or Necessity of the King and the Realm of France: But now it was taken down to be used against King Edward, and was commit∣ted to the Custody of a Burgundian Lord, a Noble Gentleman and approved in Arms; and having repeated his Commands to all Men to be ready to follow this Banner when he should require them, for that time he dismist the Parliament.

II. Having seen in what manner King Philip bestirr'd himself to rear his Half-ruin'd Af∣fairs, let us now take notice, how King Edward, thô abroad, influences Matters at home, towards the Establishing, what he had already done, and was yet undertaking. For both these Princes understood well, that the time, which was unfit for Action, was the most proper for Counsel; and that they could not better pass the Winter, then in providing against the Casualties of the Summer. Wherefore at King Edward's Com∣mand, a Parliament was also called at Westminster by his second Son, Prince Lionel, then Lord Warden of England, for the King his Father; i 4.79 which Parliament began the third Day of the New-year, on the Monday next after Christmas-day; as if it was the best Auspice, not only to end the Old-year, but to begin the New, by wholsome Advice and Counsel.

On which Day Command was given by Prince Lionel, that Proclamation should be made against wearing of Armour, and using of Games in and about Westminster, du∣ring this Sessions. Then also a time was appointed for all such, as would exhibit a∣ny Petitions, and Receivers also, and Tryers were constituted to take and consider of the several Petitions, referring to England, Ireland, Wales, Scotland, Gascogne, and o∣ther Foreign Parts and Isles; and thereupon Sr. Thomas Drayton being appointed Clerk of the Parliament, because several of the Lords and Commons were not yet come, they adjourn'd till next Day: At which time the House being informed, that Sr. Bartho∣lomew Burwash, Sr. John Darcy Lord Chamberlain, Mr. John Thoresby, and Mr. John Charleton, were arrived, as Messengers from the King, then lying before Calais; but could not be ready to make their appearance there, till Wednesday next after the Morrow, the Parliament was prorogued, until that Day.

At which time Declaration was made in open Parliament, that the Reasons of that their present meeting, were, because the King, since his passing the Sea, and his At∣tempts in France, was now uncertain of his Condition; that according to the Issue, or Exigence of Affairs abroad, Matters might be concerted at home, for the safety of his Ma∣jesty, and the Common Peace and Wealth of his Kingdom; which latter was visibly dam∣nified by the sufferance of false Money.

Then were produced the Kings Letters Patents, Credential; wherein among other Matters, the foresaid Declaration was verbatim expressed, the Letters bearing Date be∣fore Calais. Which being read in open Parliament, Sr. Bartholomew Burwash, for, and in the Name of himself, and the rest of his Colleagues, in presence of the Lord War∣den of England, and of the Three Estates,

declared the good Success of the King, since his Arrival at la Hogue in Normandy, as in surprising and taking of many Towns and Castles of War, as well at Caën, as elsewhere, and also of the Great Victory ob∣tain'd at Cressy, where the whole Power of France was discomfited; and how the King was now come before Calais, from whence he intended not to depart, till by the help of God, he had won the same. After which he intended to pursue the E∣nemy without return, till the War should be fully ended.

This done, he produced the Copy of an Order, made by the King of France, in reference to his Son the Duke of Normandy, and others, Nobles of that Country; which was particularly recited, being called the Ordinance of Normandy, and was to this effect;

That the Duke of Normandy should pass as Chief, with other Nobles of that Province, into England, with 40000 Men of Arms, Knights, Esquires, and Persons of good Estate, and 40000 Footmen, Methods being there prescribed for keeping the Sea; and an Order also added, that the said Duke should remain in England with the said Forces, for the

space of ten Weeks. And in case the Realm of England should in this Expedition be Conquer'd, that then the Conquest should solely be to the Name, Honour, and Advantage of the said Duke, and all whatsoever the King of England at that time had there, should remain entirely to the said Duke, and the Knights and Lords with him. That all that which belonged to the Nobles, and secular Persons of England, should be bestowed on the Churches, and Famous Towns of Normandy, only of the Revenues of the Church of England, the French King shall receive yearly 20000 l. sterling; saving the Rights of his Holiness. And that hereupon Surrender be made unto the Scots, of whatsoever hath at any time been taken from them, and annexed un∣to the Crown of England.

This being read, the said Messengers, by the Mouth of Sr. Bartholomew Burwash, required to know, what aid they thought fit to grant to the King, toward the fur∣therance of his Enterprises, and the Defence of the Realm: In Answer to which the Commons (having desired respite for their Answer, till the Thursday next ensuing) de∣clared on the said Thursday by a schedule at large, the sundry, particular, former Aids, the Imposition of 40 s. Custom of Wooll, extorted of them against Law, besides the Ar∣raying of Men, and common taking of Purveyors: Notwithstanding which, they freely Grant the King Two Fifteens in two Years, so as that, if within two Years the Wars do cease, then the latter fifteen to cease also.

After this follow the Petitions of the Commons with their Answers, made by Prince Lionel, by Commission from the King, in the Kings Name in Manner fol∣lowing, viz.

Pet.

That all Acts of Parliament, not repealed, may be fully and entirely observed; so as there pass forth no Commissions of Array.

Resp.

The first Point the King Grants, of the Rest, he will be Advised.

Pet.

That such, as were fined for not Arraying of Men, may be discharged.

Resp.

The King will take Advice.

Pet.

That all within six Miles of the Sea may have a Supersedeas for Arraying of Men.

Resp.

Only such, as keep the Sea-coasts shall have a Supersedeas. It is Enacted; that the Coynage in all places shall be open, as heretofore; Item, that those who im∣port false Money into the Realm, shall forfeit Life and Limb, and that the Justice of As∣sise, and of the Peace shall enquire thereafter.

Pet.

That the Kings Receivers may receive as well Gold, as Silver, and that the Changers thereof be not without Parliament.

Resp.

The first is Granted, the other Respited.

Pet.

That the Fourty shillings Subsidy of every sack of Wooll may cease.

Resp.

The Kings mind must be known first.

Pet.

That Payment may be made for the last taking up of Victuals.

Resp.

Order shall be taken for that.

Pet.

That the Chief of every County may be Justices of the Peace, and that they may Determine all Felonies.

Resp.

The first is Granted: For the second, the King will appoint Justices learned in the Laws.

Pet.

That the keeping of the Sea be at the Kings Charge thenceforward.

Resp.

The Sea shall be kept, as it hath been heretofore.

Pet.

That Sheriffs in every County may have sufficient in their Counties; and that none of those Offices be granted for Life, or in Fee: Item, that Purveyors, who have not the Constables with them, according to the Statute of Westminster, may be look'd on, as Thieves; and that Justices of the Assise, and of the Peace may enquire of the same.

Resp.

The Statute made shall be observed.

Pet.

That the Fifteens in Towns, and Ancient Demesnes be levyed, as in the Bodies of Counties, without encrease.

Resp.

They shall be levyed after the accustomed manner.

Pet.

That all Justices of the Inquest may be sworn, as Justices of the Bench; and that the Chief of them may have Power to swear the Rest.

Resp.

Such Justices shall be sworn, as ought to be; so as they take nothing, but Meat and Drink, and that of small Value: And the Chief shall be impowred to swear the Rest.

Pet.

That the Fifteenths beyond the Trent be employ'd only for Defence of the North.

Resp.

The King will provide for Defence of those Parts.

Pet.

That Strangers, Enemies of the Realm, who remain now in Newgate, may be ad∣judged, during the Parliament.

Resp.

They shall remain there, till further Order.

Pet.

That no Charter of Pardon be granted, since the Kings last Expedition.

Resp.

Advice shall be taken. It is Enacted, that Lombards, and other Merchants shall receive Gold for their Ware, without any Compact, on pain of Fine and Impri∣sonment.

Pet.

That all Alien Monks do avoid the Realm by Michaelmas, and that their Li∣vings be disposed of to young English Scholars: And that such Aliens, Enemies, as are advanced to Livings; they being in their own Countries, but Shoemakers, Taylors, or Chamberlains to Cardinals, may depart the Realm before Michaelmas, and their Livings be bestowed on poor English Scholars.

Resp.

To these two Petitions, this One Answer was given; that the Persons being Spi∣ritual, were not to be tryed by Parliament; and that their Livings being in the Kings hands, were not without him to be disposed of.

Pet.

That the King may take the Profits of all other Strangers Livings, as Cardinals, and others, during their Lives.

Resp.

The King doth take their Profits, and the Council have sent their Petition to his Majesty.

Pet.

That no Payment be made to any Cardinals, living in France, to treat either of War or Peace.

Resp.

This is granted, as Reasonable.

Pet.

That Foreign Provisors, or Aliens buying Provisions, do quit the Realm by Mi∣chaelmas, on peril of being Outlawed.

Resp.

The Statute heretofore made, shall be observed; and the King shall signifie the same to the Pope.

Pet.

That the annual Advancement of 2000 Marks, granted out of the Province of Canterbury, may be restrained, and that those, who sue for Recovery thereof, may be Outlawed.

Resp.

The Lords think the same Reasonable; and it is further commanded, that no such be from henceforth received.

It is Enacted, that whosoever shall bring into the Realm any Aliens, the Vessel, where∣in they are brought shall be forfeited to the King, and the Body of the Bringer shall lye at the Kings Discretion.

It is Enacted, that during the Wars no Person do send or transport any Money to the Pope, or to any Bishop, or other Alien whatsoever, for any Duty whatsoever.

Pet.

That no Englishman do Farm any thing of any Alien Religious, nor buy any of their Goods, nor be of their Counsel on pain of perpetual Imprisonment.

Resp.

This is against the Kings Profit, who reaps benefit by such Farmers.

Pet.

That all Fryers, Aliens, should depart the Realm, never to return hither again.

Resp.

Order shall be taken with every General of all the Houses of Fryers, so to look to all Fryers Aliens, under their several Charges, as that they shall not be able to disclose the Secrets of the Realm.

Pet.

That the annual Pension of 7 shillings which Sr. Raimond Peligrue received of e∣very Religious House within the Realm, may henceforward cease.

Resp.

The said Sr. Raimond is the Kings Liegeman, born in Gascogne, and sworn of the Kings Council, by whose Command he receiveth the same.

Pet.

That the annual Pension of 2000 pounds paid to the Abbot of Clugny, may cease for ever.

Resp.

The same is paid there.

Pet.

That the Statute made, that the King should present unto any Church of his Gift, falling void, at any time within three Years, so as if the Parson had continued there∣in for three Years, that he should not be turned out, may stand.

Resp.

The King will be advised.

It is Enacted, that no Person bring into the Realm to any Bishop, or other, a∣ny Bull, or other Letters from the Court of Rome, or from any Alien; unless he first shew the same to the Lord Chancellour, or to the Warden of the Cinque Ports, on loss of all that he hath.

It is Enacted, that all Religious Persons, for Lands purchased since the 20 of Edward the Third, and paying no Demesne therefore amongst the Clergy, shall pay Fifteens.

After this, Mr. John Charleton, one of the Messengers aforesaid, produced. Letters from the Bishop of Durham, from the Earls of Northampton, Arundel, Warwick, Ox∣ford, and Suffolk, and from Sr. Hugh Spencer, Lord of Glamorgan, directed to the whole Parliament, purporting, that whereas the King at his Arrival at la Hogue St. Vast in Normandy, had Knighted his Eldest Son, the Prince of Wales, whereby he ought to have an Aid of the Realm, viz. Fourty shillings of every Knights Fee, they would now consider thereof: Whereupon the Parliament agreed thereto immediately, and took Order for the speedy levying the same.

It is Order'd in full Parliament, at the Request of the Commons; that the Be∣nefices of all Aliens should be seised into the Kings Hands, and he to take the Pro∣fit of the same; and that in Order thereto, all Bishops should before the next Con∣vocation, certifie into the Chancery the Names of all Aliens, their Benefices, and the Value thereof.

An Act, that no Alien do send any Letters forth of the Realm, that shall not be first perused by the Lord Chancellour, or the Warden of the Cinque-Ports, on pain of losing all he hath.

This was the Substance of this Parliament: But those, who were set as Counsellors over Prince Lionel, were not at all forgetfull of their Duty, both as to the Defence of the Realm, and to the supply of the King their Master, with Men and Money. E∣specially, the Valiant and Noble Henry Earl of Lancaster and Darby, being now in England, was very diligent in Mustering Men of War against the next Campaigne, part whereof he intended to bestow about in Garrisons, that fronted Scotland, and with the Rest he intended to pass the Seas in Person, as the Kings occasions, or Com∣mands should require. For when he had finished the last Years Expedition so Glori∣ously; as We have related, the King sent unto him a 4.80 enjoyning him to leave Gas∣cogne, and repairing into England, attend to the aforesaid Affairs; the Effect where∣of We shall shew hereafter. Only We shall not here omit, that in the beginning of this Year, the King had also sent back his Eldest Son the Black-Prince, into England; no doubt about the same business, that things of that Moment might be sooner expedi∣ted: For We find by the b 4.81 Date of One of his Letters, that he was on the 18 day of January at Westminster.

But the Time of Action being not yet come, we shall take leave to speak of such Matters as happen'd the mean while; not only to carry on the continual Thread of Hi∣story, but also to satisfie the Curious in Matters, which indeed were no whit of less moment than the more noisie Atchievements of War.

III. Now thô King Philip of France was very busie, as we have shewn, in making Preparations to raise the Siege of Calais by Force; yet was he not wanting nevertheless in his Artificial Attempts to save the Effusion of Blood, and if possible, to prevent the hazard of another Blow, by milder Counsels. He secretly therefore ply'd the Pope to use his Endeavours with King Edward, if by any means he might persuade him to entertain a Treaty. Wherefore c 4.82 Pope Clement VI. commanded his Cardinal-Legats, Annibald and Stephen to spare no pains; but if they could not procure a Peace, that they would at least take care to make a Truce between the two Kings. And he himself by his Letters exhorted them Both; Philip, that by the Calamities of France he would be moved to embrace Peace; and Edward, that he would not only consider the innumera∣ble Mischiefs, whereof he was look'd on to be the Author in that War; but that he would cast his Eyes towards the East, where he might obtain immortal Triumphs over the Enemies of God, and a Crown of Temporal and Eternal Glory; but that the Bar∣barians grew insolent at these Wars of Christendome, and entertain'd hopes of trampling the Cross quite under feet.

d 5.1 CLEMENT the Bishop, Servant of the Servants of God, to his well-beloved Son in Christ, Edward the Illustrious King of England, Greeting and Apostolicall Benedi∣ction. If you would diligently consider (most Dear Son) as a Catholick Prince ought to do, the slaughters of innumerable Persons redeem'd with the pretious Blood of Christ, the loss of Goods and the hazard of Souls, more bitterly to be bewailed, which the Dissentions and Wars stirred up between You and our well-beloved Son, Philip the Illustrious King of France, have brought forth, and yet dayly do bring forth without any intermission; together with the Groans of poor Pupils, Orphans, Widows, and other miserable Persons, who being plunder'd, and robbed and almost famished, do cry un∣to the Lord with Tears running down their Cheeks: Besides the Destructions of Churches, and Monasteries, and Holy Places, the Sacrilegious Taking-away of Vessels and other Ornaments dedicated to Gods Service; also the Seisings, Incarcerations, Op∣pressions

and Spoilings of Religious and Ecclesiasticks, and other Persons, and other innumerable, detestable and execrable Evils, manifestly offending the Eyes of the Divine Majesty; if you revolve all these things in your Royal Breast, and add further to your Consideration in this Part, that by the Premises the Catholick Faith especially in the Eastern Parts is oppressed, and the Faithfull there abiding by reason of the said Dis∣sentions and Wars, being deprived of the Assistance of the Catholicks of the We∣stern parts, are thereby afflicted by the Infidels, who behold Christendom so embroi∣led with deadly Persecutions, more cruelly than ever; althô in these Days there is in the said Eastern Parts a better opportunity of Propagating the said Faith, than hath been for many Ages past: We believe, verily we believe that you will soften your Heart, and lest such and so great Evils might further proceed, and so much good as might be done by propagating the foresaid Faith in these our Days, might be hind∣red; that You will apply and turn your gentle Mind, to make Peace and Agreement with the foresaid King. For, most Beloved Son, if God hath given You prosperous Success and Fortune, your Mind ought rather to be humbled, than to be puffed up, and to appear more inclinable to the said Peace; that so You may take care to direct the Endeavours of your Soul, to please God, who loveth Peace, and delighteth in peace-full-minded Men, thereby to put an end to the foresaid Evils, which no doubt do now grievously offend him.

Furthermore, We have great cause to marvell, that our Reverend Brother Annibald Bishop of Tusculum, and our Beloved Son, Stephen of the Title of St. John and St. Paul, Priest and Cardinal of the Apostolick See, being sent as Legates from Us and the said Apostolick See, to treat of Peace, thô they diligently and faithfully labour'd for the same, as Lovers of Verity, Justice and Equity; and therewithall had an high regard to your Honour, could not yet for all that obtain Licence, as touching any Treaty, relating to the said Peace, to be admitted into your Royal Presence.

Wherefore We more earnestly desire your Princely Majesty, and for the Mercies of God with more Ardency require the same, that by taking up, and preventing with the sweetness of Piety and Compassion the foresaid horrible Evils, You may avoid the Vengeance of Gods indignation, which were much to be feared, if you should still persevere to foment those Evils: which God forbid!

And as touching the Treaty of Peace, for which the foresaid Cardinals were sent unto You, (howbeit secretly) lest it might have been any Derogation to your Honour: We desire You again to condescend thereunto, and with your Affections to encline your Mind unto the same, since Peace is so pleasing unto God, so desirable to the World, and so profitable both to You, and the foresaid King, and the whole Catholick Faith: That so the said Peace being by Gods Assistance established and settled, You may as∣say your puissant Valour about the Service of God in the foresaid Eastern Parts (so good occasion, as we said before, being at this time offer'd) which would be an apt Advancement of your Honour, and no doubt a prosperous Augmentation of your Princely Name: For We have heard of You, that You are wont to behave Your Self servently and vigorously in all your Undertakings.

Thus We doubt not, but that You will write unto Us again concerning the Pre∣mises, and the Purport of your Intentions touching the same.

Dat. e 5.2 Avenion. xviii Kal. Februarii, Anno Pontificatus nostri V.

This Letter was answer'd by King Edward in this Manner,

To the most Holy Father in God, CLEMENT, by Divine Providence Chief Bishop of the Holy Roman and Catholick Church, EDWARD by the Grace of God, King of France and of England, and Lord of Ireland, Devout Kissings of his Holy Feet.

Most Holy Father, We understand by the Letters of the Reverend Fathers in God, Annibald Bishop of Tusculum, and Stephen of the Titles of St. John and St. Paul; Priest, Cardinals and Legates of the Court of Rome, as also by your Holinesses Let∣ters sent unto Us; that you have great marvel, for that your said Legates, being sent unto Us to treat of an Accommodation between Us and our Adversary of France, We would not yet suffer them to talk with Us secretly, for the safeguard of our Honour; the intention of your Heart being in that manner to have made the foresaid Accommodation. Wherein also You complain and bewail the Death of Chri∣stian People, the loss of their Goods and danger of their Souls, the dolefull Cries and Lamentations of the Poor, Orphans and Widows, and the Destruction of other wretched People, with the sacrilegious Robbings of Churches, and other Mischiefs innumerable, especially the Decay of the Christian Faith in the East, which by the Wars between Us and our Adversary of France is deplorably impaired, as the said Letters

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do import: And that forasmuch as God hath given unto Us Triumphant Fortune, We ought so much the rather to abase and humble our Heart, and be the readier to accept of, and encline to Peace.

Now as concerning all these Things, most Holy Father, We give your Holiness to un∣derstand, that both to your foresaid Legates and other your Messengers sent unto Us, to every of them We have still offer'd Reasonable ways of promoting of Peace; and We every Day declare the same, and that not secretly, but openly: For We are not afraid nor asham'd to make our Purpose manifest. For He that is the High Judge both of s 5.3 Him and Us, in whose Dispose all things are, hath given unto Us the Crown of France as our Right and Heritage: The which Right our foresaid Adver∣sary hath for a long time by Force detained from Us, thô We sought in peaceable Manner to obtain the same, and yet do, if by any Reasonable way We may obtain the same: And this the rather for the Benefit of Christendom, and that the fore∣said Evils might cease, which by His Injustice only have had their Birth and Conti∣nuance.

Yet, notwithstanding (as you know) before this time We assented to a Truce, upon certain Articles contained in Writing, all this he hath infringed: Neither doth the Wrong which he offereth unto Us in our foresaid Heritage suffice, but he endea∣voured also, during the said Truce, to invade our Realm of England and other our Lands; and furthermore maintaineth the Scots, and aideth them for the utter Destructi∣on of Us, our People and Lands aforesaid: So that We were enforced for the safe∣guard of our People and Lands, by such Lawfull means as We might, to defend Our Selves, and frustrate his wicked Design. For which intent committing our Quarrel to the Hands of God, We are come against him to conquer our Heritage of France, since when God hath given Us divers Victories over him, as We trusted he would in his most Righteous Judgment, and as We knew he was able by his Almighty Power. Which indeed he hath graciously manifested unto Us (all Chance of Fortune set a∣side) in respect only of our Just Title, and without the least of our Deserts. Whereface with all Humility of Soul We always give him Thanks, praising his Holy Name most devoutly both Night and Day: For We acknowledge, that these things were not brought to pass by our Strength and Force.

Wherefore most Holy Father, We desire your Holiness, and as much as in us lies, earnestly require You, that You, who supply the Place of the Son of God on Earth, and have the Care of the Souls of all Christians, and therefore ought to be Indiffe∣rent, Upright and Equal towards all Men, without any Respect of Persons, that You, I say, will receive good and true Information concerning the foresaid Objections, and will put to your holy helping Hand, that as much as in You lies, our said Adversary of France may be brought to acknowledge the Wrong, which in this Point he hath done unto Us, and which by your Aid may be redressed: But that especially he may receive no Aid nor Countenance from You in this his wrongfull Dealing.

For if it be so, We then appeal unto the Supream Judge of Judges, who for a time may permit Wrongs to be done for the sins of Mankind, but in the end redresseth the same, neither leaving any Good Deed unrewarded, nor Evil Deed un∣punished: Most humbly requesting him to be unto Us a true and impartial Judge of all our Controversies for his Mercies Sake; even as We the mean while do repose our full Hope and Confidence in Him alone. The Holy Spirit of God preserve and direct your Holiness in the Government of his Church many and happy Years, &c.

If Odoricus Rainaldus had perused this Answer of King Edward's, he would not perhaps have so dogmatically g 5.4 asserted, that he prefer'd his interest to Religion, and was an Enemy to Christian Piety; whose unhappy Death he says, was answerable to his Life; and that in the end he was despised of God, as he had before despised God, in the Person of his Vicegerent. This Judgment I believe, that Author would not have had, if he had taken as much care to weigh King Edward's Excuses, as he hath in col∣lecting the Accusations laid unto his Charge: Both which yet being equally the Duty of every one who would avoid Errour, I have for the better clearing of Truth produ∣ced all along the Letters on both sides. And as for the Unhappiness of King Edward's Death, the Opinion thereof is taken up from light and unauthentick Conjectures, as we shall shew, when after a Thirty Years Reign yet longer, in great Honour and Prospe∣rity, excepting some small Allays, we shall find him in a good Old Age to go to the Grave in Peace, full of Days and Honour, being Royally interred by the Hands of his own Children, Friends and Subjects, not without many Wet Eyes and sorrowfull Hearts: But to return whence we have digressed.

IV. All this while the Flemings continued firm to King Edward's side, insomuch, that about the time h 5.5 of his First Coming before Calais, they raised a sufficient Ar∣my, which being lead by a Valiant Knight, called Sr. Edward de Renty, a Native of France, but lately banished thence by King Philip, went, and laid close Siege to Be∣thune, a City of Artois. But the Place was so well Defended by Four Worthy Knights of France, Sr. Geoffry Charny, Sr. Eustace Ribemont, Sr. Baldwin Seclin, and Sr. John Landas; that after much labour to little purpose, they were fain to break up their Siege, and return home upon the approach of Winter. Their Captain Sr. Edward Renty soon after upon his Pardon returned into France, where he proved very service∣able to his Country in many Glorious hazards.

But now King Philip of France, who earnestly desired to lop off these Friends of Flanders from his Enemy of England, in hopes thereby to fasten them unto himself, makes unto them these large Offers:

1. To remit unto them all their former Trans∣gressions. 2. To cause i 5.6 their Interdict or Excommunication to be taken off. 3. To send unto them such Plenty of Corn, that what they now paid 12 s. for, should be sold for 4 s. and this to be continued for six Years. 4. To store them with plenty of French Woolls, to make their Cloth at a very cheap Rate; the which Cloth to be sold as well in France as in Flanders; he promising to forbid the Wearing or Buying of any other Cloth in his Dominions, as long as any of that made of French Wooll might be found. 5. To restore unto them freely the three Cities of Lille, Douay and Bethune. 6. To defend them from all their Adversaries, and in pledge there∣of to assist them with Money beforehand. 7. To retain in his Service such as were able and forward Men among them, and to raise them to Promotions according to their Merits.

But all these fair Offers, as seeming rather extorted by the necessity of the Times, than proceeding of any real Purpose or Good-will, were stifly rejected: Especially by the carefull Endeavours of King Edward's Emissaries, who promised them, k 5.7 after the Winning of Calais, to recover the three Cities aforesaid unto them, and labour'd with better success to keep them fast to the King their Master, and to undermine the whole Drift of the French King. But chiefly they established the Flemings, by Proposing a Match between the Lady Isabella, King Edwards Eldest Daughter, who was then about l 5.8 14 Years of Age, and their young Lord Lewis of Malines, onely Son to Lewis of Crecy aliàs Nivers, late Earl of Flanders, who fell the last Year in the Battle of Cres∣sy: Which young Earl Lewis was as then little more than m 5.9 16 Years old. The Fle∣mings gladly approved of this Motion, as doubting not by such an Alliance to be very well able to resist upon Occasion the French King, whose Friendship they thought not so necessary or advantageous unto them, as that of the King of England. And on the o∣ther side, King Edward was not less willing to consummate this Match and Alliance, because hereby he assured himself, that he should bind the Flemings unto him more strongly. But as for the young Earl himself, he having been all his Life educated in the Court of France, would by no means agree to this Match, but said openly,

How he would never take to Wife the Daughter of him who slew his Father.

And be∣sides John Duke of Brabant, that had all along trim'd between the two Kings, and was generally suspected to be but an outward Friend to King Edward, laboured now with this young Prince, rather to accept of his Daughter, telling him, that if he would

take her for his Wife, he would undertake fully to resettle him in the quiet Possessi∣on of all Flanders,

either by fair Means or otherwise: And to perswade the King of France more easily to allow of this Match, he told him by his Private Agents, how

upon that Condition, he would so order it, that within a short while all Flanders should renounce the King of England's Friendship, and return to his Side.

Where∣upon having obtain'd the King of France's Approbation, he began by sufficient Messen∣gers to deal privately with the Burgesses of the Good Towns of Flanders about re-ad∣mitting their Young Lord to the Exercise, Dignity and Profits of his Earldom. These Men shew'd unto that giddy People such plausible Reasons, that by General Advice and Consent, they n 5.10 presently deputed certain Commissioners unto King Philip to re∣demand their Natural Prince of him, whom they would thenceforward own for their Lord. And to the young Earl they sent this Invitation; that if he would return into Flanders, and make use of their Counsel, they would be unto him true and faithfull Subjects, and restore unto him all the Rights and Jurisdiction of Flanders, in as ample a Manner, as ever any Earl had before him. This Invitation the young Earl ac∣cepted of, and returned forthwith into Flanders, where he was received in most splendid manner, and presented with Gifts of great Value.

But as soon as King Edward heard of this Change of Affairs in those Parts, he sent thither William Bohun Earl of Northampton, Richard Fitz-Alan Earl of Arundel, and Reginald Lord Cobham, who prevail'd so far with the Demagogues, and Leading Men of Flanders, that all the Country was quickly of the mind, that their Lord should rather take to Wife a Daughter of England, than the Daughter of the Duke of Bra∣bant, or of any other Prince whatsoever; And so they effectuously desired their Lord, and shew'd him what Reasons he had so to do; nor durst those few Burgesses, who were for a Match with Brabant, speak the least syllable to oppose them: But the young Earl boldly declared his Resolution, saying,

That by the Grace of God, never, while he lived, would he Marry her, whose Father had slain his, thô he should have half the Realm of England for her Dowry. When the Flemings heard this peremptory Answer, they as boldly, but with little Care of their Duty, told him, that he was too much sway'd by French Counvels, and sought the Interest of their Enemies, more than it became him: And that he must expect no good from them, if he would not rather believe the Counsel, which they should give him, and which was for the common Advantage both of him and them.

But the Young Prince not be∣ing at all shaken with this, they proceeded further, and took, and put him in the Prison of Courtray, swearing,

That he should never come forth thence, while he lived, unless he would govern himself after their Advice and Counsel: And they told him moreover, that the Earl his Father believed, and loved the French Na∣tion in like Manner to his utter Ruine; whereas, had he follow'd their Advice, and been a Friend to their Friends, he might have been as Great a Lord, as any in Christendom, and have recover'd again Lille, Douay, and Bethune, and still on this side Heaven.

Thus Matters rested for a while, and the Earl was kept short, nor without some inconvenience, in no little fear, being emprisoned by his own Subjects.

V. King Edward the mean while was still before Calais, and had kept all that Win∣ter (especially during the Christmas Holy-days) a most Magnificent Court in the Camp; but as soon as the Spring began to open the Year for Action, he set himself earnestly to establish his Affairs. On the o 5.11 second of April therefore, being Easter-Monday, he sent the Lord James Audeley from the Siege before Calais, into England, with Com∣mand to raise what Forces he could, and to bring them down to Sandwich by Ascen∣sion-day, well-arm'd, in Order to pass over to Calais; in regard the French King was drawing together a Vast Army, with a purpose to raise the Siege. About a p 5.12 Month after, hearing the French King intended to be at Calais about Whitsuntide, he sent also into England, to his Cousin Henry Earl of Lancaster and Darby, commanding him speedily to repair to his Assistance with the Forces he had raised: In reference to whose Passage, Command was given q 5.13 five Days after to the Lord John Mongomery, Admiral of the Fleet Westward, to provide Ships in readiness at Sandwich and Dover, with all speed, for the transportation of those Forces. Accordingly the Earl arrived at Calais before the end of May, immediately upon whose coming thither, King Edward, among other Gracious Tokens of Favour, wherewith he welcomed this High-born Sub∣ject, taking into consideration his many great Services and Victorious Successes in A∣quitain, and elsewhere, r 5.14 granted unto him and his Heirs-Male for ever, by Charter, the Castle, Town and Place of Bergerac on the Dordonne, in the Diocese of Perigort, with the whole Chastellany and all Jurisdiction, High and Low, Royal Authority, Ab∣solute and Mixt, as also the Coynage of Money there. To which he afterwards ad∣ded a Grant of the Examination of the Assay, with both the Criminal and Civil Pu∣nishment of all Offendors for Coyning of Money. And s 5.15 because this Town and Castle stood upon the Frontiers of the Enemy, the King granted, that during the War, there should remain in that Garrison an 100 Men of Arms, and 200 Foot at the Kings pay, subject nevertheless to the Command of the Kings Seneschal of Gascogne, and to be by him drawn out upon occasion, he leaving sufficient strength to Defend the same. And further, because this Noble Earl had taken divers Prisoners at the Town of St. Jean d' Angely, when he reduced that Place, as we have shewn, the King therefore toward the latter end of this Year, granted unto him all the Lands, Tenements, Vines, and other Goods of those Prisoners; till their Ransom was fully paid: And a little after he granted unto him and his Heirs for ever, the Houses, Lands, and other Goods and Possessions of Bernard Barrham, Burgess of that Town, to hold by the service of rendring to the King and his Heirs One Rose annually at Midsummer. And besides all this, he t 5.16 granted unto him the Castle of Horeston in the County of Darby, with the appurtenances, and 40 pounds per annum, out of the Farm of the Town of Dar∣by, to him and his Heirs-Male; and for default of such, the same to revert to the

King and his Heirs. All these Grants, and more were made to him by that Muni∣ficent Monarch, upon the Account of his many good and acceptable Services by him performed.

VI. While King u 5.17 Edward was thus busied in reinforcing the Siege at Calais, and King Philip was on the other hand preparing to rescue the Town, Lewis, the young Earl of Flanders, whom We lately left confin'd at Courtray, having by loss of Li∣berty, and some hardship learn'd a little Experience, resolved now to work his own Will, but therein to use more caution, and to procure his escape by Dissimulation: Since he found it impossible to avoid ruine, if he should still openly avow, what he could not but harbour in his heart. He often therefore said to those, who were about him,

that he would for the future believe the Counsel of his good Subjects of Flanders; for he knew well (he said) that he should live in more splendour there, and in a Higher Condition, than in any other Country: For in France he was subject to the pleasure of other Men, and could not do, as he would.

These Words, being noised abroad, were greedily swallowed by the plain-dealing Flemings, who could not penetrate into the forced Dissimulation of the Willfull young Lord. Wherefore they took him out of Prison, and suffer'd him to go an Hawking (a Sport, which he loved well) on the other side the River Lys, or Leye. But still there were Persons appointed to watch him, who were charged upon their Lives to look carefully to his Motions, that he should not by any means steal away from them. And besides his Keepers them∣selves were such, as chiefly prefer'd the King of England's service, so that he could not do the least occasions of Nature without their knowledge. This new way of Im∣prisonment obliged the Earl to another Device, he said, at last, as it were from his heart, and of his own accord,

that he desired extreamly to Marry the Daughter of so Renowned a Prince, as King Edward was; but none of his Friends would endea∣vour to procure him that happy Promotion.

Of this immediately the Flemings sent word to the King and Queen, then before Calais; and appointed a Day, whereon they should come with their Daughter, the Lady Isabella, to Bruges, and they would at the same time bring thither their Lord, the Young Earl, and so the Nuptials should be solem∣nized between them in the Abbey.

The King and Queen, x 5.18 who were well pleased with this Overture, said, how the Flemings had now done, like true and honest Men, and so prepared for the intended Meeting. At the time appointed, the most Discreet and Wealthy Burgesses of the Towns of Flanders came unto Bruges, a Chief City of Flanders, between Ostend and Sluys, and brought with them the young Earl, their Lord, in great Pomp and State: Here they found the King of England and his Queen, who received them graciously. The Young Earl enclin'd himself with great Demonstrations of Respect to the King and Queen; and then King Edward took him by the Right Hand very courteously and lead him forward, saying unto him,

As for the Death of the Earl, your Father, as God shall help me, I am Innocent: For I knew nothing of his being in the Field at the Battle of Cressy, neither on the Day of Battle, nor till the Evening of the next Day, when the Heralds brought me an Account of the slain.

The Earl seem'd to be∣lieve this Protestation, and to acquiesce in so just an excuse: And thereupon other Communication succeeded, and at last the Marriage was agreed, and a Bond of Ensu∣rance made, certain Articles of perpetual Amity being on both sides sworn to, and agreed on, between Edward King of England, and Lewis Earl of Flanders: And then, and there the Young Earl affianced the Lady Isabella, King Edwards Daughter, and promised on such a Day to Wed her. So for that time, they all brake up, the Earl re∣turning to Courtray, and the King and Queen going back to the Camp before Calais, where they made great Preparations against the Marriage, for Jewels and costly Apparel, and Pre∣sents to give away according to their Estate.

The mean y 5.19 while the Earl of Flanders pass'd away his time very pleasantly about the River Leye, and seem'd so extreamly satisfied with the Person of the English Lady, that the Flemings verily believing him to be in earnest, took no such great heed to him as before. But they did not understand the deep Dissimulation of their Lord; for whatever appearance He made outwardly, his Heart was wholly addicted to the French Interest, and he resolved in his mind never to admit unto his Bed the Daughter of him, who had sent his Father to his Grave. A just Resolution, had it been rightly ground∣ed: For indeed his Fathers Death ought not to have been imputed to King Edward, but to his own Misfortune, for taking part with King Edwards Enemies in that Battle, where he was slain by chance of War, and without any knowledge of the Kings, as himself protested.

However the Earl having now obtain'd a little more liberty by reason of his fine conveyance (for he made huge Preparations against the Marriage he never intended) found at last an Opportunity to escape away; which was done in this Manner. In the Easter-week, z 5.20 being that very Week that the Daughter of England was to be brought into Flanders, and the Espousals to be solemnized, he rode forth with an Hawk on his Fist by the River side, after his Manner. At last his Faulconer cast off a Faulcon at a Heron, and the Earl presently cast off his: Thus these two Faulcons were in chace of the Heron; and the Earl followed, as after his Faulcon. But when he found himself to have got the start of all his Attendants, with the Advantage of the Open Fields, he then clap'd Spurs to his Horse, and gallop'd right on, till his Keepers had wholly lost him. The Earl continued hard on the Spur, till he came into Artois, the next Province to Flanders, and there he was safe. Thence he rode at his Leisure in∣to France, and came to King Philip; to whom he shew'd the Reasons and Manner of his Escape; the King commended him, and said, he had done Worthily and Wisely: But the Englishmen said, He had falfifi'd his Oath, and with the loss of his Honour and Interest, betrayed and deceived them. But for all this King Edward did not break with the Flemings: For he saw plainly, that they were extreamly offended with this Rash Action of their Lords, and that they knew as little of this Cheat, as himself. And indeed they made their Excuse so well, that either the King did really believe it, or however thought best to admit of it for that time.

VII. We must not omit a 5.21 one memorable Matter, which happen'd about this time, concerning an Advocate of the Spiritual Court, named Dr. Gawin de Bellomont, an In∣habitant of Laon in Picardy: Who intended, as it was laid to his Charge, to have betrayed the City of Laon to the English: Which City of Laon being seated on a Mountain, not far from Vermand, stands very commodiously to make War upon all its Neighbours round about.

Now there was at that time a poor Man, named Colin Tomelin, who formerly had lived in good Fashion; but some while before, being fled from Laon for Debt, had gone to Metz on the Borders of Lorrain, where he made shift to live a miserable Life: To this Man Dr. Gawin de Bellomont, aforesaid, resorted frequently, and as it were in pity of his Condition, relieved him considerably; till at last, when he thought, he had him fast enough, he began something to break his Mind unto him: But only then told him in General;

that if he would be ruled by him, he would not only re∣store him to his former Ease and Sufficiency, but raise him to an Eminent Degree of Wealth and Prosperity.

Colin readily embraced the Offer, and sware unto him Secre∣cy and Fidelity: Whereupon Gawin shew'd him a Letter sealed up, and gave it him to carry to the King of England, lying as then before Calais, together with an handsome Gratuity, and a promise of much more upon his Return to him unto Reims with an Answer. When this Indigent fellow had received the Letter, he revolved many things in his mind, considering of what consequence such a Matter might prove at last; and he said to himself,

Well! Colinet, thou may'st be poor; but thou shalt never be a Traytor.

Wherefore now, contrary to his Oath and Promise to Gawin, but agree∣able to the Duty he ow'd to his King and Country, he took his way toward Paris, and presented the Letter to the French King; in which was set down the whole Man∣ner, Tune, and Means, how, and when the City of Laon should be betray'd. When the King understood the whole Series of this Black-Treason, he instructed Colin how to behave himself in returning with an Answer, and to fit his return according to the time, as if he had been at Calais with the King of England, and so at a convenient day to go to Reims, according to Gawin's appointment. During which Interval, King Philip wrote secretly to the Provost of Reims; that as soon as Colin Tomelin was come to Dr. Gawin with his Answer, the said Gawin should be attached, and had unto Pri∣son; all which was accordingly executed. When Process was made against him, for∣asmuch, as he was in Holy Orders, the Provost of Reims sent him to the City of La∣on, where he was put in the Bishops Prison. But when the Commons of Laon heard, how there was a Man Prisoner there, who would have betrayed their City, they rose in great uproar, and would have broken up the Prison, with intent to tear him in pieces. But the Bishop, who is an Earl, and one of the Twelve Peers of France, and of the Su∣pream Judges, so pacified them by his Officers, that for that time they went back a∣gain to their several Houses. The next day, to quiet the People, he was brought forth to his Judgement, and there (because he was a Clergyman) only condemned to perpe∣tual Prison: But for his greater Infamy and shame, he was further Order'd to be set up on high in a Tumbrel, or Dung-Cart, bare-headed to be seen of all Men; and so with

vile Instruments of wretched Musick, as Bagpipes, and the like, to be carried thrô the High-street of the City, unto the Bishops Prison aforesaid, there to remain close Pri∣soner, during his Life. But he was not carried far in this Manner, when the Com∣mon people fell upon him with great moutings, pelting him with dirt and stones so rude∣ly, that before he had finished half his Progress, he was stoned to Death; after which his Body was buried in a filthy Moor, hard by the City. With him also his Only Son, being in some measure guilty of his Fathers crime, was condemned to perpetual Imprisonment: But, being excused the shamefull Riding, was not expos'd so to the Fury of the Rabble; wherefore he had his Life, but lost his Liberty for ever.

Shortly afterward b 5.22 there was also executed at Paris, a Burgess of the said City, who (as was laid to his charge) had undertaken to betray that great Metropolis of the Kingdom to King Edward: For which Fact he was first dismembred of his Legs and Arms, and afterwards hanged up by the Neck on the great Gallows of Paris, called Monfaucon. But in relation to these two supposed Treasons, for my part I cannot see, how onely one or two Persons can be supposed capable of Betraying such Considerable Places, as Laon and Paris, near which the King of England had no Garrisons; and as for Himself he was then too far off, being at Calais: Nor could he be able with all his Forces to take, and hold Possession of two such Cities, especially of Paris, even thô he had left the Siege of Calais. Wherefore I rather think the whole Matter amounted to no more than this; that some certain Persons, who either shew'd small satisfaction in King Philips Government, or were less carefull of their Carriage and Speech in such a Juncture, or lay obnoxious to the Malice or Spight of any prosligate Wretches, wan∣ted not Evidences to swear home against them, and lay Matters to their Charge, which thô never so improbable, were then accounted no less than Treason by a Prince so mor∣tally jealous as King Philip was.

VIII. Now the French King, having found all his peacefull Overtures with the Fle∣mings ineffectual, especially now that they had proceeded so far, as to quarrel with their young Lord the Earl of Flanders, for the Sake of King Edward his Adversary, as well to revenge his own and the Earls injuries, as hoping by some notable Success against them to enduce them to some Reasonable Terms, resolves c 5.23 to send his Son John Duke of Normandy, with a Considerable Army against them. But Duke John it seems, was born under no better Stars than his Father; for having besieged Cassel, a Town between St. Omers and Ipres, he was at last in a Sally set upon couragiously by the Flemings, being joyned with a good Body of English from Calais, and com∣pelled to raise his Siege without Honour, but not without considerable Loss: For the Conflict enduring from Morning till high Noon, the French were utterly vanquished, and enforced to break up, having left behind them many Hundreds of their Men, as well slain as Prisoners; whereas on the other Side, rather by a Miraculous Protection of Heaven than any Chance of War, not one is reported to have been grievously wounded among the Flemings and their English Auxiliaries. To this Town above all the Towns of Flanders, King Philip ow'd an ill-will, because d 5.24 in the beginning of his Reign, when he laid siege unto them in Person, the Inhabitants had in derision of Him and his Title, caused a Red Cock to be painted on a White Cloth, under which in great Letters they wrote this following Rhyme, and hung i•• over the Walls,

Quand ce Coq icy chantera, Le Roy Trouvé ca entrera.

Which signifies,

When this Cock shall crow clear, The Found King shall enter here.

At which Lines the French King was horribly vexed, especially because they Nick-na∣med him the Found King, as if having no manner of Title, the Frenchmen had as it were upon diligent search, found him out to hold Pretensions against King Edward.

After this Repulse at Cassel, Duke John collecting his shatter'd Forces, made yet an∣other Attempt upon Lilers a Town of Flanders, by the River Navez between Arien and Bethune: But here also he received another Repulse; so as he could hardly come off with the rest of his Troops to his Father, who stormed and fretted exceedingly at these fresh Disgraces.

IX. All this while was the Siege of Calais carried on with great Application, but

the Defendants held out with equal Obstinacy: For thô King Edward's chief trust was to reduce them by Famine, yet nevertheless he ceased not to afflict them with huge e 5.25 Engines, that cast continually Massie stones into the Town, and against their Walls and Towers; and some have said, that at this Siege Canons were first used: But of that Opinion we have already discover'd the small Probability. And a very good f 5.26 Author, who was also an Eye-witness and present at the Siege says, that nei∣ther could any Engines be used to much Purpose, because the Ground was not firm enough to sustain them. Besides if the Walls could have been quite beaten down, yet were the Ditches so deep (whereinto at their pleasure they could let in the Sea) that with little strength of Men, provided their Ammunition and Provision fail'd not, they were able to withstand the whole World.

One time the Admiral of France came up toward the Haven, designing to engage the English Fleet, to divert them, while many small Boats laden with Provision should get into the Town; but against him the Noble Earl of Northampton went forth with a good Squadron of Archers, and Men of Arms, and to his great Loss put him to flight, Most of the Boats being intercepted and taken.

And on that side of the Town, on which the Boulogners were used to victual Calais, namely Westward along by the Sea-side, in little Boats and Bylanders stealing down by the shore in the Night-times or in misty Weather, the said Earl of Northampton made a strong Rampire, wherewith he destroy'd, or kept back, or chased away such Boats, the Rampire being perpetually guarded with Archers and Slingers of Stones, who watch∣ed the Victual-boats night and day.

However a little g 5.27 after Easter, no less than Thirty Norman Ships and Gallies, all nimble Sailers, adventur'd boldly one Morning early, and without any impediment from the English Fleet, carried in fresh Provisions, and victual'd the Town, and got off a∣gain by good fortune with little or no Dammage: But from that time the King caused the MOuth of the Haven to be quite block'd up, and the Earl of Warwick with eigh∣ty tall Ships scoured the Channel between Calais and Dover. Now King h 5.28 Philip, that he might some way answer the Loyalty and Courage of these poor Calisians, who could not be overcome, but by Famine, had again equipped a Fleet of 12 Gallies of Genua, and 70 Sail of stout Ships, all laden with Provision and Ammunition, with Orders to Relieve Calais. But as soon as ever this Fleet was seen from Dover, and the Earl of Warwick had notice thereof, he set upon the Frenchmen with such Fury, that they all were dispersed, taken or slain: The Admiral of Genua flying first, and leaving the Frenchmen to the mercy of the Enemy. Here was taken a vast quantity of Victuals, Harness and other Provision, to the great Comfort of King Edward and his Host, who hoped now to be soon Masters of the Place; but the Besieged in Calais were in great grief and distress, and almost reduced to despair.

Nor is it yet to be thought, that King Edward's Men were without their Difficulties any more than the Besieged, thô indeed they wanted no manner of Provision: For the French King i 5.29 had Men of War in every Fortress of the Marches, in the Earldom of Guisnes, Boulonois, Artois, and about Calais; besides a great Number of Genouese, Normans, French and others on the Sea: Who at several times took no less than k 5.30 fifteen of King Edwards best Ships of War, some whereof they kept for their own Use, and the rest they made useless by fire. Among others, Sr. Thomas Hackluit and Sr. William Burton, as they were failing for England, were suddainly encoun∣tred by certain French Pirates, and taken Prisoners, with the two Ships which they com∣manded.

Nor did the l 5.31 French Men of War belonging to the Garrisons about the Marches lye idle all this while; for when any of the English, either Horse or Foot went a Fo∣raging; for the most part they met with many difficult Adventures. Nor were the Lords and Captains of the Town idle or faint hearted, but many times they made vi∣gorous and bold Sallies, nor always to their own Loss. Particularly one time the Lord Arnold D'Andreghan came out with a Choice Band of select Warriers very early in a Mor∣ning, and came almost to the Kings Tent, so that the King himself being well-nigh surprised, caused his Trumpets to sound, and with his Guard the mean while fought fiercely at the Entry of the Trench, crying out with indignation, Ha, St. Edward! Ha, St. George! But by this time the Captains of the Army began to move, and the English making an offer to intercept the Enemy, and so to cut off their Retreat, they drew back much faster than they came forth; and leaving 200 of their Fellows behind, they had been all lost, if the Captain of the Town, Sr. John de Vienne had not adven∣tur'd forth with the Flower of the Garrison to make good the Retreat; which he did

with much ado, but was himself wounded with a spear thrô the Thigh by the Lord Tho∣mas Holland.

But however now the Besieged were held so close, that nothing could come to their Relief, but with great difficulty and by stealth; and that but little at a time: And what was thus done was effected by the means of two famous Seamen, one called Ma∣rant, and the other Mestreil, Inhabitants of Abbeville, who often comforted and refre∣shed the Calisians, by bringing in to them a nights Provisions in light Boats, whereby they exposed themselves to much danger, being often chaced, but they alway esca∣ped; nor only so, but caused many Englishmen to be drowned, for in dark Nights they would come silently in their small Boats to the skirts of the Fleet, and bore Holes thrô their big Vessels, something below the surface of the Water. Whereby not a few Men were drowned, the Ships being full of Water, before they could find a Leak.

Besides all these Inconveniences and the dayly Chances of War, what with the unwhol∣som Air, by reason of the unstable Ground and the nearness of the Sea, and what with the m 5.32 stink of Cattle that died in and about the Camp, as well as the Garbage of Beasts slain, and other Refuse of the Army; but chiefly by the rage of the Bloody Flux, no small Numbers of Englishmen perished. Thô I believe Giovanni Villant n 5.33 is something too lavish in this Point, who says, that together with all the Rencounters from the beginning to the end of this Expedition, and with extraordinary and common Diseases, Maladies and Mischances, King Edward lost in the whole no less than 50000 Men. Among others, there died this Year on o 5.34 the Twelfth of February the valiant English Lord Maurice Berkley, younger Son to Maurice Lord Berkley, and Brother to the Lord Thomas Berkley, in the Camp before Calais, to the extream Regret of his Master King Edward, who set an high value upon his Services, of which an Estimate may be from the Retinue he had at the time of his Death: Which consisted of six Knights, among whom p 5.35 was Sr. Nicolas de St. Maure, aliàs Seymour, and 32 Esquires, with 30 Archers on Horseback, and 200 Archers on Foot. Three q 5.36 days after his Death, the King in contemplation of his singular Merits, gave unto Thomas his Son and Heir, a Grant of the Profits of his own Wardship, as to his Lands and Marriage. This Noble Family of the Berkleys is derived from Maurice the Son of Robert Fitz-Har∣ding, who was the Son of Harding, one of the Royal Blood, or as some say, r 5.37 Youn∣gest Son to the King of Denmark, who came into England with William the Conque∣tour. The foresaid Maurice Son to Robert Fitz-Harding, had in Marriage the Lady Alice, Daughter, and at last s 5.38 sole Heir to Roger Lord Berkley, so called from his Ca∣stle of Berkley in Gloucestershire; and thereupon changing his Name, became Ance∣stour to this Illustrious Family, which since that Time hath flourished, and still conti∣nues in great Honour to this Day.

X. I do not meet with any more Persons of Rank, that died during this Siege in the English Camp; but 'tis certain, that not a few of the Common Sort were wasted a∣way, as we said before: The Loss of whom was notwithstanding easily made up by succeeding Recruits from England and other Places. For many great Lords of Flan∣ders, Hainalt, Brabant and Almain, came thither to the Camp, some indeed onely to pay their Respects to the King and Queen, others to joyn with the English Forces: And of all the Visitors none departed home again without an agreeable Gratuity from the King. Among all those Lords, that won by the Kings Fame or otherwise, came now to embrace his Service, the Lord t 5.39 Robert of Namur was not the least Conside∣rable: This worthy young Lord had lately received the Order of Knighthood at the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem, by the hands of that Renowned Christian Souldier the Lord Lespentine, and had thereupon continued for some time in the Holy Wars; but was now newly returned into the Country of Namur and Liege. He was as then in the first flower and vigour of his Age, of good Discretion, Courage and Conduct, and had not since his Return been engaged by either of the two Kings of England or France; but now of his own Accord he came gallantly attended, and richly provided to the Siege before Calais, and there offer'd himself to the Service of King Edward. By him he was received very graciously, as also he was highly welcome to the Queen and the English Lords; but especially he won upon the Kings Affections, on the Account of the Lord Robert of Artois his Uncle, whose Name he bare, and whose Person and Vertues seemed again to be revived in him. Nor shall it be forgot, that this Martial Knight was a great Friend to the Muses, as we may learn from u 5.40 Sr. John Froisard: For whose laborious and noble History (which for the most part contains the Heroick Acts of King Edward and his Children) we are not a little beholding to

this Sr. Robert of Namur, Lord of Beaufort, who requested him to set about that Laudable Work, and both encouraged and assisted him in it. Sr. Robert of Namur bare for his Arms, x 5.41 Or, a Lion Rampant Sable, Crowned Gules, and in process of time became Knight of the Garter. For from this time forward he became Liegeman to the King of England, who thereupon gave him for the first Hansel of his Favour 300 l. per annum, to be paid by Yearly Return at Bruges in Flanders; and now he continued with his Troops, amounting to 300 Men of Arms, before Calais, till the Place was taken.

About y 5.42 Whitsuntide, King Edward sent to all the Abbeys and Priories throughout England for an Aid of their Woolls, and for a proportionable Support from all other Religious Houses, as lately had been granted unto him in Parliament. One z 5.43 says, that he seized on all the Ecclesiastick Wealth, under the specious pretence of Borrowing it, to maintain him in his Wars against France: By whose Example, King Philip to de∣fend his own, laid hands on the Revenues of all Priests, except Cardinals, not residing in his Kingdom; and of other Benefices he took the Tenths. Whereupon the Pope sent unto him Pastor Archbishop of Ambrun, and William Bishop of Chartres to re∣strain him; and the Gallican Clergy he exhorted to maintain the Liberties of the Church: Threatning a 5.44 moreover to use his Pontifical Authority against him, unless he would restore the Ecclesiastick Right to its pristine Splendour. But we do not find, that King Philip alter'd his Course of Proceeding for all this, the Necessity of his Af∣fairs calling for extraordinary Supplies.

XI. Before we come to the Winning of Calais, it is fit we should take notice of o∣ther Matters, that happen'd elsewhere the mean while, no whit less Worthy of Me∣mory: And first we shall enquire after the Condition of Scotland at this time. We shew'd before, how the preceding Year, immediately after the Battle of Durham, the English pursuing their Victory, recover'd the Castle b 5.45 of Hermitage, with all Anan∣dale, Marches, Tweedale, Tividale, and Ethrick Forest, besides regaining what the Scots had won in England, enlarging their Limits as far as Cockburne's pit and Solway: And all this was obtained in a manner, with little, or no Resistance; for the Scots were now brought c 5.46 so low, since that blow they received near Durham; that for a long while after they were unable to bring any considerable Army into the Field. But now early this Year King Edward Bailiol, in hopes to recover his Inheritance, during this weak Estate of Scotland, d 5.47 enters that Kingdom by Carlile, with an Army of 20000 Men, and the Lord Piercy with as many more, by Barwick, made a Road into Louthian and Cliddisdale; whence he brought great Booty of Goods and Cattle; while the Bai∣liol raged alike in Galloway, Niddisdale, and Carrick; so that the Scots were at last compelled to yield unto him, and accept him for their King. From hence when both the Armies, being joyned, began to March toward St. Johnston, with a Resolution to bring all Scotland to their Subjection, the Scots made such humble Instance, that they obtain'd a Truce for one Year, on Condition to pay immediately to King Bailiol 9000 pounds Sterling. Whereupon it was ordained, that King Bailiol should reside the mean while in the Castle of Lanerock, on the Borders of Galloway, with competent Forces, for fear of the Scots; and the other English Lords and Captains, that could be spared, returned to King Edward to the Camp before Calais.

XII. We have not of a long while made any mention of the Affairs of Bretagne, which now seem (not out of season) to call upon Us: For they are fruitfull of A∣ctions, neither unworthy Memory, nor foreign to our Purpose; and yet can no where be more conveniently handled, than in this place, and at this time, wherein they had their Birth. King Edward, thô he lay all this while before Calais, did yet by his Working Genius actuate and influence more distant parts, as we have already instan∣ced in Matters both at Home and Abroad, in England, Scotland, Gascogne, and Flan∣ders. Now as for what relates to Bretagne, we shew'd before e 5.48 in the latter end of King Edwards 17 Year; that a triennial Truce had settled Matters there: In which Truce were comprehended the Kings of France and of Scotland, with their Allies; however the two said Kings afterwards brake the Truce, the One in the first Year, by putting King Edwards Friends to Death, and the Other not till the Third, by invading England, whence succeeded the Battle of Durham: Yet for all this the Lord Charles of Bl••s, and the Countess of Montfort (her husband who brake the Truce, being dead) kept strictly to the former Articles. But now the Truce being to expire in Bretagne also, on the 19 of January this Year, King Edward thought fit to send some necessary Aid to the Countess, as well for his own Honour, he having espoused her Quarrel, as also with design to weaken his Adversary the French King, who had undertaken the Protection of the Lord Charles.

Wherefore on the f 5.49 10 of January he created Sr. Thomas Dagworth, a Valiant Ba∣ron of England, his Lieutenant and Captain-General in the Dukedom of Bretagne, and sent g 5.50 him, together with Sr. John Hartwell, Sr. Alan h 5.51 Zouch, and Sr. John Lile, alias L'Isle, from the Siege of Calais into Bretagne, with an 100 Men of Arms, and 400 Archers, who all came in good time to the Countess at Hennebond, where they found her attended with her Men of War, of whom was Captain Sr. Tanguy de Ca∣stelle Breton Bretonant. As the Year began to open, these English and Bretons began to make their Incursions on those who held for Charles Earl of Blois: And some∣times they wan, and sometimes they lost, as the Course of War is; but the Country always suffer'd, whoever had the better. One day Sr. Thomas Dagworth laid Siege to a good strong Town, standing between Pontrieux and Lantriguet, called Roche D'A∣rien, in English, the Rock of Arrian, whose Captain for Sr. Charles of Blois, was Sr. Tassart of Guisnes: Here he gave many fierce Assaults; but the Place was so strong, and so well Defended, that by force, they were likely not much to prevail. How∣ever, whether by secret Intelligence, i 5.52 as some say, or any other consideration, the Majority of the Town enclin'd to the English, and seising on their Captain Sr. Tas∣sart, said, how they would kill him, unless he would be for the Countess. Here∣upon he yielding to their desires, they all together deliver'd up the Town to the English, who left Sr. Tassart there still, as Captain, with a sufficient Recruit for his De∣fence, and so went back again for that time with the Countess.

When Sr. Charles of Blois heard of this, k 5.53 he sware, Matters should not go so over long, and immediately he sent his Summons both thrô Bretagne, and into Normandy, among his Friends, so that he muster'd at Nantes, no less than 1600 Men of Arms, 12000 Footmen, and 2000 Balisters, and he had in his Company 400 Knights, and 24 Banners. With these Forces he went and laid Siege to Roche D'Arien; so late∣ly won by the English; here he is said to have used such terrible Engines, that nei∣ther Walls, nor Towers, nor any thing else, could long resist them (perhaps these might be great Ordnance) so that thô the Garrison had already sent to the Countess for aid; yet by the excessive fury of these Engines, which beat down all before them, one huge stone, or bullet, making its way even thrô the Roof of the Chamber where the Captains Wife lay in Childbed, to her Infinite Affrightment; the Captain, and all others, were in such a Consternation, that they offer'd forthwith to deliver up the Place, on Condition they might depart with their Lives and Goods, where they would: But the Lord Charles being too eager of Revenge, and blinded with security, refused this Advantageous Offer, to his almost utter Ruine.

For the Countess of Montfort, who knew the Condition of her Friends, as well as of her Enemies, had by this time provided a 1000 Men of Arms, and 8000 Footmen; whereof Sr. Thomas Dagworth was Principal Leader, with Sr. John Lile, S. John Hartwell, and Sr. Alan Zouch, aforesaid, under his Command. These all agreed to raise the Siege, or never to return alive to the Countess; and with this Resolution they set forward, till they came near to Sr. Charles of Blois his Camp, where for that Night they pitch'd up their Tents by the River Trieu, designing to fight the next day. But when they had all refreshed themselves at Supper, Sr. Thomas Dagworth caused half the Host to arm, with whom about Midnight he sent forth Sr. John Hartwell, com∣manding him to give a brisk Camisade upon Sr. Charles his Host, and then to retire after some Execution, in seeming Confusion, and as if he was utterly Routed. This Brigade went forward, and dash'd suddenly into the Lord of Blois his Camp, on the nearer-side, and beat down Tents, and slew much People; but being too eager in the pursuit of their good Fortune, they tarried there so long, that all the Host being come to the Rescue, they were so beset, that they could not retreat without Battle, or down∣right flight, which had exposed them all to the sword of their Enemies. When they saw this they were not wanting to themselves in Courage; thô so lately they had for∣feited their Discretion: But they were now already pretty well tired with Action, and their Enemies encreased upon them on all Hands; so that finally they were overcome, and for the most part taken, or slain; but Sr. John Hartwell made shift to escape with a small Number along by the River-side, and so returned to the General Sr. Thomas Dagworth, to whom he declared their ill Adventure: Whereupon the whole Army thought for that time to leave off all hopes of further succeeding, and to return back again to the Countess at Hennebond.

But then Sr. Thomas Dagworth spake to all the Captains, and those were about him, saying,

Nay, Gentlemen, let not such a strong Body of Men, as We are, think of going back again, till We have recover'd the Reputation, We have so lately lost.

Rather let Us now leap all on our Horses, like Men of Courage, and for them that have none, let them follow on a Foot in Gods Name: For now is the best time in the World to look upon our Enemies; when their late Success has lull'd them asleep in the Arms of security. I'll warrant You, We shall easily discomfit them, and You shall soon see an happy turn of Affairs.

As he spake thus, and his Men yet doubted, whether to obey him, or no, there came up to them a Knight of good Con∣duct and Valour, called Garnier, who was Lord of Cadudal, with an 100 Men of Arms, sent to joyn Sr. Thomas Dagworth from the Countess of Montfort. This fresh recruit wholly confirmed the wavering Courages of the English, and so Sr. Thomas having or∣der'd his Troops put himself in the Head of the Men of Arms, and the Archers on Horseback, and the Foot followed him with a good Courage: So that about Sun-rise they dashed into the Lord Charles of Blois his Host, where they found all was buried in sleep and security: For they were proud of their Success, and weary with obtain∣ing it, and verily thought there was no more Enemy remaining after their last Nights Victory. Wherefore the Englishmen and Bretons with an horrible outcry invaded them like sheep in a fold, and beat down Tents and Pavilions, and slew people on all hands: At which time the Captain of the Town making also a vigorous Sally with all his strength; the whole Army of Charles of Blois, which consisted of 30000 Men was entirely de∣feated, and broken: The Lord Charles himself taken Prisoner, together with his two l 5.54 Sons, John and Guy, the Lord of Rochefort, the Lord of Beaumanoire, the Lord of Lo∣deac, Sr. Guy de la Valle, and 36 Knights more; Among the slain were found the Vicount of Rouen, the Lord De la Valle, whose Son Guy was taken alive; the Lord of Chasteau Briant, the Lord of Derual and his Son, the Lord of Rouge, the Lord of Quintin, with Sr. William his Son, the Lord of Malestroit, the Lord Ralph de Montfort, and others, to the Number of 500 Men of Arms, besides Footmen. After this entire Defeat, Sr. Thomas Dagworth set the Prisoners in safe Custody, especially the Lord Charles of Blois, who being wounded, was committed to the Care of skillfull Chirur∣geons; and then all Sr. Charles his Engines of battery, and other Spoils sound in the Field, were brought into the Town and Castle of Roche D'Arien. But as for the Villagers, and Men of the Country thereabout, because contrary to their Oath and Duty, they had favour'd the Earl of Blois in this Siege, Sr. Thomas punished their Towns, and the Chief Men thereof with severe Fines, and held them much shorter, than ever before, and having executed several of the most Guilty, kept many of the Rest in a kind of slavery, to be Labourers and Drudges for his Men of War. Then he set himself to repair the Breaches in the Walls, and elsewhere, and having suffici∣ently reinforced the Garrison with Men, Ammunition, and other Provision, departed with his Prisoners for Hennebond: Where he tarried till the Lord Charles was reco∣ver'd of his Wounds, and then convey'd him and his Sons, and the rest of the Pri∣soners into England; and there they were all bestow'd about in places of sure Custo∣dy, in the Tower, and elsewhere about London. This great Victory was thus obtain'd before the Fortress of Rochedarien, on the Wednesday m 5.55 before the Feast of St. John Baptist, being the 12 of the Calends of July, or the 20 Day of June, An^o. Dom. MCCCXLVII.

I have ventur'd to differ something in the Relation of the Fact from Froisard in that Matter, where he makes Sr. Thomas Dagworth to be grievously Wounded in the first Onset, and Garnier Lord of Cadudal to be the Author of that Counsel, of falling upon the French a second Time; not only because our n 5.56 Records attribute the Conduct of this Affair to Sr. Thomas Dagworth; but also his own Letter is extant in Robert Aves∣bury, wherein he shews forth the Matter, as We have related it. And in considera∣tion thereof, the King o 5.57 created him before the End of this Year a Baron of the Realm; As also two p 5.58 others of his Valiant Associates, Sr. Alan Zouch, and Sr. John Lis••e; besides whom he made 50 Knights. And upon the first News of this Happy Success, the same King, according to his Pious Custom, caused Publique Thanks to be given to God Almighty, both in the Camp before Calais, and also throughout England.

XIII. And truly this was a very Important Success, especially considering the taking of Charles of Blois and his two Sons; althô his Lady q 5.59 continued the War, as reso∣lutely as ever: For she requested King Philip so earnestly to enable her to Revenge this Loss; that soon after, when Sr. Thomas Dagworth was now in England, he sent thither the Lord of Craon with a strong Army, to whom also great Multitudes of the Bretons resorted. And thus altogether they came before Rochedarien, and Assaulted the Town for two days continually; but the English Defended themselves vigorously, and threw forth upon their Enemies hot boyling Oyls, Fire, Coals, hot Ashes, and

other Offensive Matter, wherewith they did much mischief to the Besiegers. The Third Day the English being opprest, offer'd to yield the Place, on Condition they might have security to depart with Life and Goods: But this the French and Bretons would not now condescend to. So the Assault began anew; and the Lord Craon to encourage his Men, had hung up fifty Scutes of Gold in a Purse upon a Spears point, and Proclaim'd aloud, that he that first enter'd the Town should have the said Purse of Gold for his pains.

When the Genouëse Souldiers heard the Promise of their Captain, some of them went under the protection of their Fellows Shot, with long and sharp Pick-axes and Mat∣tocks, and so stoutly bestirred themselves, that in less than five Hours they had so mined the Wall, that (as the French Chronicles witness) there fell a Pain of 50 foot in length, at which Breach first the Genouese entred, and after the whole Host. Here with∣out any compassion they slew Men, Women and Children, all that came in their way, not sparing Babes that sucked at their Mothers breasts, and spoiled and robbed the Town, every Man getting what he could to his advantage. And when thus the French had put all the English, and also Bretons and other Inhabitants of the Town, to the Sword, then they went and assaulted the Castle, to which about 240 Englishmen were fled for safeguard.

After several Assaults the Garrison at last offer'd to yield the Castle, so that their Lives and Goods might be saved unto them; but this not being accepted, in the end they agreed with their Lives onely saved, to be safely conveyed ten Miles on their way to Quintin, and this was allowed and sworn unto them. In confidence whereof they came forth, two Brittish Knights, Sr. Silvester de la Fevillée, and Sr. William de Stratton, being appointed to convey them safe onely in their Jackets; and thô the Knights did their best according to their Duty, yet could they hardly repress the insolence of the Conquerour, nor bear them off without loss: For Their Enemies of the Host cast Stones at them, and so beat them with their Staves as they passed on thrô them, that several of them died and fell down by the way: the rest with much ado being brought in safety within a League or two of the Castle of Quintin, then in the English Hands. But the Commons of the Towns thereabouts, being informed of the coming of such Englishmen under safe Conduct, as had before slain the Lord of Quin∣tin in the Battle of Rochedarien, where Sr. Charles of Blois was taken, gather'd toge∣ther with their Weapons, and came out into the Fields against them; and the English being all unarmed, and the Knights their Guides, not being able to resist their cruel Determination, they slew every Man of them except the Captain, whom one of the Knights saved by lending him his own Horse, whereby he escaped. And when these savage People had thus shamefully slain the Englishmen, they gathered their Car∣casses together in an heap, and there let them lie for Beasts and Fowl to devour.

XIV. While Matters passed thus in Bretagne, King Edward constrained the Town of Calais sore, blocking them up both by Land and by Sea, so that nothing could come in unto them: Wherefore John Duke of Normandy having recover'd his Losses in Flanders, came forward about the beginning r 5.60 of June, and hover'd near Calais with a considerable Body of Men, till the King his Father should come up and joyn him with all his Forces: But King Edward sent out against him Henry Earl of Lancaster and Darby, with a Detachment of 800 Men of Arms and 1600 Archers, whom at that time Duke John would not expect, but retreated hastily out of his Reach. A∣bout the same s 5.61 time John Vere Earl of Oxford, Ralph Baron Stafford, the Lord Wal∣ter Manny, and Sr. Hugh Fitz-Simond of the Lord Stafford's Retinue, passing forth of England with a Navy of 200 Sail to enforce the King at Calais, met with a Fleet of France, which was going to victual Calais: Of these Ships they took twen∣ty Sail and many Gallies, with all the Purveyance therein, which they brought to the Camp before Calais.

Which last Hope also failing, the Calisians, who resolved to endure as much hard∣ship as Flesh and Blood could bear, thô they saw themselves in so sad a Condition, and found their stock of Provision almost wholly spent, began now only to lessen their former Allowance of Food and Drink; and besides that thrust out t 5.62 500 more of the poorer Sort, Men and Women, who were by age or sickness useless for the War; and perhaps not much unwilling to be turned out, as who might hope to taste of the same Gracious Usage, which those, who were thrust out at the beginning of the Siege, had found at King Edwards Hands. But alas! they were widely mistaken; for the King, who in all this while had found this People so inveterately obstinate, that they would never listen to any Summons, nor admit of any Conditions, thô never so safe and

honourable; but had put him (almost beyond all Patience) to such infinite trouble, expence, and hazard of his Men, look'd upon these Creatures with an other kind of Counte∣nance, and commanded them sternly to return back again into their Town. But now their own Fellows and Countrymen refused to readmit them; wherefore being forced to lie between the Army and the Town, most of them died with Famine, Weak∣ness and the Night-colds; but a very few being able to bear their misery, till either their Enemies, or their Friends at that time little better than Enemies, took pity of them and relieved them.

XV. Much about u 5.63 this time it was, that a certain Messenger was by the English taken on the Sea, bearing Letters in a Fly-boat to Philip the French King from the Captain of Calais, in these words,

Sachez tresdoute Seignieur, que vous Gentz in Ca∣leys ont mangez leurs Chevals, Chiens, & Ratz, & nest remit rien pour leur vivre, sinon chescun mange aultre. Par quey treshoneurable Seignieur, si nous ne eymes ha∣stife Succoure, la ville est perdue; & nous sommes toutz accordes, si nous ne eymes eyde, de ysser & mourir sur nous ennemis, au Honneur, plus tost, que dedens mourir pur defaulte. Et Dieu vous deigne de rendre al nous & noz Heirez nostre Travaile, &c.

Which is thus in English,

Know Dread Sir. that your People in Calais have eaten their Horses, Dogs and Rats, and nothing remains for them to live upon, unless they eat one another. Wherefore most Honourable Sir, if we have not speedy Suc∣cour the Town is lost: And we are all resolved, if we are not relieved, to sally forth and die upon our Enemies with Honour, rather than to die within (the Walls) by Famine. And God grant you Grace to render to us or our Heirs according to our Travail in your Majesties Service, &c.

This is the Summ of those Letters, which when King Edward had perused, as they were written more at large, he x 5.64 caused them to be closed up again with his own Seal, and so sent them to the French King, requiring him to make haste and succour his good People in Calais, that were in such misery for his Sake. Philip for his part, not only from these Letters, but many other ways knew well enough, what hardships and diffi∣culties his Loyal Subjects of Calais had all along undergone, and was all this while en∣deavouring their Rescue: But as his Preparations were great, so they took up much time; however in answer to the foresaid Letters, he sent word to King Edward, that he would shortly come and look upon his Siege; and to the Calisians, that now he would by no means fail to bring them a speedy and powerfull Succour. All this while John Duke of Normandy, had made several Offers to draw near Calais with a great Power, and sometimes he came within two Leagues, and sometimes within three; but the English had so drain'd the Countrey, that for lack of Victuals he could not subsist thereabout for any time, and thereupon as y 5.65 some will have it, he made that Expedition into Flanders, where he had such Success, as we have shewn before.

XVI. On the z 5.66 18 of July being a Wednesday, Henry the Thrice-noble Earl of Lan∣caster and Darby, went from the Siege of Calais, about ten Leagues into the Realm of France, with a strong Detachment of 800 Men of Arms and 20000 Archers: His Design was to go to the General Fair that was held for Cattle of all Sorts near Ami∣ens, on the Day of Sr. Margaret the Virgin and Martyr, which is kept on the 20 of the said Month of July. But when he had rode one Day and a Night, intending to have been at the Fair the next Day, he received upon the way certain Information, that the French King was marching toward Calais, with a mighty Army of about 200000 Men. For the Inhabitants of Picardy and Artois had lately sent to King Philip, telling him,

That if he did not make haste to succour Calais and drive the Enemy away, they were not able any longer to endure such a Neighbour; but must of necessity yield up all their Towns to the King of England.

Wherefore King Philip made haste and began his March thitherward; upon News whereof the Earl of Lancaster hasted back immediately for Calais; but however he had in this short Expe∣dition so well ransackt the Country, that he brought back with him no less than 2060 Oxen and Kine, and more than 5000 Sheep, which was a great Refreshment to the Army.

We shew'd before, how the French King had made his Summons, commanding all his Lords and Others who held of him, to be with him at the General Rendezvous at Amiens by the Feast of a 5.67 Pentecost with their respective Troops. There came thi∣ther by the time appointed, the King of France himself, attended with a great number of Nobles and Men of War, where the held a solemn and magnificent Feast: b 5.68 Soon after there followed Duke Eudes or Otho of Burgundy, as also John Duke of Norman∣dy, the Kings Eldest Son, and Philip then Earl of Valois, afterwards Duke of Orleans,

his Youngest Son; the Duke of Bourbon, Gaston Phaebus Earl of Foix, Amadis Earl of Savoy, John Lord Beaumont of Hainalt, the Earl of Armagnac, the Earl of Fo∣restes, the Earl of Valentinois, and divers other Great Princes, Earls, Barons and Knights. Here King Philip held a Council of War, to consider which was his best way to March, in order to raise the Siege of Calais more successfully, or at least to relieve the Town with Men and Provisions: He chiefly desired to have the Passages of Flanders open; for so he thought to put some Troops into Graveling, and thence to recruit the Town of Calais, while he gave a Diversion to King Edward another way. To this end he sent Messengers into Flanders to treat upon the matter, but they were too fast Friends to the English to comply so far with the French: Where∣fore King Philip resolved to take the way on the left hand towards Boulogne, and so Order was given for all Men to provide forthwith against this Expedition; for as yet the whole Number of the French Forces was not compleated.

Now the Flemings c 5.69 were not only content to have sent this Denial to King Philip, but to give King Edward a further Proof of their Good-will, they sent an Army of near an 100000 Men, and laid Siege to the strong City of Aire on the River le Lys in Artois, and wasted and burnt the Country all about, as Merville or Mergen, Le Gorgue, Eyterre, Leventis, and a March called Loos by the River Deulle, and on the other hand up to Teroüenne, and even to the Gates of St. Omers. Upon News hereof King Philip was obliged to remove from Amiens to Arras, that so he might be nearer at hand to watch the Motions of the Flemings, and upon occasion to give them Bat∣tle; and all the Garrisons of Artois he reinforced with fresh Men of War, but especi∣ally he sent the Lord Charles de la Cerda, commonly called Don Carlos of Spain, who was Son to Don Lewis of Spain, Prince of the Fortunate Islands, now lately deceased, and Son in Law to Guy late Earl of Blois, and now in the Absence of the Earl of Eu and Guisnes (who was then Prisoner in England) Constable of France; this Man he sent with a strong Reinforcement to St. Omers for its greater Security. But notwith∣standing the Flemings had done excessive Mischief about in the Country, and had slain many Frenchmen and won much Booty, before King Philip removed to Arras; but upon the News of his Arrival, doubting lest he should come upon them with all his For∣ces, they raised their Siege and returned into Flanders.

XVII. When King Philip understood, that by his drawing so near them, he had obliged them to quit the Siege of Aire, and that their Army was now disbanded; be∣ing tid of that Fear, he began to march with all his Forces from Arras, to go the way he had before resolved on toward Calais: The first Day he went to Hesdin on the River Canche, where he tarried one Day for his Carriages, the next day he removed forward to Blangys en Ternois, where he also tarried the remainder of that Day to advise fur∣ther what Course to take now. Here it was agreed to take the direct way thrô Bou∣lonois; and that way accordingly King Philip took the next Day with a mighty Army of about d 5.70 200000 Men one with another; so that his Host, together with his Car∣riages took up in length above three Leagues of the Country. For there was now with King Philip, besides the Lords and others aforemention'd and their several Retinues, the Lord e 5.71 Charles King of Bohemia, Marquess of Moravia and Elect Emperour (thô as yet Lewis of Bavaria was not dead) who brought with him a great Army of Bo∣bemians, Luxemburghers and other Germans, and sware to King Philip, that he would either by Force or Treaty raise the Siege, or at least victual the Town for another Winter: But how well he kept his Word we shall see hereafter. The Army passed on, leaving on the Right hand the County of Fauquenbergh, and so proceeded till they came to Sangate-Hill between Calais and Wissant, * 5.72 within a little Mile of the Eng∣lish Camp. They came thither on the Monday after St. James, being the 30 of July, in very good Order and Array, with Trumpets sounding, and Banners displayed, that it was a Delightsom Terrour to behold so gallant and dreadfull an Appearance. When the Calisians saw them encamping, it seem'd to them as if another Siege was going to be laid: But the sight of the French Lillies made them indeed look upon it as an Army sent from Heaven for their Deliverance.

Now f 5.73 King Edward had before this built an high and strong Tower at Risban to close up the way between the Town and the Sea, which he had fortifi'd with g 5.74 Springolds, Bows and other Artillery: And in the Place were 60 Men of Arms and 200 Archers, besides Engineers, who kept the Haven that nothing could come in or out: Wherefore of necessity the Place must soon be reduced by Famine. But when King Edward saw and knew, h 5.75 that the French King was come with such great Forces to raise the Siege; and that if he should go forth out of his Trenches to fight him, the mean while the

City would be plentifully recruited with Provision of all sorts, so that it might hold out as long again; it grieved him to think of Leaving what he was just then upon the point of Obtaining: For he knew very well the extream Scarcity and Famine that ra∣ged in the City. Wherefore, as he was of a good ready Capacity and Presence of Mind, he consider'd with himself, that the Enemy could neither come to him, nor to the Town, any other way but in two Places; the one on the Downs by the Sea-side, the other by the High-way; where yet because of the many Ditches, Rocks and Marishe••, there was but one Passage, and that was over New-land Bridge. For a Remedy there∣fore in the first place, he gave Order for his Navy to draw along by the Sea-side, to command the Downs, every Ship well-provided with Archers, Crossbows, Springolds, Bombards and other Artillery, whereby it was not possible for the French to pass that way, without apparently exposing themselves in Flank to the Shot of the Enemy. And then as for New-land Bridge, he sent thither in good Time the Valiant and Thrice-no∣ble Earl of Lancaster and Darby, with a sufficient Number of Archers and Men of Arms to make good that Passage: So that the Bridge being thus defended, there was no way on that side left free for the French, unless they would venture over the Marishes, which was no way seasible. Now on the other side toward Calais, the King of England had built a Sconse, wherein he had set certain Archers and Others to defend the Entrance of the Passage that way by the Downs from the Frenchmen. To this Bulwark, while King Philip was lodged on Sangate Hill, there advanced 1500 of the Commons of Tournay, at whom the Defendants shot Arrows and cast Stones; but however they passed the Ditches, and came to the Foot of the Wall with Pick-axes and other Instru∣ments; and while some fell to Digging at the Wall, others began to Assault, where they received a severe Welcome, and lost many of their most forward Men: But by obstinate Contending at last they gain'd the Place, and slew all they found within, and beat the Tower down to the Ground. But still the Navy being spread along the shoar in most formidable manner, that way was as difficult as ever; for those that offer'd to pass that way, laid themselves open in Flank to be by them galled at their Mercy.

Then King Philip sent forth the Marshals of his Host to view the Siege, and to con∣sider which way he might best approach, either to relieve the Town or to give the English Battle: These Men having view'd the manner of King Edwards Entrench∣ing, and how well he had provided for all the Avenues, return'd with this Answer to the King their Master,

That it was impossible to come to Handy Stroaks with the English against their Wills, without apparently exposing his Men to many fatal Disad∣vantages.

Thus for that Day things rested, King Philip being much troubled that after all his vast and expensive Preparations, it was still so difficult to bring his Purpose a∣bout: But the next Morning after Mass, he sent by Advice of his Council, the Lord Geoffry Charny, the Lord Eustace Ribemont, the Lord Guy de Nesle, and the Lord of Beaujeu to King Edward to demand Battle of him, affirming in his Name, that he would be ready i 5.76 to give him a Meeting in the Field the Third day next after, or the Second of August (for this Message was sent on the Last of July) about the time of Even-song, if he durst come forth from the Siege and abide it. These four Gentlemen were Persons of great Worth and Experience in the Wars, and they went by the way of New-land Bridge, which they found to be a very difficult Passage for an Army. They highly applauded among themselves the Order that the Earl of Lancaster kept at the Bridge; and so they rode forward with the same Earl in their Company, till they came to the King, who stood at his Tent door well attended with a Noble Company of his Chief Peers and Captains: At sight of the King they all alighted from their Horses, and came up to him and kneeled, the Lord Eustace Ribemont delivering the Message in these Words.

Sir, the King our Master sendeth you word by us, that he is come to Sangate-Hill to give you Battle: But because he can find no convenient way to come to You, he desires that You would come forth and fight with him, for he will not fail to meet You on the Second of August about Even-song: Or that You would appoint certain Lords of your Council, as he also will of His, and that among these Lords of both Parties, a convenient Place and Time for Battle be agreed on, to which he promises to stand.

King Edward knew well his own Business, and without any long Tarrying or great Deliberation replied in this Manner,

Lords of France, I have well understood what you demand of me in behalf of my Adversary, who unjustly detains my Inheritance from me, whereat I am not a little displeased. You may tell him from Me, that here I am, and here have been almost now an whole Year; and he might have found me here before this if

so he had pleased. But since he hath allow'd me so much Time to my great Expence and Trouble, that now at last I have reduced the Town of Calais into my Power, I must beg his Pardon, if I determine not so easily, by the advice of an Enemy, to forego what otherwise I am in a manner sure to win; and which I always so much long'd for, and have likewise so dearly paid for. Wherefore if he cannot pass this way to meet with me, let him take what way he can, for I will not flinch from him, no more than I will unadvisedly give way for him to refresh the Town with Victuals.

XVIII. With this Answer the French Lords were dismiss'd, being convey'd beyond the Bridge by the Earl of Lancaster, and his Guard of Partizans: But that very Morning, while the French King was thus busied in contriving how to relieve the Town, there came k 5.77 thither two Cardinals, Annibald Bishop of Tusculum, and Ste∣phen of the Title of St. John and St. Paul, who were sent from Avignon by the Pope, to mediate about a Truce, or if they might, a final Peace between the Two Kings. King Philip having understood their Errand, remitted them to the English Camp, to know, what his Adversary would do in this case: And he upon their ear∣nest Importunities, and solemn adjurations, in Reverence to Religion, admitted of a Truce for Four Days; if within that time any equal Proposals might be offer'd him. Commissioners for this Treaty on the French part, were the Dukes of Burgundy and Bourbon, the Lord Lewis of Savoy, and John Lord of Beaumont, in Hainalt. On the English side, were Henry Earl of Lancaster, William Earl of Northampton, the Lord Reginald Cobham, and the Lord Walter Manny: And the Two Cardinals were as Mo∣derators between both Parties. Among other things l 5.78 the French offer'd to King Edward,

all Gascogne and Ponthieu, and the Marriage of his Son John; and rather than fail, to yield unto him the Town of Calais, saving the Lives and Limbs of the Inhabitants.

To which the English answer'd briefly,

Small Thanks, for gi∣ving a Part, which was theirs before, now the whole was due: That the Town and all therein, was now at King Edwards Mercy, and not therefore at the Dispose of King Philip.

Then the French Commissioners required, that Five, or Six, be∣ing chosen out on both sides, might be authorised to discuss and adjust the Right of both the Kings, and that the Place, where they should meet, might be assigned by the King of France. To this the Earl of Lancaster replyed; that then the Place ought to be assigned by King Edward, who was the Natural, and Right Heir, both of England and France: For Philip of Valois had no Right at all. This was the Sum of the Three Days Treaty, during which time m 5.79 several French Knights came to the Causey to just with the Englishmen; but King Edwards Commissioners would by no means ad∣mit of the French Concessions: So that the Cardinals were fain to retire to St. Omers, and both Armies prepared for Battle; for just then there came to King Edward a strong Reinforcement n 5.80 of 17000 Fighting Men, English and Flemings. Whereupon he of∣fer'd at his own Cost and Charges to fill the Trenches, and to remove all Impedi∣ments; that the French Army might have free access to come and joyn Battle with him; on Condition, he might have sufficient security, that nothing should be convey'd into the Town the mean while.

But King o 5.81 Philip despairing to do any thing at that time, on the Thursday Morning betimes, set fire to his Tents, and began to Decamp and March off, taking his way to∣wards Picardy, to go to Amiens; where being come he Disbanded his Army. But however upon his first Removal, the Earls p 5.82 of Lancaster and Northampton, followed him at the Tayl, and wan Sumpters, Carts and Carriages, Horses, Wine, and other things, and slew several, and took many Prisoners, whom they brought to the Camp be∣fore Calais.

XIX. Now the Calisians, upon this first Arrival of their King, had made their Con∣dition known to him in this Manner; The first day they set up his Ensign Royal upon the Chief Tower of the Castle, together with other Banners, bearing the Arms of the Dukes, Earls, and Barons of France; and a little after the close of the Evening, they made a Great Light on the Top of their Highest Tower, that was directed toward the French Army, and at the same time gave a shout, and made a Merry Noise with Trum∣pets, and other Instruments of Martial Musick. The second Night they did the same, only the Light and the Noise was much less than before: But on the third Night they made a very small Fire, accompanied with a most Lamentable and Dolefull Noise, to signifie, that their Hopes were almost extinguished, and their Condition very Deplo∣rable; and then they took in all their Flags and Streamers, but only the Standard of France. But when at last they perceived, that their King was Decamped from San∣gate,

and took his March homeward, they pull'd down q 5.83 their Standard of War, and with great sorrow cast it into the Ditch, and reared up in its stead the Standard of King Edward, with the Arms of England and France quarter'd, making at the same time a most Lamentable Cry for Mercy. Then at the Request of the Inhabitants, the Cap∣tain of Calais, Sr. John de Vienna r 5.84 went to the Walls of the Town, and made a sign to speak with some body: Upon notice hereof King Edward sent unto him the Lord Walter Manny, and the Lord Ralph Basset of Sapcote, to hear what he had to say. And them the Captain accosted thus,

Gentlemen, I know, You are Knights of great Honour and Renown for Deeds of War; wherefore I more willingly appeal to Your Judgement in what concerns Us at this time. You cannot be ignorant, how the King, my Master, sent me and others to this Place, with a Command to keep it to our Power in his behalf; so that We neither incurred any blame to our selves, nor suffer'd any Loss to fall upon him. According to which Command, and our Duty, We have hitherto maintain'd our Charge to our Ability: But now, since our Succours have failed Us, We are brought so low, that We must all either die by the Sword, or Famine, unless that Noble and Generous Prince, Your Master, will vouchsafe to take pity on Us. Which that he would please to do. We desire You, Worthy Lords, to be our Intercessors, praying him on our behalf, that he would permit Us to go out with our Lives and Apparel only; and be content to accept the Town and Castle, and all the Goods and Riches, that are therein, which I'll assure You, are in great abundance.

Sir, (said the Lord Walter Manny) We know something of the King, our Master's mind already; for he hath upon this occasion, before discover'd something of his Resolution, concerning the People of this Place. And be assured of this, that he intends not to let You, and those that are with You, go away so easily; but that You should all entirely submit your selves to him upon Discretion, some to be Ransomed, and others to be Punished, as they have Deserved. For the Men of Calais have so highly provoked him by their Obstinacy, and frequent Inju∣ries, and Piracies against him and his, and have now particularly put him to such Charges and Labour, and cost him so many of his Men, that he is very much in∣censed against You indeed.

Why? Truly Gentlemen, said the Captain, this is something too hard a case for Us! We are here within a small parcel of Knights and Esquires, who have Loyally and Honestly served the King, our Master, as You serve Yours, and in this our Service, We have endured, as You know, many Hazards and Difficulties. But for all that, We shall yet further undergo as much misery, as ever any Knights did, rather, than consent, that the poorest bad in the Town should surf fer harder Conditions, than the very best of Us all. Wherefore, Lords, I beg of You, that of Your great Generosity, You will go and Intercede with the King of Eng∣land for Us: For We trust his Goodness is so large, that by the Grace of God, he will remit something of his more severe Determination.

Upon this, Sr. Walter Man∣ny, and Sr. Ralph Basset, went both to the King, and declared unto him all the Captains Words; but the King answer'd,

that he would not receive them, unless they yielded simply to his Mercy, without any Capitulation at all.

Then the Lord Manny said,

Sir, saving your Majesties Displeasure, in this Point You may be in the wrong: For hereby You will set an ill Example to your Enemies, to use a like severity against your Subjects. So that when You will send any of Us, your Ser∣vants, into any Castle, or Fortress, We shall not go with a very good Will: If You put any of the Calisians to Death, after they have yielded; for then the French will serve Us in the same Manner, as often as We fall into the same Condition.

These Words many of the Lords of England, that were present, approved and main∣tain'd; adding further, s 5.85

That the most Noble and Magnanimous Princes made not Wars, with Design to exercise Cruelty, and to shed the Blood of their Enemies, for the sake of Revenge; but to purchase Honour and Reputation, by being Gracious and Mercifull; whereby they obtain more Renown, than by being Bloody and Cruel, as We may judge by Tyrants, who are rendred Odious and Detestable in History.

Wherefore at last the King said,

Well, my Lords, I will not be alone against You all: But Sr. Walter, You shall go now and tell the Captain, that all the Favour they are like to expect from me, is this; that six of the Chief Burgesses of the Town, comeforth to me bare-headed, bare-footed, and in their shirts, with Halters about their Necks, and the Keys of the Town and Castle in their hands, and upon Condition, that six such Men resign themselves in this Manner, purely unto my Will, the Rest shall all be taken to our Mercy: Other Favour than this from Me have they none.

With this Message. Sr. Walter Manny return'd to the Walls, where he found the Captain 〈◊〉〈◊〉

waiting for an Answer, who having heard the utmost Grace that the King would shew, said,

Well Sir, then I only desire You would please to tarry here a little, till I declare thus much to the Commons of the Town, who sent me hither.

And with that Sr. John went into the Market-place, and order'd the Larum Bell to be rung, to call the People together: And when the Assembly was full, Sr. John related unto them all the Kings last Resolution, saying,

You t 5.86 Good People of Calais, there is no need for me to put You in mind of the Evils, Affliction, Distress, Necessity, Famine, and Diseases, to which We are at this Day reduced, for want of Succour. However in this extremity there are two things for our Comfort; the One, that We have approved our Loyalty, both before God and Man, even to this time; the Other, that our Succour from the King failing Us, no Man can impute unto Us, that We have failed in our Faith or Duty. Wherefore following the Resolution ta∣ken in Council, I went to speak with the Enemy, who having Sword in hand, and Power without question, propounds unto You a Matter most Sad and Lamentable

(saying this, the Tears flow'd from his Eyes in abundance, so that he could not presently proceed) which is this; he Commands,

That to save the Lives of the Multitude of People within this City, Six of the Principal Burgesses of this Town of Calais, go forth in their Shirts, bare-footed, and bare-headed, with Halters about their Necks, and in that Posture, present unto him the Keys of the Town; of which Six Burges∣ses he will dispose at his Pleasure. This is the Will of the Conquerour, and I would have You to know, that I endeavour'd with those who were sent from King Ed∣ward, to mitigate the Matter, and to bring it to a more Favourable Issue: But it is not possible for me to draw him from his Resolution, He is so fixed and Resol∣ved; wherefore, my Friends, since it will be no otherwise, consider of it, and make a quick Dispatch.

Upon this, all the People, Men, Women, and Children, be∣gan such a pitifull Lamentation, that it would have melted an heart of Marble into Tears, to behold so sad an Object: The Captain himself could not refrain from weeping.

But in the End u 5.87 there rose up the very Richest and most substantial Alderman of the whole City, named Eustace de Sanct Pierre, who spake thus unto the Heads of the Corporation,

Gentlemen, it would surely be a great Cruelty, to suffer so many Chri∣stian Souls, as are in this Town, to perish, either by Sword, or Famine; when there are any means left to save them. I am verily perswaded, that He, or They, who could prevent so great a Mischief, would do a very acceptable Service in the sight of God. And for my part, I repose so much Confidence in the Goodness of our Lord Jesus, that if I die in the Quarrel, to save the Residue, God will receive me into his Mercy. Wherefore to save this poor People, I will be the First, that will offer my Head to the King of England, as a willing Sacrifice for my Dear Country.

When he had thus spoken, all the Assembly was ready to adore him, and many kneeled down at his Feet with heavy Sighs, and condoling Lamentations. Then straight arose another Honest Burgess, whose name was John Dayre, and said, "I'll keep my Friend Eustace Company in this Honourable Danger. After him rose up James of Wissant, who was very Wealthy in Moneys, Goods, and Houses, and he said,

He would share in the Fortunes of his two Cousins;

and the same did his Brother Peter, to whom two others presently joyn'd themselves with great Alacrity, and so the whole Number of Six was compleat. When therefore these Worthy Burgesses had put them∣selves in that suppliant Condition which King Edward had Commanded, bare-headed, and bare-legg'd, in their Shirts, and Halters about their Necks, they offer'd them∣selves unto the Captain, who went along with them to the Gate, where the whole Town took their last leave of them with great Lamentation. The Gate being opened, the Captain went forth with these Six Burgesses, and being between the Gate and the Barriers, spake to Sr. Walter Manny, saying,

Sir, I John de Vienna, as Captain of Calais, deliver here unto You by Consent of all the Inhabitants of the Town, these Six Burgesses, and I swear unto You faithfully, that they are, and were this day, the most Honourable and Wealthy Burgesses of all the Town of Calais: Wherefore, most Generous Sir, I desire You to Intercede with the King to have Mercy on them, that they may not be put to Death.

Sir, reply'd the Lord Manny, what the King will do I cannot tell; but I shall do for them to the best of my Power.

Then the Barriers being open'd, the Six Burgesses went with the Lord Manny toward the King; and the Captain, as Froisard says, return'd back again into the Town. But here I must crave leave to differ a little from that great Historian; for I cannot see, why the Captain should go back again into the City, now that he had sent away by

these Burgesses, both the Keys of the Town and Castle to the King of England: Nor what greater security he could have, than the Kings Word; to which We see, he trusted the Lives of those Six Men. I shall therefore in this point choose to sol∣low another Author of unquestionable Credit, who was then present with King Ed∣ward at the Siege, and says, x 5.88 that the Captain also came out of the Town together with these miserable Worthies, y 5.89 riding on a little old Nag; for he was lame, having received a Wound in the Thigh from the Lord Thomas Holland, upon a Sally, as We shew'd before.

The Captain therefore having presented the Six Burgesses up unto the Kings Will, He then offer'd him a Warlike Sword, as unto the Chiefest Prince of Arms among all Christian Kings, and as unto One, that had taken that Fortress from the Mightiest King in Christendom, by Noble Chivalry. Then he deliver'd unto him the Keys of the Town and Castle, as being now solely at his Dispose; and lastly, requesting Pity and Pardon for himself, and the rest of the Souldiers and Inhabitants of Calais, he deliver'd unto him the Sword of Peace, wherewith he should Administer Right Judge∣ment, Pardon and forbear the Humble and Lowly, and Punish the Obstinate and Proud∣hearted. The King, having received these things, turned himself then to the Six Bur∣gesses, who had been kneeling all the while, and now held up their hands, and said,

O most Gracious Prince, behold here Six Poor Wretches, who were lately considerable Merchants, and the most Substantial Citizens of Calais, and now together with the Keys both of Town and Castle, do all entirely submit our Bodies to Your Will and Pleasure, thereby to save the Lives of the rest of the People of Calais, who, poor Souls! have already suffer'd incredible Miseries: Only We beseech Your Royal Ma∣jesty of your great Clemency to have Compassion upon Us.

At this Ruefull Spe∣ctacle all the Lords, Earls, and Barons of England, then present, wept for Pity: On∣ly the King look'd furiously upon them, with Eyes flaming for Anger and Resentment, as He, that was irreconcileably incensed against the Calisians, because of the great Damages and Displeasures they had frequently done to him, and his People on the Sea before: and also for their extream Obstinacy, in holding out now thus long against him. Wherefore he Commanded, that their Heads should be stricken off immediately. Then all the Lords, and the Young Prince of Wales began to Intercede with the King for Mercy; but he would hearken to no Man, as to that Point. However Sr. Waiter Manny, being mindfull of his Promise to the Captain, kneeled down before him now, and said,

Ah! Gracious Prince, for Gods sake refrain your Anger, and consider with Your Self more calmly! You have hitherto kept the Name of Sovereign and un∣tainted Honour and Generosity; do not therefore (I beseech You, my Lord) com∣mit any thing now, that may blemish Your Renown, or give cause to Your Ene∣mies to speak dishonourably of Your Person. For every Man will say, it is great Cruelty to put to Death such Honest Men, who of their own accord put them∣selves thus into Your Power, by a Voluntary Resignation of their Lives to preserve the Rest of their Company.

These Words grated upon the Kings Ears; but as yet He was inexorable; and, as if not venturing to hear any more, for fear of being per∣swaded, wrung himself away from the Lord Manny, and called aloud for the Execu∣tioner, saying,

the Men of Calais have been occasion of the Death of many of my Good Subjects; wherefore now these Fellows shall die also, thô too small a Sacrifice to the Ghosts of so many.

At this all the Lords held their Peace, and the Prince himself durst not speak any further: But then the Queen z 5.90 her self, who sat ruefully looking on all this while, could hold no longer, but rose hastily from her Seat, thô she was very big with Child, and kneeled down before the King, and with many Tears flow∣ing from her Fair Eyes, said unto him,

Oh! my Gracious Lord and Husband, since I have passed the Sea in great Danger to visit You, I have not yet made any Request unto You: But now I humbly and heartily require You in Honour of the Son of the Blessed Virgin Mary, and for the Love of Me, that You would be Mercifull to these Poor Men.

The King look'd relentingly upon her, and raising her from the ground, said,

Ah! Madam, I would You had been some where else at this time: For You have so tenderly conjur'd me, by the Honour I ought to bear to my Re∣deemer, and by the Love I must always have for You, that I am not able to deny Your Request: Wherefore now, Lady, I resign them to Your Hands, to do with them as You shall think best.

Then the Queen caused them to be brought into a private Apartment in her Tent, where the Halters were taken from their Necks, and they were handsomely clad in New Cloaths: Which be∣ing done, the Queen order'd them their Dinner, and six Nobles a piece, and so

caused them to be safely convey'd to the Castle of Guisnes, and wholly set at Liberty.

XX. Thus was the a 5.91 strong City of Calais yielded up to King Edward of England, after it had endured a Siege of Eleven Moneths, within three days, viz. from the b 5.92 seventh of September 1346, to the 4 of August MCCCXLVII, which was a Saturday, and the Day that King Edward received the Keys.

Then the King spake to the Lord Walter Manny and the two Marshals of his Host, the Earl of Warwick and the Lord Stafford, afterwards Earl of Stafford, saying,

Here Sirs, take you the Keys of the Town and Castle, and go and take Possession thereof in my Name, and lay all the Knights and Esquires, that be there, in Prison; but as for the Common Souldiers, that came thither only for hire, turn them all out of the Town, as also, after they are well refreshed, all the Inhabitants, Men, Women and Children: For I intend to Repeople the Town only with Englishmen.

So these three Lords with an 100 Men of Arms went and took Possession of Calais, and secured in Prison the Bodies of Sr. John of Vienna the chief Captain, Sr. John Surry, Sr. Barton de Belborn, and other Officers of the Garrison; after which they commanded all the Souldiers to bring together their Harness into the Town-Hall, where they laid it all together on an heap; for they were not permitted to bear any Armour away. Now the King of his wonted Goodness had already c 5.93 sent store of Victuals into the Town, to refresh the poor Com∣mons therewith: But they were so hungry and afflicted and wasted with Famine, that ei∣ther thrô too much Greediness they surfeited, or thrô too much Weakness were unable to digest; so that by the next day at night there died of them more than 300 Per∣sons. As for the rest, the King commanded them d 5.94 to be safely conveyed to the Ca∣stle of Guisnes within the French Pale, when they had been refreshed with the Kings Alms, and were grown strong enough to endure Travail: But the most part of them thought themselves not secure e 5.95 till they were got to St. Omers.

Thus all manner of People were turned out of the Town, f 5.96 except one Priest, and two other ancient Men, who understood the Customs, Laws and Ordinances of the Place, and how to point out and assign the Lands that lay about the Town, and the se∣veral Inheritances as they had been divided before. And when all things were duely prepared for the Kings Reception, he mounted his Great Horse and rode into Calais, with a Triumphant noise of Trumpets, Clarions and Tabours. He took up his Lodg∣ings in the Castle, where he lay more than a Month, all the while Fortifying and set∣ling Affairs both there and in the Town, untill g 5.97 his Queen was deliver'd of a Fair Daughter called Margaret of Calais, who was afterwards married to the Lord John Hastings Earl of Pembroke, who was Son of Laurence Hastings now living; but she died before the said John her Husband, without Issue, both he and she being at that time but very young. Speeds h 5.98 Mistake is here to be corrected, who makes Queen Philippa to be big with Child of this Infant at the Battle of Durham; and Walsingham i 5.99 also who fixes the time too forward by several Days, making the Child to be born on the III of the Kalends of August, when as the Town of Calais wherein she was born, was not won till the iv of August: Nor is Mr. k 5.100 Sandford to be omitted, who makes the Place of her Birth to be Windsor, without any Authority, but Conjecture.

While the King of England tarried thus at Calais, he gave many fair Houses in that Town to the Lord Walter Manny, to the Earl of Warwick, to the Lord Ralph Staf∣ford, and the Lord Bartholomew Burwash, who l 5.101 also obtain'd of the King in conside∣ration of his Services, a Grant of the Marriage of one of the Sisters and Heirs of Edward St. John, Son and Heir of Hugh St. John deceased; and his Son Sr. Bartholomew the Youn∣ger, among other things, obtain'd in recompence of his Services in the Wars, a Grant of the Lands of John Louvaine deceased, till his Heir Nicolas Louvaine, then the Kings Ward should be of full Age. And besides we find, that the King gave to all his great Lords vast Allowances for their several Retinues during this Siege, as particularly to the Earl of Warwick for three m 5.102 Bannerets, 61 Knights, 106 Esquires, and 154 Archers on Horseback, the Summ of 1366 l. 11 s. and 8 d. And yet Others had far greater Retinues, as Henry Earl of Darby, n 5.103 who had 30 Bannerets, 800 Men of Arms and 2000 Archers; and kept such Hospitality in the Camp, that he expended dayly an 100 l. and 8 or 9 Marks: So that after the Truce it appeared by Computation, that he had spent above 17000 l. Sterling out of his own Purse, beside the Wages allow'd him by the King. All which Services were graciously consider'd by the King his Ma∣ster, who bestowed now on him and other Lords a competent Portion of Houses they never built, and of Lands they never purchased, that so they might be obliged to Peo∣ple and defend the Town: Besides all which he design'd upon his return into England,

to send out of London 36 Substantial Citizens, with their Wives and Families to dwell in Calais, as he afterwards did; but the greater part of the Inhabitants came out of Kent: And thus from that time Calais became a perfect Colony of Englishmen.

Now on the Day o 5.104 before St. Laurence, while Order was taking to preserve the Town of Calais in the English Hands; there p 5.105 happened in the English Camp before the Town, a sad and grievous Mischance of sudden Fire, which devoured the Tents and Pavili∣ons without Remedy, they being for the most part made of strong Timber: But this was remarkable, that as the fire came near the Kings Tent, as if not willing or not daring to do any harm there, it flew over among other Tents, consuming and destroying Vi∣ctuals, Wine, Gold and Silver, things of pleasure, and necessity, Bows and Arrows and other Warlike Ammunition: So that the King was fain to send into England for a fresh Supply. Besides there came thither about the same time an Army of q 5.106 60000 Flemings to assist King Edward, supposing that the King of France was still there; and that a Battle would ensue between the two Kings: He for his part tho now he had no need of them, having already taken the Town, yet by the great Gifts he bestow'd among the Captains and other Officers, and the liberal Donations he gave to the Soul∣diers, declared how kindly he took this their Readiness to serve him. And so having from their abundance supplied himself with such warlike Necessaries as the Fire had de∣prived him of, he sent them home again on this Condition, that when he sent for them they should come ready Armed to his Service. This mean while Edward the Young Prince of Wales, rode forth with a strong Detachment from Calais, r 5.107 about 30 Leagues into the Realm of France, even to the River Somme, where having fired and ravaged the Country round about, he returned safe to Calais with much Prey and Booty. But the Earl of Warwick had not such good Success, for as he rode from the Camp to∣ward St. Omers, he lost to the Number of an 180 Men of Arms and Archers, who indiscreetly straggled too far from the Main Body. And besides these Losses for the most part of August, there was such a Drought by reason of the Hot Weather, that for want of fresh Water, great Numbers of the English died in the Camp before Calais.

All this while was the King of England providing and settling his Affairs in Calais, and first he caused all the Wealth and Riches of the Town to be brought together into one Place; and then sealed up the Door, and set a Guard upon the House. Then he s 5.108 com∣manded the New Town and Bastion, which he had made without the Town, during the Siege to be pulled down, as also the strong Castle which he had built at the Mouth of the Haven, and all the Timber and Stones thereof to be brought into the Town: O∣ver which he ordained as t 5.109 Captain, the Lord John Montgomery, an English Baron of great Valour; but he made Captain of the Castle a certain Lombard, whom he had bred up in his Court, named Emeric of Pavia: Of whom we shall speak more here∣after. He also assigned certain Officers to keep in their turns constant Watch at the Gate, Walls and Barriers; and fully mended what was amiss about the Fortificati∣ons; and left for an Extraordinary u 5.110 Guard 300 Men of Arms and 700 Archers.

As for Sr. John de Vienna, the late Captain of Calais for the French King, he was (together with twelve other chief Officers) sent Prisoner to London, and clapt up there in the Tower: Till about half a Year after, that King Philip redeem'd them all by paying their Ransoms. Surely now it was a great Corrosive to the Burgesses and Citi∣zens of Calais, Men, Women and Children, to leave behind them their Houses, Goods, Possessions and Apparel, and to bear away nothing with them but enough to cover their Nakedness; and after all to have x 5.111 no satisfaction from King Philip, for whose Sake they had lost all. Thô y 5.112 Others report more handsomly, that on the Eighth of September following King Philip made an Ordinance, That the Calisians in their Turns should succeed into all agreeable Offices and Places of Profit, as fast as they should fall: No Others whatsoever to be preferred before their Turns were served. To the execution of which Decree, Peter Hangest Counsellour and Clark of the Parliament, and Mon∣sieur John Cordier, Master of the Chamber of Accounts were appointed, and had a strict Charge laid upon them to see thereto.

XXI. While King Edward was thus busied at Calais, there z 5.113 came into France Guy of Montfort, commonly called Guy of Boulogne, whereof a 5.114 he was Bishop, and now Priest-Cardinal Titulo Sancti Caecilii, who was just then sent as Legate from the Pope to joyn with the other two Cardinals now in France, in Order to make a Reconciliation between the two Kings. This Man labour'd earnestly with his Cousin the French King at Amiens, and thence proceeded to Calais to move King Edward: And at last he la∣boured so successfully in the Matter, that he presently obtained a Truce to be agreed on from the 5 of September to the 13, which being prolonged to the 28 of the said

Month being a Fryday; it b 5.115 was then fully Ratified and Accorded on both Sides, to en∣dure between both the Kings, their Subjects, Allies, Confederates, Aiders and Abettors untill the 8 of July following, upon these Articles, viz.

1.

That the Scots among Others should be comprised on King Philips Part, and that the Truce should be proclaimed on the Marches both of England and Scotland. Provided always, that whether the Scots should refuse to accept or hold the said Truce or no, it should nevertheless continue firm and inviolable between the two Kings and Others their Allies.

2.

That the Earl of Flanders should be obliged to keep it entirely, and during the Term thereof should not make any War, or do any Grievance to the Flemings.

3.

That the Cardinals should cause to cease the Denuntiations, which the Bi∣shops and Priests of Cambray, Tournay, Terouënne and Arras had made against the Flemings.

4.

That this Truce shall be observed in Gascogne and Bretagne, and all other Pla∣ces, where either of the two Kings, or their Allies had any Dominion or Possessions, &c.

The rest of the Articles were in a manner the c 5.116 same with those mention'd in the two former Truces of 1340, and 1342.

This Truce being afterwards at several times pieced up from time to time, d 5.117 was spun on by divers Prorogations, untill the Year 1355, or the 29^th of this King; in which Year we shall find both the Kings providing to renew the War. But neither did the Scots much value this Truce, till they were beaten into Weariness; nor many Cap∣tains in Gascogne both French and English; but especially in Bretagne, the War be∣came soon as hot as ever: For the two Ladies, the Countess Dowager of Montfort, and Sr. Charles of Blois his Lady would by no means admit of any Agreement, but held out still, the one in her Sons Name, the other in her Husbands, with extreme Animosity.

As for King Edward, he would not repose any absolute Confidence in the Truce; but that he might the more certainly secure this his Conquest, he e 5.118 built a strong Castle at Risban, betwixt the Town of Calais and the Havens Mouth, to keep off the Ene∣my from Entring the Haven to endammage the Town that way. And having thus prosperously settled his Affairs, he took the Sea with his beloved Queen, and the Prince his Son, and set Sail for England: But according to his usual Fate, he was now again rough∣ly handled by a dreadfull Tempest, wherein he lost many of his People, which made him f 5.119 expostulate thus,

St. Mary my Blessed Lady, what should be the Meaning of this: That always in my Passage for France the Winds and Seas befriend me, but in my Return for England, I meet with nothing but adverse Storms and destructive Tem∣pests!

But however at last, thô not without great difficulty, and the loss of many Vessels, Men and Horses, he arrived safely at Land on the 14 of October, and soon after went to London, where he was received in Great Triumph of the Mayor and Citi∣zens, and by them honourably attended to his Palace at Westminster.

Among those Lords and Gentlemen, that having served King Edward at the memo∣rable Siege of Calais, returned now home with him; I must not forget the Noble Fitz-Thomas Earl of Kildare in Ireland, who g 5.120 being highly touched with a Sense of King Edwards Favours, both to himself, and to his Brother the Earl of Desmond, went o∣ver the Sea in the Spring this Year, gallantly attended with divers Lords, Knights and Choice Horsemen, and offer'd his Service to the King before Calais: After the Winning whereof he now returned into his own Country in great Pomp and Honour.

XXII. About the end of this Year, the Lord Charles of Blois, who called himself Duke of Bretagne, was h 5.121 brought Prisoner to London by Sr. Thomas Dagworth his Conquerour; and at King Edwards Command sent to the Tower, where David King of Scotland was at the same time. But shortly after at the Request of the Queen, to whom the said Lord Charles was Cousin German, he found so much favour as to be received upon his Word and Honour, and had Leave to go any whither about Lon∣don at his pleasure; on Condition he should by no means so much as once lie out of London more than one Night at a time, unless it should be where the King or Queen should then keep their Court. And sometime after he was set at Liberty, i 5.122 on Condi∣tion to pay unto the King of England 200000 Nobles for his Ransom: For the true Payment whereof he left his Sons his Pledges. There was also now Prisoner in London the Lord Ralph, Earl of k 5.123 Eu and Guisnes, Constable of France, a most pleasant and no∣ble Knight: Whose Behaviour was so acceptable, that he always brought his Welcom along with him wherever he went, and was extreamly gracious with the King and Queen, and all the Lords and Ladies of the Court of England. In these l 5.124 Days the Nobles

of the Land in all places were mightily addicted to Justs and Tourneaments; and such was the Nobleness of King Edward, that he permitted the French Prisoners at these Solemnities the Use and Exercise of Arms, wherein they behaved themselves with much Honour. But particularly the foresaid Earl of Eu and Guisnes, gat great Commenda∣tion both from King Edward and his Son the Prince of Wales, by whom he was held in high Respect for his Worth and Valour. Nay we find, that King David of Scot∣land, thô he was confin'd as Prisoner in the Tower, had such Favour from King Edward, that he was also permitted at his Pleasure not only to behold, but to exercise these Knightly Sports: For m 5.125 against an Hastilude kept at Windsor, he had an Harness for his Horse made of Blue Velvet (at King Edwards Charge) whereon was embroider'd a Pale of Red Velvet, and beneath a White Rose, after the Custom of that Age, where∣by one Knight was distinguished from another, as well by the Harness of his Horse, as by his own Shield and Surcoat.

About this time the Scotch Nobility sent to King Edward, offering to Redeem their King from Captivity; to whom he return'd Answer, n 5.126

that forasmuch, as they in Defiance of the Truce, had made War upon him in his Absence unjustly, he ex∣pected, they should first give him satisfaction for all those Injuries and Damages, they had done to him and his Realm, in that War: And this done, they might proceed to the business of the Ransom.

Thô this Answer was but highly Reasonable, it was so distastfull to the Scots, that upon the Receit thereof, they rose suddenly, and in consi∣derable Bodies enter'd the Marches of England, where they ravaged the Country, fi∣red Villages, slew poor People without Mercy, and took many sleeping in their Beds, whom they carried away Prisoners, and set unreasonable Ransomes upon them. Be∣cause of this the English Lords of the Marches, Proclaim'd solemn Turneaments to be held at Barwick; thereby to entice the Scots again within the English pale: Who co∣ming accordingly in their wonted Bravery, were cut short in the way, by a good Body of English Borderers; who discomfited them, and put many to the Sword. And pre∣sently after, in Prosecution of this Revenge, the Northern Lords went into Scotland, and spoil'd and ravaged the whole Province of Carrick.

XXIII. We have often made mention of the Emperour Lewis of Bavaria, how he was Excommunicated by Pope John XXII, and thô he made many Overtures in order to be reconcil'd, we do not find, that ever he was re-admitted into the Bosom of the Church. But on the contrary it o 5.127 appears, that on Holy-Thursday the last Year, Pope Clement Cursed him, and pronounced him an Heretick and Schismatick, and exhorted the Princes Electors, to choose another Emperour: Wherefore on the second of July, Charles the Marquess of Moravia, and Son to John King of Bohemia, was elected at Rens in the Dioecese of Trier, thô the Major part were not for him, and all the Cities held for Lewis of Bavaria. But now the said Lewis, as he return'd p 5.128 from hunting, being taken with an Apoplexy, fell off his Horse, and soon after departed this Life, on the 11 of October, and was buried at Munchen a City of Bavaria. By the irrecon∣cileable Malice of his Enemies, he had two Emperours Elected in Opposition to him, Frederick of Austria in the beginning of his Reign, and Charles Marquess of Moravia in the Latter end; but for all this he Ruled the Empire in spight of the Pope's Curses and Combinations against him, the space of 32 Years. Upon his Death, Pope Cle∣ment VI. in hate, as some say, to King Edward of England, laboured q 5.129 all he could to have Charles King of Bohemia, acknowledg'd Emperour, hoping, that thereby he would be enabled the better to Revenge the Death of his Father, slain in the Battle of Cressy, upon the English Nation. Wherefore he sent Charles de la Cerda of Spain, with his Papal Bull to the Archbishop of Colen, with an Injunction to consecrate him Roman Emperour; which he did at Bon, a City of Lower Germany, about 4 Leagues from Colen, in the beginning of February following. But this being done against the Consent of the Major Part of Electors (besides that he had been refused by the whole City of Aix la Capelle, which us'd to be the Chief in the Election and Coronation of Emperours) the other Electors agreed rather to pitch upon King r 5.130 Edward of England to be Emperour, as one, who had not only been already Vicar General of the Sacred Empire, but was also at that time justly s 5.131 reputed to be the most Prudent, Valiant, and Worthy Souldier throughout all Christendom. Wherefore t 5.132 Henry Archbishop of Mentz, and Arch-Chancellour of the Empire, Rudolph and Rupert Counts Palatine of the Rhine, and Dukes of Bavaria, Lewis Marquess of Bradenburgh and Lusatia, and the Dukes of Upper and Lower Saxony, being assembled at Colen, sent u 5.133 two Earls, and two Doctors to signifie unto him, how they had with one voice Elected him unto the Dignity of the Empire.

When Queen Philippa heard of this, x 5.134 she took on most heavily, as well in Con∣templation of the many Vexations and Troubles, which her Brother-in-Law, the late Emperour, had met with from the Popes Malice all his Reign; as fearing, that this was but a contrivance of the King, her Husbands Enemies, thereby to engage him in New Difficulties, that so he might be rendred unable to recover his Right in France. Whereupon the King y 5.135 sent the Earl of Northampton into Almain, to enquire more particularly about the Premises; while the young Marquess of Juliers, with the rest of the Embassadors staid at London, anxiously expecting the Kings Resolution. But upon the said Earls return, because then it appeared, z 5.136 that in accepting of the Em∣pire; the King was like to be hindred from prosecuting his Right in France, and should be forced to lay aside that War, and take up a fresh Quarrel against the King of Bohe∣mia's Son, whom the Pope had caused to be made Emperour: Besides a 5.137 he doubted, what inextricable Difficulties he might undergo, if Italy should prove Refractory to him; He also feared not a little the Avarice of the Pope, which he should never be able to satisfie; but b 5.138 especially, because it was manifest, that at that time, whether by Right, or by Wrong, the Emperours were indeed subject to the Pope of Rome, which King Edward was resolved never to be; for all these Reasons, the King of England enter∣tain'd the Germans with due Honour; but answer'd, that he would not take so great a Burthen upon his shoulders, till he had got the Crown of France, which was due unto him, in peaceable Possession. And accordingly the next spring, c 5.139 he sent unto the Princes Electors Sr. Hugh Nevile, and Ivo de Glynton, Canon of St. Paul's, London, with a full Declaration of his Intention, which contained a formal refusal of that Im∣perial Dignity: But not without many great thanks for the Honour, they had de∣sign'd him; and withall d 5.140 he promised to do unto the Sacred Empire all the good Offi∣ces that he might. Upon this refusal of King Edward's, the Electors proceeded, but not so unanimously, to another Election; for some e 5.141 chose Frederick Marquess of Misnia, and others, Gunter Earl of Negromont; but the one being brib'd off, and the other dispatch'd by Poison; Charles of Luxemburgh King of Bohemia, the Pope's Creature, prevail'd, and was Emperour by the name of Charles IV.

On the f 5.142 8 of February this Year John Cantacuzenus, Tutor to John Palaeologus, Emperour of Greece, seised on the City of Constantinople, and on the 13 of May fol∣lowing was crowned Emperour in the Palace, together with his Lady; at which time he created his Son Matthew, Despote of the Empire, and on the 21 of the same Moneth gave his Daughter Helena Cantacuzena in Marriage to his Pupil, and Fellow-Emperour; who was then about 15 Years of Age.

On the g 5.143 10 of April there died William Oceam an English Monk of the Order of St. Benedict, and a most Famous both Philosopher and Divine, who, among many o∣ther Learned Works, maintain'd by writing, that the Emperour was above the Pope, on occasion of the Popes Pretences at that time against Lewis of Bavaria: Wherefore being also Excommunicated he had his recourse to the said Lewis, and said,

O Empe∣rour, Do You defend me with your Sword, And I'll defend you with the Word.

Another Learned Countryman of ours h 5.144 deceased also about this time, namely, Wal∣ter Hemingford, a Regular Canon of the Order of St. Austen, in the Monastery of Gis∣borne in Yorkshire, who in a tolerable good style, with great Care, and equal Fidelity, wrote an History of the Acts of the Kings of England, and a Chronicle of our King Edward the Third, as far as Nature gave him leave.

I shall only here add one short Case of Law, which for its use may seem not unworthy of Memory: That a Prohibition i 5.145 being this Year sent to Dr. William Bateman Bishop of Norwich, he presum'd to Excommunicate the Party, that brought the Writ: Whereupon an Action of the Case was brought upon the said Bishop, and the whole Matter set forth; so that a Bill being found against him, it was adjudged, that his Temporalities should be seised, till he had fully absolved the Party, and satisfied the King for the Contempt.

CHAPTER the SEVENTH. * 5.146

The CONTENTS.

I. The Glory and Prosperity of King Edward and his People hurtfull to the Nation. II. King Edward holds a Parliament at Westminster. III. And Justs and Tournea∣ments in divers Places. IV. How Avignon in Provence came first to belong to the Church of Rome. V. King Philip of Valois, and King Edward of England could cure the Kings Evil: An Order concerning the Kings Purveyors. VI. The Truce between England and France prorogued for another Year. VII. King Edward solemnizes the Translation of St. Thomas Bishop of Hereford; with some Account of his Life, &c. VIII. The Earl of Flanders doth Homage to King Edward, but afterward entring Flanders in Hostile Manner, is beaten by the Flemings and English. IX. King Ed∣ward inform'd of a Design to betray Calais, pardons the Lombard Captain, and gives him Instructions how to behave himself. X. King Edward goes privately over Sea to Calais, and discomfits the Frenchmen. XI. King Edward at Supper presents a Rich Chaplet of Pearls to the Lord Eustace de Ribemont a French Prisoner, and in con∣templation of his Valour acquits him his Ransome. XII. The Lombard Captain put to Death by the Frenchmen; King Edward rewards his Friends, and having settled Calais under a New Captain returns for England. XIII. The Death of the Queen of France and of the Dutchess of Normandy: The French King, and the Duke his Son marry again.

I. NOW doth King Edward the Third seem to stand in the full Zenith both of his Age and Glories: He had but just past the 35 Year of his Life, and yet was crown'd at Home in his Family with a Lovely Row of Hope∣full Children, and a Vertuous and Beautifull Consort; in his Kingdoms with Peace and full Prosperity: And abroad he was renowned above all the Kings of the Earth for his Notable Victories by Sea and by Land, in Scotland, France and Bre∣tagne; for set Battles, or Taking of Towns; for Kings slain, Kings routed, and Kings taken Captive: Nor was his Moderation less admired and commended, which he shew'd in Refusing the Title and Dignity of an Emperour. This in my Opinion is the Brightest part of all his Reign; thô yet another King remains to be Captive by his Arms, and another King is destin'd to recover an Usurped Crown by the Aid of his Sword and Fortune.

For now a 5.147 by means of so honourable a Peace, founded on so many remarkable Vi∣ctories, it seem'd as if the Golden Age was reduced to England; and a New Sun began to shine in our Horizon: So great Riches and Plenty, the usual Attendants of Con∣quest, being generally diffused over the face of the whole Land. For there was scarce a Lady, or Gentlewoman of any Account, which had not in her possession some preci∣ous Houshold-stuff, as rich Gowns, Beds, Counterpains, Hangings, Linnen, Silks, Furs, Cups of Gold and Silver, Porcelain and Chrystal, Bracelets, Chains and Necklaces, brought from Caen, Calais, or other Cities beyond Sea. And yet as the Roman Hi∣storians complain, that they were overcome by the Luxury and Fashions of the Nati∣ons they had conquer'd: So from this time the Native Candour and simplicity of the English Nation did visibly empair; and Pride, Superfluity and Vanity began to lift up their hatefull Heads; till they provok'd the Author of the World to visit this Land also with his awakening Judgments. Some whereof were not wanting even in the Days of this Great Monarch; but did especially take rise in the Reign of his Successour from a Cruel and Unnatural civil War, which was not wholly extinct till it had prey'd upon the Lives of Five Kings, very many Princes, Dukes and Earls, and Hundreds of the Prime Nobility of England, besides those many Thousands of the Common People who perished in the Quarrel, even thrô the Reigns of Seven Kings; till in a more mer∣cifull Providence, King Henry the VII happily united the two Roses; and Peace, and Humanity, and Arts began again to revive and flourish among us.

II. But that the Blessings of Peace and Plenty might be preserved unto England,

as much as lay in King Edwards Power, as well for the Support of his own Honour, as for the Security of his People's Advantages, and the Conservation of the good Laws of the Realm, he begins this Year with a Parliament: Which he b 5.148 summons to meet him at Westminster on the Monday in Midlent. From which time, because several of the Peers were not then come, the Parliament was continued from day to day, untill Wednesday: When Sr. William Thorp, then Lord Chief Justice, by the Kings Command, declared in presence of the King and Lords, for what Reasons the Parliament at that time was called. As that the King had, according to the Truce taken at Calais, sent Commissioners to the Pope, from whom he had long since expected some Satisfactory Answer, but as yet had received none: Also that sundry Articles of the Truce, touching both the Kings and their Allies, were not duely performed; and further, that the French were prepa∣ring a Puissant Army, wherewith to invade the Realm. From all which it appeared, that the Truce was but very fickle; and that it was neither safe nor prudent, to rely upon it, but rather betimes to be armed against the worst that might happen. Besides he added, that the Conservation of the Publique Peace at home was a main Point for their Consideration to employ it self about, and that this must be done by wholsom Laws, duely and impartially put in Execution. Upon these Matters the Lords and Commons debated earnestly for several Days, and at last answered the Kings Wants, and prepared their own Petitions in manner following.

They c 5.149 first shew the great Charges laid upon the Commons, as the Reasonable Aid being pardon'd in the 14 Edw. 3. Whereof every Fine was forty shillings, whereas by Statute the same should be but twenty shillings; also the setting forth of Men; the ta∣king up of Victuals without Ready Money; and the Charge for keeping the Sea: The very Subsidy of Wooll amounting to 60000 l. per annum, and yet without Law; the Lending of 20000 Sacks of Wooll, and the Restraint of Exporting Wooll. Not∣withstanding they grant to the King Three Fifteens in three Years; so as the Subsidy of Wooll might cease, and on Condition that David Bruce, William Douglas, and other Chief Captains of Scotland be not deliver'd for Ransom, or on their Faith: Yet so that if the Wars do cease within three Years, then their Grant might cease also; this Condition being likewise understood, that their following Petitions be granted, and these their Con∣ditions enrolled and exemplified.

Petitions of the Commons with their Answers.

Pet.

That the Falseness of those, who were appointed to gather the 20000 Sacks of Wooll lent to the King, may be determin'd by some of the Parliament, and that all Acquittances made to any such may be repealed.

Ans.

This Petition was answer'd in the last Parliament, and therefore Command was given anew to execute the same.

Pet.

That the King would command the Nobles in no wise to take any common Thief or Robber into their Protection: And that in every Shire-Town two Knights, and two Learned in the Law be appointed to determin all Offences, and to enquire of False Money; they to have some Fee to encourage them in their Duty, and to prevent Re∣ceiving of Bribes: But this also was said to have been answer'd in the last Parliament.

Pet.

Whereupon the Commons required, that all Petitions in this present Parliament may be presently answer'd.

Ans.

After Easter they shall be so.

Pet.

That all Woolls and other Merchandise may freely pass without any Loans, or other Subsidies, besides the due and usual Customs.

Ans.

The Passage shall be free, saving to the King his Due.

Pet.

That no Eires of the Forest, or other Inquiries, except those of the Peace, be kept during the Wars.

Ans.

The King may use his Pleasure therein.

Pet.

That none of the Nobles or other Captains of Scotland, being the Kings Prisoners, be deliver'd upon any account.d 5.150

Ans.

The same was answer'd the last Parliament.

Pet.

That all that Aid which is leavied beyond the Trent, may be employed in the Scotch Wars.

Ans.

The King will allow more for that Purpose, if need shall be.

Pet.

That no Appeals be received of any Felonies, done in any other Counties than where the Appeals were taken.

Ans.

The King is not advised to make such New Laws.

Pet.

That Redress may be had, for that the Men of Bruges in Flanders have forbid all Merchants-Strangers to buy any Staple-Ware here.

Ans.

The King will talk with the Flemish Ambassadour.

Pet.

That all Enquiries of the Ninths may cease.

Ans.

The King will be advised.

Pet.

That the Order made, that all Merchants for every Sack of Wooll should bring in two Marks of Bullion, may be repealed: For that the Exportation of Bullion is for∣bidden in Flanders.

Ans.

The King will learn the Truth of the Ambassadour here.

It is agreed, that the Customs at Easter next stay the receipt of 2 s. of every Sack of Wooll.

Pet.

That remedy may be found, that no Accomptant in the Exchequer do run in Issues, before he be warned.

Ans.

The Process shall be first a Venire facias, then a Distringas, and after a Writ out of the Chancery to the Treasurer and Barons.

Pet.

That the Common Law may stand, as to the Bill of the Navy exhibited in the last Parliament.

Ans.

The King will be advised.

Pet.

Then they resum'd with some Alteration the former Petition, that no Eires of the Forest or other Enquiries, except those of the Peace, may be kept for the space of three Years.

Ans.

It seems good for the Ease of the Subject, if great necessity doth not require otherwise.

Pet.

That the Marshal letting to Bail, or at large, any Person committed to him for the Peace, do answer the Dammages himself.

Ans.

The King will be advised.

Pet.

That no Man be barred by Non-claim.

Ans.

A Law must not be made suddenly.

Pet.

That the Jurors in every Inquest and Grand Assize may say the Verity of the Fact, as in Assize of Novel Disseizin.

Ans.

The Law shall be kept as heretofore.

Pet.

That the Purveyors for all Victuals do take by Indenture with two honest Men, where they shall purvey.

Ans.

The Laws made heretofore in that Case shall suffice.

Pet.

That none who come to the Parliament by Summons, be appointed a Sessor, or a Receiver of the Fifteens Triennial.

Ans.

The King will appoint such as he shall like.

Pet.

That the Erroneous Judgments in the Exchequer be reversed in the King's Bench.

Ans.

This was answer'd the last Parliament.

Pet.

e 5.151 Then was read a long Complaint against Foresters, for Afforesting of Mens Pur∣lieus, for undue Trial and for Extortion: To which was added a Request, that Magna Charta may be observed; and that all Men may enjoy their Purlieus, according to the Perambulation made in the time of King Edward the First.

Ans.

The King wills, that Magna Charta be kept inviolable; and those that will complain in the Right of their Purlieus, may have writs out of Chancery: Whereup∣on Surry and several other Counties by their Representatives shew'd, that upon Sute they could not obtain such Writs: To which the King answer'd, that the Order made the last Parliament should be kept, and General or Special Writs should be granted to all such as shall sue for them: So as equal Right be distributed both to the King and his Subjects.

Pet.

That the Petitions declared by them in the last Parliament, to which the King and the Lords agreed, may be kept without Alteration, under any Colour or Pretence whatsoever.

Ans.

The King with the Assent of his Lords answered, that Laws and Process here∣tofore used, could not be alter'd, without making New Statutes, which at this time they could not tend to do, but shortly would at more leisure.

The f 5.152 Worsted Weavers of Norwich, and the Merchants there, pray, that the Let∣ters Patents, which the King had granted to Robert Pooley, One of his Valets of Es∣say, and One of the Alnage of Worsted in Norwich, and elsewhere in Norfolk, during the Life of the said Robert, might be revoked, and that they might have the same. To which Petition this Answer was given; That it seemed good to the Kings Council, that their Request should be granted for the Common Benefit. But of this Parliament We shall say no more, because it was broken up without any great Effect, and g 5.153 dis∣continued

for three Years together, by reason of a general Mortality, that soon after came into England, of which we shall speak in its proper Place.

III. In the Easter-Holy-days King Edward h 5.154 held Publique Justs and Tourneaments at Westminster; where the Lord William Douglas Earl of Douglas, and Sr. William Douglas of Liddesdale, who were both taken Prisoners at the Battle of Durham, by their Knightly Deportment and Valour, gain'd such Favour in the Opinion of the King, that having given their Faith and Homage, and also an Oath to live peaceably at home, they had both leave to depart: And Sr. William, as well as the other, might have liv'd a long and happy Life in his own Country; but that his Hands having been stained with Civil Blood, could not be washed clean, but by his own. For, as the Scotch i 5.155 Writers say, he had formerly upon Envy caused the Worthy Sr. Alexander Ramsey to be miserably starved to Death: And besides that, having lately heard, that Sr. David Barklay, a Knight of Scotland, had slain his Brother Sr. John Douglas, who was Father to Sr. James Douglas of Dalkeith, he was so furiously bent on Re∣venge, that even during his Imprisonment in England, because he could not do it him∣self, by Letters he procured Sr. John St. Michael to Murther the said Sr. David Bark∣lay, which accordingly one Night was performed at Aberdeen. But not long after he himself, being then deliver'd out of Prison, one day, as he was hunting in Ethrick Fo∣rest, was in like manner suddenly slain by his own Cousin, and Godson, William Dou∣glas, the Son of Archimbald Douglas, in Revenge of the Death of Sr. Alexander Ramsey.

While thus Scotland, and especially the Family of the Douglasses, was miserably di∣vided in it self; England, and the Court of King Edward flourished with Honour, Peace, and Unity; and the Lords of England laudably contended to outvie one another in Mar∣tial Worth and Bravery. At Canterbury, and Eltham in Kent, at London, Westmin∣ster, Winchester, Lincoln, Windsor, and other Places, were held several Great and Magnificent Justs and Tourneaments. Henry k 5.156 Earl of Lancaster, held a little after Easter a solemn Hastilude at Lincoln, where were present with Isabel de Beaumont, his Countess, many Great Ladies; and also certain Ambassadors from Spain, who then came to Negotiate a Marriage l 5.157 between the young Infant of Castille and Leon, na∣med Don Pedro, Eldest Son and Heir Apparent to Alphonso XI King of Spain, and the Lady Jane of the Tower, one of the Daughters of King Edward, who was then in the 13 Year of her Age. But this Poor Lady, being espoused by Proxy, and con∣veyed into that Country, deceased presently of a great Mortality, that then reign'd, of which we shall speak hereafter. At the Tourneament at m 5.158 Canterbury, among others, Robert Hufford Earl of Suffolk, and Sr. John Beauchamp, Brother to the Earl of War∣wick, had their Harness and other Accoutrements allowed them from the King, the lat∣ter n 5.159 being furnish'd out of the Kings Wardrobe, with a Surcoat of fine Indian Silk, embroider'd with the Arms of Sr. Stephen Cosington, Knight: Of whom, thô he was not of Noble Blood, we must needs Remark, that he was a Gentleman of High Merit; as will not only appear from the sequel of this our History, but also may be rationally collected from this, that his Arms were beaten on all the Eight Harnesses given by the King at this time, and worn o 5.160 by Eight Renowned Combatants, being the Challen∣gers, as the Prince of Wales, the Earls of Lancaster and Suffolk, Sr. John Grey, Sr. John Beauchamp, Sr. Robert Mauley, Sr. John Chandos, and Sr. Roger Beauchamp. And at the Tourneament at Eltham, we find, among others, that the Valiant and Noble Earl of p 5.161 Lancaster, and Hugh q 5.162 Courtney Earl of Devonshire, besides their Harness, and other Accoutrements, both for themselves and Horses, had each of them an hood of fine White Cloth, embroider'd with Dancing Men, in Blew Habits, and button'd before with large Pearls, which were allowed them out of the Kings Wardrobe.

We must here against our usual Method insert a matter or two, not of any great af∣finity to our Affairs, even before we come to the end of this Year; because there will not then appear any such convenient Room, the beginning of the next Year being conti∣nuedly joyn'd to the end of this.

IV. On the 9 of June this Year, Joan Queen of Naples, and Countess of Provence in France, sold all the County of Venaisin, together with the City of Avignon, to Pope Clement VI, for the Sum of 80000 Florens of Gold of Florence: Which said Places (thô r 5.163 some say, the Money was never paid) belong to the See of Rome to this day. How Charles II King of Naples, had first a Right to Venaisin, from King Philip the Fair, who gave it unto him An ^o 1290, upon the Marriage of Charles de Valois his Brother, with Margaret the Daughter of that King; this is all well known: But the First occasion of this sale (I do not speak of Queen Joan's Necessities, of which the Pope made his Advantage) not being so vulgarly understood, we shall briefly from

the Authority of a very s 5.164 Judicious and Learned Gentleman, declare it in this place. In the Year 1209 Raymund the Third, Earl of Tholouse, being a Fautor of the Alb••∣genses (who were accounted Hereticks) and as was thought chiefly concern'd in the Murther of the Pope's Legate, was now a second time Excommunicated by Pope In∣nocent III; from which time he began to be despoiled of his Territories, till little or nothing was left entire. So that 19 Years after it was thus agreed at Paris, that to Al∣phonso the Son of Raymund, should fall only the City it self of Tholouse, with a few appur∣tenanees; that the other Places beyond the Rhosne, should belong to the King of France; but whatever was by him or his Ancestors possessed on this side the said River, should be the Pope's Patrimony. But because the Men of these Parts did unwillingly submit to the latter Part of this Agreement, being thereby upon occasion obliged to have their Appeals to Rome, and therefore clave to Alphonso and his Heirs, about fourscore Years after Pope Boniface VIII, wholly acquitted them of all such Appeals, and after him Pope Clement V, to win their Hearts the more, removed his Seat to Avignon in the First Year of his Pontificate, or the t 5.165 Year of our Lord 1305. So that now after all, when upon the Death of Benedict XII, u 5.166 who succeeded John XXII, Clement the VI became Pope, Queen Joan flying unto Avignon from Lewis King of Hungary, who came to Revenge the Death of his Brother Andrew, her Husband, whom she had murdred, made now unto the said Clement a Deed of sale of all those Rights, which the Earls of Provence had from the very time of the Partition, made between Raymund Berengarius Earl of Provence, and Alphonso Earl of Tholouse, An ^o. Dom. 1125, and let this suffice for that Matter.

V. A certain x 5.167 Author, that flourished in these days, and (as himself witnesses) lived at Avignon in the Service of the said Pope Clement VI, doth more than intimate, that the French King, Philip of Valois, had the Gift of healing the Disease, called the Kings Evil, with the Touch of his Hand only: Thô if so, we may well presume, that our King Edward had the same Vertue, not only, as having more Right to the Crown of France, but as descended of King Edward the Confessors Blood, who was eminently signal in this Miraculous Grace: and from y 5.168 whom, as it were by Right of Inheri∣tance, the following Kings of England have derived the same Power, as Polydore Vir∣gil, and many others have observed. But to return to Affairs at home.

After * 5.169 Easter King Edward made an Order in Council, that none of his Servants should presume to take up any Victuals of any Man against his Will, nor then, without paying ready Money, on pain of Punishment proportionable to his Offence and being banish'd the Kings Court for ever. To the Execution of which Decree Sr. Ri∣chard Talbot, Lord High-Steward of the Kings Houshold, was appointed to have an Eye.

VI. The Truce taken between the two Kings at Calais last Year, drawing now to∣ward an end, upon z 5.170 the Pope's Letters to King Edward, he was prevail'd with to de∣pute Thomas Falstaff Arch-Deacon of Welles, John Carleton Canon of Welles, both Doctors of Law, and Frier John de Reppes of the Order of Mount Carmel, who had Commission to prorogue the Truce, and to Treat of a Final Peace. The Truce they accordingly prorogued for six Weeks, to Commence on the 13 of September follow∣ing, and to be observed throughout all Picardy, Normandy, Artois, Boulogne, and Flanders. But the King well perceiving the delay and backwardness of the French to close with him sincerely, either for a Truce, or Peace, in a 5.171 October next drew down his Forces to Sandwich, intending to pass the Seas. Whereupon the French were quicken'd to a speedy agreement, as to the Prorogation of the foregoing Truce b 5.172 from the 18 of November 1348, unto the 1 of September 1349, on News whereof the King return'd to London.

VII. On the c 5.173 25 of October, King Edward solemnized the Translation of St. The∣mas the Confessor, once Bishop of Hereford, to the great Expence and Charge of his Kinsman the Lord Nicolas Cantilupe. This St. Thomas had been also of the sirname of Cantilupe, being in his Life time a Gentleman of a very Noble and Ancient House (as appears * 5.174 by the Antiquity of their Baronage in our Records) but, as Bishop God∣win d 5.175 says, of a much more Noble and Excellent Mind: For he was not only of a wonderfull Ingenuity and exquisite Judgement; but even from a Child, of great Diligence and Industry in his studies, of Marvellous Exactness of Life, and of incomparable Can∣dour and Vertue. His Father was William Lord Cantilupe, e 5.176 High-Steward to King Henry III of England, a Man of great Power and Loyalty: His Mother was the La∣dy Millicent Countess of Eureux in Normandy. He first studied at Oxford, and after∣wards at Paris, where having proceeded Master, he return'd to Oxford, and there ap∣ply'd

himself to the Canon Law, till he went out Doctor in that Faculty. After this he entirely gave his Mind to the study of Divinity; whereof he was to proceed Doctor in the Year 1273: Robert Kilwardby, with whom he was very familiarly acquainted, was then Provincial of the Friers-Preachers, and Doctor of the Chair in Oxford, when he was presented: But before the time came, that he should keep tho Act, or rather the Act being by some Accident delayed till then, the said Doctor Kilwardby was become Archbishop of Canterbury. But this notwithstanding, he vouchsafed this his old Friend, the Honour to come down to Oxford to his Act on purpose; and there gave him the Ceremonies of his Creation. And it is observable, that this Archbi∣shop and P••ofessor, in his speech after the Disputation, among many other great Praises, which he bestowed on him, affirmed, that he the said Archbishop, having of many Years been Confessor to the said Candidate Dr. Thomas Cantilupe,

had never perceived him guilty of any sin, which he could judge to be Mortal.

Certainly, either the Con∣fessee did a little mince Matters, or the Confessor was blinded with the prejudice of Friendship, or some other Infirmity, or the Relator did take a little too much liberty in Honour of the Man. Who notwithstanding, was no doubt of great Merit every way, as may appear by these manifold Honours; which as so many loud Testimonials of his Vertue were heaped upon him, both Living and Dead. For first he was made Arch-Deacon of Stafford, then Chancellour of the University of Oxford, then Lord f 5.177 Chancellour of England, and afterwards Bishop of Hereford; lastly, a few Years after his Death, Canonised a Saint. For, whereas in his Travels to, or, as some say, from Rome, he departed this Life at Civita Vecchia, a Town of Tuscany, in the Year of our Lord 1282, and was Honourably buried in the Church of St. Severus there, from whence afterward his Bones were brought into England, and solemnly interred in his own Church of Hereford, near the East-Wall of the North-Cross-Isle, where we see an High-Tomb of Marble: Within a few Years after his Death, there being no less than g 5.178 163 Miracles said to be wrought by him, his Fame was so great, that we find h 5.179 King Edward the Second, in the Twelfth Year of his Reign, and the Year of our Lord 1318, sent an Embassy to Pope John XXII, about his Canonization. And two Years after, namely, in the Year of our Lord 1320, i 5.180 being the 13 of King Edward the Second, on the XV of the Calends of May, he was by the said Pope John Canonized with great Solemnity at Avignon, and the VI of the Nones of October was set apart for his Festival, as appears by the said Pope's Bull, bearing Date at Avignon XII Cal. Maii, Pontificatús nostri Anno IV. But now King Edward designing to Honour the Memory of this Holy Man, took up his Bones this Year, being k 5.181 Sixty five Years since he died, and had them Honourably reposed in a Rich and Glorious Shrine of great Value.

This small Digression I ow'd to the Memory of this Worthy Prelate, as well that the Reader might understand, what kind of Man he had been, whose Translation King Ed∣ward did now so devoutly solemnize; as also, because I believed that such a Person, to whom so many of several Nations and Interests, never envied the Title of a glori∣fied Saint, would much less by any Man of Modesty, be envied an Honourable Mention in History.

VIII. While King Edward was thus, with as much Devotion as Splendour, keeping a Feast in Memory of this Great Prelate, Henry the Noble Earl of Lancaster was by him l 5.182 sent to Denemere, to receive in his behalf Fealty and Homage of Lewis, Earl of Flanders; which the said Earl, thô he had now Married the Duke of Brabant's Daugh∣ter, was at last forced to comply with, and performed it accordingly. But for all that being wholly enchanted with a love for the French Nation, m 5.183 not long after, that he might be Reveng'd of those, who thus forced his Inclination, he enter'd Flanders with a great Power of Frenchmen, burning, killing and ravaging, as if he had been in the Country of his Deadly Enemies. However he was at last oppos'd by a considerable Bo∣dy of Flemings, reinforced with some English Men of Arms, and Archers, who gave him a shrew'd encounter: Wherein many Frenchmen being slain, he himself with the rest was forced to quit the Field by flight. In which Action, many, both Flemings and English behav'd themselves so gallantly, that they obtained thereby the Honour of Knighthood, among whom was the young Lord John St. Philibert, Son an Heir of him, of whom we spake in the n 5.184 V Year of this King.

IX. While yet the foresaid Festival of the Translation of St. Thomas lasted, it was also very privately signified unto King Edward by one of the Secretaries, of Emeric of Pavia Captain of Calais, that on such a certain Day, the Lord Geoffry Charny with a great Number of Armed Frenchmen was to be received into Calais, to the utter ruine of

his Interest in that Place. Froisard is of the Opinion, that this Secretarie betrayed his Masters Secrets thus to the King without his knowledge, as we shall see by and by: But the other French Writers agree, that he discover'd them himself, thô he had not only agreed to take their Money, but also had bound himself by taking the Sacrament to the Bargain; and therefore Mezeray says, that being taken some while after by the French, he was by them flea'd alive; and indeed we shall find him immediately laid aside by King Edward after this Business was over. But let us first see how Froisard telates the Matter

It should have been observed before, how the Frenchmen in all their Negotiations, either relating to a Peace or Truce, were ever urging of this Point, that Calais might be re∣stored: But to this King Edward would never yield by any means, not only because the Town had cost him so dear before he had it, but also because, while in the English Hands, it was both a signal Trophy of his Honour, and a sure Footing for him to enter France, upon any Rupture between the two Nations. However, as we shew'd before, the French had now agreed to a Truce, the Necessity of their Affairs so requiring it, thô it inwardly grieved them to the Heart, that Calais was still left under the Dominion of England.

Now there o 5.185 was at this time in the Town of St. Omers a right Politick and Valiant Lord of France, called Sr. Geoffry de Chargny, or Charny, who had full and absolute Authority, as Lieutenant under the King of France, to keep the Frontiers in those Parts; in like manner, as p 5.186 Henry Earl of Lancaster had under the King of England in the Parts of Flanders, Calais, and all other Places subject to King Edward in France. This Lord Geoffry Charny, who resolved by any Means to serve the King his Masters Inte∣rest, among many Considerations, which he entertain'd in his thoughts concerning the Regaining of Calais, remembred that the Captain of the Castle of Calais was a Lon∣bard, and that your Lombards of all People are naturally Covetous: And so with this thought he resolves upon a Design, nothing at all agreeable to Faith or Honour, but likely to prove of great Advantage to the King and Realm of France. Now by reason of the Truce, there was free Communication allowed between the Calisians and them of St. Omers; so that dayly they resorted for Traffick to one another, and had mutual Cor∣respondence in matters of Life and Society. Hereupon the Lord Geoffry Charny built his Design, and secretly fell in Treaty with Sr. Emeric of Pavia Captain of the Ca∣stle; so that at last he agreed, and thereupon q 5.187 took the Sacrament, for the Summ of 20000 Crowns of Gold, to deliver up to the Frenchmens Hands the Castle of Calais, whereby the Town was commanded, as on the last Day of December at Midnight.

There is some Variation in the Account that Authors give of this Matter: Some a∣verring, that this Lombard had been bred up of a Child in King Edwards Court; O∣thers, that he was at first a Pensioner of the French Kings in the Town of Calais, untill the Taking thereof, at what time for Reasons best known to himself he retain'd him in his Pay: But this latter Opinion seems the weaker of the two; for how should so Wise a Prince commit so important a Charge to any Man upon so small Acquaintance? Again, some say that the Discovery of the Treason was not made by him; but then how should the King be so secure, as to keep him still in that Office? Thô I confess this is not abso∣lutely improbable, because the King being certainly informed of the Time and other Circumstances, might well enough be supposed able to prevent the Treason's taking ef∣fect, by setting a good Watch over him, secretly to observe all his Motions. On the other hand 'tis said, as we intimated before, that he himself of his own accord gave the King secret and timely Notice of the Design; and that thereby he would have an Opportunity, not only to catch his Enemies in the very Act of breaking the Truce, but to make a considerable Advantage to Himself, and at the same time turn the Mis∣chief they intended to Him, on their own Heads. But if this latter be true, the Man had more Loyalty to King Edward than Religion to God, who could so readily take the Sacrament, as a Pledge for the Performance of what he never intended. A thing scarce credible among Christians; but that we have seen even in our Days a Man, who had the impudence to own himself guilty of the same horrid Prevarication, under pretence of Designing well.

And having given this Hint, lest the different Accounts, which Authors give of the Matter, may prejudice an unwary Reader against any thing we shall say; we now pro∣ceed according to Froisard, not absolutely rejecting those of the other side, because nei∣ther are they without their Probabilities.

When King Edward therefore heard, either one or the other way, of this intended Treachery of the French, he immediately sent for Emeric the Lombard to come over

unto him: And he accordingly went, for he thought it impossible, that his private Conveyance should have taken any Vent already. When the King saw him, he took him into his Closet and said,

You know well Sir, that I have entrusted to your Charge that Thing, which in this World I love best, next my Wife and Children, that is to say, the Castle of Calais, whereby the Town also is commanded. And yet this Ca∣stle have you traiterously sold to the French: Wherefore what can you say now, why you should not suffer a shamefull Death? Then the Lombard fell down upon his knees and said, Ah! my Gracious Master, I humbly crave your Mercy. What you say, I acknowledge is all true; but Sir, the Bargain may easily be broken, for as yet I have not received one Penny of the Mony.

Now the King, who had long had a great Favour for this Lombard, began to take pity of him, and said,

Emeric, I give you your Life, and continue you in your Office in trust of your Amendment: And I would also have you go on with your Bargain, and get as much Mony of my Enemies as you can: But let me have true Information of the Day and Hour ap∣pointed for the Delivery of the Castle; and let no Soul living know of this our Com∣munication, and on this Condition I forgive you your trespass.

According to this A∣greement things were settled, and the Lombard return'd back to Calais, and kept all very close, resolving to be true to so indulgent a Master, and to put a Trick on those, who had thus attempted to debauch his Loyalty.

The mean while Sr. Geoffry Charny, not doubting but to succeed in his intended En∣terprise upon Calais, near the time appointed had furnish'd himself with r 5.188 a thousand choice Men of Arms, and a proportionable Number of Others, thô few or none of all his Company had the least knowledge of what he design'd. 'Tis thought that he never acquainted the King his Master with his Purpose, for fear that in Honour he should not give his Consent, because of the Truce; but he doubted not, when once the Matter was happily effected, not only to gain a Pardon, but Thanks for such a piece of Service. The Time on which the Castle of Calais was to be deliver'd, was fixt on the last Night of December, or the first Morning of the New Year: Of which Bargain the Lombard sent secretly by a Brother of his a distinct Notice to King Edward, who was then at s 5.189 Havering at the Bower in Essex, where he kept his Christmas.

X. The King being thus acquainted with all the Minutes, chose privately unto him t 5.190 800 Men of Arms, and 1000 Archers, and taking Ship at Dover, arrived safely that Evening at Calais so secretly, that none but his Friends had the least inkling thereof: And so immediately he began to dispose of his Men in Ambush in the Dungeon and o∣ther Places of the Castle: And having done thus, he said to the Lord Walter Manny,

Sir Walter, I have a mind to grace you with the Honour of this Enterprise: For both I and the Prince my Son, intend to fight under your Banner.

Now this mean while the Lord Geoffry Charny, on the last Day of December, after Noon, began to march from Arras toward Calais, and came thither about 8 of the Clock at Night, and then made an Halt, waiting for those that were not yet come up, and set his Men in order for Battle: Which being done, and all his Men he expected being come, about twelve of the Clock he sent two Esquires to the Postern Gate of the Castle, who finding Sr. Emeric of Pavia ready there to receive them, demanded of him if it was time, that the Lord Geoffry might come, and he said, "Yes high time. With this Answer they return'd to their Master, who thereupon made his Men pass New-land Bridge in good Order of Battle: Before whom he sent twelve Knights with an 100 Men of Arms, to go and take possession of the Castle; for he judg'd rightly, that when once he had secur'd that to himself he should presently get the Town: Since he had such a Num∣ber of Men with him (no less than 20000) and might have more from the Country about at his Pleasure. When he sent these Men, he also deliver'd into the hands of Sr. Edward of Renty their Chief Captain, 20000 Crowns of Gold in a Bag, to give unto the Lombard according to their Agreement; and while those went to take the Castle, he himself hover'd near the Town in great silence with his Banner before him: For it was his Resolution to enter the Town by the Gate, or else not at all. Now the Lombard Captain had let down the Bridge of the Postern, and permitted the 100 Men of Arms to enter peaceably, Sr. Edward Renty having at the Postern deliver'd into his Hands the 20000 Crowns in a Bag, which he took saying,

I hope here is the full Summ, thô I am not at leisure to count it now, for anon it will be Morning: And we have not done all our Work yet.

And thereupon he cast the Bag, and Crowns and all into a Chest, and said to the Frenchmen,

Come on Messieurs, you shall first seise on the Dungeon, and then you are sure to be Masters of the Castle.

And there∣withall upon their Approach thither, he drew aside the Barrs, and open'd the Gate wide

for them to enter. Within this part of the Tower was the King of England with 200 Men of Arms, who at that instant sallied out upon the Frenchmen with their naked Swords and Battle-axes in their hands, crying out,

A Manny, a Manny, to the Rescue! What do the Frenchmen imagin with so few Men to take the Castle of Calais?

The French were both suddenly surprised and far outnumbred; wherefore seeing 'twas in v••in to resist, they strait yielded themselves Prisoners; so that few or none were hurt or slain, and immediately they were all disarmed, and clapt up together in the same Tower of the Dungeon. Then the Englishmen with the King issued out of the Castle into the Town, all mounted on Horseback, for the Frenchmens Horses were all now in their Hands, and an hundred English Archers leapt thereon, and accompanied the King and his two hundred Men of Arms, and others on Foot to the Gate that looks towares Boulogne: Where the Lord Geoffry Charny stood with his Banner before him, which was Gules, Three Escutcheons Argent. He was very desirous to be the first that should enter the Town; and said thrô impatience to the Captains that were about him:

Ex∣cept this Lombard open the Gate quickly, we are like to starve here with Cold. Oh! Sir, said Sr. Pepin de la Gueret, these Lombards are covetous and subtle Fellows; I'll warrant he is looking over our Crowns now, to see whether they be all Current or no, and to find whether it be the full Summ.

And with that Word King Edward and his Son the Black-Prince were ready at the Gate, being Both incognito under the Banner of the Lord Walter Manny, which was u 5.191 born in this Adventure by a Noble and Valiant Young Baron of England, called Sr. Guy Brian: Besides which Lord M••••∣ny, there were present divers other English Lords, who had their Banners in the Fold, as Robert Hufford Earl of Suffolk, Ralph Lord Stafford, the Lord John Montagu, Bro∣ther to William Earl of Salisbury, the Lord John Beauchamp, Brother to Thomas Earl of Warwick, the young Lord Roger de la Ware, the Lord Thomas Berkley, the Lord William x 5.192 Rous the Younger; and there were no more Lords that bore Banners in this Exploit. All these being come on Horseback in great silence to the Gate that respects Boulogne, the Gates were presently set open, and they all issued forth in good Order of Battle. When the Frenchmen saw them come forth against them, and heard them cry "a Manny, a Manny to the Rescue; they saw well the Lombard had betray'd them, and began to be in some Confusion. But then the Lord Geoffry Charny, like a wise and hardy Captain, said aloud,

Messieurs, if we turn our Backs we are all lost without Remedy: 'Tis more safe to expect our Enemies with a good Courage, and then we shall obtain the Day.

The Front of the English hearing these Words said,

By Saint George You say well!

A shame on them that turn their Backs first. And then the Frenchmen began to light off their Horses, and order'd themselves for a standing Fight: Whereupon King Edward spake to the Lord Manny,

Let us also get on Foot, for the Enemy I see will expect us:

And at the same time he order'd a Detachment to go to Newland Bridge: For he had heard, that a good Body of Frenchmon were just sent thither to make good the Retreat; besides a Considerable Party left there at first by St. Geoffry Charny. Accordingly there went thither six Banners of England, and 300 Ar∣chers on Horseback, and there they found the Lord Moreaux de Frennes and the Lord of Crequy, and others ready to keep the Bridge; and before them between the Bidge and Calais stood ready ranged a Brigade of Arbalisters and Cross-bows. Here began a terrible Medley, the Archers of England piercing and breaking their Ranks thro and thro with their thick Flights of deadly Arrows; so that presently there were more than six hundred Frenchmen slain, or drown'd and stisted, for they were easily beaten away by the Archers, slain, discomfited, and chaced into the Water on each hand. This was early in the Morning before Day-break, when all things being rendred-under∣tain, those who are set upon are usually the most fearfull. However the French Men of Arms kept their Ground, and for a while fought gallantly enough, and did many proper Feats of Arms, but the Englishmen from Calais perpetually flow'd in up∣on them, and the French decreased as fast; wherefore the rest seeing they could no longer maintain the Bridge, such as had Horses by, mounted and shew'd their Backs, the English following after them on the Spurr, while others were gleaning the Reliques of the Field at the Bridge, and slaying and taking those Frenchmen, who could not re∣cover their Horses. There the Lord of Fiennes, the Lord of Crequy, the Lord D••∣deauville and Others, that were well horsed saved themselves: But far more were bea∣ten and overthrown, and many were taken thrô their own indiscreet Hardiness, that might else have saved themselves not dishonourably. But when at last it was Day light, and the Frenchmen could plainly see all about them, they began to look back, and beheld that the Pursuers was far inferiour to them in Number, wherefore they boldly faced a∣bout,

and began to order themselves for Battle, and to call upon their fellows to come back and joyn them. And here, as some y 5.193 will have it, was the King of England in this Party among the Pursuers, eager of Honour, thô to the great hazard of his Per∣son, and that being at first, because unknown, follow'd but by a Few, namely, 16 Men of Arms, and about an 100 Archers on Horseback, when he saw the Resolution of his Enemies, who perceiving his small Numbers, turned back upon him, he as resolutely dismounted, and put away his Horse from him, cast away the scabbard of his Sword, and set his Men in the best Order he might, placing the Archers on the dry hills, en∣compassed with Quagmires and Marshes, to preserve them from the fury of the Ene∣mies Horse; at which instant lifting up the Visor of his Helmet a little, to shew himself unto his Men, he exhorted them aloud to play the Game of Honour lustily, telling them that he was Edward of Windsor, and would bear a part with them in this adventure: So that the Hearts of the English were wonderfully exalted beyond their usual height of Courage, being as well animated by the Example and Presence of their King, as also by Honour and Necessity it self. The Archers especially stripping up their sleeves to the shoulder, to have the more liberty for Action, stood ready to bestow their home∣drawn Arrows, with such judgement and concernedness, that not one of them might fail of due Execution. Then the Armed Men on both sides met furiously, and the King in the Head of his Men did Marvels, taging, as z 5.194 One says, like a Wild Boar, and crying out for Indignation, as his usual Manner was, Ha! St. Edward, Ha! St. George; the Archers all this while doing great Execution on the Enemies flank: till at last, the English being well-nigh opprest by the too unequal Numbers of the Enemy; the Young Prince of Wales came opportunely to the Rescue.

But let who will be of this Opinion, I cannot cordially embrace it my self, not only because it makes so Great a Captain, against decorum, too inconsiderate and rash for that Character; but also because it seems utterly improbable, that the Prince of Wales, the Lord Manny, and those other Lords, who knew of the Kings being there, should suffer him to be so lightly attended in so hazardous a juncture, or that thô disguised to the rest, he was not yet remarkable enough to them. Not to say, that it is scarce cre∣dible, the King, who had such a zeal for the safety of Calais, should leave the Head of the Enemy fighting at the Gates, and run forth after Matters of far less Moment, leaving the Place in danger of being taken. From all which we are enclin'd to believe, that when the Causey and Bridge was clear'd by that Detachment, which the King had sent thither, one Moiety might remain there still to clear the field of the French, who could not recover their Horses, or who sled not so fast, and the other in the mean time follow'd the Chace upon the Spur: And perhaps here and there did meet with some re∣sistance, till their Partners having clear'd their hands by this time, came up to their Re∣inforcement: But that the King himself, his Son, and the Lord Manny, fought all the while in the Field by Boulogne-Gate, where the main stress of the whole business lay. In this part the a 5.195 Frenchmen fought bravely indeed, under the Conduct of the Lord Geoffry Charny, and the Lord Charles of Monmorency, and gave the Englishmen their hand full, thô the King himself, and his Son the Prince, with the strength of the Gar∣rison, and the Flower of those he brought with him from England, was engag'd against them. The King sought on foot among his Enemies, unknown both to them, and most of his own Men, under the Banner of the Lord Walter Manny, which was b 5.196 Or, Three Chevrons Sable. The French at their first approach stood ready to receive them with their Spears cut five foot long before them. It was the Fortune of King Edward to encountre hand to hand, with a strong and hardy Knight of France, named Eustace de Ribemont, Lord of Ribemont in Tierasche, a tract in Picardy; between these two there began a fierce and gallant Combat, that it was a great pleasure to behold them; but at last they were put asunder against their both Wills, by others, who on each side came between, and still the Battle waxed hotter and hotter. King Edward began to be chafed with this opposition, and especially desired to meet singly with that Lord again, who had put him so hard to it: For he had twice by pure strength and weight of his stroaks upon the Kings Helmet, made him bend his knee almost to the Earth. At last they met together again, and then the King had such apparent Advantage of him, that Sr. Eustace was forced to save his Life by delivering his Sword unto him; when neither knowing, who, nor what he was, he said, "Sr. Knight, I yield my self your Prisoner. Whereupon the King, who himself alone had taken him, gave him to a Lord, his Ser∣vant there by, with a strict Charge to see him forth coming, upon demand. About the same time there were taken by others, the Lord Geoffry Charny, and his Son; Sr. Geoffry himself being grievously wounded, for he had all the while been among the

foremost. There was slain Sr. Pepin de la Gueret, Sr. Henry du Bois, Sr. Walter de c 5.197 Valence, and Sr. Robert de Beauvais, with many more. The Lord Monmorency ve∣ry narrowly escaped away, with the Lord of Landas, and others: Besides those m••n∣tion'd before, who escaped away at Newland-Bridge: So that almost all Sr. Geoffry's Party were cut off, or taken, together with the Lord Edward Renty, and those other twelve Knights, who with an 100 Men of Arms had been surprised before, and clap'd up in the Dungeon.

After this Victory, which was happily compleated on the First day of January, by Ten in the Morning, the Lord Geoffry Charny, d 5.198 being grievously wounded, was laid forth upon a Dresser, and so exposed to the Kings View; who, notwithstanding he knew him the Author of this Treason, began to relent, to behold so great a Spirit, in solow a Condition, and took pity of him: Insomuch that he forthwith Commanded his own Chirurgeons, to take the best Care they could of his Life, and to look faithfully and di∣ligently to his Wounds, giving him such Restoratives, as might soonest supply the De∣fects of Nature: And they so well observ'd this Charge, that having not receiv'd any Mortal hurt, the Lord Geoffry was at Night able to walk, and sat at Supper with therest of the Prisoners, as we shall now declare.

XI. * 5.199 The Battle being thus happily ended to the Advantage of the English, King Edward return'd to the Castle of Calais, and Commanded all the Prisoners to be brought thither, and bestow'd in safe Custody: e 5.200 And then, first the Frenchmen knew and saw, that the King of England had been Personally in this Exploit, tho disguised in Common Armour, without any Rich Surcoat, or other Honourable Cognisance, under the Banner of one of his own Knights; a Greater Honour, than which, did never any Sovereign Confer on a Well-deserving Subject. The King most Courteously visited the Prisoners, and told them, He would that Night give them all an Entertainment in his Castle of Calais; and accordingly at the time of Supper, the Tables were spread in the Great Hall, and a Magnificent and Royal Feast provided. The King and his Lords were all there fresh and Richly cloathed, and the Frenchmen also were, as the King had order'd, in the same Room, making merry, at least to outward appearance, thô they were Prisoners. The King sat down at a Table by himself, at the Upper end of the Hall, the Prince his Son, and the Lords and Knights of England serving in the First Course: But at the Second Course, they also sat down on each side of the King; the French Lords and Captains, being all at one long Table in the midst of the Hall. There was a most Splendid Feast, and it continued long; and after Supper the King tar∣ried still in the Hall among his Nobles, and the Frenchmen had Wine brought to them at the Table.

Presently after Supper, the King, being bare-headed, except a Rich Circlet of Gold about his Head, beset with Precious Pearl, rose up with some of his Chief Lords, and went to look and discourse with the Frenchmen. When he came to Sr. Gustry Charny, he changed countenance a little, and beheld him with some Signs of Displea∣sure, and said,

Sr. Geoffry, of Right I should owe you but small Thanks, since you design'd to steal from me in the Dark, that which I so fairly won by day, and which cost me so dearly. I am very well satisfied, that I took you in the Fact: For sure∣ly you thought to make a better Market, than I had; when you attempted to pur∣chase Calais for 20000 Crowns. But God Almighty hath in Mercy assisted Me, and you have mist your aim.

He for his part had never a word to return, both shame and an evil Conscience forbidding him, and his Wounds also rendring him not well dispos'd to speak. So the King left him, and went to the Lord Eustace de Ribe∣mont, where he made a stand, and with a joyfull and friendly countenance said unto him:

Sr. Eustace, of all Men living, You are the Knight, whom I have found most Valiant and Couragious, as well in offending your Enemies, as in defending your self, and I never in my life met with that Man, that gave me so much adoe, Body to Body, as you have done this day. Wherefore I adjudge the Prize of Knighthood unto you by Right Sentence above all the Knights of my Court.

And with that the King took off the Chaplet of Pearls, which he wore upon his Head, being very Fair, Goodly and Rich, and presenting him therewith said,

Sr. Eustace, I give you this Chaplet for the best Doer in Arms at this last Battle of either Party, whether French or English, and I desire you to wear it this Year at Festivals for my sake. I know well, you are a Per∣sonable Gentleman, Young and Amorous, and well accepted of among the Ladies; wherefore if you will wear it in all Publique Balls, and declare unto them, that the King of England gave you this, as a Testimony of your Valour; I will also now re∣lease you from Prison, quitting you wholly of your Ransom, and you shall depart to

morrow, if you please.

The Knight, who by this time had been fully informed of all things, was so abundantly satisfied, that it had been his Fortune to fight hand to hand with so great a King, and to receive such an Honourable Acknowledgement from him, that he not only wore the said Chaplet accordingly, while he lived; but in Memory of so Gracious a Gift from so Mighty a Prince, did f 5.201 bear ever after in his Arms Three Chaplets garnished with Pearls.

XII. Thus was this Treason of the French, attempted in the time of Truce, by an∣other Treason of the Lombard Captain justly thrown upon their own Heads: Thô the perfidious Knight escaped not long himself: For g 5.202 being the next Year taken by some Frenchmen about St. Omers, he was first degraded of the Order of Knighthood, by having his Spurs hew'd from his Heels, then branded with a burning hot Iron for a Rogue, and then his Tongue being cut out in token of his Perjury, he was Hanged by the Neck, and lastly Beheaded, Quarter'd and Dismembred as a Traytor. And surely, however cunningly he had carried himself in this matter, either there remain'd still so much Suspicion on him, or however the Action appeared so detestable, that King Ed∣ward never after had any Kindness for him, or Confidence in his Loyalty: For we find, h 5.203 how on that very Day, whereon the Rescue of Calais had been made, namely on the First of January, the King appointed the Noble, Valiant and Loyal Baron Sr. John Beauchamp for Captain of Calais.

Nor was the King unmindfull of those his Gallant Subjects, who had accompanied him in the Rescue of this important Place: Among whom the Lord Walter Manny, under whose Banner he had fought, i 5.204 obtain'd of him a Pardon for all such Escapes, as any Felons or Fugitives had made out of the Prison of the Marshalsey, he being this Year Marshall thereof; and the next k 5.205 Year had a Grant of those Houses and Wharfs in the Town of Libourne within the Dutchy of Aquitain, which Edmund Marcell (a Pattaker with the Kings Enemies) had formerly possessed; as also a l 5.206 Grant of the Mannor of Ospettling∣ton in the County of Barwick, which Thomas Byset, a Scot in Arms against the King, had formerly held. And as for the Lord Guy Bryan, who was Standard-Bearer to the King in this Action, m 5.207 he behav'd himself with such great Courage and Valour at that time, that in Recompence thereof he obtained of the King a Grant of 200 Marks per annum out of the Exchequer, during Life, which was afterwards augmented n 5.208 with 200 l. more per annum, ut priùs; besides several other Charters, Grants and Emoluments at sun∣dry times confer'd upon him, and the great Honour of being made first a Banneret, and afterwards upon a Vacancy Knight of the most Noble Order of the Garter: He o 5.209 bore for his Arms Or Three Piles Azure.

And thus the Noble King of England having happily atchieved his Enterprize, and lest the Castle of Calais under the Command of the Lord Beauchamp aforesaid, and the Town as it was before under the Lord John Mongomery, returned Triumphant home∣ward with the Chief of the French Prisoners, and arrived safe in England. But the Lord Mongomery and his Lady presently after died at Calais of a Plague, which by and by will furnish us with much matter of Discourse.

Not long before this, p 5.210 Charles Eldest Son of John Duke of Normandy, King Phi∣lips Eldest Son, took Possession of the Dauphinate of Vienna, which the Old Dauphin Prince Humbert, having lost the Lord James, his onely Son and Heir in the Battle of Cressy, had sold a good Penniworth to the French King: He himself retiring from the World into a Convent of Jacobins, where he took their Habit. From that Prince the Kings of France's Eldest Sons have been called Dauphins of Vienna, as the Kings of England's Eldest Sons are stiled Princes of Wales.

XIII. In the q 5.211 Month of August of this last Year died the Mother of the said Dau∣phin, commonly called the Good Dutchess of Normandy, who was Daughter to John the Old King of Bohemia, that was slain also in the Battle of Cressy: And r 5.212 yet the same King of Bohemia's Son, Charles the Emperour, was married to the Lady Blanch, Sister of King Philip of Valois, Father to the said John Duke of Normandy. And in December following died Jane Queen of France, Daughter to Robert once Duke of Burgundy, and Sister to Eudes then Duke of Burgundy; so that the French King and his eldest Son John were both Widowers at one time. But as for King Philip he had lately sent for a fresh Young Lady, designing to give her unto his Son John, but now being a Wi∣dower himself, he thought good to serve his own Turn first; and so on the Ninth of January took her for his Second Queen: Her Name was Blanch, Daughter to Philip late King of Navarre, by his Queen, who was Sister to the Earl of Foix; but the E∣spousals were kept secretly at the Mannor of Robert Earl of Braye, she being then scarce 18 Years of Age, and the Bridegroom already a Grandfather; but he enjoy'd her little

more than a Year and an half, as we shall see hereafter. On the Ninth of February, his Son John also married his Second Wife, which was the Lady Joan Countess of Bou∣logne, Relict of the young Lord Philip of Burgundy, Son of Eudes Duke of Burgundr, who died at the Siege of Aiguillon about three Years before, as we have s 5.213 shewn. She was Daughter to William Earl of Boulogne, by his Lady the Daughter of Lewis Earl of Eureux, and so held in her Hands at that time the Counties of Artois, Boulogne, Auvergne, and divers other Lands, and after the Death of Eudo Duke of Burgundy (which happen'd this Year) that t 5.214 Dutchy also, during the Minority of her Son Philip, who was Heir thereof. And thus King Philip remained a Widower not quite a Month, and his Son John scarce out Half a Year.

CHAPTER the EIGHTH.

The CONTENTS.

I. Several Prodigies, forerunners of an Ʋniversal Plague, which happen'd in these Dars, as a Notable Conjunction, Eclipse, &c. II. Divers other Presages, as Comets, Fie∣ry Pillars, Strange Births, Inundations, Earthquakes, &c. III. The Original of this Plague, with its horrid Effects and Symptoms. IV. A Description thereof from John Cantacuzenus at that time Emperour of Greece. V. The vast Numbers of those, that died thereof in the Heathen and Christian World. VI. It comes into England, with the great Havock it makes there: The Foundation of the Charter-house in London, and of East-Minster by the Tower, occasion'd thereby. VII. The Pope takes hence ob∣casion of exhorting King Edward to a Peace with France, which produces a Truce. VIII. The Pope's Charity to the Living and the Dead at this time. IX. The Names of those few of the English Nobility and Clergy that died of this Visitation. X. The Inferiour Clergy mightily exhausted thereby. XI. It comes into Wales and Ireland; and how the Scots brought it to their own Doors. XII. Divers Miseries succeeding it, as Murrain of Cattle, Dearth of Corn, and Insolence of Workmen and poor People, which latter Mischief King. Edward represses by wholsom Laws. XIII. The Jews, being falsly suspected as Occasioners of the Plague, by their exquisit Arts of Empoiso∣ning, are most cruelly persecuted by the Christians: The Plague ceases in England.

I. HAving toward the latter end of the preceding Chapter made mention of the Death of Sr. John Mongomery, Captain of the Town of Calats, and a Baron of this Realm, who together with his Lady died, a little af∣ter King Edwards Exploit there, of a Pestilence that then began; now We following the Example of no a 5.215 mean Historian, are inclin'd to think it not unwor∣thy of our present Work, to insert therein a more particular Account of that Plague: Since for its strange and manifold Prognosticks, universal Contagion, wonderfull and fa∣tal Events and long Continuance, it was not only as memorable as the Plague of Athens, but perhaps the Greatest that ever happen'd in the World.

Now in the b 5.216 Year 1345, being three Years before this Fa∣tality came into England, on the c 5.217 28 of March, a little before Nine of the Clock, according to the Adequation of a great Mathematician and Astrologer, called Doctor Paulo di ser Piero, there was a Conjunction of Saturn and Jupi∣ter in 20 Degrees of Aquarius, with those Aspects of the other Planets, as we shall shew herereafter: But According to the Almanack of d 5.218 Profazio a Jew, and the Tables of Toledo, that Conjunction should be fixt on the 20 of the said Month of March, and the Planet of Mars was with them in the said Sign of Aquarius 27 Degrees: And the Moon suffer'd a total Ecclipse on the 18 of the same Month in 7 Degrees of Libra. And on the 11 of March, when Sol enter'd Aries, Saturn was in his Ascendant in 18 Degrees of Aquarius, and Lord of the Year; and Jupiter was in 16 Degrees of the said Sign of Aquarius, and

Mars in 22 Degrees of the same. But if we follow the Equation of the said Dr. Paulo, who was the most Eminent of the Moderns in those Days, and says, that by the Help of his Instruments he saw visibly the Conjunction on the 28 of March, the said Con∣junction being in an Angle of the East, that the Sun was well-nigh in the Mid-Hea∣ven, a little declining to the Angle of 16 Degrees of Aries, and in his Exaltation and Leo his House, was in his Ascendant 13 Degrees, and Mars was now already in 16 Degrees of Pisces, Venus in 12 Degrees of Taurus, her House, and in the Mid-Heaven; Mercury in the first Degree of Taurus, and the Moon 4 Degrees in Aquarius. But ac∣cording to the Calculation of Mr. John Ashindon, and Mr. William Read (two Eng∣lish Astrologers of those Days of Merton College in Oxford) which they made for the Latitude of Oxford, e 5.219 on the said 18 Day of March the Moon was totally Eclipsed at fourty Scruples past Nine of the Clock, the Sun being in 22^d Degree of Aries, and the Moon in the 22^d of Libra. But the Conjunction of Saturn and Jupiter was most no∣table in the 19 Degree of Aquarius, on the 20 Day of March, in the Evening at Eight of the Clock and one Scruple. From which Eclipse the said Ashindon and Read, and another Oxford Man named Geoffry de Meldis, undertook to foretell Wars, Fa∣mine and Pestilence: Particularly Ashindon predicted, that the Influence of that Eclipse should continue for eight Years and five Months; but that the Effects of the Conjunction should prevail for the space of three Years onely. And indeed the foresaid Conjuncti∣on with its Aspects of the other Planets and Signs, according to the best Astrologers, did naturally f 5.220 signifie (God permitting) some Grand Event to the World, as Battle and Slaughter, and remarkable Mutations of Kingdoms and People, and the Death of Kings, and Translation of Dominions, and Alterations in Religion, and the Appearance of some Prophet, and new Errours and Fallings from the Faith, and the sudden Arrival of New Lords and Strange Nations, and Dearth and Mortality, near at hand; in those Climates, Kingdoms, Countries and Cities, to which the Influence of the said Signs and Planets belongs; and sometimes is attended with some Comet in the Air, or other Prodigies, or Inundations, and Floods and excessive Rains: Because that Conjunction being of it self important, is so much the more to be feared from the Propinqui∣ty of Mars; and also the Eclipse of the Moon, which of it self sometimes is of evil Portent.

This we do not averr to be done of Necessity from such and such Appearances or Positions of the Heavenly Bodies; but yet we say, that it is done more or less, as it pleases God, the Creator and Ruler of all things, either in Justice or Mercy, according to the Good or Evil Merits of Nations, or Kingdoms or People, to punish or reward them. And still there remains a Free-Will in Man, thô only as to what may be supposed within his own Power.

Nay if we observe further we shall find, that Mars entred into Cancer on the 12 of September in the foresaid Year 1345, and stood in the said Sign between Direct and Retrograde till the 10 of January; when being Retrograde he went into Gemini, and continued there till the 16 of February, and returned afterward into Cancer, and then stood in that Sign till the First of May 1346. From whence it appears, that he stood in Cancer within the space of six Months almost twice, when according to his usual Course, he did not stay in a Sign above 50 Days. Whence it was said by many Ma∣sters in Astrology,

That the Realm of France should suffer many Adversities and Changes, because that Sign of Cancer is the Exaltation of Jupiter, a sweet and peace∣able Planet, bestowing Riches and Nobility: Which Sign of Cancer is attributed to the Realm of France. Besides the Planet of Jupiter stood in Opposition to Saturn and Mars, which Planet Jupiter is appropriated to the Church, and to the French King. Note also that Jupiter, after that, entring Pisces, his House, was presently in that Sign in Conjunction with Cauda Draconis, which doth farther advance the Ma∣levolence by abating the more benign Force of Jupiter, especially in that Country, where his Influence is ascribed.

But now to qualifie all this, lest we should be counted too much addicted to the Ob∣servation of Matters, which have been wholly despised by many Wise Men (thò not much the Wiser perhaps for absolutely Rejecting all Astrologicall Judgments) we ought firmly to believe and hold for certain; that God Almighty suffereth such Plagues and Adversities to fall upon People, Cities or Countries, for the Punishment of Sin; not necessarily from the Course of the Stars: But that at such times being Lord of the Universe, and so consequently of the Heavenly Bodies, as he pleases, and even when he will, he makes the Course of the Stars to accord and harmonize with his Judgments. To which Opinion the Scripture it self doth more than seem to bear an Allusion, when

it says, "That the Stars in their Courses fought against Sisera: Which is as much as to say, after the Exposition of a Reverend and Learned g 5.221 Prelate of the Church of England, That Sisera fought, when there was an Evil Aspect, or Malignant Influence upon him.

II. And yet beside this Dreadfull Conjunction, which was ever observed to be of almost Universal and Fatal Consequence to Mankind, there were innumerable other strange and prodigious Sympathisings of Nature, as so many evident Tokens of an An∣gry God; or rather, as so many Gentle Admonitions and Fatherly Warnings, before this heavy stroak of Justice was inflicted.

But because this horrible Pestilence passed by Degrees over the whole World, and therefore cannot be supposed to have scourged all Places at the same time (for it be∣gan about the Year 1345, as we have said, came not into England, till the latter end of the Year 1348, and yet continued its Malignant Itineration thrô the World, even till the Year 1362) We shall therefore for Methods sake heap up together the seve∣ral Prognosticks belonging thereto, as they happen'd at sundry times in divers Places.

In the County h 5.222 of Oxford nigh Chippingnorton, was found about this time a Mon∣strous Serpent, having two Heads, with Faces like Women, one being shaped so, as to resemble the New Tire of those Days, and the other to represent the Old antiquated Fashion: It had also great and large Wings; but something like those of a Flitter∣mouse, or Bat, as Authors have reported. And the last Year it rain'd in England, e∣specially i 5.223 in the South-Countries, and in the West, from Christmas even to Miasummer in a manner continually; so that all the while it hardly ever herd up so much as but for one Day and Night together: Whereupon great Inundations followed, and the Earth became corrupted, and afterwards the Air; whence partly ensued that Motta∣lity, of which we shall speak by and by. Particularly seven Days after Christmas, the k 5.224 River Ouse overflow'd so mightily at York, that it reach'd from the end of the Bridge towards St. Michael-Gate to the Market-place.

Also at Paris in the l 5.225 Moneth of August, the foregoing Year, there was seen an extraordinary Dreadfull Comet, which is called Nigra, or Black, from its Evil Portent, in 16 Degrees of Taurus, in the Head of the Figure and Sign, named Caput Argel, or Medusa's Head: It appeared before the Sun was down, and seemed to be not ve••y high in the Air. The second Night it was less luminous, and as it were divided into seve∣ral radiant streaks; and after about fifteen days continuance, it wholly disappeared. This sort of Comet partakes of the Nature of Saturn, and from its influence is called Nigra; according as Zael the Philosopher and Astrologer, and other Masters of the said sci∣ence affirm: Which portends nothing but the Death of Kings and Potentates, and great Mortality. And this particularly appeared, not only from this Plague which we are discoursing of, but more especially from the Death of the French King, which fol∣lowed soon after.

On the m 5.226 20 of December 1348, in the Morning, the Sun being risen, there appear∣ed at Avignon in Provence in France, where the Popes resided in those Days, over his Holinesses Palace, as it were a Pillar of Fire, and tarried there the space of an Hour: Which was seen by all of his Court to their great Amazement. And thô there may be given a Natural reason for it, as that it may proceed from the Rays of the Sun in manner of an Arch; yet always such an appearance hath been taken to portend some strange Novelty; And therefore is it not amiss ranked among those many previous Denunciations of so notable a Plague, as now we are discoursing of.

Besides all these unusual and unhappy Presages, there were n 5.227 this Year in many Coun∣tries, frequent and terrible Earthquakes; but especially in Italy; so that in the City of Rome many Houses, Steeples and Churches were thrown down; and at Naples the Archbishops Palace was wholly overthrown, with several other stately Edifices, strong Towers, and goodly Monasteries; so that what with the Earthquake and a strange Tem∣pest, that happen'd at the same time, a great part of the City was destroy'd: Particu∣larly, while a certain Frier was Preaching in a Church, both he and all his Auditors were buried in the Earth together; except only One Frier, who, doubting the Event from the trembling and groaning, which he perceived in the Earth, fled into a Garden without the City, where he sav'd himself. And many other Churches and Chief Build∣dings, were with such violence overturned by this Hurricane; that the Inhabitants had neither time, nor warning, to foresee or escape the Danger; but a great Number were suddenly buried in these Ruines. Wherefore neither Citizens, nor strangers durst stay in their Houses, either Night or Day; but continued with great fear in spacious Mar∣ket-places,

or removed into the open fields, till the Fury of this terrible Earthquake was abated: Which yet lasted by fits for about 8 days. And during those Dreadfull Turbulencies, the People, thô on plain ground, were not able to stand on their Feet. In o 5.228 Achaia, and about Corinth, in Peloponnesus, several whole Villages were over∣whelmed, and absorpt by Earthquakes: In Cyprus Mountains were removed from their places; so that Towns and Villages were crushed down, and the Course of Great Ri∣vers were obstructed thereby. In p 5.229 Germany two Mountains were swallowed up by this Earthquake; particularly q 5.230 Villach in Istria was a sad Example of this Calamity: For every House in that City was utterly overthrown, except only the Cottage of a Just and Charitable Man. And yet the Inhabitants had timely warning of this Evil, that so they might fly from it: For in the midst of the Market-place the Earth was cloven in sunder in the form of a Cross; and first it sent forth Blood, and then Water. And r 5.231 Lazius says, that most of the Towns in Austria and Styria fell with this Earthquake; and many other Provinces suffer'd such lasting Characters of the Fury of these strong Convulsions of Nature; that least the joynt concurrence of so many Authors of those days should not obtain sufficient Credit, they might be very plainly read even by late Posterity.

This Wonderfull Earthquake, as if in it self not enough terrible, was for the most part s 5.232 attended with loud and horrid Thunders, and dismal slashes of Lightning; whereby among the rest, in the Year 1353, the great Bell of St. Peters Church in Rome, was thrown down and almost melted. The same Year at Cremona, near Man∣tua in Italy, there fell a Mighty storm of Hail, whereby many Cattle and People were destroyed, and even strong-built Houses not a little damnified. For if we may believe the Report of Historians, several of the Hail-stones weigh'd 8 pound, and those of the lesser sort a pound. Two Years after, viz. 1355, upon a t 5.233 Tuesday, being the 17 of February, at half an hour past 4 in the Morning, the Moon being then in Aqua∣rius, began to suffer an Eclipse, and by half an hour past 5 it was totally Eclipsed, and so continued to the Astonishment of all that saw it, for well nigh an Hour. The Year following there was another terrible Earthquake in divers Countries, but especially in Spain and Germany, to the Desolation of many Edifices, and the Destruction of much People, to whom for the most part their own houses became Sepulchers: But the City of Basil felt the Effects of its Fury more severely, being almost wholly rui∣nated thereby. Three Years after, namely 1359, on the 21 u 5.234 of April, being Easter-day, in the Cathedral-Church of Stena in Tuscany, while the Bishop being assisted with five other Priests, stood by the Altar preparing the Elements for the Holy Eucha∣rist, there fell a strong and terrible shour of Rain, accompanied with loud Thunders and horrid flashes of Lightning, during which Tempests many parts of the Church were stricken, and the Chappel spoil'd and beaten down, together with the Table of the High-Altar: The Bishop and the Priests, what with the Lightning and their own A∣mazement, were fell'd down half-dead, and the Chalice and Cross were violently born away, or melted, or stricken into the ground; so that afterwards they could never be found. About the same time were many Monstrous and Prodigious Births in divers Countries, and Women frequently miscarried, or perished in Childbirth. In the Year 1348, it rain'd x 5.235 Blood in Germany, and Comets, Meteors, Fiery Beams, and o∣ther Coruscations appear'd in the Air; y 5.236 with divers Mock Suns, and the Heavens seem'd to burn.

Nor was the Long-suffering of Heaven content to give these short warnings; some being but a little before, and some even in the very time of the great Plague; but 30 z 5.237 Years before the Blow was given, that Infinite Father of all Mercies, declared by the Mouth of one named Robert, a Jacobin Frier; that heavy Judgements were preparing, as well for all Mankind, if they did not speedily repent; as especially for the Clergy (which part also we shall see most exactly performed by and by) to punish them for their Pride, Simony, Sloth, Lust, and Avarice. All these and many more Predictions and unusual Prodigies, which happen'd in these days, did easily perswade the more judicious and sober part of Mankind (which yet are always but a few in Number) that some great and signal Judgements were ready to pursue the Falshood, Vanity, and Irreligion of the World: And accordingly now there arose such a Plague, as a a 5.238 very Judicious and Worthy Person sticks not to averr, that it was never yet equall'd by any: For, says He, it rag'd Universally over all our Hemisphere, and there was neither City, Village, nor House, whereinto it did not cruelly intrude.

III. It is said to have had its Original b 5.239 among the Tartars, in the Kingdom of Ca∣thay in Asia, and among the Indians, by reason of a certain Igneous Vapour, or Sul∣phurous

Fire, horribly breaking forth from the Earth; or, as c 5.240 others, descending from Heaven, which utterly consumed and devoured Men and Beasts, Houses, Stones, and Trees, to the very ground it self, and stretched forward, rowling along in sm••••y globes of horrid Stink and Pestilential Fire, for more than 200 Leagues of the Coun∣try, or 15 days journey together: Whereby the Air became so infected in those parts, that there fell down d 5.241 Millions of young Serpents, and other Venemous In••ects, and in other Countries more remote from this fiery eruption, were found infinite quan∣tities of huge Vermin, with 8 short Legs and Tails, all over black, some living, and some dead; the latter whereof stank over all the Country, and the former were not only most dreadfull to behold; but whomsoever any of them chanced but to touch, they became immediately to them as Mortal Poison: As was testified by Letters e∣ven in those days by Persons of undoubted Credit, to several Citizens of Florence, and others.

The Plague also of Athens is reported to have had its Original in the same Parts: For whereas Thucydides names the Place of its Rise to be that Part of Ethtopia which lies upon Egypt; we are assured, that the Antients were used frequently to confound the Names of Ethtopia and India together, as e 5.242 Servius also witnesses: Wherefore Thucydides, who follow'd only common Report herein, might be deceived as to the Place of its Birth, or rather those Authors, whom I am fain to follow. Which I am rather inclin'd to believe, not onely out of Respect to that Incomparable Greek Hi∣storian; but also I find a Difference among our Writers: Some seriously affirming, s 5.243 that the Original of this Pestilence was in Egypt also; tho Others say, that this Des••uctive Vapour arose at Mecha in Arabia Felix, among the Jews, Turks and Arabians, where at the same time it rained Snakes and Blood from Heaven for three Days and three Nights together; when also the Temple of Mahomet was beaten down by a terrible Tem∣pest, and his Sepulchre torn up and broken to pieces; and that from this sulplu••ous and pestiferous Vapour, together with the Stink of Snakes and Blood, the whole Middle Region of the Air became corrupted, whence this unusual Infection took ••s Birth.

Nor did it at all degenerate from its Original, but immediately proceeded to decimate all Mankind; or rather to destroy Nine of Ten thrô the whole World: For g 5.244 Histori∣ans have not doubted to speak so largely of this Mortality. Nay some say, that where indeed it was most favourable, it left one Third, or One of Five; but where it shew'd its Tyranny more freely, it scarce left a fifteenth or a twentieth Person alive. Nay some Provinces partly with the Plague, and partly with Earthquakes and Lightnings, were quite left Desolate; and in the Country of Anthemusia, vulgarly Alidus, in in Me∣sopotamia, h 5.245 under the Dominion of the Soldan of Babylon, there was not one left alive but only some Women, whom either the Horrour of their Condition, or the strange∣ness of the Infection, or both, drove to such a furious Enragedness of Mind, that they devoured one another. The Method of this Plague was to stay but i 5.246 two or three Days with any Person (for it surely kill'd in that or less time) and but five or six Months in any Place, and then to seek out for fresh Quarters. And as if disdaining to be rival'd by any Competitor, it solely reign'd, either keeping back all other sorts of Diseases, as be∣ing fully assured of its own Sufficiency, or rather engrossing to it self all the Armory of Death and Destruction: For it made more abundant Conquests, than ever all sorts of other Diseases did at one time before. It took Men generally in the Head and Stomach, ap∣pearing k 5.247 first in the Groin, or under the Armpits by little Knobs or Swellings, called Kernels, being Biles, Blains, Blisters, Pimples, Wheals or Plague-Sores, generally at∣tended with Pestilential Fevers, which occasion'd Spitting and Vomiting of Blood, whence for the most part they died in a manner presently, or in half l 5.248 a Day, or with∣in a Day or two at the most: After the Third day, thô seldom any liv'd so long, there was Hope, and yet then many falling into a deep Sleep never waked more. The I li∣sters and Kernels aforesaid were certain Symptoms of this Malady; but the most deadly and desperate was, when many of these m 5.249 impostumous Swellings would rise over all the Body, which being hard and dry, upon Cutting sent forth little or no pu∣rulent Matter: Thô by this means after many Cuttings and Torments, not a few were healed in the end. But this Remedy was not found till very late, nor then in ma∣ny Places neither: So that generally it was an irresistable Evil, every where ty••nni∣zing without controll. Nor did Piety here avail, for those whose tender Minds obliged them, in meer Compassion, carefully to look to their Friends or Others, in this their de∣plorable Condition, were for the most part surely seised on themselves; for as n 5.250 we are told, the Influence of this Disease was so contagious, that it not onely infected by a

Touch or Breathing, but transfus'd its Malignity into the very Beams of Light, and dar∣ted Death from the Eyes; and the very Seats and Garments of such proved fatal. Wherefore Parents forsook their Children, and Wives their Husbands; nor would Phy∣sicians here make their Visits, for neither were they able to do good to Others, and they were almost certain thereby to destroy themselves. Even the Priests also for the same horrid Consideration forbore either to administer the Sacraments, or absolve the dying Penitent. But yet neither Priests, nor Physicians, nor any other, who sought thus to escape, did find their Caution of any Advantage: For Death not only rag'd without Doors as well as in Chambers, but as if it took indignation, that any Mortal should think to fly from it, these kind of People died both more speedily and proportionably in greater Numbers. Then was there Death without Sorrow, Affinity without Friendship, willfull Penance and Dearth without Scarcity, and Flying without Refuge or Succour: For many fled from place to place because of the Pestilence; some into Deserts and pla∣ces not inhabited, either in hope or despair: But quick-sighted Destruction found them out, and nimble-footed Misery was ever ready to attend them. Others having hired Boats or other Vessels, into which they laid up Provision, thought, or at lest hoped so to elude the Power of the Infection: But the Destroying Angel, like that in the o 5.251 Re∣velations, had one Foot upon the Waters, as well as on the Land; for alas! the very Air they breathed being tainted, they drew in Death together with Life it self. The horrour of these things made others to lock up themselves close in their Houses, Gar∣dens, and sweet retired Places, but the Evil they intended to exclude, pursued them thrô all their defences, and they had this onely difference, to die without the Company of any that might serve or pity them. No Physician could tell the Cause, or prescribe a Cure; and even what was saving to one was no less than fatal to another; no Astro∣loger could divine how or when it would cease: The only way left was to be prepa∣red to receive it, and the most comfortable Resolution to expect it without Fear. Nay, it is to be remembred to the Praise of God, who correcteth the Body to save the Soul; that all Men being awaken'd to the quick by so dreadfull an appearance of Death at their Elbow, are said to have piously set themselves to bewail their sins, and to amend their Lives, and where they could, to frequent the Sacraments; and which was wonderfull, that most were so touched with a sense of Piety, Gods Grace sweetning the bitterness of Death with some small Taste of Eternal Felicity ap∣proaching, that they even rejoyced as they were dying: And p 5.252 Nauclerus says,

That it was some kind of Consolation in the midst of this general Grief, that innocent Children being at the point of Death, did for the most part joyfully set forth the Praises of God: And that Sinners themselves, before they perceiv'd any token of the Pestilence upon them, had prepared themselves by an hearty Repentance: So that they even willingly waited for Death.

IV. I shall notwithstanding this prolix Description of ours subjoyn hereto one far more graphical and authentick, which came from the Royal Pen of John Cantacuzenus, who was at that time Emperour of Constantinople, and a great Sufferer thereby in the Devasta∣tion of his Countries.

This Plague says he, q 5.253 taking its rise from the Scythians cal∣led Hyberboreans, overran almost all the Sea-coasts of the Habitable World, and de∣stroyed an incredible Number of People. For it did not only pass thrô Pontus, and Thrace and Macedonia; but also thrô Hellas (properly so called) and Italy, and all the Isles, and Egypt, and Libya, and Indaea, and Syria, and in a manner all the World round about. But it was such an unconquerable Evil, that neither any Diet, or Strength of Body could resist it: For it pull'd down all Bodies alike, as well the Strong as the Weak, and those, who were most diligently look'd after, perished, as well as those who wanted all things. That Year was free from all other Distempers; but if perhaps any one was sick before, all other Distempers terminated in this. Here the Knowledge of the Physicians was put to a stand: For some enduring a little died the same Day, some the same Hour; but those that held out to the second or third Day, were first taken with an acute Fever, and the Distemper getting up into the Head were rendred speechless and insensible to all that was done; and so dropt off as it were in a profound Sleep. But if any ever came to themselves a little, they endea∣vour'd to speak something, but the Tongue was difficultly moved; and so uttering many inarticulate things, the Nerves being stupified in the hinder Part of the Head, they presently died. Others were not taken in the Head, but in the Lungs, these had an Inflamation in their Inwards, which created acute Pains about the Stomach: So that they sent up Blood and a loathsome and cadaverous Stink from within. Their Jaws and Tongues were dried up with Heat, and black and tainted with Gore; and whether

they drank much or little, 'twas all alike. These could take no sleep, but were in continual pain and disquiet. Some had impostumous Ulcers and black Blisters, bigger or lesser on their Arms, and under their Armpits; and some in the Cheeks, and o∣thers in other parts of the Body. And in others there arose black Nodes, Spots, or Tokens over all the Body, in some more superficial and visible, in others deeper and obscure. And yet of both sorts all died alike: For some had all these Sym∣toms together, others more or less, but to most even one of all was enough to do the Business. Yet those few who recover'd, were no more touched with the same Mis∣chief, but remain'd secure now: For it never took any twice, so as to kill. Sundry times there were great Impostumes in the Thighs and in the Arms, which being cut sent forth much stinking matter: And so the Disease was carried off, flinging forth together therewith all the noxious humours. And yet some, thô they had all these symptoms, were beyond all expectation saved. But there was no certain Remedy: For what was good for one, was to another in the same Condition fatal: Yet he that cured another got his own death thereby, and this made the greatest havock, so that houses were emptied of Inhabitants, even brute Creatures dying with their Masters. Yet nothing herein seem'd more dismal than the Despair, to which Men were redu∣ced: For when any one perceived himself sick, he abandon'd all hopes of Recove∣ry; and thus they gave themselves over and died presently, adding their defection of Mind as an assistance to the Disease. Such a kind of Malady cannot be expressed; and it was most manifest, that it was not any Plague natural or usual to Mankind, but a Scourge from Heaven: Wherefore many also were much better'd thereby; not on∣ly of those who died, but as many as survived: For then casting aside all their vices, they applied themselves wholly to the study of Vertue, and several gave all they had to the Poor: But when any found themselves affected, there was none so stony or so obdurate, but that he repented heartily of his sins, and thereby gave the Di∣vine Goodness some occasion of being Gracious at his Tribunal.

Thus far the Greek Emperour.

V. And in this manner this terrible Slaughter taking its rise, whether in India, Tar∣taria, Scythia or Arabia, but r 5.254 most certainly in that manner, as we have related, went sweeping along thrô the Indians, Tartarians, Saracens, Turks, Syrians, Palestinians, Persians, Egyptians and Ethiopians, Africans, and the Parts about Tunts and Tribisond, where it rag'd most furiously. Then it proceeded over all the Levant, thrô Mesopo∣tamia, Chaldaea, Cyprus, Candie, Rhodes, and every Island in the Archipelago, scatte∣ring unspeakable Desolation all about: Insomuch that at first, before the Plague had touched the Christians, several Heathen Princes being dismayed above measure at its un∣expressible rage and fury, were fully resolved to embrace the Christian Faith; for as then they heard how the Christians that dwelt on this side the Greekish Sea, were not, be∣yond the ordinary manner of Men, troubled with any Sickness or Mortality. Whereas in those Eastern Parts they found no less than 8000 s 5.255 Legions, that is 23840000 Souls had been swept away in the space of one Year, as it was reported before the Pope at Avignon. But especially a marvellous manner of Death, and almost incredi∣ble to be told happen'd in Arcaccia; t 5.256 so that Men, Women, and all living Crea∣tures became in a manner statues at their Decease, being rendred almost as hard as marble after they were dead. Whereupon the Lords of that Country being honibly amazed at these unaccountable matters, propounded to themselves to receive the Gos∣pell, till hearing of a like Mortality among the Christians, they were content to re∣main in their Infidelity. But the King u 5.257 of Tharsis in Comagena supposing verily, that this unusual Scourge of Gods Wrath was laid upon him and his People for their Unbelief, with a great multitude of his Princes and Nobles, began his journey towards Avignon to visit Pope Clement VI, and to receive Baptism at his Hands: But being about 20 Diets onward of his way, when he heard that the Christians also were not free from this Contagion, he turned back, laying wholly aside the saving Design of Embracing the Faith, and so return'd into his own Country an Infidel as he came out: But in the way he lost about 2000 of his Company, whom the Christians cut off at the Tail of his Army.

Nor did this impartial Judgment make less havock throughout Christendom, for ha∣ving x 5.258 ravaged thrô all Asia and Africk, at last it came over into Greece, and thence successively to other Parts of Europe, till it had run it all over even to the Extremity of the North. In which Countries because we have surer Testimonies to rely upon, and a better Account made out thereby; we shall be here a little more particular in relating what it did: Well knowing what good Use wise and sober Men may make of

so ample an Account of a Judgment that ought never to be forgotten; thô we are not unsensible, that to a great many, even this that we have already said, may seem both too much, and of no great Consequence.

The Venetians, y 5.259 having lost an 100000 Souls, hired Vessels at a great Price, and were wafted to the Isles, leaving the City almost desolate. To Padua there came but one unknown Person infected, who so spread the Contagion, that hardly a Third re∣main'd alive in the whole Precinct. At Florence there died in one Year of this Plague no less than z 5.260 60000 Men, among whom was that Learned and Diligent Historian a 5.261 Giovanni Villani, whom we have so often quoted in this present Work, and grieve, that by his untimely Death, we shall not be able in the Progress of our History to make any more Advantage of his Excellent and Authentick Labours: For he was certainly a Man, that surpassed all the Historians of that Age, whether we consider his Universal knowledge, or comprehensive Labours, or Curious, Industrious, Elegant and Faithfull Commentaries. Yet he died but toward the latter end of the Plague; wherefore during this our Description, we shall have some recourse to his Golden Book: For it seems the Worthy Gentleman laid not aside his Pen, till Death snatch'd it out of his Hand. And yet b 5.262 a near Kinsman of his named Matthew Villani, as Heir of his Vertues and Industry, continued to write where he left off, nor without good success. The Citi∣zens of Florence this mean while, c 5.263 were so consternated at these perpetual Alarms of Dying, that they made a Publique Decree, that none should presume to publish the Number of the Dead, nor to sound any Passing Bell in the Churches, for fear of driving the living to despair by the frequent noise of Funerals. Nor did this Tyrannous Mis∣chief rage less in Pistoia, a City between Lucca and Florence, in Bolognia, Romania, Genoa, and other parts of Italy, as also in Sicily, Sardinia, Corsica, and innumerable other Places. But especially it was exceeding grievous at Avignon in Provence, where the People died d 5.264 bleeding at the Nose, Mouth, and Fundament; so that Rivers ran with Blood, and streams of putrid gore issued forth from the Graves and Sepulchres of the Dead. When first it began there, no e 5.265 less than 66 of the Carmelite-Fryers died, before any knew, what was the Matter; so that at first 'twas imagin'd, they had murder'd one another. Of the English College at Avignon, not one was left alive, and of the whole City scarce one in five. For according to a Bill of Mortality or Compu∣tation made before the Pope, there died there in one day 1212, and on another more than 400. But all this while, the Pope himself f 5.266 deny'd all Publique Access to him, and made use of many Fires in his Chamber to purifie the Air: By which means g 5.267 they say Pope Nicolas IV, had before that avoided a like Epidemical distemper, constantly keeping many fires in his Palace, even in the hottest of Summer. However Pope Cle∣ment did not lock himself up so, as to confine his Charity;

for all this while he h 5.268 allowed wages to certain Physicians to visit the Poor; and others he hired, to pro∣vide them with Necessaries, while they lived, and upon their departure to give them decent burial. He also purchased for a burying-place a large Field, wherein he cau∣sed to be consecrated a Coemitery, able to contain all their Dead. And there infi∣nite Numbers from that time were buried, and it was called Campo il Florido, which name continues to this day.

In i 5.269 Provence there died in Lent only of the Fryers-Preachers 358, and in Montpellier of an 140 of the said Order of Fryers, there re∣main'd but seven alive: But at Marseilles of an 140 Predicants, and 10 Fryers-Mi∣nors, there was but only One left to tell the sad Story of his Brethrens Death. At St. Dennis this Devouring Monster dispatch'd k 5.270 14000, and so proceeded to Paris, where, as if it had been yet fasting, it made a more Plentifull Banquet of no less than 50000. At Lubeck, a City of Germany, in one Year it swept away no less than l 5.271 90000, whereof 1500 are reported to have died within the space of Four Hours: And thrô all Germany there are reckoned 1244434 to have died of the Plague only.

It would be both incredible to hear, and almost impossible to declare, the Wonder∣full havock it made in other Foreign Parts, even as we have said, throughout the whole world: Insomuch m 5.272 that many Towns and Cities, nay whole Provinces, were in a man∣ner left desolate of Inhabitants. Wherefore we shall have done with this Tragical Truth; when we have shewn, how our own Country fared thereby: For at last this fiery scourge of God came over the Seas to afflict our World also.

VI. About the n 5.273 First of August 1348, it began in the Sea-port Towns, on the Coasts of Dorsetshire, Devonshire, and Somersetshire, whence it ran up to Bristow: So that the Glocestershire-men forbad all entercourse with the Bristolians. But this Fa∣miliar Fury wanted no Medium to introduce it: For as the Scripture says of the Pe∣stilence,

that it walketh in Darkness or invisibly; its Progress not being to be found out; so unexpectedly and contrary to humane Precaution this Plague also walked, or rather flew, among the Glocestershire men; whence it went o 5.274 to Oxford, and about the First of November it reached London, and finally spread it self all over England, scattering every where such Ruine and Desolation, that of all sorts hardly the Tenth Person was left alive.

In the p 5.275 Church and Church-yard of Yarmouth, were buried in one Year no less, than 7052 Persons, all of the Plague: So that the Parsonage, which before was worth 700 Marks per annum, was hardly afterwards worth 40 pounds, as it was certified to King Henry VII, in the 22 Year of his Reign, and was written upon the Gates of the Church of that Town. In the City q 5.276 of Norwich, from the First of January to the First of July, which is but half a Years Space, there died no less than 57104, or as others have it, 57374. In the City r 5.277 of Leicester out of the small Parish of St. Leonard, there fell no less than 380: In the Parish of Holy-Rood 400 more, then in St. Margarets 700, and so proportionably in other Parishes. In the City s 5.278 of York it raged most furiously from about the Ascension to the Feast of St. James the Apostle: But in the Famous City of London, Death was so outragiously Cruel, that every day at least 20, sometimes 40, sometimes 60, or more dead Corpses were flung together into one Pit; and yet the Church-yards not sufficing for the Dead, they were fain to set apart certain Fields for additional places of Burial: And yet even so, those Offi∣ces were not performed with any usual Decency or Honesty; for the Numbers of the Dead being so great, they were fain to t 5.279 make deep Ditches and Pits very broad; wherein they lay'd a range of Carcasses, and a range of Earth upon them, and then ano∣ther range of Dead Bodies, which were all together cover'd; and after this manner were all People buried at that time, except those of the better sort. Among those, who charitably took care of the Dead in this manner, we find, u 5.280 that the Noble and Va∣liant Lord Walter Manny, so often mention'd in this our History, having a Pious Regard to Gods Judgements, and the common Frailty of Humane Nature, purchas'd a piece of ground, adjoyning to a place called No Mans Land, and lying in a place, called Spit∣tle-Croft, because it belonged to St. Bartholomews Spittle, or Hospital in Smithfield, since that, called the New-Church- x 5.281 Haw, containing 13 Acres of Land and a Rod, and caused the same to be inclosed and consecrated by Ralph Stafford Bishop of Lon∣don: In which one place (besides those buried in other Church-yards, Churches and Mo∣nasteries in and about London) there were buried within one Year more than y 5.282 50000 Persons, as I have read, says Mr. Stow, in the Charters of Edward III. The same Author affirms also, that he had seen and read an Inscription, fixed on a Stone-Cross, sometime standing in the same Church-yard, in these Words, ANNO DOMINI MCCCXLIX REGNANTE MAGNA PESTILENTIA, CONSECRATUM FUIT HOC COEMITERIUM. IN QUO ET INFRA SEPTA PRAESENTIS MONASTERII SEPUL∣TA FUERUNT MORTUORUM CORPORA PLUS QUAM LM PRAETER ALIA MULTA ABHINC US QUE AD PRAESENS. QUORUM ANIMABUS PROPITIETUR DEUS. AMEN.

But especially between Candlemas and Easter this Year, there were buried in the place aforesaid, about z 5.283 200 Corpses per diem every day: Wherefore the said Noble Lord Walter Manny, in memory of the vast Numbers of Christian People there buried, and in Pious Charity (as he thought) to their Souls, caused afterwards on the same ground a Chappel to be builded, of rare Workmanship with Design to make it Collegiate for 12 Priests, and a Provost, and to endow it amply: a 5.284 And there for about twenty two Years, Offerings were made, in which time it is to be noted, that a∣bove an 100000 Bodies of Christian People, had been buried in that Church-yard. For the said Sr. Walter Manny had purchased the Place for the Burial of Poor People, Travailers, and others, to remain for ever, and order was taken to avoid contention thereupon between That House and Parsons of Churches.

But in the Year 1371, the said Lord Manny, changing his Mind, in stead thereof ob∣tained b 5.285 a Licence to found a Monastery of Carthusian Monks, to pray for the good Estate of himself, and of Margaret his Wife, during their Lives in this World, and afterwards for their Souls: As also for the Souls of Alice of Hainalt, Michael North∣burgh, sometime Bishop of London, and of all his Ancestors. And this c 5.286 House of Carthusian Monks, he the said Founder willed to be call'd the Salutation, and that One of the Monks should be called Prior, and he gave them the said place of 13 Acres, and a Rod of Land, with the Chappel and Houses there builded for their habitation. He also gave them the three Acres of Land, lying without the Walls on the North∣part,

betwixt the Lands of the Abbot of Westminster, and the Lands of the Prior of St. John: Which three Acres being purchased, enclosed, and dedicated by Ralph Staf∣ford Bishop of London, as aforesaid, remain'd till our Fathers days by the Name of Par∣don Church-yard, and served for burying of such, as desparately ended their own Lives, or were executed for Felony. But now it is an Hospital for poor Men and Children, of the Foundation of the Worthy Thomas Sutton Esquire, still called by Corruption the Charter-house, and for its Revenues and decent Provision for young Scholars and others, excepting that Royal Foundation of Christ-Church Hospital in London (to which I owe my Education) the most notable in all this Kingdom.

About the same time, and upon the same occasion, that this Work of Charity be∣gan in West-Smithfield; One d 5.287 Mr. John Corey, a Godly and Learned Divine purcha∣sed of Doctor Nicolas Prior of the Holy Trinity within Aldgate, one Toft of ground near East-Smithfield by the Tower of London, for the Burial of them that died, with condition, that it might be called the Church-yard of the Holy Trinity; which ground by the aid of divers Devout Citizens, he caused to be enclosed with a Wall of Stone. In which place afterwards, namely, in the Year 1359, King Edward III (in contem∣plation of a vow which in a Tempest at Sea he had made, to build a Monastery to the Honour of God and our Lady of Grace, if God would graciously bring him safe to Land) did, by the consent of the said Prior and his Convent, build and found the Abbey of St. Mary of Grace, causing it to be named East-Minster, thô it was also called by the Name of New-Abbey, placing therein an Abbot and Monks of the Cister∣tian Order.

VII. The mean while, in consideration of this grievous Mortality, e 5.288 all Suits and Pleadings in the Kings Bench, and other places ceased; and all * 5.289 Sessions of Parliament for the Space of more than two Years were hindred. Pope Clement for his part, being alarum'd with these heavy and prodigious Judgements of Almighty God, never ceased * 5.290 by his Letters to both the Kings of England and France, to exhort them, as he doth most earnestly, to a final agreement, that they might so avoid the severe stroke of Gods Vengeance: Assuring them that all these things happen'd as a Punishment for the Sins of Mankind. But especially he entreated King Edward to send his Ora∣tors to Avignon, f 5.291

having (says he) our confidence in him, in whose hands are the Hearts of Kings, We resolve by no means to desist from the prosecution of the Treaty already begun: But intend by so much the more effectually and carefully to promote it, by how much the more the miserable state of the World (which the jea∣lous God, and the Lord of Vengeance, being provoked with the multitude of Sins, which Charity doth not cover, but wrath encreases, doth consume in sury by a ge∣neral slaughter of an unheard-of Pestilence) doth most especially require an agreement between you and the said King of France, and is known to want it extreamly: Lest, which God forbid, that small Flock, which the Saviour of the World, who woundeth and healeth, hath like Seed-corn preserved from this Destruction, should now be drown'd in the Waves of Commotions, and swallow'd in the miserable Tem∣pest of War, &c.

Dat. Avin. XV Cal. December: An ^o. Pontif. nostri, VIII. Up∣on this Pious Exhortation, King Edward was so far prevail'd with, as to g 5.292 send his Commissioners, who were William Bateman Bishop of Norwich, the Earls of Lanca∣ster, Suffolk, and Northampton, the Lord Walter Manny, the Lord h 5.293 Robert Bourchier, the Lord Ralph Stafford, and the Lord Richard Talbot. These all arrived at Calais in order to Treat with the French Commissioners, who were then come as far as St. O∣mers to meet them, together with the Bishop of Lyons, the Abbot of St. Dennis, and the two Cardinals, who came on the Pope's behalf to moderate Matters between the two parties. Being all met in a Convenient place half-way between the Towns of Ca∣lais and St. Omers, the Frenchmen still insisted on the restoring of Calais, or rasing it down to the ground: But neither of these would the English admit of. However, at last by the urgent Prayers, and Intercession of the Cardinals, it was at last agreed, that certain Commissioners from both the Kings of England & France should enter upon a Treaty of Peace, to be held from the time, that this Treaty ended, unto the Month of September following: By which, if then a final Peace could not be had, that the Crown of France should be brought by the Consent of both Partys to a cer∣tain convenient place within that Realm, and there without any other Tryal or Ap∣peal, the Right thereof to be decided by a Pitch'd Battle. This Truce and Agree∣ment was thus made on the i 5.294 Tenth of March * 5.295 1349/50, but the Conditions came to no Effect, the whole project being null'd on occasion of the Death of Philip of Valois, who died a Month before the limited time, to wit, on the k 5.296 22^d of August the Year following.

VIII. During the rage of this horrid Pestilence, the Pope, l 5.297 to raise the Faithfull to a Christian-like Constancy, by the hope of a Glorious Immortality, gave Authority to all Priests of absolving the Penitent from all their sins, and granting them the benefit of Indulgences: And in his Diploma, bearing date the XIV Kal. June the Year fore∣going, he proposes great Indulgences to those Priests, who should administer the Sa∣crament, or other Ghostly Comforts to the sick, as also to all those who should per∣form any good or friendly Office to the Dying, or to the Dead, either in Physick, Burial, or the like: And further, because many were like to be deprived of the Be∣nefit of Priests Conversation, he now by his Bulls m 5.298 granted throughout all Christen∣dom a full Remission of Sins to any One, that being in peril of Death should but once receive Absolution; and that every One might take whom he pleas'd, or whom he could, for his Confessor; which Grant to endure till the Easter then next ensuing. A Grant to be question'd, as to its validity (For who can forgive sins, but God alone?) yet no doubt proceeding from a good purpose, and for that respect, at least commend∣able. Upon the same account also here in England, Thomas Beck Bishop of Lincoln, sent throughout all his Dioecese, empowring all Priests both Regular and Secular to hear Confessions, and to absolve any Person with full and Episcopal Authority of all Sins, except only for Debt: In which case, if the Party was able, he should make full Satis∣faction in his own Person, while he lived, or carefully provide, that others should per∣form the same after his Death. And in all Christian Countries, Cities, and Towns, there were Publique and Solemn Processions made for n 5.299 several days together, that God would be pleased to sheath his angry Sword, and preserve the Residue from this de∣vouring Pestilence.

IX. Of which, thô innumerable Numbers of the Common sort of People died, chiefly old Men, Women and Children; yet (which is Wonderfull) not o 5.300 one King, or Prince of a Nation, is said to have died thrô all the World: And even of Nobles but a very few were taken away at this time, especially of the English Nation: Whe∣ther by chance, or that it pleased God to spare these, either for the Well-governing the Remainder, or for their further Punishment; for in those days the Wars were most∣ly carried on, and Menag'd by the Interest, Valour, and Conduct of the Nobility in all Nations. Among the Nobles of England, that died of this Plague, we find be∣sides the Lord John Mongomery, Captain of Calais, and his Lady, that the Princess Joan, second Daughter, and third Child of King Edward the Third, was the Chief, who tasted this bitter Cup. About four Years since she had been requested by Alphon∣so XI, King of Castille and Leon, as a Match for his Eldest Son Don Pedro, Infant of Spain, in order to which Marriage King Edward then p 5.301 sent over Sr. William Trussel, and the Prior of Rochester, to confer with the said Alphonso: Accordingly the last Year, being thirteen Years of Age, she was q 5.302 espoused by Proxy to Don Pedro, entitled Infanta of Spain, and then Honourably convey'd into that Country, where she present∣ly deceased of this Plague, then reigning in those Parts; So that the Prince, who came to meet her to solemnize the Espousals, was fain to accompany her Body to Church to her Funeral, which happen'd in the Year aforesaid. Of the same Plague also there died this Year r 5.303 on the 31 of May, without Issue, the Lord Thomas Wake of Lidel, leaving behind him the Lady Margaret, Countess of Kent (Dowager of Ed∣mund of Woodstock, late Earl of Kent) his Sister and Heir, Fourty Years of Age: Who thereupon performing her Fealty, had Livery of all his Lands shortly after. There s 5.304 died also about this time Sr. John Fauconberg a Valiant and Hardy Baron of this Realm, being aged 57 Years: He was a Person highly Eminent for his Military Ser∣vices both in France and Scotland, and had been successively in his time High-Sheriff of Yorkshire, and Governour of the Castle of York, and afterwards of Barwick upon Tweed. He was succeeded by Walter his Son and Heir, then of full Age, who per∣forming his Homage, had Livery of his Fathers Lands, and became a good Knight in his days. And lastly there died the Lord Robert Bourchier, t 5.305 leaving John his Son and Heir twenty Years of Age, and was buried at Haulsted in Essex. I know of no more of the Nobility, that fell at this time, nor did any of the Episcopal Order suffer Deeper; but only the Chair of Canterbury, which lost no less, than three Archbishops all in one Year. And those were first Dr. John Stratford, a Man of great Learning, Loyal∣ty, and Charity, with whom that Famous Contention passed, whereof we spake so largely; after he had sat in that see about 15 Years. The Second was his Successor Dr. John Hufford, Son (as u 5.306 some say) to Robert Hufford, Earl of Suffolk: Thô I find it not x 5.307 in that Earls Pedigree, and besides, the Age shews some discrepance, the Earl surviving him full 20 Years: He is not by some reckon'd among the Arch∣bishops,

because having expected his Pall and Consecration full six Months, he died now at last without either, in the y 5.308 Month of May, or as one z 5.309 says, on the Seventh of June this Year, having been in his time successively both Dean of Lincoln and Lord Chancellour of England.

The last but not the least Worthy, was his Successor Thomas a 5.310 Bradwardin, called for his deep Knowledge in Divinity, Doctor de Profundis: Who died of the Plague within two days after he came to London, and within five Weeks and four Days after his Consecration at Avignon; so that he also was never Enthronised at all. But we shall not soon part with him here, because Men of Merit are the best and most profita∣ble Subjects of History; and for whose sakes a fruitfull Digression may well obtain a Pardon.

Of his extraordinary Piety and Learning, and deep skill both in the Mathematicks and Theology, as well his own excellent Works, as our Historians are concurrent and ample Testimonies. But one thing for Example sake I shall not omit to remember in this Place: That b 5.311 being King Edwards Confessor, he behav'd himself in that Office with singular Moderation, Integrity and Discretion; and whatever he saw amiss, he would in secret freely reprehend in the King before his Face, which Boldness of his the King always took in good part, not only because he thereby saw the Zeal and discreet Piety of the Man, but also knew his sincerity and love to his Person. In the French Wars, while he lived he was always present, never enduring to absent himself from his Royal Charge, but still admonish'd him secretly, and his whole Army openly in his learned and eloquent Sermons and other Exhortations,

To take carefull heed of waxing proud and insolent after those many great Victories which God had sent them: But rather to improve them to their greater Advantage, by using them with Thankfulness and Mo∣deration▪

Some there are who have not doubted to ascribe those many notable Suc∣cesses of King Edward rather to the Vertue, Holiness, and Prayers of this Man, than to any other worldly, either Wisdom or Prowess: Thus much we shall readily acknow∣ledge; that althô after his Death King Edward had the same good Success as before, the Reason may be justly attributed to that Prince's Care of following the Precepts of this memorable Prelate. For whose wonderfull Modesty we have this also to say; that whereas he might have obtain'd of the King whatever Preferment he would have asked, he was so far from any Ambitious Desire of superfluous Promotion, that it was long e'r he could be prevail'd with to accept a Prebend of Lincoln when it was offer'd him, he being at the same time Chancellor of St. Pauls in London. And it is certain, that the Archbishoprick came at last to him without the least of his Endeavours for it; the Convent electing him, the King allowing their Choice, and the Pope, who knew not any of these things, at the same time conferring this Dignity upon him, without the least Application made to him in his Behalf. Whereas had he but shew'd the smallest Inclination for the Place, he might have obtain'd it of the King before: Con∣cerning which Matter, when certain spake to the King, saying, they admired that his Majesty did not admit of this Mans Election from the Convent (for they had chosen him before his Predecessour John Hufford was chosen) he replied,

That it was, be∣cause he could very ill spare so Worthy a Man to be from him, and he never could perceive that he himself desired to be spared.

He was succeeded by Simon Islip Kee∣per of the Privy Seal, who was Consecrated in December 1349.

Besides these c 5.312 Simon — Abbot of Westminster being taken away in this Visi∣tation, was succeeded by Simon Langham, who was afterwards Lord Treasurer of Eng∣land, then Bishop of Ely, soon after Lord Chancellour, then Archbishop of Canterbury, in which Seat having sat two Years, he was by Pope Ʋrban V created Cardinal Titulo Sⁱ Sixti, and lastly was made Bishop-Cardinal of Preneste by Gregory the XI.

X. These are all whom I find to have died this Bout of the most Eminent of the Prelacy of England; a Number not great, but for the Heighth of the Dignity, and Worth of the Persons very considerable. But of the inferior Clergy there was such ha∣vock made, that many Churches were left wholly void, without either Parson or Curate, or any to perform the least Divine Office, whether Mass, Mattins, Vespers, Sacra∣ments or Burial. So that it was hard to procure any one to be a Chaplain, or to Admi∣nister in any Church under Ten Pounds or Ten Marks per Annum at least: d 5.313 Which Ten Marks as Money then went, did countervail 40 l. with us. And few or none would accept of a Vicaridge worth 20 l. or 20 Marks per annum; whereas before the Pestilence, when there was Plenty of young Divines, a Man might have a Chaplain for four or five Marks per annum; nay sometimes for two or three, besides his Board. So that now the Prophecy of Robert the Jacobin Frier against the Clergy, was very fully

and severely accomplished indeed. But shortly after this Scarcity of Clergymen was abundantly made up, or rather the Church was overstock'd: For vast Numbers of Laymen, whose Wives were dead of the Plague, came crowding now into Orders, ma∣ny of whom were meer Idiots, and utterly unlearned, except that perhaps they knew how to read, thô not with Understanding.

Sr. John Poultney, e 5.314 who had been Mayor of London Four times, and a very charita∣ble and munificent Person, died also in this Pestilence; but of others, who were either considerable for their Dignity, Birth or Station, I have not met with any: So that it is no wonder, if when the Wars were again renewed between England and France, King Edward seem'd nothing the weaker for all the great Loss of his People in this Plague: For of the Common Sort France was as much exhausted hereby as England, and in a manner all King Edwards expert Barons and Captains remained still alive to be another Plague to that Nation.

XI. In Wales f 5.315 also this Epidemical Calamity raged extreamly, and shortly after pas∣sing over into Ireland, it made great havock of the Englishmen in those Parts; espe∣cially about the Sea-coasts: But as for those who were true Irishmen born, and dwelt in the hilly Countries; it scarce just saluted them: So that they suffer'd but little or no loss thereby.

When the Scots heard of this strange and dreadful Fatality here in England, g 5.316 they too maliciously insulted over our Sufferings, and instead of humbling themselves under a due sense of Gods terrible Judgments, made a Scoff and Derision of what should have been their Warning, and in their ordinary Conversation took up this profane Oath, by the foul Deaths of the English. Nor this only, but out of a most inveterate and implacable hatred, desiring if possible to add more weight to the heavy Judgments of Gods Hand, they made a Warlike Rendezvous in Solkirk Forest on purpose to invade the North-Borders. But before they could make any considerable Progress, a sudden and most terrible kind of Death fell among them: So that more than 5000 of them died in a manner presently. Whereupon they made all the haste home imaginable, as well the infected as the whole; but they were overtaken, wearied, despairing and out of Order by a strong and well-prepared Body of English, who easily overcame and slew of them with a great Slaughter. But however so many escaped home as sufficed to communicate the Infection they had won by this Expedition, over all that Kingdom al∣so. So that Scotland partook of the universal Contagion in as high a Degree, and in the same manner as other Countries had done before them: Only in this there was a difference; that whereas other Nations with trembling sat still and waited for it, the Scots did seem ambitious to fetch it in among themselves.

XII. In the mean time, whereas during the Plague, there was almost every where sufficient plenty of all things, so that in a manner no other Mischief reigned all that while; as soon as this grand Conquerour was march'd off, innumerable other Mischiefs, as so many petty Tyrants, began to play their Tragical parts also. And h 5.317 first by oc∣casion of the Plague, the Cattle for want of Men to look to them, wandred about in fields at randome, from whence no Body drove or gather'd them. So that they be∣gan to perish among hedges and ditches in such Numbers, that it was no less loss than won∣der to behold: For there died in and about one Pasture more than five Thousand Sheep. Wherefore it might be supposed, that they also died in this manner thrô some kind of Plague, that was as strange and unaccountable among them as the former had been to Mankind: For it is i 5.318 said, that neither Bird nor Beast of Prey would touch their Carcasses. And this is another Instance, that the late Pestilence did yet further differ from those of other Times: Since usually Beasts by reason of their prone Looks downward on the Earth, and their quicker Scent therewithall are first infected; but here it happened quite contrary. However there shortly ensued hereby such a Scarcity of Cattle, that all Provision of Flesh became excessive Dear, as well as other Beasts, for use and la∣bour: Whereas in the plague time, partly thrô their great abundance, and partly also because thrô the present Apprehensions of Death Men were then less intent upon Gain, a good Horse worth 40 s. before, might be bought for a Mark; a large fat Ox for four shillings, a Cow for one shilling, an Heifer for six Pence, a fat Mutton for four Pence, a Sheep for two Pence, a Lamb for two Pence, and a Pork for five Pence, one Stone of Wooll for nine pence, and other things went at the same Rate in England.

But now the state of Affairs was alter'd; and besides the prodigious Decay of Cat∣tle aforesaid, there succeeded also a great Death of Corn in many Parts of the World; not so much thrô any defect or Parsimony of Nature (for the Fields were sufficiently cloathed with Grain in many Parts, especially here in England) as partly thrô an in∣ordinate

desire of Gain in some, and also partly from the want of Men in most Places to gather it in. Particularly this Year about Harvest-time a Reaper was not to be had for Money under eight Pence a Day, nor a Mower under twelve Pence besides Victu∣als, which in those Days was excessive Wages; Mony bearing then almost a Decuple value to what it doth now. So that the King was fain k 5.319 to issue out his Commands thrô all the Counties of England, that Reapers and other Labourers should neither de∣mand, nor take any more than formerly was used in the 20 Year of his Reign, or o∣ther five or six Years before, on Penalties limited in the said Statute, which bare Date l 5.320 14 of June Anno Regni Angliae XXIII, Franciae verò X, &c. But this Sort of Men being lightly puffed up with Thoughts far beyond what was agreeable to their Con∣dition, when they saw the absolute necessity Men stood in, of using their Assistance, set at nought the Kings Commands, and became peremptory in this, either not to work at all, or to have what they should demand for their hire. But this King, who knew as well how to reduce a refractory and disobedient Subject, as to conquer a Foreign Enemy, undertook to tame their insolence such a way, as both wholly cured their madness, and prevented that ruine, which was like to ensue thereby; and also at the same time en∣riched his own Coffers, in order to the carrying on of his great and chargeable Affairs. For having understood, that many Abbeys and Colleges, and such Persons, or Societies and Corporations, who held great Possessions, rather than loose their Corn and other Fruits, had contrary to the Statute aforesaid given unto their Labourers larger stipends than were there appointed: He first of all levied considerable Amerciaments upon the Abbots, Priors, Barons, Knights and Others of all Degrees, of some 5 l. of others 4 l. 3 l. 2 l. 1 l. and of every Carucat, Hide or Plough-Land, over all England 1 l. and yet in general one Fifteen besides. Then he caused many Hundreds of the said Labourers, especially the Master-workmen to be apprehended; so that many who had offended in that kind, having intimation of the matter, were fain to retire into Woods and Forests, where they skulked about, living hardly for a while; but those that were taken were severely fined, and after the discipline of a temporary Imprisonment, being first sworn to take for the future their Day Wages according to the old usage only, were dismissed. Other m 5.321 Artificers also in Towns and Burroughs were served in the same manner: For by reason of the scarcity of Men, these People began to demand most unreasonable Rates for all their Work and Services, till now at length this other Plague of their inso∣lence was removed by the healing hand of King Edwards Justice: As may be seen at large in the n 5.322 Statute, where all the Prizes are appointed for all such Labourers and Ar∣tificers, according to the Rate of Money in those Days, to which I refer the Curious Reader. However vast quantities of Corn were already lost for want of Hands to ga∣ther it in; but a timely Remedy being so seasonably applied, a greater Famine was pre∣vented in this Nation: Thô in many other Parts it raged most immeasurably. For soon after the Pestilence a Famine beginning in Barbary and Morocco, the Christians of sundry Nations, in hopes of inordinate Gain from these Infidels, carried thither such huge Quantities of Corn, as thereby they occasion'd a greater Famine in Spain, o 5.323 Italy, France and other Parts of Europe: So that at the most there was but three Ounces per diem allowed for every Man. And soon after there happen'd in most Parts of the World great and strange Inundations, with Presters, and frequent and unusual Storms and Tempests, which were succeeded by monstrous and terrible Sights and Flames of Fire in the Air, gastly and dismal Spectres and Apparitions, and then extream Droughts and want of Waters. All which in their several Capacities, in divers Places, and at se∣veral Times, did no small harm to all living Creatures in the Air, Sea and Land; and to all Sorts of Vegetables, as also to many goodly Structures and Edifices. And p 5.324 this was generally observed of all those, who were born next and immediately after this wonderfull Plague, that when the time came for the growth of their Teeth, they had two Cheek-Teeth in their heads less than they had afore.

XIII. And yet q 5.325 to all these Evils there was added one more; for there arose a cer∣tain Rumour, that there were many Poisoners, and especially the Jews, who infected the Waters and Fountains: From whence the foresaid Pestilence began. Wherefore in many Places Thousands of Jews and some Christians also, thô innocent and blameless, were burnt, slain and cruelly handled: Whereas indeed it was the Hand of God which wrought all this for the sins of the World. To resist which unreasonable Fury of the Christians against the Jews, Pope Clement twice wrote his Encyclical Letters to all Archbishops, Bishops and other Prelates of the Church to stop this Fury of the Peo∣ple. But all his Endeavours could not prevent the unjust Prosecution of this mise∣rable Nation: For every where, except in the Province of Venaissin and about Avignon,

the Jews were sought out on all hands to be put to Death for Poisoners. And parti∣cularly this Year in Germany, where the Plague then reigned, this false Rumour made them so odious, that as r 5.326 Rebdorf witnesses, 12000 of them were put to Death in the City of Mentz. And s 5.327 Albert of Strasburgh writes, that from this rage of the People against them, they were reduced to such Despair and Madness, that locking themselves up, they consumed themselves and all that they had with Fire. But in England early this Year the Plague began to abate, and about the end of August was wholly extinct at London, and in most other Parts of the Land; and immediately a more pleasant Face of things began to smile, and cheer up the late dejected Minds of the People: And thus we shall end this Tragical Chapter.

CHAPTER the NINTH.

The CONTENTS.

I. King Edward founds the Chappel of St. GEORGE in Windsor Castle, with the Copy of his Letters Patents for that purpose. II. The Pope furthers the Matter by two Bulls. III. The Kings Progress in the Building, Enlarging and Beautifying the Castle of WINDSOR. IV. The Institution of the most Noble Order of the GARTER, attended with Divine Service, Royal Feastings, and Solemn Justs and Tourneaments. V. Henry Earl of Lancaster, Leicester and Darby made also Earl of Lincoln, and sent into Gascogne. VI. The Lord Thomas Dagworth stain in Bretagne. VII. Earl Henry's Exploits in Gascogne: He reduces the French to Terms. VIII. A famous Combat between Thirty English and Thirty French-Bretons. IX Of Certain, who arrived to great Wealth and Splendour by the Wars. X. Of Sr. Thomas Rokeby Deputy-Lieutenant of Ireland, and of Sr. Robert Savage, and his Son Henry who li∣ved in Ulster. XI. A Grant of the Black-Prince to the Lord Henry Eam of Flan∣ders, confirmed at this time by the King.

I. NOW this being the Year, that King Edward the Third founded and esta∣blished in his Royal Castle of Windsor the Ever-Noble and Honourable Order of the Knights of the Garter, of which we spake more fully in the 18 Year of his Reign; it will not be amiss to resume so much of that Matter in this Place, as we left unremembred in that. And first for the Dignity and Worth of the Subject, we shall present the Curious Reader with the Copy of his a 5.328 Letters Patents for Founding of St. George's Chappel in Windsor-Castle, faithfully translated from the Original Latine, which we shall find to bear Date the sixth of August, in the Year foregoing, before the Plague began in London.

EDWARD by the Grace of God King of England, and France, and Lord of Ireland,

to All, who shall see these Present Letters, Greeting.

It becomes the Ma∣jesty of a King to delight always in Acts of Piety, that when he shall stand before the Tribunal of the Most-High-King (with whom there is no acceptance of Persons, but every One shall receive according to what he hath done in the Body, whether it be good, or whether it be Evil) he may be able to stand among the Good on the Right Hand, and not be condemned with the Reprobates, as a slothfull and unprofitable servant. We truly with grief of Heart carefully remembring the vari∣ous Labours of our Life, and our own small deserts, as also rightly considering the Divine Favours shewed unto us, and the Graces and Honours, wherewith above o∣thers the Most High hath prevented us, do greatly repent of those goods, which be∣ing granted us by God, we have above measure so often vainly expended. And there remains nothing else for us to do, but only that unto Christ and his Mother the Glorious Virgin, who hath never failed to defend us, but has hitherto by her blessed Prayers protected us, when we were set in many Dangers, we wholly convert our mind, and give unto him thanks for his Favours; and ask pardon for our Offences. And because it is a good way of Merchandise, whereby, with an happy bartering, transitory things are exchanged for Eternal: We have caused a certain Chappel of convenient Beauty for eight Secular Canons, scituate within our Castle of Windsor,

wherein we were washed with the Water of Holy Baptism, magnificently begun to the Honour of St. Edward the Confessor, by our Progenitors, to which (Canons) for their sustentation they allowed a certain Sum of Money at their pleasure, and gave it them for Alms out of their Exchequer, to be finished at our Royal Charge to the Honour of God Almighty, and of his Mother the Glorious Virgin Mary, and of the Saints, George the Martyr, and Edward the Confessor. And earnestly desiring, and effectually endeavouring, that the said Canons, being there to serve the Lord, may be augmented, as well with an encrease of Revenues, as in the number of other Canons, Ministers, and Ser∣vants; and that in the said Chappel, the Glory of the Divine Name may be exalted with greater Worship, unto the foresaid Eight Canons we think fit to superadd One Custos, presiding over them, and fifteen other Canons more, and twenty four Poor Knights, im∣potent of themselves, or inclining to Poverty, to be perpetually maintain'd of the goods of the said Chappel, and other Ministers of the said Chappel perpetually serving Christ under the Command of the said Custos, [or Warden] and there Cause to be recei∣ved, as well the Canons and Knights, as other Ministers of the said Chappel, as is premised: [And this] We firmly decree, inviolably ordain, and by our Royal Au∣thority, as much as in us lies, establish for ever. Willing that the said Canons and Ministers perform Divine Offices for us, and our Progenitors and Successors, in part of Satisfaction for those things, whereof in the last judgement we are to give an Ac∣count, they being to celebrate for ever according to the form of our Ordination thence more fully to be made: Unto whom the Rights of Patronage, and the Ad∣vousons of the Churches of b 6.1 Wyrardesbury, in the Dioecese of Lincoln, Southtan∣ton, of Exon, and Ʋttoxater, of Coventry, and Lichfield, which we have lately purchased for that Cause, for Us and our Heirs, We have given and granted, and do give and grant, to have and to hold to them, and their Successors, for free, pure, and perpetual Alms, altogether free and quiet for ever, from all secular exa∣ction. We have also granted unto them, for Us and our Heirs, and given leave, that they, the Warden and Canons, may appropriate the said Churches, and hold them so appropriated to their own uses, to them and their Successors for ever, not∣withstanding the Statute set forth concerning Lands and Tenements, not to be put to Mortmaine. We will also, that unto the said Warden, Canons, Knights, and o∣ther Ministers of the said Chappel, there to serve, so much be paid every Year out of our Exchequer, as together with the Profits arising from the said Churches, shall seem sufficient and honest for their Diet, and the support of the Burthens incum∣bent on them, according to the Decency of their Condition the mean while, until there shall be provided by Us, in goods immoveable, Lands, Benefices, or Rents, to an agreeable sufficience, and to our Honour, to the Sum of a Thousand Pounds yearly: All which We promise and undertake for Us, and for our Heirs effectually to fulfill. In witness whereof, We have caused these our Letters to be made Pa∣tent.

Witness our self at Westminster the VI of August, in the Year of our Reign of England XXII, and of France IX.

From that Passage in these Letters—And this We firmly decree, inviolably or∣dain, and by our Royal Authority, as much as in us lies, establish for ever—it is to be observed, that according to the Opinion of those times, the Kingly Authority ex∣tended not to the instituting any where Men of Religion, and other Officers, to per∣form and attend the service of God: For that lay in the Power and Disposition of the Pope. And therefore King Edward setting forth what he had design'd in reference to the Endowment of this Chappel, requested Pope Clement VI to grant unto the Arch∣bishop of Canterbury, and the Bishop of Winchester, full Authority and Power of or∣daining and instituting the College, and other things thereunto appertaining.

II. Hereupon the said Pope by his c 6.2 Bull, bearing date at Avignon, Pridiè Calendas Decembris in the Ninth Year of his Pontificate (which answers to the Thirtieth day of November, An ^o. Dom. d 6.3 1350) commending the Pious intent of the King in this mat∣ter, granted unto the Archbishop and Bishop aforesaid, and to either of them, full Power and Authority to ordain, institute, and appoint in this Chappel, as should seem good to them, a certain Number of Canons, Priests, Clerks, Knights, and Officers, continually to attend upon the Service of God, of which Canons and Priests, one was to have the Title of Custos, or Warden, and preside over the Rest. And in another Bull, bearing date at Avignon II Idus Februarii, the same Year, he exempted the said College of Windsor from the Jurisdiction of Archbishops, Bishops, Archdeacons, and the like, as may be seen at large in the said e 6.4 Bull.

III. And f 6.5 now at this time We find the King beginning seriously to apply himself

to the compleating the College of the Chappel of St. George, and to the enlarging and beautifying of the Castle. And to this Work he appointed several eminent Sur∣veyors; among whom we find numbred John Peyntour, Richard Rochell, William Hurle, William Ireland, Robert Barnham, John Brocas, Oliver de Bourdeaux, Thomas Fox∣ley, John Alkeshull, Walter Palmer, and William of Wickham, who by this imploy∣ment became so acceptable to the King, that in time, after many other considerable Preferments, he attained to the Dignity of Bishop of Winchester, and was the second Prelate of the Garter. All these, during the whole time of this Magnificent Work, were assign'd to press Hewers of Stone, Carpenters, and such other Artificers, as were thought usefull and necessary, to provide Stone, Timber, Lead, Iron, and other Materials and Carriages for them: Three whereof, to the end this great undertaking might be honestly and substantially performed, were assigned joyntly and severally (at least once a Moneth all together) with all Care and Diligence to survey the Workmen and their Work, and to encourage such as did their Duty competently well, but to compell the Idle and Slothfull: And after this manner the Building went on, till the 43^d Year of the said King, at which time it was quite finished, namely, as much as this King un∣dertook, g 6.6 that is to say, the Chappel of St. George, the Great-Hall of St. George, the Kings Palace, the Lodgings on the East and South-side of the Upper-Ward, the Keep, or Tower, in the Middle-Ward, the Houses for the Custos and Canons in the Lower-Ward, together with the whole Circumference of the Walls, and their several Towers and Gates, as they stand to this day.

IV. But it was now, that the most Noble Order of the Garter received its full Institution, in such manner, as We have h 6.7 before related something largely in the 18 Year of this King: Who on the 23 of April, being a Thursday, and the Festival of St. George, i 6.8 the Military Patron of England, went himself with the 25 Knights, Com∣panions aforemention'd, being all cloathed in Gowns of Russet, and Mantles k 6.9 of Fine-Woollen Cloth, of Blue-Colour, pouder'd with Garters, and each having a pair of long Cordans of Blue-silk fixed to his Collar, together with the rest of the Habit of the Order, in a Solemn Procession, l 6.10 all bare-headed, to the Chappel of St. George, to hear Mass, which was celebrated by William Edindon Bishop of Winchester, and Pre∣late of the Order. This done they return'd in their former Ranks to a Magnificent Feast, at which they sat in such Regular Manner, as is continued to this day.

At this Solemnity m 6.11 King Edward after his usual Manner, exhibited those Marti••l Sports of Tilting and Tourneament, whereat King David of Scotland, thô a Prisoner, was not only permitted to be present, but also to ennoble himself by the use and ex∣ercise of Arms: the Harness of his Horse being made of Blue Velvet at King Edwards Charge, with a Pale of Red Velvet, and beneath, a White-Rose embroidered thereon. The King of England also himself held a part in these Solemn Justs, having for his Devise a White-Swan, Gorged Or, with this daring and inviting Motto, wrought up∣on his Surcoat and Shield,

Hay hay the White Swan; By Gods Soul I am thy Man.

The same Liberty, which was granted to the n 6.12 King of Scots, was also allowed to Ralph Earl of Eu and Guisnes, and Constable of France, with the Earl of Tancar∣ville, the Lord Charles of o 6.13 Blois, and many other both French and Scotch Captives; to whom the Courteous King not only permitted the use of Arms upon this, and o∣ther the like occasions, but impartially awarded them the Prizes, they deserved. Particularly the Earl of Eu bare himself at this time with so much Honour, that King Edward adjudged unto him that days Prize, and soon after gave him p 6.14 leave upon Paroll to return into France, in order to gather up 20000 Scutes for his own Ransom, and to negotiate about the Redemption of others his Country-men, that were then also Prisoners here. But this Favour of King Edwards, thus graciously bestowed on this Worthy Personage, proved accidentally an occasion of such a Mortal Jealousie to the French King, that thereby he found, or made, a Pretence to bereave him of his Life, as in the next Year we shall shew more plainly. The mean while the Fame of these frequent and notable Tourneaments, held by so Warlike a Prince, invited hither many Gallant Knights from Foreign Parts; but especially the Young Noblemen of Gascoign came hither, as to the Chiefest School of War, to practise themselves in Feats of Arms: And during the Summer-season, both these, and others the Prisoners of both Nations were allow'd to q 6.15 follow the Court, and pass their time with the King and his Nobles, in hunting in Claringdon-Park, near Salisbury in Wiltshire, and in several other the Kings Forests, both in those parts and elsewhere.

V. On the r 6.16 20 of August King Edward, being desirous to do further Honour to his Heroick Cousin, Henry Plantagenet, who already bore the Title of Earl of Lanca∣ster, Darby, and Leicester, and Steward of England, added further, the Title and Dig∣nity of Earl of Lincoln, granting him therewith the Annual Fee of 20 pounds to be paid by the Sheriff of that County, in lieu of the Tertium denarium, as Thomas his Uncle, late Earl of Lincoln, had before him. And hereupon s 6.17 he was constituted the Kings Lieutenant, and Captain General in the parts of Poictou, with Power to Treat of Peace and Amity, as also for a strict observation of the Truce already taken with the French: And upon his journey thither, he obtain'd t 6.18 Licence to grant a 1000 l. per annum, Lands and Rents, unto certain Persons to dispose of, according to his own direction, for the term of 12 Years then to come.

VI. Now it is to be premised, that the occasion of this Valiant Earls Expedition into Gascoign at this time, was, because by the Treachery of some wicked Men, the Truce was highly violated there. And u 6.19 John Duke of Normandy, King Philips El∣dest Son, had made a great disturbance in that Dutchy, challenging, and taking of Places, that belonged not unto him, nor were King Edwards Captains there present able to impeach him. And in Bretagne likewise, about this time, that Noble and Valiant Baron Sr. Thomas Dagworth, who about 2 Years before had taken the Lord Charles of Blois before Roche D'Arien, was basely and barbarously murder'd in time of Truce. Froisard x 6.20 says, he was fairly fought withall by Sr. Ralph de Cahors, who had sixscore Men of Arms in his Company before his Castle of Auray, where together with him were slain an hundred Men of Arms, English and Bretons. Fabian y 6.21 says indeed, the same French Knight slew him, but that it was by chance-medley. However, the greater part of our z 6.22 Historians agree, 'twas done by fraud, and not plain Valour, and one relates the Matter thus, that the Sons of Sabater with a few others, having first laid a strong Ambush in the Wood adjoyn∣ing, passed openly that way, as designing to forage thereabouts. Of these Prollers Sr. Thomas Dagworth, who was the King of Englands Lieutenant in those parts, and at that time lay in the Castle of Auray, having notice, with only 16 Armed Men in his Company, pursued these Robbers, who fled purposely toward their Ambush, and en∣ter'd the Wood after them, where being surpris'd by the Ambush, thô he slew no less than 300 of them; yet at last having received five Wounds upon his Face and Body, and lost all his Men, who died faithfully by his side, he himself was finally thrust thrô the Body with a Spear, and ended his Life, as formerly he had maintain'd it, Valiantly and with Honour. Froisard, and from him Du Chesne, and from them (as it happens) many of our old Writers call him Dangorne and Dagorne, but this proceeding from the obscurity of old M. SS. or the variation of the name thrô foreign Languages, must be corrected and read Dagworth, as is well known, besides other un∣deniable Authorities, from the Records themselves. Wherefore neither is it material to observe the difference among Authors, concerning the time of his Death, some fixing it a Year more forward, others two Years backward: Since the a 6.23 Records are the surest Guide, which in this place also I have followed. However thus this Valiant Worthy fell thrô the Treason of the French and Bretons, that held of their part (for it was a notorious violation of the Truce) leaving behind him by his Lady Eleanor, Nicolas his Son and Heir, then very young, who in time came to be a notable Imitator of his Fa∣thers Vertues, and Revenger of his Death.

VII. Such Provocations as these being given by the French both in Bretagne and in Gascogne, King Edward easily provided for the former, having already sufficient Cap∣tains in those Parts: But as for the latter, he constituted, as we said before, Henry Earl of Lancaster and Derby his Lieutenant and Captain General, and b 6.24 about the Feast of All-Saints sent him well provided into Gascogne: Where presently he began to take the Field with an Army c 6.25 of 30000 Men; and marched forth to seek his Enemies for above ten Days, in which time he took more than fourty Towns and Castles, and with Fire and Sword made great Spoil for above 40 French Miles Southward. At last he came to Tholouse, a great and strong City on the River Garonne, and by his Heralds demanded of them in the Name of his Master the King of England to yield, or to come forth and give him Battle. To which the Captains within returned An∣swer, that if he would tarry five Days, they would then come out and fight him. Hereupon he granted them a Truce for Four days, but on the Fifth, when he saw they would not fight according to their Promise, he set fire on the Suburbs and so returned, having spoiled the Country all about to the great terrour of the Inhabitants. There accompanied the Earl of Lancaster in this his Expedition, d 6.26 Ralph Lord Stafford, the Lord Bartholomew Burwash, and Sr. Bartholomew his Son, the Eldest Sons of the Lords

Nevill and Piercy, Sr. e 6.27 Miles Stapleton Knight of the Garter, and Thomas Lord Fur∣nival: Which latter f 6.28 within a while after, too rashly engaging with his Ene∣mies, was by them taken Prisoner. Soon after King Edward himself prepared to make a Voyage into France, but the Earl of Lancaster returning the mean while out of Gas∣cogne, signified unto him, that according to the Extent of his Commission he had a∣greed unto a further Truce; wherefore that Design was no further pursued at that time.

VIII. Now during these Wars in Bretagne and Gascogne, there were many single Com∣bats, and sometimes Battles at utterance between certain Numbers of French and English, as sometimes 10, 20 or 30 on each Side: All which were fought with extream Ani∣mosity and Obstinacy, as wherein the Honour of their several Countries was so nearly concerned. One particularly at one time was occasion'd in this Manner: Twenty g 6.29 French Knights challenged Twenty Others, either of England or Gascogne, to fight them in a certain place assigned them in the Marches between Gascogne and France: which Challenge being accepted, each Party gave Security to the other, not to forsake the Field upon any Account, so long as one was left ready and willing to engage him in Combat. Accordingly the time being come they all performed their Parts so valiantly, and stood to it so long, that of the French but Three were left alive; and of the other Part, only the Noble Lord of Pamiers being slain, almost all the rest were grievously wounded. Another Combat in like manner was agreed to be fought between h 6.30 Thir∣ty English and Thirty Bretons, Sr. Richard Bembre being Captain of the former, and the Lord of Beaumanoir of the latter: In which Number there was a Valiant Young Eng∣lish Gentleman named Sr. Hugh Calverlee: Of whose Martial Acts we shall speak hereafter. Froisard names i 6.31 one young Esquire Croquart, who being at this time cho∣sen on the English Part, wan the Prize above all of either side. However Mezeray says, the Advantage remain'd here with the Bretons, and the chief Honour of that Side with the Captain, the Lord of Beaumanoir; and it is added in the Margin, that af∣terwards Sr. Bertram of Clequin fighting hand to hand with the said Sr. Richard Brem∣bre, in close Field vanquished and slew him.

IX. By reason of these hot Wars many poor and mean Fellows arrived to great Riches, as Fortune favour'd that side they served: So that in time several such kind of Persons set up for themselves, and grew Captains of Robbers, and retain'd Assi∣stants, whereby they wan Towns and Castles, took Prisoners, and by their Ransoms and otherwise, got incredible Pillage and Booty; some of their Captains being worth a∣bove 40000 Crowns of Gold.

These Men would often by their Spies seek out where there was any considerable Town, or Village within a Days journey or so from them; and being informed as to that point, they would assemble Thirty or Fourty of them together, and take by ways, travelling night and day, and so unknown enter into the Place designed before it was Light, and straight set fire to some House or Barn: Whereupon the poor Inhabitants thinking some Men of War near, would fly away with all speed imaginable; the mean while these Robbers would break up their Houses and Coffers, and having thence ta∣ken what they pleased march off as they came. Among others there was one of these graceless Captains in Languedoc named Bacon, who having by his Spies privaly found out the manner of the strong Castle of Colbourne in Limosin, rode by Night with 30 Chosen Men in his Company, and presently surprized the Castle, and the Lord thereof who was called by the Castles Name the Lord Colbourne, whom he imprison'd, and held there in his own Castle under restraint so long, till at last he made him pay 24000 Crowns for his Ransom. And yet for all that he kept the Castle still, and thence made war upon the Country: Till at last the French King was fain to buy him off, and to purchase his Service and the Castle: For the latter whereof he gave him 20000 Crowns more, and made him Usher of Arms about his own Person: And thus was thô Bacon of a Robber made a Gentleman, and Servant to a King, and he went always well Horsed and Armed, as if he had been an Earl, during his life.

Nor was the Dutchy of Bretagne free from this Sort of People, who now in time of Truce made War where they listed, and wan and surprized Towns and Castles, and li∣ved on Plunder, holding of no Man: For what they got they kept themselves, or sold back to the Country at their own Rates. The most considerable among those who reign'd thus in Bretagne, was one Captain Croquart, a valiant and expert Man of Arms, who had formerly been a Page, and waited on the Lord Barkley in Holland; but when he began to be a Man, his Master gave him leave to follow the Wars in Bretagne. There he fell into service with an English Man of Arms, and behav'd himself so well,

that when afterwards his Master was slain in a Skirmish, his Fellow-Souldiers chose him for their Captain and Master. Whereupon teaching his Men this sweet way of Free∣booty, he arrived to such Wealth, that he was accounted worth above 40000 Crowns, besides his Horses and Warlike Furniture; and he had always at least twenty or thirty good Barbed Horses menaged for the War: And himself bare the Reputation of being one of the most expert Men of Arms in all that Country; for he had been chosen in the Combat, whereof we spake, to be one of the Thirty on the English Side, and there he wan the Prize beyond all of either Party. The French King attempted to bring him also over to his Side, offering him, if he would turn against the English, to make him a Knight, and marry him to a great Fortune, and likewise to allow him out of his Exchequer 2000 l. of yearly Revenues during his Life. But either he loved the Eng∣lish, or at least this licentious way of Robbing, so well, that he absolutely rejected these honest and advantagious Conditions. But it happen'd soon after, that having bought a young mettlesome Horse for 300 Crowns, he would needs try him himself, and in riding so spurr'd him, that the Horse ran away with him, and in running fell in a great Ditch, where poor Croquart brake his Neck to the infinite regret of his Men, but to the full satisfaction of all the Country thereabouts, which he had so wonderful∣ly harassed, ravaged and plunder'd.

X. As for the Affairs of Ireland, I have all this while forbore to speak more parti∣cularly of them, because neither is the Matter it self of any great Moment, and there is not only much variety and confusion in the Relation, but also what is related is done very imperfectly; at least, nothing that I have met with hitherto hath given me satis∣faction. But however I shall not omit one or two Occurrences, that are coincident with this Year in that Kingdom.

The Kings Lieutenant of Ireland at this time was k 6.32 Sr. Robert Darcy, Second Son to John Lord Darcy deceased, and Brother to John Lord Darcy Junior; under whom Sr. Thomas Rokeby, l 6.33 of whose being Knighted we spake in the beginning of this our Work, was now Deputy-Lieutenant. He had besides his ordinary Retinue assign'd him by the King, for the defence of his Person and Authority 30 Men of Arms, and 200 Archers on Horseback, so long as it should be judged needfull. This Gentleman was a Person of great sincerity and integrity, and being once twitted for suffering himself to be served in Cups of Wood, answer'd,

These homely Cups and Dishes pay truly for what they contain: I had rather drink out of Wooden Cups and pay Gold and Silver, than drink out of Gold and Silver and make Wooden Payment.

In the time of this Mans Governance, there dwelt in the Province of Ʋlster a substantial English Knight called Sr. Robert Savage, who the better to preserve his own from the suddain Incursions of the Wild Irish, began to enclose and fortifie his Mannor-Houses with strong Castles, Piles and Trenches, exhorting his Son and Heir Henry Savage to pursue the same Work, as a thing likely to be beneficial to himself and his Posterity.

Fa∣ther (replied the young Savage) I am for that Proverb which says, a Castle of Bones is better than one of Stones. When Strength and Courage of valiant Men may be found to help us, never will I by the Grace of God seek to lurk behind dead Walls. My Fort shall be wherever young Blood is stirring, and where I can find room to fight in.

Upon this Answer his Father in a heat surceased the Building, and sware never to proceed any further therein. But however the gallant young Henry Savage maintain'd his Possessions by the Valour of his Hands as he had promised. And among many other of his Acts, all worthy of eternal Memory, I shall choose to relate this one, not doubting, but its own Worth may attone for the Digression.

Having one time gather'd a little Band of Men, to go forth against the Irish, he al∣low'd to every Souldier to drink, before they began their March a good Draught of A∣qua-Vitae, Wine or strong Ale, and for Provision against their Return, had kill'd ready beforehand great store of Beef, Venison and Fowl: Whereupon some of his Officers, considering the uncertainty of War, told him it would be better Policy to poison the Meat, or at least to destroy it, than to leave it there perhaps to feed and cherish a sort of Rude Barbarians their Enemies, at so splendid a rate; if being a few against many, they should, as 'twas most likely, miscarry in this Adventure.

Now God have Mercy, replied this Worthy Gentleman smiling, You are too full of envy against your Fellow Creatures: This World is but an Inn, to which we can claim no Propriety, but are only as Tenants at will to the Landlord. If it please him to command us to leave it, as it were our Lodgings which he had lent us, and to set other good Fellows in our Room; what harm is it for us if we leave them some meat for their Suppers, of which we our selves have no Occasion? Let them

win it hardly and they deserve to eat it. For if they enter our Dwellings, common Civility would do no less than welcome them with such Fare as the Country affords, and with all my Heart much good may it do them. Notwithstanding I repose such an assurance in the Grace of God, and in your noble Courages; that I am fully per∣swaded in my Mind, we shall return Conquerours at Night, and feast our selves with our own Provision.

Thus he said, and thus accordingly he returned at Night, ha∣ving with a small Number slain no less than Three Thousand of the Irish his E∣nemies.

But however this Valiant Gentleman was of the Opinion with the Lacedaemonians, and scorned to be defended by any other thing, than his own Courage; it is certain, that for want of Walls and other places of Strength, not only the family of the Sava∣ges, but also most of many other English Gentlemen, have been greatly diminished in Ʋlster, and other parts of Ireland, the lack of Walled Towns, being one of the Principal occasions of the rude barbarity of that People.

XI. But before we close this Year, we think fit to remember a remarkable Instance of the Generous Prince of Wales his Bounty, to a Valiant Servant of his Sr. Henry Eam of Flanders; which will best be discover'd from an Instrument made unto him by the said Prince two Years before, and now confirmed by the King his Father, the Co∣py whereof being to be seen according to the Original French and Latine in m 6.34 Esquire Ashmole's noble Work of the Garter, we shall take leave to set it down in English—

The King, to all to whom these presents shall come, Greeting.

We have seen the Letters Patents of our most Dear, most Well-beloved, and most Trusty Son, Edward, Prince of Wales, Duke of Cornwall, and Earl of Chester, in these Words:

ED∣WARD, Eldest Son of the Noble King of England, and of France, Prince of Wales, Duke of Cornwall, and Earl of Chester, to all, who shall see or heat these Letters, Greeting. Know, that whereas our Thrice-Dear and Well-beloved St. Henry Eam, from the time that he hath taken at our hands the Order of Knighthood, hath offer'd and promis'd of his Free-will to be intending to our Service, during his Life, and while we shall sufficiently furnish him with Arms, to go along with Us to what part We shall please, as well in Peace as in War, and to bear Arms with Us at our Pleasure against all Men, except the Duke of Brabant, his Liege Lord, in defence of his own Lands: We accepting of this his Offer and Promise, and be∣ing willing to retain him for our Service, and (that he may be the more obliged to serve Us before any other) to bear such a regard unto him, whereby he may the better maintain his Estate, have given unto him the Annual Rent of one Hundred Marks, during his Life, to be received out of our Mannor of Bradinuch, in the Coun∣ty of Devonshire, every Year at the terms of Easter, and of St. Michael by equal Portions, of the hands of the Keepers of our said Mannor for the time being, the Offer and Promise aforesaid, being in all points held and kept. And We will also, that at what time, and as often, as his said payment shall be upon arriere, in part or in whole, without term assigned, it shall be Lawfull for the said Sr. Henry to di∣strain on the said Mannor, and to have what is so distrained, until he shall be fully payed, so much, as shall be found due unto him upon arriere, as aforesaid. In wit∣ness whereof We have made these our Letters Patent:

Given under our Seal at West∣minster the 18 day of January in the Year of the Reign of our most Dear Lord and Father the King, over England the 21, and over France the 8.

We n 7.1 allow∣ing and approving the foresaid Grant do by the Tenour of these Presents confirm and ratifie the same unto the said Henry, during his Life, as the foresaid Letters do im∣port. In witness whereof, &c. Teste Rege apud Westmonasterium XXVIII die Junii, Anno Regni nostri Angliae 23, Regni verò nostri Franciae 10. Per ipson Regem.

CHAPTER the TENTH. * 7.2

The CONTENTS.

I. Pope Clement reduces the Bonifacian Jubilee from the Hundredth to the Fiftieth Year, with an Account of the first Original of a Jubilee. II. King Edward forbids his subjects to go to Rome on that occasion, with his Answer to the Popes expostula∣tion thereupon. III. The sect of Whippers arises, and is supprest. IV. King Ed∣wards Victory over the Spaniards at Sea. V. King Philip of France dies, and is suc∣ceeded by his Eldest Son, John Duke of Normandy. VI. A Duel fought before King Edward between a Cypriote Knight, and the Bastard of France. VII. King John puts the Bastard to Death, together with the Earl of Eu and Guisnes, for envy; be∣cause they commended the Carriage of King Edward of England. VIII. Some steps towards a Peace with Scotland, in order to King Davids Redemption.

I. THis Year being the Fiftieth of the Fourteenth Century, accounting from the Nativity of our Lord, being held as a Solemn Jubilee at Rome, we shall here make some short enquiry after that Matter. And it appears from the Sacred Records, that God Almighty himself was the First Insti∣tutor of this great Solemnity: For He, having appointed the Sabbath-Day, or the Seventh of the Week, to be kept Holy in Memory of the Creation of the World, which was by his Word alone compleated in the space of six Days, did afterwards at the promulgation of the Law from Mount Sina, a 7.3 add unto the Jews a Sabbath of Years to be observed, that so the Land of Palestine, having been tilled and manured for six continued Years, should be left fallow every Seventh Year, without any manu∣ring, tilling, reaping, or dressing: And seven of these Sabbatical Years, or Fourty Nine common Years, being compleat, God commanded the Jews to proclaim thrô their whole Land a Festival Year, by sound of the Holy Trumpets, to be universally held as the great Sabbatical Year, a Year of general Release, and of Religious Rest, and of Joy, and of Exultation, as a Type of that Eternal Rest, Relaxation, and Liberty, which the Messias was to procure unto the Sons of God: Which Fiftieth Year was called the Year of Jubilee, from a b 7.4 Word in Hebrew, which signifies a Ram, because it was proclaimed with the sound of Trumpets made of Rams-horns: Unless some had rather derive it from a Word of Latine-Original, which signifies to Rejoyce.

This being the First Institution of the Jubilee among the Jews, deliver'd by their great Prince and Law-giver Moses, Pope Boniface VIII brought it in also among the Christians, c 7.5 in the Year of our Lord MCCC, which was the sixth of his Papacy, and then ordain'd, that it should be solemnly kept every Hundredth Year. Althô we find, that in the Year of our Lord CCXLVII, which was Ab U. C. Annus Mille∣simus, the Emperour d 7.6 Philip the Second, kept a Festive Year in Memory of the first Foundation of the Imperial City of Rome, with all imaginable Splendour and Mag∣nificence: And this, althô it had not the Name, was indeed no other, than a Jubilee.

But now e 7.7 Pope Clement VI, because it was not likely, that any Man, who had seen the first Bonifacian Jubilee, should live to see the Return of another, and also in that the Fiftieth Year was more consonant to the Mosaical Law, at the Instant Request of the Roman Ambassadors, granted that on this Year, and every Fiftieth Year following, the Jubilee should be celebrated at the Holy City of Rome; at which time he granted by his Apostolical Power many great Indulgences to all those, who should devoutly Visit the Churches of the Apostles, St. Peter and St. Paul, and also the Lateran, called S^to Giovanni Laterano; the Dignity of which Church doth sufficiently appear from this Ancient Inscription in Marble, in the Porch thereof at Rome,

Dogmate Papali datur & simul Imperiali; Ʋt sim cunctarum Mater & Caput Ecclesiarum.

The opinion, that these Indulgences were of no small Advantage, did so mightly prevail, that infinite Numbers of both Sexes went on Pilgrimage to Rome, there be∣ing reckoned no less than f 7.8 1200000 Thousand Strangers passing too and fro in the City at One time, among whom were many Persons of extraordinary Quality, and some Princes, Dukes, and the like. But g 7.9 Kings and Persons of an higher Station, who were by their great Affairs detained at home, being desirous to be made partakers nevertheless of these Sacred Privileges, wrote their Letters Supplicatory to the Pope, that in them the Good-Will might be taken for the Deed, and that thô they could not tend to go in Person, yet since they so devoutly desired it, they might obtain of his Holiness the same Indulgences, as others, who performed that Pilgrimage, among which there was the King of Castille and Leon, the Kings of Aragon, Portugal, and Cyprus, Albert Duke of Austria, and others. And thô the Pope defer'd a while to an∣swer their Requests, till he might confer thereupon with his Cardinals in Council, yet it is likely that they enjoy'd the said Benefit at last, h 7.10 for it appears, that soon after the same was granted to King Edward of England, and to his Son Edward, Prince of Wales, to the Queens of England, Isabell, and Philippa, and to Elisabeth Queen of Hungary.

II. The Jubilee began i 7.11 on the 25 of March, being the Feast of the Annunciation of the Blessed Virgin Mary, and lasted until the said Feast of the Year following, during the most part of which space, especially about Easter, Ascension-Day, and What∣suntide, there was such a crowding, rather than concourse, of People at Rome, k 7.12 that Francis Petrarch, who was then present, says, how it seem'd the late horria Plague had done little or no harm; there came thither every day such. Incredible Multitudes of Christian People from all parts of Europe: Althö few or none went out of Eng∣land upon that account, (except the l 7.13 Lady Margaret, Mother to William Lord Res of Hamlake) King Edward m 7.14 expresly forbidding it, as of ill Consequence to his Realm; very considerable Sums of Money, being necessarily on such occasions transported out of the Kingdom. When the Pope understood this, he sent his Nuntio's to the King of England, desiring of him,

First, that he would not hinder the Passage of those, who de∣sired to visit the Places of the Holy Apostles. Item, that he would grant a Truce, that so the Earl of Lancaster might not act any Hostilities in Aquitain, to the him∣drance of those, who desired to visit Holy Places. Lastly, that he would not hinder, or permit to be hindred, those, who were promoted by his Bulls at the Court of Rome, from receiving Benefices so incumbent on them. To the first Article it was answer'd, that the King being busied in his Wars, did therefore Want to be Aided of what was his own, and that it was necessary to provide for the Treasure of his Kingdom, lest, while the War endured, it should be exported out of the Realm, to the Prejudice of Him and of his Subjects.

And further as to this point the King caused to be pro∣claimed, that all Englishmen, as well at Rome, as any other place beyond Sea, should make haste to return home, as soon as might be, on pain of forfeiture of Life and Goods. As to the second Article, relating to the Truce, it was answer'd,

that the King of France had often acted Hostilities, during such a Truce, upon the Lands of the King of England treacherously, to the destruction of his People, and contrary to the Conventions contained in the said Truce.

And as to the Third Article, respecting the Provisors, it was answer'd,

that the King would graciously receive Clergy-men, ma∣king use of Papal Provision, who were of good Condition, and worthy of Promotion, but not others.

And with this Answer the Popes Nuntio's returned.

III. About the n 7.15 same time there arose a certain Sect of People, who were seised with a pious Frenzy, and went about in several Parts of the World whipping them∣selves with four-corded Whips, and Preaching, Singing and Praying with much seeming Devotion; but it proved no better than Hypocrisie or misguided Zeal at the best, as may appear to any, that shall consult the Places quoted in the Margin: Wherefore the Pope wrote his Letters to the Archbishops and Bishops of Germany, Poland, Sweed∣land, England and France, enjoyning them to extinguish this Sect of Whippers; and also to the several Kings, that by their Kingly Authority they would uphold the said Prelates in this matter. Particularly there are extant to our King Edward Letters from the Pope, wherein he writes thus concerning the Rise of these Whippers. o 7.16 Latclym the Parts of Almain under the pretence of Piety and doing Penance, there hath arisen a Superstitious and vain Generation, and so having at large declared, how they had been condemned by the Apostolick Decree; and that Patriarchs and Archbishops had been enjoyned to pluck up that poisonous Plant, which the Heavenly Husbandman had not planted, he adds these Prayers,

Do You therefore, ô most Dear Son, not only drive a∣way

the same Wicked Persons, if perhaps they should presume to come into your King∣dom, out of the Limits of your said Kingdom; but also that they may repent of their Follies and Errours, and return to Modesty, correct and punish them: That so the Purity of the Catholick Faith may always shine forth, and the leaven of the Malice of these Men may by your provident Care be taken away from among all your Subjects.

Dat. Avenion: III Non. Decembris, Anno Pontif, VIII. About p 7.17 Michaelmas this Year, above an hundred and twenty Noblemen and Others, Natives of Zealand, Hol∣land and Hainalt, in the same blind Devotion passing thrô Flanders, came into England; and at London, sometimes in the Cathedral of St. Paul, sometimes in other Religious Places of the City, made their procession all together, being coverd from the Loins to the Heels with Linnen, marked with Red Crosses before and behind, and on their Hats, all the rest of their Bodies being bare: they had every one a Three-corded Whip in his hand, well knotted, wherewith twice or thrice in a Day they beat themselves on their bare bloody Bodies most cruelly, Four of them singing all the while in their own Language, and all the rest making up the Chorus. King Edward (thô he strictly forbad all o∣thers from joining with them) inflicted no other Punishment on them than what was the effect of their own Folly; seeing how severely they chastised themselves, and knowing such Smarting Devotion could not hold out long, if no manner of notice was taken of them. I remember to have read, q 7.18 that when Diogenes the Cynick stood na∣ked out of an Ostentatious humour, in a very cold Season, embracing a Pillar of Mar∣ble, and all the People slocking about him pitied the poor Mans Condition, the Divine Plato passing accidentally by, told the Spectators,

If they really pitied him, they should take no notice of him, but pass regardless on, and then they should see the Vain-glorious Philosopher, make haste away, and gladly ••un to a Fire.

In like man∣ner these Enthusiasts, when they saw none took notice of them, and that but a few of the Common People afforded them any pity or respect (the most part of them al∣so flouting and deriding their Madness) began to cool in their warm fit of Penance, and at last vanished away, as ashamed of their former folly. Certainly the soundest and most effectual Devotion consisteth not in Popular Mortifications of the Body, as in Whippings, Fastings and the like; but in secret and firm Resolutions against sin, and a steady and discreet Curbing of the unruly Concupiscence.

IV. In the r 7.19 beginning of this Summer some Variance happening between the Fleets of England and Spain, which was fomented by French Arts, the Spaniards under the Conduct of Don Carlos de la Cerda their Admiral, beset the Brittish Sea with a Fleet of fourty four Tall Men of War; and particularly encountring with ten English Mer∣chants laden with Wine from Gascogne, they boarded, wan, rifled and sank them, and so took the Haven of Scluse in Flanders. And many more Evils they did about the Coasts of England and Aquitain, as firing of Ships which they found at Anchor, Rob∣bing and Killing our Merchants, and what other Englishmen fell into their hands. Here∣upon King Edward sent first into Flanders, that they should not presume to allow any Harbour or Assistance unto these his Enemies: And he the mean while prepared to set out against them in Person. Accordingly being soon furnish'd with a Fleet of Fifty good Ships and Pinnaces, and taking along with him his Eldest Son, Edward Prince of Wales, then in the Twentieth Year of his Age, together with the Earls of Lancaster, Nor∣thampton, Warwick, Salisbury, Arundel, Huntington, Gloucester, and other Lords and Knights with their several Retinues, and a good Number of stout Archers, he went on board at Sandwich with design to meet the Spanish Armada at their return with Wares from Flanders; and at last on s 7.20 a Monday, the IV of the Kalends of September, being the 29 of August, and the Feast of the Decollation of St. John Baptist, he met with them upon the Coasts of Winchelsea, and about Rye, near the hour of Mattins. There arose immediately a fierce Engagement between the two Fleets, the Spanish huge Carracks easily overlooking the English Vessels, and almost overwhelming them with a storm of Crossbow-shot, Stones, Timber and Bars of iron, that slew incessantly from their high built Castles. But the Archers of England pierced their Arbalisters with a further Reach than they could strike again; and so compelled them to appear more rarely on the Decks, obliging also at the same time those that fought on the Hatches to cover themselves with Planks and Tables, and fetching likewise down with their winged Messengers, such as threw Stones from the tops of their Ships: And then after a long and doubtfull Fight, the English Men of Arms began boldly to board the Spanish Ves∣sels with Swords, Lances, Halberds and Battle-Axes in their hands, cruelly slaying and tumbling over-board all they met with to make room for new Guests, which King Ed∣ward had brought with him for that purpose. And now Seventeen of the Enemies

Ships were thus wholly in the English power, when all out of season envious Night came on to befriend the poor Spaniards, but to deprive the English of an absolute and entire Victory. For hereby they were fain to cast Anchor, and to desist from pursuing their good Beginnings, being forced to attend a further Trial till the next Day: And therefore as supposing nothing done to purpose, while any thing remained un∣done; they fell to dressing their own Wounded, but flang the miserable Spaniards into that Sea, whereon they had so lately trespassed: And then having taken their re∣past, and set the Watch, they all waited for the Morning. The next Day being fresh∣ly apparel'd for fight, they look'd about all over the Seas, but saw no sign of any thing to resist them. For 27 Spaniards Ships had fled away during the Night-sea∣son, leaving thô against their wills no less than 17 (thô u 7.21 Others say 22, and Some b 7.22 26) to the discretion of King Edward, who was thus again adorned with a Naval Crown. But this Honour the King thought too dearly bought with the Life of St. John Goldesborough, a young Knight of great Valour, of comely Shape and noble Deport∣ment, who died in this Engagement, and was much lamented by the King and his Son the Prince of Wales, to whom he was always very Dear, upon the account of his ex∣traordinary Qualities, and almost equal Age, and Conformity of Will and Inclination. His Loss King Edward having endeavour'd to repair by Advancing no less than four∣score young Gentlemen, y 7.23 who performed best in the Fight, to the Honour of Knighthood, return'd again with Victory and Triumph for England. This Defeat happen'd to the Spa∣niard just upon the beginning of Don Pedro's Reign, his Father Alphonso XI being z 7.24 in the Month of March preceding taken away by the Plague, as he lay at the Siege of He∣raclea, now called Gibraltar Viejo.

V. A Week before this Battle was fought, namely a 7.25 on the 22^d of August, or as some say the 28, being a Sunday, Philip of Valois King of France, departed this Life at Nogent le Roy in Chartrain, in the Fifty Seventh Year of his Age, and the Twenty Third of his Reign. He was a Prince surely of very great Accomplishments, Pious, Brave and Liberal: But either by the more powerfull Genius of King Edward his Ad∣versary, or the Injustice of his Cause, or both, all his Gallantry and Courage were ren∣dred ineffectual, or rather of dangerous effect to himself. He b 7.26 was more happy in Ne∣gotiations than in Battles, very severe and strict to his Subjects, suspicious, vindicative, and apt to be immoderately transported by the impetuosity of his Choler. c 7.27 From Nogent his Body was honourably conveyed to our Lady's Church in Paris, and on the Thurs∣day following he was Royally interred at St. Dennis on the Left side the High Altar, his d 7.28 Bowels being left among the Jacobins in Paris, and his Heart, as himself had de∣sired, at e 7.29 Bourefountain in Valois. His Eldest Son and Heir John, Duke of Nor∣mandy succeeded him in his Troublesome Throne, and on the 26 of September follow∣ing, being a Sunday, was solemnly Anointed and Crowned King of France, together with his Queen Joan, f 7.30 late Widow of the Lord Philip of Burgundy, in the City of Rheims. At which time he made several Knights, g 7.31 as his Eldest Son Charles the Dau∣phin, his Second Son Lewis Earl of Alenson, the young Earl of Estampes the Lord John of Artois, Son to the late Famous Robert of Artois; also Philip Duke of Orlean••. the Kings only Brother, the little Young Duke of Burgundy, Son to his Queen by her First Husband the Lord Philip aforesaid, the Earl of Dampmartin and Others: And at the same h 7.32 time in consideration of the eminent and agreeable Services of the Lord Don Carlos de la Cerda of Spain, who had lately enter'd the narrow Seas in Behalf of the French with a Powerfull Fleet, and thô he was beaten by King Edward, as we shew'd even now, had first done considerable dammage to England, created him Earl of Angoulesme. The i 7.33 next day the King removed thence and went to Laon, and so thrô Soissons and Senlis; after which both He and his Queen enter'd into Paris on the 17 of October in great Tri∣umph, where there was general Feasting and Revels for an whole Week together; and the King tarried at his Palace of Nesle untill the Eleventh of November, or the Feast of St. Martin the Bishop and Confessor, during which time he sent forth his Summons for the Three Estates to meet him in Parliament at such a Day.

VI. Now it is to be noted, k 7.34 that in these Days there was hot War between the Sol∣dan of Babylon and Constantine King of Armenia, the former invading the King of Ar∣menia's Dominions with vast and numerous Armies, and the latter endeavouring by the united Strength of his own Subjects, the Cypriotes and Rhodians to repell the Violence of the said Heathen Invaders, or at least to stop their Progress, which then began to threaten all Christendom. Among l 7.35 the several great Men, who together with the Chri∣stian Princes were engaged in this Holy War, whereof Hugh the Valiant King of Cyprus was the most Notable; there was a Cypriote Knight, named John de Vesconti, of the

King of Cyprus his Blood, and a Knight of France called Thomas de la Marche, Bastard-Brother to John de Valois the French King; both who had a considerable Command in the Christian Army. It so fell out, that John de Vesconti laid slat Treason to the Charge of the Bastard of France, namely, that he had secretly appointed, in Conside∣ration of a certain Summ of Gold to be paid unto him before-hand in part of a greater Summ to be paid afterward, to betray the Christian Army to the Turks. The Defen∣dant strenuously denied the Charge, which the Appellant as eagerly urged; but there was no other Proof on either side, save only their single Asseverations. Whereupon a Challenge being denounced, and accepted between the Parties, the Christian Captains, fearing either to displease the King of Cyprus, or the King of France, to whom they were Allied; or at least doubting some Dissention might happen thereupon among them∣selves by reason of Part-taking on either side, made them both swear to stand to their Award, as it should be determin'd by the Confederates in Council. The Judgment was, that they should take and carry Letters importing their Cause fully and clearly, from the said Christian Princes unto King Edward of England, and to submit themselves to be tried by Combat before him, as the most Worthy and Honourable Prince in all Chri∣stendom, they swearing to remain as perfect Friends untill that time.

As it was determin'd, so these Generous Knights performed, and came into England in the beginning of September, and forthwith presented their Letters unto King Ed∣ward in the Name of the Kings of Armenia and Cyprus, and the rest of the Princes and Captains of the Christians, containing the whole Difference between them, and that they were to determine the Matter by Combat before him, as their Judge. And then again Sr. John de Vesconti openly before the King, began to accuse Sr. Thomas de la Marche of the Treasonable Intent and Purpose aforesaid, challenging to prove it up∣on his Body, and thereupon flung down his Gantlet: Which the said Sr. Thomas as boldly took up, and accepted the Challenge in proof of his Innocency. King Edward having read the Letters, and seriously consider'd the whole Matter, set them a Day, * 7.36 namely the Fourth of October, being the Monday after St. Michael, wherein to decide their Quarrel in close Field within the Lists at his Palace of Westminster. On the day appointed they met accordingly, Armed at all Points on Horseback, the King, the Prince of Wales, and the whole Court of England being Spectators. There presently upon Sound of Trumpet began a most gallant Combat between these two Gentlemen, for at the Tilt both their Spears brake on each others Shield, yet neither of them was moved from his Saddle, wherefore as it were by Consent, they both alighted at one instant, and renewed the Combat on Foot, till having with equal Valour and Discreti∣on fought a Considerable while, both their Weapons were rendred useless, and they were obliged to come to close Grapple, till by Wrestling both fell lock'd together, still contending for the Victory. Now the Visors of both their Helmets were defended be∣fore with small distant Bars of Steel, thrô which they might see and breath more free∣ly, all the rest of their Bodies being wholly cover'd with Armour: Wherefore Sr. Tho∣mas de la Marche the Knight of France, who only of the two had certain short but sharp Pricks of Steel called m 7.37 Gadlings, enclosed in the Joints of his Right Gauntlet, struck therewith at the Visor of Sr. John de Vesconti, as often as he could come at him, and grievously tormented him in the Face. Insomuch that being himself unpro∣vided of the like Gadlings, he was forced thrô Extremity of pain to cry out aloud, as one that could not help himself. At that King Edward flang down his Wardour, and the Marshal cried Ho, and so the Combat ceased; the King adjudging the Victory to the Frenchman, and the Vanquished to be at his Mercy, according to the Law of Arms. Sr. Thomas de la Marche, however being satisfied with so plain and honourable a Proof of his Innocency, before so Great a Presence, forbore to use his power over his Ene∣my, and only took him and made a Present of him unto the Black-Prince, to use at his Discretion: Which done with great, Devotion he Dedicated his own Suit of Ar∣mour to the English Patron St. George, in the famous Cathedral of St. Paul at Lon∣don. A few Days after this, King Edward having graciously entertained and rewarded the Bastard of France, sent him home honourably with Commendations to King John his Brother. And as for the Captive Knight of Cyprus, some while after the Generous Prince of Wales, for the Sake of the King of Cyprus, gave him his full Liberty, and let him go at his Leisure.

VII. Now King John of France, before the return of his Bastard-Brother, had heard of all this business, and taking it in deep indignation, that a Frenchman of his Blood should yield to try a Combat before a King, his Enemy, was mortally displeased at him, and thô he had gain'd such Honour, both in the Holy Wars, and in the late Duel, ab∣solutely

deny'd to admit him into his Presence. But after a few days, having with much adoe, and earnest Intercession obtain'd admittance, the said Lord Thomas, as one that was desirous to shew himself a true Subject, and so to recover his Brothers favour, besides his declaring the necessity, which the Christian Lords had put upon him to go into England,

began among his excuses highly to extoll the Generosity of King Ed∣ward, and to shew how justly his Fame was spread throughout the whole World: Nor did he forget to commend his Equity, which he had shewn in his cause, not at all accepting the Person of the Cypriote (althô it was well known, what a Friend he was to the King of Cyprus himself) but Prefer'd, and Honoured, and Rewarded me, said he, thô I am a Frenchman, and Brother, and Servant to you my Lord, the King of France.

These Words the Noble Earl of Ewe, and of Guisnes, and Con∣stable of France, then Present, not knowing how distastfull they were to King John, confirmed by his own experience, and rose up, and shew'd among other instances,

n 7.38 how far that Noble King had banish'd all envy and hatred from his B••east, inso∣much that lately in a solemn Tourneament at Windsor, he had not only admitted him being a Prisoner, to that Honourable Exercise, but gave him an allowance of all necessary accoutrements, and at last rewarded him with a Rich P••ize, and new had sent him home upon his Parole in trust of a small Ransom, and other as Ne∣gotiator for the Redemption of others, than a Prisoner himself; whereby said he, I am put in a Capacity to serve your Majesty, as I served your Father or blessed Memory.

These true Praises of King Edwards Princely Disposition, enflam'd the envious heart of l••ing John with Madness; so that immediately without any in th•••• consideration or process of Law, he caused them both to be apprehended, and s••ung in Prison, and the third day after, o 7.39 namely, on the 19 of November, to be behe••ded by night, in the Presence of the Duke of Bourbon, and seven or eight other Lords of Note, before whom the Earl of Ewe is said to have confessed certain points of Trea∣son, whereof he stood guilty. But however all the Treason, that Envy it self could lay to the Bastards Charge, was only, that (as he was bound by Oath to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Christian Princes in the Holy War) he had accordingly committed his cause to the Arbitration of the King of England. And as for the Earl of ••••we, whatever at that time was devis'd to blacken him, he was notoriously a Person of such Gallantry, and had already so eminently signaliz'd his Loyalty, that to this day it could never be believed, that he could be really guilty of any manner of Treason; tho some, rather by way of conjecture, than proof, pretend to colour the Matter, that his require passing too and fro between England and France (which he did in order to hasten the Redemption of his Fellow-Prisoners) was with Designs in favour of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Others say, p 7.40 that he was suspected of being over Familiar with the French Queen,

and that therefore King John, after the fall of these two Great, but Unfortunate Gentlemen, famished his Queen to Death; thô she was Daughter to John of Lux∣emburgh, that Noble King of Bohemia, who lost his Life at the Battle of Cre••••, in the cause of France.

But this is a most false and irrational Story; for King J••hus first Wife, q 7.41 who indeed was Daughter to the said King of Bohemia, died, as we shew'd, two Years before: And his second Wife, his Queen at this time, who was Daughter to William Earl of Boulogne, lived in his Favour, and died not till many Years after. However the Earl of Ewe's Lands and Honours, r 7.42 were parcell'd out to othe••s, his Office of Constable of France in January following, was by the King confer'd on the Lord Don Carlos de la Cerda of Spain, whom already he had made Earl of Argu∣lesme; his Earldom of Eu he gave to the Lord John of Artois, Eldest Son to Sr. Ro∣bert of Artois, of whose Revolt from France, and Friendship to King Edward, we have spoken in the first part of this our History: Only the Earldom of Guisnes he left with the Lady Jane, sole Daughter of the Defunct Earl of Ewe, who was then Married to Walter Duke of Athens, and after his Decease to Lewis Earl of Estampes of the house of Eureux, from whom are derived the present Earls of Eu, Princes of the Blood.

VIII. About this time, the Scots not yet agreeing to redeem their King David, who was still a Prisoner here, nor admitting of any just offers of Composition, but ra∣ther provoking the King of England farther by their Insolencies, Cruelties, and Depre∣dations; He for his part, considering that the Truce with France, would either be soon ended by violation, or of its own course, sent his s 7.43 Commissioners, viz. Dr. Tho∣mas Hatfield Bishop of Durham, the Lord Ralph Stafford, the Lord Henry Piercy, and the Lord Ralph Nevill, to treat with the Lord Robert Stuart, Prince of Scotland, and other Nobles of that Realm, then met at York, about a firm and final Peace be∣tween

the two Nations. And this Treaty was held on with good hopes of Success, e∣ven till the end of the next Year; for we find, that it was at last between them a∣greed, t 7.44 that upon the coming into England of the young Lord John, Eldest Son and Heir of Robert Stuart, and several other young Noblemen, Hostages for the said King, he himself should be permitted to go into Scotland, and upon his return back, the Ho∣stages should be deliver'd. The Kings Letters of safe Conduct to the Hostages, and of Power to certain Commissioners to receive them, and to take King Davids Oath for his Return, and the Command for his safe Custody at Newcastle, till the Hostages were all come, bear date the 5 of September, an. 25. Ed. 3. to continue in force, till the Quindena of the Purification next following, and on the 3 of November after they were renewed, with a further term, even to the Feast of St. Philip and James ensuing. According to this agreement the Hostages being come, and disposed into the Castles of York and Nottingham, King Edward sent his Command, u 7.45 bearing date the 5 of October to Sr. John Copland, High-Sheriff of Northumberland, the same, who first took the King of Scotland Prisoner, and at that time had the Custody of him, to deliver him up to the Bishops of Durham and Caerlile, to William Earl of Nor∣thampton, the Lords Henry Piercy, and Ralph Nevill, or to any Four, Three, or Two of them; and at the same time another Command was issued out to them, to deliver him under the form, and upon the Conditions agreed on. And so toward the latter end of October, King David, being at liberty upon Parole went into Scotland, in hopes by his Presence to quicken his Subjects to come to a Composition with King Edward; but not being able to accomplish his intention so soon as he had design'd, x 7.46 the Scots refusing also to redeem him on such Conditions as King Edward pro∣pounded, he return'd into England about half a Year after; at which time a Com∣mand bearing date y 7.47 28 March, an. 26. Ed. 3. was sent to the Sheriff of Yorkshire, to conduct the Hostages of Scotland to Barwick, they to be there in Quindena z 7.48 Pas∣chae, it being the Day fixed for King Davids return to that Town: And so he remain'd a Prisoner still in England.

CHAPTER the ELEVENTH.

The CONTENTS.

I. A Parliament at Westminster, * 7.49 wherein the King advances several Great Men to Ho∣nour. II. The Lord John Beauchamp, Captain of Calais, being taken Prisoner is suc∣ceeded by Sr. Robert Herle: His Acts; a Truce. III. A Truce with Spain: The Lord Guy de Nesle taken Prisoner before the Truce with France. IV. Twenty four Chri∣stians Martyr'd by the Governour of Damascus, who is therefore put to Death by the Soldane of Babylon. V. King John renews the Order of the Star. VI. The Man∣ner how the Castle of Guisnes was taken by the English of Calais. VII. King John of France endeavours to recover it in vain. VIII. The Lord Charles of Blois set at Liberty upon his Parole. IX. The Lord Guy de Nesle slain in Battle by Sr. Walter Bentley. X. The Earl of Stafford created Lieutenant of Gascogne, wins a Victory o∣ver the French, the Death of Sr. Thomas Wale, Knight of the Garter. XI. King Edward provides for Defence of the Seas; William Earl of Hainalt, Marries the Eldest Daughter of Henry Duke of Lancaster. XII. The Duke of Lancaster gets Honour of the Duke of Brunswick. XIII. King Edward prepares to resist the French. XIV. Pope Clement dies, and the Earl of Kent: Two Malefactors be∣headed at London.

I. ON the a 7.50 Seventh of February, being the Monday in the Ʋtas of the Purificati∣on of our Lady, at the Opening of this Year, King Edward held his High-Court of Parliament at Westminster: Over which at first Prince Lionel, the Kings Third Son, was commission'd to preside, because the King and his Eldest Son, Prince Edward, were then preparing to cross the Seas, thô af∣terwards that Voyage being defer'd, we shall find them both present at this Sessions.

Thô the Parliament began so early to sit, yet by reason of several Continuations from Day to Day, because many of the Lords were not yet come, it was not open'd till Tuesday the 15 of February: At which time Receivers being appointed to gather, and Tryers to consider of, the several Petitions from England, Wales, Gascogne, Scotland, Ireland, Bretagne, and other Foreign Isles and Places; the Reasons for the Calling of the Parliament were declared in Presence of the King and his Nobles:

As first, be∣cause the King having in the Twenty second Year of his Reign summon'd a Parlia∣ment, was both hindred to continue that Session, and also to b 7.51 call them to another by reason of the late dreadfull Plague, untill this time. Also, that the Business of his Wars required their Concurrence, because the Peace was not punctually observed, and Domestick Matters were likewise to be taken into Consideration; for that La∣bourers refused to do their Service at reasonable and usual Rates; and lastly, because the Treasure of the Realm was exported.

For these Considerations was the Parlia∣ment convened, and hereupon to consult the King did especially command and require them; and Sr. William Shareshull Knight, the Kings Chief Justice repeated the Sub∣stance of all this to the Commons, willing them to weigh all things well, and provide for them effectually.

The whole Process and Matter following, as it is to be seen at large in the Record, was deliver'd by Dr. John Thoresby, Bishop of c 7.52 Worcester then Lord Chancellour, to John Codington Clerk of the Parliament, at the Kings Command to be entred into the Rolls of the same Parliament.

In this d 7.53 Parliament the old Controversie between the Archbishops of Canterbury and York, concerning Bearing their Crosiers, began to be renew'd with the usual Heat; but at last it was wholly referred to the King's Hearing: Who set down this final Rule to be observed for the future.

That the Archbishop of York might bear his Cross in the others Province, saving the Preeminence to Canterbury; but that in to∣ken of Subjection, every Archbishop of York at his Entrance into that Bishop••••ck, should offer an Image of Gold to the value of Fourty Pounds at the Shrine of Tho∣mas of Canterbury. The same Image to be sent by some Knight, or Doctor of the Law, within the space of two Months after his Inthronization.

In this Parliament Richard Fitz-Alan, the Great Earl of Arundel, by his Petition prayeth, that his Restitution granted in the e 7.54 Fourth of Edward the Third, may be now better declared and confirmed: Which the King in Consideration of the Equity of his Request, and also of his many worthy Services done to the Crown, most ready granted. Whereupon the said Act made in the Fourth of Edward the Third Tit. 14, touching this Earl was read over, and afterwards this Clause thereto adjoyned;

That it is by the King and Parliament Agreed, that the said Restitution be Confirmed, and shall remain of such full Force and Effect; that John now Earl of Kent, and his Heirs shall neither Challenge nor Obtain against the said Richard Earl of Arundel in any Court of England, or in Wales, by Writ or otherwise, by any Petition in Parlia∣ment, any of the Possessions or Titles that the said John, or Edmund his Eldest Bro∣ther (long since deceased) ever had in or to the said Castle of Arundel, or of any Part or Parcel thereof. So as by this Restitution the said Earl Richard shall have the like Estate and Title, as he should have had by Descent of Inheritance, as well to all other Hereditaments, whereof Edmund Earl of Arundel, his Father died seised, ei∣ther in England or in Wales, as of the said Castle.

As for this Earl of Arundel here spoken of, his Cause as well as his Valour is suffici∣ently declared in the former Part of this our History; but for this Earl John we shall now once for all add somewhat of him, because the small Age to which he attained, rendred him unable to purchase any higher Character in this Work. He was Second Son to Edmund Plantaginet, Earl of Kent, the Kings Uncle, of whose Death f 7.55 we spake in the Fourth Year: Yet he made no Proof of his Age till this very g 7.56 Year, when upon his Homage, he had Livery of all his Lands, his Mother the Lady Margaret being then also dead. And at that time he granted unto King Edward the Third, and his Heirs Kings of England, the Castle and whole Lordship of Lydel (as well within the Precincts of England as Scotland) after the Decease of Blanche, Relict of Thomas Lord Wa••e, which Castle and Lordship came to him in Right of the Lady Margaret his Mother, Sister and Heir to the said Lord Wake of Lydel. But this hopefull young Prince, ha∣ving just married Elizabeth, Daughter to William Marquess of Juliers, departed this Life without Issue the Year next following, in the Prime of his Youth, leaving all his vast Possessions to his Sister and Heir the Lady Joan, commonly called the Fair Maid of Kent, first Espoused to William Montagu, second Earl of Salisbury of that Name,

at this time the Wife of Thomas Lord Holland, in her Right afterwards Earl of Kent. But to return to the Transactions of this Parliament.

King Edward during this Session, bestow'd several great Honours on Sundry of his Martial Nobility: As particularly his Valiant Cosen, Henry Plantagenet Earl of Lan∣caster, Leicester, Lincoln, Darby, Grosmont and Ferrers, him on the a 7.57 Sixth of March he advanced to the Title and Dignity of Duke of Lancaster. Which being done by the General Consent of all the Prelates and Peers then sitting in Parliament, and Confirmed unto him for his Life; he was invested therewith by the Cincture of a Sword, with Power to have a Chancery in the County of Lancaster, and there to issue out Writs under his own Seal, as well touching Pleas of the Crown, as others relating to the Common Laws of this Realm: As also to enjoy all other Liberties and Regalities, belonging to a Coun∣ty-Palatine, in as ample Manner as the Earl of Chester was known to have within that County; the Tenths * 7.58 and Fifteenths, and all other Payments granted by the Clergy or Canons, and Pardons for Life and Members to the King, excepted. Thus the Black-Prince, who was Duke of Cornwall and Earl of Chester, and Henry Plantagenet Duke of Lancaster, being the two first Dukes in England since the Conquest, by the Gran∣deur of their Names, as well as Birth and Dignity, did seem the Worthiest of all Men to be so. Duke Henry was yet i 7.59 further about the same time constituted Admiral of the Kings whole Fleet from the River Thames Westward: And two Days after the King assigned him several Lieutenants, namely Reginald Ferrers, on the Rivers of Thames and Medway; Robert Ledred Serjeant at Arms within the Cinque-ports, Phi∣lip de Wetton, and Walter de Harewell Serjeant at Arms in the Port of Seaford, and in every Part and Place thence by the Sea-coast to Foye; Richard Lengles in the Port of Foye, and thence to Bristow, and there and in the Port of Chepstow and River of Se∣vern; and Ralph de Lullibrock in all Places and Ports from Chepstow to Chester, and there, and in all Parts and Maritime Places in Wales.

Mr. Stow k 7.60 says, that at this time Prince Lionel of Antwerp, the Kings Son, was made Earl of Ʋlster in Ireland, and John of Gaunt, his Younger Brother, Earl of Rich∣mond, but the Former had not that Title till l 7.61 Ten Years after, at what time he took to Wife the Heiress of Ʋlster; and the Latter had his Nine Years before, as appears by the m 7.62 Records. So Knighton n 7.63 tells us, that the Lord Robert Hufford was now made Earl of Suffolk, whereas he had been advanced to that Dignity no less than o 7.64 four∣teen Years before.

But the Lord Ralph p 7.65 Stafford was at this time advanced to the Title of Earl of Stafford, and for his better Support in that Dignity, the King granted him a 1000 Marks per annum in Fee, untill he should provide Lands of that Value to settle on Him and his Heirs. In this Parliament also the Lord John Maltravers senior, one who was thought to have had an hand in the Murder of King Edward the Second, having as we shew'd q 7.66 six Years before, surrendred himself with great Contrition to the King, was now r 7.67 by the Judgment of the Parliament acquitted, and by his Majesty thereupon fully pardoned, restored and admitted to take Place in that Honourable Convention.

In s 7.68 Consideration of the great Dearth, of which yet the Land was not wholly freed, the King releaseth one Half of his Provision, appointed to be taken up by Purveyors. And Remedy was likewise taken against Labourers, who required Exces∣sive Wages, as we partly intimated before; as also against the Pope's Reservations, and those who being cast in the Kings Court, seek redress from the Court of Rome, to the Subversion of the Laws of the Realm. Then the Commons petition'd, That no Man may be put to answer, in what concerns his Freehold or whatever toucheth Life, Limb or Fine, by his Opposite before the Council, but by due Process of Law. To this the King, as to what concerned the Freehold, agreed, but for the rest rejected it in the usual Form saying, Le Royse advisera. That no Man whatsoever but Merchants only, for their great Necessity of Traffick, should export the Good Money of the Realm. The King answer'd as before, that he would be advised. That the Fines of Labourers may be paid to the chief Taxors of this Fifteen in Aid of the Poor. The King replyed, the Surplusage thereof should be employed according as Circumstances hereafter shall most require. That the Steward, and Marshal, and their Deputies do make no other Process than was used in the Time of King Edward the Second, and limited by the Statute there∣fore provided. The King willeth that the Statutes be kept, and all just Complainants heard. That no Purveyance be made for Hay or Oates for Horses. The Statute shall be observed. That the Payment of Merchants for Wafting over their Goods may cease. The King will be advised.

It seems, that it appear'd highly reasonable to that Wise Prince by this his Answer to this last Petition, that such Payment

ought to be exacted: It being but equitable, that those Tradesmen or Merchants, for whose benefit and security the King at his vast Expence, doth more especially maintain the Dominion of the Seas, should by a proportionable Custom on those Goods so exported, contribute towards the better enabling him to defend and secure them in that their Traffick: And this Payment was called Tonnage and Poundage.

Further the Commons petition, That the Subsidy of Wooll, viz. of every Sack may cease. But because that Subsidy had been granted unto the King for a longer time, that Petition fell. Then to the request, That Sheriffs, Escheators, and Coroners may have sufficient Allowance in their several Counties; it was answer'd, that the Statute made for that Purpose should be kept. That Remedy may be had against Sheriffs for Paying the Kings Duties. The Treasurer upon Complaint shall pay the same. That every Judgment in the Common Pleas may pass under the Seal of the Chief Justice, as in Cases of Oyer; so that the Charges of the Great Seal may cease. This Motion seems unreasonable. That no Pardon be granted to any Murtherer or Felon, but where the King may save his Oath. This the King freely granteth. That the Fines of Chancery Writs may be abated. The King willeth, that the Chancellour consider the Quality and Degree of every Person. That no Purveyor of Timber do take away Trees about any Mans House, and that henceforward Exception be made as to that Point in all their Com∣missions. This the King granteth. That no Writ de Excommunicato Capiendo come forth before a Scire Facias be directed, to cause the Party to answer: And that the Par∣ty may answer to the Cause after Letters of Excommunication. To these two Petitions this one Answer was given, that it could not be granted. That the Merchants may be paid their Loans in every Sack of Wooll. Walter de Chirton, the Kings Farmer of his Customs hath not yet brought in his Accounts.

It is Enacted, That the Statute of Westminster made against the Destruction of Sal∣mons be observed, and that all Mills set on Rivers be thrown down.

It is Enacted, that the Justices of Oyer and Terminer shall seise, and take the Fines of the Parties in their Presence, and by their own Accord: And that no Pardon shall be granted to such as bring in False Money.

That Remedy may be had against the Oppression of Ordinaries and their Officers. The Laws of the Land and of the Church shall be observed. It is complained, That the Custom for every 300 of Wooll-Fells was 46 s. and 8 d. whereas of old it was but 3 s. and 4 d. for every 100, that is 10 s. for every 300. The present Custom be∣ing of long time received and established, ought not to be withdrawn. That a Stan∣dard of all Sorts of Measures may be in every County. If there be not, there shall be. That no Statute be alter'd for any Private Cause. Let this Petition be better explain'd against the next Parliament.

Now it is to be observed, that the Printed Statutes touching those that are born be∣yond the Seas, and that touching the Measure and Content of Woollen Cloths, Chap∣ter 1. As also that of Merchandises to be sold by Strangers, Chap. 2. Together with that of Forestalling, Chap. 3. And that for pulling down Mills set upon Ri∣vers, Chap. 4. agree all with the Record: But only the Four latter in the Print are said to be made at the Ʋtas of St. Hilary an. 25. Ed. 3. Whereas it should be the Ʋtas of the Purification, as appears from the Record. So also the Act of Provisions made against the Pope's unjust Encroachments, agreeth with the Print, Chap. 1. & 2. As also that about Labourers, Chap. 8. In dorso hujus Rotuli is contained a Proclama∣tion against Wearing of Arms, and against Players and Games, in and about Westmin∣ster, during the Sessions of Parliament; and the Writ also of Proclamation for the True Making of Woollen Cloth is endorsed.

II. This t 7.69 mean while the Truce with France not being fully ended, however each party took the Liberty, as they saw Advantage, to enterprize somewhat upon one a∣nother. Sr. John Beauchamp, Captain of Calais for King Edward, understanding, that the ways thereabout were much infested by the French, even as if it had been in time of open War, u 7.70 went forth of the Garrison with 300 Men of Arms, and 200 Archers on Horseback, and took up booty about in the Country for 10 Leagues together: But in his Return he was encountred by the Lord of Beaulieu with a Brigade of 2000, which Lord notwithstanding he slew, and had doubtless routed all his Company; but that before he had compleated the Victory, another strong party came upon him; so that he himself, and 20 more Knights of England were taken Prisoners, almost all the rest of his Men being slain: But Sr. John and his Fellow-Prisoners were soon redeemed, and sent into England.

He was x 7.71 succeeded by Sr. Robert y 7.72 Herle, who being recruited with a Choice Band

lead by the Lord Walter Manny, rode forth for all that into the French Pale, and ha∣ving done much damage about in the vicinage, came off not only without loss, but with a vast booty of Oxen, Sheep, and Swine; so that a fat Ox at Calais would hard∣ly yield sixteen pence Sterling, there was at that time such exceeding plenty of Cattle. But about Easter z 7.73 King Edward sent over Henry then newly-created Duke of Lan∣caster, who soon after marching forth of Calais, went along by the Sea-Coasts of Ar∣tois and Picardy, and burnt the suburbs of Boulogne to the very Walls: He made an Assault also upon the Town it self, but could not prevail, because the Scaling Ladders which he brought with him, were too short. However he fired all the Vessels in the Haven, and then proceeded along down to Estaples on the River Canche, which ha∣ving plunder'd, he took a Compass to return backward on the Right Hand, and did the like to Fauquenberge, and after that to Terouënne, only here many of his Men were hurt by the Townsmen, who fled into the Church, and thence made stout resistance, till that also was taken, and the Frenchmen for the most part put to the Sword. In the Havens of these Towns he sired above an Hundred Vessels of all sorts, and then went on burning all about up to Arques, and the Gates of St. Omers, and having suf∣ficiently made known the Terror of his Arms, he return'd Triumphantly with many Prisoners and much Booty to Calais. But soon after the occasions of the late Breach between the two Kings were fully concerted, and a further Truce was taken a 7.74 with this condition, that either of the Kings might renounce it, when ever he pleased.

III. The same Yeart b 7.75 the Spanish Ships had liberty to come to England, by Reason of a Peace established with that Kingdom, whereas the Year before there was an Im∣bargo set upon them, because of the late Breach: But now a Truce was taken between the two Crowns for twenty Years, before which time we shall find Don Pedro of Spain to stand greatly in need of Englands Friendship: Whereas the foremention'd Truce with France was prolonged but for one Year further, and yet did it hardly endure so long, as we shall shew by and by. However now both the Kings seem'd in good earnest to endea∣vour a final Peace, c 7.76 and sent their Commissioners for that purpose to Avignon, to con∣clude and perfect the Agreement on these Conditions,

That King Edward should wholly lay aside his Title and Claim to the Crown of France, and King John should entirely yield up to him all the Dutchy of Guienne with the Dependencies, and whatever was at any time before taken therefrom by his Progenitors, and that King Edward and his Heirs, Kings of England, should freely hold and possess the same, without acknowledging, owing, or paying any Homage therefore to any French King, from that day unto the Worlds end.

But the Conclusion of this Matter was so long put off and delay'd by the Pope, and such demurrs, and other Artifices, usual in the Court of Rome, laid in the way; that the Duke of Lancaster with the rest of the English Commissioners, being wearied by those tedious tergiversations, returned back to their. Master, without bringing the said Agreement to any happy Conclusion. But d 7.77 some say this Treaty was hindred by an occasion given by the English, who took the Castle of Guisnes by Treachery, of which we shall speak presently: However King Edward hereupon prepared for War, resolving to take the Field early next Year, as soon as the Truce should be expired.

But upon the first of April, before the last Truce was renewed for another Year, the Lord Guy e 7.78 de Nesle, Marshal of France, went in Hostile Manner with a great number of Men of Arms, spoiling and ravaging about in Xaintogne, and near St. Jean D'Angely, but was at last met with by Sr. Walter Bentley, who together with Edmund Rous a Norfolk-Man, and Captain of the Castle of St. Jean D'Angely, making in all but 600 Men, encountred him Valiantly, and had such Success, that he slew and rout∣ed the whole Body of them, took Sr. Guy de Nesle himself, and Sr. Arnold D'En∣dreghan, together with the Lord William de Nesle, the Marshals Brother, and six o∣ther Knights of Quality, and of Esquires and Gentlemen 140 Prisoners. But yet f 7.79 in the September following, the Frenchmen recover'd the Town and Castle of St. Jean D'Angely, after it had been in the Englishmens Possession 5 Years, without one stroke given or taken: For the Garrison being left low, and without Provision, was fain to yield up the Place on Equal Conditions, because they had not wherewithall to live on.

IV. While thus matters were held in suspence between England and France, and hot War g 7.80 raged between Casimire King of Poland, and the Lithuanians, and Tar∣tars on one hand, and the Christian States of Venice and Genoa tore out one anothers Bowels on the other; and the King of Armenia's Territories were snatch'd away from him piece-meal by the Infidels; the h 7.81 Heathen Governour of Damascus, with a de∣sign

to render the Christians under him odious, and so to fill his Coffers with their substance, perpetrated a most cruel and Nero-like Action this Year. For having him∣self caused the said City to be secretly fired in two several places, he presently hur∣ried away the Christians to the Rack, as the only Authors thereof. Some of these, being rendred impatient by the exquisiteness of the torments, confessed themselves guilty: Whereupon immediately he condemns them all to die, except such, as would embrace Mahometanisme. Most of them by large gifts appeas'd the Tyrants sury, o∣thers unhappily renounced the Christian Faith: But there remain'd two and twenty, who refusing to do either, were condemned to be Crucified. However, first the Ty∣rant commanded them to be brought before their Friends, Parents, and Children, that so he might shake their Constancy: But the Divine Grace did so powerfully assist them at that time, that the Father, who was to die, despis'd the Prayers and Tears of his own Son, who entreated him to live, and the Faithfull Son upbraided his A∣postate Father of wicked Inconstancy, to forsake the True Religion for fear of Cor∣poral punishment, and call'd him his worst Enemy, in that by tempting him with the transitory joys of this Life, he endeavour'd to deprive him of the Rewards of Eterni∣ty. Being therefore all hung upon the Cross for three days, they were beheld both by Christians and Saracens to die a notable Example of Religious Constancy. But the Tyrant had but a short Triumph for this his exploit: For soon after the Innocence of the Christians, as to the burning of the City, being made manifest, by the Soldan's Command he was put to Death after this Manner. A Great-broad Anvil of Iron be∣ing ready prepared as red-hot as possible, the Malefactor was brought near, stark-naked from his Privy-parts upwards; then two strong Men took and twisted a Towel below his Ribs, and above his Hips round his Belly, pulling and twisting, till by degrees they had rendred him thereabout little more than a span round: At which time the Exe∣cutioner cutting him off with a sword at one Blow just above the Towel, this Body was immediately set upon the glowing Anvil; So that the Blood and Life together was held in, till the Anvil growing colder, the Body fell off being seised by Death. With such signal severity can it please God. to Revenge the Blood of his Saints, even by the hands of the Blasphemers of his Name.

V. This Year i 7.82 on the 8 day of September, or the Nativity of the Blessed Virgin Mary, King John of France, that in Magnificence he might not come behind King Ed∣ward of England, who had lately instituted the Order of the Garter, did also k 7.83 insti∣tute, or rather renew, the almost obsolete Order of the Star at a most Royal Assem∣bly, which he held at his Palace of St. Onyn, near Paris. The Knights Compa∣nions at this time were but Eighteen, (others being to be added at the following Chapters) whose Names were these:

• 1 l 7.84 JOHN de Valois King of France, the Sovereign.
• 2 Monsieur Philip Duke of Orleans, his only Brother.
• 3 Charles of France, Dauphin of Vienna. King John's Sons.
• 4 Lewis, Duke of Anjou. King John's Sons.
• 5 John Duke of Berry, King John's Sons.
• 6 Philip Duke of Touraine. King John's Sons.
• 7 Charles King of Navarre.
• 8 Peter, Duke of Bourbon. Brethren.
• 9 James of Bourbon, Count de la Marche. Brethren.
• 10 Charles de la Cerda of Spain, Earl of Angoulesme.
• 11 Arnold D'Endreghan. Marshals of France.
• 12 John de Clermont. Marshals of France.
• 13 Geoffry Count Charny, Great Chamberlain of France.
• 14 Charles, Earl of Tancarville.
• 15 Walter de Brenne, Duke of Athens, Master of the Horse.
• 16 John of Artois, Earl of Eu. Sons to Sr. Robert of Artois.
• 17 Charles of Artois, Count Longeville. Sons to Sr. Robert of Artois.
• 18 John Viscount de Melun.

These Knights Brethren bore for their Cognisance a Bright Star on the Crest of their Helmets, and about their Necks pendant, the same being embroider'd on their Man∣tles before. Althô their first Institution happen'd in the Month of October, yet the time of holding their Chapters, was m 7.85 the Day of the Three Kings of Colen, from the first Original; and therefore the Star which directed those Kings, was chosen for

the Emblem of the Order. However this Institution was not founded under the Aspect of any good Star: For Charles V. Son to this King John, when he saw the Order brought into Contempt by the Multitude of Companions, left it wholly to the Cap∣tain of the Ordinary Watch at Paris, and to the Archers of his Guard. But I refer the Curious to Favine, where they may find a more full and exact Account of these Matters.

VI. At the Solemnity of the Institution of this Order of Knighthood, among others, was present Sr. Matthew Bouginghem, whom King John had made Captain of the strong Castle of Guisnes, near Calais: And he now in his absence had committed it to the Care of Sr. William Beauconroy. But however the English of Calais, who neglected no opportunity, n 7.86 made themselves Masters of this important place, during the foresaid Solemnity, having by Money corrupted the Faith of Sr. William Beauconroy, the Vice-Captain, who, as the French Authors relate, being shortly after taken at Amiens, was torn in pieces with Wild-Horses. Upon this surprize of the Castle of Guisnes in time of Truce, King John expostulated by his Ambassadors with King Edward, that it was an apparent breach on his side, but he, who knew the Importance of the Place, is said to have answer'd pleasantly,

That buying and selling was Lawfull in time of Truce, and that King Philip his Father, who attempted to purchase Calais in that Manner, thô he was taken tardy, had taught his Captains that way of Merchandise.

But there is another manner of the taking of this Place reported, which because of its intreague, as well as probability, I shall add hereunto, thô it be something prolix in the Relation.

Guisnes is about o 7.87 five Miles from Calais, almost equally between Hames and Fi∣ennes, the Town thereof being of no great strength, for it was only encompassed with a large and deep Trench, without any Walls or Bullwarks: But the Castle was well fortified with strong and massy Bastions, having also an High and Mighty Tower of the old sort of Fortification, but of great strength, called in English the Keep. This p 7.88 Fortress was a grievous check and Eyesore to the English of Calais, because being set as a stop to those who went into the higher Country to France-ward, it mightily s••cured those parts from the foragers of Calais. At this time the French were very bu∣sie, either in repairing it, or adding new Fortifications unto it, whereat the Calisians were presently alarum'd, and busied their thoughts with Designs, how to hinder this Work, which was so directly intended to their perpetual hindrance. Now there was a Prisoner in Guisnes, an English Archer, named John Lancaster, who being taken some while before, and not having wherewithall to pay his Ransom, was now let loose, on condition to work for such a time with the Frenchmen in the Garrison. This fel∣low chanced to fall into familiarity with a wanton young Laundress, a Strumpet, of whom he learn'd, that beyond the Principal Ditch there ran a Wall of two foot broad, extending from the Rampires to the brim of the Ditch, under water; so that being cover'd it was not easily discernable: But yet neither was it so deep drown'd; but that a Man walking thereon might pass securely, being only up to the Knees, and that being made for the use of Fishers, it was discontinued in the midst for the space of two foot only. Now the Archer being directed by the Wench, took special notice of this Place, and afterwards found an opportunity to take the heighth of the Castle-Wall by a Line. Which things being thus prepared, he adventur'd one Morning early to slide down from the Wall, and passing forthwith over the Water by that hidden ledge of Brick, absconding in the Marish-grounds till the Evening, at Night he went into the English Pale, and drew near Calais. Here he waited till clear day (for it was not Lawfull for any to enter otherwise) and then went into the Town, where falling in Com∣munication with some of his old Acquaintance, and others, who were willing to ven∣ture hard in hopes of Prey, and to purchase to their Country a place of that Moment, he instructed them all, how to pass the Ditch, and scale, and win the Castle with ease. Whereupon Thirty stout fellows conspired together, and having made Ladders accord∣ing to the Length appointed them by the Archer, and put on black Armour, for fear of reflecting any Light, they all went forward together by the Guiding of the said John Lancaster, and passing the Ditch safely, and climing the Walls successfully, they sur∣prized the Watchmen, cut their throats, and tumbled them down over the Wall: Then going softly into the Great Hall, they slew many of the chief Officers, whom they found unarmed, playing at Chess and Hazard. After this they brake into the several Chambers and Turrets, upon the Knights and Ladies, that lay there asleep, whom they only seised, and bound, and so presently became Masters of all that was within. Here∣upon having lock'd up all their Prisoners bound and unarmed in a strong Room, they went and released the English Prisoners, that had been taken the Year before, and

made them Keepers over those, who kept them before. Thus at last the whole Castle was reduced into their power, those in the Town knowing nothing of what had hap∣pen'd all this while. In the Morning the English commanded the Workmen, who came to work without the Castle, to leave off their Work; who thereupon perceiving the Castle to be won, fled away, carrying the News with them wherever they went. These new. Lords however were so Civil, as immediately to give the Ladies within the Castle leave to depart whither they pleased on Horseback, together with their Apparel, Writings, and Muniments, where they ought to hold their Fees.

That same Day there came from Calais to their Assistance, as many as they sent for, by whose Aid they were now able to keep the Castle against Competent Forces. A∣bout Three of the Clock the same Day there came thither two Knights from the Lord Walter de Brenne Duke of Athens and (in Right q 7.89 of his Wife Jane, Daughter to Ralph late Earl of Eu and Guisnes) Earl of Guisnes, who demanding a Truce, desired to know of those within the Castle, who they were, to whom they belonged; and by whose Authority they kept the Castle so taken in the time of Truce? To these De∣mands they within answer'd, That being thus intruded they would not declare to any Man their Design, till they had tried a longer Possession. The Earl of Guisnes being thus sham'd off, sent on St. Maurice's Day, being the 22^d of September, Messengers into England, complaining how in prejudice of the Truce the said Castle was unjustly taken, and therefore by right of mutual Faith and Honour ought to be restored unto the true Owner. King Edward answer'd,

That what was done was neither with his Knowledge nor Consent: Wherefore he would send his Command, that none of his Subjects presume any longer to detain the Castle of Guisnes, but immediately on sight of his Letters to restore it entirely to the Lord thereof.

The Messengers be∣ing return'd with this Answer to the Earl of Guisnes, he presently went to the Castle, demanding of those within, as at other times, in whose Name, and by whose Authori∣ty they held that Place. They still affirming, that they held it in the Name and Be∣half of John Lancaster; the Earl required to know, if the said John were the King of Englands Liegeman, and would obey him or no. Then John answer'd himself,

That as for his part he knew not what Messengers had been in England, nor what Mischief might be brew'd for him; wherefore while he was secure, he resolved to keep himself so, maugre all their subtle Devices.

At that the Earl offer'd unto the said John Lancaster 40000 Crowns, or other Possessions in Exchange, and an Indem∣nity from the King of France for ever. To which he received this Answer,

That before the Taking of that Castle they were all good Subjects of England, but now by this their Offence against the Truce, and other their Demerits, no better than ba∣nished Men, and excluded from the Peace of their Lord King Edward: Wherefore the Place, which now they held, they would willingly sell or exchange, but to none sooner, than to their Natural Lord the King of England, to whom they would rather sell that Castle, thereby to obtain a Pardon: But if he should refuse to buy it, then they would sell it to the French King or to Him, that would offer most for it.

The Earl being thus mocked went away, and the King of England soon after bought it in∣deed, giving unto John Lancaster and his Fellow-Adventurers a Competent Summ, which they demanded, and also their Pardon for Refusing to obey his Letters so wise∣ly to his Advantage. For it was a place always much desired by King Edward, as the best Neighbour to Calais, if in his hands, and the worst if not.

VII. Hereupon King John charging him with Breaking the Truce, he replied as we intimated before,

That there was no one Article in the Truce, which prohibiteth Trafficking together, or the Entercourse of Buying and Selling.

These are the two Accounts of the Taking of this strong Fortress, either of which the Reader may prefer at his Discretion; thô indeed the French Writers do mostly agree, that it was sold by a Frenchman, the Captain thereof, who afterwards received the Reward of his Treason.

However when King John and his Council saw, r 7.90 that by no means they could pre∣vail to have it restored, they advised to build another like unto it, for a Bridle to that, and a Defence of the Country thereabouts, and accordingly they sent the Lord Geoffry Charny, somewhile since redeemed out of England, with Authority to build and fortifie, as presently we shall declare.

Now as you travel from Guisnes to Calais, there was then to be seen on your Left hand, almost within Shot of the Town of Guisnes, a Monastery called la Bastie, of good strong Building, but decayed with Age, wherein was a Church, certain Nuns residing there at that time; upon which Account the English had hitherto spared it in Devotion. This

place might easily be made Defensible, for it had very high Walls like a Castle, and a large and strong Steeple for a Tower; and lying in a Marish Ground, might with small Labour be environ'd with a Ditch of great Depth and Breadth. Wherefore about s 7.91 Whitsuntide Sr. Geoffry Charny aforesaid came with 20000 Men, and began to lay Siege to Guisnes, at the same time turning the Nuns away, and making a Castle of the Church, and fencing the Walls with a Ditch and Rampire. For at that time of the Year, the Waters being very low, his Men were at liberty to work more freely in the Marish. Now the English in Guisnes being thus besieged, were not able to go abroad, but in their Boats, because the Ditches were full of Water, and the Marish unpassable, and all the usual Avenues stopt up by the French: Neither were the Calisians as yet able to Victual them for the same Reasons; and especially because of the Siege, and the strong Army at la Bastie. Yet often the Besieged would appear before the Town with their Arrows and Warlike Engines, playing upon the Besiegers; but they did no great Execution, the Aim being uncertain at that distance, and the Reach for the most part too short. However one Day by secret Appointment, the Calisians being joyn'd with those of Oye, Marque and Hames on the one hand, and those of the Garrison of Guisnes on the other, set all together at one time upon their Enemies unawares with much Bravery, and took some, slew many and chased more; so that the Siege being wholly raised, they all together set upon la Bastie, burnt it up, dismantled it of its Walls, and levell'd all to the Ground. And thus was Guisnes secured to the English; thô the French made huge Clamours thereupon, how the Truce was first broken by the English.

VIII. This same Whitsuntide King Edward kept in great Splendor at Westminster, being accompanied with the Chief of his Nobility, and those of France and Scotland, that were Prisoners: During which t 7.92 Solemnity the Lord Edmund, younger Brother to Richard Fitz-Alan Earl of Arundel, was Knighted by the King, together with 300 more young Gentlemen. At which time u 7.93 also the Lord Charles of Blois, who had been Prisoner in England above four Years, by means of Queen Philippa, whose Kins∣man he was, obtained leave to go into France to procure his Ransom, his two Sons Sr. John and Sr. Guy remaining still behind, as Hostages for the Payment; he being by Oath obliged not to bear Arms against England, till he had paid the Money. Thô one x 7.94 says, that having obtain'd Leave upon Security given, to divert himself in the Island of Jarsey, when by walking about frequently, he had sufficiently observed the Weakness of the Country, he came some Months afterwards suddenly upon them with 300 Men of Arms, and put all he found to the Sword, like a perfidious and Disloyal Knight, and so took possession of the Place himself.

IX. The Lord Guy de Nesle Marshal of France, being now at Liberty again, to re∣pair the Loss he suffer'd in April, raises a considerable Army in Bretagne, where about the Middle of August (viz. on the 15 Day) 1352, y 7.95 he was again valiantly encoun∣tred by Sr. Walter Bentley, Sr. Robert Knolles, and other English Captains near Mau∣ron between Rennes and Ploermel: Where after a long and doubtfull Fight, the Eng∣lish being but 300 Men of Arms, and 600 Archers, the Frenchmen, thô above Four times their Number, were utterly discomfited, slain and taken. For there fell Guy of Nesle himself; who was Lord of Oysemont and Marshal of France, together with the Lord of St. Quintin, the Lord of Briquebec, the Lord of Courtenay, the Chastellain of Beauvais, the Lord of Rugemont, the Lord of Montauban, the Lord de l'Aunay, the Lord of Mont de Bayeux, the Lord de L'Aigle, the Lord de Villebon, the Lord de la Marche, the Lord de le Chastelet, Thirteen Lords in all, besides an 140 Knights, and of Batchelours 500, whose Coat Armours were brought away: But the Common-Souldiers were not numbred. There were also taken Prisoners the Lord of Brusebeque, Son of the Lord Bertram, Sr. Tristram de Morlaix, the Lord of Malestroit, the Viscount of Cominges, Sr. Geoffry de Gray, Sr. William de la Val, Sr. Charles Darcheville, Sr. John de Brou, and other Lords and Knights Batchelours, to the number of 130. This Army of the French and Bretons, under the Conduct of the said Marshal, had been so order'd by him, that having a steep Mountain behind at their Backs, they might be enfor∣ced to stand to it resolutely by despairing to fly. One z 7.96 says, that no less than 45 Knights of the Star were slain in this Battle; but the Number of those Knights, who were cre∣ated the last Year being but 18, 'tis hardly credible, that already the Order should be so mightily overstockt; wherefore we pass this by as an Errour. However there were many Valiant and Noble Leaders on the French Part, and their Array was so dreadfull, that it dismayed the Hearts of several Englishmen, so that they began to flee: But the Coura∣gious Sr. Walter Bentley, Lieutenant of Bretagne at that time for the King of England,

would not flinch a Foot, but oppos'd good Conduct and indefatigable Resolution to the fury of his Enemies, till after a bloody Fight (wherein hardly one of the English escaped unhurt, and Sr. Walter himself was grievously, thô not mortally wounded) by the Grace of God he obtain'd a famous Victory. After which in a Court Martial he condemned thirty Archers to be hang'd, because they forsook him and fled in the Heat of Battle, to the hazard of all his Company. This was a considerable Blow to France, and a Loss not in many Years to be repaired; althô in the room of Guy de Nesle there succeeded the Lord of Beaujeu, a most Worthy Captain, in the Office of Marshal of France.

X. As for the Affairs of Gascogne, King Edward at this time a 7.97 constituted the Lord Ralph Earl of Stafford his Lieutenant, and Captain General in those parts, with spe∣cial Commission to Treat with any persons of what Nation soever, upon terms of yield∣ing aid to the King, and receiving mutual assistance from him. In which service of the Lieutenancy of Aquitain, he was now retained by Indenture, bearing Date 3^tio Martii 1352 to continue with an 100 Men of Arms, and an 100 Archers on Horseback, all of his own proper Retinue, till Michaelmas next ensuing. And from that time for∣wards to have an additional Number of 100 Men at Arms, and 200 Archers on Horseback, provided at the Kings Charge, during his stay in those parts: The King likewise indenting further with him, to send by way of supply (under the Conduct of the Duke of Lancaster, or one of the Earls, either of Northampton, Arundel, War∣wick, or Huntington) 300 Men of Arms more, and 700 Archers. At which time the said Earl of Stafford constituted Sr. James Pipe, then Seneschal of Aquitain, Gover∣nour of Blaye, scituate in the Enemies Quarters on the other side the Garonne. But the mean while in respect of this his necessitated Absence from England, he obtained of the King a special Precept to the Judges of the Kings Bench, that they should not in any of their Sessions, within the County of Essex, intermeddle with his Liberties. And while he was preparing for this Expedition, he had an Assignation of the Town of Hackney, in the County of Middlesex, for the quartering of his Men and Horses: Sixty Men with Lances being among others, impressed for that service out of his Lord∣ships of Newport and Netherwent, in the Marches of Wales. And being in the be∣ginning of May, almost b 7.98 ready to take his journey into Gascogne, a Writ bearing Date 14 of May, was issued to Thomas Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick, Admiral towards the West, to arrest all Ships of 50 Tuns and upwards, for this Earl's passage thither, and to bring them to Sandwich by the c 7.99 Quindene of Trinity, or the 17 of June fol∣lowing. Being arrived safe in Gascogne, he presently after encountred a Great Body of Frenchmen, who came forth of their strong hold to meet him, of whom he had an entire Victory, slaying the greater part of them, and taking Prisoner that most valiant Gentleman d 7.100 Sr. — Gaudee (who afterwards being naturalized made his seat in Suffolk) and seven Knights of the Star; if this latter is not a mistake of kin to the former.

About this time there e 7.101 died in the parts of Gascogne, on the Tuesday next after the Feast of St. Michael the Archangel, Sr. Thomas Wale, Knight of the most Noble Order of the Garter, being a Person of great Worth and Vertue: So that of all the Stalls of the first Founders, his first became void; into which succeeded Reginald Lord Cobham of Sterborough. Sr. Thomas Wale bare for his Arms Argent a Cross Sable, and Sr. Reginald Cobham, Gules, Three Mullets Sable on a Cheveron Or.

XI. King f 7.102 Edward, understanding at this time, that the Brittish Seas were infested with Pirates, order'd seven Men of War to be fitted out, with certain Pinnaces to attend them: Of which Fleet Sr. Thomas Cook, and Sr. Richard Tottlesham were Admirals, who scoured the Seas about the Coasts of Picardy and Normandy, and at last return'd with safe∣ty and Honour.

This Year g 7.103 William of Bavaria, Son to Lewis, the late Emperour of Germany, and in his Mothers Right Earl of Hainalt, Holland, and Zealand, came into England, and Married by the Kings leave the Lady Mathilda, Eldest Daughter to Henry Duke of Lancaster, and Relict of Ralph, Eldest Son of Ralph Earl of Stafford, who dying three Years before, left her a Fair young Widow. This William was Duke of Bavaria, and Count Palatine of the Rhine, and lately upon his Mother, the Lady Margaret, her Death, Earl of Hainalt, &c. But about six Years after (upon what occasion is not known) h 7.104 he fell distracted, and slew a Knight with a blow of his Fist: Whereupon he was shut up under a good Guard in hopes of Recovery, his Brother Albert managing the Government in his stead, till about 19 Years after he died in that sad Condition, leaving no Issue by his Wife, who continued in a manner a Widow, during that long time of his Distraction.

XII. This mean while Henry the Great Duke of Lancaster, Father to the said Lady Mathilda, when he saw the Truce taken between the two Realms the last Year, being desirous to bestow what time was his own to the Honour of God, and the propagation of Religion, l 7.105 obtained the Kings Licence to take a journey into Prussia, there to fight against the Infidels. In which Licence the King granted, that in case he should depart this Life before his Return, his Executors should retain all his Castles, Lands, and Man∣nors in their Hands, till his Debts were discharged. Together with this Noble Prince went at the same time k 7.106 William Lord Ros of Hamlake, and several other Persons of Quality, but the said Lord Ros died this Year before his Return, in the 26 Year of his Age without Issue, leaving Thomas his Brother, Heir to his Great Inheritance, then but 14 Years of Age. The Duke of Lancaster passing thus towards the Holy Land with a gallant attendance of Valiant Knights and Gentlemen, was l 7.107 suddenly in High-Ger∣many, together with several of his Company, arrested, and obliged to lay down 300 Scutes of Gold for his Liberty: Which affront we shall shortly find how ill he re∣sented. But however for the present he proceeded on his journey, being honourably attended and convey'd from Country to Country, by the special Command of those Christian Princes, thrô whose Dominions he passed. But before he came into Prus∣sia, he heard, that a Truce for several Years had been already taken by the Chri∣stians and Pagans; whereat being much displeased he returned back again the same way.

In his return, m 7.108 being then at Cologne, a certain German Knight informed him, how the Duke of Brunswick was He, who had caused him to be so arrested, intending in favour of the King of France, to have him secured, and sent back unto the said King. Wherefore now he declared openly in the Cathedral of Cologne, in presence of the Mar∣quess of Juliers, and many other Nobles,

how basely Otho Duke of Brunswick had caused him to be arrested with design to hinder his Pious Pilgrimage, thô he had ne∣ver given him any the least occasion of Offence, as he knew, having no acquaintance with him, or knowledge of his Person. And he affirmed, that it did not become a Gentleman of Quality to deal so rudely with a Knight Stranger, who had never of∣fended him; and that in case he had a mind to meddle, he should find him ready to perform the part of a Souldier at any time.

Now when the Duke of Lancaster was safely return'd into England (as he did before Ascension-day this Year) these his Words were related in Order to the said Duke of Brunswick, who thereupon presently sent a Challenge to the Duke of Lancaster in this form.

Otho, by the Grace of God Duke of Brunswick, Lord of Thuringen, and Son to the Great Duke of Brunswick, unto the Excellent Prince and Noble Duke of Lan∣caster. Know You, that the Words, which You spake personally with your own proper Mouth, in the Chief Church of Cologne, by Name St. Peters, on the Friday next after Easter last past, before the Noble Prince, the Marquess of Juliers, and ma∣ny other Worshipfull Knights and Esquires, in the presence of the Citizens of the said City, unadvisedly, rashly, and shamefully, were false, and by no means true. Which things We will maintain by our own Body against your Body, as a true and Loyal Lord is bound and obliged to demonstrate against a rash, and false, and wicked Man. And this We will perform between the Castle of Guisnes, and St. Omers, or where else the King of France, our Lord, shall assign a place: For thither shall be brought a safe Conduct from the said King; lest We should prolong the Matter.

Dated, &c. This Challenge being brought into England to the Duke, unsealed, n 7.109 lest he might expose himself to scorn by giving too much Credit to such unauthentick Letters, he presently sent back unto Otho two Knights, to learn the truth of the Matter, and to demand thereupon his Letters Patents, sealed with his Seal of Arms. Upon the return of these Knights, with his Letters sealed, he obtained leave of the King, his Master, and wrote back, that by such a day he would not fail to meet him, and by the Grace of God to maintain his Words in his own proper Person, as Truth and Honour requi∣red. Accordingly having with much adoe obtained a safe Conduct from France, he furnished himself after his Quality, and went strait over to Calais with 50 Knights in his Company, and a gallant Retinue. At Guisnes the Lord John Clermont, Marshal of France, met him with a Noble Attendance of Men of Arms, in the o 7.110 Quindene be∣fore Christmas, and gave him an Honourable Reception, conducting him with much respect, as far as Hesdin. Where the Lord James of Bourbon, Count de la Marche, met him also with another Honourable Train of Gentlemen, and conducted him to Pa∣ris, with extream Civility. At his approach to Paris, he was thirdly, met by a very considerable Body of Lords, Knights, and Gentlemen of France, who came by King Johns special Command to do him Honour. There was then the greatest Number of Stran∣gers,

that e'r was known at Paris, to behold this Combat of two such Mighty Princes, all who in their several Capacities, gave due Honour to the Duke of Lancaster; and King John himself immediately upon his Arrival sent for him to his Palace, where he gave him a Princely Reception. But above all, his Kinsman p 7.111 Charles the young King of Navarre, shew'd him a very high Regard, and Menaged his Affairs with great diligence and applica∣tion. Before the day of Battle there was much agitation to reconcile these two great Enemies; but all overtures were ineffectual; the English Duke maintaining the Truth and Reason of his Words, and the Almain utterly denying the whole Accusation. Where∣fore on the day appointed, the Lists were ranged out in a Field, called q 7.112 le Pré aux Clercs, the two Combatants were brought into the place, and the King of France with his Prime Nobility, and an Infinite Number of People were present as spectators. All things be∣ing ready, the two Knights, having (as the Custom of Duellists in those Days was) ta∣ken their several Oaths on the r 7.113 Corporall, that their cause was just, and that they had no Charms about them, and so began to address themselves to the Combat. The Duke of Brunswick bore in his shield s 7.114 Gules, Two Lions Passant, Guardant Or; and the Duke of Lancaster, Gules Three Lions Passant, Guardant Or (being the Arms of England) with a Three-pointed Labell of France.

Now 'tis said, that till now You could hardly find a more fierce or comely Man at Arms, than the Duke of Brunswick, nor one that promised better: But presently, as soon as he had taken his Oath, his countenance changed and grew pale, as Death; whereby most People thought his quarrel was not so good, as he pretended. He took his Horse with a sad and ill-boading Countenance, and as many spectators avouched, had none of his former briskness and vigour remaining, insomuch that he bare himself very awkwardly in handling his Arms, and twice or thrice let fall his shield in receiving it. But the Noble Duke of Lancaster sat ready Mounted with his Spear upright, and his shield on his Arm, in a decent and couragious manner, with a sedate and resolute Coun∣tenance, expecting to cope with his Adversary, like a Knight, who had Truth and Honour on his side; so that all Men applauded his steady and gallant Behaviour. Wherefore the Duke of Brunswick by advice of his Friends, submitted his quarrel to the judgement of the King of France, and proffer'd to withdraw his Challenge. But the Duke of Lancaster absolutely refused to forsake the Combat, saying,

How that before he had entred the Lists, perhaps he might have been perswaded to an agreement, but now that he was already Mounted and prepared before the King and his Nobles, and such an extraordinary Confluence of People, to defend the Justice of his Cause, it would be an high Reflection both on himself, and the English Nation, if now he should depart the Lists without performing, what Truth and Equity did require: Where∣fore he said, he would not leave the Field for any Treaty or Composition whatsoever without Battle; so as to derive the least umbrage of a suspicion upon his Honour, Blood, and Quality; whereby either Himself, the King his Master, or his Country might suffer the least flaw in their Reputation: Otherwise he would receive what E∣vent or Fortune the Grace of God would allot him.

Upon this the Duke of Brunswick, as a Man Conquered, utterly renounced the Quarrel, and refus'd the Combat, without any reservation of his Honour, wholly submitting himself to the award and disposal of the King of France, to the great Glory of the Duke of Lancaster. The Duke of Brunswick was generally more acceptable to the King and Court of France, as who was much their Friend; but however the Duke of Lancaster was not without his Interests among so many Honourable Persons, who respected him, thô an Enemy, for his many Heroick Vertues and High Birth. Among these his Counsellours and Abetters, who stuck close to him at this time, were the foremention'd Charles King of Navarre his Kinsman, and Giles his Fathers Brother, the Earl of Ponthieu, the Earl of Flanders, the Earl of Tancarville, the Earl of Saltzbourg, the Lord John Clermont Marshal of France, the Lord James of Bourbon, the Lord Lewis of Navarre, the Lord Lewis Earl of Harcourt, the Lord John de Chastillon, and the Lord Walter his Son, with many more. These Persons so wrought with the Duke of Lancaster, that upon Duke Otho's absolute renunciation of the Quar∣rel, he was content to go last out of the Field: After which the King at a great Feast, by the help of his Nobles, partakers on both sides, reconciled these two Dukes, and took up the Quarrel between them for ever. The next day he led the Duke of Lancaster a∣bout his Palace, shewing him many notable and Rich Jewels, of all which he offer'd him the choice: But he for his part desired only one Thorn out of the Crown of our Saviour, which he brought away, and afterwards gave, as a Relick to his Collegiate Church of our Lady, founded by himself, near the Castle of Leicester. The third Day after, he took leave of the French King and Court, and return'd home into England unto the King,

who was then at St. Albans, where he kept his Christmas at that time, and received him with great Grace and Favour.

XIII. This pious Heroe, who at last by his Religious and Noble Carriage obtained to be called the t 7.115 Good Duke of Lancaster; out of his devout Respect to the Canons of his Collegiate Church at Leicester, permitted u 7.116 them this Year to enclose their Woods, and stored them with Deer out of his own Parks; and likewise interceded personally with the Pope, for Appropriating the Churches of Humberston and Hungerton to the said Abbey. About which time x 7.117 he received special Command from the King, to keep a strict Guard upon the Sea-coasts of Lancashire, and to arm all those 40 Lanciers, which were then raised in his Territories of Monmouth, Grosmont, Whitcastle, Kede∣••y, Karwathelan and Iskennin for the publick Service. For there came into y 7.118 England a prevailing Rumour, that the French King had provided an Army and Navy to invade the Land; wherefore now, besides the Maritime Parts of Lancashire aforemention'd, the King committed all the Sea-Coasts of Dorset, Somersetshire, Wilishire and Hant∣shire unto this powerfull Duke to secure, and to resist the Enemy. At the same time among others, Thomas z 7.119 Beauchamp Earl of Warwick, was one of the Commissioners assign'd by the King for the Arraying all sorts of Men able for the War, as well Knights and Esquires, as Others within the Counties of Warwick, Leicester and Worcester. As also a 7.120 Thomas Lord Musgrave, and Thomas Lord Lucy, were Commissioners for the like purpose in the County of Westmorland, Sr. John b 7.121 Kirketon of Kirketon in Hol∣land in Lincolnshire, and Sr. John c 7.122 Willoughby of Eresby, two noble Barons of the Realm, being constituted Commissioners of Array in the said County; as others were in other places for the Defence of the Realm against the French, then threatning an Invasion: Though this Threat, like a great many more of theirs came to no∣thing.

The Earl of Warwick d 7.123 aforesaid recover'd about this time the Dominion of Gower∣land in Wales, from John Lord Moubray, whose Title thereto accrued by the Lady A∣liva his Mother, Daughter and Heiress to William Lord Braose: Which Lordship King John in the Fourth Year of his Reign had wrongfully given to William de Braose, whilst Henry Son of Waleran Newburgh Earl of Warwick (Ancestor to this Thomas Beauchamp now Earl) was in his Minority: But till now it could not be recover'd for the Right Owner, thô e 7.124 Roger (Predecessor to the said Waleran, who lived in the Days of King Stephen, was reputed to have been the Conquerour of Gowerland: On which Account his Posterity had enjoyed it, untill the said Fourth Year of King John.

XIV. This Year f 7.125 Pope Clement VI, after he had sat in the Pontifical Chair ten Years and seven Months, wanting a Day, departed this Life in his Palace at Avignon on the 6^th of December, being as was thought poisoned. In whose stead upon the 18 of the said Month was chosen Stephen Albert, a Limousin by Birth, Priest-Cardinal Ti∣tulo SS. Joannis & Pauli, and then Bishop of Ostia; he took upon him the Name of Innocent, being the VI of that Name, and was Crowned with the Papal Mitre on the 30 Day of the same Month, the day after which he wrote his Letters Encyclical bearing Date 11 Kal. Januarii An^o Pontif. I. But of his partiality towards his own Nati∣on of France our Historians do not unjustly complain.

This very Month there departed out of this World the Hopefull Young Prince, John Plantagenet Earl of Kent, Son to Edmund of Woodstock, King Edwards Uncle, who had lately taken to Wise the young Lady Elizabeth, Daughter to the Marquess of Juliers, but died now without Issue as we have said. So that his Sister Joan, commonly called the Fair Maid of Kent, being at that time g 7.126 24 Years old, and the Wife of the Lord Thomas Holland, was found his next Heir; and in her Right the said Sr. Tho∣mas became Earl of Kent.

It is remembred, h 7.127 that two Fishmongers were this Year beheaded at the Standard in Cheap-Side London, thô their Offence is not recorded: Wherefore I only mention it to shew, how more mild and humane, thô withall seldome, the Executions were under this Prince's Government, in comparison of those Butcherly Dismembrings used during the Reign of King Philip of Valois, his Adversary.

CHAPTER the TVVELFTH. * 7.128

The CONTENTS.

I. A hard Winter, Storms, Drought and Dearth. II. A Riot in Chester: The Black-Prince's Munisicence. III. King Edward founds a College at Westminster. IV. A Treaty with Scotland. V. A Treaty and Truce with France. VI. A Parliament, with the Names of the Lords summon'd thereto, &c. VII. Another Parliament, wherein Roger Mortimer and Richard Fitz-Alan were fully restored. VIII. A Treaty at Avignon, which begets a short Truce. IX. The Foundation of Trinity Hall in Cam∣bridge. X. A Quarrel between the Town and Ʋniversity of Oxford. XI. Two Fry∣ers burnt at Avignon: A Third recants at Paris.

I. THIS Year a 7.129 began with a terrible, long, hard and cold Winter, which en∣dured with extream Rigour from the 6 of December till the 12 of March, and was succeeded by a furious Hurricane or Tempest of Wind, the like whereof had not been seen in England: For it tore up the Coverings and Leads of Churches, overthrew Mills, and Walls and Trees to the ground, and did exceeding much Mischief in sundry places. Besides which there happen'd an unusual Drought, b 7.130 so that from March to July little or no Moisture fell upon the Earth: Wherefore all manner of Seeds being corrupted, there ensued a great Dearth of Corn, and other Grain and Fruits. Insomuch that England, which was always before suffici∣ent for it self, was now fain to seek Assistance from other Countries. Which thing be∣ing known to William of Bavaria Earl of Hainalt, Holland and Zealand, and Son in Law to Henry Duke of Lancaster, out of his hearty Love to the English Nation, he sent several Ships laden with fine Wheat to London, to the great refreshment of the People. And soon c 7.131 after were brought great Quantities of Corn from Ireland, which being distributed to several Port-Towns and Mercate-places of the Land, was a timely Asswagement of the Dearth, and a kind Relief to the poor People especially. And then also by some means or other, d 7.132 there was a general Scarcity of Minerals, as Iron, Lead, Brass, and many other Commodities.

II. About this time e 7.133 the Cheshire-men had committed some great Insolence or Riot against the Servants of the Prince of Wales (on what Occasion I have not found) which were Officers under the Prince, as he was Duke of Chester. Wherefore the King being extreamly incensed against them, and resolving to make them submit to Law or to the Sword, sends forth Sr. Richard Willoughby and Sr. William Shareshull, his Justices Itinerant to sit in Eyre at Chester. At the same time ordering sufficient For∣ces under the Leading of his Son the Prince, attended with Henry Duke of Lanca∣ster, and the Earls of Warwick and Stafford, to go thither to prevent any Violence or Insurrection of the People. But when the Cheshire men knew in their Consciences, that they were in fault, and saw plainly, there was as little Contending in Battle as in Law, against such Force and such Right, they compounded with the Prince of Wales their Lord, for 5060 Marks, to be paid within four Years thence to come, and gave him such Security as the Prince himself desired, on Condition, that the Justices should no longer continue their Circuit of Eyre upon them. However because they would not according to their Duty submit to, but capitulate with their Prince, when they thought themselves quit and wholly free, the Justices came and sat again upon the Inquisition of Traillebaston, and leavied vast Summs of Money, and seised many Lands and Tenements into the Hands of the Prince, and raised Fines without number. Af∣ter which the Prince passing upon his return thrô the Abby of f 7.134 Vale-Royal, and see∣ing there a wonderfull Structure of the Fabrick of a Church, which the good King Ed∣ward his Great Grandfather had begun, of his meer Princely Good-will gave toward the Promotion of the said pious Work 500 Marks, which Summ was esteemed a Tenth of his whole Perquisits in Cheshire.

III. About which time the King g 7.135 his Father also converted the Chappel of St. Stephen at Westminster (founded by his Royal Progenitors) into a College, consisting of 38 Persons to serve God, namely one Dean, Twelve Secular Canons, Vicars and o∣ther

Ministers accordingly, and endowed it with Revenues to the Summ of 500 l. per Annum for ever. For the use of this Chappel, thô out of the Palace Court, some di∣stance Westward, in a little Sanctuary, he also raised a mighty strong Bellfry or Steeple of Stone and Timber, covered with Lead, and placed therein three Great Bells, which afterward were usually rung at Coronations, Triumphs, Funerals of Princes, or their Obits. Of which Bells Men fabled, that their Ringing sowred all the Drink in the Town; and it is said, that about the Biggest of the Three, there were written these Rhymes:

King Edward made me Thirty Thousand and Three; Take me down and weigh me, And more shall ye find me.

However when these Bells were taken down, as they have been long since, they were found all Three hardly to weigh Twenty Thousand Pound.

IV. We spake h 7.136 before, how the King of Scotland had liberty to return home from his Captivity in order to discourse with his Lords about his Ransom; and that being not able to come to any Conclusion, he rendred himself a Prisoner again; Now it is to be consider'd, that the Scots were not at all backward to redeem their King; but that the Demands of King Edward were such as their free Souls could never brook, for he would have them do Homage unto him, as King David himself had sworn to do, and as the Kings of Scotland before-time were accustomed to do. But the Scots an∣swered all with one Heart and Voice,

How as for their King they were willing and ready to redeem his Person at any Rate: Except only by submitting themselves un∣to the King of England; for that they would never do.

Whereupon King David for that time, as we observed, returned his Body back again to Prison in the Tower of London. But now this Year again by King Edwards leave, he resolved to try them once more in Person, and having given a like Security, went as before to Newcastle upon Tyne, where he was met by such Scotch Lords as were thereto appointed, in order to treat of a Final Peace between the two Realms; and also of his Redemption. But here as the Scottish Commissioners held still to their old Obstinacy, so that King David was fain to upbraid them thereof, and check them something roughly,

That bearing a Mind too high for the present Condition of Affairs, they were too unreasonably stiff; when both for his Sake, and that of their bleeding Country, they ought rather to bend and shew a little Complyance for the present;

the Debate grew hereupon so high, that the Scots threatned to renounce both Him and his Authority, unless he would wholly fall off from the Thoughts of paying any Submission to England, and forbear to listen any longer to their Counsel. And they further added,

That they would neither redeem him, nor any way promote his Redemption, unless he would first engage to pardon them all sorts of Quarrels, and Grievances, and all Offences by them done or committed, since the time that he was taken at Durham: Otherwise they threatned to set up another King over them.

King Edward and his Council, upon this Backwardness of the Scots to close with them, resolved, that the Lords of the North should enter Scotland, under the Leading of the Earl of Northampton, and that all those, who claim'd any Lands or Inheritance in Scotland, should accompany the said Earl, together with King. David into that Kingdom, by Force to reduce the Scots to a more reasonable Submission.

Accordingly i 7.137 the Earl of Northampton with King David in his Company, and a formidable Power of Men of Arms and Archers, entred the Marches of Scotland, where he obliged the strong Fortress of Loughmaban, and several other Places of Strength to yield unto him, and took, and slew, and dissipated all the close Ambushes of the sub∣tle Scots, who not being able to check him in plain Field, attempted by these Fine∣nesses to gain some notable Advantage of him: But this Lord was too expert a Cap∣tain, to be trepan'd by those usual and well-known Stratagems. Whereupon they were now again compell'd to endeavour an Accommodation, and at last obtained an Hearing in order to a Treaty; at which time they declared,

How they were most wil∣ling to redeem their King, but not on that Condition, as thereby to fling both Him and Them, and all their Posterity into a far worse Captivity, by Subjecting their Na∣tive Country to be held by Homage of England. Wherefore they heartily desired the King of England and his Council to consider of it, and to propose unto them such Conditions as they might accept, and not demand of them things so inconsistent and impossible, and which appeared unto them far worse than Death.

This Request

being but reasonable was back'd with a Truce; and thus Matters rested for a while in those Parts.

V. Now k 7.138 Pope Innocent the VI, being newly settled in the Pontifical Chair, when he saw Matters tending towards a Rupture between the two Realms of England and France, interposed his Endeavours to make up the Breach, and sent l 7.139 Guy Bishop of Porto, and Cardinal of Bologna, in his Name to promote the Treaty of a Final Peace, in Order to which he empower'd him by his Papal Letters, the Tenour whereof followeth.

INNOCENT, the Servant of the Servants of God, to his Venerable Brother, Guy Bishop of Porto, &c. Among other things, which by the Office of our Aposto∣lick Service are incumbent on Us, this We especially desire, that between our Most Dear Sons in Christ, the Illustrious Kings, John of France, and Edward of England, the Fewel of Dissention being withdrawn, Peace and Concord may be reformed, Tranquillity may flourish, the happiness of Quiet may abound, and a Pacifick State may continue. Considering therefore, that You, who as an earnest Well-Wisher to the Premises, have at our Good Pleasure gone to the Parts of France, and there Per∣sonally tarry, do zealously interpose Your Diligence to the Reformation of the said Peace and Concord; desiring also, that (if by his Grace, who is the Author of Health and Peace, Your Intention being as to the Premises conformable to ours, may ob∣tain a desired effect) those things, which shall be done, may be firmly Ratified; We grant unto your Brotherhood (of whom in this and other things We have full Confidence in the Lord) by the Apostolical Authority, by Vertue of these Presents, full and free Power, of Confirming, approving, and Ratifying, by the Authority a∣foresaid, the Treaties and Conventions of the said Peace and Concord between the said Kings, and also the Princes, Lords, Great Men, Aiders and Followers of them and their Adherents; nevertheless, after that the said Treaties and Conventions shall by Gods assistance be finished, and by the said Kings, and others aforesaid, freely received and approved, of receiving from them and every of them, Covenants, Oaths, and Submissions, for the entire observation of the said Treaties and Conven∣tions; and of restraining the Contradictions by Ecclesiastical Censure, without any Ap∣peal; notwithstanding, if to them, or any of them, either together, or severally, it hath been granted by the Apostolick See, that they should not be interdicted, suspended, or excommunicated by Apostolick Letters, making full and express men∣tion, and Word by Word of such a Grant.

Dated at Villeneufe, of the Dioecese of Avignon III Id. Maii, An^o. Pontif. 1^mo. Besides this Cardinal, Pope Innocent m 7.140 sent several other Prelates to both the Kings, in Order to bring this Peace to its Perfection. So that at n 7.141 last it was agreed,

That the King of England should re∣sign, acquit, and renounce all the Right he had, or claimed to the Crown of France, transferring it entirely to the French King and his Heirs; in Consideration whereof, He the said King of England should receive, and enjoy the whole Dukedom of A∣quitain, with the City of Calais, and the whole Counties of Artois, and of Guis∣nes, for Himself and his Successors, Kings of England, without ever doing any Ho∣mage, or making any acknowledgement for the same to the Kings of France, or without holding them in any subordinate Manner, otherwise, than he held the Crown of England it self, namely of God alone.

To these Conditions, thus agreed on, King Edward yielded his Consent, and for a firm Conclusion of the Premises, Ambas∣sadors were sent as well from him, as from the French King, to the Court of Rome then at Avignon: A Truce being taken the mean while to be kept in England, France, Gascogne, and Bretagne, till Easter next ensuing, during which time it was ho∣ped, a full and final Peace would be established. But we shall defer the Prosecution of that Matter to its proper Place, and speak of what happen'd at home before the Truce was in any forwardness.

VI. On the 15 of July, o 7.142 King Edward sent forth his Writs of Summons to his Lords, to meet him in Parliament at Westminster, on the * 7.143 Monday after the Feast of St. Matthew, or the 23^d of September following, these being the Names of those to whom the Writs were directed.

• Edward Prince of Wales.
• Henry Duke of Lancaster.
• William Bohun Earl of Northampton.
• Humphry Bohun Earl of Hereford and Essex.
• Hugh Courtney Earl of Devonshire.
• William Clinton Earl of Huntington.
• Richard Fitz-Alan Earl of Arundel.
• Thomas Beauchamp Earl of Warwick.
• John Vere Earl of Oxford.
• Gilbert Ʋmphraville Earl of Angos.

• Robert Hufford Earl of Suffolk.
• William Montague Earl of Salisbury.
• Ralph Stafford Earl of Stafford.
• John Lord Mowbray.
• Henry Lord Piercy.
• Ralph Lord Neville.
• Richard Lord Talbot.
• Robert Lord Morley.
• Walter Lord Manny.
• William Lord Hunting field.
• Thomas Lord Berkley.
• Thomas Lord Lucy.
• Peter Lord Morley the Fifth.
• Reginald Lord Cobham.
• Reginald Lord Grey.
• John Lord Willoughby of Eresby.
• Roger Lord Chandos.
• John Lord Charleton.
• William Lord Zouch of Harringworth.
• John Lord Bardolph.
• William Lord Deincourt.
• John Lord Tibetot.
• John Lord Fitz-Walter.
• Walter Lord Fauconbridge.
• William Lord Greystock.
• William Lord Dacres.
• Thomas Lord Musgrave.
• Thomas Lord Bradestan.
• John Lord Grey of Rotherfield.
• John Lord Grey of Codonore.
• John Lord Darcy of Knayth.
• Roger Lord Mortimer of Wigmore.
• Robert Lord Colvile.
• Bartholomew Lord Burwash Senior.
• Guy Lord Brian.
• Nicolas Lord Seimour.
• Geoffry Lord Say.
• Michael Lord Poynz.
• John Lord Beauchamp of Somerset.
• John Lord Beauchamp of Warwickshire.
• William Lord Ferrers.
• John Lord Lisle of Rugemont.
• Nicolas Lord Cantilupe.
• John Lord Furnival.
• Nicolas Lord Burnel.
• Edward Lord Montague.
• Thomas Lord Ʋghtred.
• Robert Lord Scales.
• Henry Lord Scroop.
• John Lord Cobham.
• Thomas Lord Braose.
• James Lord Audley.
• Thomas Lord Holland.
• Bartholomew Lord Burwash Junior, Warden of the Cinque-Ports.

On the p 7.144 Monday aforesaid the Parliament being met, Proclamation was made in West∣minster-Hall, that the Three-Estates warned thereto, might take their ease from Wednesday until Friday then ensuing. On which Friday Sr. William Shareshull the Lord Chief Justice, shew'd, that the Assembly was called, for that the Staple should be removed from be∣yond the Seas, and appointed within the Realm. But for that we shall refer the Reader to the Statute of the Staple, in the Statute-Book, because it agreeth exactly with the Record, containing 28 Chapters. The Seventh day of October, Sr. Bartholomew Bur∣wash the Kings Chamberlain, in the Presence of the King, Lords, and Commons, sheweth how the King had attempted and pursued War against the French, without Charging of the Commons. And to end the same he had made great means to the Pope, but that since he could not obtain any good end of the War, he now required the Com∣mons to grant him the Subsidy of Wooll, who thereupon by whole assent, granted him the same for Three Years.

The Print against Provisors, that sue to the Court of Rome, c. 1. agreeth with the Record; the Print that all Suggestions shall be put into Pardons c. 2. agreeth with the Re∣cord: The Print, that Justices of the Peace should look after Victuallers c. 3. agreeth with the Record. But the Statute of Wines in the Print c. 5, 6, 7, and 8. is not in the Roll, nor in the Printed Calendar of Parliaments.

The Commons Petitions are as followeth, viz.

That the King would revoke the Office of Alnage, and take three pence of every Cloth. Let the Commons talk with the Chancellour and Treasurer, to the end good Recompence be made for the said Alnage. That the Subsidies and other Aids granted, may be employed only in the Wars. It pleaseth the King. That the Coin may be reduced into old Sterling. It was an∣swer'd the last Parliament. That the Staple may be appointed at Worcester, Not∣tingham, Hull, St. Botolphs, Stamford, Lyn, Ipswich, and Canterbury. One shall be at Canterbury, and that only in Honour of St. Thomas. That the Lords and Commons may by Easter following, appoint out three Sorts of Wolls, which shall then Commence. The King will be advised. That the outragious Fines taken by Sr. John Molins, and such other Commissioners may be remedied. Ʋpon Complaint Re∣dress shall be had.

It is Enacted, that all the Articles of the Staple shall be proclaimed throughout the Realm, and confirmed at the next Parliament.

VII. Thus this Year ended, and on the 15 of March following King Edward sent

forth his Writs of Summons to his Barons, to meet him in Parliament on the Monday after St. Mark the Evangelist, or the 28 of April.

On the q 7.145 Monday aforesaid, the Lord Chief Justice Sr. William Shareshull in the Painted Chamber made open Proclamation before the King, Lords and Commons, that the Parliament was called for three Causes; First, For the Establishing the Staple with∣in the Realm, and for Confirmation of the Ordinances made at the last Great Coun∣cil: Secondly, How they might treat of a Peace with France; for that by War the King saw his Subjects greatly wasted; and Thirdly, For Receiving of Petitions, and re∣dress of Enormities, all which without a Parliament could not be effectually ended. Here Roger Mortimer Lord of Wigmore, being Grandchild to the old Roger Mortimer, Earl of March, who had been executed for Treason r 7.146 twenty three Years before, had such favour, as s 7.147 upon his Petition, to obtain a Reversal of the Judgment given against his Grandfather aforesaid, as erroneous and utterly void; for that he that said Earl was put to Death against Law, having never been called to open Answer before his Peers: Whereupon this said Roger from thence forward bare the Title of Earl of March, and had again Restitution of the Castles and Lordships of Blenleveny and Bulkedinas, whereof his Grandfather died seised; as also all his other Lands, which upon that For∣feiture coming to the Crown, had been bestowed on William Lord Montagu and O∣thers. But the Charter of his Restitution t 7.148 bears a later Date, viz. on the 19 of No∣vemb. Anno Regni 29. 1355.

In u 7.149 like manner Richard Fitz-Alan Earl of Arundel upon his humble Petition, where∣in he remonstrated, that Edmund Earl of Arundel his Father had been unjustly put to Death, was thereupon, as Heir unto him, fully restored: And because the Death of his Father had been occasion'd by the means of Roger Mortimer Grandfather to the foresaid Roger Earl of March, to prevent all further Heart-burnings between the two Families, it was now x 7.150 by Indenture made betwixt this Earl Richard, and the said Earl Roger agreed, that Edmund Son and Heir to the said Richard, should take to Wise Alice the Daughter of the said Roger, and that she should have Three Thousand Marks for her Portion, viz. one Thousand at the Sealing of that Agreement, upon their Marriage at her Seventh Year of Age one Thousand more, and at her accomplishing the Age of Thirteen, the remaining Thousand.

Now before this, as we have already observed, the King in Council resolved to withdraw the Mart or Staple of Woolls from the Towns of Flanders, because that People, thô they received much Advantage thereby, had not kept true Touch with him; and accordingly he commanded the same to be kept at y 7.151 Westminster, Chichester, Lincoln, Bristow, Canterbury, Hull and other Places: In pursuance of which wholsom Device it was z 7.152 now Enacted, that all the Ordinances made in the last Great Council assembled at Westminster, touching the Staple, be confirmed to continue for ever. It is Enacted, that the Justices of the Peace shall be of the Best in every County, that upon the Displacing of any of them, others be placed at the Nomination of the Knights of the same County; that they sit four times at least every Year: That none be dis∣placed without the Kings Special Commandment, or Testimony of their Fellows. It is Enacted, that no Purveyor, being arrested for any Misdemeanour shall have any Privy-Seal, to cause such as arrested him to come before the Council to answer the King, but have his Remedy at the Common Law.

The Commons Petitions with the Kings Answers thereto, were these; That the Surplus∣age of the Fines of the Statute of Labourers may be entirely distributed among the Poor of the whole County, and not to poor Towns only. It shall be parted among the poor Towns only. That the Writ of Estreat may lie in every Action, where the Party shall recover Dammages of Estreats after the Writ purchased. The old Law shall be conti∣nued. That Remedy may be had in such Cases, where the King receiveth the Profits of the Wards Lands, as well of Soccage, as otherwise, where no part of the same is hol∣den of him. The Law heretofore used shall continue. That it may be order'd, whe∣ther the Tenants of such as hold by Barony, and are summoned to Parliament, shall contribute to the payment of Knights Fees coming to the Parliament. As heretofore, so the same shall be. That present Pay be made of all Purveyances, being under twenty Shillings, and of greater within one Quarter of a Year, and that Purveyance be made without Malice. It is good to make Payment accordingly to the first Point, and to re∣dress the second. That all Sheriffs be charged to make present Payment for all Purvey∣ances for Calais. The Demand is reasonable. That any one attainted upon a Writ of Oyer and Terminer, may bring his Attaint, a 7.153 hanging his Suit against the other. The Lords will not alter the Order of the Law. That the Lords, Marchers of Wales, do suf∣fer

no Distresses to be made on any English Man coming into Wales, for any other Mans Debts, if he be no Debter, Trespasser, or Surety. As heretofore, so the Law shall be. That no Inquest upon Conspiracy, Confederacy, Maintenance, or such like be re∣turned, but by the Sheriff, of the most lawfull Men, and nighest in that part of the Country, where such Acts are laid; that all Evidences therein be given openly at the Bar, and that no Man speak with the Jury after they depart therefrom. This last Pe∣tition was Enacted. That the King b 7.154 will appoint a Time when the Coin shall be made Finer. With Opportunity the King meaneth the same. That the King have the Forfei∣tures of his Widows Dowagers; but not of such as hold joyntly with their Husbands. The old Law shall stand. That the Writ of Appeal brought d 7.155 hanging another may abate the other. The Common Law therein used shall con∣tinue. That Weights and Measures may henceforth be made in the Town of London, so as all Counties do conform themselves according thereto. There is a STANDARD in the Treasury, where every Man readily may have the same. That the Writs of the Chancery may be at reasonable Prices, and that the Clerks of the Crown, and others for Commission and such like, do content themselves with the Kings Allowance. As heretofore the same shall be. That Fines for Writs may be reasonably made in every of the Kings Courts. The Chancellour shall do as heretofore. The Com∣mons beyond the Trent require, that the Justices of the one Bench or of the other, may yearly come twice amongst them, for taking Cognisance of Fines and Letters of Attourney of the Unable. The King will be advised. That Labourers may take Corn for their Wages. The Statute made shall be observed. That the Staple may always continue in England. The same shall so continue till the next Parliament, and not be alter'd without the Assent of the Par∣liament. The Merchants Strangers require, that the Ordinances of the Staple may be executed speedily. The King willeth the same.

It is Enacted, that that Statute made, that all Merchants, coming into this Realm with their Merchandises, might sell the same to any Person whatsoever, and of the same to make Exchange, or to buy Wares, paying the Customs therefore, is confirmed to continue. That the Customers do dispatch all such Merchants coming in with their Wares; and that those Merchants for the Prices of their Wares may be credited upon their Letters and Oaths. It is Enacted, that some One of the Kings Council may be appointed to be Governour to such Merchants Strangers. The Chancellor or Treasurer shall supply the same, when he may attend, if not, some Learned Justices shall be ap∣pointed therefore. The Printed Statutes of this Year e 7.156 concerning shewing of Woolls, Ch. XIV. And concerning, that none be Outlawed or put to Death without due Process of Law, Ch. III. And that touching Errours and Misprisions in the City of London, Ch. X. And that touching the Confirmation of all Statutes not repealed, Ch. I. And that how the Escheators shall answer the Profits of the Lands of the Kings Tenants, Ch. IV. And that which prohibits Exporting of Iron, Ch. V. And that for the E∣lection of Coroners, Ch. VI. And that which concerns the Continuance of Sheriffs, C. VII. And that touching Attaint given without respect to quantity of Dammages, Ch. VIII. And that which contains sundry Ordinances of the Staple, Ch. XIII. And that concerning the Bounds of the Staple, Ch. XV. And that touching Sheriffs, who use to take Inquests for the inditing of any, Ch. IX. All f 7.157 these Printed Statutes agree exactly with the Record.

After all these things, the Lord Bartholomew Burwash senior being then Lord Chamberlain, and g 7.158 one of those who had been at the Treaty of Calais the last Year, declared to the whole House, that there was a Treaty of Peace between the King and the French, and a good hope of a final Accord; whereto in the Kings Name he demand∣ed of the Commons, whether they would agree. To which Demand they answer'd, how therein they wholly submitted themselves to the Order of the King and his No∣bles: Whereupon Dr. Michael Northborough, Keeper of the Kings Privy Seal, and about h 7.159 this time Elect Bishop of London, commanded Dr. John Swinley the Notary, to prepare a Publique Instrument thereof.

VIII. And having thus dispatch'd the Transactions of this Parliament, it is high time to see what was effected, as to the Treaty then in hand between the two Crowns of

England and France: According to an Article of the last Years Truce, Ambassadors were to appear from both the Kings at Avignon in January then next ensuing, in or∣der to hold a serious Treaty for a firm and final Peace. On King i 7.160 Edwards Behalf there went Dr. William Bateman Bishop of Norwich, Henry Duke of Lancaster, Ri∣chard Fitz-Alan Earl of Arundel, the Lord Guy Brian and other Nobles, who co∣ming with an Equipage of 200 Horse, whereof 32 were cover'd with Harness to∣ward Avignon, were met on Christmas-Eve by the Archbishop of Roüen, the Duke of Bourbon, the Earl of Armagnac, the Lord Geoffry Charny and Others, who were sent Ambassadors from the French King, all who being thus joyned, were received with great Honour by several Cardinals, Bishops, Nobles, Citizens and Others, to the num∣ber of 2000 Horse, who met them within two Miles of Avignon, and brought them into the New-town, called Villeneufe, to the Pope's Palace, but the Pomp of the Ca∣valcade was so great, that from three of the Clock till Night they had scarce time to pass the Bridge.

The Noble Duke of Lancaster at his Entrance saluted all the People, and rode forth to the Pope's Palace: Where alighting from his horse without the Gate, he made his Approach to his Holiness with all due Reverence, which he was perfectly in∣structed how to perform by his Court-like and Princely Demeanour. After some brief Discourse, as the Time would permit, he went thence for that time, and took along with him his Holinesses Blessing to his Lodgings, which had been prepared for him beforehand. All the time of his Residence there, which was more than six Weeks, he kept such Hospitality, that he was admired by the whole Court, having laid in an Hundred Tuns of the best Bourdeaux Wine before his Coming, and behaving himself during his Stay so obligingly to all Persons, especially to the Pope and his Cardinals, that they said of him, "how he had not his Fellow in the World. But as to the Business, about which all these Great Personages came thither, that being openly declared in the Consistory before the Pope and his Cardinals; the English Ambassadors requested to have those Covenants now confirmed, which had before been concluded upon between them at Calais. To whom the Duke of Bourbon, and the Earl of Armagnac, retracting what they had themselves agreed to, and sealed, and confirmed with their Oaths, in the Presence of Guy Cardinal of Bologna, replied now,

That gladly they would have Peace if they might; but as to the Disposal of Aquitain and the forefaid Counties, neither, said they, can the French King himself, nor any other whatsoever by any means alienate them from the Crown of France: Nor yet could they or any of them give their con∣sent, that they should be dismembred from the entire Body of that Kingdom, since both the King himself, and they also had been sworn to maintain them with all their Power. But yet if the King of England would cease to bear the Arms of France, they were content, that the Dominion and Profits of the said Dutchy and Counties should remain with King Edward, in like manner as his Ancestors had held Aqui∣tain, that is to say, provided always the Regality of the Crown of France should be reserved, in Witness whereof Homage should be made as of old, to the Kings of France for those Places.

To these new and unexpected Demands the Duke of Lan∣caster replied;

That as for the Oath, wherewith they pretended to be so strictly bound, never to alienate those Places from the Crown of France, they might soon for the sake of Peace be by his Holiness absolved therefrom: For, having so fair a Pretence to the whole, the King of England was resolved to have at least these Parts absolutely to himself, to be restored unto him without any Limitation; otherwise, that those Arms of France, which by the Advice and Consent of his Liegemen of Flanders, he had undertaken to bear, he would never relinquish for the fear or plea∣sure of any Man living. And that the King of England would never do Homage to a Person, over whom by Hereditary Right from his Mother, he claimed Superiori∣ty. But yet if they could conceive of any more equal and rational way of Agree∣ment, and resolve to be more consistent with themselves, and more observant of their own Concessions than now they seemed to be, King Edward, as a Lover of Peace, will be ready to embrace what was reasonable.

At this the Lords of France in a Huff replied,

That if so, they were both ready and able to defend their Coun∣try against the English for ever.

And so they offer'd to rise up, but thrô the urgent Importunities of the Pope and his Cardinals this bitterness was soon corrected, and at last they agreed so far, k 7.161 as that another short Truce was taken to endure till the Feast of St. John Baptist following; the Pope in the mean time to endeavour what in him lay to promote the Peace; and for that end by his Messengers to both the Kings, to require them again to send their Ambassadors to conclude on some other Conditions,

that might be more acceptable to either Party. And so they brake up for that time on both sides, and the Duke of Lancaster (having with l 7.162 much adoe escaped the snares laid by the French to entrap him) returned with safety and Honour into England, to∣gether with the Rest of his Company, except only Dr. William Bateman Bishop of Nor∣wich, who m 7.163 died at Avignon on Twelfth-Day, and was there Honourably buried.

And that the perfecting of a Peace at this time was hindred by the French is witnessed by an n 7.164 Ancient Anonymous M. S. in the Vatican-Library at Rome, which accuses the French King of all, saying,

In this Popes (Innocent's) time the Lord Guy Cardinal of Bologna, by the Consent of the Pope, and of his own Proper Motion went into France at his own expences, to Treat of a Peace with the said King (of France) and Edward King of England: For which Treaty, the Duke of Bourbon with other Am∣bassadors, on behalf of the King of France; and the Duke of Lancaster, with other Ambassadors on behalf of the King of England came to Avignon, in the time of In∣nocent VI, in the first Year of his Coronation, to finish and compleat those things, which had been ordained by the said Lord Cardinal concerning the said Peace be∣tween the said Kings to be had: But finally they could not agree, and the said Dukes with their Ambassadors went away in discord from the Court to their several Countries. And this was done thrô default of the King of France, as was common∣ly said, He then denying those things, which had been Treated, Engrossed, and Sealed by them, and sworn to, in the Hands and Presence of the said Lord Cardinal by the Will and Consent of the said King of France and his Council.

To which o 7.165 Odoricus Rainaldus adds these Words,

What dreadfull slaughters King John brought upon himself thereby, with a like event, as his Father Philip had revoked the Peace made with the English Commissioners, from whence we said the English War brake forth, whereby France was embroil'd for so many Years, will appear hereafter.

IX. Since we spake a little above of the Death of Dr. William Bateman••, it is fit that we take our leave something more solemnly of so Worthy a Person, of whom many commendable things are to be said, thô only to excite Vertue in a Degenerate Age by the example of others, whose Liberality have embalmed their Names to late Posterity: He was p 7.166 born at Norwich, bred at Cambridge, and being Dr. of the Civil Law, and Arch-Deacon of Norwich, was at last elected Bishop by the General Con∣sent of the Convent. He was the first Founder of Trinity-Hall in Cambridge, ap∣pointing it, as it remains to this day, a perpetual Seminary of Learned Civilians, and giving certain Lands toward the Maintenance thereof. He founded also the Hall of the Annunciation of our Lady in the said University, and gave one of the Publick Chests. And provoking others to follow his good Example, he perswaded one Edward Gon∣well, aliàs Gonvill, to found another Hall in the same English Athens, which after∣wards was much augmented at the Cost and Charges of one John Caius, a Learned Phy∣sician, and is now after both their Names, called Gonvill and Key's College. Dr. Bate∣man was succeeded in the See of Norwich by q 7.167 Richard Piercy, younger Brother to Henry Lord Piercy, which Henry was never Earl of Northumberland (thô Godwin by mistake calls him so, and gives unto this Richard the Name of Thomas, as Stow also doth) but Father to the first Earl of that Name.

X. About this time r 7.168 there fell a Cruel Dissention in the Famous University of Ox∣ford, between the Scholars and the Townsmen: The occasion whereof was this. On the Tenth s 7.169 of February, t 7.170 which in the Year 1354/5 happen'd on a Tuesday, and the Feast of St. Scholastica the Virgin, Walter Sprinheuse, and Roger Chesterfield, with o∣ther Scholars, went to a Tavern called Swindlestock, or Swinstock, at the Sign of the Mermaid, in the Street named Quatervois; and there finding fault with the Wine, cal∣led for John Croydon the Vintner, and demanded better Wine. Here Words being mul∣tiply'd, and the Vintner not at all complying, the Scholars went so far as to strike the Pot and Wine and all about his Head. Upon this Affront he ran down, made his complaint to his servants and family, and afterward to his Neighbours; so that in short a great part of the Town conspired the Destruction of the Scholars, and rang the Town Bell at St. Martins. Whereupon the University Bell of St. Maries was rung also, and so the Scholars and Townsmen being armed with Bows, and other Weapons, had a scuffle, till the Evening parted them, and as yet no great harm was done. But the next day the Countrymen near Oxford, to the Number of about 2000, came in to the Assistance of the Townsmen with a Black-Banner born before them. Whereupon the Scholars fled to their Colleges, but the enraged Multitude breaking in upon them, slew many, whom they flung in their Bog-houses, and then rent and tare their Books and Writings to pieces, and carried away the College-Plate, and what else they pleased.

There were the Names of more than 28 University men slain and wounded that day, given in to the Bishop of Lincoln a few days after; besides those, who being secretly buried, were not heard of any more. For this Riot the King * 7.171 seised on the Liberties of the City, the greater part whereof were granted to the University, which they en∣joy to this Day. However, for that time the University was in a manner dissolved, all Scholars, but those of Merton College, going to their Friends and Relations, where they continued for a Year or two after. The mean u 7.172 while the Bishop of Lincoln in∣hibited all Priests to celebrate Divine Service in presence of any Layman within the Ci∣ty of Oxford, and the King sending his Justices thither to take knowledge of this dis∣orderly Riot, there were divers both of the Townsmen and Scholars endited, and cer∣tain of the Burgesses, as Richard Forester, and Robert Lardiner, and the Mayor him∣self John Bereford, were committed to Prison: And the High-Sheriff, named Richard Williamscote, because he did not according to his Duty in helping the University and the Vicechancellour, was removed, and John Laundels put in his Place. The x 7.173 for∣mer Mayor and Bailiffs being now clapt up in the Tower, at the y 7.174 Kings Command another Mayor was chosen, whose Name was John de St. Frideswide, and two new Bai∣liffs, William Somerford, and Hugh Yeftele, aliàs Eifley, who were to hold for the re∣mainder of the Year. The next day after their Names were carried to the King, and Attourneys sent to beg in their behalf his Majesties Pardon, for the foresaid Sedition. About which time certain Advocates for the University were also at Court solliciting an end of these Matters. Whereupon both Parties being cited up to London, sent thither their several Advocates. The University wholly resign'd, both her self and Privileges into the Kings hands: Then also the Townsmen produced their Resigna∣tion, and rendred up all their Privileges and Liberties, their Persons and Goods move∣able and immoveable, and their Gilds whatsoever, as well general as special, and all their Rights they entirely submitted to the Kings disposal, and this they did (as they confess in the form of their Surrender)

because if they should be proceeded against by any other way of Law, and solemnly, the examination of their cause would tend to their greater Confusion and Punishment, &c.

These Surrenders were made on the Wed∣nesday next after the Feast of St. Dunstan the Bishop, before John Archbishop of York, Chancellour, and William Bishop of Winchester, Treasurer, and the Justices, and o∣thers of the Kings Council, in the Council Chamber by the Exchequer at Westmin∣ster. At which time both Parties humbly petition'd, that the Kings Majesty would accept of their Resignations: But the King commanded them to be deliver'd into the hauds of David Wollere, Master of the Rolls of Chancery, to be kept until such time, as upon due deliberation, he might declare, whether they were to be accepted or reject∣ed. The third day after the King accepted the Universities Resignation, and pardon'd them of all that the Scholars had done, either in the said tumult, or before; as his Letters, bearing z 7.175 date 20 of May, and still remaining among the Archives of that U∣niversity, under the Kings Seal, bear witness. As to the Townsmen, who were now also involved in the Censures of the Church, upon the Intercession of several No∣bles, and the Heads of the University it self, this Order was at last taken with them. On * 7.176 St. Kenelmes day, being a Friday, and the 17 day of July, a 7.177 in the following Year, Master Humphry Charleton, Professor of Divinity, and John Charleton the younger, Dr. of the Laws, and Thomas Neville, Master of Arts, on the behalf of the University of Oxford; and John of St. Frideswide, Mayor, John Bedford, and John Nor∣ton, Bailifts of the said Town of Oxford, on behalf of the Commonalty of the same Town, came before the Kings Council, into the Council-Chamber near the Exchequer, where the Allegations on both sides being heard, upon request made, that it would please his Majesties Council, according to the Submissions by both Parties made unto the King, and to his Council, to take order in the Matter in Controversie betwixt them, concerning the late tumult and business, which had chanced in the said Town, by the disorder of the Commonalty of the same, in breaking down and burning of Houses, in taking and bearing away the Books, and other Goods of the said Masters and Scho∣lars, and in committing other Transgressions. The Council having consideration of the Premises, to avoid the Decay, that might ensue to the said Town, made this end betwixt the Parties,

That the Commonalty of the said Town (John Bereford, being in the Kings Prison, and Robert Lardiner only excepted) should be bound to pay unto the said Masters and Scholars, damnified in the said Tumult and Business, for amends and reformation of Injuries and Losses sustained (Death and Maim ex∣cepted) two hundred and fifty pounds, beside the Goods taken and born away, to be restored again, and this Money to be paid to the said Chancellour, Masters, and

Scholars, by the Feast of St. James, or else sufficient sureties put in for the payment thereof, at certain terms, as the Parties should agree upon: And in respect thereof, John Bereford, and John Norton, shall be released out of Prison at the Bail of the said Mayor, of Robert Minks, and John Dimock, till the next Sessions of Goal-Delivery, on Condition that the said Sums of Money be paid, or surety put in for the payment thereof, as before is said, or else the Bodies of the said John Bedford, and John Norton, shall be returned to the said Prison within three days after the Feast of St. Peter ad Vincula, there to remain in manner as before they did.

It was also ordain'd by the Kings Council, with the Assent of the said Humphry, Lewis, and John Charleton, that all, and every manner of Persons of the said Town of Oxford, and the suburbs of the same, indited and arraigned of the Felonies and transgressions a∣formention'd, that should yield themselves to the Kings Prison to be tried by Law, and also all others, that were at that time present in Prison, which the said Humphry and John Charleton should name (John de Bereford, and Robert Lardiner excepted) may be let to Bail, upon sufficient Sureties, who should undertake for them, body for body, to appear at the next Sessions of Goal-Delivery, there to be tried, according to order of Law. And further it was order'd, that all such Goods and Chattels, as were ta∣ken and carried away from the said Masters and Scholars in the said tumult and busi∣ness, by the Men of the said Town and Suburbs, in whose hands, and in what places so∣ever, within the said Town and Suburbs, by Inquisition, Information, or other means, they should or might be found, should be deliver'd unto the Chancellour and Pro∣ctors of the said University, to be by them restored unto those Persons, to whom they belonged.

This was the effect of the final Order taken at the day and place aforesaid, before the Reverend Fathers, John Archbishop of York, Primate and Chancellour of England, William Bishop of Winchester Lord Treasurer, Thomas Brembre Lord Keeper of the Privy-Seal, and David Wollere Master of the Rolls, Henry Inglesby Clerk of the Coun∣cil, and other of the Kings Council there present.

XI. This Year b 7.178 about Whitsuntide two Fryers Minors, named John of Castillon, and Francis at Arquata, being accounted guilty of Heresie, were seised by Order of the Pope, and brought from Carcassone to Avignon, where they were both burnt alive. Of whom thus Henry Rebdorf in his Annals.

Being brought to Avignon, and by the Popes Command examin'd, they read their Confession in a certain long Paper, con∣taining many Articles about the Premises. Nay they publiquely affirmed, that Pope John the XXII, and all his Successors, and even Pope Innocent himself, who affirmed the contrary to their Assertion, were, and had been Hereticks, and Reprobates, and had no Title to any Dignity or Benefice Ecclesiastical. For which the said Minors being degraded of their Priesthood, were in presence of the Pope deliver'd over to the secular Power, and burnt within the Octaves of Pentecost: And as they went to the Stake they cried out with a loud voice, Glory be to God on high. And it was publiquely said, that many of the said Order had been deliver'd over to the secular Power, and burnt in Gascogne, and in Italy for the foresaid Articles, whom the two Friers aforesaid affirmed to be true Martyrs. And it was moreover said, how there were very many Learned Persons of the said Order, who defended the Question a∣bout Property, and the Poverty of Christ and his Apostles: [Which also these two had done.]

But it is also to be remembred, for the Honour of the University of Paris, which we find upon undoubted Authority, c 7.179 that this Year a certain Augustin Frier, named Gui∣do, for defending the Condignity of Mans Merit with God, which is a Matter now ge∣nerally owned in the Church of Rome, was by Order of the Chancellour, and the The∣ological Faculty at Paris, to make his publique Recantation in this Form,

I said against a Batchelour of the Order of the Friers-Preachers in conference with him, that a Man doth merit Everlasting Life of Condignity, that is to say, that in case it were not given, there should be injury done unto him: I wrote likewise, that God should do him injury, and approved it.

This I now revoke as false, Heretical, and Blasphemous.

CHAPTER the THIRTEENTH. * 7.180

The CONTENTS.

I. The King of Navarre murders the Constable of France, and invites the Duke of Lancaster to his Assistance. The Duke sets forth in order thereto; but hearing, how the Kings of France and Navarre were agreed, returns home again. II. The manner how that Reconcilement was made. III. The War breaks out again between England and France: Prince Edward goes over into Gascogne, with his Exploits there: The Lord John Lisle slain. IV. Two Letters of Sr. John Wingfield's, setting forth the Particulars of the Prince's Expedition. V. King Edward goes into France, obtains a Truce, and returns into England. VI. Barwick taken by the Scots. VII. A Parli∣ament at Westminster. VIII. A Parliament at Paris. IX. The Birth of Prince Tho∣mas of Woodstock: The City of Nantes in Bretagne taken and recover'd: A strange Malady of Aversion from Company: The Death of Peter Lord Mauley the Fifth of that Name.

I. WHen we spake of the Combat, that was to have been perform'd between the Dukes of Lancaster and Brunswick, we mention'd among other things, how extraordinary kind his young Kinsman, Charles King of Navarre was then unto him. Now the Occasion of this Prince's Coming to Paris at that time was to marry the Lady Jane, one of the Daughters of King John de Valois: But surely, whatever Alliance or Affinity he had or might seek to have with France, he became an Occasion of many great Calamities to that King∣dom. For a 7.181 as he was the most winning and obliging in his Address of any Man living, being adorn'd with Vigour, Beauty, Eloquence, Courage, Affability, and Liberality beyond all Men; so he made the worst use of these natural Excellencies, and rendred them pernicious by his Ambitious Temper, and the secret Delight he had in all kind of Mischief. From the time of his Marriage he never ceased to pursue his Pretensions to the Countries of Brie and Champagne, but especially to that of Angoulesme. But Charles de la Cerda of Spain, Constable of France, to whom the King had given the latter, disswaded him from proffering any Equivalent by way of satisfaction in that Point. Whereupon the Navarrois retires discontented into his Earldom of Eureux in Normandy, and b 7.182 there understanding, that the Constable was then in his Castle in the Town de L'Aigle, he enterprised a design as bold as execrable: For on the Sixth of January, taking unto him certain armed Knights, he caused them to scale the Castle early about break of Day, and there by them the Constable was murder'd in his Bed. This done he avowed the Fact, by justifying himself in his Letters to King John and his Council; and in the mean time, thô being the Kings Son-in-Law, he endea∣vour'd to reconcile himself to his Favour, yet either to secure himself against the worst, or by making himself formidable to extort a Pardon, he was very busie in making Mu∣sters, in fortifying his Castles, and inviting several Neighbour Princes to a League a∣gainst France. And althô a Treaty of Reconcilement had been begun, and to all seem∣ing appearance established by that time between the French King and him, as we shall shew by and by, yet when he heard how the Duke of Lancaster was, as we shew'd in the preceding Year, at the Court of Avignon, c 7.183 he also made shift to get thither, where secretly he d 7.184 confer'd with his Cousin the Duke of Lancaster, at which time he complain'd to the said Duke of several Dammages done unto him by the French King, and gave him his Oath; that he would most willingly enter into League with the King of England, and for Assurance of the same would endeavour, when the Truce was once ended, to joyn him at Jersey with all the Power he should be able to raise. And in the beginning of this Year he e 7.185 sent among Others his Uncle Giles of Cham∣pagne to the Duke of Lancaster with Letters, heartily beseeching him to come into Normandy with all speed to his Aid and Defence, and to receive his Oath of Fidelity to serve King Edward against all Men. The Duke accordingly with the Kings leave f 7.186 gather'd a great Navy together, which was rigged and made ready at Rutherhive, a∣liàs

Radriffe, being furnished with Provision of Victuals for one Quarter of a Year, and the whole Fleet consisting of fourty Sail, had all their chief Streamers beaten with the Arms of the said Duke of Lancaster, who was appointed with a great Power of chosen Men of Arms and Archers, Lord Admiral of the Navy: But few or none of his Men knew whither he was bound. The Tenth of July he sailed to Greenwich, between which and Sandwich he was held till the 15 of August, the Wind for the most part all that while continuing at West and South-west, which was contrary to this in∣tended Course. At length with much Difficulty he came to Winchelsea, and thence to the Isle of Wight. And it was generally concluded, that he design'd for Norman∣dy to support the King of Navarre in his Quarrel against the French King: But hea∣ring now certain News of that Kings Reconciliation with France, he returned home a∣gain to the King his Master.

II. Now to set forth the Inconstancy of this Navarrois Prince, we shall here remem∣ber (what we promised a little before) the manner of his first Reconcilement, which was this. When King John saw by his Levying of Men and otherwise, that Despair of Pardon might drive him to desperate Courses, prejudicial to Him and his Realm, e∣specially in this doubtfull Juncture, he thought to dissemble the Matter, and by Flatte∣ry to bring him within his Power: But g 7.187 this jealous Prince could by no means be allured to come to Paris, till he had made most secure and advantageous Conditions for himself;

As that King John should render him Lands equivalent to Brie and Cham∣pagne, and an Independency of his Earldom of Eureux from all Others but the King on∣ly; also he demanded a full and absolute Pardon for all those who had an hand in the Constable's Murther; and besides all this, a good round Summ of Mony, and se∣veral other Lands and Advantages; and moreover, the Lord Lewis Duke of Anjou, the Kings Second Son, in Hostage for his Security.

All which King John was fain to grant him, being thereto perswaded as well by the Navarrois his Friends, as by the Necessity of his own Affairs. Whereupon in March following he came to Paris, and appeared before the Parliament, where King John sat on high in the Tribunal Seat, at∣tended with his Peers, the Cardinal of Bologna the Pope's Legate, and divers other Prelates. The Criminal having asked pardon in a formal and studied Harangue, com∣posed of Complaints and Excuses, the Lord James of Bourbon, h 7.188 Brother to the Duke of Bourbon, and Constable for that time, was order'd to Arrest him only for Form, which he did by setting his Hands upon the King of Navarre's Hands, and causing him to go backwards out of the Presence, and to tarry in a Chamber adjoining till further Order was taken. The mean while the two Queens Dowagers of France, Jane the Relict of Charles the Fair, and Blanch the Relict of Philip of Valois, and German-Si∣ster to the King of Navarre, on their Knees beg'd his Pardon of King John. Which being granted, the Constable and Marshals introduced him again; where after a grave Remonstrance from the Legate, the French King declared him absolved. But this Haughty Young Prince gather'd nothing but Rancour from that pompous Indignity, which afterwards he shewed to the great mischief and Danger of the Realm of France. For soon after this Reconciliation he stole away to Avignon, as we intimated before, where he began to conspire against his Native Country, and althô King John upon Ap∣prehensions of the Duke of Lancaster, had again now by his Son Charles appeased his turbulent Mind; yet within a while we shall see him again fly out into wonderfull Extravagances, partly of his own unquiet ambitious Nature, and partly being irritated by the rough Dealing of his Father-in-Law. For the Year following King John, i 7.189 be∣ing too far provoked with his Insolencies, came suddenly upon him, as he was at din∣ner in the Castle of Rouën, with 200 Men of Arms in his Company, and seised him on the Fifth of April, and committed him to Prison; but immediatly caused the Heads of Four of his Great Lords to be struck off in a Field by the Castle.

III. Till this time, thô not without much ado, many hazards of Relapsing, constant Care of the Pope, and other well-disposed Personages, the unstable Truce, first taken at Calais between England and France, made a hard shift to hold indifferently well for the space of near upon Eight Years. But now the evil Genius of France, which hath heretofore been observed to extract the Original of its own Troubles from within it self, began to work upon Prince Philip, Brother to King Charles of Navarre, to rouse the English Arms against his own Blood of France, as we shall see hereafter: But as yet the King of Navarre was not seised; nor was his first Reconciliation as yet known to King Edward, as will presently appear, when we shall come to speak of his Expedition into France.

Now k 7.190 a little after Whitsuntide, to wit about the end of May, or the beginning

of June, the Truce being to expire the 24 of the said Month, both Kings began to put themselves in a Posture; and King Edward, resolving not to be behind-hand with his Enemies, prepared to send over the Prince of Wales into Gascogne, attended with the Earls of Warwick, Oxford, Salisbury and Suffolk, and 800 Men of Arms, with 2400 Archers; himself intending the while to wait the French Kings Motions, and shortly after to joyn the King of Navarre about the Isle of Jersey. Wherefore King Edward l 7.191 constituted his Son the Prince, his Lieutenant in the Dukedom of Aquitain, and other Places in France, whither he should happen to march, as well for the Re∣formation of the State of that Dukedom, and other Places in France, as for the Re∣covery of his Lands and Right possest by the Rebels. And by another Commission of the same Date, he gave him Power to make Alliances with all Persons, of what Nation, Dignity or Condition soever, to retain Men, and pay them Wages and Rewards. A third Commission gave him Power (in the Kings Stead and Name) to receive Ho∣mage and Fidelity from the Nobility and Others within the said Dukedom and Realm of France.

For the Prince's Passage thither the King assigned Richard de Cortenhale, and Robert Bauldron Serjeants at Arms to arrest, array, and equip all the Ships and Vessels of 20 Tun and upward, in all Ports and Places from the River of Thames unto Lynn, as well with∣in Liberties as without, to furnish them with Men and other Necessaries, and to bring them to Southampton by St. Barnaby's Day at the furthest; as also to press Mariners for the Voyage at the Kings Wages; and further he had given Commission to John Beauchamp Admiral of the Sea Westward, and to Thomas Hogshaw Lieutenant, to carry the Prince over; with Power to hear and determin all Crimes and Trespasses committed on Board, and to punish Delinquents according to Maritime Law, and to do all other things appertaining to their Places. Before their Setting forth * 7.192 there was seen a Prodigy in the Air, which was construed to portend Victory to the English: For there ap∣peared two great Banners in the Firmament, the one Gules, the other Azure, which were evidently observed in many Parts of the Kingdom, and seem'd as it were in man∣ner of Combating, to rush violently against each other: But in the end the Banner Gules overcame that which was Azure, and seem'd to lay it prostrate on the Ground. Soon m 7.193 after the Prince of Wales sailing prosperously from Seton-Haven in Devonshire, lan∣ded in the Port of Garonne, where he was honourably welcom'd by the Lords and Pre∣lates of Gascogne, who together with the People of that Country received him with great joy, and proffer'd, as unto the Son of their Liege Lord, themselves and all they had, and even to live and die with him, on Condition that he would tarry in those Parts for their Defence. King John had before this disposed his Armies in several Places about the Havens in Normandy, and in other Parts, to impeach the Landing of King Edward, and of the Prince his Son, But these Frenchmen lay so long thereabouts, that toge∣ther with their Auxiliaries hired from foreign Parts, they wasted their own Country as bad, as if they had been Enemies themselves, and idly consum'd out of the French Kings Cossers so many thousand Crowns; that afterwards he was so thinly attended, that upon King Edwards Arrival, he was not able to encounter him, but fled before him, burning his own Towns, and destroying all manner of Provision, that the English might find neither Meat nor Harbour. For thô King Edward, and his Son intended an early Campagne this Year, yet they were both hindred by ill Weather for above four∣ty Days: All which time the French stood ready to receive them; but being with this long stay wearied out, and their Provision wasted; when the English came to land they found no Enemy to oppose them; and first let us speak of the Prince of Wales, and of his Actions in this Expedition.

EDWARD the Black-Prince n 7.194 being thus happily arrived in Gascogne, as we shew'd before, declared o 7.195 to the Chief Captains and Lords of the Country, the Rea∣sons of his coming thither, and fell immediately to advise with them, how to proceed for the best Advantage in his Affairs. After which having well refreshed his Souldiers, and sufficiently augmented his small Forces, on the * 7.196 Fifth of October, being a Mon∣day, he marched out of Bourdeaux in this Order. In the Vanguard was the Earl of War∣wick his Constable, the Lord Reginald Cobham his Marshal, the Lord Roger Clifford Son in Law to the Earl of Warwick, the young Lord John Beauchamp of Somersetshire, the Lord Richard Stafford, Brother to the Earl of Stafford, and Sr. John Wingfield, an intimate Friend of his, of the Lord Cobhams Retinue, and seven stout Barons of Gas∣cogne with 3000 Armed Men: In the Main-Battail marched the Valiant Young Prince himself, being now in the 25^th Year of his Age, with a double Ensign; with him were the Earl of Oxford, the Lord Bartholomew Burghersh, or Burwash, whose Father was

then newly dead; the Lord John Lisle, the Lord John Willoughby of Eresby, the Lord Roger de la Warre, the Lord Maurice Berkley, the Lord John Bourchier, the Lord John Rose the Elder, of Bourdeaux, the Lord John Greilly, Captal de la Buche, the Lord of Chaumont, and the Lord of Monferrand, the Four latter being of Gascogne, and in this Battail were 7000 Men of Arms. The Reer, which contained 4000 Men of Arms, was led by the Earls of Suffolk and Salisbury, with whom was the Lord of Ne∣mours, who conducted the Carriages. The whole Army consisted of better than 60000 Men one with another, and being furnished with such a General, and such Valiant and Expert Leaders, might well be counted very formidable: Wherefore the Earl of Ar∣magnac, who was Lieutenant to the French King in Languedoc, Gaston Phoebus, Earl of Foix, James of Bourbon, who was Lord of Ponthieu; and Constable of France, and the Lord John Clermont Marshal of France, thô they had among them far p 7.197 greater Numbers than the Prince, and were more Powerfull in the Field (if their Courage would have permitted a Tryal) durst not, either for Fear, or (as Mezeray softens it) for jea∣lousie of one another, so much as once offer to stop his Victorious Progress. Where∣fore in little more than two Months time, the Prince overran all the Country at his pleasure as far as Beziers and Narbonne, burning the very suburbs of Narbonne (or ra∣ther, as will appear by and by, the city it self) and taking and destroying very many strong Towns and Castles; all which are particularly and truly enumerated by Sr. Thomas de la More; thô the Names of the Places are there most corruptly written; for which reason, as well as for the dryness and prolixity thereof, we forbear to add the particulars here. In this q 7.198 Expedition on occasion of a Fire, that happen'd one Night in a Town where he lodged, he took a Resolution, which he kept while he li∣ved, never to lie a Night in any Town in an Enemies Country in time of War. Be∣ing come to the strong City of Carcassone, the Citizens offer'd him 25000 souses of Gold, on Condition he would spare their Town from Fire; but the Prince answer'd,

That he came not thither for Gold, but to take Cities and Towns with their Inha∣bitants, to succour and cherish his Friends, and to offend his Enemies.

In this Expe∣dition at several times the Prince Knighted all these Gentlemen, Jenkin Barefort, Giles Stratton, Rowland Davis, Ralph Basset, the Sons of the Lord of Albret, Theodorick Dale, Porter of the Prince's Chamber, and many others. In lieu of all whom he lost only one, but him a most Valiant and Noble Knight of the Order of the Garter, named the Lord John Lisle, who on the r 7.199 14 of October received a Mortal wound with a stone from a Wall, of which he died the next day, to the infinite regret of the Prince, and all, who knew his Worth and Gallantry, leaving behind him his Son and Heir Robert, then 22 Years of Age.

IV. But because a more particular account of this Expedition cannot better be expect∣ed, than from the Mouthes of those, who were actually concern'd therein (besides the former Reference to Sr. Thomas de la More) I shall take leave to subjoyn the Words of Sr. John Wingfield, a Valiant Knight, whose s 7.200 two Letters on this subject are most Worthy to be inserted, that thereby the Reader may, as by a Touchstone, try the Truth of Authors, who write of the same Matter.

A Copy of Sr. JOHN WINGFIELD's Letter to a certain Noble Lord, then in England.

My Lord, as touching News in these parts, may it please you to understand, that all the Earls, Barons, Bannerets, Knights, and Esquires, were in Health at the writing here∣of, and my Lord (the Prince) hath not lost either Knight or Esquire in this Expedi∣tion, except the Lord John Lisle, who was slain after a strange manner, with a Quarrel the third day after we were entred into our Enemies Country: He died the 15 of October. And please you to understand, that my Lord hath rode thrô the Country of Armagnac, and hath taken many enclosed Towns, and burnt and destroy'd them, ex∣cept such, as He fortified for himself. After this He marched into the Vicountie of Rovergue, where He took a good Town called Plaisance, the Chief Place in that Country, which He burnt and destroy'd with the Country round about the same. This done He went into the Country of Estarrac, wherein He took many Towns, and wasted and ravaged all the Country. Then He entred the County of Cominges, and took many Towns there, which He caused to be destroy'd and burnt, together with all the Country round about. He also took the Town of St. Bertrand, the Chief in that Country, being as large in compass as the City of Norwich [in England.] After that He entred the County of t 8.1 Lille, and took the greater part of the closed Towns therein, causing several of them to be burnt and destroy'd as he passed, Then going into the Lordship of Tholouse, We passed the River of Garonne, and another, a League

above Tholouse, which is very great. For our Enemies had burnt all the Bridges, as well on the one side of Tholouse, as the other; except those within Tholonse, for the River runneth thrô the Town. And within this Town at the same time were the Constable of France, the Marshal Clermont, and the Earl of Armagnac, with a great Power of Souldiers. Tholouse is a City of a large extent, strong, fair, and well-walled. And there was none in our Host, who perfectly knew the Ford of the Ri∣ver; but yet by the Grace and Goodness of God we found it. So then we m••ched thrô the Seigniory of Tholouse, and took many good Towns enclosed, before we came to Carcassone, which We also took, a Town greater, stronger, and fairer than York. But as well this, as all other Towns in the Country (which We took) were burnt, plunder'd and destroy'd. Now after We had marched by many journeys thrô the Country of Carcassone, We came into the Seigniory of Narbonne, which Town held out against Us; but it was won by force, and the same Town is little less than the City of London; being scituate upon the u 8.2 Greekish Sea, which is not above two Leagues therefrom; And there is there an Haven, or Landing-place, from whence the x 8.3 River goeth up to Narbonne. And Narbonne is but 11 Leagues distant from Monpellier, 18 from Aigues-Mortes, and 30 from Avignon.

And may it please You to understand, that our Holy Father sent Messengers to my Lord, who being not past 7 Leagues from him, sent a Serjeant at Arms, who was Serjeant Attendant at the Door of our Holy Fathers Chamber, with Letters to my Lord, requiring of him a safe Conduct, to come and declare to his Highness their Message from our Holy Father, which was to treat of an Accommodation between my Lord and his Adversary of France. But the Serjeant was two days in the Army, before my Lord would vouchsafe to see him, or receive his Letters. The reason whereof was, because He was informed, that the Power of France was come forth of Tholouse toward Carcassone; wherefore my Lord was obliged to turn back again upon them presently, as He did. But the Third day, when We expected to have met them, they understanding of our approach, retired before day; and gat them to the Mountains, marching hastily toward Tholouse. But the Country People, who had been their Guides to lead them that way, were taken by Us, as they should have passed the Water. At which time because the Serjeant at Arms was in my Custody, I cau∣sed him to examine the Guides, that were so taken, and because one of the Guides so taken, had been the Constables Guide, and his Countryman, He might well see and know the Countenance of the French upon this his Examination: And I told the Serjeant, that he might the better declare to the Pope, and all those at Avignon, what he had now heard or seen. But as to the Answer, which my Lord return'd to them, who had been sent to treat with him, You would be hugely pleased, if You knew all the Matter: For He would not suffer them by any means to approach his Person any nearer; but He sent them word by their Serjeant, that if they came to treat of any Matter, they should send to the King his Father. For my Lord himself would not do any thing therein, but by command from my Lord, his Father.

But of my Lords turning back to meet his Enemies, of his repassing the River Ga∣ronne, and of his taking Castles and Towns in this Expedition, and of other things done against his Enemies in pursuit of them, they were all Deeds Right Worthy and Honourable to be told, as Sr. Richard Stafford, and Sr. William Burton can more plain∣ly declare, than I can write unto You: For it would be too tedious to commit so much to writing.

Now my Lord rode abroad over the Country eight whole Weeks, whereof He rest∣ed not above 11 days, in all those places, whither he came. And know for certain, that since this War first Commenced against the French King, he never received such Loss and Mischief, as he has in this last Expedition. For the Countries and good Towns which were laid waste at this time, supply'd the French King every Year to∣wards the Maintenance of his War, with more, than half his Realm hath done beside; except the Change of his Money, which He maketh every Year, and the Profits and Custom, which he taketh of the Poictevins, as I can shew You by good Records, which were found in divers Towns in the Collectors houses. For Carcassone and Li∣moux, which is as great as Carcassone, and two other Towns in the Coasts of Car∣cassone, found to the French King yearly wages for a 1000 Men of Arms, and an 100000 old Crowns to maintain the War beside. And know, that by the Records, which We found, those Towns of THOLOUSE which We have destroyed, toge∣ther with the Towns in the Country of CARCASSONE, and the Town of Nar∣bonne, with others in Narbonnois, did together with the Sums aforesaid, find him every

Year to the Aid of his War, 400000 Old Crowns into his Coffers; as the Burges∣ses of the great Towns, and other People of the Country, who are supposed well able to know, have told Us. Wherefore by Gods assistance, if my Lord had wherewith∣all to maintain this War, to the King his Fathers Profit, and to his own Honour, He should greatly enlarge the English Pale, and win many fair places: For our Enemies are wonderfully astonished.

At the writing hereof my Lord hath resolved to send all the Earls, and all the Banne∣rets of Quarter in certain places on the Marches, to be ready to make inroads upon the Enemy, and to annoy them.

My Lord, at this present I have no other News to send, but You may by Your Let∣ters command me, as Yours, to my Ability.

My Right Honourable Lord,

God grant You good Life, Joy, and Health, long to continue.

Dated at Bourdeaux, the y 8.4 Tuesday next before Christmas.

This Letter may very well be supposed to have been sent into England by Sr. Richard Stafford, and Sr. William Burton Knights, who returned thither at the end of the foresaid Expedition; especially if we compare what is mention'd of them both in the prece∣ding Letter, with what is seen in the Title of the Following; which is dated a Month later.

The Tenour of a second Letter written by Sr. John Wingfield, directed to Sr. Richard Stafford Knight, who had been in Gascogne, and there leaving his Family, was now returned into England.

Right Dear Sir, and truly Loving Friend!

Touching News here after your Depar∣ture, You may understand, that We have taken and forced to yield five Towns en∣closed, viz. Port St. Mary, Clerac, Tonneins, Bourg z 9.1 Sur Mer, Chasteau Sacrat, and Brassac, also seventeen Castles, viz. Coiller, Buzet, Lemnac, two Castles called Bolognes, which are near one another, Montaut, Viresche, Frechenet, Montendre, Ro∣chechalais, Montpont, Montignac, Vauclare, Cenamont, Leyrac; Plassac, Montravel. And please to know, that my Lord John Chandos, my Lord James Audley, and your Men, that are with them, and the Gascogners, that are in their Company, and my Lord a 9.2 John Botetourt with his Company, and my Lord Reginald Cobham took the foresaid Town of Chastel Sacrat by Assault, and the Bastard of Lisle, who was Cap∣tain of the said Town, was slain in the Assault, being stricken thrô the Head with an Arrow. Now my Lord Reginald is returned back toward Languedoc, and my Lord Botetourt toward Brassac with their Troops: But the Lords John Chandos, and James Audley remain still with their Troops in Chastel Sacrat, and have plenty of Victuals of all sorts to serve them, between this and Midsummer; except only fresh Fish and Cabages, as they have by Letters advertised Us: Wherefore You need not concern your self about your Men: For there are in that Town more than three Hundred Spears, 300 Commons, and an 150 Archers. And they have rid before Agen, and burnt and destroy'd all their Mills, and fired or broken down all their Bridges, that lie over the Garonne, and have taken a Castle without the same Town, and have for∣tified it. And Monsieur John D'Armagnac, and the Seneschal of Agenois, who were then in the Town of Agen, would not once put forth their Heads, nor any of their People, and yet have they been twice before that Town. And Monsieur Bouci∣quault, and Monsieur Arnold D'Endreghan, and Grimston Campbell with 300 Spears, and 300 Souldiers of Lombardy came, and entred the Town of Moissac, which is in Quercy, where now they are; that place being but a Mile from Chastel Sacrat, and but a League from Brassac, and You may well suppose there will be good company to give each other a taste of their Valour. And further please to know, that my Lord Bartholomew (Burwash) is at Cognac with sixscore Men of Arms of my Lords House, and sixscore Archers, and the Captal de Buche, the Lord Monferrand, and the Lord of b 9.3 Crotony, who have with them 300 Spears, sixscore Archers, and 200 other Soul∣diers, besides those in Taillebourg, in Tonnay, and Rochefoucaut; so that all toge∣ther they may well amount to 600 Spears, and at the Writing hereof they were un∣dertaking a journey towards Anjou and Poictou. And the Earls of Suffolk, Oxford, and Salisbury, with the Lord Mucidan, Monsieur Ellis de Pamiers, and other Gas∣cogners, which are more than 500 Spears effective, 200 Souldiers, and 300 Archers, were at the Writing hereof, gone forth against the parts of Nostre Dame de Roche∣made, and have been abroad now these 12 days, nor are yet return'd at the sending of these Presents. My Lord John Chandos, my Lord James Audley, and my Lord John Botetourt with their Troops, are set forth upon a journey on their side. And my Lord Reginald Cobham, and those of his Retinue, with the Gascogners of his Compa∣ny,

are also upon a journey on their side. The Earl of Warwick hath been at Ton∣neins, and at Clerac, which Towns he took, and at the writing hereof was gone to∣wards Marmand to destroy their Vines, and what else he can of theirs. My Lord (the Prince) is now at Libourne, and Monsieur de Pamiers at Fronsac, which is but a quarter of a League from Libourne, and Monsieur Bernard de la Bret is there with him: And my Lord looks for News, which he should have, and according to what He hears, He will behave himself; for as it seems, He stands strictly upon his Honour.

At the Writing hereof the Earl of Armagnac was at Avignon, and the King of Aragon is there also: But of other Discourses, which you know have been in divers places, I cannot now certifie you.

Right Dear Sir, I can recommend nothing to you more earnestly, than that you remember to send News your self to my Lord the Prince, as soon as by any means you can; and so the Lord grant you a long and a good Life.

Dated at Libourne 21 January 1355/6.

V. Now before this, while the Prince of Wales was yet about his Expedition in Gas∣cogne, the King his Father, according to an Agreement made between the Duke of Lan∣caster and the King of Navarre (of which we spake before) prepared with a great Navy and Army of Men to meet the said King about the Island of Jersey; and now all things being ready, he took his Course c 9.4 from the Water of Thames, but in his pas∣sage thitherward he was so strongly encountred by contrary Winds, that he was in great danger driven back, till he arrived at Portsmouth. Here he lay with his whole Fleet, till he heard certain News, how the King of Navarre had changed his former Reso∣lution, and was reconciled to the French King again. For when King John d 9.5 heard and knew, that Despair of obtaining a full Pardon for the Constables Death, had drove that Prince to combine with England against him; he sent unto him the Queen of France and Others to assure him in his Name of absolute Indemnity, and full Grace and Favour, and a quiet Possession of all the Lands in Controversie; whereupon soon after the Reconciliation was made for the present, of which King Edward at this time received Advice.

However the King was not disturbed at this Matter, but hearing also at the same time, e 9.6 that his Adversary King John of France made himself strong towards Calais, and had with him a great Army in the field thereabouts, he entertain'd hopes of speedily obtaining a Decisive Battle with him now, and therefore addressed himself thitherward, and at Calais was joyned with some Additional Forces lead by two Valiant Lords, his Allies, who met him there, namely Sr. Henry Eam of Flanders, and Sr. Frank van Hall, and many other Germains and Brabanders, to the number of a 1000 Men of Arms: So that in all, the Kings Forces amounted to f 9.7 7000 Men of Arms, 2000 Archers on Horseback, besides Archers on Foot in great Number, with Welchmen and other choice Infantry: There being among the rest 25 Men of Arms, and 500 Ar∣chers on Horseback all in one Suit of Livery, at the Charges of the City of London. The King took with him in this Expedition two of his Sons, Prince Lionel of Ant∣werp, and Prince John of Gaunt Earl of Richmond, the former in the Seventeenth Year of his Age, and the other in the Fifteenth; together with Henry Duke of Lancaster, William Earl of Northampton, the Earls of Stafford and March, and the Lord Walter Manny, and many young Gentlemen, Sons to Barons of the Realm; of whom g 9.8 he had upon the Downs Knighted 27, the Chief whereof were his own Sons Lionel and John, Guy and Thomas Sons to the Earl of Warwick, Thomas Son to the Earl of Ox∣ford, and John Son to the Lord Moubray. On the 2^d of November, or rather on All-Saints Day, which is the First (as we shall prove by and by) the King began his March from Calais towards St. Omers (whither he heard the King of France was come from Amiens) wasting all the Country as he went. As he was between Guisnes and Ardres there came to him h 9.9 the Marshal D'Endreghan, the Lord Bouciquault and O∣thers from King John; that i 9.10 under pretence of Discoursing Him, they might take a full view of all his Forces: And accordingly they returned with such a Report of his Strength, that the French King was now determin'd not to hazard a Battle with him: But rather to pass on before, k 9.11 breaking the Bridges behind him, and gathering up or destroying all sorts of Provision; that so the English might be forced for want thereof to return back for that time. Whereupon l 9.12 as he design'd it came to pass, for King Edward was so streightned thereby, that he was obliged to return to Calais, his Army having drank nothing but Water for three Days; and all other Provisions being ex∣tream scarce. The French Writers, and Froisard m 9.13 also himself (for I am resolved to dis∣semble

nothing) say, that King John by these Messengers offer'd King Edward

to fight him either Body to Body, or Power against Power, whensoever himself should appoint; but that King Edward declin'd the Offer, and so went home again for Eng∣land.

Surely I desire by no means to rob the French Nation of any real Flower of Honour; but neither do I think it the part of a just Historian to receive any thing without an exact Scrutiny, or to let Improbabilities and Indecorums to pass without the least Remark, thô never so well attested.

It is evident both by the Challenge, which King Edward sent formerly to this Kings Father (as from sundry Authors of both Nations we n 9.14 have shewn) and from the na∣ture of that Princes Circumstances, as well as his ordinary Custom, that it was better for him in his own Opinion to make a quick Dispatch of the War; to which Opinion it must be allow'd, his Courage was no way wanting; so he could not have been brought over so often in Person without his own Will; and that it was ever his Aim to obtain a Battle, and that when offer'd, he never refused to accept it, and if he had, had been laugh'd at by all the World, since his only way was to win the Crown he claim'd, by Fighting. Nor was King John a better Man at Arms, or better furnished for the War, than his Father Philip, or King Edward (who was now in the Prime of his Manhood, being but 43 Years old) either of less Courage, or Art, or Strength, either of Person or People, than when he sent his Chartel of Defiance to King Philip of Valois: That he should need to decline the same at this time. And thô for this Assertion of theirs they bring no Record nor Authority, but the Word of one ancient Author, who might herein be misinformed: yet we shall add to these our Reasons a more Authentick Testimony from our Records of Parliament, which to establish my Opinion most expresly o 9.15 witness,

That on All-Souls Day the King marched toward his Enemy, and profer'd him Bat∣tle, which his Enemy by all means refused: Wherefore having wasted and spoiled the Country, seeing his own Army languish, he returned to Calais, where he made Honourable Peace, and so came back into England to his Parliament:

Which he had summon'd to sit at Westminster on the p 9.16 Morrow after St. Martin the Bishop.

Now Froisard, who happen'd by some Misinformation to give the first Authority to this Story, q 9.17 doth yet witness with Others, that King Edward rode with a great Host, as far as Hesdin, where he brake up the Park, and burnt the Houses within and about it, thô he entred not either the Town or Castle: And then as our Writers agree, for want of Provisions he returned back to Calais on St. Martins Day, being the r 9.18 Ele∣venth after his Setting forth, according to those who say, He set forth on the 2^d of November, but the r 9.19 Twelfth according to the Records, which affirm, how he march∣ed forth of Calais on All-Souls, or All-Saints Day.

That same Day being * 9.20 a Thursday, and the 12 of November, the s 9.21 Constable of France, and other French Gentlemen came indeed to the end of the Causey of Ca∣lais with Credential Letters, offering unto the King of England, in presence of the Duke of Lancaster, the Earl of Northampton, and the Lord Walter Manny, to give him Battle on the Tuesday next following; in answer to which Challenge, the said Lords of England having full Power and Authority so to do, offer'd unto the Constable in the King their Masters Name, that he the said King of England, to avoid shedding of Christian Blood, would fight with the French King their Master, Body to Body; so to decide his Right, or if that Offer should not take place, then the two Kings to select Three or Four Knights apiece, such as should be the nearest in Blood unto them; and together with these to try the Matter: But when both these Offers were reject∣ed, the English Lords offer'd to give Battle to the whole French Army, either the next Day being Friday, or on Saturday the Day after, whether they would; but the Constable and his Fellows continuing still in their first Demand, refused both those Days. Then at the last the English Lords said, how they accepted of Tuesday, the Day by them assign'd, on this Condition;

That if they did not bring the King of England to a Battle on that Day, then they would engage to yield themselves Priso∣ners to the French; so that they would likewise undertake to yield themselves, if their King kept not the promised Day.

To this equal but unexpected Proposal, when the Constable of France having no∣thing ready to reply, had made some Demurr, at last upon pressing he flatly refused to make any such Bargain: So that the English Lords perceived plainly, how their Ene∣mies meant not to afford them Battle, as at first they pretended, but only by Delays to seek Advantages, and to put their Master to Charges, thereby to make him weary of the War. However because of the Season of the Year the Commissioners on both Sides made shift to strike up a Temporary Truce t 9.22 to endure till Easter, which done they parted asunder without any more medling for that time.

King Edward stayed at Calais however till the Tuesday u 9.23 following, at which time having paid the Lords Strangers their appointed Wages, because he saw no appearance of having Battle given him, he embarqued for England, where the next day he happi∣ly arrived, and came to his Parliament then sitting at Westminster.

VI. This x 9.24 Parliament first began to sit on the Day of St. Martin the Bishop, be∣ing the very Day on which the King return'd to Calais from pursuit of his Enemies; but upon the Account of the Kings Absence, as well as for other Causes, had been Adjour∣ned first from the said 12 of November to the 23^d, and after from thence to 25th, by which time the King was returned to his Parliament. But before we enter upon this Affair, it will not be amiss to dispatch other Matters out of the way, in order to clear some Passages which follow.

Besides what we mention'd, and the approach of Winter, there was a further Reason why King Edward made so much haste home into England; for while he was yet in Artois, he had News brought him,

How on the Sixth of November the Scots came very early one Morning to Barwick, and having by Surprize taken the Town, thô with the Death of only three or four Englishmen, whom they found upon the Watch, they seised on all the Goods and Persons therein, except those, who had got into the Ca∣stle.

But the Castle they could not take, the Bridge being drawn up: Thô notwith∣standing they held the Town as their own, till King Edward drove them away; as we shall shew in due place.

Now before King Edward was come into France, King John had y 9.25 sent the Lord Eugenie Garenciers with a select Number of Frenchmen, and 40000 Crowns in Gold into Scotland, to encourage that People to invade England, thereby to give a Diversion to King Edward as soon as ever he should have left his Kingdom. Whereupon Pa∣trick Earl of March, and the Lord William Douglas, being accompanied with Fourty French Captains of Name, beside the Lord of Garenciers, marched silently towards Bar∣wick, and in a certain convenient Place not far off, the two Earls planted themselves in a strong Ambush. Then Sr. William Ramsey of the Dalehouse, according to Order, with 400 Light-Horse in his Company began to drive a great many Head of Cattle near the Town, to decoy the Garrison into their Ambush. The Souldiers of the Town seeing such a Booty, sallied out under the Command of Sr. Thomas Grey, as was expected, and hardly pursued after the Cattle and their Drivers, till e'r they were aware they fell into the Scotch Ambush, where being suddenly surrounded, after a stout Resistance they were all slain, except Sr. Thomas Grey their Captain, with his Son Sr. John Dacres, and a few more Esquires and Gentlemen, whom they kept to Ransom: Thô the Scots themselves lost in this Skirmish several Persons of Quality, as Sr. John Haliburton, Sr. James Turn∣bull and Others. z 9.26 Hector says, certain Frenchmen bought of the Scots the English Pri∣soners, and then presently put them to the Sword, in revenge of their Friends and Pa∣rents slain by them at Cressy and elsewhere: But this I'll not believe, the French be∣ing naturally a People of more Honour. Early the next Morning, the Scots en∣couraged with this Victory, approached the Town of Barwick, and when the Watch was in a manner overcome with Sleep, set their Ladders to the Walls, mounted and en∣ter'd the Place. Those few English, whom they found ready they fell upon and slew, thô not without loss to themselves; for by their Acknowledgment there fell on the Scots side Sr. Thomas Vaux, Sr. Andrew Scot of Balvere, Sr. John Gourdon, Sr. Willi∣am Sinclare, Sr. Thomas Preston and Sr. Alexander Moubray: And of the English, Sr. Alexander Ogle the Captain of the Town, Sr. Everard Grey, and Sr. Thomas Piercy, Brother as they say to the Earl of Northumberland; thô as yet that Title did not be∣long to that Name, and in the Genealogy of the Lord Piercy, there is no mention of a Brother of his so named in those Days. But 'tis usual with the Scotch Historians to create Men and Titles, and then to slay them, to advance, as they imagin the Honour of their Nation. I'll give but one Instance of Hectors Ignorance, or at least indiligence, speaking of the Battle of Poictiers, which happened a little after, he says, a 9.27

The same time these things were done in Scotland, Richard the Son of Edward the Third, Prince of Wales, He who afterwards as King of England succeeded in his Fathers Place, having conquer'd John King of France, and bringing him into England, &c.

We may well expect wonderfull intelligence from this Man, as to the Families of the English Nobility, who is so grosly ignorant of the Name of the Greatest Prince, Son to the Greatest King, that England ever produced: But to return.

Whatever the Manner was of Winning Barwick, the Scots are said at this time b 9.28 to have slain no more of the English but only those who resisted. But when King Ed∣ward heard of the Loss of the Town, he forthwith hasted into England to his Parlia∣ment,

as we shew'd before, where for the ardent desire he had to recover the Town and save the Castle, he tarried but three Days before he began to march for Scotland: and yet in that time the Parliament performed Matters worth our Notice: Of which now we shall speak briefly. Only we must not forget, c 9.29 that the Lord William Greystoch, who had been constituted Captain of the Town of Barwick, but was absent at the time of its Taking, did then much incurr the Displeasure of the King there∣fore. But it being clearly proved, that his Absence was occasion'd by the Kings Com∣mand (for he attended the King personally into France, as he was order'd) at the re∣quest of Queen Philippa he obtained his Pardon.

VII. At the Opening of this Parliament, d 9.30 which was on the Wednesday, being St. Catharine's Day, or the 25 of November, the Lord Chief Justice Sr. William Share∣shull declared in the Presence of the King, Lords and Commons, how it was his Ma∣jesties Pleasure, that Sr. Walter Manny should make Declaration to the whole Assem∣bly of the Kings Affairs, as one that had the most Knowledge therein; whereupon the said Lord e 9.31 Walter began to declare,

How the King had treated of a Peace with the French, and how for the Accomplishment thereof he had sent the Duke of Lancaster and Others, as his Ambassadors to the Court of Rome at Avignon, where by means of the Frenchmens Obstinacy, Matters could not be brought to any Issue. How that during the said Duke's Abode at f 9.32 Avignon the King of Navarre had complained to the same Duke of sundry Dammages done to him by the French (King) and by Oath affirmed, how he would most willingly enter into a League with the King; and for Assurance of the same would with as great a Power as he could, enforce him∣self to meet the King at Jersey. How the King upon the return of the said Duke, and knowledge had of these Things, with a great Navy and Army hastned himself from the River of Thames towards Jersey, but being put back by contrary Winds, was driven with great hazard to Portsmouth, where he abode till News came, that the said King of Navarre had made his Peace with the French King. Whereupon the King being advertised that the French (King) made himself strong toward Calais with a great Army; and thinking there to have some present Battle offer'd him, ad∣dressed himself thither, being accompanied with his own Forces, and also certain of his Allies, whom he found there, viz. Sr. Henry of Flanders, Sr. Frank van Hall and many other Germans.

How the King on All-Souls Day last past marched towards his Enemy, and proffer'd to give him Battle, which his Enemy by all means refused: Whereby the King wa∣sting and spoiling the Country, and seeing his own Army for Want to languish, re∣turned to Calais, where he made Honourable Peace; and now was returned into the Realm to his Parliament.

After all which Sr. William Shareshull required the Commons,

to weigh and consider the Kings unweariedness and Constancy in labouring for their Defence; and that he was now ready to repell the Insolence of the Scots, who had taken the Town of Barwick, as News had been brought to the King: And he willeth them also forthwith to advise, how he might be the best enabled not only to make a full Victory over that People; but also attain to his long-deferred Peace with France to his own Honour, and to their quiet and advantage.

The Friday after, which was the 27 of November, the Lords and Commons, after a short Conference had, granted unto his Majesty for Six Years following the Subsidy of Wooll, namely g 9.33 50 s. of every Sack, that should be exported during that time; so as all that while no other Aid or Imposition be laid upon the Commons. By which sole Grant h 9.34 it was thought, how the King might dispend more than a Thousand Marks Sterling per diem, for six Years together; such Vent of Woolls had the Eng∣lish Merchants in those Days, there being then above an 100000 Sacks transported yearly.

Petitions of the Commons with their Answers.

That the Great Charter, and the Charter of the Forest in all points shall be kept: That the Statute, that the Staples shall always be kept within the Realm, shall be observed: The Statute made for yearly removing of Sheriffs shall be observed: The Statute made for the Pourveyors shall be kept.

That whereas the Commons have granted to the King 40 s. of every Knights Fee in Aid to make his Son Knight, the Exchequer demandeth the same, as well of i 9.35 Mesne Lords, as of the Tenants in Demesne, against Reason: Wherefore they pray Reme∣dy. The Right use of the Exchequer is to be kept. That no Mans Lands, being bought in the time of Henry III, which was before the Statute of Prerogative, may be seised

into the Kings hands by Escheators. Let this be more particularly declared unto the King. That the Justices of the Peace may determine Weights and Measures. The Statute made shall be observed. Such Justices shall make no Deputies, neither shall the Sheriff, Coroner, or such like, be from henceforth a Justice.

It is Enacted, That no Sheriff, Constable of any Castle, or Goal, be any Commissio∣ner, where Men are to be imprison'd.

That the Points of Confederacy may be declared, considering how the Judges judge rashly thereof: None shall be punished for Confederacy, but where the Statute speaketh expresly, upon the point contained in the same statute. That the Justices of Goal-Delivery, on an Inditement of the Coroner coming before them, may award the Exigent. The old Law shall stand. That such Persons of the Far North-Countries, as upon Appeals Joyn-Issue on good or evil, may try the same by Nisi Prius; considering that the Ju∣ry will not appear in the Kings Bench. The Old Law used shall be kept. That Reme∣dy may be had against such, as to defraud their Creditors before Judgement, do con∣vey away their Lands and Goods. The Statute therefore made shall be observed. That Writs of Attaints may be had of Verdicts given in the Exchequer, as of Verdicts gi∣ven in other Courts. The Old Law shall be observed. Such as be Indited before the Justices of the Peace shall make Attourneys have the hearing of their Presentments, and Answer thereunto. Enacted.

VIII. Thus ended this Parliament, and about the time of its ending, viz. at the going out of November, the k 9.36 Assembly of the Estates of France began to sit at Pa∣ris: Before whom the Chancellour of France recited in the Parliament-Chamber the State of the Wars,

desiring them thereupon to take Advice, what convenient Aid ought to be given to the King their Lord, toward the Maintenance of his Wars, and the Defence of his Realms; and he added, that whereas the King understood, how his Subjects were sore aggrieved at the Alteration of Money, his Majesty offer'd now to make good and durable Money; so that they would grant him sufficient Aid to furnish his Wars:

To which the Three Estates reply'd with one Consent; That is, the Clergy by the Mouth of the Archbishop of Rheimes, the Nobility by the Duke of Athens, and the Good Towns by the Mouth of Stephen Marcel, Provost of the Merchants at Paris;

That they were, according to their Duty, ready to live and die with their King, and to spend both their Bodies and Goods in his Service, only they required sufficient time to deliberate and advise together, which the King grant∣ed them.

And the mean while, viz. on the seventh of December He created his El∣dest Son, the Lord Charles, who was Dauphin of Vienna, Duke of Normandy; for which he receiv'd his Homage the next day. Now the Estates, having seriously con∣sidered upon the Kings Requests, and the Necessity of his Affairs, consented to find him for One Year at their own Costs and Charges 30000 Fighting Men with all their Warlike Furniture, Provision and Apparel; but because the Sum of Money, which at first they reckon'd sufficient for that Exploit, together with the Gabel of Salt, were both by many question'd to fall short, they appointed to meet again on the First day of March following, to enquire into the Matter, and to make up, what should then appear deficient: The Progress of which Affair We shall refer to its proper place; lest We should be carried too far abroad, when We are called upon to stay at home.

But being brought to the end of this Year, We shall now think of concluding this Chap∣ter, when We have after our usual Method inserted two or three occurrences, which are most properly ranged in such places, where they may appear without disturbing the Order or Coherence of greater Matters.

IX. On the sixth of January, or after the Roman way of reckoning l 9.37 on the VII of the Ides of the said Month, in the beginning of this Year 1355, King Edward recei∣ved from the Hands of Heaven, a lively Young Prince for a New-years Gift; this being his seventh and youngest Son, was born at the Kings Palace at Woodstock about seven Miles from Oxford: Whereupon he bore the sirname of Woodstock, being at the Font named Thomas, and became in time Earl of Buckingham, and Duke of Glouce∣ster, and was a Prince of High Stomach and Resolution. King Edward, upon the Queens m 9.38 Purification of this her Seventh Son, held in her Honour a Solemn Justs and Tourneament at Woodstock, where were present the greater Part of the Nobility of England.

It is said, n 9.39 that on Shrove-Tuesday this Year at Night, contrary to the Truce then in being, two and fifty English Men took the Castle of Nantes in Bretagne by Scala∣do: But the Lord Guy of Rochefort, the Captain thereof, who was at that time in the

City, was so well provided, that he retook it again that same Night, and cut them all to pieces without pity, because they had so falsly violated the Truce.

This Summer o 9.40 there raged a most strange and unaccountable Infirmity in England, which was attributed rather to the Malignity of Evil Spirits, than to any natural Cause: For People of a sudden grew mad, and went out of their Wits in most parts of the Realm, whether they were in Towns or in Fields; and so they ran about distracted to Woods and Groves to hide themselves, as Wild Beasts, avoiding the Company of Men: And some ran out of the Fields to the Towns, and out of Towns to the Fields, void of all Care or Conduct, and could hardly be laid hold on; and some wounded them∣selves with knives, and snapt, and bit at those, who endeavour'd to catch them. And many were carried into Churches, and there they lay bound, till they might obtain ease from God by Prayer. And in some Churches you might see ten, or a dozen, sometimes more, sometimes less, in this Condition; so that it was a great Pity to behold their case. But they soon recover'd by this means, and the Malady was not lasting.

This Year p 9.41 Peter Lord Mauley V. of that Name, deceased upon the Festival of St. German, in the Sixty sixth Year of his Age, leaving behind him Peter his Son and Heir, then Twenty four Years old, called Peter VI. de Malolacu or Mauley, who follow'd his Valiant Fathers steps thrô all the hazardous Paths of Glory.

CHAPTER the FOURTEENTH.

The CONTENTS.

I. King Edward goes into Scotland, and recovers Barwick: * 9.42King Edward Bailiol resigns his Right and Title to the Crown of Scotland, to King Edward of England. II. King Edward ravages about in Scotland; but losing a great part of his Navy, is obliged to return. III. He brings along with him the Bailiol into England. IV. A Parliament at Paris, with a Famous Tax therein ordained. V. A Sedition at Arras prudently supprest. VI. King John seises on the Person of the King of Navarre, puts him in Prison, and executes several of his Friends. VII. Prince Philip, Brother to the King of Navarre, obtains Assistance from England, and being afterwards reinforced by the Duke of Lancaster, makes hot War in Normandy. VIII. King John goes against him; but upon News of Prince Edwards Invasion in another part, goes back to oppose him. IX. The Duke of Lancaster, having settled Affairs in Normandy, goes into Bre∣tagne to the Dutchess.

I. THE Parliament at Westminster, of which we spake in the preceding Chap∣ter, being ended about the Feast of St. Andrew, a 9.43 King Edward imme∣diately set forward for Scotland, and rested not, till he came to Newecstle, where he solemnized the Nativity of our Saviour: At which time He recei∣ved Letters from his Valiant Son, the Prince of Wales, containing a full account of his late Exploits in Gascogne, as we have declared.

On the b 9.44 14 of January King Edward, having his Army encamped near the Town of Barwick, and his Navy ready in the Haven to assail the Scots, that were now there∣in, enter'd into the Castle himself with some of his Guard, that being still in the hands of his Subjects, designing to let down the Bridge, and fall in upon the Town that way, while the Army from without attempted the Walls: The Lord Manny also at the same time being busie in springing a Mine, thereby to get entrance by Craft, if Force should fail. Upon this the Scots within, being terrified with these dreadfull Preparations, and seeing it impossible to hold out against such Forces, and so various attacks; began to capi∣tulate, desiring only to be secured of Life, Limb, and Liberty, and they would forthwith yield up the Town: Which Conditions the King accepted.

But the c 9.45 Scotch Writers say, that when the Scots within the Town heard, how King Edward himself was coming to its Relief, they dismantled the Walls, set fire on the Town, and so fled away with all the Spoil they had gotten.

However King d 9.46 Edward, being now repossessed of the Place, leaves behind him suf∣ficient Hands both for the Defence thereof, and to repair what was wanting in the For∣tifications,

and himself in e 9.47 three Great Battails, marches forth into Scotland, resolving f 9.48 now to bring that Realm to terms of Agreement, or to reduce them so low, that He should never after stand in doubt of their Rebellion. While he was at Roxborough, Edward Bailiol King of Scotland, considering, g 9.49 how God Almighty wrought graciously and miraculously for King Edward, and being also wearied with so long contending for little more, than the Empty name of a King, which of himself he was not able to main∣tain; reflecting likewise, that himself was now well gone in Years, and had no Child to leave the Kingdom to; upon these thoughts, he concluded it wholly vain to labour a∣ny longer, and therefore coming unto Roxborough, by his Charter of Resignation he sub∣mitted the Crown of Scotland, and all the Right, Title, and Interest, that ever he had, or might have, thereto, unto King Edward of England and his Heirs for ever, only out of this Grant h 9.50 he reserved to himself an annual Pension of 2050 pounds to be paid unto him, during his Natural Life. And he earnestly beg'd, that he would now pursue his own quarrel to the utmost, and i 9.51 not forget those manifold Injuries, which the Scots had done unto them both. This Solemn k 9.52 Resignation King Bailiol confirmed by his Letters Patents, made and given under his Hand and Seal, and bearing Date 25 Januarii An^o. Domini 1356, which he deliver'd with his own hands to King Edward of England, in sight of all the Lords both of England and Scotland there present. Thô King Edward bearing a particular Love for his Third Son born (but Second living) Prince Lionel, l 9.53 according to some, accepted the Kingdom for him, he to hold it by Homage now of Him, and hereafter of his Elder Brother the BLACK-PRINCE and his Heirs. For so says Knighton, that King Bailiol resign'd all the Right, which He claim'd to the Crown of Scotland, to the Lord Lionel, Son to the King of England. Thô others say, that King Edward not only received the Realm of Scotland to his own behoof, but also soon after took upon him the Royalties thereof, being at Scone in Presence of all the Prelates, Lords, and other great Men of both Nations, m 9.54 Crowned King of Scotland. But We dare not averr so much our selves, because We never find him to use the Title, or any other way to signifie such a Matter.

II. However while King Edward and the Bailiol tarried at Roxborough, Earl Douglas, and many n 9.55 of the Chief Nobles of Scotland came to him, and treated with him, as if they design'd to submit to his Peace, and a Day was appointed for a full and final Agree∣ment: In order to which the King allow'd them 8 days Respite. But the mean while these perfidious People convey'd the best of their Moveables beyond the Scottish Sea, and then William Douglas sent word to the King,

That he would never submit himself to his Peace, while he lived.

King Edward being thus again deluded, marched forth with his Army, divided into three Great Battails, burning and destroying the Country on each side round about him, as he passed, till he came to Haddington. But the Scots had removed out of the way all sorts of Provision, so that for 15 days together the English could get no Drink, but fresh Water, wherefore they were obliged to return. But the Scots were always ready, both on their flank and Reer, to cut off whosoever went forth from the main Host to forage. While King Edward tarried at Haddington waiting for his Navy, wherein the Provisions for his Army were; his Men of War were not idle, but ravaged about in the Country at their Pleasure, doing much mischief to the Enemy, but little good to themselves: For there was neither Spoil to be met with of any Worth, nor Victuals in any Quantity, and Drink, as We said before, none but Water: All that was good for any thing, being carried away, or consumed by the Scots.

The mean while the Northern Navy, under the Command of the Lord o 9.56 Robert Mor∣ley their Admiral, suffer'd great Damage at Sea; for whether it was, because they had spoil'd a Church of our Lady, near Haddington, called White-Kirk, p 9.57 as was said, or for any other cause, or by chance, there arose such a Tempest and Vehement North∣wind, that many of their Vessels rushing together, and beating rudely against the Banks and Sands, were cast away with most of the Men and Provisions within them, and the whole Fleet received much Damage, being scatter'd so, that hardly three Ships came into one Haven together. For Displeasure whereof (say the Scotch Writers) King Edward fell to ravaging again, and abundantly powred out his Anger upon Edinburgh, Had∣dington, and other Towns of Louthian. Nor will I dissemble, that he is here also said to have made terrible havock of Holy Places, sparing it seems, neither Church, Abbey, nor any other Religious House; as if, says Hector, he was minded to make War against God and all his Saints. But for this I must beg Hector's pardon, if I do not so rea∣dily believe it, partly because his Credit is not very great, as We have frequently seen, and partly because Buchanan says no such thing, as also because that humour was con∣trary to King Edwards disposition, who as Hector says (thô falsly in one point) slew

his own Brother John of Eltham for the same sacrilegious humour; and we have instanced more than once in this our History, that he hath hanged several of his own Men, for set∣ting fire to Churches, or Monasteries; and lastly (not to take Notice of Hector's supersti∣tious humour) I believe it not, because of that notable Success, which followed his Arms this Year in France, and elsewhere, as we shall shew presently.

However this is certain, the King of England left at this time such Marks of his Resent∣ments in those parts, that because this Desolution happen'd about the Feast of the Purifica∣tion of our Lady, and so many Towns and Villages were fired by the English, The Scots ever after q 9.58 called it the Burnt-Candlemas.

III. When He had thus wreak'd himself upon Scotland, and had settled things, as then he could, in those parts, he returned home with the Lord Edward Bailiol in his Company; not (as the Scots no less foolishly, then maliciously write) that he fear'd, lest he should make any New Stirs: For he had upon good grounds, after serious Con∣sideration, of his own accord, Resign'd his Right unto him, and therefore 'twas not like∣ly he should repent the Fact; and if he should, he had not the least power in the World of doing any harm against King Edward, since it was only by means of his Force and Assistance, that he had not long since been crush'd to pieces; for the whole Scotch Nation hated him, thô against their Wills they had by the English Arms been forced to obey him. Wherefore 'twas not for any jealousie, that King Edward now took him along with him into England, but rather for Friendship and Good-will, that so he might be removed, as he desired, from being present among that stubborn People, whose vexa∣tious Rebellions that he might avoid, he laid by his Right to a Crown, being willing to spend his latter days in some quiet and Honourable Retreat, which King Edward allow'd him all his Life, even seven Years after, at which time he died.

IV. Having thus dispatch'd the Affairs of Scotland, 'tis time for us now to look toward other parts, especially where the Trumpet seems to call us forth to War: Wherefore leaving England for a while, we shall search a little after the Condition of France, where we shall find by a strange kind of Fate, how readily that Realm inclines to accelerate its own Disasters.

On the first of March the Three Estates (according as they had ordain'd the last Sessi∣on) met again at Paris in Parliament, to consider about the last Tax, and not only to make it sufficient, but to settle a kind of Fund upon the Crown, toward the Mainte∣nance of these hungry Wars. And r 9.59 here finding, that the first Grant, together with the Gabell of Salt, would by no means suffice, they granted a New Subsidy;

that e∣very Person, as well of the Blood Royal, as others, whether of the Clergy or not, Religieux, or Lay-Religieux, Housholders or Curates of Churches, having Rents, or Revenues, Offices, or Administration, Women, Widows, Children, Married, or not-Married, having any thing of their own, either in their own hands, or in the keeping, administration, or tuition of others, and all others of any Estate, Quality, or Privi∣lege whatsoever, that are according to the usual valuation worth any thing: If it be valued at an 100 l. Revenues or under, being for term of Life either in Heritage, or pledge, or by means of any Office, or Pension, during Life or at Pleasure, that Person shall pay to the Kings Aid and Subsidy, of every such 4 l. Fourty Souses; and of eve∣ry Ten Pound of Revenues and above, 20 Souses: Labourers and others, living by their Work and Labour, shall pay only 10 Souses: Servants, Prentices, and others, who living by their service receive above an 100 shillings Wages per annum, shall pay 10 Souses: The Moneys to be valued at the Rate of Paris in that Country, and at the Rate of Tournois, as Money is current in those parts. But if servants have by the Year but an 100 shillings or under, then they shall pay nothing, unless they have Goods after the Rate aforesaid; for then they shall pay, as well as others. Also all Beggars, Monks, and Cloysterers, without Office or Administration, and all Children being within ward, under the age of 15, if they have nothing in their hands, and also all Nuns, having no Revenues above 40 l. shall pay nothing: Nor Married Women neither, because their Husbands pay for them: For they shall be valued as well after what themselves are worth, as what their Wives are Worth too. As for the Clergy, and Men of the Church, as Prelates, Abbots, Priors, Canons, Vicars, and others; if they be worth above an 100 l. Yearly Revenues, as aforesaid, either in Spiritual or Temporal Preferment, or Estate, or in both, to the Sum of 5000 l. they shall pay 4 l. for the first Hundred, and 40 s. for every other Hundred, till you come to the Sum of 5000 l. aforesaid: But they shall pay nothing, for what they may dispend a∣bove 5000 l. nor for their Moveables. And the Value of their Benefices shall be estimated after the Rate of their Desmes, when they are payable without privilege

or exception. And as for Noblemen, and those of the Good Towns, that may spend above the Sum of 100 l. Revenues, they shall pay, till they come to the Sum of 5000 l. for every Hundred Pounds 40 s. besides 4 l. for the first Hundred: And those of the Good Towns in like manner, till they come to a 1000 l. of Revenues. And as for the Moveables of Noblemen, that have not a 100 l. of Revenues, their Moveables shall be esteemed, and reckoned to the Value of a 1000 l. and no further. And others, that have not 400 l. of Revenues, their Goods shall be reckoned, till you come to 4000 l. that is to say, an Hundred Pounds of Moveables, as 10 l. of Revenues, and so on after that Rate. And if a Nobleman has only an 100 l. in Revenues, and but a 1000 l. in Moveables, or if he have but 400 l. in Revenues, and but 4000 in Moveables, or if it be part in One, and part in the Other; they must be estimated together to the Sum of 1000 l. to Noblemen, and to 4000 l. to o∣thers, and not beyond.

This is that Famous Tax, the most Remarkable in that Age; not so much for the Greatness thereof, as for its Universality, it being extended to the very Wages of Servants, Labourers, and other Mean Persons; and besides that, there was taxed s 9.60 8 pence, or French deniers, in every Pound, of all Merchandise.

V. These excessive Subsidies were occasion of many Murmurs, and of some Insurre∣ctions, as at Arras especially: Where on the t 9.61 Fifth of March being a Saturday, there arose a fierce and mortal Contention between the Commons and the Chief Burgesses of the Town: At which time the Commons slew Seventeen of the most Eminent of their Citizens; and on the Monday after they murder'd Four more, and proscribed most of those that were absent: For at that time they had the chief stroke in the Govern∣ment of the Town. u 9.62 But on the Wednesday after Easter, or the 27 of April, the Lord Arnold D'Endreghan Marshal of France, went thither politickly without any appearance of Men of War; but only as a Friendly Reconciler between the two Par∣ties; and having order'd 200 Horse to follow him by degrees, when they were all come, he pick'd up more than an hundred of the principal Ringleaders in this Sediti∣on, and the next day made Twenty of them shorter by the Head, laying the rest in Prison, till the Kings Pleasure might be known in that Behalf. Nor was this Town only reduced hereby, but other growing Seditions were nipt in the Bud, being aw'd with the severity of this opportune Execution.

VI. This mean while fell out what we also hinted before, the surprize of the King of Navarre's Person, by his Father-in-Law King John: Which was occasioned and performed in this Manner. Since the late Reconciliation between the two Kings, King John was certainly informed, how King Charles of Navarre had covertly dealt with his Enemies, and had imagin'd and treated on divers things prejudicial to the Interest of Him and his Realm: And he heard, that the Lord Lewis Earl of Harcourt had spoken injurious and undutifull Words against his Person, and had in the Parliament assembled for the Kings Supplies, endeavour'd what in him lay to stop the Grant of that Subsidy. Wherefore being now resolved to bear these Indignities no longer, on Tuesday x 9.63 being the fifth of April, and about the middle of Lent, he took horse early before day, and rode from Vernevil in Harness, with his Son Lewis Earl of Anjou, Philip Duke of Orleans his Bro∣ther, the Lord John of Artois, Earl of Eu, and the Lord Charles of Artois his Bro∣ther, Cousin-Germans to the King; together with the Earl of Tancarville, the Lord Ar∣nold D'Endreghan Marshal of France, and Others to the number of 200 Spears. With this Company King John came directly to the Castle of Rouën by the Postern, and would not pass thrô the Town: So coming suddainly into the Castle, he there found at Dinner with his Son, the Dauphin, in the Great Hall, Charles King of Navarre, Lewis Earl of Harcourt, with his two Brethren John and William, and the Lord De la Preux Clere, the Lord Friquant of Friquant, the Lord of Tournebu, the Lord Graville, the Lord de Maubuè, and two Esquires Oliver Doublet and John Vaubaton, with Others: All whom he caused to be apprehended together, and clapt up severally into divers Cham∣bers of the Castle. And then having sat down, and dined on what was not prepared for him, he took Horse again after Dinner, and rode forth into the Field of Pardon. But surely at this time it could not be properly so called, but rather by an Antiphrasis, or contrary way of Speaking: For immediatly hereupon were brought thither in two Carts the Lord Lewis Earl of Harcourt, the Lord Graville, the Lord Maubué, and Oliver Doublet Esquire, all whose Heads he caused then and there to be stricken off before him, without any manner of Form or Process: After which their Bodies were all brought to a Gallows and there hanged up in Chains, and their Heads set upon the common Gibbet of Rouën. However that same Day the King acquitted all the Rest from Prison, except only the foresaid Charles King of Navarre, the Lord Friquant, and John Vaubaton Esquire; all

whom he sent to Paris, and imprison'd them first in the Louvre, and afterward in the Chastelet; but especially over the King of Navarre he set several of his most assured Friends of his Privy Council to have a strict regard unto him; and sometimes he threatned him with Death it self, and had him hurried about to the strong Castle of Gaillard upon the Seyne, to the Castle of Arleux in Cambresis, and other Places of great Strength, as a Person Unsacred, and not of Kingly Character.

VII. But this Violence of King John's was followed with Bloody Consequences, for immediatly thereupon Prince Philip of Navarre, Brother to the imprison'd King, and the Lord Godfry of Harcourt Brother to the late Earl, combined in a strong League together to revenge the Outrages done against their Brethren. And first Prince Philip presently seised into his hands several Castles in Normandy belonging to the King his Brother. And thô King John sent unto him to deliver them back again, he was so far from complying with him therein, that he presently took Shipping for England, where he obtain'd a present Supply under the Leading y 9.64 of the Lord Miles Stapleton Knight of the Garter, with the promise of a speedy Reinforcement to be headed by the Duke of Lancaster. For z 9.65 before that time King Edward had constitu∣ted this Mighty Prince, his Cousin Henry Plantagenet, his Lieutenant and Captain-Ge∣neral in the Dukedom of Bretagne, for the Defence of John of Montford the Duke thereof, who was still under Age. And while the said Duke of Lancaster was thus preparing to assist the Duke of Bretagne, and in his way thither, his Kinsman of Na∣varre, Prince Philip, and the Lord Godfry of Harcourt aforesaid, had brought a 9.66 some Troops of English and Others, the King of France's Enemies, into the Isle of Con∣stantine or Coutantine in Normandy, which they fortified and held against the French King. When a little after Whitsuntide in the Month of June, came over to their Aid the said Duke of Lancaster, and the Earl of Darby (which one Person b 9.67 Mezeray thrô Mistake, accounts for two) and joyn'd with Prince Philip and the Lord Godfry of Har∣court, at c 9.68 Montebourg in the said Isle of Constantine with 4000 Fighting Men. These altogether rode to Carentan, to Lisieux and Orbec, and thence to the Castle of Ponteau de Mer, belonging to the King of Navarre, which had been besieged for more than two Months, by the Lord d 9.69 Robert de Houstetout Master of the Crossbows in France, and a great Number of Frenchmen. But when they heard of the Duke of Lancaster's approach, they quitted the Siege in great haste, leaving behind them all their Military Engines and Artillery, with many other Necessaries, which now the Eng∣lish took for their own Use. When the Duke of Lancaster had victual'd the Place, and reinforced it with all things necessary, he marched thence to Breteville (belonging also to the King of Navarre) and at that time likewise besieged by the French; and having here done as before, as well by Raising the Siege, as by supplying the Place; finding that the City and Castle of Eureux, which had lately been taken upon Composition by the French, was not worth his present Consideration, because at that time the City was burnt, and the Cathedral robbed as well by the Navarrois, who yielded them up, as by the French who gleaned after them; he neglected that Place for the present, and marched on the right hand to Vernevil a strong City on the skirts of Normandy, and took the Town by Storm the first Day he came before it, and plunder'd and fired a great part thereof. After which he assaulted the Castle thrice, and took it the third Day, having with him a special Engine of Battery, wherewith he did Wonders in demolish∣ing the Walls of Castles. But it being told him on the Morrow, that the French King was within five Leagues of him, he drew out his Army into the Field, and prepared for Pattle, staying thereabouts in expectation of him, till he heard how the King of France was turn'd off another way, being called to oppose the more violent Procee∣dings of Edward, the Young Prince of Wales.

VIII. Now it is to be premised, that King John, who had before this raised a Mighty Army, having heard tidings of the Duke of Lancasters thus taking the Field, hasted after him, and followed him as far as Conches, which leads straight to Vernevil, from whence e 9.70 he sent two Heralds of Arms unto him to let him know,

That he observ'd, how he had for a long time been in his Country, and done great Spoil to his People there, so that it seem'd he design'd not to refuse Battle when offer'd; and if so he should soon be satisfied as to that Point.

To which Message the Duke of Lancaster return'd Answer,

that he was come into those Parts upon special Busi∣ness, which (Thanks be to God) he had already in some measure effected: And that as then he was Marching to some other Parts, where also he had Business to do; but that if the French King, or any of his Subjects should offer to stand in his way, he was ready to make his way by Force, resolving to do nothing obscurely: For

that he would cause a Lanthern to be carried behind him, that the French King might know which way he bent his Course.

However the Duke drew out his Men, f 9.71 or∣derly ranged for Battle into the Field, expecting the Arrival of the King of France, whom he heard as then to be no more than five Leagues off. But he receiving News at the same time of Prince Edwards Ravaging in the Parts of Gascogne, returned back thitherward to give Battle unto him; of which Matter we shall speak more particularly, when we have quitted our hands of what remains concerning this Expedition of the Duke of Lancasters.

Upon King Johns Return, the Duke of Lancaster went back to Laigle, g 9.72 thence to Tully and Argentan; and even to the Abby of St. Fremund, where he passed over a dangerous Water, the Bridge having been broken by the French, and 67 Men of Arms left there to keep the Passage of the Bridge: but against them stept forth 18 English Men of Arms, belonging to the Marshals Battle, and slew and wounded them, so that none was able to escape away. From thence he marched to Carentan, and so to Monte∣bourg, whence he had first set out, no Day passing, wherein he took not some strong Hold with many Prisoners, as he marched back again.

Others h 9.73 say, that King John follow'd him by way of Pursuit as far as two Leagues beyond Laigle; but then finding, that the Duke and his Men had taken such Forests before him; that they might thereby easily entrap him into some Disadvantage, the Passages were so dangerous to them who followed an Enemy therein, went back again to stop the furious Career of the Prince of Wales.

IX. However the Duke return'd, as we said before, to Montebourg about the latter end of September, where he heard of the Prince's Victory at Poictiers; at which Battle he himself had design'd to have been present, but that he was informed all the Passages of the Loire were so well kept, that he could not by any means expect to get over. Having therefore sent the Lord Godfry of Harcourt to St. Saviour le Vicount, he him∣self soon after Michaelmas went laden with Spoils, Honour and the Thanks of Prince Philip of Navarre, from Montebourg in Normandy to Hennebond in Bretagne, where for this time we will leave him with the Countess of Montford, advising which way to employ his Arms further.

The End of the Second Book.

Notes

• * 1.1

  AN. DOM. 1346. An. Regni Angliae XX. Franciae vii.
• a 1.2

  Frois. c. 118.
• b 1.3

  Gaguin. l. p. 140. & Fabian p. 220. itâ Villa∣ni l. 12. c. 46. p. 856. Messer Giovanni di Francia, —no venne al s••c∣cerso, ne tenne campo. ma si ternò addietro.
• c 1.4

  Frois. c. 118.
• d 1.5

  Frois. c. 118. & Du Chesne p. 663. & Meze∣t. y p. 24. ad hunc ann••••.
• e 1.6

  Freis. ibid.
• f 1.7

  Frois. ibid.
• g 1.8

  Du Chesne p. 663.
• h 1.9

  Frois. c. 119. fol. ••••.
• i 1.10

  2 Febr.
• k 1.11

  Mezeray p. 67. ad an. 1364.
• * 1.12

  Pascha 16 A∣pril Lit. Dom. A.
• l 1.13

  Giov. Villud l. 12. c. 6••. p. 870.
• m 1.14

  Me••eray p. 24. ad 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• n 1.15

  Frois. c. 12••. & Du Ch•••••••• &c.
• o 1.16

  Frois. c. 120.
• p 1.17

  Frois. c. 120.
• q 1.18

  Frois. ibid.
• r 1.19

  Frois. ibid.
• s 1.20

  Fr. Crown 6s.—8d.
• t 1.21

  Giov. Villani l. 12. c. 46. p. 856.
• u 1.22

  Giov. Villani l. 12. c. 46. p. 856.
• x 1.23

  Giov. Villani l 12. c. 60. p. 870. & Holin∣shead Engl. Chr. p. 928.
• a 1.24

  Holingshead Engl. Chron. p. 929.
• b 1.25

  M.S. Author is An••nymi ea Va∣ticano. sign. n. 3765. in Clem. Vl. & Odoric. Rain. ad ann. 1342. §. 6.
• c 1.26

  Statute Beck p. 88.
• d 1.27

  i.e. upon oc∣casion.
• e 1.28

  Holinshead Eng. Chr. p. 929.
• f 1.29

  Frois. c. 121.
• g 1.30

  Dugd. Bar. 2 Vol. p. 167. ex Rot. &c.
• b 1.31

  Holinshead Engl. Chron. p. 929.
• i 1.32

  20 Ed. 3. p. 1. m. 18. & 26.
• k 1.33

  6 Maii Claus. 20. Ed. 3. p. 1. m. 11. dersc. vid. Rot. Franc. 20. Ed. 34. 2. m. 2.
• l 1.34

  Giov. Villani l. 12. c. 62. p. 872
• m 1.35

  Frois. c. 221.
• n 1.36

  Mezeray ad hanc an. p. 24. ubi 200. Knighton verò 1100 ma∣gnas naves & 500 mineres po∣nit. p. 1585. n. 40. Stow p. 241. has a 1000 ships of Barthen and Pinaces: Speed p. 577. about a 1000 Sail. Ga∣guin 1100. Grov. Villani 6••0. &c.
• o 1.37

  Dudg. 1 Vol. p. 738.
• * 1.38

  H••c nemina ••u. sequuntur ad numerum 22. er M. S. Vetust. Lat. in Bibl. C.C.C. Cantab. cui tit••••us Acta Edvardi Fihi Edvardi Tertii.
• p 1.39

  Mezeray ad hunc an. p. 25.
• q 1.40

  Frois. c. 121.
• r 1.41

  Knighton p. 1585. n. 50.
• s 1.42

  Frois. c. 122. Du Chesne p. 663.
• t 1.43

  Walsing. hyp. p. 118.
• u 1.44

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 232.
• x 1.45

  Du Serres & Speed p. 577.
• y 1.46

  12 July M.S. Vet. Lat. in Bi∣blicth. C.C.C. cui Titulus Acta Edvardi Filti Edvardi Tertii.
• * 1.47

  Id. M.S. vet. Lat. ibid.
• z 1.48

  M.S. id. ibid. & Oxon. in Bi∣blioth. Bodlei. K. 84. fol. 116. a. Stow p. 241.
• a 1.49

  Nat. annos 18.
• b 1.50

  Nat. annos 20.
• c 1.51

  Nat. annos 19.
• d 1.52

  Nat. annos 17.
• e 1.53

  Dat. 15 Julii. Rot. Franc. 20 Ed. 3. m. 21. vid. Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 372.
• f 1.54

  Frois. c. 121.
• g 1.55

  Gaguin l. 8. p. 140.
• h 1.56

  Gaguin l. 8. p. 140. & Fabian p. 274.
• i 1.57

  Stow p. 241.
• k 1.58

  Frois. c. 122.
• l 1.59

  Giov. Villani l. 12. c. 62. p. 872.
• m 1.60

  Stow p 241. Tho. de la More: Sed ibi malè Marcells.
• n 1.61

  Imperitè alii Harfleur, cum id oppidi sit trans Segnanam, & 30 Milliar. Gal. distat ab his lo∣cis: Quod miror nec Gallos Au∣thores ipsos ani∣madvertisse.
• o 1.62

  Du Chesne. p. 664. Mezeray ad hunc annum.
• p 1.63

  Frois. c. 122.
• q 1.64

  Dase res in Philip de Va∣lois p. 7. Rosse's Continuation of Sr. Walter Raleigh p. 291.
• r 1.65

  Frois. ibid.
• s 1.66

  Frois. c. 123.
• t 1.67

  Odoric. Rai∣nald. ad an. 1345. §. 13.
• u 1.68

  M.S. Vet. Latin. in Bibl. C.C.C. Cantabr. cui titulus Acta Edvardi, Filii Edvardi Ter∣tii.
• x 1.69

  Frois. ibid.
• y 1.70

  M.S. Vet. Latin. id. ibid. 29 Julii.
• z 1.71

  D'Avila p. 974.
• a 1.72

  Sandford Ge∣neal. hist. p. 6.
• b 1.73

  Frois. c. 123. & Du Chesne p. 664. Gaguin p. 140. Fabian p. 221.
• c 1.74

  M.S. vet. Lat. &c.
• d 1.75

  Fabian p 220
• * 1.76

  Frois. c. 123.
• e 1.77

  Frois. ibid. Du Chesne & Mezeray p. 25.
• f 1.78

  Walsingh. Hy∣pod. p. 148.
• g 1.79

  Fabian p. 221.
• h 1.80

  Giov. Villan. l. 12. p. 872.
• i 1.81

  Holinshead Eng. Chron. p. 931.
• k 1.82

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 74.
• l 1.83

  M.S. vet. Lat. in Bibl. C.C.C. Cantab at ante.
• m 1.84

  Giov. Villani l. 12. c. 62. p. 872.
• n 1.85

  Giov. Villani ibid.
• o 1.86

  Frois. c. 125.
• p 1.87

  Mezeray p. 25.
• q 1.88

  Ashmole p. 654.
• r 1.89

  Rot. Norman. 20 Ed. 3. m. 21. vid. Odoric. Rai∣nald. ad hunc ann. §. 39.
• s 1.90

  Ashmole p. 654.
• t 1.91

  Giov. Villar. l. 12. c. 63. p. 873. vid Epist. Papae ad Edvard. Re∣gem dat. Avin. iii Non. August. Anno Pentif. 5. apud Oder. Ray∣nald. ad hanc an. §. 40.
• u 1.92

  Mezeray ibid.
• x 1.93

  M.S. vet. Lat. in Bibl. C.C.C. Cantabr. ••u Titulus, Acta Edvardi Fil•••• Edvardi Tertii ad 12 Augusti, &c.
• y 1.94

  Fabian p. 221.
• * 1.95

  M.S. id. ibid.
• z 1.96

  M.S. vet. Lat. in Bibl. C.C.C. Cantab. cui Ti∣tulus Acta Ed∣vardi Filii Ed∣vardi Tertii. 10 Augusti.
• a 1.97

  Mezeray ad hunc an. p. 25.
• b 1.98

  Mezeray ibid.
• c 1.99

  Glov. Villani. l. 12. c. 64. p. 874
• d 1.100

  Frois. c. 125.
• e 1.101

  Mezeray p. 26. ad hunc annum.
• f 1.102

  Giov. Villani l. 12. c. 65. p. 875.
• g 1.103

  Frois. Du Chesne. &c.
• h 1.104

  Frois. ibid. & Du Chesne p. 664.
• i 1.105

  M.S. Vetust. Latin. in Bibl. C.C.C. Cantabr.
• k 1.106

  Fabian p. 222.
• l 1.107

  Fabian p. 221.
• m 1.108

  Frois. c. 125. & Du Chesne p. 664.
• n 1.109

  Ashmole p. 655. & Martin p. 118. & Frois. ibid. &c.
• o 1.110

  S^r Tho. de la More apud Stow p. 242.
• p 1.111

  Frois. c. 125. fol. 62.
• q 1.112

  Ashmole's Gar∣ter p. 655. ex Record.
• r 2.1

  Ex Original. Gallico apud M.S. Vet. Lat. in Bibl. C.C.C. Cantabr. cui ti∣tulus, Acta Ed∣vardi Filii, Ed∣vardi Tertii. & Ret. Norman. 20. Ed. 3. m. 21. in Derse.
• s 2.2

  Frois. c. 125. ibid.
• t 2.3

  Frois. ibid. & Ashmole p. 655.
• u 2.4

  Frois. c. 125.
• x 2.5

  Frois. c. 126.
• y 2.6

  Gaguin & Du Chesne, &c.
• z 2.7

  Frois. c. 127
• a 2.8

  Gaguin p. 141. & Frois. & Me∣zerar p. 26. Martin p. 118, &c.
• b 2.9

  Fabian p. 222. & S••••s••n's Map.
• c 2.10

  D'Avila p. 10••9.
• d 2.11

  Da Serres, &c.
• e 2.12

  Holinshead p. 932. & Stow p. 242.
• f 2.13

  Knighton p. 2587. n. 40.
• g 2.14

  Frois. c. 127.
• h 2.15

  Frois. ibid.
• i 2.16

  Frois. ibid. & Du Chesne p. 664.
• k 2.17

  ••agum p. 141.
• l 2.18

  Sr. Tho. de la M••re apud Stow p. 242.
• m 2.19

  Frois. c. 127. Says not an 8^th part.
• a 2.20

  Frois. c. 128.
• b 2.21

  Give. Villeni l. 12. c. 66. p. 877.
• c 2.22

  Dugd. Warw. p. 658.
• e 2.23

  Id. p. 750.
• f 2.24

  Id. p. 434.
• g 2.25

  Id. p. 623.
• h 2.26

  As••mole p. 655.
• i 2.27

  Dudg. 1 Vol. p. 231. Ʋbi ta∣men militari cing de d••natum brennic anteb•••• memerat: A••t verò in hoc er∣rat, aut haec in Campo Equitum Creatio differt ab alià: Hìc Ashmolaeum sequer.
• k 2.28

  Frois. c. 128.
• l 2.29

  Frois. c. 129.
• m 2.30

  Frois. ibid. & Mezeray p. 26.
• n 2.31

  Frois. c. 129. fol. 66.
• o 2.32

  Frois. c. 130.
• p 2.33

  Holinshead p. 933.
• q 2.34

  Vid. Clement Edmunds notes on Caes. Com∣ment. l. 7. c. 15.
• r 2.35

  Walsing. hist. p. 157.
• s 2.36

  Sr. Tho. de la More, apud Stow p. 242.
• t 2.37

  Gaguin.
• u 2.38

  Giov. Villani l. 12. c. 86. p. 894.
• x 2.39

  Frois. c. 130. fol. 65. a.
• y 2.40

  Stow p. 242. & Frois. c. 130.
• z 2.41

  Giov. Villani l. 12. c. 66. p. 876.
• a 2.42

  Da Serres, &c.
• b 2.43

  M.S. Biblioth. Vatican. sign. n. 2040. in Clem. VI. Giov. Villani l. 12. c. 66. p. 879. Oder. Rain. ad hunc an. §. 41 Aeneas Sylvius Hest. B••hem. l. 32 Knighton, Wal∣singham, Stew, S••eed & Joh. Aventin. Annal. Boiorum l. 7. p. 629. Ʋnà omnes testantur Regem Baleari∣carum in Cre••∣acâ hâc Pugnâ eccubuisie.
• c 2.44

  Fivine le Pa∣risien Theatre of Honer. l. 8. c. c. p 310. Ferne's Blazen of Gen∣try p. 124.
• d 2.45

  Frois c. 130. fol. 64. a.
• e 2.46

  Villani p. 876. Knighton p. 2587. Meze∣ray p. 27. Frois. Speed, Holinsh, and Walsingh. hist. p. 157. Se∣res, &c.
• f 2.47

  Da Serres, &c.
• g 2.48

  Frois. ib. d. c. 130. &c.
• h 2.49

  Da Serres, &c.
• i 2.50

  Frois. ibid.
• k 2.51

  Villani p. 878 Mezer••y p. 27.
• l 2.52

  Sandford's Ge∣neal. Hist. p. 182
• m 2.53

  Adam Mari∣m••uth, Henric. Knighton, Giov. Villani, Tho. Walsingh. & alii suprà citati Au∣theres.
• n 2.54

  Aeneas Sylvius Hist. Behem. c. 32
• o 2.55

  Giov. Villani l. 12 c. 66. p. 879. & Adam Murim••uth, &c.
• p 2.56

  Mezeray p. 27.
• q 2.57

  Frois. c. 130.
• r 2.58

  Giov. Villan•• ibid. p. 877. di sua persona sece Maraviglie in Arme, &c.
• s 2.59

  Walsingh. Hy∣pod. p. 119. Knighten p. 2588. n. 10.
• t 2.60

  A. Mund's Chronicle p. 184.
• u 2.61

  Ad••m M••ri∣mouth.
• x 2.62

  Frois. c. 130.
• y 2.63

  Du Chesne &c.
• z 2.64

  Mezeray ad hunc an.
• a 2.65

  Aen. Sylv. hist. Bohem. c. 32. & Knighton p. 2630. n. 10. & Giov. Villani. &c. Frois. & Sleidan's Epi∣tome of Frois. p. 193. Mezeray, Du Chesne, &c.
• * 2.66

  Giov. Villani l. 12. c. 66. p. 879.
• b 2.67

  Knighton p. 2588. n. 30. & Adam Muri∣mouth.
• c 2.68

  Ʋt patet ex Dugd. 2 Voll. de Baronagio
• d 2.69

  Mezeray ad hunc an. p. 26.
• e 2.70

  Plutarch's A∣popthegms.
• f 2.71

  Nuper inventa est Machina, quam Bombar∣dam vocant.
• g 2.72

  Dr. Hake∣wili's Apology of the Power and Providence of God, &c. l. 3. c. 3. p. 322.
• h 2.73

  M. S. Rot. Parl. & Sr. Rob. Cotton's Exact Abridge∣ment. An^o. 1 Rich. 2. n. 38. &c.
• i 2.74

  Fran. Petrarch. de Remedi••s u∣triusque Fertu∣nae, l. 1. Dial. 99. p. 84. Erat ha•• Pestis nuper ra∣ra; ut cum in∣genti Miraculo cerneretur: Nunc, ut rerum pessmarum deci∣les sunt animi, ita communis est, ut unum quedli∣bet genus armo∣rum.
• k 2.75

  M.S. Rot. Parl. p. 34. §. 40. Sr. Rob. Cotten p. 24. §. 4••. 14 Edw. 3. Ʋd l 1. c. 16. §. 1. p. 179.
• * 2.76

  Dr. Burnet's Letters. p. 265. Letter from N••migen 20 May 1686.
• l 2.77

  Frois. c. 130. Giov. Villani l. 12. c. 66. p. 877.
• m 2.78

  Walsingh. Hyi••d. Neus••r. p. 119. Beau e∣lim Masc. & F••m. & Bel, tunc Masc. ut Philip le Bel. N••nc le Beau, & la Belle.
• n 2.79

  Frois. c. 134.
• o 2.80

  Knighton p. 2588.
• p 2.81

  Frois. c. 131.
• q 2.82

  In the Re∣cords of 2 Ri••. 2. n. 12. he is called the 〈…〉〈…〉. vid. M.S. R••t. Parl. ad ••n. praedict. p. 171. S^r Rob. C••tton p. 168.
• r 2.83

  Frois. c. 131.
• s 2.84

  Giov. Villani l. 12. c. 66. p. 878.
• * 2.85

  Id. ibid.
• t 2.86

  Frois. ibid.
• u 2.87

  Id. & Meze∣ray. &c.
• x 2.88

  Vid. Michael Northburgh's Letter l. 2. c. 4. §. 5.
• y 2.89

  Frois. c. 132.
• z 2.90

  Giov. Villani p. 879.
• a 2.91

  Frois. c. 132.
• b 2.92

  Giov. Vill m. l. 12. c. 66. p. 878.
• c 2.93

  Frois. & Knighten p. 2588. & Da Chesne p. 665.
• d 2.94

  Du Chesne &c.
• e 2.95

  Knighton p. 2588.
• a 2.96

  S••••n p. 243. Frois. c. 133. vid. Ferrar••um in titulo Cale∣tam, &c.
• b 2.97

  Marish grounds, which are only passa∣ble by Xe••land Bridge.
• c 2.98

  Weever's Fun. Mon. p. 259
• d 2.99

  Hacluit's Voyages 1 Vol. p. 119. &c.
• e 2.100

  Frois. ibid.
• f 2.101

  Knighton p. 2588.
• g 2.102

  Holinshead Eng. Chron. p. 937.
• h 2.103

  Knighton p. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. n. 6••.
• i 2.104

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Vo••ages 1 Vol. p. 119.
• k 2.105

  Holinshead ••••gl. Coron. p. 937.
• l 2.106

  Frois. c. 133.
• m 3.1

  Fox Acts and Mon. p. 504. ex Rob. Avesbury, &c.
• n 3.2

  Rob. Avesbu∣ry. Fox Acts and M••n. p. 504. H••liashead Eng. Chron. p. 930.
• o 4.1

  1200 hîc lego, non ut Fox, &c. 200, ex Frois. Ashmole, Mar∣tin & aliis, ita corrigend••: vid. l. 2. c. 2. §. 10. p 348.
• p 4.2

  A. Lit. Dom. 24 Aug. Thurs.
• q 4.3

  Ita lego pro illorum Nor∣folk; nam nul∣lus his diebus e∣rat Comes Nor∣fol••••.
• r 4.4

  Pr••is. c. 134.
• s 4.5

  Favine le Pa∣risien l. 4. c. 3. p. 7.
• t 4.6

  Knight••n p. 2589. n 40.
• u 4.7

  Knighton p. 2589. n. 30. &c.
• x 4.8

  Frois c. 134.
• y 4.9

  Giov. Villani. l. 12. c. 60 p. 870.
• z 4.10

  Stow p. 240. & ex eo Dagd. & Ashmole.
• a 4.11

  Ashmole p. 689, &c.
• b 4.12

  Giov. Vill••ni l. 12. c. 60. p. 870.
• c 4.13

  Frois. c. 134.
• f 4.14

  Frois. c. 135. &c.
• g 4.15

  Frois. c. 136. Ashuncle p. 681. Du Chesne. p. 665. Holinshead p. 938. Me••••cr••y p. 28. & Grev. Villan. l. 12. c. 76. p. 887.
• h 4.16

  Giov. Villani l. 12. c. 76. p. 887.
• i 4.17

  Frois. 136. &c.
• k 4.18

  C••nbd••as ••e∣mains in t••tulo Wise Speeches, p. 239.
• l 4.19

  Knighton p. 2585.
• m 4.20

  Frois. c. 136.
• n 4.21

  Du C••••sne p. 665. & Helm∣••••cad p. 93••.
• o 4.22

  Knighton p. 2592.
• p 4.23

  Frois c. 136. &c.
• q 4.24

  Giev. Villani l. 12. c. 76. p. 887.
• a 4.25

  Hector l. 15. p. 325. Bachan. l. 9. p. 302. & Holinshead Hist. Sect. p. 240. vid. Frois. c. 137. & Du Chisne p. 666. Mezeray & Aiscues Hist. of Scotland, p. 178. & Walsin. Hyped. p. 119. id. Hist. p. 157. & Giov. Villani l. 12. c. 75. vid. Odoric. Rainal. ad hunc ann. §. 43. Adam M••∣rim••uth, &c.
• b 4.26

  Du Chesne p. 666.
• c 4.27

  Ita Hector & Buchan. sed John apud Frois.
• d 4.28

  L. 1. c. 19. §. 19. p. 251. &c.
• e 4.29

  Holinshead Scotl. p. 240. &c. ••t ante.
• f 4.30

  Stow p. 243. Holinshead ibid. &c.
• g 4.31

  Knighten p. 2590. n. 40. & Stow p. 243.
• h 4.32

  Knighton ibid. n. 10.
• i 4.33

  Hector Beeth. l. 15. fol. 324.
• k 4.34

  Giov. Villani l. 12. c. 75. p. 887.
• l 4.35

  Aiscue's. hist. Scotl. p. 179.
• m 4.36

  Knighton p. 2590. n. 10.
• n 4.37

  Mili's Catal. Honor. p. 718. & Dudg. 1 Vol. p. 276.
• o 4.38

  Monast. Angl. Vol. 2. p. 918. a. n. 30.
• p 4.39

  Joh. Tinemouth Aur. Hist. M.S. in Bibl. Bodle•••• l. 21. c. 26.
• q 4.40

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 545.
• r 4.41

  Dugd. War••. p. 19.
• t 4.42

  Frois. c. 138.
• u 4.43

  Buchan. l. 9. p. 302. Aiscue's Hist. Sc••tl. p. 180.
• x 4.44

  Hector l. 15. fol. 324. n. 50. Aiscue's Hist. Scotl. p. 180, &c.
• y 4.45

  Knighton p. 2590. n. 30 & 40.
• z 4.46

  Knighton ib.
• a 4.47

  Hector l. 15. f. 325. n. 80. Bu∣chan. l. 9. p. 302.
• b 4.48

  Knighton p. 2591. n. 10.
• c 4.49

  Hector p. 325.
• d 4.50

  Walsingh. hist. p. 158. n. 1.
• e 4.51

  Frois. c. 138.
• f 4.52

  Stow p. 243.
• g 4.53

  Tho. Stu••bs de Episc. Eb••r. f. 1732. Knigh∣ton p. 2591. Ashmole p. 656. Walsing. Fabian, F••••, Holinsh. &c.
• h 4.54

  Knighton p. 2591.
• i 4.55

  Frois. ibid.
• k 4.56

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 579.
• l 4.57

  Knighton p. 2591. Hecter Bett. l. 15. fol. 325. n. 10.
• m 4.58

  Stow p. 243.
• n 4.59

  Hector. Buch. Aiscue's Hist. Scotl. Holinsh. &c.
• o 4.60

  Frois. c. 139.
• p 4.61

  Stow ex Re cordo p. 243. & Speed p. 580.
• q 4.62

  Knighton p. 2591. n. 20.
• r 4.63

  Speed. p. 580.
• s 4.64

  Ashmole p. 656. ex Ret. Sect. 20. Ed. 3. m. 2. Decemb. 20^mo.
• t 4.65

  Ashmole p. 656. ex Claus. 20. Ed. 3. p. 2. m. 1. Derso.
• u 4.66

  Knighton. p. 2592. n. 30. & Holinsh. Scotl. p. 241. & Stow p. 245.
• x 4.67

  Knighton p. 2592. n. 20.
• y 4.68

  Frois. c. 139. fol. 68. b.
• z 4.69

  22 Octob. Rot. Norm. 20. Ed. 3. m. 18. Ashmole p. 656.
• * 4.70

  AN. DOM. 1347. An. Regni Angliae XXI. Franciae VIII.
• a 4.71

  Frois. c. 140. & Du Serres.
• b 4.72

  Giov. Villani l. 12. c. 85. p. 893
• c 4.73

  Lit. Dom. G. Pasch. K••l. Apr.
• d 4.74

  Du Serres p. 12.
• e 4.75

  Fabian p. 274.
• f 4.76

  Fabian ibid.
• g 4.77

  Kal. April Pasch.
• h 4.78

  Giov. Villani l. 12. c. 85. p. 894.
• i 4.79

  M.S. Rec. Parl. 61. & Sr. Rob. Cottens Abridg∣ment p. 46.
• a 4.80

  Ashmole p. 681.
• b 4.81

  Vid. Ashmole p. 707. & hujus Hist. l. 2. c. 9. §. 11.
• c 4.82

  Odor. Rainal. ad hunc ann•••• §. 23.
• d 5.1

  Odor. Rainal. ibid. ex T••m. 5. Epist. secret. ep. 896. & Fox Acts and Men. p. 505. sed nos verbatimcae O∣rigin.
• e 5.2

  Ita Odor. Rai∣nald. ex Copia Vatican. malè ergo Fox 18 Febr.
• s 5.3

  Philip King of France.
• g 5.4

  Id. ibid. §. 24.
• h 5.5

  Frois. c. 140. & Du Chesne. p. 666.
• i 5.6

  Hence it seems, it was not yet revo∣ked, according to an Article of the Truce at Vannes in Bretagne, or else upon their late embracing King Edward's Interest, was renewed a∣gainst them.
• k 5.7

  Frois. c. 140, &c.
• l 5.8

  1332. nata.
• m 5.9

  Natus 7 Kal. Decemb. Anno 1330. Jac. Meyer. Annal. Fland. l. 12. p. 155.
• n 5.10

  Mezeray p. 28.
• o 5.11

  Ashmele p. 704. ex Ret. Franc. 21. Ed. 3. p. 1. m. 17. 2 A∣pril.
• p 5.12

  Ashmele p. 681. 14 Maii. Ret. Franc. 21. Ed. 3 p. 1. m. 10.
• q 5.13

  19 Maii Rot. Franc. 21. Ed. 3. p. 1. m. 6.
• r 5.14

  1 Junii. Ret. fact. apud Cales. 21. Ed. 3. m. 13.
• s 5.15

  17 Jun. Ret. Cales. 21. Ed. 3. m. 16.
• t 5.16

  Extract. Do∣nat. 21. Ed. 3. m. 10. No∣vemb. 10.
• u 5.17

  Frois. c. 140.
• x 5.18

  Frois. ibid. & Giov. Villant l. 12. c. 86. p. 894.
• y 5.19

  Frois. ibid.
• z 5.20

  Fibian p. 274.
• a 5.21

  Gaguin l. 8. p. 142. Fabian p. 274. &c.
• b 5.22

  Faban p. 275.
• c 5.23

  Ser••es p. 12. in Phil. Val. is. Speed p. 580. F••x p. 506. &c.
• d 5.24

  Fabian p. 264. & Jacob Meyer. Ann. Flandr. l. 12. p. 153.
• e 5.25

  Knighten p. 2588. & Frois. c. 140. f. 69.
• f 5.26

  St. Th. de la M••re apud St••a p. 244.
• g 5.27

  Knighten p. 2592. n. 30, &c.
• h 5.28

  Oder. Rainal∣ad h••••c ann. §. 24. & Giov. Villani l. 12. c. 94. p. 899, &c.
• i 5.29

  Froisae. 140.
• k 5.30

  Stow p. 244.
• l 5.31

  Frois. ibid.
• m 5.32

  Walsingh. hist. p. 157.
• n 5.33

  Giov. Villani. l. 12. c. 95. p. 902.
• o 5.34

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 356.
• p 5.35

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 89.
• q 5.36

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 356.
• r 5.37

  Vetus. M.S. in Castro de Berk∣ley. Leland Coll. 1 Vol. p 912.
• s 5.38

  Dudg. 1 Vol. p. 352. & God∣wins Catal. Bi∣shops p. 500.
• t 5.39

  Frois. c. 141.
• u 5.40

  Frois. l. 1 a. 1. f. 1. ad finem.
• x 5.41

  Ashmoles Gar∣ter p. 79. Plate 85.
• y 5.42

  Knighton p. 2592.
• z 5.43

  Odoric. Rai∣nald. ad hanc an. §. 24. ex Ar∣chivis Vaticani.
• a 5.44

  Tem. 5. ep. se∣cret. 1160. Clem. VI. PPae.
• b 5.45

  Hector l. 15. f. 325. & Bu∣chan. l. 9. p. 303.
• c 5.46

  Buchan. ibid.
• d 5.47

  Knighton p. 2592. Hector. Buchan. & Ho∣linshead Scotl.
• e 5.48

  L. 1. c. 21. §. 18. Article 2. p. 283.
• f 5.49

  Dagd. 2 Vol. p. 148.
• g 5.50

  Frois. c. 142.
• h 5.51

  M.S. in Bibl. Bodlei. K. 84. p. 117. b.
• i 5.52

  Du Chesne p. 667.
• k 5.53

  Frois. ibid. & Du Chesne & Vid. Fabian p. 276. Knighton p. 2593 n. 40. & 50. Walsingh. hist. p. 158. Reb. Ave••bury & Oi∣ov. Vallanil. 12. c. 92. p. S. 8. Hel••nshead p. 941.
• l 5.54

  Du Chesne p. 667. vid. Knighton, Fa∣li••n. H. linstead, Villari, &c. ut ante.
• m 5.55

  Ita Aenales Britannix apud Du Chesne p. 667. & Knigh∣ton p. 2593. n. 44. Lit. Dom. G. Lab∣••e's Chren. Tech∣ad hunc an.
• n 5.56

  Ret. Franc. 21. ••d. 3. p. 2. m. 2. & p. 1. m. 11.
• o 5.57

  Claus. de ced. An^o. in Derso.
• p 5.58

  M. S. in Bibl. Bodl. K. 84. p. 117. b.
• q 5.59

  Du Chesne p. 667. D. & Fa∣bian p. 276, &c.
• r 5.60

  Knighton. p. 2592. n. 60.
• s 5.61

  Knighton p. 2593. n. 10. Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 160.
• t 5.62

  Knighton p. 2593. n. 30.
• u 5.63

  Knighton p. 2593. n. 10.
• x 5.64

  Knighton ib. n. 20.
• y 5.65

  Knighton ibid. n. 40.
• z 5.66

  Knighton p. 2593. n. 60.
• a 5.67

  20 May.
• b 5.68

  Frois c. 144. Du C••ejne p. 667. Hel••••shead p. 941.
• c 5.69

  Frois. c. 144.
• d 5.70

  Ita Frois. sed Mezeray 150000 tan∣tùm.
• e 5.71

  Stow p. 244.
• * 5.72

  G. Lit. Dom.
• f 5.73

  Frois. c. 144.
• g 5.74

  Vid. Skinner's E••ymol. a Will. Conq. ex Chan∣cers Romant of the Rose.
• h 5.75

  Frois. c. 145.
• i 5.76

  M. S. Vet. Angl. in Bibl. C.C.C. Cantab. c. 228.
• k 5.77

  Frois. ibid. Du Chesne p. 668. & Holinshead p. 942. Oder. Rai∣nald. ad hunc annum §. 24.
• l 5.78

  Knighton p. 2594. n. 10. & 20.
• m 5.79

  Knighton i∣bid. & Stow p. 244. e•• Tho. de la M••re.
• n 5.80

  Stow ibid. e•• eidem & Kn••gh∣ton p. 2••94. n. 42.
• o 5.81

  Frois. c. 145. f••. 71. & M.S. Vet. Angl. in Bibli••th. C.C.C. c. 228.
• p 5.82

  Stow p. 244.
• q 5.83

  Knighton p. 2594. & Stow ibid.
• r 5.84

  Frois. c. 146.
• s 5.85

  Paradin's Ann. de Bour∣gogne l. 2. p. 333.
• t 5.86

  Paradin's An∣nals de Bour∣gogne l. 2. p. 334.
• u 5.87

  Frois. ibid. & Mezer••y ad hunc an••um, & Da Ch••sne p. 66••. &c.
• x 5.88

  S^r Tho. de la M••re apud Stow p. 244.
• y 5.89

  Par. din ibid. p. 335.
• z 5.90

  Freis. ibid. & D•• Che••ne & Mezeray, &c.
• a 5.91

  Freis. c. 147.
• b 5.92

  Knighten p. 2595. n. 2••.
• c 5.93

  Knighton p. 2595 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 10.
• d 5.94

  Stow p. 244. ex Tho. de la Mere, &c.
• e 5.95

  Frois. c. 147.
• f 5.96

  Frois. ibid.
• g 5.97

  Frois. ibid.
• h 5.98

  Speed p. 580. §. 105.
• i 5.99

  Walsing. bist. p. 15••. n. 3.
• k 5.100

  Sandford's Geneal. H••st. &c. p. 179.
• l 5.101

  Dugd. 2 V••l. p. 35.
• m 5.102

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 232.
• n 5.103

  Knighton p. 2596. n. 10.
• o 5.104

  9 A••g••lli.
• p 5.105

  Knighton p. 2595. n. 60.
• q 5.106

  Knighton ibid. n. 10. &c.
• r 5.107

  Knighton p. 2595. n. 20. &c.
• s 5.108

  Frois. c. 147.
• t 5.109

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 142. ex Rot. Franc. 21. Ed. 3. p. 1. m. 6. & Stow p. 245.
• u 5.110

  Knighton p. 2596. n. 10.
• x 5.111

  Frois. ibid.
• y 5.112

  Du Chesne p. 668. & Paul. Amyl. l. 9. p. 283
• z 5.113

  Frois. ibid.
• a 5.114

  Vict••rell. in V••t. Pent ff. p. 894.
• b 5.115

  Du Chesne p. 668.
• c 5.116

  Du Chesne p. 669.
• d 5.117

  Ashmole p. 671.
• e 5.118

  Stow p. 245.
• f 5.119

  Walsing. Hist. p. 158. & M.S. vet. Ang. in Bibl. C.C.C. Cantab. c. 226.
• g 5.120

  Holinshead Chron. Ireland p. 71 & 7••.
• h 5.121

  Knighton p. 2596. n. 50. & Frois. c. 147. ad finem.
• i 5.122

  Frois. pars ult. c. 62. fol. 82.
• k 5.123

  Frois. l. 1. c. 147.
• l 5.124

  Knighton p. 2596. n. 60.
• m 5.125

  Ash••••le p. 185. ex Rotul. Liberat. Draper. Offic. m••gn. Gar∣derch. an. 21. & 22. Ed. 3. m. 11. penes Rememo∣rar. Regis.
• n 5.126

  Knighton p. 2597. n. 16.
• o 5.127

  A••••a. B••ch••lce∣ti Isageg. Chron. ad an. 1346. &c.
• p 5.128

  Abr. Buchelce∣risageg Chron. ad hunc ann. & Iabbe Chron. Tech. ••d hunc an.
• q 5.129

  Knighton p. 2596. n. 30.
• r 5.130

  Giov. Villani l. 12. c. 105. p. 910. Luitprand. c. 44. Sleidan. de Cuat. Monarc. l. 3. p. 218. & Pezelu ac Lam∣padit Meilifici∣um Hist. part. 3. p. 360. & 362.
• s 5.131

  Knighton p. 2596. n. 40.
• t 5.132

  Ash••••cle p. 6••6.
• u 5.133

  Ston p. 245. a &b. & Knigh∣ton p. 2596. n. 60.
• x 5.134

  Knighton p. 2597. n. 1 &c.
• y 5.135

  Knighton p. 2597. & Dudg. 1 Vol. p. 186.
• z 5.136

  Knighton p. 2597. n 4.
• a 5.137

  Pe. elii & Lumpadu Melli∣fic. Hist. par•• 3. p. 363.
• b 5.138

  Co. per's Hist.
• c 5.139

  Ashmole's Garter p. 656. ex Claus 22. Ed. 3. m. 22. Dorsc. 10 Maii.
• d 5.140

  Sleid••n de M••ntrchirs l. 3. p. 218.
• e 5.141

  L••••tprand. c. 44. & Lampa∣dius Mea••fc. Hist. pars 3. p. 362.
• f 5.142

  I ••••ici Chron. Tech. ad hunc. an.
• g 5.143

  Pitsrus de Il∣lusir. Angl. s. ri∣pter. p. 45••. & ••ampad. n Mei∣lific. Hist. p. 355.
• h 5.144

  Pitsius ibid. p. 456.
• i 5.145

  21 Ed. 3. R••t. 46.
• * 5.146

  AN. DOM. 1348. An. Regni Angliae XXII. Franciae IX.
• a 5.147

  Walsingh. Hy∣pod. 121. & hist. 159. & Holinsh. Engl. Chron. p. 943. & Stow p. 245.
• b 5.148

  14 Febr. Teste Rege apud West∣minest. M.S. Re∣cord. p. 66. & Sr. Rob. Gott. n's Abridg••n. p. 68.
• c 5.149

  M.S. Record p. 68. & Sr. Rob. Cottens Abidg∣ment p. 69.
• d 5.150

  This Line out, and the two following misplaced in the Print of Sr. Rob. C••ttens A∣bridgment the M.S. right.
• e 5.151

  Pur lieu & Af∣forest, de his Ve∣cab. vid. Skinne∣ri Etymeleg. Ling. Angl.
• f 5.152

  22 Ed. 3. n. in dorso.
• g 5.153

  M.S. Record p. 71. §. 4. & S^r Rob. Cotton p. 73. §. 4.
• h 5.154

  St•••• p. 245. Hecter l. 15. fol. 325 Euchan. l. 9. p. 303. & Heli••∣shead Scot. Hist. p. 242.
• i 5.155

  Hecter & Ba∣chan. ibid.
• k 5.156

  Stow p. 245.
• l 5.157

  Stew ibid. & Ashrnole p. 669. &c.
• m 5.158

  Dagd. 2 Vol. p. 48.
• n 5.159

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 231.
• o 5.160

  Ashn••••le p. 185.
• p 5.161

  Dudg. 1 Vol. p. 786.
• q 5.162

  Ash••n••le p. 696.
• r 5.163

  Mezerdy ad hunc ann. in M••rgine••
• s 5.164

  Peireskias a∣pud Petrum Gassendum in Vitá illiu••. p. 143. &c.
• t 5.165

  Victerell. p. 833. celiat. cum Labbe Chren. Tech. ad hunc an.
• u 5.166

  H••••••c••rige si∣ve Peires••iam, sive Gasen∣dum; q••••a ab cirum alterutro Clemens VI pest Johannem ••da••••tur; cùm illum exceperit Benedicius, & b••ne Clemens; ut ex emmlus Pentif. Histeriis censtat.
• x 5.167

  Guido Tract. 2. Dect. 2. c. 3. in Chirurgiâ Ma∣gnà Vid. Guliel. Tookeri DD. Char••sina sina∣tions p. 83.
• y 5.168

  Polyder. Virg. Hist. l. 8. p. 143. n. 10. Vid. Tooker's Cha∣risma sanitatis p. 83, 84, 85.
• * 5.169

  Stow p. 245.
• z 5.170

  Ashm••le p. 656. ex Rot. Franc. 15. Ma••i 22 Ed. 3 m. 13.
• a 5.171

  Claus. 22. Ed. 3 p. 2. m. 8. in Derse.
• b 5.172

  18 Novemb. R••t. Franc. 22. Ed. 3 an. 10:
• c 5.173

  Knighton p. 26••0. & Stow p. 248. & Wal∣sirgh. hist. p. 160 n. 20. & Odor. Rainald. quan∣qua•• h••c 2 post annis pen. t.
• * 5.174

  Vid. Dagd. 1 Vol. p. 731.
• d 5.175

  Ged••. Catal. Bps p. 457.
• e 5.176

  M••tth. Paris l. 17. p. 815. & Dagd ibid.
• f 5.177

  Philipor's Ca∣tal. Chancellors p. 24.
• g 5.178

  N••c. Harpsfeld Hist. Feel. Angl. secul. 13. c. 21. ex Floril. ad an. 1287.
• h 5.179

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 92. ex Rot. Rom. 12. Ed. 2. m. 9.
• i 5.180

  Oder. Rai∣nald. ad an. 1320. à § 43. ad §. 47.
• k 5.181

  Nic. Harpsfield Hist. Fecl. Angl. secul. 13. c. 21.
• l 5.182

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 786. ex Claus. 22. Ed. 3. m. 3. & Stow p. 245.
• m 5.183

  Stow p. 246. b.
• n 5.184

  Vid. l. 1 c. 4. §. 6. p. 63.
• o 5.185

  Frois. c. 150.
• p 5.186

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 786. 25 Sep∣te••••b. Rot. Fron. 22. Ed. 3. m. 1.
• q 5.187

  Stow p. 248. b.
• r 5.188

  Mezeray p. 32
• s 5.189

  M.S. vet. Ang. in Bibl. C.C.C. c. 228. & Holin∣stead Eng. Chr. p. 944.
• t 5.190

  Mezeray p. 31 Frois. c. 151.
• u 5.191

  Dugd. 2 Vol. Bar. p. 151. ex Cl••••s. 23. Ed. 3. p. 2. m. ••.
• x 5.192

  Dugd. Bar. 1 Vol. p. 550. ex Bet. Franc. 23 Ed. 3. m 4.
• y 5.193

  Walsing. hist. p. 159. & Stow p. 249.
• z 5.194

  Walsing, ibid. & M. S. Vet. Angl. in ••••bl. C.C.C. c. 228.
• a 5.195

  Pres. c. 151. fol. 74.
• b 5.196

  Vid. As••••rcle•• Gater in Plate 46. ad p. 709.
• c 5.197

  Fabian p. 226.
• d 5.198

  Fabian p. 226.
• * 5.199

  AN. DOM. 1349. An. Regni Angliae XXIII. Franciae X.
• e 5.200

  Frois. c. 152.
• f 5.201

  Ferne's Bla∣zon of Gentry. l. 1. p. 211.
• g 5.202

  Mezercy ad an. 1350. &c. & Stow p. 249.
• h 5.203

  Ashmele p. 657. ex Ret. Franc. 22. Ed. 3. m. 1.
• i 5.204

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 149. ex Pat. 23. Ed. 3. p. 2. m. 26.
• k 5.205

  Dugd. ibid. ex Ret. Vasc. 24 Ed. 3. m. 6.
• l 5.206

  Id. ibid. ex Rot. Vasc. 24 Ed. 3. m. 3.
• m 5.207

  Dugd. Bar. 2 Vol. p. 151. ex Pat. 23 Ed. 3. p. 2. m. 3.
• n 5.208

  Id. ibid. ex Autegr. penes Clera. pell.
• o 5.209

  Ashmtle's Garter p. 709. Plate 57.
• p 5.210

  Fabian p. 278. & Mezeray ad an. 1349. Odor. Rainal. ad. an. 1350. n. 40.
• q 5.211

  Frois. c. 152. Fabian p. 278. Mezerdy ad han•• annum.
• r 5.212

  Ex Vitâ Ca∣roli Imperatoris per se scriptâ ab initio.
• s 5.213

  L. 2. c. 4. §. 6. p. 369.
• t 5.214

  Favine l. 4. c. 3. p. 6.
• a 5.215

  Thaeydides, who elegantly describes the Plague of A∣thens. Thucyd. l. 2. Lucret. l. 6. Virg. Georg. l. 3.
• b 5.216

  De hâc famosá Pestilentià vid. Francisci Pe∣trarch. de Rebus Famil. Epistol. l. 8 ep. 7. Johan. Cantac••zen. l. 4. c. 8. Odoric. Rainald. ad Annum 1348. §. 1. & 30. ad §. 33. Giovanni Villani & Matth. Villani M. S. Vet. Angl. in Bibl. C.C.C. c. 228. Knighton, Walsingham, Fabian, Holinshead, Stow, Lanquet, Speed, Fox, R. Avesbury, God∣wins Catal. Bishops, Sandfords Geneal. History, Me∣zeray, Cluverius, Epit. Hist. Polydor. Virgil. l. 19. p. 377. B••cholcerus Isagog. Chron. Lampad. & Pezel. in Sleidan, &c.
• c 5.217

  Giov. Villani l. 12. c. 40. p. 848.
• d 5.218

  Profatius a learned Jewish Astrologer, who wrote about an 100 Years before this time a Per∣petual Almanack, &c. vid. Esq Sherburn's Catal. of Astronom. at his Sphere of Manilius p. 33.
• e 5.219

  Vid. Antonii Weed Antiq. Oxon. Acad. l. 1. p. 172.
• f 5.220

  Giov. Villani ibid. vid. Sr. George Whar∣ton's Works (put forth by Mr. John Gadbu∣ry) p. 133, &c.
• g 5.221

  Bishop Tay∣lers Life of the Holy Jesas Part. 3. sect. 13. p. 307.
• h 5.222

  Stow p. 247.
• i 5.223

  M. S. vet. Angl. in Bibl. C.C.C. c. 228. Walsing. hyped. p. 121. & hist. 159. Fabian p. 226. Holin∣shead p. 943.
• k 5.224

  Tho. Stabbs Act. Pontif. E∣berac. apud 10 Angl. scriptores p. 1732. n. 20.
• l 5.225

  Mezeray p. 32. & Giov. Villani l. 12. c. 97. p. 903
• m 5.226

  Giov. Villani c. 119. p. 927.
• n 5.227

  Stow p. 247. & Knighton p. 2598.
• o 5.228

  Knighton ibid.
• p 5.229

  Lampad. & Pe••el. in Slet∣dan. par. 3. p. 365.
• q 5.230

  Giov. Villani l. 12. c. 122. p. 929. & D. d••t. Archiep. Fleren. Chren. par. 3. p. 355. ad an. 1349. ad. 21. c. 8, § 4.
• r 5.231

  Lazius Geneal. A••tr. Comment. l. 12. p. 234. & J••h. Aventin. Ann. ho. ••r. l. 7. p. 633.
• s 5.232

  Stow p. 247.
• t 5.233

  Stow say, T••••s∣da•• the 16 of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 but D be∣ing the Domin. Letter of that Year, the 16 of Febr. was on a Monday.
• u 5.234

  Hic Stow ex∣acte cum Lab∣••••o concerdat. ubi ad an. 1359. Lat. Dom. F. Pascha 21 Apr.
• x 5.235

  La••••padius & Pezel. in Sle••d. pars 3. p. 365.
• y 5.236

  Mr. John Gadbury's Na∣ti••ra Predigic∣rum p. 77.
• z 5.237

  Stow p. 248.
• a 5.238

  Mezeray An^o. 1348.
• b 5.239

  Mezeray ibid. & Knighton p. 2598.
• c 5.240

  Giev. Villani l. 12. c. 83. p. 892. & D. An∣ten. Chren. par. 3. p. 355.
• d 5.241

  Me••er••y ibid. Giov. Villan••th. & Mr. John Gadbary's Na∣tura Pr••dige∣rump. 77. D. Anton. Chron. p. r. 3 p. 355. &c.
• e 5.242

  In Lucan. l. 10. ubi de Re∣gia Aegypti: Sed Ind••am em∣nem plagam Ae∣thiopiae accipi∣naus.
• s 5.243

  J••hn Bapersta 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Hist. De∣••us Atestinae l. 4. p. 319.
• g 5.244

  Walsingh. Hyp. p. 129. Godu. Catel. Bishops p. 137. & Meze∣ray ibid.
• h 5.245

  Giov. V••llani l. 12. c. 83. p. 892.
• i 5.246

  Knighton p. 2599.
• k 5.247

  Giov. Villani l. 12. c. 83. p. 892. & Cortutio∣rum Historia l. 9. c. 14. & D. Anten. Chren. par. 3. p. 353.
• l 5.248

  Knighton p. 2599. & Cort. s. Hist. ibid.
• m 5.249

  Anten. Weed Antiq. Oxon. l. 1. p. 172. lin. 20.
• n 5.250

  Cortus. Hist. ibid. & Meze∣ray ibid.
• o 5.251

  Apocal. c. 10. v. 2. & 5.
• p 5.252

  Nauclerus Gener. 45.
• q 5.253

  Joh Cantacuz. Hist. l. 4. c. 8. p. 730. & 731. & Jacob. Pentan. ibid. Latin. & id. in Att. c. Bellar. par 1. Syntag. 6. De∣script. 9. p. 496.
• r 5.254

  Giev. Villani l. 12 c. 83. p. 892. F••su p••re 〈◊〉〈◊〉, e ch••••ra, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, chesi ce∣〈◊〉〈◊〉 clo un sacco 〈◊〉〈◊〉 di setter∣ra, evero che scondesse da cie∣l••, &c.
• s 5.255

  Knighton p. 2••98. Legic. ••ntinet 6730.
• t 5.256

  Giev. Villani l. 12. c. 83. p. 892.
• u 5.257

  Knighton p. 2598.
• x 5.258

  Mezeray p. 32.
• y 5.259

  Cortusiorum Hist. l. 9. c. 14. & Oder. Ramal. ad an. 1348. §. 30.
• z 5.260

  Cluverius E∣pit. Hist. p. 573. &c. & D. An∣ton. Archiep. Flo∣rent. Chron. par. 3. p. 353.
• a 5.261

  Additio ad fi∣nem Giov. Villan. p. 929.
• b 5.262

  Odoric. Rai∣nald. ad an. 1348. §. 33. ex Matth. Villani l. 1. c. 1.
• c 5.263

  Giov. Villani l. 12. c. 83. p. 891.
• d 5.264

  Stow p. 248.
• e 5.265

  Knighton p. 2598.
• f 5.266

  Oder. Rainald. ad an. 1348. §. 32.
• g 5.267

  Oder. Rainald. ad an. 1288. §. 1.
• h 5.268

  Gesta Clement. VI. apud Besqu. & Odor. Rainal. ad an. 1348. §. 32.
• i 5.269

  Knighton p. 2598.
• k 5.270

  Fabian p. 226. & Lanquet's Chron. ad an. 1348.
• l 5.271

  Cluverii Epit. Hist. p. 573. & Lampad. & Pe∣zelan Sleidan. par. 3. p. 365.
• m 5.272

  Giov. Villani l. 12. c 83. p. 893
• n 5.273

  Fox Acts & Mon. & Stow p. 245. &c.
• o 5.274

  Anton-Wood Antiq. Oxon. l. 1. p. 171. & 172. & ••ox Acts & Men. ibid. & Stow p. 246.
• p 5.275

  Annal. Eccle∣siae Prior. Yar∣mouth apud Stow ibid.
• q 5.276

  Stow ibid. ex Registro N••rvi∣censi, & Sand∣ford's Geneal. Hist. p. 166. sed male ibi Lon∣don, pro Nor∣wich. & Da∣niel's Hist. p. 241. & God∣win's Catal. Bps p. 427. & Blome's Britan. p. 169.
• r 5.277

  Knighton p. 2599.
• s 5.278

  Tho. Stubbs apud Decem Angl. Hist. Scri∣ptores p. 1732.
• t 5.279

  M.S.Vet. Ang. in Bibl. C.C.C. Cantabr. c. 228.
• u 5.280

  Stow Chron. p. 246. and Sur∣vey of London p. 477. & Bp. Godw. Catal. Bps p. 198. & Mo∣nast. Angl. Vol. 1. p. 961.
• x 5.281

  Haw apud Veteres Yard sonat.
• y 5.282

  Fab••an p. 227. & Stow Chron. p. 246. and Survey of Lon∣don 478.
• z 5.283

  F••x Acts & M••n, p. 507. & Holinsh. p. 945. ex Reb. Aves∣bury.
• a 5.284

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 150. e•• Mc∣nasi Ang. 1 Vol. p 961.
• b 5.285

  Dugd. ibid. ex Monast. Ang. ibid.
• c 5.286

  St••w Survey 〈◊〉〈◊〉 p. 478, 479, 480, 481, &c.
• d 5.287

  Stow's Chron. p. 246. & 277. and Survey of London p. 117.
• e 5.288

  Stow Chron. p. 246.
• * 5.289

  M. S. R. P. p. 71. §. 4. Sr. Rob. Cotten's A∣bridgement p. 73. §. 4. An ^o. 25. Ed. 3.
• * 5.290

  Knighton p. 2598 & Od••r. Rainald. id an. 1349. §. 26. &c. ex Tom. Ep••st. Secret. ep. 72. & 73.
• f 5.291

  Oder. Rai∣nald. ibid. ex Tem. 7. Epist. Secret. ep. 102.
• g 5.292

  Stow p. 246. & Holinsh. p. 945.
• h 5.293

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 127.
• i 5.294

  Ashmole p. 657.
• * 5.295

  13••••/••••.
• k 5.296

  Mezeray ad an. 1350.
• l 5.297

  Matth. Villani l. 1 c. 3. & Odor. Rainald. ad an. 1348. §. 33. & Giov. Villani l. 12. c. 83. p. 893.
• m 5.298

  Knighton p. 2599.
• n 5.299

  Giov. Villani l. 12. p. 893.
• o 5.300

  Cortusiorum Histerla l. 9. c. 14.
• p 5.301

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 144.
• q 5.302

  Ashmole p. 669. Speeds Chron. p. 590. b in Ed. 3. ad fi∣nem.
• r 5.303

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 541. & Tho. M••ds Cital. H••∣n••r. p. 764.
• s 5.304

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 4.
• t 5.305

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 127.
• u 5.306

  Godw. Catal. b••••••. p. 136. & 137.
• x 5.307

  M••ll's Catal. of H••n. p. 529. & Dugd. Bar. 2 Vol. p. 48. b.
• y 5.308

  Philpots Catal. Chancell. p. 40.
• z 5.309

  Godw. Catal. Bishp. p. 137.
• a 5.310

  Knighton p. 2600. n. 10.
• b 5.311

  Godw. Catal. Bish. p. 138.
• c 5.312

  Walsingh. hist. p. 160. ubi Ban∣ham male pro Langham: Ʋti aperte l••quet; 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Simon Langham selus sib. haec cmnia Officia & T••ta∣los vendicet. v. Godw. Catal. B••sh. p 143. & Philpets Catal. Chancell. p. 41. & Catal. Treas. p. 36.
• d 5.313

  Knighton. p. p. 2600. n. 20.
• e 5.314

  Stow's Survey p. 86. & 252.
• f 5.315

  Stow p. 246. & Holinsh. Chr. Ireland p. 72.
• g 5.316

  Knighton p. 2600 n. 1. & Stow p. 246. a. n. 60.
• h 5.317

  Knighton p. 2599. lin. 65.
• i 5.318

  Knighton p. ibid. lin. 40.
• k 5.319

  Knighton p. 2600 l. n. 37.
• l 5.320

  Vid. Statute. Beck 23. Ed. 3. p. 90. licet maiè ibi 23. Ed. 3. pro 25. ut videre est: M.S. Re∣cord. Parl. p. 71: & Sr. Rob. Cot∣ton's Alridgm. p. 3. §. 6.
• m 5.321

  Knighton ib. lin. 61.
• n 5.322

  25 Ed. 3. v. d. Statute-••••ok p. 91. & 92.
• o 5.323

  Giov. Villani ad ann. 1346. c. 72. p. 883. & Stow p. 247. a. & b. vid. Frois. c. 153. & Lan∣quet ad ann. 1351. de Fame in Gallia.
• p 5.324

  M. S. vet. Ang. in Bibl. C.C.C.c. 228. ad finem.
• q 5.325

  Gesta Clement Vl. apud •• sq. & Alb. Argent. in Chron. vid. Oder. Rainald. ad ann. 1348. n. 33.
• r 5.326

  Rebder fius in Annal.
• s 5.327

  Alb. Argent. in Chron.
• a 5.328

  Pat. an. 22. Ed. 3. par. 2. m. 6. extant apud Ashmole de Or∣dine Garterii in Appendice N. 1.
• b 6.1

  Vulgò Ras∣bury.
• c 6.2

  Ashmole p. 152. Extat ibid. in Append. N. 11. exi••s•• Aa∣••••graphe, &c.
• d 6.3

  Nen 1351. ut Asmncle: vid. Rainaid. ad huncan. & Lab∣be in Chronel. Techn.
• e 6.4

  E••tat A••••encle in Append. ce N. 111.
• f 6.5

  As••••cle p. 128. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Pat. de anno 23. Fd. 3. pars 1. m. 10. &c.
• g 6.6

  Ashmole p. 129.
• h 6.7

  Lib. 1. c. 22. §. 6. p. 296. &c.
• i 6.8

  Registr. M.S. A••undel. Ar∣chiv. C••nt. par. 1. f••l. 53. b. § 27.
• k 6.9

  A••••cle p. 209. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Retul. Compet. Joh. Coke Cler. Magn. Gar∣derch. ab an. 21. ed an. 23. Ed. 3. n. 8. penes Re∣••••••. Regis in S••••caric.
• l 6.10

  S^r Th. de la Mare. pud Stow p. 250.
• m 6.11

  St••n p. 246. b. & Ashmole p. 165. v••d. l. 2. c. 6. §. 22. p. 414.
• n 6.12

  Stow ibid.
• o 6.13

  Valois apud Stow male.
• p 6.14

  Knighten p. 2606. n. 64.
• q 6.15

  Stow p. 246.
• r 6.16

  Sandford's Geneal. Hist. p. 112. & Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 786. b. ex Claus 23. Ed. 3. par. 2. m. 5. & ex Chart. 23. Ed. 3. n. 4.
• s 6.17

  Ret. Vasc. 23. Ed. 3. m. 3.
• t 6.18

  Pat. 23. Ed. 3. p. 2. m. 6.
• u 6.19

  Stow p. 247. ••.
• x 6.20

  Frois. c. 153.
• y 6.21

  Fabian p. 228.
• z 6.22

  Knighton p. 2602. n. 42. Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 148. & Stow p. 246 ex S^r Tho. de la More, &c,
• a 6.23

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 148. ex Ret. Fra c. 23. Ed. 3. m. 5.
• b 6.24

  Stow p. 247.
• c 6.25

  Dugd. 1 Vol. 786. & Hen. Knighton p. 2601. n. 60. & p. 2602.
• d 6.26

  Stow p. 247,
• e 6.27

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 70.
• f 6.28

  Stow p. 249. & 250.
• g 6.29

  Knighton p. 2607. n. 20.
• h 6.30

  Mezeray p. 39. ad ann. 1351. Sr. Wal∣ter Raleigh Hist. of the World p. 954.
• i 6.31

  Frois. c. 149.
• k 6.32

  Holinshead Chron. Ireland p. 72.
• l 6.33

  L. 1. c. 1. §. 6. p. 11.
• m 6.34

  Ashmole In∣stit. Garter p. 707. ex Pat. an. 23. Ed. 3. par. 2. m. 24.
• n 7.1

  i.e. the King.
• * 7.2

  AN. DOM. 1350. An. Regni Angliae XXIV. Franciae XI.
• a 7.3

  Levitic. c. 25. v. 2, 3, &c.
• b 7.4

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 vid. Joh. Bu••tor f. Lexicon Hebr. in hâc vote p. 293, &c.
• c 7.5

  Labbxi Chron. Techn. ad hunc a••. & P••lydor. Virg. l. 19. p. 385.
• d 7.6

  Dr. Cave's Ap••st••l ei in ta∣bal•• Chronel.
• e 7.7

  Odor. Rainald. ad an. Christi 1349. §. 11. &c. & ad an. 1350. §. 1. &c.
• f 7.8

  Matth. Villani l. 1. c. 58.
• g 7.9

  Odor. Rainal. ad an. 1349. §. 9.
• h 7.10

  Odor. Rainal. ad an. 1350. §. 2.
• i 7.11

  Knighton p. 2602. n 29. vid Walsingh. Hist. p. 160.
• k 7.12

  Vid. Matur. Annot. ad D. Antenin. Chron. p. 355.
• l 7.13

  Dudg. 1 Vol. p. 550.
• m 7.14

  Knighton p. 26••••. n. 30, 40, 50, &c.
• n 7.15

  Vid. Odoric. Rainald. ad an. 1349. §. 18. Albert. Argent. in Chron. Ian∣quet. Chron. ad an. 1350. Wal∣sing. hist. p. 160. Stow p. 246.
• o 7.16

  Tem. 8. Epist. seer. p. 104. apud Odor. Rainal. ad an. 1349. §. 22.
• p 7.17

  〈…〉〈…〉 p. 〈…〉〈…〉 2•• b.
• q 7.18

  Vid. Di••gen. L••ert.
• r 7.19

  Odor. Rainal. ad 〈…〉〈…〉 §. 4••. 〈…〉〈…〉 231. & M.S. Vet. An••••••. in Bibl. C.C.C. Cantab. c. 224.
• s 7.20

  Lit. Dom. C.
• u 7.21

  Fabian p. 228. Martin p. 125.
• b 7.22

  Speed p. 581. Holinsh. Engl. Chron. p. 946. Sed M. S. Vet. Angl. in Bibl. C.C.C. Cantabr. c. 224. Naves XXIV captas refert.
• y 7.23

  Odor. Rainal. ad hanc an. §. 40, 41, &c.
• z 7.24

  Matth. Villani l. 1. c. 41. & Joh. Mariana l. 16. c. 15.
• a 7.25

  Labbe Chron. Techu. ad hunc an. & Mezeray, Frois. &c.
• b 7.26

  Mezeray ad hunc an.
• c 7.27

  Frois. c. 153.
• d 7.28

  Lanquets Chr. ad hunc an.
• e 7.29

  an F••untain∣bleau.
• f 7.30

  Vid. l. 2. c. 7. §. 13. p. 428.
• g 7.31

  Frois. ibid. Mezeray, &c.
• h 7.32

  Martin p. 125
• i 7.33

  Frois. ibid.
• k 7.34

  Odor. Rainal. ad hunc annum. §. 37. &c.
• l 7.35

  Walsing. Hist. p. 160. n. 25. Stow p. 250. b. n. 56. & Holinsh. p. 945. b. n. 20.
• * 7.36

  C. Lit. Dom.
• m 7.37

  Ab Angle. Sar. Gadd, Massa chalybis.
• n 7.38

  Knighton p. 2607. n. 1. &c.
• o 7.39

  Frois. c. 159. & Me. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ad 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• p 7.40

  St••w p. 251.
• q 7.41

  L. 2. c. 7. §. 13. p. 427.
• r 7.42

  Frois. c. 153. Mezeray ibid. & M••rt••••. p. 125. Knight. n ibid. &c.
• s 7.43

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 160. & p. 275 & p. 294.
• t 7.44

  Rot. Sectiae 25. Ed. 3. m. 3. & Ashmole p. 657.
• u 7.45

  R••s. Sectiae 25. Ed. 3. m. 3.
• x 7.46

  Knighton p. 2603. n. 1••. &c.
• y 7.47

  R••t. Sc••t•••• 26. Ed. 3. n. 3.
• z 7.48

  Pasha 17. A∣pr••s. B. Dom. Lit.
• * 7.49

  AN. DOM. 1351. An. Regni Angliae XXV. Franciae XII.
• a 7.50

  M.S. Record. Parl. p. 71. &c. Sr. Rob. Cott••n's Abridgment, p. 73. &c.
• b 7.51

  From hence it appears, that the Printed Statutes pre∣tended to be made anno 23 Fd. 3. are falsly dated.
• c 7.52

  Ita emendo Winchester in M. S. & Sr. Bob. C••tt••n, ea I h••lpets Ca∣tal. Chaccell.
• d 7.53

  Godw. Catal. B••sin C••nter. §. 54. p. 14.
• e 7.54

  Vid. Lib. 1. c. 3. §. 6. p. 52. & 53.
• f 7.55

  〈…〉〈…〉. 3. §. 3. 〈…〉〈…〉. ad p. 42.
• g 7.56

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 94. b.
• a 7.57

  Ashmoles Gar∣ter p. 682. Dudg. Bar. 1 Vol. p. 786. Stow p 251. & M.S. Vet. Angan Bib. C.C.C. Cantabr. c. 224.
• * 7.58

  Ashmole ibid.
• i 7.59

  8 Martii Ret. Franc. 25. Ed. 3. m. 15. & Ash∣mole p. 682.
• k 7.60

  Stow Chron. p. 251.
• l 7.61

  Dagd. 2 Vol. p. 167, &c.
• m 7.62

  Cart. 16 Ed. 3. n. 2.
• n 7.63

  Knighton p. 26••2.
• o 7.64

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 47.
• p 7.65

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 160. ex Cart. 25 Ed. 3 m. 25. Mart•••• 5.
• q 7.66

  L. 1. c. 24. §. 4.
• r 7.67

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 102.
• s 7.68

  M.S. Rot. Par. p. 72. §. 11. & Sr. Rob. Cotton's Abridgment p. 74. §. 11. &c. ad hunc annam.
• t 7.69

  Mezeray ad 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• u 7.70

  Knight •• p. 26••2.
• x 7.71

  Stow p. 251.
• y 7.72

  V••d 〈◊〉〈◊〉 p. 683. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ret. Franc. 32 Fd. 3. p. 8.
• z 7.73

  Knighton p. 2602. n. 48. & Sten p. 251. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 40. Pascha ••••∣tigit 17 April. hee anno. Lit. Dom. B.
• a 7.74

  Knighton p. 2603. n. 4.
• b 7.75

  Stow p. 251.
• c 7.76

  Fabian p. 228 & Od••. Ra••∣nald ad hanc ann. §. 37.
• d 7.77

  Oder. Rainald. ••d hunc ann. Mezeray, &c.
• e 7.78

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. c. 153. Me••••••y 〈…〉〈…〉 p. 251 〈…〉〈…〉 23. April. & F••x Acts & Men. p. 507.
• f 7.79

  Frois. c. 153.
• g 7.80

  Vid. Oder. Ramald. ad hunc ann. §. 22. &c.
• h 7.81

  Id. ibid. §. 25.
• i 7.82

  Fav••ne's The∣atre L'Hon∣ne r l. 3. c. 2. p. 346.
• k 7.83

  Mezeray ad h•••••• ann••n.
• l 7.84

  Favine's The∣atre L'Hon∣near l. 3. c. 2. p. 346.
• m 7.85

  6 Jan. i.e. E∣piphany.
• n 7.86

  Freis. c. 153. Mezeray ad hunc anmon, Fabian p. 229.
• o 7.87

  Captain George Ferrers Hist. of Queen Mary apud Graste•• p. 1357. &c.
• p 7.88

  Stow p. 252. Matth. Villani l. 3. c. 23. & Frois. c. 153.
• q 7.89

  L. 2. c. 10. §. 7. p. 454.
• r 7.90

  Stow p. 253.
• s 7.91

  Penteco to hec anno 27 Maii contigit, Pascha 8 April. Lit. Dom. AG.
• t 7.92

  Catal. Nobil. by Tho. Mills p. 649.
• u 7.93

  Knighton p. 2607. n. 27. & Mezeray p. 39. Tom. 3. par. 2.
• x 7.94

  Knighton p. 2607.
• y 7.95

  Frois. c. 153. Gaguin p. 143. Walsingh. hist. p. 161. Fabian p. 229. Stow p. 253.
• z 7.96

  Stow ibid.
• a 7.97

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 1••0. ex Re∣cord.
• b 7.98

  Ashmele p. 690. ex Ret. Frane. 26. Ed 3. m. 11. Maii 14. Lit. Dom. A.G.
• c 7.99

  P••scha 8. A∣pril. F••st. Trin. 3 Junii.
• d 7.100

  Stow p. 253.
• e 7.101

  Ashmole. p. 700. & Stow ibid. & S^r Thc. de la Mere.
• f 7.102

  Stow p. 253:
• g 7.103

  Knighton p. 2603. n. 20.
• h 7.104

  Tune's store∣house p. 721.
• l 7.105

  Dudg. 1 Vol p. 786. ex Pat. 25. Ed. 3. m. 6.
• k 7.106

  Monast. Angl. 1 Vol. p. 728. b. n. 20. & Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 550.
• l 7.107

  Knighton p. 2603. n. 10.
• m 7.108

  Knighton p. 2603. n. 30. &c. Dudg. 1 Vol. p. 786. b. &c. Frois. c. 153. Stow p. 253. Fa∣bian p. 230. Grafton p. 292. Walsingh. Hist. p. 162. n. 14.
• n 7.109

  Stow ibid.
• o 7.110

  11 Decemb.
• p 7.111

  This Duke Henry was Son to Henry de Tor∣to-Collo, who was second Son to Edmund (se∣cond Brother to K. Edw. I) and of Blanche the Relict of Henry de Cham∣pagne King of Navarre; from whom also this Charles King of Navarre was descended. Tho. Mills Catal. Nobility p. 319.
• q 7.112

  Fabian ad hunc an. p. 230. Grafton p. 292. Mezeray p. 51.
• r 7.113

  Corporall, Gallice Corpo∣rall, Latin. Cor∣perale, idem qued Dominicale, i.e. pulvinar Sacro∣sanctum; Syn∣den, vel linteum, q••o corpus Do∣minicum tegitur.
• s 7.114

  True Use of Armory Bibl. Cottonianâ p. 58 vid. Tho. Mills Catal. Nobili∣ty p. 342. He came of Maud, Eldest Daugh∣ter of K. Henry II of Engl. and Henry Leo D. of Sa••eny, whose V Son, William of Winchester was Progenitor to the Dukes of Brunswick. Hence this Dukes Arms so like England.
• t 7.115

  Tho. Mills Catal. Hener. p. 324.
• u 7.116

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 787. & Knighton p. 2606.
• x 7.117

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 787.
• y 7.118

  Ashm••le p. 682. &c.
• z 7.119

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 232.
• a 7.120

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 153.
• b 7.121

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 168.
• c 7.122

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 83.
• d 7.123

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 232.
• e 7.124

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 69.
• f 7.125

  Odor. Rainal. ad ann. 1352. §. 24, 25. &c. Knighton p. 2605. n. 30. & Walsing. Hist. p. 161. & Frois. c. 153, &c.
• g 7.126

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p 94. & Sand∣ford p. 215. ex Inquisitione c••pta 13 Febr. 27 Ed. 3.
• h 7.127

  Stew's Survey of London p. 279.
• * 7.128

  AN. DOM. 1353. An. Regni Angliae XXVII. Franciae XIV.
• a 7.129

  Knighton p. 2607. n. 10. & Walsingh. Hist. p. 161. & M.S. vet. Angl. in Bibl. C.C.C. Cantab. c. 224.
• b 7.130

  M.S. id. ibid.
• c 7.131

  Stow p. 254.
• d 7.132

  Walsing. ibid.
• e 7.133

  Knighton p. 2606. n. 12. & Dugd. 1. Vol. p. 161.
• f 7.134

  Vid. Sr. Rich. Baker in Ed. 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Works of Piety done in his Time. Ʋnde 〈◊〉〈◊〉 De••uleneros in Vale Royal.
• g 7.135

  Stow's Chron. p. 254. & Survey of London p. 523.
• h 7.136

  Lib. 2. c. 10. §. 8. p. 455. vid. Knighton p. 2606. à n. 20. ad n. 30. cellat. cum p. 2603. n. 10, &c.
• i 7.137

  Stow p. 254. &c.
• k 7.138

  Odor. Rainal. ad hunc annum. §. 15. & Stow p. 254.
• l 7.139

  Innoc. VI. Tom. 1. Epist. Se∣cret. p. 22. Et an. 1. Epist. Curial. l. 2. Epist. 29, 30, 31.
• m 7.140

  M. S. in Bibl. Vatican. sign. N. p. 2040. apud Oder. Rai∣nald. ibid.
• n 7.141

  Stow ibid. M.S. Vet. Angl. in Bibl. C.C.C. Cantab. c. 229.
• o 7.142

  M.S. Ret. Parl. p. 70. & Sr. Rob. Cotton p. 83.
• * 7.143

  L••t. Dom. F.
• p 7.144

  Sr. Rob. Cot∣ton's Abridge∣ment p. 81. &c.
• q 7.145

  M.S. Rot. Par. 28 Ed. 3. m. 1. p. 579. Sr. Rob. Cotton p. 85.
• r 7.146

  Vid. l. 1. c. 3 §. 6. p. 46. ad p. 54. An. 4. Ed. 3.
• s 7.147

  M. S. ibid. & Sr. Rob. Cotton ibid. Ashmole p. 692. & Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 147.
• t 7.148

  Tho. Mills Ca∣tal. Hen. p. 576.
• u 7.149

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 317. M.S. Ret. Par. p. 80. §. 13. &c. Sr. Rob. C••t∣ton p. 86, &c.
• x 7.150

  Dagd. 1 Vol. p. 317. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Claus. 28 Ed. 3. in d••rse m. 10.
• y 7.151

  Holinsh. Engl. Chren. p. 948. Statute-Beek p. 102.
• z 7.152

  M.S. Rot. Par. p. 80. n. 16. Sr. Rob-Cotton p. 86. ibid. &c.
• a 7.153

  Ita M.S. & Sr. Rob. Cotton ••n petiùs ha∣••ing.
• b 7.154

  Now for the better Understanding of this Petition, it is to be noted; that about four Years before this William Edindon Bishop of Winche∣ster, and Lord Treasurer of England, had cau∣sed Groats and Half-Groats to be Coined to the People's great Disadvantage; for they wanted something of the just Sterling Weight: Which oc∣casion'd the Price of all things to be very much enhanced; whereupon at the Commons Com∣plaint now in Parliament, the King promised to redress the Grievance the first Opportunity. Yet however many times after those Days the like Practice hath been used; insomuch that now 5 s. scarcely contain so much silver as 5 Groats had 300 or 400 Years ago: So that 'tis no wonder, if things be sold at treble the Price which they held at that time. For hereby also it comes to pass, that the Prince and Nobility cannot pos∣sibly maintain their Estates with their Ancient Rents and Revenues; because thô they bring them in the old Tale and Number, yet they fall far short in the due Weight and Quantity of Metal.
• c 7.154.1

  H••l••••••head Engl. Chron. p. 948. vid. Gedwins Catal. Bish. p. 234.
• d 7.155

  Ita Sr. Rob. Cotton, having in M.S.
• e 7.156

  Statute-B••ck p. 108. ad an. 28. Ed. 3.
• f 7.157

  M.S. Rot. Par. an. 28. Ed. 3 n. 20, 22, 26, 28, 31, 32, 39, 41, 43, 46, 47, &c. & Sr. Rob. Cot∣tons Abridgm. p. 86, 87, 88.
• g 7.158

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 35. a.
• h 7.159

  Godw. Catal. Bish. p. 197. ubi Northbrook male pro North-burgh, ut Pat. 29 Ed. 3.
• i 7.160

  Knighton p. 2607 n. 50. &c. Stow p. 254. b. Frois. c. 154. fol. 76. Walsing. hist. p. 161. n. 33
• k 7.161

  Frois. ibid.
• l 7.162

  Knighton p. 2608. n. 30.
• m 7.163

  Godw. Catal. Bps p. 426.
• n 7.164

  M.S. in Bibl. Vatican. sign. n. 2040. vid. Odor. Rainal. ad an. 1353. §. 15. vid. M. S. Vet. Angl. in Bibl. C.C.C. Cantab. c. 229, &c.
• o 7.165

  Leco supra ci∣tate.
• p 7.166

  Godw. Catal. B••s p. 426.
• q 7.167

  Dagd. 1 Vol. p. 275.
• r 7.168

  Stow p. 255. Walsing. Hyped. p. 122. & hist. p. 161. & Fo•• p. 361. & Ho∣linshead p. 948.
• s 7.169

  Anton. Wood's Antiq••. Oxon.
• t 7.170

  L. 1. p. 174. ad annum 1354. ex Reg. Syn∣well dicto fol. 67, 68, 69, &c. Dom. Lat. D. ad an. 1354/5.
• * 7.171

  Ret. Claus. 29. Ed. 3 m. 9.
• u 7.172

  Holinsh. Engl. Chron. p. 949. & Anton. Wood's Antiqu. Oxon. l. 1. p. 174. & 176.
• x 7.173

  Anton Wood's Antiqu. Oxon. l. 1. p. 176, &c.
• y 7.174

  In Min••r. Rubr. Libr. Civ. Oxon. C. fol. 27.
• z 7.175

  Pat. 29. Ed. 3. p. 2. m. 26.
• * 7.176

  D. Lit. Dom. ad an. 1355.
• a 7.177

  Ex Record. Turr. Antiqu. Oxon. p. 176. Claus. 29. Ed. 3. m. 23 & Holi••sh. p. 950. & An∣tiqu. Oxon. l. 1. p. 180.
• b 7.178

  Odor. Rainal. Continuat. ad Baren. ad hunc annum §. 31. M.S. Bibl. Vati∣can. sign. n. 3765. in Inno∣cent. VI. & Ge∣sta Innoc. VI. a∣pud Bo••qu. Wal∣singh. hist. p. 161. n. 47.
• c 7.179

  Bishop Ʋshers Answ. to a Je∣suits Challenge p. 428. e•• G••id. Rev••cat. Errer. fact. Parisus An ^o. 1354. Tom. 14. Bibl. Patrum Edit. Colon. p. 347.
• * 7.180

  AN. DOM. 1355. An. Regni Angliae XXIX. Franciae XVI.
• a 7.181

  Mezeray ad avn. 1353.
• b 7.182

  Gaguin, Frois. c. 154. Me••eray & Paul. Aemyl. p. 184. & Du Chesne p. 673.
• c 7.183

  Frois. c. 154. fol. 76. a.
• d 7.184

  M.S. Ret Par. p. 85. n. 6. Sr. Rob. Cotton p. 90
• e 7.185

  St•••• p. 255.
• f 7.186

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 p. ••••9.
• g 7.187

  Frois. c. 154. f. 75. &c. Meze∣ray p. 40. ad an. 1354.
• h 7.188

  Paul. Aemyl. p. 184.
• i 7.189

  Du Ch••sne p. 675.
• k 7.190

  Knighton p. 2608. n. 40. Stow p. 256.
• l 7.191

  10 Julii Ret. Vasc. 29. Ed. 3. m. 6. vid. Ash∣m••les Garter p. 671, &c.
• * 7.192

  Knighton p. 2608. n. 57.
• m 7.193

  Stow ibid.
• n 7.194

  Frois. c. 155.
• o 7.195

  Holinsh. p. 951. & M.S. Vet. Angl. in Bibl. C.C.C. Cantabr. c. 230.
• * 7.196

  Lit. Dom. D.
• p 7.197

  Frois. c. 155. & Mezeray p. 42.
• q 7.198

  Stow p. 255, &c.
• r 7.199

  Ashmole's Gar∣ter p. 673. & Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 739.
• s 7.200

  Holinshead Engl. Chron. p. 952. ex Rob. Avesbury, &c. Ashmole p. 672.
• t 8.1

  L'Isle en Do∣don.
• u 8.2

  i.e. the Me∣diterranean in ho•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• x 8.3

  Aude, Latinè At••••.
• y 8.4

  i.e. 22^d De∣cemb. Lit. Dom. D.
• z 9.1

  Ita lego. pro St. Pierre, vid. Maps.
• a 9.2

  John bìc lego pro Baldwin ex Dug. Bar. 2 Vol. p. 46.
• b 9.3

  An Partenay?
• c 9.4

  M.S. Rot. Par. p. 86. 29. Ed. 3. n. 7. & Sr. Rob. Cottons Abridg∣ment p. 90.
• d 9.5

  Knighton p. 2609. n. 10. ad n. 20.
• e 9.6

  M.S. R••t. Par. & Sr. Rob. Cot∣ton ibid. & Knighton p. 2608. n. 60. ad p. 2610. n. 60. & M.S. vet. An∣glic. in Biblioth. C C.C. Cantabr. c. 229.
• f 9.7

  Stow p. 255. n. 40. confer cum Holinsh. Engl. Chron. p. 951.
• g 9.8

  Knighton p. 2609.
• h 9.9

  Frois. c. 155.
• i 9.10

  R. Avesb••ry & Holinsh. Eng. Chron. p 951. a. n. 20.
• k 9.11

  Knighton p. 2610. n 60.
• l 9.12

  R. Avesbury & Holinsh. Eng. Chron. p 951. a. n. 30. Walsingh. hist. p. 263. M.S. vet. Ang. in Bib. C.C.C. Cantabr. c. 229.
• m 9.13

  Frois c. 155. ibid. M••zeray ad hunc an. &c.
• n 9.14

  Vid. Lib. 1. c. 17. §. 2. p. 188.
• o 9.15

  M.S. Rot. Par. p. 86. n. 9. & Sr. Rob. Cottons A∣bridgm. of the Recor. p. 90. n. 9. ad an. 29. Ed. 3. n. 9.
• p 9.16

  i.e. 12 No∣vemb.
• q 9.17

  Frois. c. 155. ibid.
• r 9.18

  These to be taken inclusive∣ly: For St. Martin the Bi∣shops day is on the 12 of No∣vember, and St. Martin the Pope's on 13, but this not meant here.
• r 9.19

  These to be taken inclusive∣ly: For St. Martin the Bi∣shops day is on the 12 of No∣vember, and St. Martin the Pope's on 13, but this not meant here.
• * 9.20

  Lit. Dom. D.
• s 9.21

  R Avesbury & Holinsh. Eng. Chron. p 951. n. 40. a.
• t 9.22

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 787.
• u 9.23

  17 Novemb.
• x 9.24

  M.S. Rot. Par. p. 85. §. 1, 4, 5, 6. &c. Sr. Rob. Cotton p. 90. &c.
• y 9.25

  Hector Bret. l. 15. f. 325. n. 40. &c. Buchan. l. 9. p. 303. Holinsh. hist. Scotl. p. 242 Knighton p. 2611. n. 1. &c.
• z 9.26

  Hector l. 15. f. 325. n. 62.
• a 9.27

  Hector Boet. Sect. Hist. l. 15. f. 327. l. 27. &c.
• b 9.28

  M.S. vet. Ang. in Bibl. C.C.C. Cantab. c. 229.
• c 9.29

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 741. ex Rec. v. Stow p. 255. b.n. 46. &c.
• d 9.30

  M.S. Rot. Par. p. 85. n. 4. & Sr. Rob. Cotton p. 90. ibid.
• e 9.31

  William in M.S. & Sr. Rob. Cotton malè, cùm in Recordo W. tantùm sit scriptum; quare corrigendum ex Hist.
• f 9.32

  M.S. & Sr. R. Cotton Rome malè ex Histoy. inscitiâ, pro Court of Rome, &c.
• g 9.33

  M.S. vet. Ang. in Bibl. C.C.C. Cantab. c. 229. §. ult.
• h 9.34

  Holinsh. Engl. Chron. p. 951. & Stow p. 255.
• i 9.35

  i.e. Domini qui Vassallos seu Beneficiarios sub suâ ditione ha∣bent, sed tamen in superioris Do∣mini sunt Clien∣telâ. V. Cow∣ell & Skinneri Etymol. Ling. Angl. in Voc. Forens. ad hoc verbum Mesne.
• k 9.36

  Frois. c. 155. f. 76. Mezeray 2 Par. 3 Tom. p. 42.
• l 9.37

  Walsingh. hist. p. 163. Knighton p. 1608. n. 33. Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 169. & Sandf. Geneal. p. 227.
• m 9.38

  Stow p. 255. a
• n 9.39

  Mezeray ad hunc ann. 2 Part. 3 Tom. p. 41. & Frois.c. 154. f. 76.
• o 9.40

  Knighton p. 2609. n. 40. ad n. 54.
• p 9.41

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 735.
• * 9.42

  AN. DOM. 1356. An. Regni Angliae XXX. Franciae XVII.
• a 9.43

  Knighton p. 2611. n. 10. & Holinsh. p. 951. b. n. 34.
• b 9.44

  Holinsh. p. 954. M.S. vet. Angl. in Bibl. C.C.C. Cantab. c. 230.
• c 9.45

  Hector Boeth. l. 15. fol. 325. n. 75. Buchan. l. 9 p. 304.
• d 9.46

  Holinsh. Engl. Chron. p. 955.
• e 9.47

  Knighton p. 2611.
• f 9.48

  Buchan. l. 9. p. 304.
• g 9.49

  M. S. Vet. Angl. in Bibl. C.C.C. Cantabr. c 230.
• h 9.50

  Speed p. 581.
• i 9.51

  Buchan. l 9. p. 304.
• k 9.52

  H••l••••sh. Engl. Chron. p. 955.
• l 9.53

  Knighton p. 2611. n. 22.
• m 9.54

  M. S. V••t. Angl. in Bibl. C.C.C. Cantab. c. 230.
• n 9.55

  Knighton p. 2611. n. 27. ad n. 50.
• o 9.56

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 26.
• p 9.57

  Hector l. 15. fol. 326. n 6. & Buchan. l. 9. p. 304. Holinsh. Engl. Chron. p. 955.
• q 9.58

  Hector ibid. sed ibi bruit malè pro brunt & brunt pro burnt.
• r 9.59

  Frois. c. 155. fol. 77.
• s 9.60

  Mezeray p. 42 ad an. 1356. C. B. Dom. Lit.
• t 9.61

  Frois. c. 155. fol. 1••6. & Paul. Aemyl. p. 285. A.
• u 9.62

  Pascha 24 A∣pril.
• x 9.63

  Frois. c. 156.
• y 9.64

  Dudg. Ear. 2 Vol. p. 70. & Stow p. 259.
• z 9.65

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 787.
• a 9.66

  Frois. c. 155.
• b 9.67

  Mezeray p. 43.
• c 9.68

  Knighton p. 2611. n. 60. & Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 788.
• d 9.69

  Frois. c. 156.
• e 9.70

  Knighton p. 2612. c. 18. & Dudg. 1 Vol. p. 788.
• f 9.71

  Knighton ib. n. 14.
• g 9.72

  Knighton ib.
• h 9.73

  Frois. c. 156. fol. 77. b.