The history of that most victorius monarch, Edward IIId, King of England and France, and Lord of Ireland, and first founder of the most noble Order of the Garter being a full and exact account of the life and death of the said king : together with that of his most renowned son, Edward, Prince of Wales and of Aquitain, sirnamed the Black-Prince : faithfully and carefully collected from the best and most antient authors, domestick and foreign, printed books, manuscripts and records / by Joshua Barnes ...

THE HISTORY OF King Edward III^d. BOOK THE FIRST. (Book 1)

CHAPTER the FIRST.

The CONTENTS.

I. The Circumstances of the Birth of King Edward the Third, with his Education and Character. II. He is made Prince of Wales, and Duke of Aquitain, beside the Titles of Earl of Chester, Ponthieu, and Monstroile; He goes into France, with the man∣ner of his coming to the Crown of England. III. He is excus'd from being Guilty of his Fathers Deposition, his peace is proclaim'd and a General Pardon. IV. Twelve Guardians appointed him: Mortimer's Greatness and the Queens excessive Dowry. V. The Present State of Scotland, the King whereof Robert Bruce sends a Defiance to King Edward. VI. King Edward's Expedition against the Scots. VII. The Particulars of the Murder of King Edward the Second. VIII. King Edward the Third's Return to London: the first Year of his Reign concludes with the Death of sundry great Per∣sonages, Princes and Prelates.

I. KING Edward, the Third of that Name from the Conquest, * 1.1 was the first Son of King Edward the Second of England (sirnamed Caernarvon) by his Queen Isabella the Daughter of Philip the Fair, King of France, a 1.2 accounted in her time one of the most Beau∣tifull Ladies in the world. He was born at the Castle of Wind∣sor, whence he had his sirname (after the manner of that Age) on the b 1.3 thirteenth day of November, at c 1.4 fourty Minutes past Five in the Morning, being the d 1.5 Monday next after the Feast of S^t Martin the Bi∣shop, and the very day e 1.6 after the day of S^t Brice Bishop, and Disciple of S^t Mar∣tin, in the sixth year of his Fathers Reign, and the year of our Lord God MCCCXII. Prince f 1.7 Lewis, eldest Son to the King of France, and Brother to the Queen of En∣gland, being then with many of the French Nobility at the English Court, labour'd earnestly, that this Princely Infant might be named after King Philip; but against this motion the English Nobility prevail'd, and so on the Thursday after, he was Baptised by the Name of Edward, after his Father and Grandfather, the Ceremony being per∣formed by the hands of g 1.8 Arnold, h 1.9 Priest-Cardinal titulo Sanctae Priscae, in the old Chappel, then of S^t Edward, in the said Castle of Windsor, his Godfathers being i 1.10 Ri∣chard Bishop of Poictiers, John Bishop of Bath and Wells, William Bishop of Wor∣cester, Lewis Earl of Eureux the Queens Brother, John Duke of Bretagne and Earl of Richmond, Emery of Valence Earl of Pembroke, and Hugh le Despencer, alias Spen∣cer, a Great Man in those Days.

The News of his Birth was k 1.11 an occasion of great Rejoycing over all England, and

the only thing l 1.12 able to cheer up the mind of his Royal Father from that exces∣sive sorrow, which the late Death of his Favourite Piers Gaveston had flung upon it, and from that Day the King forgot by Degrees his former loss, rejoycing in his pre∣sent Happiness. For m 1.13 so pleasing to his Father was the Birth of this Hopefull Prince, that on the Sixteenth of December following, he gave to John Launge, Valet to the Queen, and to Isabel his Wife, and to the longer liver of them, for bringing to him so desireable News, twenty four pounds per annum, to be paid out of the Farm of London.

Within n 1.14 few days after this Prince's Birth, the King his Father granted him the County of Chester, except the Mannors of Mecklesfield and Shotwike, to hold to him and his Heirs, Kings of England, for ever: And likewise the County of Flint and Rothelan, to hold, as before; except the Mannor of Overton, the Lands of Mailor, Seysnoke, and the Castle and Mannor of Holt; after which he was thus stiled by the King, Edvardus Comes Cestriae filius noster Charissimus.

But leaving his Infancy, we will now proceed to his Youth, and the occurrences that attended his Ripening years; when we shall first have given some small taste of his Character, the fulness thereof being purposely remitted, till the end of his Life and this our Work; because then it may better be consider'd from the whole tenour of his History. From his Birth he was carefully bred up in all things, that seem'd necessary or proper for Princes to excell in; so that, thrô the Vigour of his Parts, being rendred very apt to imbibe the best Principles, he made a speedy and extraordi∣nary improvement in all Noble Qualities: For he was of a very o 1.15 pierceing Judgment, Sweet-nature and Good Discretion, and considering the many weighty affairs, that employ'd his whole Life, not only kind to the Muses, but much befriended by them, as appears by those Learned Writings, of which Pitsaeus says he was the Author. When he was capable of receiving more ingenuous Education, a Man of Great Rea∣ding, Erudition and Honour, was provided from Oxford to be his Tutor, who thô com∣monly called p 1.16 Richard Bury, from the place of his Birth, was indeed Son to one S^t Richard Aungervile Knight, but was afterwards by this his Royal Pupil, made Privy∣seal, and q 1.17 Treasurer of England, then Dean of Wells, and lastly, Lord Chancellour of England and Bishop of Durham.

II. [ 1322] In a Parliament holden at York in the Sixteenth of the King his Father, He was by him created r 1.18 Prince of Wales, as some say; thô he is no where found to have used that Title: The occasion perhaps being, because he was not long after invested with a Greater. King Edward his Father s 1.19 being often summon'd to the Court of France, to do homage for the Dukedom of Aquitain, and still upon some account or other delaying, till the French King had siezed thereon, it was at length concluded that he should give unto this Prince, his Son, the said Dukedom, for which he doing Homage should enjoy the Lands: Whereupon preparation was made for his passing in∣to France. But before he went, being then at Langedon Abbey, near Dover, the King his Father, t 1.20 on the second of September, in the nineteenth year of his Reign, gave unto him, his Heirs and Successours Kings of England, jure haereditario in per∣petuum, the Counties of Ponthieu and Mutterel, or Monstroile, and on the tenth of the same Moneth, he being then at Dover, granted unto him the Dukedom of Aqui∣tain, and all the Lands he had, or ought to have in the Kingdom of France, Ha∣bendum, as before: Two u 1.21 days after which our new Duke took shipping at Dover, thence passed into France and performed his Homage to King Charles of France, his Uncle. In this his Journey, it was thought fit, that the Queen his Mother should bear him company, in regard her Lands in that Kingdom had also been seized on: From which S^r Roger Mortimer, Lord of Wigmore, who having been clap'd into the Tower for Treason, had made his escape into France, as he was a most Politick and Vindi∣cative Person, took occasion to insinuate himself into the Queens Favour, and by pretending to take her part against the Spencers (the great Favourites of her Hus∣band, whom she extreamly hated) involved her, before she was aware, into a Rebellion, from which she could never extricate her self, till she had ruin'd the King her Husband. It is no way pleasant to me to relate the whole progress of that execrable Treason, nor how the King of France, being warned by King Edward, durst not entertain any lon∣ger within his Dominions, the Queen his Sister, with this her Son Edward; so that she was forced to flee to strangers for succour; who, being won by her charming tears, adventur'd, thô but a Few, into this Kingdom; where quickly encreasing their Num∣bers by a rash defection of the Giddy multitude, they proceeded to the utmost Vi∣olations of Faith and Honour. In short the old King at last was violently and ille∣gally

Depos'd and imprison'd, thô with promise of security to himself, * 1.22 and the al∣lowance of an Honourable Pension during life: And our young Edward, his eldest Son (thô he could never be x 1.23 perswaded even to a Crown, till he was made to believe his Father had desired it) being at last won by the sight of his Father's seeming-vo∣luntary Resignation (which yet was extorted by fraudulent Promises and severe mena∣ces) took upon him the Crown and Government of this Kingdom.

III. Before this, while the Realm was yet unsetled, and the old King lay as then conceal'd in Wales, y 1.24 He was by an Usurped Authority in an Assembly z 1.25 of Lords met at Hereford, (the Queen and S^r Roger Mortimer being present) made Custos, or Lord Warden of the Kingdom by a common Decree bearing date the 20 of October, where∣upon all the Lords made him Homage and took an Oath of Allegiance to be Loyal to him, as Lord Warden of England: And on the twenty sixth of November following, the Great Seal sent from the King his Father, was deliver'd unto him at Martley.

Whereupon a a 1.26 Parliament was summon'd to meet at Westminster about the Feast of Epiphany, being called indeed in the old King's Name, [ 1326] but the Briefs of Citation were signed by the Prince, as Lord Warden of England. In this Parliament, thus cal∣led, by his own Authority, was the old King illegally depos'd; when they had extor∣ted his own consent to it, by fair and foul means, making so the young Prince believe, that his Father had freely and willingly resign'd the Government; of which matter we shall speak more largely when we come to relate the Murther of the said King Edward the Second.

But because many of our Historians lay some imputation upon the Name of King Ed∣ward the Third, as if he was not wholly innocent of these Proceedings against his Fa∣ther; we are to consider the tenderness of his Age, he being not then fourteen years old; whereby he might very easily be impos'd upon by the treacherous subtlety of Mortimer and his Complices, who were always about him; also we should cast our eyes upon the severity he shew'd this same Mortimer, when he understood the whole Treason; nor is it a small sign of his innocence, as to this point, that he himself lived long and Reign∣ed happily, being blest with many Dutifull Children, and that no other circumstance of his whole life can furnish us with any thing, from whence we may suspect, that he could be capable of so black and unnatural a Treason.

However b 1.27 now the old King having resign'd the Crown, great Preparations were made for this young Prince's Coronation, he being on the 25 of January, or the Con∣version of S^t Paul, and a c 1.28 Sunday, proclaimed King of England by Order and Consent of Parliament; and Proclamations d 1.29 were issued out in his Name, declaring to the Peo∣ple, that his Father the late King had made a Voluntary and free Resignation of his Re∣gal Dignity to him, as being his Eldest Son. And a week after, by the direction of those who were Contrivers of this Revolution, he was advis'd to Publish his Peace to the whole Kingdom, which was done in these words.

Edward e 1.30 by the grace of God, King of England, Lord of Ireland and Duke of Aquitain to N. Sheriff of S. Greeting: Whereas the Lord Edward, our Father, late King of England, by Common Council and Assent of the Prelates, Earls, Barons and other Lords, as well as that of the whole Commonalty of the Realm, did volun∣tarily resign the Government thereof; willing and granting, that We, as his Eldest Son and Heir, should take upon Us the Rule and Government of the Kingdom: And We by the consent and advice of the Prelates, Earls and Barons aforesaid, yeelding herein to our Fathers good Pleasure, have taken upon Us the Government of the said Realm, and received, as the manner is, the Fealties and Homages of the said Prelates and Ba∣rons: Desiring therefore, that our Peace should be inviolably kept, to the quiet and benefit of our Liege People, We will and command; that presently upon sight of these Presents, you cause our Peace to be Proclaim'd thrô all your Bailywick, charging all and every one in our Name, under pain and peril of Disherison and loss of life and limb, not to presume to infringe or violate our said Peace, but every one to prosecute his Actions and Causes without any outrage whatsoever, according to the laws and customs of our Kingdom. For We are ready and ever shall be to exhibit and afford to all and singular Plaintiffs, as well poor as rich, full Justice in our Courts according to due Course of Law. Witness Our Self at Westminster, l^mo Februarii, Annóque Reg∣ni nostri Primo.

On the f 1.31 same day being Sunday, and the Vigil of the Purification, was the young King by the hands of his Cozen Henry Earl of Lancaster, first girded with the Sword of Knighthood, at which time the King himself Knighted many others; among whom were three g 1.32 Sons of the Lord Mortimer. That day he was Crowned at Westminster by

the hands of h 1.33 Walter Reginald Archbishop of Canterbury, and thereupon, as an Earnest of the many Advantages his People were to reap from his prosperous Reign, a General Pardon is Proclaim'd; which gave occasion to Succeeding Kings to grant a General Pardon at their first Coming to the Crown, after the example of so great a Precedent.

I do not think it necessary to make any exact Narration of the Coronation of this Young Monarch; because such things are so well known in general; and others, who delight in matters of less moment, have not omitted a full Description thereof: but I shall not forget to mention * 1.34 one Medal, which, with many other of several devices, was upon the Coronation Day flung among the People; because we may thence make a guess at the ingenuity of that Age: On the Pile was the Young Prince Crowned, laying a Scepter on a heap of Hearts, * 1.35 with this Motto—POPULO DAT JURA VOLENTI. And on the Reverse, an Hand held forth, as it were saving a Crown falling from on high with these words —NON RAPIT SED RECIPIT.

IV. Now because of the Kings Tender Age (for he was at that time but Fourteen Years, two Months and eighteen Days old) there were Twelve i 1.36 Guardians appointed Him; to wit, Five Bishops, Two Earls, and Five Barons; the Names of them were these, Walter Reginald Archbishop of Canterbury, William Melton Archbishop of York, John Stratford Bishop of Winchester, Thomas Cobham Bishop of Worcester, and Adam Orleton Bishop of Hereford; the two Earls were Thomas of Brotherton Earl Mar∣shal, and Edmund of Woodstock Earl of Kent, both the Kings Uncles: the Barons were John Lord Warren, Thomas Lord Wake, Henry Lord Percy, Oliver Lord Ingham and John Lord Ros. But k 1.37 over and above all in especial manner, by consent of the Lords in Parliament, and the Twelve Guardians themselves, the Thrice Noble Henry de Torto Collo, Earl of Lancaster, Lincoln, Leicester and Derby, the Kings own Cozen was deputed to have the chief Care of the Kings Person; upon l 1.38 Whom also and his Heirs, as Earls of Leicester, was settled at the same time the Stewardship of England: Nor let it be wondred, that this Earl the Kings Cozen should be prefer'd to either of his Uncles in this matter; since, th^ocirc; of great Nobility and Honour, they were both of less experience, being young men; nor was it so agreeable to Policy to give them the Greatest Power, who were nearest of Blood, as was afterwards sufficiently experienced in the Protectorship of Richard Duke of Glocester, who made away his two Royal Ne∣phews to obtain the Crown.

All these were able Men and firm to the Kings Person and Interest, but little more than Shadows in this Station, Roger Lord Mortimer overtopping all by his great Pow∣er, derived from the influence he had with the Queen Mother. By his means it was, that the said Queen had so m 1.39 excessive a Dowry now assigned her; that the King her Son had scarce one Third part of his Crown Lands remaining to Himself; of which yet Mortimer made good use to advance his Friends and establish his own Authority and Greatness: The imprison'd King this while being allow'd but one hundred Marks by the Month, nor was he long permitted to enjoy that neither: But we shall refer the prosecution of this to its proper place.

V. And now immediately there arises matter to exercise the Genius of the Young King, whose Inclinations tend all to Glory, and we shall see, how eagerly He snatches at the first opportunity to obtain it. But here, before we enter upon the Scotch War, it will not be amiss to set down a brief Account of the State of Scotland at that time. In the Year of our Lord n 1.40 1285. King Alexander the Third, dying suddenly without Issue, there arose several considerable Persons, who being some way allied to the Royal Family, claim'd a Right to the Crown of that Kingdom. But all their Pretences were swallowed up in those of the Lord John Baliol and of the Lord Robert Bruce, who had by far the Clearer Title. King Edward the First of England, Grandfather to our Edward, by right of Superiority, which he claimed, became Umpire of the Cause, and he adjudged the Realm of Scotland to the Lord John Baliol, not only because his Title was the best, he claiming in Right of his Wife Dornagill, eldest Daughter to the Lady Margaret, eldest Daughter to David Earl of Huntington, younger Brother to William King of Scots and Great Uncle to Alexander the Third; but also because he offer'd to hold the Crown of Scotland of King Edward, as Superior Lord, which Robert Bruce ab∣solutely refused to do.

But the Scots were so disgusted at Baliol for this his abjectness of mind; that they began to rebell against him and threatned to choose Robert Bruce for their King; where∣by he being terrifi'd, renounced his Allegiance to Edward the First and defi'd him: but he was too weak to make good his Defiance; both he and his son Edward Baliol, and shortly after the Lord Robert Bruce, being seized on, were put in custody, and the Kingdom of Scotland lapsed to King Edwards hands.

But not long after this, the Scots being miraculously excited by the extraordinary courage of the famous William Walla••e, and at last Robert Bruce o 1.41 Earl of Carrick escaping from London, he was made King: thô he prov'd unable to do any great feat, but ra∣ther sculked about, seeking advantages till the Days of King Edward the Second, a Prince of far less Fortune and Conduct in the War, than his Father Long-shanks. Against him he obtained the Memorable Battle at Bannocksborn near Striveling, where perished no less than 50000 English (if Hector Boetius may be credited) among whom fell q 1.42 42 Lords and Barons, and 67 Knights and Banerets, besides 22 Great men, whom the Scots took prisoners. Upon which success, as the English of the Borders were without measure de∣jected, so the Scots were inflamed with pride and disdain; as may appear from this Rhyme (which among others) was sang about their streets,

Maidens of England, sore may you mourn; For your Lemans, ye have lost at Bannocksborn, With Heve a low! What ho! weneth the King of England So soon to have won all Scotland, With a Rumby low.

From this time Scotland gather'd strength and reputation, and easily obtain'd a Peace with England on very good Terms: King Robert hereby was more firmly settled in his Throne, being a Father of one Son, named David, a Prince of great hope, and of two Daughters, the Lady Margaret wife to the Lord Walter Stuart, and by him Mother to the young Lord Robert Stuart, a person of rare endowments and expectation; besides that, the other Lady, her younger Sister, had then or shortly after a Son too by her Husband, the Earl of Southerland. As for the former King, John Baliol, he liv'd at this time a retired life in France, having only two Sons, the Lord Edward and Henry, who as yet had no Issue, and therefore their Father had on certain considerations resigned and quitted and given over to King Robert his Right and Title to the Crown of Scotland; so that Robert was now quit of all fear on that part, and otherwise very strong in the affections of his People, who were then a great and flourishing Nation: And this was the state of Scotland, when King Edward the Third of England came to the Crown: wherefore encouraged with their former success, and despising King Edwards Youth, r 1.43 on the very night of that day, whereon King Edward was Crowned, the Scots had intended to take the Castle of Norham, s 1.44 between the Marches of England and Scotland, by surprize, and so well they managed their design, that about t 1.45 sixteen of them had already mounted the Walls: but the Captain S^r Robert Manners being warned of the Mat∣ter before-hand, by one of his Garrison, who was a Scotchman, had so well provided to receive them, that of those, who had mounted, he took five or six, and put the rest to the sword; their Companions below upon this disappointment retiring. This seem'd a good Omen of King Edward's future Victories over the Scots by occasion of the Lord Edward Baliol, who was himself a Scotchman. Presently after King Robert Bruce, sup∣posing it now a very fit season to take some advantage against his old Enemies the English, during this their Kings Minority, sends about u 1.46 Easter a short and brisk Defi∣ance to King Edward and all his Realm,

telling them that he would shortly with his Power invade the Realm of England with Fire and Sword, and there do, as he had done before in his Fathers Reign at the Battle of Bannocksborn near Striveling (or Ster∣ling) where the English received that mighty Overthrow we spake of, by reason of those x 1.47 Pits, into which the Scots had intrapt them unawares.

I must not omit, that the Scotch Writers attribute the occasion of this Defiance to some fraud or other, wherewith the English had lately endeavour'd to ensnare them by foul Collusion of their Ambassadours; but neither can it be imagin'd, what necessity the King of En∣gland should have, either by fraud or force to attempt to injure the King of Scots, (with whom he stood on no ill Terms) before his own Affairs were in any posture of Settle∣ment; nor do any of their own Historians assign, what this fraud or injury was; nor indeed was ever the English Nation noted so much for fineness or subtlety, as for down-right Honesty and blunt valour. Nor is the consideration of King Robert's Age and sickness sufficient to conclude; that of necessity there must be some great Cause given, that could provoke so decrepit a Man to begin a War, toward the End of his Life: since, thô his Person was weak, his Mind was strong and vigorous, and Scotland was never in better case, than at that time: and the Generals he intended to employ, were Barons of great Fidelity, Conduct and Resolution; and he might reasonably hope

to have (at least) as much advantage over this Young King, as he had over his Fa∣ther, in his Full Age, when attended with a most flourishing Army. Nor is any great Captain, thô never so satiate with Lawrels, so unambitious after all, but that in his weakest condition, he would lay hold on any occasion of so probable success a∣gainst a professed Enemy. 'Tis sweet to an old Warrior to end his days among Tri∣umphs and Victories. This is certain, King Edward the Third neither did, nor could send any Ambassadors to him before his Coronation: yet even then we shew'd before, that the Scots began to break the Peace by attempting to surprize a Castle, thô no less than y 1.48 Nine years were to come of the last Thirteen years Truce, struck up between this Kings Father, and King Robert of Scotland, four years before. And besid•••• we find, that there had been, since the Coronation of this Young King, an Agreement for a fur∣ther Treaty of Peace (to be held in the Marches) on the Sunday next before A∣scension Day then ensuing. But, as I said before, King Robert imagining to make an easie prey of the young Monarch, neither much valued the old Truce, not yet ended, nor the new Agreement, not yet perfected, but resolves upon War. Hereupon soon after he invades the North Borders, with an z 1.49 Army of Twenty five thousand Men, a 1.50 all Horse, that they might do mischief more speedily, and retire with more expedi∣tion, if by any necessity they should be so obliged.

VI. The mean while King Edward conceives an high indignation at this unprovoked Defiance, and to secure himself for the future from the like Contempt, immediately with all his Power addresses himself to defend his Reputation. And first he b 1.51 sends his Uncle Thomas of Brotherton, Earl of Norfolk and Marshal of England, with a choice number of Soldiers to Newcastle upon Tine, who there made his Musters (as he was appointed) on the c 1.52 Monday next before the Ascension; in like manner the Lord Ro∣bert Hufford and the Lord John Moubray, were commanded away to the Reinforce∣ment of the Lord Anthony Lucy of Cockermouth, then d 1.53 Governour of the Castle and Town of Carlile. At the same time the King issued out his General summons to his own People, and moreover by kind letters invited his noble Friend, John Lord of Beaumont in Heinalt, and brother to William Earl of Heinalt, (by whose aid chiefly the Queen had deposed her Husband, and who was but newly return'd home again) to come over to his assistance about the time of the Ascension. S^r John Lord Beaumont hereupon came over to the King to the City of York (the place appointed for the ge∣neral Rendezvous, thô Newcastle also was pitch'd upon for the assembly of other Forces a week before) within three days of Whitsuntide, accompanied with more than fourty Lords and Knights of Heinalt, Flanders and Bohemia, with other Knights from Cam∣bray and Artois, to the number of Five hundred Men of Arms, all well Arm'd and gal∣lantly Mounted. Soon after Whitsuntide follow'd (for the sake of this John of Hei∣nalt) the Lord William Son to the Duke of Juliers (or Gulick) and S^r Henry Thyrry, afterwards Earl of Lewis, and with them another goodly Company, all expecting to purchase much honour under this hopefull Young King, and no less profit, as well from his Royal bounty, as from the Spoil of the Field, which they accounted their own. The whole number of the Strangers was about e 1.54 two Thousand Men of Arms; besides the great Numbers of English, that came in as Voluntiers, above the appointed Mu∣sters, such hopes had they conceived of their Prince's Conduct and Fortune.

The King f 1.55 assigned the Strangers convenient lodgings in the Suburbs of York, but to S^r John himself and his Servants he allotted an Abby of White Monks in the said Ci∣ty, He himself and the Queen his Mother, being lodged in the stately Building, cal∣led the Fryers, where each of them kept house apart.

This g 1.56 S John of Heinalt was one of the most Gallant Knights in the World, and he had first undertaken to defend the Queen and her Son against the Persecutions of the two Spencers, even when her own Brother, the King of France, had deserted her quar∣rel: so that he was very dear to the young King and his Mother, and they resolv'd to en∣tertain him in most Royal Manner.

Wherefore the King held all along a Great Court to do these Strangers Honour, and there was every where much Plenty of Provision, Good and Cheap, for the City and Country were Rich and flourish'd with abundance. For full six weeks did the King lie there with more than 60000 men, yet all that while the price of Provision was no∣thing enhanced, but every thing was sold as reasonable, as before the Army came thi∣ther. There was plenty of Rhenish, Gascoign and Anjovan Wines, with Pullen and o∣ther Provision at very ordinary Rates, and Hay, Oats and other necessaries for Horses were daily brought to the Strangers lodgings, so that they were all extreamly satisfied with their entertainment.

But yet even this their Prosperity had like to have proved more fatal unto them then a Rout in Battel might have done: For h 1.57 presuming much hereby on the King's fa∣vour, they carried themselves too Magisterially toward his Subjects, whence arose such Contention, as brought forth many sad effects, and was not at last stinted without much bloodshed on both sides.

On Trinity i 1.58 Sunday, the King for the sake of these Lords Strangers held a Solemn and Magnificent Feast at the Fryers aforesaid, himself being attended with 500 of his Knights (to which he then added 15 more) and the Queen, his Mother, having more than threescore Fair Ladies, of the greatest Nobility and Beauty in England, about her Person, to pleasure the young Lord of Beaumont and his Company. There was that day a most Splendid Entertainment and a truly Royal shew of whatsoever was choice and excellent. And now the Ladies themselves, with many Noble Virgins, were medita∣ting the various Measures their skilfull Feet were to make, the pleasant Aires their sweet Voices should warble, and those soft Divisions their tender Fingers should strike on the yielding strings; when suddenly, as soon as ever the Feast was ended, a strange and hideous noise confounded the Minds of the whole Court. For the Servants and Pages of these Foreign Auxiliaries, had by their k 1.59 insolence so exasperated the minds of some English Archers, who lodged among them in the Suburbs, that immediately a great Fray began among them, which continually rose higher, new abettors successively flowing in on each side; till near 3000 of the Archers being gather'd together, many of the poor Hei∣nalders were slain, and the rest betaking themselves to flight, were fain to enter their lodgings and there to fortifie them in the best manner they could, against the Fury of their enemies. Most part of the Knights their Commanders were then at Court, but on the first noise of the Fray, they hasted to their lodgings to defend themselves and their People. Some part of the City of York in the Hurlyburly was fired, many of the Heinalders slain, and more hurt, nor less on the English side, than l 1.60 80 Archers, most of them Lincolnshire men, fell that day, who were all buried in S^t Clement's Churchyard in Fosegate. But at last by the Authority of the King, with the earnest endeavours of the Queen Mother, who loved the Heinalders dearly, and by the ready assistance of the Great Men, who charitably took the Strangers parts, the Archers thirst of blood was slaked, and the quarrel ceased for that time. But that Night the Strangers who had suffer'd most, not so m 1.61 much thinking of sleep, as revenge, being now headed by Commanders, rose privately, and joyning all together, set suddenly upon the Archers of Lincolnshire and Northampton (for the Men of each County were Marshall'd and lodged together by themselves) where they slew about 300 of them. Nor in the Morning had they paid cheaply for that desperate action (for more than n 1.62 6000 Archers had com∣bined together to burn or kill them every man in their lodgings, or without, by Night or by Day, when ever they should obtain an Opportunity) But that the King to se∣cure the Strangers from their Fury, had set strong Guards about them, displacing the Archers from their former Quarters, they themselves hardly ever daring to sleep with∣out good Watch, their Horses ready saddled, and their Arms always near at hand, or up∣on their Backs: so well they knew it behoved them to look to themselves after such a Provocation of the Common Soldiers of England.

Now had King o 1.63 Edward lain at York with all this Great Army in and about the City, for the space of three Weeks, and when, in about three Weeks more after this sedition, no final agreement could be made between the King's Council and the Scotch Ambassadors, p 1.64 who came thither after Trinity Sunday to treat of a Peace; the Mar∣shals of the Host by the King's Command Proclaimed thrô all the Army, that by the next Week every Man should be ready to March against the Enemy: and that such, to whom the Care was left, should provide Carts and Wagons for Carriages, and Tents and Pavilions to lie in the field, with all other matters, necessary for the King's journey toward Scotland. All things therefore being by the said time provided accord∣ingly, the King and all his Barons began their March from the City of York in good Order, and gallantly armed with Trumpets sounding, and Banners waving in the wind. In this Expedition (besides those at Newcastle and Carlile, already sent thither to de∣fend the Frontiers) we have made shift to recover the Names of these Worthies, q 1.65 Ed∣mund of Woodstock Earl of Kent, the King's Uncle, John r 1.66 Bohune Earl of Hereford and Essex, and Constable of England, Roger s 1.67 Mortimer Lord of Wigmore, William t 1.68 Lord Montagu, Robert u 1.69 Lord Morley, John x 1.70 Lord Warren Earl of Surrey, John Lord Ros, younger Brother to William Lord Ros of Hamlake in Yorkshire, with his other Brother Thomas Ros, the Lord William Clinton, afterwards Earl of Huntington, the Lord Roger le Strange and S^r Ebulo le Strange, his Kinsman, the Lord Hugh Audeley

junior, and S^r James Audeley, his younger Brother, Thomas Lord Braose, the Lord Fulk Fitz-Warine, the Lord John S^t Philibert, the Lord Peter de Malolacu, or Mau∣ley, the Lord Ralph Stafford, the Lord Ralph Basset of Drayton, the Lord Thomas Ha∣stang, the Lord Robert Pierpoint, the Lord Thomas Furnival, the Lord Robert Fitz-Walter, S^r Walter Beauchamp of Alcester in Warwickshire, with his Brother William Beauchamp, S^r Nicolas Cantilupe and many other Barons of England.

S^r y 1.71 John of Heinalt and all the Lords Strangers with their troops, both in their March and when they took up their Lodgings, were always placed immediately next the King's own Guards, as well to secure them from the Archers, who still breathed after Revenge, as for their greater Honour, and to let the whole Army know, tha•• whoever sought their damage, would at the same time highly trespass upon the King himself.

The first Night the Host reached sixteen mile onward of their way, and there the King tarried two Days and three Nights, partly to expect, till the whole Army was come up, but chiefly to examine by himself and his Officers, whether any thing ne∣cessary for such an Expedition was wanting, before they should be brought to a Pinch. Early on the fourth day they began their March toward Durham, which was distant in all from York about fourty eight or fifty Miles, but from Topcliffe, whereabout they had lodged, little more than Thirty. The second Night after they reach'd the City of Durham, encamping thereabout, till further notice of the Enemy: of whom they had heard no News, as yet.

The King had before this, as we remembred, to hinder their Progress in the Borders, sent the Earl of Norfolk, Marshal of England, to Newcastle, and the Lords Hufford and Mowbray to Carlile, with considerable Forces. They for their part slack'd nothing of their Duty, for they were Persons of great Worth and Honour: But the subtle Scot, e're the King could reach Newcastle, which was but about z 1.72 twelve or fourteen Miles beyond Durham, had pass'd the River of Ti•••• so privately, that they were neither per∣ciev'd by the Garrisons of New-castle, nor Carlile; and so for a while they wasted and robb'd the Country wherever they came, and yet could never be overtaken or found by those who sought to encounter them; but only a 1.73 once at Darlington, where be∣ing met by a disorder'd number of the Country Militia, who came to oppose them, they soon overcame them, putting many to the sword and the rest to flight. Their King Robert himself was not there at that time, thô he was the most Valiant and most Successfull Prince, that had reign'd in Scotland of many years: For being now oppressed with age and sickness, he was forced to send in his stead two the most Famous and Ex∣pert of his Captains, the Lord Thomas Randulph, Earl of Murray, and the Lord James Douglas, the latter greatly in those days Renowned for Hardiness above all the Scotchmen, as the former was for Wisdom and Conduct. Their Forces were b 1.74 twenty or twenty five thousand Men, all nimble and expedite for suddain Invasion or quick Retreat; for they were all mounted, c 1.75 the Better Sort on good strong Coursers, and the Common Soldiers on little, but approved Hackneys and Geldings. They brought with them no Carts nor Wagons, because of the inequality of the Mountainous Countries, thrô which they should pass: nor had they with them much purveyance of Bread or Wine; for in those days the Scots were so abstemious and patient in time of War, that for a good while they could endure with flesh half-boiled, and drink out of the Rivers: Nor yet had they any Pans or Cauldrons to dress their meat in; for what Beasts they found (as they always did good store in those Northern parts) they would seeth them in their own skins, stretch'd out bellying on stakes, in the manner of Cauldrons: And having thus sod their meat, they would take a little Plate of Metal, which they us'd to truss somewhere in, or under their saddles, and laying it on the fire, take forth some Oatmeal (which they carried in little bags behind them for that purpose) and having kneaded and temper'd it with water, spread that thereon: This, being thus baked, they us'd for Bread, to comfort and strengthen their stomachs a little, when they eat flesh.

That such hard Farers should prove good Souldiers, is no wonder, and that sometimes they should be able to baffle a great Army, more encombred than themselves, may very lightly be granted. And now had the English been several days in those Parts, before they had any knowledge where their Enemies were, thô they dayly saw the effects of their cruelty, and met with many of the Borderers, who fled before them to avoid it. But at last they saw great smokes and fires about the Country, which plain∣ly enough declared where they were, and what was their Employment.

Immediately hereupon d 1.76 the Alarum is given and a March sounded, every Man being

commanded to dislodge, and in the Order before appointed, to follow the Marshals Battail. There were three great Battalions on Foot, and to each Battail two Wings of 500 Men of Arms, Knights and Esquires; and 20000 others, well-arm'd and provided, the one half on little Hackneys, and the other ranged on Foot, who fought for Wa∣ges, to be paid by those Towns, Cities and Corporations, that sent them to the Kings Service. The Scotch Writers make the whole number of the English Forces to be more than an Hundred Thousand Men effective; and Froisard himself, besides those three Battails mention'd, speaks of 24000 Archers, (if the figures are not mistaken) and Grafton and Speed reckon up 30000 Archers in All: Thô I believe, if there were such a Number, they were distributed proportionably among the foresaid Battalions, accor∣ding to the Usual Method of the Captains of those days, and that there was no such great Battail of Archers distinct from all the rest: And this Opinion agrees better with our Historians and Froisard's own Account of the Number in another place, where he reckons the Whole, but to something more than e 1.77 60000 Men of War: Thô f 1.78 others (whose Authority I shall not here examin) make them no more than 54000 Men; which were thus disposed, in the Main Battail with the King were two and twenty Thousand, that is, 10000 Foot, 4000 Men of Arms, and 8000 Archers and Dragoons on Horseback; in the other two Battails, were to each 10000 Foot, 1000 Men of Arms, (500 on each Wing) and 3000 others on Horseback, and the Marshals Battail consisting of 4000 Horse, Men of Arms and Others well mounted, rod on before the Army.

In this Order they marched after the g 1.79 Scots, as the smoak directed them all that day, till almost night; when by good Advice they took up their lodging in a Wood by the side of a little River, as well to refresh themselves, as to give time for their Carri∣ages to come up, which drove after them more heavily. By this time had the Scots wasted and burnt and plundered all before them, within five Miles of the English Ar∣my, but as yet they could by no means be overtaken. The next morning they mar∣ched again with Banner displai'd, every one in his Order as before, thrô mountains and Valleys all day long without any Disorder, and yet they overtook not the Enemy, who sped on before, leaving nothing but ruine and desolation behind. The Country was so full of Marishes and wild Deserts, Mountains and Dales, that the English could by no means equal the Pace of the Scots, who were better us'd to that kind of ma∣king War, and were not so encumbred with Carriages, and had beside a great start be∣fore them. Moreover the King and his Council considering the subtlety of the Enemy, and that the Country favour'd any design of Ambuscade, commanded on pain of death, that none should ride before the Marshals Banners: For otherwise many would have follow'd upon the spur, to detain the Scots by light Skirmishes, till the Main Body of the Army might reach them. Toward the declining of the day therefore, the Men of Arms with their Horses, and all the horses of Carriage, but especially the Foot grew so weary, the Men with the weight of their Armour, and all in general with the length of their March; that they could by no means endure any further Travail the remainder of that day.

The King and his Lords well consider'd the Fatigues of the Army; for they them∣selves were almost tir'd out of all patience at this unaccustomed way of Chasing. They plainly saw their labour in pursuit was all in vain, and they assur'd themselves, that if the Enemy did stay for them, it would be in a place which should make to their own advantage. Hereupon at the Kings Command, the Marshals of the Host proclaim'd, that there they should rest for that night, where now they were, which was in a Wood also, and by a river side. The King was lodged in a little poor Abby hard by, whi∣ther the chief of his Council came to him, to advize what was best to be done in this exigence. Their Considerations were these,

That 'twas not possible, while things con∣tinued thus, to overtake the Enemy; that if they could, 'twas too hazardous to en∣gage them thereabouts, since they were by the use of their own Country rendred more expert and accustomed to such mountainous and hilly Places: That they could not go far into the Land without dangerous opposition; and that they had no way of returning, but over the river Tyne: The Result therefore was, That it was best to March directly that way, either to oblige the Scots to come after them (if they de∣sired to preserve their own Country) or at least to make full Amends by putting Scotland to the same sufferance of Fire and Sword. It was also here ordain'd, That all their less necessary Carriages should be left behind them there in the wood, with all their loose Harness, and most of their Provision, but what was absolutely necessa∣ry for a few Days: for they expected within a day or two to have Battle, whatever

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might happen, and they resolved to have it, if they might, despair and vexation making them desirous to win or loose all at once.

This Resolution was published to the Army before supper, every Man being warned to rise from sleep at the first sound of the Trumpet, at the second, to Arm without delay; and at the third, to take horse in his due place under his Colours.

About midnight they arose, and by break of day, they were all ready ranged in Bat∣tail; so vigorous in their Resolution, that with a nimble pace (thô not without a world of difficulty) they travail'd that Day twenty four, or as h 1.80 One saies twenty eight Miles; many being forced to lag behind, thrô weariness, others falling among the Marishes and dangerous places, thrô which the Army was forced to go, were held there, till they could get out of themselves, or else they were like to be lost. For all that could, hasted forward with all speed, not caring for Father, Brother, or Friend, be∣cause hearing great noise of Shouting from the main Host, they imagin'd the Armies were joyning, and so clapping on their Helmets, rode forth with Spear and Shield, as fast as they might toward the First Battail, so great was their desire to fight; but when with much labour they were come, they found themselves deceived, for all the Noise was made only at the raising of Stags, Harts, and Hinds, that were first seen by those in the Front. Thus the King rode that day, till toward the evening he came to the same part of the river Tyne, where the Scots had passed upon their Invasion, and where, it was thought, they must needs repass upon their Return. And on that side the i 1.81 Tyne, they found it more commodious to give or receive Battle upon occasion, as being more plain and open Ground, and so fitter for a Champaign. Wherefore to be beforehand with the Enemy, or at least by entring Scotland, to draw them back out of England, King Edward now resolv'd to pass the Tine. But here all the Troubles of the English were not ended: For that River is full of great, round and slippery Stones, which much offended the Horse in their passage over: However (thô with much ado) they had all got over by Sun set, but the Foot could not pass that Night, nor were they all there in any good time, many not appearing till the Morning, and some few never after seen. As for those that had passed with the King and the Lords, 'twas but here and there, that any of them had a Hatchet to cut down Wood; so that they could neither make Stakes to fasten their Horses too, nor Arbours to shrowd themselves withall (their Tents bring left behind among the Carriages) nor had they, or their horses any great matter to eat, either the day past, or the night now coming on; except that every Man brought a loaf or so, behind him, which yet was almost spoil'd with dust and the sweat of their Horses. Drink they had little or none, but what the River afforded them, and that not so clear as it should be, having been disturbed with the passage of so ma∣ny over it: Only some of the better Sort had their bottles of Wine, or other good li∣quors with them. Nor had they any thing to give them light, except a few Torches, which the Lords Servants had brought with them. As for their Tents and Pavilions, they, as we said before, were most of them left among the Baggage. Wherefore they were fain to lie on the bare ground in their Armour, with their Horses ready sadled in their hands. The next Morning came slowly on, to men in their Condition, but upon the appearance of Day, they put on vigorous hopes, that they should find some better means of Refreshment.

Had it rain'd in the Night, they must have endured much more misery; but however in the Morning it rain'd so plentifully, that before noon the River was risen too high to admit of any repassing. Which, thô bad to them, who were already over, proved better for the Foot, who otherwise must have had a difficult Passage among the stones in so strong a Current. It was a great terror to all, that were of either side the River, to see and hear, how the Stream, which is naturally violent, (being rendred more im∣petuous by the large accession of Rain) ran swooping down, hurrying along in its course huge Flints, and other stones, precipitantly rowling down with an hideous noise and roaring.

The valourous Young King was extreamly perplex'd at all these casual impediments; but bold and full of hope, (as he was) he assured himself, that the Scots must needs shortly return that way: Thereabout therefore he resolv'd to remain, till he might understand what further course was taken by his Enemies. They yet knew of no other Town or Place near, that might afford them shelter or comfort, and far they could not tra∣vel, both They and their Horses being in such evil case. So for one day and night more both They and their Beasts were in a manner fain to fast, but for some little bread for themselves, and a few leaves of trees for their horses; but now they had time to cut down boughs with their swords for Stakes to tie their Horses too, and to make lit∣tle

sheds for themselves. They knew not yet whereabouts they were, nor how far off from any Town, because they had left the beaten Roads, when first they began to follow the Scots, and had not since return'd into them. But about Noon the next day, they found some poor People, who told them that they were about twenty k 1.82 six Miles from Newcastle, and twenty two from Carlile, and that no considerable Town was nearer, to furnish them with any thing they wanted. The King and his Council having heard this good News, sent immediately Horses and Sumpters to both Towns, and Procla∣mation therewith, that whoever would bring Bread, Wine, or other Victuals with Fodder and Litter for Horses, should receive abundant satisfaction with thanks of the King. For it had been openly declared, that for all this the King would not stir a foot, till he heard what was become of his Enemies. Some Provision was brought next day by Noon (but that not overmuch) by the Kings sutlers; many also of the Country People thereabout came with little Nags, laden with Bread in Panniers, and small Perry Wine, with other Victuals to sell in the Army; which pretty well refreshed them for a time.

Thus they continued the space of five or six days in all, expecting ever the Return of the Scots, who had fortifi'd themselves the mean while upon a Hill, waiting for them also; but neither party knew where the other was. The English were but very in∣differently purvey'd, for when the Country came in to them with Provision, l 1.83 a loaf of Bread, worth but a penny, was sold for sixpence, and a gallon of Wine, which was worth but sixpence, as money then went, was sold for two shillings; and yet there was such scarcity, that they were ready to fight with one another for what they had. And besides all this, for near a week together, it hardly ever ceased raining; so that much hurt was done to their Beasts, their girts being broken, their backs sore, and their feet unshod; against which there was no remedy in that place. All these things consider'd, the King began to change his mind, and at last resolved to part thence, leaving the more barren Country of Northumberland, and repassing the River about seven Miles lower, where the passage might be more easie, to re-enter the Bishoprick of Durham. It was also proclaim'd thrô the Host, that whoever could bring the King certain know∣ledge where the Scots were encamped (for that they were not then stirring abroad, was known) should be rewarded with an hundred pounds per annum for him and his heirs for ever, and himself receive the honour of Knighthood from the Kings own hands. Upon this encouragement about fifteen or sixteen Knights and Esquires (these for the Money alone, those for the Title and the Money too) undertook the Adventure, and immediately passed the River in great danger, and rode abroad all severally to seek their Fortune. The next Morning the King and all the Horse with him dislodg'd and rode on fair and softly (the Foot on the other side the River keeping pace with them) till they came to a place more shallow and easie, and there they ventur'd to repass the Tyne, which notwithstanding gave them much trouble; for many were fain to swim (the wa∣ter was still so deep with the late fall of so much rain) and some few were drowned. Thus was this Council of the English sadly disappointed; otherwise it could not but have proved fatal to the Scots, who had then no other Forces in readiness at home, sufficient to receive so well formed an Army; and those in England, if they had been forced to a Battel, must in all probability have paid dearly for their Robberies. But God, in Mercy to the Scots, or in Judgement to the English for their late Rebellion, or with design by Adversity to form our young Edward for a perfect Captain, or lest Robert Bruce, their only Fortunate King, should just before his Death be de∣prived of that Name, order'd, that all this Council and Courage of the Kings should thus be frustrate.

Now when the Horse had all passed the River, they took up their Quarters in the Neighbouring Meadows, for there was good Pasturage and fruitfull Fields about a little Village: But the Village it self had felt the fury of the Scots, being by them burnt down to the ground, as they passed that way. The next day they marched thence over Hills and Dales, till Noon; at which time they found several Villages newly burnt to the ground by the Scots, about which there lay a good Champaigne Country with Corn fields and Meadows, which the Enemy had not destroy'd for their own sakes chiefly, lest they should lose the benefit thereof upon their Return. There there∣fore they resolv'd to stay that Night, for their Horses wanted refreshment still, they had been so harassed. But the next day and part of the day following they rode on, still ignorant where the Scots were, till at last there came up hastily an Esquire of Yorkshire, named m 1.84 Thomas Rokeby, riding toward the King, who doing his Obeisance, said these Words,

May it please your Majesty, I have now brought certain tidings

of the Scots your Enemies: They are not above n 1.85 three Miles from hence, lodged strongly on a great Hill in Weredale, beyond the River Were, where they have been these Eight days, expecting our coming. Dread S^r, what I say, I'll maintain for Truth, for I ventur'd so near to take the better view of them, that falling into their hands, I was carried be∣fore their Leaders; where being question'd, I declared how desirous your Majesty has been all along to find them out; but when I mention'd the Estate your Majesty had pro∣mised, beside the Honour of Knighthood, as a Reward to him that should first bring ti∣dings of them to your Majesty, the Lords that command their Army, having made me promise to discover, where they were to your Majesty, freely quitted me my Ransome, and gave me full Liberty. For they said they were every whit as desirous to fight with you, and if it please your Majesty, I shall shew you the Faces of them presently.

The King having received this exact account, immediately assign'd unto the Esquire an hundred pound sterling for him and his heirs in perpetuum, and therewith Knighted him with his own Sword before the whole Army. And this S^r Thomas Rokeby by his Valiant and Noble carriage in time following, shew'd how well he deserved this good Fortune; as will appear in the Process of this History. After this the King drew out all his Men into a fair Meadow, where, while their Beasts refreshed themselves, the o 1.86 King and those that were piously dispos'd, went to a Neighbouring Abbey (which the Scots had burnt) to Confession, as expecting without fail to have Battel now. This done, they all made themselves ready, and having taken a little Rest and convenient Repast, the Trumpets sounded to Horse, and the Marshals Banners follow'd the New-made Knight S^r Thomas Rokeby; after whom came every Battail by it self in good close Order (because of the nearness of the Enemy) thrô Mountains and Valleys with some difficulty; yet they made such good speed, that about Noon they came so near the Scots, that each Host might plainly see the other. The Scots beholding their Resolute approach, as readily issued out of their Trenches, and ranged themselves in three Bat∣tails on foot p 1.87 at the descent of the Mountain.

A little beneath the q 1.88 foot of this Hill, there ran a great River, called Were, full of huge flints and other stones, like the Tyne, so that it was very hazardous to pass over, even had there been no Enemy oppos'd to impeach the Passage. And yet, had the Scots permitted the English to come over quietly, they had found no sufficient room to draw themselves up in, between the River and this Mountain: But they must have been fain to come in Parties, and all disorder'd upon a compleat Army, well and regularly ranged. This made the English lay by all hopes of forcing them from that advanta∣gious Station; but yet to try, whether they might not be provoked to break their pre∣sent Order, the King commanded all men to alight from their Horses, and pull off their Spurs, presenting themselves in three Great Battails before the Enemy; at which time he made some new Knights, and then to give courage to his Soldiers, rode leisurely be∣fore the r 1.89 Battails, praying and exhorting them all with much sweetness, to be carefull that day of his Crown and Dignity, and of the Honour of their Country. After which it was commanded on pain of Death, that none should go before the Marshals Banners, nor by any means break their array without particular Order. And now fair and softly they all advance forward, till they came so near to the Enemy, that the Front of either Host might perfectly view each others Arms and Cognizance.

Here the English perceived that their Adversaries, as secure in their present condi∣tion, were fully resolv'd no way to alter it, either by moving forward to meet them, or by retiring back to give them space to approach, wherefore here they made an Halt to advise further. In the mean time some of the stout Barons and Knights of the Host, mounting their great Coursers, resolv'd to skirmish with the Scots, and to view well the passage of the River, as also to behold the Face of the Enemy nearer, if by any means they might find a way to join Battel. The King having this while been at Council, sent Heralds to the Scots, to assure them

That if they were willing to come and pass the River, towards obtaining a Battel, he would freely retire back, till he had left them sufficient space to range themselves in; either then, or if they pleased, the next day; or else let them allow the same to England, and the King would with∣out fail come over to them.

Upon this the Scots took Council, and there, thô the Lord James Douglas with equal Courage approved of the Proposal, and was ready to embrace the offer, yet the Prudent Lord Thomas Randulph oversway'd his Heat by good and weighty Reasons; and so they sent this s 1.90 Answer by the Heralds,

The Scotch Lords are better advis'd, than to follow the Counsel of an Enemy: Your King and his Barons are not ignorant, where now we are, and what we have done in coming hither: If they are displeased, let them correct us, when they can; For here we are

resolved to maintain our Post, as long as we shall think fitting, and when we see oc∣casion, we may give them Battel to their Cost: But as for the Offers, we reject them both.

After the delivery of this Answer, it was by Order from the King pro∣claim'd, that all men should there take up their rest for that Night, without retiring to the Camp: and so there they lay all Night on the hard ground with their armour on, having neither stakes to tie their Horses to, nor much Forage to give them, nor fuel to make any fire. But the Scots on the other hand, leaving good Watch in the place where they stood ranged before, went every one else to their former encamp∣ment, where they made so many and so great Fires of English wood, as if they de∣sign'd thereby to provoke their Enemies, by wasting so prodigally that suel, of which they themselves had so little. But from Midnight, till Morning, they made such a noise, with perpetual and universal shoutings, and cries, and winding of Horns and Cla∣rions, as if they design'd not only to daunt their Enemies, but to rend Heaven it self: Thus were both the Hosts lodged that Night, which was in the beginning of August, a full Month after the English had first set out from York. The next Morning both Armies faced each other, as before, till Noon; but neither Party seem'd yet dispos'd to move forward, there was such apparent disadvantage in the attempt. However se∣veral English Youth ventur'd to pass the River on Horseback, and some also on Foot to skirmish, against whom came certain Scots issuing out of their Battails: so that di∣vers were slain, wounded and taken Prisoners on both sides. But for all this, neither Army brake their Order; till afternoon it was proclaim'd, that all men should draw back to their Camp: For now it appear'd for certain, that the Scots would by no means come to a pitch'd Battel.

Thus for three Days they faced each other, but neither would move first to pass the River, there was such hazard in the matter. The King of England was yet too young to undertake of himself so great an Enterprise, as afterwards he did many far greater with suc∣cess; and the English Lords, however gallant they were, durst not be the Authors unto him of such Counsel, which for ought they knew, by its doubtfull Event might hazard their Heads. Yet not a day passed without sundry adventures on either side, and se∣veral were interchangeably slain, wounded or taken Prisoners. And still the Scots kept their barbarous Custom every Night of Crying, shouting and winding of Horns most dis∣mally, keeping all the while rousing Fires thrô all the Host, but especially between themselves and the Enemy, that the English might not be able from far to observe their Behaviour.

King Edward's intent was to hold the Scots thus after the manner of a siege; for if they came over, they were apparently lost, and if they fled, his Horse was to pursue and entertain them till the Gross of his Army might come up, and so force them to an Engagement. One of these things they must do, or be famished: For he under∣stood by Prisoners that had been taken, that they had neither Bread, Wine, nor salt left, nor any thing else, but Flesh; of which they had enough; for those Parts abound∣ed with Cattel; but now their Oatmeal, of which they made their Cakes, being spent, Flesh alone was not good Diet. The Scots on the other side hoped, that this Car∣riage of theirs would soon weary the young King out; but they were mistaken: for as for him, his Resolution was much greater than might be expected from his Age; and for his Army, that was now well enough furnished with Victuals by the Purveyers, which he continually sent out over all the Northern Parts, as well as by others his Friends and Subjects. t 1.91 Now on the fourth day, as soon u 1.92 as it was light, the English directing their Eyes towards the Camp of their Enemies, beheld the Mountain where∣on they had Posted themselves, quite void and naked: For about Midnight they had retreated thence to another more strong Mountain by the same River side, which was also advantaged by a great Wood on the one side, thrô which they might pass and re∣pass secretly, when they pleased, this place also being in Weredale, x 1.93 near Stanhop-Park in the Bishoprick of Durham.

This account of the Scots was brought back to the King about Noon, by certain Horsemen who had been sent to scout after them. Hereupon the Army began to dis∣lodge and march after them in Battel array: Being come over against them, they found another Mountain, where they also encamped, as the Scots had done on the other, op∣posite to them. But the way to come to handy stroaks, was still as difficult to either Part, as before: Only this advantage the Scots had; that they were something the nearer on their way homeward, and the Wood by them was very fit to lay an Ambus∣cado, or to favour a Retreat. Thus here they faced each other after the old manner, for y 1.94 fifteen days together more, to the great vexation of the English, but much more

to the trouble and misery of the Scots, who knew not well what to do in this condi∣tion: The English so well watched them both by Night and by Day, ever since that Desperate attempt of Earl Douglas, one of the first Nights, after they had come to this second Mountain; which, thô the action of an Enemy, must not by any means be forgotten by Us, who resolve to write impartially and rob no man of his just Honour.

Whether by Treason of some English or no, I will not affirm, thô z 1.95 that has been said, and the Lord Mortimer was afterwards question'd for such matters, but the a 1.96 first night that the Scots were come to the second Mountain, Earl Douglas understanding the English kept but slender watch, either, as being over-wearied with this troublesome Journey, or as the nature of man is, b 1.97 contemning their Numbers, and growing secure upon this their late Flight, understanding this, I say, the adventerous Lord passes over the River far beyond the En∣glish Camp with 200 Men of Arms well mounted, and marches with great caution and silence toward the English Host. The Scotch Writers and Froisard also affirms, that just as he came to the first Watches, he and his men with great fury and outcries dashing their spurs to their Horses, rushed into the midst of their Camp, still crying a Dou∣glas, a Douglas, Ye shall all die, ye Thieves of England! And that so he slew 300 e're he ceased, some in their beds, and others ill prepared for Resistance, by reason of the sud∣den surprize. That thus he proceeded even to the Kings Tent, always crying a Douglas; that he strake in sunder two or three Cords of the Royal Pavilion, and so got off safe; only in the Retreat some few of his Men were lost, as Froisard confesses, who lived about that time, but not one saies honest c 1.98 Hector and his sworn Friend d 1.99 Buchanan, the former whereof lived about two hundred, and the other almost three hundred Years after. I profess to be desirous of telling the Truth, but can by no means admit this Action to have been done in this manner; because the Undertaking is utterly improbable, and the Success much more incredible, and Authorities are not wanting to prove the Relation erroneous. For who will believe, that so well-formed an Army should be thus openly despised by a Man who knew their Strength very well, but could not be suppos'd to know the Avenues of the Camp so well? Besides the choicest Knights and Barons of the Army lay most of them about the Kings Person, not to mention his ordinary Guards, nor to insist on the Heinalders, near two Thousand in number, whose place we shew'd to be near the Kings Person, and who were all valiant Men and could not be surpris'd; because they durst not yet take their rest without very good Watch and a strong Guard, as well for doubt of the Common Enemy, as for fear of the English Archers, whom they had so incens'd as we shew'd before. Let any man of Reason consider, whether it be possible, for such a Company of Horsemen to pass even to the heart of such an Army, and repass again with little or no dam∣mage, being all the while attended with such Noise and Tumult. What? no Tren∣ches to hinder their Progress? No Troops appointed to secure the Watch, and to walk the Rounds? None ready to draw a Sword, or to let an Arrow slip from a Bow? If not one was slain, what made Douglas go off with so small an Execution; when Le∣onidas and his three hundred Spartans made shift to kill twenty thousand Persians in one night? Or why did he not come with the whole strength of his Army; then as Hector saies, he might have slain them every Mothers Son? But having made this Try∣al, which succeeded better than he could imagin, and finding the Army began to be Roused, he sav'd his own Men and went off! Why? Even the Womanlike Army of e 1.100 Xerxes (to which an enemy cannot compare the English) could make a shift to stop the return of as noble a General as Douglas, thô attended with three hundred Spar∣tans and seven hundred Others (as brave Fellows, no doubt, as those Scotchmen) who yet fell silently upon the Persians without any noise or warning at all. It cannot be, that the English should then be either so effeminate, or so negligent, or so overcome with surfits at that time, that they could not with half this Noise be allarm'd, so as to rouze up and rally together, and intercept these bold Intruders. I rather therefore be∣lieve, that Earl Douglas intended a crafty and more probable, and no less honourable Undertaking of destroying the Kings own Person, whose Tent he might easily have observed by some Penon or Cognisance, and so hoped to put the English Army to the rout upon loss of their General, as the Assyrians fled upon the Death of Holofer∣nes: That he intended to secure his Retreat by these select and fleet Horses, which were sufficient to skirmish with any Troop that should suddenly pursue after him. And it is f 1.101 said by a diligent Historian of those very Days, who had seen and known, and g 1.102 heard King Edward discourse, that Douglas came into the Camp by stealth, aiming to find out the Kings Pavilion, and that being descried by some of the Watch, he said always

in English, as if he had been one of the Rounds,

No Ward? Ha! St. George.

And so not being question'd, he came at last to the Tent Royal, where he stew the Kings i 1.103 Chamberlain, and after that a stout loyal Soul his Chaplain, who ran toward the King to wake him, but was slain in the endeavour; as he also interpos'd his own Body to prevent the blow aim'd at the King. With this rude shock the Valourous Young King awakes, and immediatly snatches his good Sword, which hung ready-naked at his Beds head, and leaps out on the other side the Bed to oppose this bold Adventurer: who seeing now his work not likely to be clearly performed, and doubting there had been too great noise already, retires; but just before, the Kings Tent was filled with his faithfull Subjects: by many of whom he is strait persu'd on all hands. But whe∣ther by some connivance of Mortimers, or that himself had well consider'd all the A∣venues of the Camp, being a most expert Commander, or that his readiness in English made him not perceived, or that Fortune loves to be propitious to them that court her gallantly; Douglas himself escapes clear off, thô very k 1.104 hardly, but many of his Men were left behind. Either of these ways in my opinion makes equally for the honour of that valiant Scotch Lord; but this latter, as it wants not good and anci∣ent Attestors, so to me it seems upon many accounts much more probable than the other.

However the Action of this night, taught the English to keep more sure Watch and Ward for the future, and some certain Troops held their appointed Posts, standing in Harness all night by turns; but every day they skirmished, each Part dividing their losses and gains almost equally. For the Scots never came over to the English, other∣wise they had been surrounded with good Bands of Men, and so all taken or slain, but the English ever ventur'd over with Gallantry enough, and generally they had the bet∣ter, but when the Scots sent out more numerous Detachments from their Main Body, which because they were fewer in number than the English, they did not often, for they doubted, if too much they broke their Array, that the whole English Forces would follow the Skirmishers. This was the manner of both Armies for about twenty four l 1.105 days in all, when it chanced a Scotch Knight of some quality was taken prisoner, and brought before the King and his Barons, where being roughly menaced, and strictly ex∣amin'd, he at last with much ado, confessed in what evil Condition the Scots at that time were, and being prest yet further, he told them how their Generals had ordain'd, that the same night every one should be ready arm'd and follow the Banners of the Lord Douglas, but what to doe, as it was by the Council kept secret, so the Knight ingenu∣ously protested that he was wholly ignorant. Upon this the King withdrawing to Coun∣cil, it was concluded by all, because the Lord Douglas was now the Leader of this En∣terprize, that they certainly intended to give them a general Onset as that night on each Flank of the Army, as expecting to find Success answerable to the late Underta∣king; their Dispair thrô so long a siege attended with such difficulties, making them resolve at one Blow to hazard all: For the Knight had confessed a great Famine a∣mong them. Then three great Battails were ordain'd, the One to stand before the Camp, toward the Enemy, the other Two, facing about on each side to receive them both on right and left, if occasion should be: Great Fires also were appointed to be kindled on all Parts, that they might avoid confusion or surprize the better, and the Watches were placed at several distances, and Scouts sent out to inform the Host of the Enemies mo∣tions; the Watch-word was given, and the Servants and Pages were order'd the while to keep their Masters Lodgings, with their Horses ready Sadled in their hands. And thus accordingly they stood all Night in Battle Array, till the first approach of Morning, when two Scotch Trumpeters being taken by the Scout-watch, and by them brought to the King and Council, spake freely (for they were taken voluntarily) in this manner,

Ye Lords of England, why do you stand thus to your Arms watching here to no pur∣pose? For on peril of our heads your Enemies are marched clear off: Before Midnight they began silently to leave their Camp, being not described by you, by reason of the dark Moonless night, advantaged with the Covert of a Wood. So that by this, we be∣lieve them no less than three or four Miles onward of their way; only they left us two behind to shew you what course they had taken.

Upon this it was concluded but folly to think of pursuing them any farther, since they had got such a Start, and were much more expedite for Travail, but chiefly because they understood that the Scots were in such want, that of necessity they must hasten back into their own Country, and that by reason of the approach of Winter, (for Harvest was done even in those Parts) they could not make another Expedition that year. Nor was it the least consideration, that their former Troubles had cost them more m 1.106 Men,

and Horses, than some just Battels might have done; besides their late continual Watch∣ings, and other hardships had rendred them all unfit to pursue such n 1.107 Vagabonds. To these Reasons all agreed, but for fear of any deceit, they still detain'd the two Trum∣peters, and held on their former Order, till near Prime. But when it plainly appeared, that the Scots were indeed escaped, then every Man had leave to retire to his Lodg∣ings, while the Lords went to counsel with the King, there to advise how to proceed further.

In the mean time many of the English out of curiosity or hopes of Prey mounted their Horses, and passing the River, came and view'd the Scotch Camp: Those who ex∣pected prey, were much deceived, but they who came out of curiosity, were well sa∣tisfied. For there they found more than o 1.108 five hundred Oxen and Deer ready kill'd, because they themselves could not drive them before the Host at that rate, as their Flight required, and that they might do little good to the English. There were also ready stretch'd on stakes over fire-places three hundred Caldrons made after their way, of skins, with the hair still on them, all full of Water and Flesh, ready to be boiled, and more than a thousand Spits with meat, ready to be roasted on them; there were also found ten thousand Pair of old Shoes in this rich Camp, all made of raw Leather, with hair on them, which the Scots in their hast had left behind. Among the rest there were p 1.109 five poor English Prisoners (thô Buchanan after his qualifying manner says but two) fast bound to Trees with their Legs broken, but yet alive, of whom now their Countrymen took charitable care.

John q 1.110 Harding agrees with many, and says, that the Scots were held in manner of a Siege by the English; but in the way of their Escape he is more particular, and tells us, that on one Part there lay a broad and wide moorish Ground, so deep with mire, and so broad, that the English (whether by the management of some, or oversight of all) wholly neglected to guard that Place, as accounting it impassable. That the wily Scots provided secretly Planks laid upon Faggots, and joyn'd close, over which they went in the Night, still drawing them up as they passed, and those that follow'd, lay∣ing down fresh ones, and then in like manner drawing them after, that the English might not pursue them by the same means; so that according to the French Proverb, r 1.111 Ils se sont sauve par les Marets, with much ado they came off thrô the Marishes. I determin not, how they should be so well provided of so much matter, or how so great a Work could be done in so small a Time, (thô no Man can tell, how long be∣fore this Design might be resolv'd on) because the Author we follow in this, under∣stood the nature of those Northern Parts as perfectly as any Man living, and so his Au∣thority herein is no way contemptible.

The s 1.112 Scots, that very day after a great journey of two and twenty Miles, thrô a wild Country, without any stay or rest for fear of an Encounter, repassed the River of Tyne near Carlile, and the next day leaving Northumberland on their Right hand, they rode thrô a small part of Cumberland, into their own Country, where they pre∣sently disbanded.

Thus befell of this Expedition, with all the vast expence, and these great and for∣midable Preparations. Our Historians (as many of them following the vain opinions of the Vulgar, betray much weakness and passion) are angry with this bad success, and find some dishonour hereby to reflect on the King, wholly attributing all to the Trea∣son of Mortimer, and others. But whoever seriously reflects upon this account of it here given, which is the most exact and full that I could any ways discover, may ra∣ther see it was the Hand of God, and the subtlety of the Enemy, created all this trou∣ble. Nor can I imagine, how by any means, Mortimer could hold intelligence with the Scots, unless he trusted many of those who kept watch, which was too hazardous a matter for any man in his right senses to do; since if but one or two of many had discover'd it, notwithstanding his great Credit with the Queen Mother and the King, he must needs have been torn in pieces. But because t 1.113 Walsingham and others among other Articles lay this to his Charge that he was an Impediment to the Kings Ho∣nour at Stanhop-Park, in restraining the English from falling on the Scots; I shall not omit such circumstances as I have met with, that seem to make against him as to that point. And first it is said, that he the u 1.114 said Roger Mortimer, with Queen Isabel and Edmund Earl of Kent, being then in France, upon certain Conditions, made some cer∣tain Covenant with the Scotch Ministers there then residing; upon which encourage∣ment the Scots proceeded to this War; and that Earl Douglas perform'd that bold a∣ction by Night in the English Camp, by the x 1.115 connivance and underhand assistance of certain in the Kings army, of whom Mortimer ought to be accounted Chief; and that

the Scots escaped away not without the Treason of certain of the English Army; and lastly, in the y 1.116 Eleventh Article laid afterwards to his Charge in Parliament; 'tis said that he converted the whole sum of Money, which the Scots gave afterwards upon the E∣stablishment of a Peace, to his own use, the King not enjoying any part thereof. z 1.117 O∣thers add to this, that a little before their flight, the King resolving to send two con∣siderable Detachments from his Army to intercept the passage of the Scots on each Flank, himself intending to pass over against them by that time the rest might be up with the Enemy, certain (from the Lord Mortimer be like) gave them a sign of their Danger, which might have been privately agreed on before, whereupon they escaped, as we have declared. However King Edward had such good Advice, and such Success, even in this unhappy Journey, as to be able to rid the Land of its Enemy without any considerable Loss; but what no humane Industry or Wisdom could foresee or prevent.

I confess (to use the words of M^r a 1.118 Ashmole) that the first Actions of Princes are Generally look'd upon by all Eyes, and not seldom by many Critical Observators, ta∣ken as the Radix, whence to calculate their future, either Successes or Miscarriages. Now (as he goes on) if a full age entitle them to the sole management of Affairs, we are enclin'd to think, that a judicious Eye may partly discern the strength of their Fortune from such their beginnings. But while they remain under Tutorage, and their Designs are carried on by the Conduct of others, the Event of things will manifest a dependency upon the strength or weakness of the genius of those Persons, who are the Chief Managers of their Concerns. And this was fully made out in this Prince, whose Martial un∣dertakings succeeded little or nothing, while the Government of the Kigndom remain'd in other Hands, (and sometimes after also, when he was tyed up and hamper'd by his Allies in Flanders) but He no sooner arrived at full Age, and had the Dispose of publique Af∣fairs in his own Hands, but all things shew'd themselves as disposed by his own Happy Genius: And the first remarkable Experiment hereof was verified even upon the Scots themselves, from whom before He had received some affronts and indignities, as we shall see hereafter.

Thus (this Expedition ended as it was) the b 1.119 next day the English Army return'd homeward, and about noon they came to a great Abby within two miles of Durham, where the King lodged with all his Host about him in the Field. Here they found good forage for their Horses, and refreshment for Themselves. Next day the King (leaving the Gross of the Army there still) went to Durham to visit the famous Church of St. Cuthbert and to offer at his Shrine. In this City were found all the Carriages, which were left by the Army about a Month ago in the Wood one Morning, when they marched towards the Tyne, to intercept the Scots, as we c 1.120 shew'd before. For the May∣or and Burgesses of Durham having found them, order'd them for their better security to be brought into the City at their own costs and charges, where they were placed safe in empty Barnes and Granges, the Name, or Arms, or other Cognisance of each Own∣er, being before left on every Man's Carriage, that the several Proprietors might be known. It extreamly satisfied the Lords and Gentlemen, when thus unexpectedly they had recover'd what they lately looked on as no better than lost. Here, and about the City the whole Army refreshed themselves well for two days, all the Horses were new shod, and what was amiss corrected. The third day they marched towards the City of York, which they easily reached in three days after; and there the King found his Lady-Mother, who received him with great joy, with all her Ladies and the whole City. Here, after great thanks given to all the Barons and Knights that had atten∣ded the King, for their prompt Advice and loyal Assistance in this Expedition, he dis∣mist the greater part of the Army; but Sr. John of Heinalt with his Company was still retained, because they had not as yet their promised Wages.

After some time spent in Jollity and Feasting (for the Queen and her Ladies made them very good Cheer) the Lords and Captains of Sr. Johns Retinue drew up Bills of what was due unto them, reckoning in also the Horses and other Stuff they had lost or spoiled in this Journey, and deliver'd them in to the Kings Council. But then the noble John Lord Beaumont, out of the Trust he reposed in the Kings Promise, bound himself freely to all his Followers, undertaking to content them as to all their particu∣lars within a certain time, for all their Losses and Charges, contained in the said Bills, besides their promised Wages; For he well saw, that the King could not possibly at that time spare so much Mony: Thô with much ado he made shift to allow them for their present Charges, and what might be sufficient to carry them handsomly into their own several Countries: Yet before the Year was quite ended, they were all satisfied in full.

Then they provided little Naggs for their Lacquies and Pages to ride on, and two Ships were lent them by the King to convey their Servants and Stuff to Sluce in Flan∣ders: After which the Lord John of Heinalt and his Warlike Company took their leave of the King and the Queen his Mother, of the Earls of Norfolk, and of Kent the Kings Uncles, and of the Earl of Lancaster his Cozen, with the Lord Mortimer and the rest of the Barons, all whom he found very courteous and honourable to Him and his Fol∣lowers; especially the Queen and her Confident, Roger Lord Mortimer; for these, be∣sides their open Gratuities, privately heaped upon Sr. John and his Retinue, d 1.121 such and so many rich Presents, as proved much to the detriment of the King, and the impoverish∣ing of his Kingdom. But upon their parting (for fear of the English Archers, whom they had in this War so highly incensed,) the King appointed the e 1.122 Lord William Clinton and eleven other Knights with two f 1.123 hundred Men of Arms, to bear them company thrô Lincolnshire. Thus at last they all came safe to Dover, where they found Vessels ready provided for them and theirs, whereby they were carried with a prosperous wind to the place they were bound for.

VII. But now 'tis time to look nearer home, and enquire what becomes of the Old King, whom we left deposed and imprison'd, with the promise of an honourable Pen∣sion during life. He was not so unhappy in the want of his Subjects affections as some imagine, and indeed almost all Writers seem to averr: For in very truth he was ra∣ther depos'd, by the deep contrivances of a few subtle Enemies; and the despair, to which their trayterous Demeanour had already reduc'd them, together with his own o∣versight, than thrô any Ill-will, that the Generality of his People had to his Person or Government. And therefore his Queen and her partakers to gain Popularity upon their first coming into England, g 1.124 revok'd all Fugitives and Exuls, setting at Liberty all Prisoners and Malefactours thrô the Realm, who themselves and their Friends flocking to London, made no small addition to her Forces. Moreover the Politick Queen h 1.125 gave out, that the Pope had curst all her Enemies and their Abettors, and for that end, there were then with her in her Camp two Cardinals, his Legates; thô in truth there was no such matter: But however this Report served to amuse those who were to be aw'd by Devotion; and as for others, whom terrour might dismay, her Numbers were made formidable, and her i 1.126 Forces excessively enhanced by Rumour; beside, 'twas given out, that the King of France was ready to follow with innumerable Forces to his Sisters aid. And after all this, (which is the usual Method of Treason) only Re∣formation and the publique Good was pretended: For the Queen caused to be pro∣claim'd, that none should fear the least harm or injury; but only those who were known to be the Common Enemies of the King or Kingdom, to wit, the two Spencers, Fa∣ther and Son; Robert Baldock, k 1.127 then Bishop of Norwich, and the King's Chan∣cellour, Walter Stapleton Bishop of Excoster, with their Favourers; who were called the Authours of these present Troubles. And to take away all fear or jealousie from those who were willing to be quiet, it was further proclaim'd, that none of all her Ar∣my should presume to touch l 1.128 to the Value of three pence, without the Owners leave, on pain of loosing a Finger; nor to the Value of six pence, on pain of loosing a Hand; nor to the Value of twelve pence, on Peril of his Head. By these and the like fair Pretences, the King's Friends were either wholly lull'd asleep, or durst not shew their Heads for fear; nor indeed could any (not concern'd in the Plot) imagine at that time, that the Queen and the King's Son should ever prove so dangerous to the King's own Person. Wherefore not being able to provide for any probable Resi∣stance (after a few vain attempts to escape, and to lye conceal'd) he was taken and secur'd in Kenelworth Castle, where he remain'd that Winter, without knowing what would happen to him: But in the Parliament met at Westminster in January, he was depos'd, as we shew'd before, and his Son, as his next Heir, by the Consent of the Lords and Commons, admitted to the Crown; the Disloyal and ungratefull m 1.129 Arch∣bishop of Canterbury thereupon preaching to the Assembly from these Words, Vox Populi, Vox Dei, which Text hath since in our Days been resum'd to the same un∣godly Purpose. But yet even this Assembly, which consisted mostly of such as had offended beyond hopes of Mercy, ( n 1.130 the few Honest not daring to contradict them) Publiquely and Solemnly protested, that the Depos'd King should no ways be viola∣ted or injur'd in his Person; but attended as a Prince all his Days, with an Honour∣able and Sufficient allowance. And thus indeed he lived for a while with good Com∣fort, saving that he wanted the Company of his Queen, whom he intirely loved, but o 1.131 all his sweet Invitations by Letter were frustrated by the Vigilance of Mortimer, who perswaded the Queen, that his intent was only to Murther her, if once he could get

her into his power. And oftentimes the Old King p 1.132 would say to his Keepers,

Where∣in have I offended Isabella my Wife, or Edward my Son, whom they have now made King; that neither of them will let me speak with them, or so much as see their Fa∣ces?

And still those who waited on him, q 1.133 (being then Persons of Honour and good Fashion) answered him,

Most worthy Lord, be not displeased, if we declare the Truth unto your Highness; it is because they are Both made to beleeve, that You intend to stabb or strangle, or some other way to destroy the Queen your Lady, and your Son, if you can get them into your hands.

Alas, Alas! reply'd the King, Am not I here as a Prisoner, and not in my own power, but at your disposal? God is my Witness, I never had so bad a thought; but I would to God, I might leave this World, that so I might end all my Fears and Troubles together.

This was the greatest of his Miseries, and which he laid most to heart; that he was never visited either by his Wife or any of his Children: But even this Affliction the Distressed Prince bore with Christian Courage and Equanimity; and by accustoming his Mind to Patience and Contemplation, he began now to be in love with that easie and retired Life, the Sweets whereof he ne're before had tasted.

The very Verses, which he is r 1.134 said to have composed himself in this his Confine∣ment (for honour of that Princes both Learning and Piety, and to satisfie the Cu∣rious) I have hereunto annexed, faithfully Translated from his Own, which were La∣tine, and in Rhyme, after the manner of that Age.

What time rough Winters blasts the Earth did tame, Storms of ill Fortune shook my Glorious Frame! There's none so wise, so mercifull and fair, Prudent and shining with all Vertues rare; But he's by abject Wretches trampled down, If Fortune once on his Endeavours frown. That Hand, that once did Grace to all dispence, Can move no Heart to a Remorsefull Sense: That Royal Face, whose Smiles afforded Bliss, With Clouds of dark Dishonour blackned is: My Vassals-once, do spurn me now: And those, Whom I esteem'd my Friends, do prove my Foes. Oh! who, that heard how once they prais'd my Name, Would think that from those Tongues these Slanders came? But sinfull Soul, why dost thou thus repine, When justly humbled by the Hand Divine? A Father's scourge is for our profit meant: I see thy Rod, and Lord, I am content. Chide me, my Father, till thou wilt give o're; Afflict, till thou art pleased to restore: Thy Son submits and doth thy Will obey; But grieves, thus long he did this Work delay. Now then, my Father, view my wretched Case; And shine upon me with a smiling Face. Forgive what's past: For what's to come assist; Then I'le take gladly, what my Murd'rers list: I've lost my Kingdome; yet I sha'nt repine, If (after all) I gain but that of Thine. To thee, sweet Jesus, humbly here I bend: I loath my sins, do thou thy Pardon send: Fountain of Love, allow my hearty Prayers; Remember thine own Blood, thô not my Tears. When Man afflicts, then, Lord, do thou forgive: And when I die, grant, that my Soul may live.

Thus did this poor King s 1.135 repent all his former Vanities most heartily, no way repining at this punishment and heavy stroak of Gods Hand; but made so good use of these Afflictions; that 'tis more than hoped, he fitted himself for a Kingdom more durable: to which his Enemies long'd to send him.

For now, when the first Heats were over, and the vizard taken off from all these fair Pretences, the embers of Loyalty, that seem'd before extinct, began to kindle a

great flame in the Hearts of his abused Subjects: the late Proceedings of Parliament were look'd upon as traiterous, and contrary to the Laws of God and the Land, and the Young King was murmur'd against, as too soon invading his Fathers Throne. And sundry t 1.136 great Persons and others, particularly the whole Order of Fryars Preach∣ers, began to take pity of his Unworthy captivity, and to consult, how best they might work his Deliverance. But his watchfull Enemies having some way or other intimation of these matters, since they saw in his Recovery their own Downfall, re∣solv'd rather by destroying him to secure themselves. Especially the Queen was per∣petually alarm'd with fears of being call'd shortly to an account by her Husband, whom she had so wronged, and whose Restoration she now greatly dreaded. Morti∣mer had all along put it into her head, that if e're the King should get at liberty, he would be sure to burn her to death; and that neither she nor they could be secure, while Revenge from him was possible. And she her self being extreamly terrified with these thoughts u 1.137 complain'd of dismall and frightfull Dreams to her Counsellor, the traiterous and crafty Bishop of Hereford, Adam Orleton, who cunningly took occasion thence to urge her on to that, which by this time, she her self, 'tis thought too much desired. In short, his Death is resolv'd on, but the Execution put off till this Scotch Expedition, which we have related, that the Authors might not lie so ob∣noxious to suspicion, being so far off, at York, and about the Borders.

But now Henry Earl of Lancaster, his Cozen, who was a Man of much Honour, and began also greatly to commiserate his Royal Kinsmans Condition, is therefore thought too good a Keeper for him: wherefore on x 1.138 Palm-Sunday, which was then the y 1.139 fifth of April, he was by Indentures deliver'd to the Custody of Sr. John Mal∣travers senior, and Sr. John Gournay (two blemishes of Knighthood) but the worse Men, the better for their Purpose. These two ungracious Villains with their Atten∣dants z 1.140 had Commission to enter at any time into any Castle or Fortress within the King∣dom, and there to abide during their pleasure, commanding all within the place. By them therefore he is soon after removed from Kenelworth Castle in Warwickshire, and hurried about in the night from one Place to another, that no body might know cer∣tainly of his aboad. First they brought him with all secrecy imaginable to the Castle of Corfe in Dorsetshire; thence a while after to Bristow-Castle; where they kept him privately in hardship and fear enough: Till it being a 1.141 scented by some of the chief Ci∣tizens, out of a due Commiseration of his undeserved Troubles, and a just sense of the Duty they ow'd him, putting their lives in their hands, they secretly combin'd to deliver him from these his inhumane Keepers, and so to convey him to some place of safety beyond the Seas, which was the utmost the distressed King did desire. But his hard Destiny permitted this Counsel to take wind, or however caused such a Suspition to enter the minds of these Ungracious Wretches, his Keepers; in so much, that on that very night, wherein his Deliverance was to be effected, they ve∣ry secretly remov'd him from Bristow and convey'd him to b 1.142 Barkley Castle in Glo∣cestershire.

And here they shew'd the Baseness and Barbarity of their Mungrel Minds, by in∣humanly insulting over that Majesty in adversity, which lately by all Men was honour'd next to Adoration. They made him ride on an ill-favour'd Beast, thô nimble and strong enough for their purpose, very meanly clad, who of late was Lord of a great Kingdom, Bare-headed, in whose presence Princes were used to stand so; and still they c 1.143 took by-ways, crossing the Country, lest he should be met by any and re∣scued.

In this passage to Barkley-Castle, as they went by some Granges, near Bristow, the Villain Gournay (for I will not disgrace Knighthood by giving him the honourable title of Sr. Thomas) clapt on the Head of his Master, the Lords Anointed, a Crown made of a wisp of Hay, adding this bitter and sarcasticall Jeer, d 1.144

Fare forth, Sr. King.

Nor did the insolent Indignities they put upon him end here; for having a mind by and by to cut off the Hair of his Head and Beard, that he might be more disguis'd from the knowledge of any they should chance to meet; they made him alight at a certain Ditch in their way, whence an insolent Barber fetch'd him cold and dirty Water in an old rusty Helmet, as he sat on a Mole-hill to be Trimm'd, saying, as o∣thers also did,

That cold Water should serve him for that time,

to which the abused Prince reply'd e 1.145 meekly,

But whether you will allow it or no, I will have warm Water for my Beard;

and therewith he let fall a showre of warm Tears, that over∣flow'd his Face and Beard. This Story was attested to Sr. Thomas de la More, who liv'd in his Days, and wrote his Life and Death, by William Bishop, one of the Ac∣complices,

who was present at the doing thereof, and afterwards heartily repented that ever he had a hand in so wicked a Concern.

And thus at last they brought him to Barkley-Castle, where they would create hor∣rid noises to interrupt his Natural Repose, either make him fast, or give him meats, not such as he desired, but quite Contrary; often unsavoury; always unwholesome; and sometimes temper'd with loathsome Sauces, and even Poison it self: But the strength of his Excellent Constitution preserv'd him vigorous, healthy and entire a∣mong all these Attempts and Difficulties: For it is the Opinion of Galen, that some strong Bodies may by the course of Nature evacuate such poisons, as usually destroy those of a less firm and solid Vigour and contexture. Howbeit we had rather attri∣bute this to the Goodness of God, lest had he died thrô excess of Grief and Melan∣choly, or by these secret and lingring Poisons, their Cruel Treason had not been so apparent to humane Notice. Besides all this, that they might the sooner provoke him to despair, or impatience (for these Devils incarnate, not content to put him to a simple Death, delighted also to torment his Soul) whatever he said, they would contradict, or deride and scoff at, telling him that he was a doting Fool and f 1.146 distracted; which might well have been true in these his Vexatious Sufferings, but that the Divine Grace gave him Strengeth and Patience proportionable to his Miseries.

When therefore 'twas understood at Court; that his Health was not impair'd by all these hard Usages, and that what was already done, secluded the Authors from Mercy, if by any means he should ever recover Liberty; they send very smart Let∣ters to his Keepers, blaming them for giving him too much freedom, and for allow∣ing him too costly and delicate Fare, adding some slight intimations;

that how∣ever he should be taken off, it would not be unacceptable to those, whose Lives were not safe; till his Death was certain: But, who were of Power sufficient to requite any considerable Service.

And here that subtle Bishop of Hereford, the un∣gracious Adam Orleton, made use of that Famous Sophistical Sentence,

• ...g 1.147 Kill Edward never fear 'tis Good.
• Which being pointed thus— Kill Edward; never fear: 'tis Good.—Commands his Death;
• But if thus— Kill Edward never; fear: 'tis Good.—It Deterrs them from it.

For by this ambiguous, while unpointed, Phrase he hop'd, as indeed he did, to give sufficient Confidence to these Impolitick Villains to work his Death; but yet to leave Room for his own Defence, if ever he should be call'd in question. Without this Sentence to intimate what they were to do, and an Epistle from h 1.148 Mortimer himself, who directed them how and in what manner they should dispatch him, together with broad Intimations from the Queen, Hereford and other Grandees (whose concern it was to hasten the imprison'd King's Death) with all their Seals annexed thereto, they durst never have undertaken violently to have rid him of his Life; since it was his Son that now Reign'd; and that very Parliament that depos'd him, had Enacted, that no Vio∣lence should be offer'd to his Person. But when his Keepers had these Authentick Abettors on their side, they imagin'd all was safe, and are presently possess'd with Diabolical Resolutions. First they command the Lord Barkley to withdraw from his own Castle with all his Servants, and whomsoever they were not well assured of. Then they remove the poor Prince (who was now well aware of his End, and 'tis reasonably presum'd by his Patience and Christianlike Deportment, as well prepared for it) into an high Turret of the said Castle: This i 1.149 Room they surrounded with all sorts of Carrion and stinking Carcases, piled upon the Leads and round about his Windows, and on the Battlements, either so by corrupting the Air, (he drew in) to dispatch him, or at least, to keep their hands in by these Devilish Exercitations, till they had pitch'd on some more exquisite way to destroy him. Nor was this a poor Invention neither, but argues the wicked Ingenuity of his Murderers, who saw that nothing could be more loathsome to one of so refined and delicate a sense and Education: And accordingly several Workmen, who were labouring about the Ca∣stle, heard him often with most passionate bewailings complain of this, as the most insupportable affliction he ever yet had met with in all his Life. But when the Tor∣mentors saw, that none of these Methods had any power to impair his Health, or break his Patience, much less to take him off, they now set about the work in good Earnest. On the 11 Calends of October, that is, after our Account, the 21 of Sep∣tember, and St. Matthews day, when they had the most barbarous Design in the World

against his Life, they put on the best Countenance, that ever they had yet shew'd him before: They not only, as on a Festival, treated him well at Dinner, but al∣so k 1.150 made very good cheer with him at Supper, to make him less apprehensive of their intended Treason. But at midnight they came softly into his Chamber, where they found the Innocent Prince lying half asleep in his Bed. Here no less than fifteen sturdy fellows suddenly clap an huge Table upon his upper parts, at the first apprehension whereof the affrighted King awaking, turned his body, so that then he lay groveling, being in this manner held forcibly down by these wretches. The mean while others raised the Bedcloaths from the Feetward up to his Body, when they go about such an Execrable Fact, that I am both sorry and asham'd to declare, that ever this Nation could produce such Monsters. For l 1.151 first they force a certain smooth hollow Pipe or Horn into his Secret Parts, thrô which they immediately thrust a long red-hot Instrument of Iron, which they turned and rowled about to his most inexpressible torment, as his loud and bitter groanings, which were heard by many, did testifie, till they had in this manner forced his Royal Soul to seek for quiet in another World. This they did, to the intent, that no wound should ap∣pear outwardly in the Princely Body, whereby they, or those who set them on, might be lyable to any question. And indeed none, as yet appeared, thô they had the Impudence to expose the Royal Corps to publique View; many n 1.152 Abbots, Pri∣ors, Knights and Burgesses of Bristow and Glocester being sent for to see the same: Such confidence had they in this their new-contrived Art of Murder. But thô the Ordinary sort, who saw the skin all over whole and unbroke, concluded his Death to be no other, than Natural; yet Wise men could not but observe by the Colour of his Face, that his Death was not without many violent struglings; and several that heard his dying Groans, did easily guess how things were Acted. But it was not then time to mutter any thing; and indeed it should seem but vain to at∣tempt to Revenge him, when Dead, whom they durst do no more than pitty, while alive.

He had done many Worthy things in his Time, and might have done more, had he not been so miserably interrupted: He founded o 1.153 Oriel College in Oxford, where∣of Adam Broom his Almoner was the first Provost; together with * 1.154 S^t Mary-Hall in the said University, whereof Mr. p 1.155 Richard Barnes, Vice-president of Magdalene Col∣lege, was first Principal; besides the House which he gave there for twenty four Carmelite Fryers, Divines, according to a Vow he had made in his Escape from the defeat at Sterling. At his Mannor also at Langley in Hertfordshire, he built a Church call∣ed the Fryers-Preachers; where he Ordain'd, that the Soul of his Friend Gaveston should be for ever pray'd for. And where since hath been laid (beside many other Princes) the Body of Edmund Plantaginet, Sirnamed of this Langley, the place also of his Birth; which Edmund, was Fifth Son to our King Edward the Third, and in his Time q 1.156 Duke of York, Earl of Cambridge, Lord of Tividale; together with his Lady Isabell, Second Daughter to Don Pedro King of Castille & Leon, from whom proceeded Edward the Fourth. But this Murder'd Prince, having been exposed to publique View, was Buried r 1.157 without any Funeral Pomp, by the Benedictine Monks, in their Abbey of S•• Peter in Glocester: Where s 1.158 afterwards (when the manner of his Death was found out, and the Principal Actors thereof had been brought to Con∣dign Punishment) his Son King Edward the Third erected to his Memory a Fair Mo∣nument of White Stone, with his Portraiture thereon of Alabaster, in the second Arch, and on the Northside the Altar, betwixt two Pillars of the Tuscan Order: About which (near to the Capitals) are several Figures of Stags; with which they report, his Corps was drawn thither from Berkley-Castle. He lies there in his Robes, with his Crown on his Head (however in his Life it was taken from him) his Scepter in his Right Hand, and his Globe with a Cross thereon in his Left; An Angel sitting on each side at his Head, and a Lion at his Feet.

After this Manner about the end of the foremention'd Scotch Expedition was this Miserable King more than barbarously Murder'd in the Midst of his Age; for he was hardly Fourty three Years old: A Man, that surely deserv'd a better end; but that he had the Unhappiness to trust too much in Prosperity, and to fix his Love on those, who were least Worthy of it; while he too rashly quarrel'd with his near∣est Relations, before he had made any provision against them. His own Nature was very good; but Evil men made a bad Use of it: Mortimer and Adam Orleton, that Bishop of Hereford, were the Chief Causers of his Downfall; for having both been guilty of High Treason against him before, they were resolv'd now by any means to

build their own security upon his Ruine: so under the pretence of befriending the Queen, they wrought her to be as much concern'd in the Treason, as themselves. He was of a t 1.159 very Elegant Composure of Body, of a goodly Stature, of a firm and healthy Constitution; of great Strength and Activity; Devout, Noble, and full of Natural good Propensions; Liberal and Magnificent, Mercifull and Generous; Wit∣ty and Learned for that Age, as the Verses he wrote, testifie; but not so soft as 'tis imagin'd; for no Man was more Stern and High-spirited to the Obstinate: Yet we must allow him to have been more weak, then wicked; for he always design'd well, but was deceived by Appearances. He was a firm and constant Friend, and a fle∣xible Enemy; a u 1.160 strict Observer of his Conjugal Faith; however ill requited. In War he was not Fortunate, by reason of the Envy among his Courtiers: some evil he did, but he suffer'd much more: No King ever had fewer Taxes, yet none found his People more Ungratefull: so that as one well observes, x 1.161 how far he wrong'd his Subjects, doth not appear; but how rude and unjust they were toward him, is but too Manifest. He was a Man every way Worthy to be a King, had his Counsel∣lours been Men of Integrity; but their ill Actions made him Odious; which because he would not punish in their Persons, he was fain to pay Dearly for it in his own: So little avails the Sacred Majesty of a King, when the Multitude is too much ex∣asperated. He left behind him y 1.162 Four Children, Edward his Eldest Son, that then Reign'd; John sirnamed of Eltham, afterwards Earl of Cornwall; the Lady Joan of the Tower, in time Queen of Scotland; and the Lady Eleanora, who was given in Marriage to Reginald Earl of Guelders. His Death was soon greatly pittied, and at last severely Revenged: But especially the Welch z 1.163 Nation (who in Regard of his Birth among them, had always held him for one of their own) as in his Life time they expressed a Wonderfull Love and Loyal Affection to him, so now they pro∣secuted his Unfortunate Death with Dolefull Elegies, which neither the fear of his Murderers, nor length of time could ever make them to forget. The Young King, his Son, first heard that he was Dead at Lincoln, being then upon his Return from York after the Scotch Expedition; but the Manner was not yet known, till his own Riper judgement discover'd the Mystery. He a 1.164 mourn'd at the News with more sincerity than his Mother, who notwithstanding bore a very troubled Countenance: And she and Adam Orleton and Mortimer did so terrifie his Murderers, for all their producing the Letters of Commission, that they were fain to fly the Land. Which many were willing they should do, rather then be brought to a Tryal, where they might talk more, than some were willing to hear. S^r Thomas Gourney three years after, be∣ing taken at Marseilles in France, and deliver'd up to be brought over for England; in order to his Tryal, was beheaded on the Sea (before he came hither) by private In∣structions, as was thought, from some Grandees at Court, whose Interest it was that he should not be brought to Examination. S^t John Maltravers had the Grace to see his sin, and repent heartily of it: Howbeit, as he lived long after, he lived but Mi∣serably: The Principal Authors in due Season we shall see brought to Condign Punishment.

VIII. The young b 1.165 King in his return to London was heartily welcomed by the Mayor and Aldermen, and the whole City: For he was a Prince of great hope, and had much vivacity in his Countenance, and courage in his Breast; upon which account all his Subjects lov'd him entirely. The gratefull Prince to set a Mark of his Royal favour upon that famous Metropolis, in a Parliament held at Westminster, c 1.166 which be∣gan on St. Brices Day, of his own accord, confirmed unto them their former Liber∣ties, and granted new ones, which they never had before: Ordaining, that the Mayor of London for the time being, should sit in all Places within the Liberties, as the Kings Chief Justice; and that every Alderman, who had been Mayor, should, while he continued true to the King and his Laws, be always Justice of the Peace within his own Ward. He also granted unto the Citizens the Fee Farm of London for three hundred Pounds per annum: And that the lawfull Franchises of the City should not be seized into the Kings Hands, but only on Occasion d 1.167 of Abuse or Misuse, e 1.168 or for Treason or Rebellion countenanced, or done, by the whole City. Further he or∣dain'd, that Southwark should be under the government of the City; and that the Mayor of London as Bailiff of Southwark, should depute after his own pleasure, the Bailiff of that Burrough, under him. About the same time also he made the Company of Skinners in London, a Corporation; as they have ever since honourably continued even to this day: Himself for their greater Honour vouchsafing to be of their Brother∣hood, as afterwards other Kings did in imitation of so great a Precedent; namely Ri∣chard

the Second, Henry the Fifth, Henry the Sixth, and Edward the Fourth: Nor hath this Honourable and Ancient Company been ungratefull to the Memory of this their Glorious Founder, but take all occasions to testifie their Respect to his Name, and to preserve his Glory to Posterity. Particularly of late, they have at their own proper costs and charges erected his Statue among the Kings of this Land in the Royal Exchange in London.

To accompany the late unhappy King of England to his Grave, there died about this time many other Potentates, Princes and Prelates, thô none so unfortunately, and by such treacherous Cruelty, as our Edward of Caernarvon. And first there died Charles Earl of Valois, younger Brother to Philip the Fair, late King of France, and Uncle to Charles the Fair, then King of France, and Father to Philip of Va∣lois afterwards in Opposition to King Edward the Third, made King of France. He had been all his time a right Frenchman, that is, an inveterate Enemy to the En∣glish Nation.

Nor did his Nephew, Charles King of France, himself long survive him: But de∣parted this life without Issue, being then about 32 years of Age, on the Kalends of February, Anno Dom. MCCCXXVIII, when he had Reigned six Years and one Month, leaving his Queen big with Child; which notwithstanding died shortly after the Birth. So that the Right to the Crown devolved thereupon to our King Edward, the Eldest Son and Heir of Isabella, the said Charles his only Sister surviving, and the Daughter of Philip the Fair. But the French Nation either despising King Ed∣wards Youth, or moved by their own evil Genius (for it was afterwards the occasion of unspeakable Calamities to that Kingdom) prefer'd Philip of Valois, the Nephew of Philip the Fair, before King Edward the Son of Philip's Daughter, to the Throne of France. Accordingly on the 29 day of May following, * 1.169 being then Trinity-Sun∣day, he was Crowned at Rheimes, f 1.170 where the Holy Oyl, (wherewith Cloüis their First Christian King was anointed) is still kept with great Veneration: But the ill consequences of this his Coronation will abundantly appear hereafter.

There died also this Year the Lord g 1.171 Walter Stuart of Scotland, Son in Law to King Robert Bruce and by the Lady Margaret, Father to Robert Stuart, who was after∣wards King of Scotland, the First of that Glorious Family: From whom is descended our Present Gracious Soveraign, King James the Second, whom God grant long and happily to Reign. About the same time Elizabeth, Queen of Scotland deceased, and not h 1.172 long after there departed this life the King himself, Robert Bruce, that vali∣ant Captain, very old and (as was said) infected with the Leprosie, leaving behind him David his only Son and Heir, a young Prince of about Eight Years old, of whom we shall say much in the Process of this History.

This King i 1.173 Robert Bruce, was by birth an English Baron (as was also John k 1.174 Baliol, his Competitor) thô by Marriages of their Houses with the Royal Line of Scotland, they Both at last had a Title to the Crown of that Kingdom. King Robert (beside his Brother l 1.175 Edward, who was slain in battle by the English in Ireland) had a youn∣ger Brother, named Bernard Bruce, from whom descended the Noble Edward Bruce of Kinlosse in Scotland, a Person of great esteem and Merit in the Court of our English Solomon, King James the First. His Son m 1.176 Thomas Lord Bruce was by Letters Patents dated the 21 of June in the Ninth of the said King James, created Earl of Elgin in Scotland, and on the First of August, the Seventeenth of King Charles the First, advanced to the Degree of a Baron of this Realm (as his Ancestors for many Ages before had been) by the Title of Lord Bruce of Wharlton in the County of York: Whose Son and Heir Robert Lord Bruce was a Person of such eminent merits, as well for his signall Loyalty in the late unhappy Defection, as since the Happy Restoration of Mo∣narchy, that for a further addition of Honour, King Charles the Second of Blessed Memory, by Letters Patents bearing Date the 18 of March in the Sixteenth Year of his Reign, advanced him to the Titles of Lord Bruce of Skelton in the County of York, Vicount Bruce of Ampthill in Bedfordshire, and Earl of Aylesbury in the County of Buckingham: And being also Hereditary High-Steward of the Honour of Ampthill, Lord Lieutenant of the Counties of Bedford, Huntington and Cambridge, Lord Cham∣berlain of the Kings Houshold, and One of the Lords of His Majesties most Honourable Privy Council, he lately departed this life to the infinite regret of all good and Loyal Men, and particularly of the whole Clergy of England, and all other Sons of Learning. But the Memory of him and his vertues is again revived in his Noble Heir and Succes∣sor, Thomas now Earl of Aylesbury and Elgine: Who together with the Honours his Father enjoy'd is now Lord Lieutenant of Bedford and Huntington, and Gentleman

of the Bedchamber to the most Prudent and Heroick Monarch King James the Se∣cond: His two younger Brothers, Robert and James, whom I have had the honour to know here in Queens College in Cambridge, being most towardly Branches of that An∣cient and Flourishing Family.

Nor is it altogether unworthy to mention the Great Ottomans Death, which n 1.177 hap∣pen'd this year, being the 727^th of the Turkish Hegira, after he had been rearing that vast Monarchy on the ruines of Christian Princes, for about 27 Years together. This Man was the first Founder of the Glorious Family of the Ottomans, which has ever since continued a Plague and Terrour to all Christendom: Orchanes his Son succeeded him in the Turkish Empire.

Also this Year departed three famous Prelates of this Nation, the one Dr. James Barkley, descended from the Noble House of the Lord Barkley, * 1.178 who was consecrated Bishop of Excester on the 15^th of March 1326/7. by Walter Reginald Archbishop of Canterbury, at the Commandment of Queen Isabell, being reputed a very holy and dis∣creet Person: But he enjoyed the Title not long, for about the 24 of June following he deceased, and was succeeded by one of equal wisdom and Nobility, Dr. John Gran∣desson, of whom, as also of his Family, more hereafter.

Dr. Thomas Cobham also, Bishop of Worcester died about the 20 of August; he was a very learned Man and a great Author, o 1.179 as his Works declare; and by his won∣derfull Meekness, Bounty, Sobriety and Modesty, obtain'd an universall love and re∣spect, insomuch that he was commonly called the Good-Clerk: When he was Canon and Subdean of Salisbury, he was first, upon the vacancy of that See, elected Archbi∣shop of Canterbury; but King Edward the Second in favour of Dr. Walter Reginald, vacating that Election, he was glad in the end to accept the Bishoprick of Worcester. He was now buried in the North Isle of the Body of Worcester Cathedral, which Isle he had Vaulted over at his own Expence. The Bloody Bishop of Hereford succeeded him; of whom, more in another place.

Another that went off this Year was p 1.180 Dr. Walter Reginald Archbishop of Canter∣bury, of whom something must be said for the Instruction of others. He had been Chaplain to King Edward the First, by whom he was made Parson of Wimberton, and after that, Schoolmaster to his Son, Edward the Second; who in the first Year of his Reign, Anno MCCCVII, advanced him to the place q 1.181 of Lord Treasurer of England, and in the year following to the Bishoprick of Worcester, and two years after he made him Lord Keeper of the Great Seal, and Chancellor of England. After this King Edward was so good a Master to him, that upon the Death of the good and learned Dr. Robert Winchelsey Archbishop of Canterbury, he vacated the Election of Dr. Cobham (as we shew'd before) and caused this Man to be prefer'd to that eminent Dignity. And accordingly he was with great Pomp and Solemnity r 1.182 Installed on the 19 of April Anno MCCCXIII, the King himself with the Queen and many Nobles honouring him with their Presence. He is indeed s 1.183 by some commended for his love to Learning and Ver∣tue; I am sure, he wanted these three no mean Qualities, Loyalty, Constancy and Gratitude. For upon the Return of Queen Isabell into England in such Hostile man∣ner, as was shew'd before, against her Lord and Husband; this Man at that time ma∣nifested himself to be indeed a good Politician, but (as Bishop Godwin too mildly phra∣ses it) a very t 1.184 weak Man. For thô a while he seem'd outwardly to adhere to the King his Master, yet even then privately he assisted the Queen with vast Sums of Mony, as resolving to play his own Game, whatever Conscience might perswade, or Religion teach to the contrary: But when the Kings downfall was now no longer doubt∣full, then he openly play'd the Traitor, forsaking his Lawfull Prince, his good Lord and Patron, who had gradually advanced him from a mean Condition to the highest Titles of Honour. For which, thô he scap'd the publique censure of the Law, yet did he en∣joy the fruits of this double-hearted Dealing but for one Year: For on the u 1.185 16 of No∣vember following, this first Year of King Edwards Reign, he died of grief and horror of mind at Mortlack, after he had held that Seat 13 years and about seaven Months from his Instalment. But here he shall stand mark'd out to Posterity for an Exam∣ple and terror to all Traitors, whom neither the Sacred Function it self, nor any other either Dignity or Merit, ought (in my Opinion) to defend from deserved Infamy: Since Treason cannot proceed, but from the most unworthy and ignoble Minds in the World, or however it renders them so. Ingratitude of it self is the basest, most un∣just, and ungenerous thing in Nature, but Ingratitude to our Natural Prince most abomi∣nable beyond all Expression; since to his Service we are most strictly obliged by Laws Divine and Humane: How much more then when he is unto us a Good and

Gracious Lord, and heapeth upon our Heads many signall and personal Favours? He was succeeded by a very Worthy and Learned Doctor in Divinity, x 1.186 Simon Mepham, an Oxford Man by Education; by Birth of Kent, and Canon at that time of Chi∣chester.

This Year were seen y 1.187 two Moons in the Firmament, the one was clear, and the o∣ther dark, as at times might be seen over all the World; and now the Quarrel was high between Pope John XXII. who kept his Court at Avignon in Provence, and Lewis of Bavaria, Emperour of Germany; who in revenge of his being Excommunica∣ted by the said Pope, went to Rome, being invited thither z 1.188 by the Faction of the Gibellines, where he set up an Antipope against Pope John, by whom he was crowned Emperour: But this new Pope was soon laid aside; thô the Dissention between the Emperour and the Pope was never sully made up. And because of the foresaid Pro∣digy, and others that happen'd about the same time, it was commonly said,

That the World was nigh at an End.

In those days one a 1.189 Cichus Asculanus, Dr. in Physick, a Philosopher and publique Professor of Astronomy at Bologna in Italy, being accused for a Necromancer, was burnt alive at Florence, in the Seaventieth year of his Age: Whose Learning in Judicial Astrology, meeting with an ignorant Age, might pass for Conjuration, as a little af∣ter Petrarch himself was looked on for a Wizard, even by a Pope of Rome. Thô b 1.190 indeed it was laid among other things to his Charge, that in a Treatise called de Sphaera, which he set forth at Bologna, he affirmed, that Spirits were generated in the Superior Orbes, which by Incantation could be compelled to wonderfull Opera∣tions; and that the Stars had Influence upon the Wills of men, and could enforce and determine them: And which seems most horrible, that our Saviour Christ be∣ing born under such a Position, was thereby necessitated to live Meanly, and to die Miserably: But that Antichrist being to be born under a quite different Position, should obtain immense Riches, Power, and Dominion. But we are not here to in∣quire, how true or untrue this Charge was; wherefore we shall end this first Year and Chapter together.

CHAPTER the SECOND.

The CONTENTS.

I. King Edward takes to Wife the Lady Philippa, Youngest Daughter to William the Good Earl of Heinalt. II. The shamefull Peace struck up with the Scots at Nor∣thampton, at which time all the Evidences, which Recorded the Subjection of that Nation to the Crown of England, are deliver'd up again. III. King Edward looses hereby in the Opinion of his Neighbours, especially, the French and Scots. IV. The Insolence and Power of Mortimer, whereby he provokes certain Peers to Arms: A Parliament at Salisbury, the Lords reconcil'd to the King, Mortimer made Earl of March. V. The Pedigree of Henry Lord Beaumont. VI. Mortimer enter∣tains the King.

I. A While a 1.191 after the Scotch Expedition, * 1.192 King Edward by Advice of the Queen his Mother, with the Consent of his Uncles, the Earl of Lancaster, the Lord of Wigmore, and all the Barons of the Realm, sent D^r b 1.193 Roger Northborough Bishop of Coventry and Litchfield, with two Knights Ban∣nerets, and two Men Learned in the Laws, to the Lord John of Heinalt, to re∣quest of him in way of Friendship, that he would join with them to require of his Brother the Earl of Heinalt, one of his Daughters in Marriage for the Young King of England, their Master. For the King and the Queen his Mother, had such a kind∣ness for that Family, that at this time no Lady in the World could have stood in Competition with one of S^r John's Neices, for King Edwards Affections. That some such Motion had been formerly made, I will not absolutely deny; thô it should seem partly by this manner of requesting, and partly by what follows, that as yet no bargain, or mutual affiance had been made, (as many suppose) perhaps not men∣tion'd:

since now they were fain to apply themselves to S^r John's Mediation, * 1.194 who seem'd hitherto ignorant of any such matter, thô himself so lately had left England. When the Ambassadors with an Honourable Equipage were come to Valenciennes, the chief City of Heinalt, the Earl William and his Lady Jane de Valois received them very gladly, and entertain'd them during their stay with great Splendour and Magnificence, 'Tis reported, that one day, c 1.195 when the Earl brought forth all his Five Daughters to their View, while the others being amazed with the Beauties and de∣licate Shape of them all, stood in deep suspence, not knowing which to prefer; the piersing Eye of the Bishop, observing with good heed the Lady Philippa to be the best built about the Hips, and of a good Sanguine Complexion agreeing with the Kings, he secretly advis'd his Colleagues, that she was the Lady among them all that was most likely with her sweet Disposition to please the King, their Master, and also to bring forth a numerous and Hopefull Progeny. This, coming thus from a Bishop, whose Order was not then allow'd to Marry, gave occasion of much Di∣version and Mirth to the Company: But however the Judgement prevail'd, and Madam Philippa (who was the very d 1.196 youngest of the Ladies, and hardly fourteen years of age) was pitch'd upon to be their Queen. This Story, however unfit it may seem to some for the lightness of it, to appear in this place, I thought good to set down; not only because it bears some Reason with it, but because to those who consider the Event, it may rather seem a Work of Providence, the Bishop by Chance, or by some Impulse, or by his Skill in Nature, happening on what prov'd really a Truth.

Upon this Conclusion, the Earl, who knew the Quality of the Ambassadors, and their full Instructions in the Affair; after many thanks, acknowledging the great Honours done to his House by the King of England, his Mother and his Council, said,

He was ready to allow the Consummation of the Business, provided his Holiness the Pope would consent to give them a Dispensation:

For indeed the Lady Phi∣lippa's Mother, Jane de Valois, was Daughter to Charles Earl of Valois, which Charles was Uncle to Isabella, King Edward's Mother. The Ambassadors were well con∣tent with this Answer, and immediately dispatch'd away the two Knights, and the two Learned in the Law to Avignon (where at that time and long after the Popes resided) to obtain a Dispensation. The Pope at that time was John XXII, who having well consider'd the Equity of the Cause, with the Consent of the whole Col∣lege of the Cardinals, granted their desire, and after a Splendid Entertainment dis∣mist them. For these were fit Servants for a King: They dispatch'd their Masters business with great Discretion and Expedition, minding nothing, but how to finish this great Affair thoroughly and speedily. Upon this all the rest was concluded and agreed on between the Parties, and, while Preparations were making to Convey the young Lady into England, according to the Dignity of the House whence she came, and the weight of that Title she was going to receive, the Marriage e 1.197 was first solemnized by a sufficient Proxy, sent to Valenciennes by the King of England.

Hereupon after some few enforced Delays of Feastings and Princely Entertainments among her Parents and Relations, the Ambassadors with their new Queen, her Uncle Sr. John & other honourable Company, in great satisfaction took the Sea at Whitsan near Calais, and so came all safe with a merry Gale to Dover.

In their Approach to London, f 1.198 the Mayor and Aldermen went forth in their Habits well attended to meet their New Queen, and to do her honour: 'Twas about Christ∣mass, when she came to London, and the whole City enlarged their Joys and Feastings in honour of so welcome a Guest. From London they all went to York, where the Court then was, and there g 1.199 on the twenty fourth Day of January, being a Sunday, and the Eve of St. Pauls Conversion, the Marriage was Solemnized, at which Dr. h 1.200 William Melton Archbishop of York, and Dr. John Hotham Bishop of Ely, sang the Mass: And afterward i 1.201 on the first Sunday in Lent following was the Young Queen crown'd at Westminster with much Pomp and Glory. Upon these happy Nuptials there was great Joy over all England, but especially at Court, where there was nothing but Justs and Turnaments in the Day-time, Maskings, Revels and Interludes with Songs and Dances in the Evenings, and continual Feasting with great Magnificence for three Weeks to∣gether.

Soon after the Queens Coronation; all, except a very few of her Attendants, Rela∣tions, and Countrymen, departed with her Uncle the Lord John of Beaumont, into their own Country, highly satisfied with their Entertainment, and well rewarded by the King of England. Among those few necessary Servants that stay'd here with her,

there was one a very proper and well-shap'd young Gentleman, of strong Limbs and exalted Courage, named Sr. Walter Manny, k 1.202 Lord of the Town of Manny in the Diocess of Cambray; who was then Carver to the Queen, but after that became for his exceeding Valour, Generosity, and Eminence in all Vertue, One of the most Re∣nowned and Gallant Knights in the whole World, as the Sequel of this History will abundantly declare.

Now l 1.203 there had been before in this King's Father's Days several other Matches pro∣posed for him; thô none of them took but this last: And first his Father had design'd him for the Lady Margaret, Eldest Daughter to William the Good Earl of Heinalt, and Sister to this Queen Philippa, who was afterwards Married to Lewis the Emperour: Another time for Sibylla, a Kinswoman of the said Earls; and thirdly for Iolant, the Daughter of James King of Aragon; fourthly for the Lady Eleanora, Sister to Alphon∣so King of Spain; and while this Match was in Treaty, another Alphonso King of Portugal, propos'd his Daughter to the Prince; but neither this nor that came to any effect, because all former measures were broken by that great and sudden Alteration of Affairs in England.

II. And thus was King Edward a Married Man at the age of Fifteen; but not fully Lord of himself, being kept from the true Knowledge of Affairs by the Queen Dow∣ager and her Minion, the Lord Mortimer; who by his great Power with her, so Lorded it over his Betters, that he began to grow insupportable to the Kings Uncles, and Henry Earl of Lancaster, which ill-will of their's was encreased by this Occasion.

In m 1.204 Whitsunday Week, being the latter end of May, there was a Parliament held at Northampton, in which first King Edward began to stir about his Title to France: For Charles the Fair, King of France, and Brother to his Mother Isabella, Queen Dow∣ager of England, being lately dead without Issue-Male; notwithstanding, that King Edward acknowledged their Salic Law, whereby an Infant Daughter of the said Charles was excluded, (wherefore neither did He claim the Crown for his Mother) yet he maintain'd this Point, n 1.205 That the Sons of the Daughters, having no such Imbecillity of Sex, were not at all uncapable, and that so the Peers of France ought to prefer him, who was a Male, and Grandchild to King Philip the Fair, before Philip of Valois (another Pretender to that Crown) who was but a Nephew. These things o 1.206 being discussed in Parliament, it was thereupon Ordained; That Adam Orleton Bishop of Worcester, and Roger Northborough Bishop of Coventry and Litchfield should go into France, and there in the Name of King Edward their Master, claim that Kingdom, and as much as in them lay, hinder: the Coronation of the said Philip of Valois. But of this matter we shall say no more, till we are called to enter upon the Wars of France, which King Edward in his Riper Years undertook upon this Occasion. Now we must look upon him as influenced by others counsels, and so neither Formidable abroad, nor Powerfull at home; and one notable Instance thereof appeared in this very Parliament at Northampton; where not so much the Honour and Profit of the King and his Realm was respected, as the enriching, security and advancement of the Lord Mortimer.

Here the two Spencers, Father and Son, Edmund late Earl of Arundel (who had been executed by the Queen Mothers Party without any legal Process made against them.) And Walter Stapleton late Bishop of Excester (whom for firmly adhering to his Master, King Edward the Second, against Queen Isabell's Pretensions, the Commons of London had in a seditious tumult illegally beheaded, together with his brother p 1.207 Sr. Richard Stapleton, a valiant and loyal Knight, who died in the same manner at the same time;) all these now, thô dead, * 1.208 were in this Parliament attainted of High Treason by the di∣rections and influence of the Queen Mother, and the Lord Mortimer. Whether it pro∣ceeded of implacable Malice, which recked not to pursue them even into their Graves; or whether by this means they meant to cover their former unjustifiable Proceedings against those Persons by a subsequent countenancing of the Action in Parliament: Such pittifull shifts are Men put to, when once they deviate from the straight way of Ju∣stice and Vertue; thô at last all disguises must fall off, and Wickedness appear open in all its natural Turpitudes. From the same Influence also at this time, by very sub∣tle dealing and precontrived Overtures (which the Scots were underhand dealt with∣all to propose) a base and dishonourable Peace was struck up with that Nation, pro∣fitable indeed to Mortimer and the Old Queen (who with Adam Orleton Bishop of Worcester, were the chief contrivers of it) but utterly inconsistent with the Honour of the Young King, or Profit of his Realm and People. The Reason that moved the Scots to part with so much Money, as was given by them upon the Establishing this Peace, was, because they were beforehand assured, that they should have a good Re∣turn

made them in consideration thereof; beside they were sure to loose much more by the War next Year, if continued; because their King Robert lay now on his Death-bed and almost in his Grave; and his Young Son David was but little more than out of the Cradle: Their General the Lord Randulph began to be very sickly, and the other famous Captain the Lord James Douglas had undertaken a journey to Pa∣lestine, as soon as ever his Lord King Robert should depart this Life, to present his Heart in the Holy Land to the Sepulchre of his Saviour; as the King had adjur'd him on his Death-bed to do.

On all these Reasons, and because they had already sounded those who sway'd most in the Government of England (lest the Young King should this year revenge the Injuries of the last) the Scots with much seeming humility came to the foresaid Par∣liament at Northampton, desiring a lasting Peace between the two Kingdoms; which that they never meant in good earnest, this is an undoubted Argument; because their King Robert was ever of the mind and so declared on q 1.209 his Death-bed,

That no per∣petual Peace ought ever to be made with England; lest for want of use the Scots should forget their skill in Arms; and that only sometimes to get an Advantage, or to avoid an apparent Disadvantage, they might strike up a Temporary Peace, to endure but for two or three Years at the farthest.

But however, that the Scots now required Peace in so humble a manner, and by no less a Man than the Lord Douglas himself, this was wonderfully pleasing to those, who could not penetrate into the De∣sign. And there it was demanded by the English; and with small adoe agreed unto by the Scots, that they should pay unto the King of England (thô it was meant to Mor∣timer) for the Dammages done by them last year in the North, r 1.210 20000 Marks, thô Others say 30000 Marks, and some as many Pounds. Upon which pretended large Allowance, the Scots cunningly proposed, That for their better Security, and to make the Amity more lasting, their Young Prince of Scotland might have the King's Sister, the Lady Joan of the Tower, in Marriage. Then with a pretended Zeal, it was put home to the Scots, that least new Quarrels should arise about Limits, they would now renounce all claim to the Counties of Cumberland, Northumberland, or any other Place or Places, which any of that Nation hath at any time held in England; which was readily by the Scots granted, as had before been privily agreed: But then again it was humbly motion'd by them at the same time, that all English Men should be prohibited from holding any Lands in Scotland, unless only those who should there personally re∣side. This was by the Contrivers acknowledged to be but just, in equivalence to those Pretensions the Scots had so readily relinquished in England: Only the Lord s 1.211 Henry Piercy (who was one of the Twelve appointed to advise and guide the young King,) was utterly against that Clause; but he was born down by Mortimer's Party, and so this also was granted.

Whereupon the Encroachment grew higher; so that now his Majesty himself was humbly requested to lay down his claim to all Superiority over that Crown and King∣dom; else how could they be secure, his Subjects would lay by their Pretensions? And also it must needs raise Heart-burnings between the two Realms, so long as One could shew Evidences and Trophies of the Others slavery. This, without much con∣sideration, was look'd upon but as a consequence of the former; and so many ancient Deeds and Evidences of the Scotch Dependance on England, with all the Instruments of their former Homages and Fealties from the most Ancient Times, till the Days of Edward the First, this King's Grandfather, (to whom John t 1.212 Baliol resign'd his Right to that Kingdom) as they are reckon'd up by u 1.213 Walsingham, x 1.214 Grafton and others, are all now rendred back again to Scotland: And besides this, many ancient Jewels and Muniments, among which the Sacred Black Cross of Scotland, with the famous Evi∣dence, called the Ragman Roll, containing all the Homages and Fealties of the King of Scotland, and of all the Prelates, Earls and Barons of that Realm, with all their Seals y 1.215 appendant thereto, and other Charters and Remembrances, that King Edward the First had of his Right to the Realm of Scotland; besides the Evidences of what his Barons held in that Kingdom: All these were now deliver'd up again. In consideration of all which Grants, the King of Scotland agrees to pay to King Edward the fore∣said summ of 30000 Marks; of which be sure the Authors of this contrivance had their share.

And yet however either of the Kings reserved to himself liberty (after a Truce of four Years) to refuse the Peace, if then he should not like the Conditions: To which the Councils of both Nations were willing to agree; for as much as the One expected the return of their great Commander James Douglas from the Holy Land by that time;

and the Other were cautious of confirming the Peace for a longer time than the King's Minority; since they all perceived him very desirous already to get Honour on the Scottish Nation. This is that Famous (or rather Infamous) Peace, justly accounted so dishonourable to England, that the Scots themselves afterward by way of Triumph, Nick-named their Queen, Joan Make-Peace; as if the Realm of England had made that Match out of fear, to rid their hands of the War: However the Lady Joan of the Tower, King Edward's Sister, was accordingly on the z 1.216 Twelfth of July, or as a 1.217 o∣thers, on the 20, being the Festival of St. Mary Magdalen, taken in Marriage by Da∣vid Bruce the Young King of Scotland, his Father being dead but the Month before.

III. When these things were noised abroad, King Edward began to appear Contem∣ptible in the eyes of his Neighbours; who did not at all consider, what Arts were used to mislead his Youth, by those who hop'd always to stand at the Helm. The Scots made many insulting Rhymes in derision of our Nation, one whereof is chiefly remembred, viz. b 1.218

Long Beards Heartless, Painted Hoods Witless, Gay Coats Graceless, Make England Thriftless.

Even Philip of Valois, the French King, who held that Crown but by Injustice from our King Edward, is so far now from doubting to be called to any Account for it by him; that he begins to meditate a Resolution of summoning him to come and render him Homage, for his Lands in France, held of that Crown. But this matter he was forced for a while to delay, by reason of a War with the Flemmings, which about this time he undertook on the behalf of the Earl of Flanders, their Lord, whom they had seditiously expell'd. And indeed he found such c 1.219 Success at Cassell; that he slew 16000 of them, and reduc'd all Flanders to his Obedience, obliging them by Bond, never to bear Arms against the King of France, and so having restored the Earl to his former Authority, being elevated with the conceit of this Success; he began to look at Higher things.

But we are not yet called to Foreign Affairs: Wherefore for a while we shall be con∣tent to speak of matters at home, Inglorious truly for the most part, and therefore Un∣gratefull; but such, as may bring Profit to the Observant Reader, and are by no means to be omitted; being necessary for the making out the Series of this Story, and also very Usefull to inform Persons of High Condition, how to bear themselves, by the Example of others, who went before them in the like Honours.

IV. Roger Lord Mortimer d 1.220 now does all, Influences all, and Personates all: He only places and displaces Great Officers, and wholly Assumes the King's Autho∣rity, and solely possesses his Ear. The e 1.221 Earl of Lancaster himself cannot be permit∣ted to approach his Lord and Master, to inform or advise him; nor any, either Un∣cle, or other Baron, how Great soever, unless of Mortimer's Opinion; and even then, whatever they said, was watch'd by such as he had planted about the King for that purpose. Among other instances of his Towring Spirit, he presum'd to hold a f 1.222 Round Table at Bedford, in imitation of King Arthur, that Famous Breton. Others con∣founding this Mortimer with a Former of the same Name; place this Round Table at Kenelworth Castle in Warwickshire, where they reckon up an hundred Knights, and as many Fair Ladies, besides other Guests and Spectators: Many other Knights and Gentlemen repairing thither from Foreign parts, for the Exercise of Arms, by Tiltings and Martial Tournements: While the Ladies sported themselves, and de∣lighted the Presence, with the more feminine Diversion of Dancing; being all richly clad in silken Mantles, and other Ornaments agreeable to their Sex and Quality. But here the Lord Mortimer appeared, as the occasion, so the Chief of all that were there, both in the Ladies Eyes, and the Opinion of the Knights themselves. These Sports were begun on the Eve of St. Matthew the Apostle (Mortimer perhaps out of a vain and cruel Pride, insulting over the Ashes of the Dead King, whom he had caused a year before to be murder'd on that Festival) and so continued till the Mor∣row after St. Michael, being the space of 11 days. Let none conclude this last Re∣flection to be Malicious, since not only the Day seems to warrant my Opinion, but the place also of the Solemnity, being that very Castle, where that poor King first lost both his Crown and Liberty. But in very deed, this Round-Table at Kenel∣worth, was g 1.223 another thing at another time, and held by another, Roger Lord Mor∣timer in the days of King Edward the First: For thô a h 1.224 Great Man calls that Ro∣ger,

Earl of March; 'tis done only by inadvertency; for even this Roger was not yet Earl of March, thô he was the * 1.225 First of that name ever so called. But be∣cause the Round-Table is not only here mention'd, but must hereafter be much more spoken of, I shall here once for all observe, i 1.226 that the Round-Table was devised to avoid Contention, about Precedency, and Athenaeus observes it to have been Custo∣mary among the Ancient Gauls to sit at their Round Tables, their Esquires waiting behind with their Targets in their hands.

But to return to Mortimer, this his High Carriage was so greatly stomacked by the King's Uncles, and the Earl of Lancaster, that they resolv'd to pull down the Pride of this Man, or to die in the Undertaking: But as yet there could none of them come to the private Speech of the Young King, to lay before him the true State of Affairs, they were so well watched by Mortimer.

On the Quindene k 1.227 of St Michael, a Parliament was called at Salisbury; whither (thô it had been Decreed, that no Person whatsoever should presume to come Ar∣med) the Lord of Wigmore notwithstanding came with a great Rout of Armed Men at his Heels; so that the Earl of Lancaster durst not come; but for his own De∣fence put himself in Arms, and then sent to the King his Reasons, both of taking Arms, and absenting from Parliament: And it seems his Design was so apparently for the King's Honour, that it was countenanced with the Presence of the King's two Uncles, Thomas Earl of Norfolk, and Edmund Earl of Kent, Stephen Gravesend Bi∣shop of London, and John Stratford Bishop of Winchester (who was afterwards Arch-bishop of Canterbury) Thomas Lord Wake, Governour of Hertford Castle, Henry Vicount Beau∣mont, Sr. Thomas Rosselin, Sr. Hugh Audley and others, several whereof were of the twelve, appointed to be the King's Guardians, and the rest all Persons of Worth and Nobility.

The first occasion of this breach, besides the Insupportable Pride and Avarice of the Lord Mortimer, was this: The Lord l 1.228 Robert Holland, who had in the days of King Edward the Second occasion'd the Death of Thomas Earl of Lancaster, how∣ever he had thereby incurr'd the indignation of the people, upon Queen Isabella's return into England, was not only deliver'd from Prison, but became very Gracious with the said Queen, and was of her Council, and of Mortimer's: But for all that, being, about the Sessions of this Parliament, taken m 1.229 in a Wood, near Henley-Park, as he was riding to Queen Isabell, then at London, by Sr. Thomas Withers; the said Sr. Thomas smote off his Head, and sent it to his Master Henry Earl of Lancaster, then at Waltham-Cross in Essex, as an acceptable present. This was not so well receiv'd by the said Earl of Lancaster, whose Brother had been betray'd by Sr. Ro∣bert Holland, as it was resented by the Queen Mother, who had a great Favour for him; and therefore she instantly urged the King her Son, to take vengeance of his Murtherers, especially of Sr. Thomas Withers. But him the Earl of Lancaster had concealed; till being therefore threatned by the Queen Mother, and also stirr'd up by the Publick Clamours of the People, who were extreamly opprest by her and Mortimer (whereof the King bare all the blame, thô he was but young and of ten∣der Age) as a Man zealous for his Masters Honour, of whom the Chief Care had been committed to him by Parliament, he began to Assemble his Friends and Reti∣nue, unto whom he spake of the King's Honour, which was now expos'd to oblo∣quy; and it seems the matter was so manifest, that the King's two Uncles, and many others of the Highest Quality, and the Chief Citizens of London, swore un∣to him, to stand by him in Opposition to Mortimer. And this was the substance of their Design, n 1.230 1. That the King should hold his Houshold, and his Meny,

according to the Dignity of a King, having all his Royalties entire to himself; and that the Queen Mother should deliver up into the King's hands all manner of Lordships, Rents, Towns and Castles, that pertained to the Crown of England; and that she should live on the Third part of the Rents of England, as other Queens before her had done, and on nothing else. 2. Also that Sr. Roger Morti∣mer, should live upon his own Lands, for which yet he had already disinherited many; so that the Commons might not be destroyed thrô his wrongfull encroachments. 3. Also to make inquisition, how and by whom the King was betrayed and falsly deceived at Stanhop, and thrô whose Counsel the Scots were suffer'd to escape by Night out of the King's hands. 4. Also how, and by whose Counsel the Ordi∣nance that was made at the King's Coronation, was put down, viz. that the King for the good of the Realm, and safety of his Person and Honour, should be Go∣verned and Ruled by Twelve the Greatest and Wisest Peers of the Realm, with∣out whom nothing should be Granted, nor done; which Order being neglected,

many Harms, Grievances, and Scandals have happen'd unto the King, and to his Realm: And that is to understand, Forasmuch as Edward, sometime King of En∣gland, was ordained by consent of the Community in full Parliament, to remain un∣der the Custody and Governance of Henry Earl of Lancaster, his Cozen, for safe∣ty of his Person, he was taken out of the Castle of Kenelworth, where he was in Custody, and thrô Counsel of the Queen Mother and Mortimer, without consent of any Parliament, they took and lead him, where none of his Kindred might come to the speech or sight of him: And after traitrously took and murd'red him; for whose Death a foul Slander arose thrô all Christendom. 5. Also all the Treasure, that Edward of Carnarvon had left any where, either in England, or Wales, was wast∣ed and carried away without the Will or Knowledge of King Edward his Son, to the great Detriment of him and his People. 6. Also, thrô whose Counsel it was, that the King gave up the Kingdom of Scotland; for the which Realm the King's Ancestors had full sore travailed, and so did many a Noble Man for their Rights: But now all was deliver'd up unto David, the Son of Robert Bruce, who had no Right unto that Realm, as all the World knows. 7. Also by whom the Charters and Remembrances, that the King had of his Right to Scotland, were taken out of the Treasury, and given to the Scots, the King's Enemies, to the Disherison of him, and of his Successours, and to the great Loss of his Liege Peo∣ple, and the Reproof of all English men for evermore. 8. And lastly, wherefore the Lady Joan of the Tower, the King's Sister, was disparag'd and Married unto David, the Son of Robert Bruce, that was a Traytour, and Enemy unto England; and through whose Counsel she was given into our Enemies hands out of England.

While the Earl of Lancaster, the Earl of Norfolk, and the Earl of Kent, with their Council, were contriving how to pursue this matter, the Parliament sat at Salisbury, to which they refus'd to come, because of Mortimer's formidable Retinue, and put themselves in a Posture of Defence against the Queen Mother and Mortimer, being enforced with 600 men of Arms from London.

But certainly 'tis good for Great Men at Court (when they see a Favourite sole∣ly to possess their King) not therefore to be carried away with unjust and causless Envy, if they can perceive the Person to be notwithstanding blameless, or usefull to the King's Affairs: For Envy is a fierce, unbridled, and devouring Evil, always un∣generous and void of Equity, and withall, often thrô Precipitancy more hurtfull to its Owner, then its Object. But if the Favourite appears really Haughty beyond Suf∣ferance, and dangerous to the Publique; a Man truly Loyal and Brave, ought by a∣ny means to consult the Interest of his Master: Yet this he must not think to per∣form well, by flying out first, for that makes his own Cause seem the worst; but rather by wisely concealing his Resentments, till a fit Occasion offers it self: For other∣wise we do but rashly declare, we are Enemies to One, who is better provided than We our selves, and will be sure to make use of his present Advantage to our Ru∣ine. The truth of this Aphorism, appears from the sequel of this Story; for by this publique Breach, which the Earls of Kent and Lancaster, with their Associates, seem'd first to make; Mortimer held the better appearance, and so lightly perswaded the young King, that these Men sought no less, then his Life and Kingdom: Where∣upon he obliged him to ride out against them in Person, about o 1.231 24 miles in one Night, towards p 1.232 Bedford, where they were assembled in Arms, thô only resolv'd to stand on the Defensive part: But by Mediation of Dr. Simon Mepham q 1.233 Arch∣bishop of Canterbury and others; upon their submission, Mortimer also cunningly pre∣tending to befriend them therein, a formal Peace was huddled up, and all taken to Mercy; thô not without severe Fines imposed on them all, which for the most part were converted to the profit of Mortimer: And particularly the Earl r 1.234 of Lanca∣ster was then Fined at no less then 11000 pounds, thô that summe was never paid. We shall see notwithstanding shortly, by what subtle contrivances this aspiring Great One could find Occasion to destroy the Noble Earl of Kent, and perhaps he would have done as much to the Earl of Lancaster, had he not despis'd his Age, which by that time rendred him almost decrepit. On the contrary, he himself at this very Parliament, attain'd to greater Honour; for here the King's own Brother, John of Eltham, being made Earl of Cornwall, and Sr. James s 1.235 Butler of Ireland, Earl of Ormond; this Roger Mortimer Lord of Wigmore (against the liking of many Great Men) was at the same time Created Earl of March, in the Marches of Wales. Thus did this notable Politician overreach all his Enemies, the King's Uncles and the Bi∣shops being indeed taken to Favour, and seemingly pardon'd; but the Lord Henry

Beaumont, Sr. Thomas Rosselin, Sr. William Trussel, and Sr. Thomas Withers, as not being included in this Pardon, or not daring to trust to it, were fain to fly the Land, till the Death of Mortimer. For to these Men he was implacable, they being the first Persons, who began boldly to challenge him for the Death of the Old King, (tho some of them had been concern'd in his Deposal) for which this new Earl of March would gladly have had a full Revenge upon them: But however upon this their flight, he got many good parcels of their Lands and Possessions to be siesed on for the King's Use, in name; but for his own, in reality.

V. Here, because the foresaid Henry Lord Beaumont is not only mention'd on these great Accounts already, but must challenge much more to be said of him hereafter; as also that it may be seen, what kind of Men this proud Mortimer levell'd his aim at, and that I may at the same time do right to the Posterity of that Noble Personage, I shall not here think it amiss briefly to touch at his Original. Most of those that men∣tion his Pedigree, bring his Descent from Lewis, Son to Charles Earl of Anjou, t 1.236 a youn∣ger Son to Lewis the Eighth, King of France: which Lewis Son of Charles, being Lord of Beaumont in France, begot of his Lady Agnes de Beaumont, this valiant Lord Hen∣ry Beaumont and his Sister Isabell, who was wife to John Lord Vesci of Alnwick in Nor∣thumberland, and is called Kinswoman to Queen Eleanor, that vertuous Consort of King Edward the First. This Lord Henry married the Lady Alice, one of the Cozens and Coheirs to John Cumin, Earl of Boghan or Bucquain, and Constable of Scotland; in whose Title he afterwards obtained that Honour. But whereas there are some, who by mistake bring this Worthy much later into England, in the company of Queen Isa∣bella, King Edward the Third's Mother; this their error arose, we presume, from those passages of Froisard, which make such frequent mention of the Lord Beaumonts assist∣ing that Queen: when it is plain, that he means there the Lord John of Heinalt, who was also called Lord Beaumont, from another place of that name in Heinalt, and besides this Lord was u 1.237 confin'd in England upon Suspicion at the time of Queen Isa∣bell's Arrival. And yet * 1.238 others derive this noble Vicount Beaumont from Lewis de Brenne, second Son to John de Brenne, (or rather Bremen) the last King of Jeru∣salem.

VI. But now this Noble Lord, with othes of Mortimers Enemies, was fain to yield to the iniquity of the Times, and to retreat into France, till the Storm should be blown over. Mortimer in the mean while securely basking in the sun-shine of his Pro∣sperity; as great as Heart could wish, if Ambition knew any Limits to its Desires. Soon after the Young King to do him further honour, x 1.239 takes a progress toward the Marches of Wales, where he gives this new Earl a visit. He for his part, as he was indeed descended of a very ancient and Noble Family, from y 1.240 Hugh de Mortimer, a Norman Baron, who came into England with William the Conqueror, and received of him in reward of his good Services, the Castle and Lands of Wigmore, was besides his natural Ambition, very glorious and singularly magnificent in all his Publique Ap∣pearances: But now upon this Visit, 'tis incredible, what sumptuous Entertainments he gave his Royal Master in his Castles of Ludlow and Wigmore; what Sports and Di∣versions in his Parks and Forests; what Gallantry and Expence he exhibited in his Til∣tings, Tournaments, and other Military Pastimes: much whereof, thô it might pro∣ceed from an honourable Disposition, and a sense of Gratitude and dutifull Respect to his Soveraign; yet, as was thought, not a little was upon the account of the Queen Mothers presence, and that all of it in general smelt rank of a Popular Air and a vain-glorious Humour: Whether it was really so, or that Pride is so loathsom to all who are at a distance from it, that it causes even our best Actions to be misrepresented, and be view'd from the wrong Prospect.

CHAPTER the THIRD.

The CONTENTS.

I. King Edward summon'd to do Homage to the King of France for his Dukedom of Aquitain, and the Lands of Ponthieu and Monstroile. II. A solemn Just held in

London for three Days together, * 1.241 with the Queen's danger by the Falling of a Scaffold. III. The Old Queen and Mortimer compass the death of Edmund Earl of Kent, the King's Ʋncle, with the Manner and other Circumstances. IV. King Edward goes privately into France. V. Soon after his Return, a Son born unto him, called Edward, afterwards sirnamed the Black-Prince. VI. Mortimer taken and executed; a Parliament.

I. NOW was a 1.242 Philip of Valois, the French King, well settled in his new-acquired Throne, having received all the Homages and Fealties of his Subjects and Others, who held under him, as Peers of France or other∣wise; except only of the Young King of England, his Cozen; who by right had ow'd him homage for his Dukedom of Aquitain, and the Earldom of Pon∣thieu and Monstroile, had not himself been Heir to the Crown of France, and so Su∣pream Lord not only of those Parts, but of the Whole. But King Philip being too much elevated with his good Fortune, never consider'd any such thing, or at least had no great apprehensions of King Edward's Courage or Conduct, and therefore finding himself now in full and quiet Possession of so flourishing a Kingdom, by the advice and consent of his whole Council, he resolves to summon our King Edward to make his Personal Appearance before him in France, there to do Homage unto him (as to his Supream Lord) for the Lands which he held of that Crown.

He therefore soon after dispatches into England the Lord of Ancenis, and the Lord of Beausalt, with Monsieur Peter of Orleans, and Monsieur Peter of Massieres, two famous Civilians; which Four with all their Retinue, after provision made, departed from Paris directly for Whitsant, where they took the Sea, and arrived safely at Do∣ver. Here having tarried one day, as well to refresh themselves, as to unship their Horses and Baggage, they rode the next day toward the Court, which they heard to be as then at Windsor. Being at last come thither, in respect to their Master that sent them, they were soon admitted to the Royal Presence, where they gave the King a full account of their Errand. His Majesty answer'd with good Delibera∣tion,

That the Matter required advice, that as for his Part, very few of the Lords of his Council were then about him; but if they would withdraw to London, he would there shortly return them such an Answer as should appear reasonable.

Af∣ter this Answer, having been first entertain'd with a Dinner in the Kings Chamber, they departed from Windsor, took up their lodging for that night at Colbrook, and the next day went for London. A few days after the King return'd to his Palace at Westminster, and a certain Day was prefix'd to all his Council to attend him there. The Council being sat, the Embassadors of France were called in, who again told the substance of their Message, and withall deliver'd to the King their Masters Let∣ters, which he had refused to meddle with before. They were thereupon order'd to withdraw, while the Business was brought under Debate. Some of the Lords alled∣ged, That in right of Queen Isabell his Mother, the Crown of France belonged unto him, and that therefore he ought not only not to acknowledge any Fealty at all, but also openly to put forth his Claim, to what was so evidently his Due: But howe∣ver pleasingly this struck upon the Spirit of King Edward, yet the Major part of his Council were of the mind;

That it was too early for the King to embarque himself in so hazardous an Affair, the Enemy being at that time so potent, the Realm at home in a manner unsettled, and the King himself under Age.

However, that here∣by his Right and future Claim might not be prejudiced, the King immediately b 1.243 con∣stituted one of his Council, his Procurator in that Part, by whom before all his Coun∣cil, he protested openly and expresly, That for any Homage whatsoever to be made to the Lord Philip of Valois, then bearing himself as King of France, by King Edward of England, for the Dukedom of Aquitain and the Earldom of Ponthieu, he did not, nor would intend to Renounce his Hereditary Right which he had to the Realm of France, or any way from the same Right to derogate; even althô thereupon Letters should afterward be signed with either of his Seals. And he did protest, that he made not a∣ny Homage to the said Lord Philip of his own Free will, but only he should do it for the just fear he had of Loosing the said Dukedom and Earldom; and because he fea∣red, that unless he should do Homage unto the said Philip, he could not avoid other great Dangers and irreparable Losses. And to the confirmation of the Premises, King Edward caused his said Procurator to take an Oath upon his Soul, by laying hands on the Holy Gospell, before all those of his Council present. This Caution being made, it was agreed,

That Doctor Stephen Gravesend Bishop of London, a well-spoken Man, should answer these Ambassadors for the King; That He was ready in all Points to

do as the Kings his Predecessors had done.

Then the Frenchmen being call'd in, the Bishop spake in this manner,

Lords and Gentlemen, Ambassadors from the Crown of France, the Kings Majesty, my Soveraign Lord, hath heard your Message, and read your Letters: My Lords and Gentlemen, our Master here present, hath by Advice of his Council, consented to go personally into France, c 1.244 to visit the King your Ma∣ster, his Dear Cozen, who hath so kindly invited him. And you are required to shew unto the King your Master, that as to the Faith and Homage demanded, he will do his Devoir in all that shall concern him: And that he intends the first Opportunity to pass over into France, to perform what shall appear equi∣table.

So having been well entertain'd and rewarded by the King with many gifts and Jewels of great value, they left England, returning with this Answer to their Lord at Paris. King Philip was well pleas'd with the News, not only because he saw so consi∣derable a Monarch so ready to submit to him, but because he had a great curiosity to see him, whom he had heard to be a Prince of singular Majesty and Beauty. That himself therefore might appear in more Pomp, or to the intent to have more notable Witnes∣ses of this Homage, thus to be done to his own Person, or to dazzle and awe the mind of the Young King with the number and greatness of his Friends and Allies: He im∣mediately directs his Letters to John of Luxemburgh King of Bohemia his Cozen, and to the Kings of Navarre and Majorica, certifying them of the time and place, where and when the King of England was to do him Homage, and desiring them by no means to fail of giving him the Honour of their company: To which Letters they all seve∣rally agreed, and came into France accordingly, attended with an honourable Equi∣page. Besides, all the Peers, Earls, Barons and chief Lords of France, (as if to out-ri∣val the English Nation) resolv'd to be present at this Solemnity in the most gallant and splendid manner. The place appointed for the performance of this Action, was the great City of Amiens in Picardy, wherein there was Extraordinary provision made for this August Appearance. For the several Kings were made ready great Chambers, Halls, and Dining-Rooms: The Inns and other of the best Lodgings were order'd to entertain the Dukes of Burgundy, Burbon and Lorrain, and the Lord Robert of Ar∣tois, a mighty Favourite of King Philip's, with the rest of the Peers of France, and Princes of the Blood. There was also provision made for a thousand Horse-stran∣gers, besides six hundred Horse, which they expected would come over with the King of England. But He for his part exceeded herein their Expectation, for He came at∣tended with Dr. Stephen Gravesend Bishop of London, Dr. John Stratford Bishop of Winchester, and Dr. Henry Burwash Bishop of Lincoln; all right politick Prelates: There were also four Earls, Thomas of Brotherton, Earl of Norfolk and Lord Marshal, and Edmund of Woodstock Earl of Kent, the Kings Uncles; Thomas Beauchamp Earl of Warwick, d 1.245 not then of full Age, and John Bohun Earl of Hereford and Essex, with the Lord Henry Plantaginet afterwards Earl of Derby, the Kings Cozen, the Lord William Montagu, afterwards Earl of Salisbury, Reginald Lord Cobham, Thomas Lord Wake, Henry Lord Piercy, Ralph Lord Nevil, the Lord Walter Manny, and the Lord John Moubray, beside more than fourty other Knights, and a thousand Horse of War. And thus (having appointed his Brother the Lord John sirnamed of Eltham, and now Earl of Cornwall, his Lieutenant and Custos of the Realm, during his Absence) He took the sea at Dover with all this Company, but was two Days upon the Water, before he landed at Whitsand, near Calais, whence he went to Boloigne, where he tarried one day to refresh himself. It was now about the middle of August, when King Philip hear∣ing of his Arrival, immediately dispatch'd away the Constable of France, with a good company of Lords and Knights to meet him. These found King Edward at Monstreul, where they received him in their Kings Name with high Expressions of Respect: For the French are a wonderfull free and civil People, when they design to do honour to any Person. Thus both Nations rode very friendly together towards Amiens, en∣terchanging many courteous Speeches with great Familiarity. King Edward upon his Arrival at Amiens was honourably welcom'd by King Philip, the Kings of Bohemia, Navarre and Majorica, with many Dukes, Earls and Barons, and the Eleven Peers of France, (he himself being the Twelfth) who were all there to do him Honour, as was pretended, but indeed to bear witness to his Homage. There for Fifteen Days together he was entertain'd with great Royalty, many things being canvas'd and dis∣cours'd of the mean while at intervals, in order to the present Affair. But on the Day appointed, King Edward came into the Cathedral of Amiens in order to his Homage, in a long Robe of Crimson Velvet pouder'd with Leopards of Gold, his Crown on

his Head, his Sword by his Side, and Spurs of Gold on his Heels. King Philip of Valois sat ready to receive him on his Royal Throne, in a Robe of Violet-colour'd Velvet, pouder'd with Flowers de Luce's of Gold, his Crown on his Head, his Sce∣pter in his Hand, with other Ensigns of Majesty, besides his Royal Attendants.

When e 1.246 King Edward saw in what scornfull manner King Philip sat to receive him, his High Courage instantly resolv'd upon a different Way from what he had before intended; so that only bending his Body a little toward the Throne, he said aloud with a truly Royal Boldness,

I Edward by the Grace of God, King of England, Lord of Ireland, and Duke of Aquitain, do hereby do Homage to thee Philip King of France, to hold the Dutchy of Guien, as Duke thereof, and the Earldom of Ponthieu and Monstreul, as Earl thereof, and as Peer of France, in like manner as my Predecessors did Homage for the said Dukedom and Earldom to thy Predeces∣sors.

At this unexpected Gallantry of King Edward's (thô Philip of Valois in∣wardly repin'd) yet he seem'd to take little notice of it, but only order'd his Chan∣cellor to direct the King his Cozen,

That the manner of his Predecessors was by Putting off the Crown, and Laying aside both Sword and Spurs, to do it Kneeling, with their Hands between the King of France's Knees, or his great Chamberlain's hands: and this they were always to do, either in Person, or by sufficient Proxy of some high Prince or Prelate, then and there promising Faith and Homage to the King of France, as to their Soveraign Lord, of whom they held those Lands and Honours.

But this King Edward would by no means yeeld to, alledging, that they could shew no such Precedent, For one Crowned Head so to humble himself to another, and that he was not as yet satisfied of any such matter. Hereupon they produced some Old Memorials, which were read to him, purporting, that certain Kings his Ancestors, had done in like manner to the Kings of France, when summon'd on the same Oc∣casion. But these Records the King of England would not allow to be Authentick, and therefore said, he was determin'd as then, to proceed no further, till he had con∣sulted his own Records, wherein if he should find that any thing more had been done, he would recognize the same by his Letters Patents to the French King. And whatever Monsieur du Serres alledges, that the Vicount Melun, Great Chamberlain of France, having made him put off Crown, Sword and Spurs, joyned his Hands toge∣ther, and received his Homage; yet that no more than a Verbal Homage was then done, appears not only from the Acknowledgment of Monsieur f 1.247 Mezeray, an Au∣thor infinitely more diligent and wise than Du Serres, but also by the King of En∣gland's own Letters afterwards, which in order shall follow according to the Ori∣ginall.

This was a mighty Disappointment to the King of France, who had expected a more formal and full Homage, in Presence of all these his Honourable Friends and Allies: But no more could now be obtain'd, and since no Evidence to the Con∣trary appear'd as yet Authentick enough (at least to King Edward's satisfaction) he was obliged in Honour to smother his Discontent before that Royal Assembly, and so said openly,

Dear Cozen of England, we will not here be thought desirous to impose any thing upon You against Right and Equity: What you have already done, sufficeth for the Present: So that upon your Return, when you have con∣sulted your own Records, and seen what your Predecessors have done on like Oc∣casions, you will send unto us under your Broad Seal, an acknowledgement of the same.

Thus he spake, and so the Assembly broke up, as it should seem in friend∣ly manner; howbeit King Philip revolved deeply in his Mind of this affront put up∣on him, where he had look'd for such High Honour, and upon that account, as well as because of those pretences, which he knew King Edward might justly make to his Crown, he secretly devised how, when most separated from his people, he might g 1.248 surprize and seise his Person, till he should make his own Conditions with him. But this Counsel was not so closely agitated, but that Henry Burwash, Lord Bi∣shop of Lincoln, a Man of a great Reach, who came over as the King's Chief Coun∣sellour and Governour, had got some inkling, or conjecture thereof at least, and so privately informed the King his Master, of the Danger he was in. He for his part easily apprehending the matter, left France suddenly with his whole Company, e're any Man imagin'd how or why, and so coming safely into England, went directly for Windsor, where his Queen Philippa lay; who was extreamly satisfied with his safe Re∣turn; and there had her Female Curiosity abundantly satisfied, as to all her Enqui∣ries after the State and Welfare of her Uncle King Philip, and the rest of her kindred, whom he had lately seen.

But King Edward brought home a sting along with him, whereby he thought his Honour wounded, and which never let him be at rest, till he had prov'd himself Wor∣thy of the Crown of France, thô he never attain'd to the Possession of it. From this time it run continually in his Head, that France was too Noble a Kingdom to be despised; for he had never before seen any thing so Pompous there, or if he had, his tender Age would not permit him to make any just estimate thereof: But now whatever he had met with, gave him the more concern, because he look'd on it as of Right his own; however injuriously taken from him.

The mean l 1.249 while (as if all this was too little provocation) King Philip not thus satisfied, resolves to press the unwilling Prince to a more particular acknowledgement; and therefore soon after pursues him into England by these his Ambassadors, the two Bishops of Chartres and of Beauvois, the Lord Lewis of Cleremont, the Duke of Burbon, the Earl of Harecourt, and the Earl of Tancarville, and divers other Knights and Learn∣ed Men, whom he sent into England, to demand a further performance and satisfaction in the Premises.

By this time, the King of England and his Council (who were then at Westmin∣ster) had well consider'd the Usage of former Kings of England, when they did Ho∣mage in like Case for the Dukedom of Aquitain: And they saw, that things had indeed been of old so performed, as they now were demanded to be done: And thô many in the Realm were Highly offended at these doings of the French King, and stuck not openly to declare, that the King of England, their Lord, was Truer Heir to the Crown of France by Right of Succession, than was Philip of Valois himself; yet the King and his Council at this time prudently forbore to take notice hereof, till he had better weigh'd his own strength, and sounded his Friends and Allies: So that now not one Word was mention'd concerning King Edward's Pretences, thô much time was spent in searching and arguing, whereby the Ambassadors were fain to tarry in England all that Winter, till the May following: before which they could not obtain any positive Answer. But then at last, the King being prevail'd on by his Council, wrote these his Letters Patents, Seal'd with his Broad Seal, wherein he ac∣knowledges, that he ought to have done Homage to the King of France for his Countries and Seigniories held in France, the Tenour of which Letters followeth.

k 1.250 Edward by the Grace of God King of England, Lord of Ireland, and Duke of Aquitain; to all, who shall see or hear these Presents, Greeting: Be it known; that whereas we made Homage at Amiens to the most Excellent Prince, our Dear∣est Lord and Cozen, Philip King of France, and then it was of him required, that we should acknowledge the said Homage to be l 1.251 Liege, and that we in do∣ing the said Homage, should promise expresly to bear unto him Faith and Loyalty: Which thing We did not, as then, because We were not fully informed, but on∣ly made unto the said King of France our Homage in general.

Terms,

Saying, that we enter'd his Homage, as our Predecessors, Dukes of Guienne in time past had en∣ter'd the Homage of the Kings of France, for the time being. But being since that time well informed of the truth, we do by these presents acknowledge, that the said Homage, which we made in the City of Amiens to the King of France, as it was in general Terms, is and ought to be intended Liege; and that we ought to bear unto him Faith and Loyalty, as Duke of Aquitain, and Peer of France, and Earl of Ponthieu, and Monstreul: And We promise to bear unto him Faith and Loyalty. And to the intent, that hereafter should arise no difference for this cause; We promise for Us and our Successors, Dukes of Aquitain, that this Ho∣mage shall be made in this Manner: The King of England, Duke of Aquitain, shall hold his Hands between the Hands of the King of France, and he that is to speak for the King of France, shall say thus.

—You become Liegeman to our Lord the King, here present, as Duke of Guienne and Peer of France, and you promise to bear to him Faith and Loyalty. Say, Yes. And the King of England, Duke of Aquitain, and his Successors, shall say, Yes. And then the King of France shall receive the said King of England, and Duke of Guienne, to the said Homage Liege, with Faith and Troth by word of Mouth, saving his own Right and all other.

Furthermore, when the said King and Duke shall enter the Homage of the King of France, for the Earldom of Ponthieu and Monstreul, he shall put his Hands be∣tween the Hands of the King of France, for the said Earldom of Ponthieu and Monstreul, and he that shall speak for the King of France, shall address his Speech to the said King and Duke,

and shall say thus,

—You become Liegeman, to our Lord the King of France here present, as Earl of Ponthieu and Monstreul, and you

promise to bear unto him Faith and Loyalty: Say, Yes. And the King, Earl of Ponthieu, shall say, Yes. And then the said King of France, shall receive the said King and Earl to the said Homage, with Faith and Troth by word of Mouth, saving his own Right and all other. And thus it shall be done and Renewed, as often as Homage shall be done: Of which We and Our Successors, Dukes of Gui∣enne shall (after the said Homage done) deliver Our Letters Patents, Sealed with Our Great Seal, if the King of France shall so require. And moreover We pro∣mise in good Faith to hold and keep entirely the Peace and Accord, made between the Kings of France, and the said Kings of England, Dukes of Guienne, &c.

These Letters the French Ambassadors deliver'd to the King their Master, who caused them to be kept in his Chancery.

II. But before this, while the Ambassadors were at London, being then but just come thither, the King intending to let the French-men see, what kind of men he Ruled over, and what he might do, if too far provoked; privately order'd, that cer∣tain choice Knights should make a Challenge, as of their own Heads: Who gladly taking this occasion, published throughout the City with Sound of Trumpet, that on the m 1.252 25 of September, being the Munday after that Thursday (which was St. Mat∣thew's day) there were Thirteen Knights in London, that would be ready for three days together, to perform Feats of Arms against all Comers whatsoever. The Place appointed for the Solemnity was Cheapside, between the Cross and Soperlane, where the Stony Street n 1.253 was well cover'd with Sand, that the Horses might not slide, when they ran their Courses: And there was a Spacious Wooden Scaffold, like a Tower, Erected cross the Street, whereon Queen Philippa, and many of the Great∣est and Fairest Ladies, Assembled from all parts of the Realm, did stand richly atti∣red, to behold the Solemnity. The Lord Maurice second Brother to Thomas Lord Barkley, was of such Renown for Martial Atchievements at this time, that among other Accoutrements prepared for this Turneament, o 1.254 divers Surcoats were used, de∣picted with his Arms and Cognizance. That any of the French undertook with these Challengers, I do not find; thô 'tis highly probable, that being Persons of Title and Honour, they would by no means omit such an opportunity of signalizing them∣selves, since it could not but reflect upon them, if they did. As for more circum∣stances of this Martial Sport, they are neither fit to be minutely handled, nor can I find them any where particularized: But this is very likely, that the Actions were per∣formed with Gallantry enough, and that the Undertakers on both sides were consi∣derable Persons: For some say, p 1.255 the Young King himself with 12 more in his Com∣pany (thô disguised) were the Challengers, ready to answer all Defendants, that should come. At least the King, Queen, and whole Court were Spectators, with many thousands of the City: But in the height of this Recreation, there happen'd an ac∣cident, which had like to have proved Tragical. For the Stage, q 1.256 whereon the Queen and her Ladies were placed, suddenly brake under them, to the great affrightment of all the Company; thô by the wonderfull Goodness of God it happen'd, that no harm at all was done: But the King was thereby so incensed at the Master-Work∣men, that it would have proved very difficult for them to have avoided a severe Pu∣nishment, had not the Noble-minded Queen her self upon her knees requested their pardon: Which besure the King would never have granted on any other considera∣tion, to those, who had occasion'd the hazard of a Lady so dear unto him. And indeed this vertuous Princess was of a most Generous and Compassionate Nature, al∣ways desirous to do good, but especially to the Afflicted, and those who were brought into any undeserved Misfortune; so that all along she Reign'd in the hearts of the People, whose Welfare and Convenience she continually endeavour'd with all her Power.

III. About this time the Queen Mother, who bore an Inveterate hatred against Ed∣mund Plantagenet Earl of Kent, one of the Kings Uncles, chiefly for the Earl of Marche's sake, to whose Unreasonable pride the Noble Princes Courage scorn'd to yield, began earnestly to inform the Young King her Son against him, as guilty of matters, into which the subtle Mortimer had craftily insnared the Open-hearted Gentlman. r 1.257 Some say, that being the next Heir Apparent, he was accused to have conspired the Death of the King his Nephew, by poyson; which might not perhaps sound so improbable; but that at this time and for above six years after, the Kings own Brother, John of El∣tham Earl of Cornwall, was s 1.258 alive (thô Froisard, and from him others by mistake say, he was then newly dead) besides this Earl of Kent had himself an Elder Bro∣ther then living, which was Thomas of Brotherton, Earl of Norfolk and Marshall of

England; and yet above all this, there were two Ladies, Joan Queen of Scotland, and Princess Eleanor, the Kings own Sisters surviving: So that he could not by any means pretend to be the next Heir; nor even his Enemies with any sense pretend it for him. Moreover in the Records we find no mention of Poison, nor that he was so much as accus'd of Designing to compass the King his Nephew's Death: Unless that was obliquely insinuated, as a consequence of his Delivering the Old King, which it was lay'd to his charge that he endeavour'd.

'Tis certain the Poor Prince was first trepan'd into a Sham-plot, and afterwards spe∣ciously by way of Friendship undermin'd, so as to yield to make a confession of mat∣ters, not seeming Treasonable (which afterward his Enemies aggravated much high∣er) upon the Assurance of a Pardon: Instead whereof, before he was brought to any legal Tryal, or confronted by his Accusers, a Warrant was suddenly sign'd for his Ex∣ecution.

But lest it should be admired, how any Man should now be accus'd of endeavour∣ing to deliver the Old King, who had been murder'd, as appears, almost two Years before, I will exactly set down by what arts this Innocent Gentleman was train'd on to his utter Ruine.

Mortimer therefore and his Complotters, with a design to make his Enemies ob∣noxious to him (which he could no other way do, they were Men of such known Loyalty and Integrity) cunningly scatters it abroad, that the Old King, Edward the Second was still alive, notwithstanding the late Rumour of his Death and Burial; and that he now resided in the Castle of t 1.259 Corfe in Dorsetshire, but was not to be seen in the day time by any means, with much difficulty in the Night, for fear he should ha∣sten his own Death thereby. Now to carry on this incredible Tale the better (for those were cauteous and discreet Men whom Mortimer aim'd to catch) there were several Knights appointed to make Shows and Masks, and other Diversions upon the Battlements and Leads of the Castle; which the Country People observing, could not but imagin some great Prince or King to be there; for whose pleasure and ho∣nour those Solemnities were so performed. Hence the rumour of the Old King's being still alive was spread far and near; so that at last it came (as was first design'd) with some kind of Authority to the Earl of Kents Ears: who desiring only (as he thought) to sift the Truth out, entangled himself more strongly in an errour. To the Castle of Corfe he privily sent one of his Confidents, a Preaching Fryer, with a charge to dive into the Matter: He at last under much caution, with a great deal of doe, obtain∣ing to be admitted into the Castle, was even then out of pretended Fear kept close all the day in the Porters Lodge: But at night, being for more security, as they held him in hand, disguised in Lay-habit, he was brought into the great Hall, where he beheld one cloathed in Royal Habiliments to personate a King; so that the Fryer him∣self, either deceived by the glimmering of the Lamps, or the Distance which he was forced to keep, or the strength of prejudice working upon his Fancy, did really take him for the Father of the Young King, as he sat with seeming Majesty and Princely Atten∣dants at a Royal Supper.

This Account the Fryer brought back to the Earl of Kent, and whether himself al∣so corrupted, or really in mind perswaded, did as really perswade the Unfortunate Prince, that he had seen the King his Brother alive and well, and at supper with his own Eyes: Whereupon the Earl declared with an Oath, that he would make use of all the Means and Interest he could to rescue the King his Brother from that unwor∣thy Confinement. u 1.260 Now when first this Rumour began to go abroad with some Au∣thority, Earl Edmund having some occasions at the Court of Rome, held a Discourse with Pope John XXII, at Avignion and said,

How Almighty God had many times for the love of Thomas of Lancaster, done many fair Miracles upon severall, both Men and Women, who were through divers Maladies undone as to this World; till thrô his Prayers they were restored unto their Health.

Wherefore the Earl prayed heartily of his Holiness to grant him the favour, that the foresaid Thomas, Earl of Lancaster might be Translated. Now 'tis to be remembred, that this Thomas, who was Eldest Son to Edmund Crouch-back (Second Son of King Henry the Third, and Younger Brother of King Edward the First) had been by King Edward the Se∣cond beheaded at Pontefract for Heading the Barons against the King: But among the Common People he was look'd on as a Martyr for the Nations Liberties, and me∣riting the name and honour of a Saint. However the Pope answer'd Earl Edmund, that he the said Thomas of Lancaster should not be Translated, untill he should be bet∣ter certified by the Clergy of England, and had seen by their joynt Testimonies, what

thing God had done for the love of Thomas of Lancaster, according to the Suggestion that the foresaid Edmund had made unto him. And when Earl Edmund saw, that in this request he should not succeed, as to the Translation, he then desired his Counsel in another matter relating to Edward of Caernarvon, his Brother, late King of En∣gland, what he had best to do in order to his Deliverance from Captivity; since it was a common Fame thrô England, that he was alive, whole and sound. When the Pope heard him say that King Edward the Second was alive, he commanded the Earl upon his Blessing, to help with all the Power that he might, to deliver him out of Prison, and save his Body to the utmost of his Ability; in order to which he as∣soyled him and all his Partakers ab omni poena & culpa; and promised to bear the charges of the whole Undertaking, threatning him also with Excommunication, if he did not make use of his best Endeavours to assert his Brothers Right and Liberty. Soon after Earl Edmund return'd into England, where he set himself about discovering, as he thought, the Truth more fully; and then sent to Corfe Castle that Preaching-Frier, of whom we spake. One says, x 1.261 that he was also tempted by one of Morti∣mers Instruments, who urging,

That King Edward the Second was alive, and only wanted his Assistance to be deliver'd and restor'd to his former Dignity, and the Earl thereupon promising his best Endeavours, he was by the same Party accused of High-Treason.

Walsingham y 1.262 produces an Imperfect confession of the Earl's which he made before Sr. Robert Howel, Coroner of the King's Houshold, and afterwards on the ••6 of March in the Fourth Year of this King's Reign, own'd it for his Con∣fession, * 1.263 before the Lords assembled in Parliament at Winchester, whereby we may perceive, that he himself sought out to no Body, but that others (set on no doubt to ruine him) came of their own accord to him, as well to confirm in him the belief of the Old King's being Alive, as to pretend their Readiness, and offering him their Service to deliver him: But the whole Cheat will best appear from the Confession it self, which amounts to thus much.

That the Pope had enjoyn'd him on penalty of being Excommunicate; to use his utmost Endeavours to work the Delivery of his Brother late King of England, promising himself to bear the whole charge of the Undertaking: That a certain Predicant Fryer, z 1.264 named Thomas Dunhead, in dis∣course with him at Kensington near London, told him, He had conjur'd up a Spirit, which assured him, that Edward his Brother, late King of England was yet living. That the Archbishop of York had sent him by his Chaplain, Mr. Alleyn a trusty let∣ter, wherein he promised towards the delivery of his Brother five hundred Men or more. William Iliffe also, and William Warham Clerks, and Thomas Bromfield Fry∣er, promised him their Assistance in this Business: Also that Sr. Ingelram Berenger had brought him word to London from William Lord Zouch, that he was ready to lend him his help toward the Restauration of his Brother. That Sr. Ingelram came to him again from the Lord John Peche, proffering also his Service to the Work; and saying, that Henry Lord Beaumont, and Sr. Thomas Rosselin (who were sled the Kingdom for fear of Mortimer) had at Paris in the Duke of Brabants Bed∣chamber, instigated them to this Attempt, declaring, they were ready to come in∣to England to the furtherance of the same. That Sr. Ingelram came unto him yet a third time at Arundel, into his Bedchamber over the Chappel, and assured him of the Bishop of Londons help. That Sr. Robert Taunton brought him word from Wil∣liam Melton Archbishop of York, that the said Archbishop had Men ready harness'd to compleat the design, and that the said Sr. Robert, with two Preaching Fryers, Edmund and John Savage, had a chief stroak in the Affair: And that Sr. Fulk Fitz-Warine coming to him at Westminster, told him, 'twould be the most honourable Action he could ever set about, but to appear in the Attempt; to which he had promised his best Assistance: And lastly, that the Letters, which he had sent to Sr. Bogo of Bayonne and Sr. John Daverill, were sealed with his Seal; and that his Wife had wrote another Letter to the same effect; and that all this was Truth; so that he confesses he has offended, and therefore he put himself upon the King's Mercy.

a 1.265 The truth of it is, that by Mortimers cunning being induced to a belief that his Brother the late King was still living, and in Corfe Castle, he went himself to the said Castle, and spake with the Constable thereof Sr. John Daverill, and after many rich Presents, desired secretly to know of him, whether his Brother the late King was yet alive or dead; and if he were alive, that he might have a sight of him. Now this Sr. John Daverill, being Mortimers Creature, answer'd, that indeed his Bro∣ther was in health and under his Keeping; but that he durst not shew him to any

man living, since he was forbid in behalf of the King that now was, and also of the Queen Mother, and of Mortimer, to shew his Person to any One whatsoever, except only unto them. But the false Traitor lied unto him: for the Old King was now in his Grave. But Earl Edmund was so far deceiv'd by the Constables protestation, that he deliver'd him a Letter, desiring him to bear it unto his Brother; which he pro∣mised to do; but soon after carried it to Mortimer, sealed with the Earls Seal. It began thus:

To the Noble Knight, Edward of Caernarvon, Edmund of Woodstock, wor∣ship and reverence with Brotherly Allegiance and Subjection: Sr. Knight, Wor∣shipfull and Dear Brother; if it please you, I pray heartily, that you be of good comfort, for I shall so ordain for you, that you shall soon come out of prison, and be delivered of that Trouble which you are in: And may your Highness understand, That I have unto me assenting almost all the Great Men of England, with all their Apparel; that is to say, with Armour and Treasure exceeding much, for to maintain and help your Quarrel so far forth, that you shall be King again, as you were be∣fore:

And thereto they have all sworn to me upon a Book, as well Prelates, as Earls and Barons, &c. This Letter Mortimer presently shew'd to the Queen, telling her, that Earl Edmund design'd to depose her Son; wherefore she went to the King her Son, and having shew'd him the Letter, charged him on her Blessing to be a∣venged on him, as on her deadly Enemy. Upon her Importunities the King sent for him to Winchester, where he was arrested; thô it appears, that in all the foresaid Proposals, mention'd in his Confession, which was thus made unto him by several Hands, there was little or nothing of real Truth; only these Emissaries invented those impro∣bable Tales to abuse him, or were by the same arts abused themselves: so that it ap∣pears evidently but a contrivance against his Life. Now to drive the matter home, b 1.266 Sr. John Daverill Constable of Corfe Castle discover'd that Letter, written by the said Earl to his Brother the King, supposing him still living: which Letter being produc'd by his inveterate Enemy the Earl of March in open Parliament, he was found guilty by his Peers, and had Judgment of Death passed on him.

Now when the Earl was condemned and remanded unto Prison, c 1.267 the Lord Mortimer went straight to the Queen Mother's Appartment, whom he found at Dinner, and ha∣ving obtain'd a private Conference, told her, how the Earl was condemned by way of Law, to forfeit Life and Limb, and his Heirs to be disinherited for ever, upon his own plain Confession in full Court, saving the Kings gracious Favour;

Wherefore, said he, I think it best for his Execution to be hasten'd, without the Kings know∣ledge; for if he once understand the whole Matter, he'll forgive him his Death; and that will turn to our great Disadvantage, if not utter Confusion; because he was em∣peached by our means.

Whereupon Queen Isabell, being thus urged by Mortimer, caused a Warrant the next morning to be sent to the Bayliffs of Winchester to see speedy Execution done: for his Brother the Earl-Marshall would by no means (as his Office required) concern himself in that matter; and he was easily dispens'd withall, as well by reason of his Rela∣tion to him, as for Suspicion of him: For it d 1.268 appear'd, that he was infinitely dissatis∣fied, as were all the Lords, but those of Mortimers Faction; thô being terrified by so great an example, they durst not intercede with the King, nor shew their displea∣sure. But as we said, Command was sent to the Bayliffs of the Town to see the Work done: yet none could be procur'd to perform the ungratefull Office upon him e 1.269 from morning till the evening, when a Wicked ribald out of the Marshalsea, to save his own life thereby, severed his Head from his Body on the 19 day of March, being the Eve of St. Cuthbert and a Monday. Besure Mortimer so well watch'd the King that day, that no body could approach to inform him either of his Condemnation, or of that Warrant for his so speedy Execution: For when, being done, he heard of it, with f 1.270 great sorrow he caused his Body to be decently interred in the Fryers Preachers at Winchester. With whom also for form were accused Stephen Gravesend Bishop of London, and William Abbot of Longdon, who were acquitted; but Sr. g 1.271 Robert Taun∣ton, with some certain Carmelite Fryers and Predicants (for a cloak to the Sham) were condemned to perpetual Imprisonment; the Provincials of the White h 1.272 Carmelite Fryers, and of the Black Preaching Fryers being banished. Precepts also were issued out by command of Parliament to the i 1.273 Sheriffs of Warwickshire, Dorsetshire and Hantshire, for the speedy Apprehension of Sr. John Peche, whose Lands also were sei∣sed; but both he and they shortly after restored. Beside this, William Archbishop of York, and William Lord k 1.274 Zouch of Mortimer were impeached, but soon after acquitted, and their Goods and Lands restored. Sr. l 1.275 Fulk Fitz-Warine also had his Castle of Whi∣tington

seised, but the next Year the King restor'd him to the possession thereof. Nay the great Henry Earl of m 1.276 Lancaster (with several of his Friends) was apprehended by order from the Old Queen and the Earl of March; but whether the Matter would hold no further, or that they would seem to have respect to his Age and Nobility, or by chance, he escaped their Hands: So that not one of all this Number was brought to Death upon this Account, but only this Worthy and Heroick Prince, who had least knowledge of the Matter. Yet, when by all this great Bussle, they thought they had sufficiently established the Reputation of a Plot, n 1.277 Proclamations were presently issued out into all the Counties of England to give Notice, that the Earl was put to death, and for what Reason.

Thus fell this Mighty Prince, the King's own Uncle, and a man of Extraordi∣nary Courage and Integrity, in the Flower of his Age (for he had hardly compleat∣ed twenty o 1.278 Eight Years) by the Contrivances of those, whom He himself, before he was aware, had raised to that Power. It is agreed on all hands, He was inno∣cent of the matter whereof He was accus'd; and that if he had not, he had ne∣ver yet been made guilty of Treason, but by those, who had been guilty of Depo∣sing and Murdering the Old King. Yet let us a little confider, whether the Hand of God might not be in all this; since at first he neglected to assist his own Brother against the Rebellious insolence of his Subjects, but p 1.279 rather countenanced all their Actions with his Presence; that himself should thus pay for his Inadvertency, in first rashly engaging to the Dissolution of his own Brothers Authority, which afterwards he more inconsiderately endeavoured to raise out of the Grave.

As for his own Person, I find no real Stain fix'd upon him by any, and the man∣ner of his Execution shews q 1.280 how Dear he was to the People; not to say, that by the Character of those who were his Enemies, we may discern him to have been Loyal and firm to the Young King his Nephew; as the Cause (for which he died) shews; that his Heart was never false to the Old King his Brother. Yet for all this, it is said, that he was the less lamented, r 1.281 because his Servants were very op∣pressive to the Commons, and many great Disorders were allowed in his Family. Cer∣tainly 'tis not enough for a Man of High Degree to do well himself; but to take Care, that those who are under him, do so too; Since he is not only lyable to be cen∣sur'd for their Miscarriages in this World, but also in some measure to answer for them in that which is to come.

He left behind him ( s 1.282 by his Lady Margaret Sister of Thomas Lord Wake of Lydel) Four Young Children, two Sons, Edmund and John, who were both soon after restor'd in Blood, but dy'd successively without Issue; and two Daughters, Margaret, who was afterwards married to Amaneus, Eldest Son to the Lord Bernard de la Brett, or Albret of Gascoigne, and the other a little Female Infant, scarce then two Years old, named Joan, who afterwards became the Paragon of her whole Sex for Exquisite Beauty, Modesty, and Discretion; and upon the Death of both her Brothers, becoming the Sole Heiress of all her Fathers Possessions, was common∣ly called by way of Eminence, the Fair Countess of Kent; of whom more hereafter.

From the foregoing Story we may observe, how early in this Kingdom Malicious Statesmen, who sought the Ruine of those who faithfully interpos'd to hinder their Ambitious Designs, made use of this (now more-common) trick of buzzing Sham-plots into their Princes Ears: Which, however false and improbable, would yet never want Evidences to make out some plausible Circumstances.

IV. And thus at last happily We have past over the less Gratefull Part of this King's Reign; wherein we have beheld him, not as he was in himself. Bright and Vigorous; but as he was misrepresented by those, who (under his Name) did but Eclipse and darken his Royal Authority.

Now that all things might succeed the better, the Hopefull young King resolves to begin with Heaven; and remembring, that in his former Troubles, during his Fa∣thers Reign, or in his late Danger at Amiens, when he narrowly escap'd being seiz'd upon by the French King, he had made t 1.283 a Vow in Devotion to visit some Holy Places in France; he now sets himself about performing his Vow: Leaving there∣fore his Brother John of Eltham, Earl of Cornwall, Protector of the Realm, on Thursday in Easter-week, u 1.284 being the 12 of April, he adventur'd privately to pass the Sea, in the Company of John Stratford Bishop of Winchester, and his Valiant and Loyal Servant William Montagu, afterwards Earl of Salisbury, disguised like Merchants, the whole number amounting but to Fifteen Persons.

It was a bold (not to say a rash) undertaking for a King to expose his Person so lightly (if it is Lawfull to term any thing Light, that proceeds from a Mind so Re∣ligiously affected) especially into a Country so jealous of his Fortune, and where he had before been publiquely seen more than once: But the Strength of his Devo∣tion encourag'd him to it, and the Success that followed, makes it in him warrant∣able; I say in him: For no exact Rules can be prescrib'd to such Mighty over∣working Spirits; and Alexander the Great, and Julius Caesar, thô they have com∣mitted many seeming-Rash and Indiscreet Actions, I know not, who dare blame or censure them for it. Our King accordingly soon Returns safe, and with his whole Company; when immediately at Dertford in Kent, he holds a Great and Solemn Tour∣neament, thereby to Exercise his Nobles to delight in Arms. Thus Early did this Monarch lay his Foundation by Piety and Industry, on which afterwards he Reared so many Glorious Trophies of Victory.

But I am well aware, that there is another Account of the Reasons, which in∣duc'd the King to cross the Seas at this time; which, because it is very probable, I shall here also deliver. King Edward, as we said before, delaying beyond the time prefix'd, to send that Declaration of his Homage (for it was not yet dispatch'd a∣way by the French Ambassadors, till May in this Year) King Philip caused him x 1.285 again to be summon'd, and after some Motions, and Hostility done by the English, who were Rendezvous'd at Sainctes, the chief City of Saintogne in Aquitain, he sent his Brother the Lord Charles of Valois, Earl of Alenson, who laid Siege before the Town: Which King Edward understanding, began to talk of Peace, to the obtaining whereof, he sent his Ambassadors into France, with whom this Agreement was made on the Ninth of March at Paris. viz.

I. That King Philip shall grant a full Repeal of Banishment to the Principal Au∣thors of the Motions of Guienne, named in the Treaty of the Year One thousand three Hundred Twenty and six, according to the Promise made by his Predecessor Charles the Fair.

II. That the Treaties preceding, which import; That those, who were banish'd by the King of France, or his Court, should not be received, nor concealed in Gui∣enne, should be kept inviolably: That even without the approbation of King Edward, the Seneschals of France should have Power, notwithstanding, to Banish his Officers and Ministers for Faults committed in their Precincts, as by right of Soveraignty, the King of France may and doth especially protest, that all the Liberties, of which the said Sene∣schals have been in Possession, before this Treaty, shall be conserved unto them accordingly.

III. That as to the Sums of sixty Thousand pounds on the one part, and of fifty Thou∣sand Marks Sterling on the other, which King Edward oweth to King Philip, Reason shall be done by Payment or Compensation.

IV. That the Quality of the Homages of the Dutchy of Guienne, and of the Earldoms of Ponthieu and Monstroile, shall be declared to be Liege, and the Form thereof expressed, which shall be Renewed on every Change; and the Kings shall promise to keep the Trea∣ties of Peace made by their y 1.286 Predecessors.

V. That the Castles of St. Croix, Madailhem, Puipines, and du Bourdet, shall be de∣molish'd, according to the Form prescrib'd by Robert Bertrand, Marshal of France, and that the other Points of the Treaties remaining to be perfected, shall be respectively accomplished.

VI. That the Siege held by the Earl of Alenson, before the Town of Sainctes, shall be raised, as soon as King Edward shall have Ratified the present Accord; the mean while, that those, who are culpable in the Town, shall be rendred to King Philip, to do with them after his Pleasure, and as for the rest, they may go, come and tarry freely, and have their Victuals for a days Journey; but they may not supply Sainctes, any otherwise, than it is at this time.

This Treaty was followed with another made at Bois de Vincennes, the Thirtieth day of May following; and thereby it was further agreed, that the Profits of the Land of Guyenne, which for default of Homage, were siesed by the late King Charles, and converted to his Use, after the Law, shall be sequestred in the Hands of two Com∣missioners, deputed on the behalf of either of the Kings, Edward and Philip: till both their Differences and Proceedings, done since the Truce in the Year 1324, shall be ami∣cably decided.

Finally, King Edward, having given that Declaration of his Homages, which we have set down z 1.287 already, went again in Person into France, to appease the War at Sainctes: At which time he requested of King Philip, that he would remit unto

him the Demolishing of the Castle of St. Croix and others, which he then promi∣sed very Frankly to do, and moreover granted unto him by a new Treaty made the 4^th of July 1331, That the Town and Castle of Sainctes, should be restor'd unto him in the same condition wherein they were, and thirty Thousand pounds Tournois for his Interests and Damages, notwithstanding the former Accord of the Ninth of March, approved by his Majesty the Thirtieth day of April. A Concession (says Du Chesne) which one would think ought to appease all disgusts whatsoever for a long time: But the Murmurs, which afterward began to run among the English, that their King was nearer to the Crown of France, than King Philip, were so deeply rooted in their hearts, that at last they occasion'd most Tragical and deadly Effects; as we shall shew in due place.

V. On the a 1.288 seventeenth of the Calends of July, being after our Account, the Fifteenth of June, and a Friday at b 1.289 ten of the Clock in the Morning, the Queen Philippa of England, was at Woodstock near Oxford, deliver'd of her First-born Son, a very Fair, Lusty, and well-form'd Infant, who was Christened by the Name of his Father Edward. Walsingham, and Speed from him, say indeed, that he was Born on the 15 of June, and on a Fryday, but they place it a Year more forward; both which notwithstanding are easily refuted, if we consider, that in the Year 1329, the 15 of June happen'd on a Thursday, but this Year, c 1.290 G being the Dominical Letter, it then indeed fell on a Fryday. To which agrees that Ancient Writer d 1.291 John Tinemouth, in his Golden History; saying, that this year on the Fryday before e 1.292 St. Botolph, there was Born to King Edward, his Son Edward the Fourth, which Name Giovanni Vil∣lani, the Florentine Historian, calls him also by, presuming that he would have lived to Succeed his Father. So Welcome to the King was the News of his Birth, that he gave to the Messenger thereof Thomas Prior, a most Royal Reward, and f 1.293 40 Marks per annum out of his Exchequer, till he should settle Lands upon him to that Value: And afterwards he gave very considerable Pensions to those who were con∣cern'd in his Education; as, 10 pounds per annum to Joan of Oxford, this Young Princes Nurse, and 10 Marks annually to Mathilda Plumpton, Bersatrix or Rocker to this Princely Infant. Great hopes were immediately conceived of the Royal Babe, by all that beheld the Beauty of his Shape, the Largeness of his Size, and the firm Contexture of his Body. The Good Lady his Mother, took such great Care of this first Dear Pledge of her Marriage Bed, that she resolv'd to give him her own Breasts, as indeed she did to all her Children after: Yet for all that, her Beauty and Flower of Youth was nothing impair'd thereby. And truly, it was not only the Manner of this Queen (who exceeded most Ladies in the World, for Sweetness of Nature, and Vertuous Disposition) thus to bring up her own Offspring her self: But we find it Customary for the Queens of England, and other Princesses, to do so, as well be∣fore, as some time after: However the Delicate Madams of our Time, think it below their Care. And of the Empress g 1.294 Theodora, there is Extant a curious Medal, wherein a Woman gives the Breast to an Infant, with this Inscription, PIETAS ROMANA; whereby it is believed, to be signified, that Theodora gave suck to her Children her self, according to the Duty of a Pious Mother; which Plutarch and Favorinies do wonderfully commend. This Laudable Custom was not quite laid aside in the Times of King Edward: For of the Ladies of those Days in General, it is observed in the Margin of h 1.295 Mezeray's History, at the Year 1368, that even those of the Highest Rank were us'd to give the Breast to their Children. And of the Lady Margaret, Daughter of Philip the Bold, Second Consort to King Edward the First, this King's Grandfather; this is Remarkably Observed, that when i 1.296 she gave her First-born Son, Thomas of Brotherton, the Milk of her own Breasts, the Babe, (as if he had an antipathy against every thing that was French) could by no means endure it, but ever cast back again, what he received; yet when an English young Gentlewoman was brought to suckle him, he took it eagerly and thriv'd kindly upon it. And this, because it had something of strange and unusual in it, was often try'd with him, but still it prov'd so, that the English Lady's Breasts he freely took, but his French Mother's he could never away with: Whence it is re∣ported, the King his Father should say, smiling,

God give thee Grace my Boy, I see thou art right English in thy Nature, and may'st one day shew thy self a notable Enemy to the French Nation.

Thô even this so probable Omen fail'd in part, for Prince Thomas died just before the French Wars broke out, as hereafter shall be declared.

But to return whence we have digressed: The Birth of this young Prince Edward

spread an universall Joy thrô the whole Land, and was thought to make a good re∣compence for the late loss of one of the Kings Uncles. Nay, now as if all things conspired to make this Blessing more acceptable to the Nation, a new Face of things began from this time to appear, and all publique Affairs happily succeeded hencefor∣ward both to the King and his People.

Doctor Walter k 1.297 Burleigh (or Burley) who had been bred up in Merton College in the famous University of Oxford, was at this time of such Fame for learning and piety, that he was taken into Queen Philippa's Service (at her first coming into England) and became her Almoner, still encreasing in great Estimation at Court: Inso∣much, that when this Young Prince Edward was able to learn his Book, this Doctor was appointed to be his Tutor; whereupon Simon Burley, who was son to Sr. John Burley, a near Kinsman of the Doctors, was admitted among other young Gentlemen to be School-fellow with this Hopefull Prince: By which occasion he wan so much upon the Princes Favour, that afterwards by his means he was advanced to great Ho∣nour, being in time made Knight of the most Noble Order of the Garter, and also had the Government and Education of the Prince's Son Richard of Bourdeaux comit∣ted to his Trust.

As for the Young Prince Edward, the King his Father, by l 1.298 his Charters dated the Eighteenth of May in the Seventh Year of his Reign, (when he was but in the Third Year of his Age) granted unto him by the Title of Edward, his most Dear and El∣dest Son, the County of Chester, the Castles of Chester, Beston, Rothelan and Flint, and all his Lands there, as also the Cantred and Land of Englefield with their Appur∣tenances, to him and his Heirs, Kings of England, together with all Knights-Fees, Advowsons, Liberties, Royalties and all other things, belonging to the said County, Castles, Lands and Cantreds, as well in England, as in Wales, and the Marches there∣of, as fully, and under the same Conditions, as himself had received them before he was King; from which time he had the Title of Earl of Chester added to his Style. But intending to enable him yet better to maintain this his Dignity, the next day the King gave him all the Corn, as well in Granges, as growing on the Ground, as also all the Arms, Victuals, Cattle, Goods and Chattels in all the said Castles, Lands and other Places, to him before granted, together with all Debts, Arrearages of Accounts, and other Services due to himself.

But in the m 1.299 Eleventh Year of his Reign, and the Seventh of this Princes Age, up∣on the Death of John of Eltham Earl of Cornwall, the King created him Duke of Corn∣wall, as appears by his Charter of Creation, bearing Date the 17 of March the same Year, investing him by the Sword only; which was the first Precedent for the Crea∣tion of the Title of Duke with us in England. At the same time the King setled upon him divers Mannors and Franchises, expresly set down in the said Charter, for the better support of his Ducal State and Honour; all which (thô some lay in other Counties) were thereby made part of the Dutchy of Cornwall. And further by Let∣ters Patents dated the same day, he granted unto him the Stanneries in Cornwall, to∣gether with the Coinage of Tynn, and all the Issues and Profits thence arising, as al∣so the Profits and Perquisits of the Courts of the Stanneries, except only a 1000 Marks granted to William Montagu, then Earl of Salisbury and his Heirs, out of the Issues thereof, till Lands were provided for the said Earl, of that yearly Value: And afterwards granted, that all the Castles, Honours, Mannors, Lands and Tenements, belonging to the Dukedom or Earldom of Cornwall, which were held in Dower, or for term of Life or Years, whose Reversions belonged to the King, should remain to this Prince, as Duke, still as they fell, and to the Eldest Sons of him and his Heirs, as Dukes of the foresaid Dukedom.

After this in the Parliament held in the Seventeenth of this King his Father, he n 1.300 Created him Prince of Wales, and invested him with a Coronet, a Gold Ring and a Silver Rod: And the better to support his State, as Prince of Wales, he gave him se∣veral Lands, which are all particularly enumerated in a Writt directed to William E∣meldon, to deliver them unto this Prince, or his Attourney. He also gave him all Debts and Arrears of Foreign Rents due to himself, for what cause soever, in North-Wales and South-Wales, to the time of his being created Prince of Wales, as also all Victuals, Arms, Horses and other Cattel, Goods and Chattels, in all the Castles and Lands which he held by the Kings Grant. After all which this Noble Prince was made Knight of the Garter, at the First Institution of that Famous Order, and lastly Prince of Aquitain in France, and for his Courage and Conduct, his Policy and Courtesie, became in time the most Renowned Captain in the World; being for

his Dreadfull Deeds in War (as most agree) sirnamed by the French le Neoir, or the Black-Prince.

VI. In these Days the Young King of England finding himself a Father, began in∣deed to play the Man, and thô he was then but 18 Years of Age, takes a resolution to govern his Realm no more by Others, but Himself in Person, hearing and learn∣ing the Truth in weighty Affairs, and distributing Justice and Mercy to such who should lay the best claim to either. But while Mortimer held his present Station, 'twas not possible the King should be Master of his own Purposes: Now therefore to him we hasten, who seems already to have been too long free from that Vengeance which always pursues ambitious and bloody Traitors.

Of his Treachery and Cruelty we had no small Instances before: But by a certain fatal Ordinance, that wicked Men must of themselves advance and further their own Ruine, his insupportable Arrogance, and too opiniative Security thence proceeding, was the chief Occasions of his suddain Downfall.

In the Quindenes of St. Michael, the King holding a Parliament at Nottingham, Mortimer appear'd in such splendour and so well attended, that he became both the Envy and Terror of all the Kings Friends; no man durst name him by any other Ti∣tle, than his new-acquired, but much-envy'd one, the Earl of March: And his Inte∣rest and possessions bound those to him, whom his Power could not move. For in these days he bore such sway, that he obtain'd whatever he had a mind to, as appears by these following Grants from the Young King, who by his o 1.301 Charter dated this Year (besides all he had got before) granted unto him the Castle and Mannor of Hanley with the Chaces of Malverne and Cors in the Counties of Worcester and Glocester, also the Town of Wiche in Worcestershire, with the Castle of Clifford and Mannor of Glasebury, part of the Possessions of Hugh Spencer the younger, not yet free from the Attaindure which pass'd upon him at the death of his Father and Grandfather. For p 1.302 himself also and Joan his Wife (Daughter of q 1.303 Sr. Peter Jenevill) in Fee, divers ample Liberties and Jurisdictions, to be exercised at his Castle of Trim in Ireland, besides the Inheritance of all the Territory of Danahmain in Ireland, with very large Priveleges thereto an∣nexed.

Besides all which he procured a r 1.304 Grant to Geoffry his Son of the Castle of Donning∣ton in Leicestershire, as also the Mannors of Lechelade and Sodington in Glocestershire, the Mannor of Wokking in Surry, Byeby and Castre in Lincolnshire, Ashburn in the Peke in Darbyshire, Ryehale in Rutland, and Kinely in Wiltshire, late the possessions of Edmund Earl of Kent, attainted and executed, as we have shewn: Also the Wapen∣take of Ryssey in Darbyshire, the Wapentakes of Plumtre and Alreton in Norfolk, the Mannor of Reseby in Leicestershire, and the Mannor of Alreton with certain Lands in Drayton in Norfolk, all parcel likewise of the Lands of the said Edmund late Earl of Kent, from whose Fall he gather'd this fruit to himself and Family. Being therefore so great in Authority and possessions, he now drew after him more Attendants than the King himself; nay s 1.305 he was so sottishly blinded with false Ambition, that he would expect his Lord and Master to rise-first to him, and if offer'd permit it; nor would he in the least scruple to walk fast by the King as his Fellow; nay sometimes walk on in state before him as his Lord, looking back, and more than familiarly laughing upon his Soveraign. He had, beside the fore-mentioned Round-Table at Bedford, kept ano∣ther t 1.306 in Wales in imitation of the Famous King Arthur: For which and other too da∣ring Tokens of his proud Spirit, he was by his own Son Sr. Geoffry, called in derision, The King of Folly: Which certainly was true, since nothing appears more supreamly foolish and ridiculous than Pride and Arrogance. Among others of his large Retinue, he is said to have no less than u 1.307 ninescore Knights as his Attendants, besides Esquires, Serjeants at Arms and Footmen; a Company well suiting with his ambitious Spirit, and seemingly sufficient for his Security, if long to remain secure was possible for those who are blinded with Ambition.

And besides this his unsufferable Insolence, whereby he undervalued all the World, but himself, and esteemed no Lord of the Realm his Peer, he was also extreamly given to heaping up Moneys; and therefore he still follow'd the Court of Isabell, the Queen Mother, and had his Provision bought by the Officers of the Queens Houshold, in the same manner, as the King's Officers purvey'd for him; and so he took up all things, both as to his Victuals and Carriages, after the King's Rates; to the great enriching of himself, but the no less Grievance and oppression of the People. Wherefore all the great Lords of the Land, both hated and feared him, and the King, and his Council took notice of all his Insolencies, and ordained among

themselves to pull him down at a Convenient Opportunity, by the pure force of Law and Reason: For it was now apparently manifest, that King Edward, the King's Fa∣ther, was through him traitrously murd'red in the Castle of Berkley. But this their Design was discover'd to Mortimer by the Treachery of some Creatures of his in the Privy Council; whereat he stormed and raged exceedingly, against those of the Council, that had accused him to the King of the Death of his Father; and swore, that he would be Revenged on them, whatsoever befell him. And indeed he want∣ed but little of bringing his purpose about: For at this Parliament at Nottingham, by his advise, the Queen Mother took into her Hands the Keys of the Castle, so that none might go in, or out, after such an Hour, but at the Pleasure of him, and of the Queen Mother, neither any of the King's Council, nor the King himself.

When the Vice-Constable Sr. Edward y 1.308 Bohun came at this Parliament to appoint Lodgings in the Castle of Nottingham, for the King's own Cozen, Henry Earl of Lancaster, a Prince of the Royal Blood; he took him up at a high Rate, roughly demanding,

how he durst presume without his Direction to prescribe Lodgings for any of the Nobles whatsoever, especially in a place so near the Queen Mothers Person?

Whereat the Vice-Constable, either for the Earl of Lancaster's Security, or to raise Envy to Mortimer thereby, appointed his Lodgings a Mile out of the Town; where also John Bohun, Earl of Hereford and Essex, High-Constable of En∣gland, and the Vice-Constables Elder Brother, with many other Great Men were lodged. This very thing undid Mortimer, by giving his Enemies Opportunity to confer Notes together, and to advise one with another, how to undermine him at this Distance; which nearer at hand they durst never have undertaken to do, for the Mul∣titude of his Spies and Dependants planted about them.

But now immediately it was discours'd among the Nobles, and privately whisper'd among the Common People, That Mortimer the Queen Mothers Paramour, The Old King's Murderer, and the Young King's Governour, sought by the Ruine of the Royal Family, and by trampling the Nobility under Foot, to aspire to the Regal Power. It was also (the more to enflame Mens minds) privily rumour'd, that the Queen Mother was impregnate by Mortimer, thô never any effect appear'd after to that purpose. However, this with other Matters was handsomely convey'd to the Young King's Ear, by some of his Faithfull Servants, who upon his demurr at the Danger, encouraged him boldly, not any longer to endure such dishonour from a Man that had Murdered his Father, Mislead his Mother, and cut off his Uncle; vowing in Defence and Vindication of his Royal Dignity, to stand by him to the last drop of their Blood. The King hereat taking high Indignation, and as High Courage at their promised assistance, resolves forthwith to level this Bold Encroacher on Soveraignty, and bring him to a severe Account for all his former Ill Services.

William z 1.309 Lord Montacute, or Montagu (for 'tis the same) was the Chief in this Concern, and the Man that most Boldly lay'd open the whole matter before the King; who immediately thereupon a 1.310 gave him Command, to take to his Assistance some o∣ther Trusty and Resolute Persons, which he did accordingly. And the Names of his Associates; as many as I have met with, are these, Sr. Humphry Bohun, next Brother to Earl John, the Constable, Sr. Edward Bohun the Vice-Constable, and Sr. William Bohun, afterwards Earl of Northampton, a Martial Man of that Age (but their Eldest Brother the Constable himself could not be there, by reason of an Infirmity of Body) there was also Sr. b 1.311 John Lord Molins, Robert Lord Hufford, Ralph Lord Stafford, William Lord Clinton, and Sr. John Nevil of Horneby.

Now while these men were devising how to Seise on Mortimer; c 1.312 the same Mortimer in Order to their Destruction, held a close Council in the Castle of Nottingham with the Queen-Mother, the Bishop of Lincoln, Sr. Simon Bereford, Sr. Hugh Turplington, and Sr. John Monmouth, and other his Creatures, how to bring to utter Ruine all those that had accused him of Treason and Felony. But this close Carriage of Mor∣timer's was smoak'd by the Lord Montague, and those of the Council concern'd with him; especially, because none of them were permitted to take up their Lodgings in the Castle; wherefore they knew, that Mortimer and his Complices were brewing mischief for them. Then Sr. William Montague went and told the King, that since neither he, nor any of his Partakers were admitted to Lodge in the Castle, they should never be able to Seise Mortimer without the Consent and Assistance of the Constable, Sr. William Eland.

Now surely said the King I love you well; and therefore advise you to go to the Constable in my Name, and command him to be Aiding and Assistant to you in taking the Mortimer, all other things lay'd a∣side,

on peril of Life and Limb.

S^t, said Montague, then God grant Success:

And thereupon he went and found the said Constable, to whom he told the King's will before the rest of his Partakers; but only yet in general Terms, that it was the King's Pleasure, he should be assistant to them in a certain matter relating to the King's Honour and Safety: And the Constable answer'd that the King's Will should be obey'd, in what he could, and that he would not stand out for fear of Death it self; and then he swore to be constant and secret, and made his Oath to the Lord Montagu, and Montagu to him, in the hearing of all the Assistants.

Now surely, Dear Friend, said the Lord Montagu to the Constable, it behoved us to gain your acquaintance, in order to seise on Mortimer, since you are Keeper of the Castle, and have the Keys at your dispose.

Sirs, reply'd the Constable, if it be so, you shall understand, that the Gates of the Castle are locked with the Locks that Queen Isabell sent hither, and at Night she hath all the Keys thereof, and lay∣eth them under the Pillow of her Bed, until the Morning: And so I may not help you into the Castle at the gates by any means. But I know an Hole, that stretcheth out of the Ward under Earth into the Castle, beginning on the West-side; which Hole, neither Isabell the Queen, nor none of her Retinue, nor Mortimer himself, nor none of his Company know any thing of; and through this Passage I shall lead you, till you come into the Castle, without the Espial of any that are your Ene∣mies.

That same Night Sr. William Montagu, and all the Lords his Partakers, and the Constable also, took Horse pretending to go out of Town; which when Mortimer heard of, he thought they were fled away for fear of him, and devised further how to entrap them. But about Midnight, being * 1.313 a Fryday, and the day after the Feast of St. Luke, or the 19 of October, returning back again, they all came to the Pas∣sage aforesaid, and there following the direction of Sr. William Eland, enter a certain dismal Cave, not of a long while taken Notice of, which opening its Mouth with∣out, went all under the Castle, dug unequally thrô Stony and other sort of Ground, till it came to the Rock on which the Castle stood; thrô which it also passed with Stairs, till it open'd it self above within the Keep, or Chief Tower.

This wonderfull d 1.314 Passage had been after this manner hewed and dug forth, du∣ring the Danish Invasions, by some of the Saxon Kings, for their better Security in case of a siege: But since the Action of this Night, it hath purchas'd the e 1.315 Name of Mortimer's Hole. Whom without any great Noise, and with little Resistance they at last took, not in the Queen Mothers Chamber (as many too ignorantly, or too maliciously suppose) but in another, not indeed far from it, in the Company of f 1.316 Hen∣ry Burwash, Lord Bishop of Lincoln. Before he could be seised, the Lord Montagu finding some Resistance from his Attendants, slew Sr. Hugh g 1.317 Turplington Steward of the King's Houshold, and Sr. John Monmouth; and at last, Chiefly by the great Va∣lour of Sr. William Eland, took the Lord Mortimer's Person, to be reserved to some more Publique Fortune. On the King's Party, Sr. John Nevil of Horneby was wound∣ed, but not as some say, slain; as will appear hereafter; where we shall speak of the Reward the King allotted him for this piece of Service; and also in the 15^th Year of this King, we shall find him Governour of Newcastle upon Tine. Thô by others, Sr. Hugh Turplington is made one of the King's Party; and again both he and Sr. John Nevil of Horneby, are by h 1.318 Mr. Drayton mistaken for Mortimer's Friends, and both said, then and there to be slain: But this I mention not as a Fault in so Great a Man; since Poets are not obliged to be so Exact for Truth, as Histo∣rians are.

The Queen Mother being then in Bed, heard the Noise of this Rencountre, and supposing what the matter really was, and that the King himself must needs be there, she called out to him in these Words, i 1.319 Bel Fitz, Bel Fitz, ayes Pitie du Gentil Mortimer,

Dear Son, have pity on the Gallant Mortimer:

Or as the foresaid k 1.320 M. S. (which takes no notice of the King's being there) reports her words more probably,

Now fair Sirs, I pray you, that you do no harm unto his Body; for he is a Worthy Knight, Our well-beloved Friend, and Our dear Cozen.

But for all this the Earl of March was hurryed away thence, and brought before the King, (where he stood) and presented unto him; who strait commanded him to be put into safe Custody in the Castle; whereof all the Keys are forthwith seised into the King's Hands; that none might issue out to discover what had been done, till the rest of Mortimer's Abettors were secured also.

So the next Morning, by the King's special Command, l 1.321 two of his Sons were seised in the Town, Sr. Edmund and Sr. Geoffry, together with Sr. Oliver Byngham,

and Sr. Simon Bedford, (or Bereford) and Sr. John Daverill, Constable of Corfe Ca∣stle, who had been an Evidence against Edmund, late Earl of Kent, the King's Un∣cle. That day Mortimer, with the rest that were taken upon his Account, was hur∣ryed away by Officers, and a strong Guard towards London, the People all along in∣sulting on his Misery, among whom even Henry the Old Earl of Lancaster (thô al∣most blind with Age) could not refrain expressing his Great Satisfaction in the Down∣fall of this his bitter Enemy, by shouting and flinging up his Cap for joy. Being at London, they are all committed to the Tower, the King the mean time having ad∣journ'd the Parliament from Nottingham to London, the summons bearing Date the 23^d of October from Leicester (where the King then was) whereby every man was commanded to meet at Westminster on the 26 of November following, being a Monday, and the Day after St. Catherine.

The Parliament being met in Time and Place accordingly, Articles are drawn up against the foresaid Lord Mortimer, Earl of March, which, thô an Extract I have by me, complains could not be perfectly read from the Records (they being Moldred in that part) stand to this purpose in their old Original French in Knighton, who lived in those Days, and had Copies of the Records; so that the Matter appears there∣by very Authentick.

1.

Imprimis, That whereas it was ordain'd (by the Parliament then held at Lon∣don) just after the Coronation of our Lord the King, that m 1.322 five Bishops, two Earls, and five Barons, should be of Council to the King; that is to say, Four at one time, viz. One Bishop, one Earl, and two Barons at the least, without whose As∣sent no matter of Moment should be done, and that each of these should be re∣sponsible for what they should do in their turns; the said Roger, bearing no Regard to this assent of Parliament, appropriated to himself the sole Disposal, Govern∣ment, and Administration of the Realm to the Derogation of the Estate Royal, and placed and displaced Ministers in the King's Houshold, and elsewhere through∣out the Realm at the Pleasure of himself, and his Friends; And set Sr. John Wy∣ard, and others over the King, as Spies of his Words and Actions; so that the King was in such manner encompassed by his Enemies, that he was not able to do any thing after his own Mind, but was rather like a Prisoner, than a King.

2.

Item, That whereas the Father of our Lord the King was placed in the Castle of Kenelworth by Ordinance of the Peers of the Realm, there to abide at his ease, to be served according to the Dignity of so Great a Prince: The said Roger pre∣sum'd to let him have nothing according to his Will; but order'd him to be remand∣ed to Barkley Castle, where finally, by him and his, he was falsly, Traitrously, and Fe∣loniously Murd'red and Slain.

3.

Item, That whereas the said Roger had himself caused, that it was forbid by the King's Brief under the Great Seal, that any should come armed to the Parlia∣ment at Salisbury, on Penalty of forfeiting all they had to the King; Notwith∣standing the said Roger, and others of his Company came thither with force of Arms against the said Order: Whereby many, as the Earl of Lancaster, and others, knowing the manner of his coming, durst not come at all: And whereas the Pre∣lates were Assembled at the same Parliament, in a certain House there, to consult the Affairs of the King and his Realm, the said Roger compell'd them to sit in another House, where his Armed Men were to overawe them, and threatned them on peril of Life and Limb, not to say or do any thing contrary to his Will and Ordinance: So that in the said Parliament he brought to pass, that the King made him Earl of March, and gave him many Lands and Tenements to the Disherison of the Crown. Also then the said Roger perswaded the King to march in Hostile manner, against the said Earl of Lancaster, and others, Peers of the Realm, as far as n 1.323 Winchester, whither they were advanced towards the King, in order to come to the said Parliament at Salisbury. So that the said Earl, and the other Peers of the Realm, to eschew the Danger that might happen (from a Civil War) and for Reverence of the Kng, brake up and went homeward, grieving, that they could neither be admitted to speak with, nor to advise their Liege Lord, as they ought to do.

4.

Item, That the said Roger caused the King to ride with an Army against the Earl of Lancaster, and other Peers of the Realm, who had been ordain'd to be of the King's Council. And so violently pursu'd them, that the Earl of Lancaster and other Grandees of the Realm, who never design'd any thing, but his Majesties Welfare; were forced to submit themselves to the King's Grace, saving to them Life

and Limb, and that they should not be disinherited, nor set at too Great Ransome: Notwithstanding the said Roger put them to great Ransome, and others he chased out of the Realm, that he might seise on their Lands against the form of Magna Charta, and the Law of the Land.

5.

Item, That whereas the said Roger knew very well, that the Father of our Lord the King was Dead and buried; he by the help of others his Accomplices had in deceitfull manner so wrought, that Edmund Earl of Kent heard he was alive: whereupon the said Earl was very desirous to find out the Truth; and did according∣ly, by all the best and most honest ways he could, proceed to search out the Reality; till the said Roger by the Royal Power, usurped by him, caused the said Earl of Kent at a Parliament at Winchester, to be apprehended, and then and there procured him to be put to Death.

6.

Item, That the said Roger had wrought upon the King, to grant unto him, his Children and Allyes, Castles, Towns, Mannors and Franchises in England, Ireland and Wales, to the Detriment of the Crown.

7.

Item, That he had in deceitfull manner caused the Charges of the War in Gascoigne, for one whole Year to be paid to him beforehand by the Knights, who were severally to find such a number of Men of Arms: And that this Money was not employed in the War, but converted falsly to his use and pleasure.

8.

Item, That by the Royal Power, which he had usurped, he had by Letters under the Great Seal summon'd many Barons and Knights to come to the King to what part he pleased, and at their coming had charged them to address themselves to the War in Gascoign, or in lieu thereof to pay such and such Fines, at his plea∣sure: All which as it was grievous to the Subject, only turn'd to the profit of the said Roger, [who also appropriated the Kings Wards to himself.]

9.

Item, That he had falsly and seditiously sowed Discord between the Father of our Lord the King and the Queen his Consort; making her believe, that if she went to him, he would kill her with a Ponyard or other weapon, or murder her some other way: And by reason of that and other his Conveyances, he did so much that the Queen never went to her Lord (to afford him her Bed) to the great dishonour of the King and the whole Realm, and perhaps for time to come for its Dammage, which God forbid.

10.

Item, That the said Roger had taken and caused to be taken for himself and others of his Council, the Kings Treasure, without reason, to be disposed of at his pleasure; to the utter Impoverishment of the King, so that he was left unable to pay for his Provision, or maintain his Royal Estate.

11.

Item, That the said Roger had taken to himself and his Allies the 30000 Marks, which were paid by the Scots according to the form of the Peace, so that nought thereof came to the Kings use or profit.

12.

These Articles with three more, relating to the Publishing the Kings Secrets, his Murdering and Fining several Peers of the Land, and his Usurping the Kings Au∣thority, with some things in respect of the Kings Honour not to be drawn up in Writing, which I suppose related to his Familiarity with the Queen Mother, were the summ of what was said against him, and consisted of Treasons, Felonies and high Misdemeanours.

Whereupon the King o 1.324 chargeth the Earls, Barons and others, Peers of the Realm, to pronounce just Judgment upon him the said Roger Mortimer: Who all thereupon consulting together agreed; that all and singular the Articles against the said Roger above attested were true, and notorious, and known to all the People of the Land, and especially that Article touching the Death of the King at Berkley-Castle: Where∣fore it was by them adjudged; that the said Roger as a Traytor, and an Enemy of the King and Kingdom, should be Drawn and Hanged. And this Sentence he recei∣ved, without being p 1.325 called to any kind of Answer, as he himself had before order'd in the case of the Spencers, and of the Lord Edmund, late Earl of Kent, the King's Uncle.

A just Judgment upon him, though in it self illegal: For it is not the usage of the Law of England to condemn without Hearing or due summons to Judgment: And doubtless the sins of Sodom were more notorious to God in Heaven, than those of a∣ny person can be to mortall Men in Parliament: But yet we read in the Sacred Books, how that most just Judge both would and did go down to hear and proceed in a Ju∣dicial way. Wherefore also q 1.326 twenty four Years after, his Attaindure was reversed, and Roger his Grandson, restored to all his Titles and Honours, the Judgment being rec∣kon'd

void and erroneous, because not done according to the Laws of England. How∣ever now according to the Sentence, the Earl Marshal (being so commanded) with the assistance of the Mayor and Sheriffs of London, saw him executed upon the com∣mon Gallows, now called Tyburn, on the r 1.327 29 of November, being the Vigil of St. Andrew and a Thursday, or rather, s 1.328 as it was found by inquisition twenty four Years after, on the Monday next after the Feast of St. Catherine the Virgin, which was the 26 of November, and the very first day of this Parliaments Sitting; and was t 1.329 buri∣ed the third Day after, which indeed was the 29 of November, having hung two days and two nights by the King's special Commandment. After which by the Kings Favour, his Body was granted to the Friers-Minors, or Gray-Friers in London, who buried him in their Church, now called Christ-Church; whence u 1.330 many Years after he was translated to Wigmore. So that Du x 1.331 Chesne appears to be mistaken, who af∣firms, that he was hang'd, drawn and quarter'd, his Quarters set up upon the Gates of Four chief Cities of England, and his Head upon London-Bridge.

He died seized y 1.332 of the Mannors of Stratfield-Mortimer and Wogfield, as parcel of the Mannor of Wigmore, also of the Mannor of Newbury and the Moiety of that Town, all in Berkshire: Likewise of the Mannors of Clifton upon Temede, and Oding∣ley in Worcestershire; of the Mannors of Noke, Mawrdyn and Wynfreton, with the Advowson of the Church of Wynfreton in Herefordshire; of the Castle and Mannor of Nerberth, and the Third part of the Town of St. Clier with the Advowson of the Church; the Third part of the Commots of Amgeyd and Pentyryock, and the Third part of the Town of Haverford in Herefordshire; of the Castles and Dominions of Blenleveny and Bulkedinas in the Marches of Wales; besides z 1.333 the Castle, Town and Mannor of Denbeigh and the Cantreds of Roes, Rewinoc and Keirmer, with the Com∣mot of Dinmal, and the Appurtenances in Northwales, as also the Castle and Man∣nor of Mongomery, with the Mannor and Hundred of Chirbury in Shropshire. All which his great Possessions were seized into the Kings Hands, as a 1.334 appears by his Pre∣cepts bearing date the 23^d of October, which were directed to several Persons, for the Seizing of his Castles, Mannors and Lands in Wales (he being then only under Ar∣rest for several High Misdemeanors tending to the Dammage of the King and King∣dom (as the words therein do import) and within 3 Days following, Commission was granted to John Kingston and Others to take an Inventory of all his Treasure and Jewels in Wales and the Marches; but not to carry away any thing out of the Ward∣robe of Joan his Wife, then at Ludlow, or any thing that belonged to any of her Children, or Servants. By this Lady Joan, who was b 1.335 Daughter and sole Heir of Pe∣ter Jenevill Knight, this great, but unhappy Man, had Issue c 1.336 four Sons and seven Daughters; his First Son was Sr. Edmund, who was never Earl of March, his Fathers Attaindure not being reversed in his time, the Second was Sr. Roger, the Third Sr. Geoffry Earl of Jubien, and Lord of Cowith, which three were all Knighted at the Coronation of this King Edward; and the Fourth was John Mortimer, unhappily slain in a Tournament at Shrewsbury: His Daughters were Catherine, wife to Thomas Beau∣champ Earl of Warwick, Joan, married to James Lord Audely, the Son of Nicholas Lord Audely, Baron of Heleigh; Agnes to Laurence Hastings, afterwards Earl of Pem∣broke; Margaret to Thomas, Son and Heir of Maurice Lord Barkley; or as d 1.337 Others say, to Robert Lord Vere Earl of Oxford, thô the Truth is, that Earl being her first Husband, and dying the next Year, she was afterwards taken in Marriage by the fore∣said Lord Berkley: Maud the Fifth Daughter of this Mortimer was married to John Son and Heir of Sr. John Charleton Lord of Powis; the Sixth Daughter Blanch, to Peter Lord Grandesson; and lastly, the Lady Beatrix was first wife to Edward Son and Heir of Thomas of Brotherton, Earl of Norfolk and the Kings Uncle, after whose immature Decease, she was married to Sr. Thomas Lord Braose. But all these Pos∣sessions and Strength of Allyance were too weak to secure him from the Wrath of an Injur'd King, and the Vengeance that his Immoderate Ambition drew upon him.

After this Sentence thus pronounced on Mortimer, the Earls and Barons with one Voice declared in Parliament, that Sr. Simon Bereford, e 1.338 Brother to Justice Bereford (whom others by mistake call Bedford) was ever consulting, assenting and assisting to the said Roger in all his Seditions, Treasons, Felonies and Misdemeanours, and was equally with him guilty of the Murther of the late King, and his principal Abettor in all other Wickedness: Wherefore the like Judgment being pronounced on him, the Lord Marshall in like manner saw him Executed on the Monday next after St. Tho∣mas the Apostle, being the f 1.339 24 of December and Christmass Eve, thô the 16 day of

January is set down in g 1.340 Knighton; whose Works swarm with such Mistakes of Names, and Times and Numbers, by reason of the old and imperfect Copies, whence the Edition was made.

The same Judgment was given against Sr. John Maltravers senior, Sr. Thomas h 1.341 Gour∣nay and Sr. William Ogle (who were all fled) for Murdering the late King, and large Promises were made to those should apprehend them; but as for Sr. John Maltravers it was proclaim'd, that whoever brought him in alive, should have a thousand Marks, or for bringing his Head five hundred.

The like Judgment passed upon i 1.342 Sr. John Daverill, Captain of Corfe Castle, who had been instrumental in contriving the Death of the King's Uncle, late Earl of Kent, and accordingly he was k 1.343 executed, as he well deserved. 'Tis said, l 1.344 this Sr. John Da∣verill was desirous to make open Confession of the manner of the late Kings Death, but by the cunning of some, who feared to be touched therein, he was not permit∣ted. Besides all these, one Sr. m 1.345 Bogo of Bayonne (mention'd in the preceding Con∣fession of Edmund late Earl of Kent, and so by all likelihood concerned in the Plot against the said Earls Life) was by Proclamation required to be apprehended, and a considerable Reward set for him that should bring him in alive or dead. But that e∣ver he was taken, I do not find; thô Sr. Thomas Gournay was this very Year taken at Marseilles in France, and as they were bringing him over for England, was by secret Order from some at Court, who feared to be touched in his Confession, beheaded on the Sea.

In this Parliament it was n 1.346 Enacted; That thô the Lords and Peers of the Realm, had for this time in the Kings Presence, proceeded as Judges, to give Judgment upon those that were no Peers; yet hereafter this should be no Precedent to draw them to give Judgment on any Other but their Peers, in case of Treason or Felony.

It was o 1.347 also Enacted, That William Merton Archbishop of York, Stephen Graves∣end Bishop of London, William Abbot of Longdon, William Lord Zouch of Morti∣mer, and many Others, who had been agreed with Edmund late Earl of Kent to work the Delivery of King Edward the Second, and had been thereof impeached, should now be wholly Acquitted, and fully Restored to all their Goods and Possessions.

Also, p 1.348 That whosoever had took Arms with Henry Earl of Lancaster at Bedford, or had been concerned in the Matter of Edmund late Earl of Kent, should be re∣leased of all Fines for that reason laid upon them, and that their Lands which were therefore seized into the Kings Hands, should be restored with the main Profits; sa∣ving, that if they have any Lands of the Kings Gift, the same be of the like Con∣dition as Others, who have Lands of his Gift. And therefore the King pardo∣neth Henry q 1.349 Earl of Lancaster, and all those who took part with him, all Fines and Ran∣soms whatsoever.

Accordingly we find that soon r 1.350 after, upon the fame of Mortimers Fall and the knowledge of this Pardon, Sr. Thomas Lord Wake, Hugh Lord Audely, Henry Lord Beaumont, Sr. Thomas Rosselin, Sr. William Trussel, Sr. Thomas Withers and the Rest, whom Mortimers power had forced beyond the Seas, returned from France to Lon∣don; where they were received, as became their Loyalty, being by the King freely restored to all their Lands, Honours and Possessions.

The s 1.351 Mayor of London complaining, that some of the said Earl of Lancaster's Company, being now pardon'd, did threaten such of the Citizens as had before resi∣sted them; the King thereupon commandeth, that neither Party should presume to seek any Revenge on pain of Imprisonment.

Edmund the t 1.352 Eldest Son of Edmund late Earl of Kent, and Margaret his Mother, Countess of Kent, by their several Petitions require, that the Record made against the said Earl of Kent, may be for the Errors therein, wholly Reversed: Whereupon the King restores the said Edmund the Son, to the Blood and Lands of the said Earl his Father; whereof he died seised in Fee, with Dower to the Countess, saving to the King the Keeping and Wardship of the same, during the Nonage of the said Edmund the Son.

And to put u 1.353 a stop to all malicious and perjur'd Informers, as well as to give a publique Security to Men's Minds, it was now Enacted, that no Peer of the Land, nor other Person, who had any way assisted in procuring the Death of the said Ed∣mund late Earl of Kent, should hereafter be Impeached thereof, excepting only the fore∣said Earl of March, Sr. Simon Bereford, Sr. John Maltravers senior, Sr. Bogo of Bay∣onne and Sr. John x 1.354 Daverill.

Here y 1.355 Richard Fitz-Alan, Eldest Son of Edmund late Earl of Arundel, (who by the

Queen Mother had been beheaded in the late Rebellion) humbly prayeth to be re∣stored to his Blood, and to the Lands and Goods of his Father; considering, that the said Earl his Father had been put to Death without being Tryed by his Peers, according to the Law and Tenour of Magna Charta: But because the said Attaindure was z 1.356 afterwards confirmed by Parliament at Northampton; the said Richard Corrects his Former Petition, and prayeth to be Restored of the King's meer Grace and Bounty. Whereupon by the King he was accordingly Re∣stored, together with the Castle of Arundel (which had been given to Edmund Late Earl of Kent) upon promise by him made, to pay the Value of the said Castle to Edmund Son of the Late Earl of Kent, the said Earl Richard pay∣ing the usual Rents to the Crown, and saving to the King all such Additional Lands, as were too lavishly given to the Late Earl of Arundel by King Edward the Second.

Nor was the Young King at this time unmindfull of those, whose faithfull Friendship had thus asserted his Royal Prerogative, and deliver'd him from the over∣awing Tyranny of his Enemies: For in this Parliament a 1.357 he gave to the Lord William Montagu, for his Loyal Service against the Late Earl of March and his Fa∣vourers, the general Entail of a Thousand Pounds per annum; and for one Thou∣sand Marks thereof, both the Castle, Town and Mannor of Denbigh, and the Can∣treds of Roos, Rewyinoc, and Kaermer, with the Commot of Dinmal, and the Ap∣purtenances in North-Wales, all late belonging to Roger Earl of March: Moreover he granted unto him the Castle of Shireburne in Dorsetshire, with the Customs of Ale and Beer in that place.

On the like Consideration b 1.358 he granted unto Sr. Edward Bohun (who was Vice-constable under his Eldest Brother the Earl of Essex, and prov'd the first oc∣casion of Broaching this Matter, as well as a Resolute Assistant in it) four hun∣dred Marks per annum, in general Entail: Together c 1.359 with the Lordships of Ʋphavene and Sende in Wiltshire, to hold to himself, and the Heirs Male of his Body Lawfully begotten. Further at the same time he gave unto Sr. Robert Huf∣ford there Hundred Marks in Special Entail, d 1.360 with a Grant of the Mannors of Causton and Fakenhambden in Fee, besides a Grant for Life of the Town and Castle of Orford in Suffolk; as also another in Tail Special of the Mannors of Gravesend in Kent, Burgh and Coffesey in Norfolk, and two parts of the Mannor of Gesting-thorp in Essex. Lastly, to Sr. John Nevil e 1.361 of Horneby, he granted 200 Marks in Tail Special, and to others, other Rewards proportionably.

In a Plea of the Crown holden before the King this Parliament f 1.362 Thomas Lord Barkley, in whose Castle (as we shew'd before) the Old King had been Mur∣der'd, was Arraign'd for the Death of the said King; for g 1.363 that the said King had been committed by Henry Earl of Lancaster, to the Custody of the said Tho∣mas Lord Barkley with an allowance of five Pounds per diem, for his Expences; that notwithstanding soon after he was inhumanly Murder'd in the said Castle. To which the said Thomas saith, that being forced to Resign his Castle and Charge to John Lord Maltravers, and to Thomas Gournay Knight, he retired to his Man∣nor House at Bradley; that at the time of the Death of the said King, he lay sick at Bradley, and was not within the Castle of Barkley, nor was witting, nor consenting to the Death of the said King, and so he put himself upon the Try∣al of Twelve Knights, his Peers, whose Names are there Recorded, and by whom the said Sr. Thomas was found not Guilty, he not having fled, nor withdrawn himself thereupon: But only that he had Resign'd his Castle upon peremptory Command, to Sr. Thomas Gournay, and Sr. William Ogle, who then, and there did Murder the said King Edward the Second. Upon all which thô he was acquitted in Parliament, yet there h 1.364 are some Circumstances, which make it ve∣ry suspicious, that he was at least a Favourer of the Action; as his Conniving at Gournay therein, and sheltering him privately for a while after.

Several others were now Restored to their Lands, and released of those Forfeitures imposed on them by the Late Earl of March; as Sr. i 1.365 Ebulo le Strange of Knoking and his Lady Alice, who was Daughter to Henry Lascey, once Earl of Lincoln, and first Wife to Thomas Late Earl of Lancaster, these had Lands Restored to them to the Yearly Value of 1200 Marks: And Sr. William k 1.366 Lord Zouch of Morti∣mer with his Lady Eleanor was Restored to his Lands in Glamorgan, or Morganow in Wales.

For avoiding other Inconveniences, that might arise from private Distastes, the

King enjoyn'd the new Earl l 1.367 of Arundel to pardon Sr. John Charlton, Lord of Powis, and son in Law to the Late Earl of March, who was one of those that ap∣prehended his Father Edmund Earl of Arundel; and commanded them both henceforth to keep the Peace mutually.

It was also Enacted, m 1.368 that William Lord Montagu and all others with him at the Apprehension of the Late Earl of March, and others in Nottingham, since what they did was Authorized by the King's Command, should be wholly ac∣quitted thereof, and of all Murders and Felonies there done: From whence we can∣not but observe, that the n 1.369 Laws of England do so abhor Murder and Bloodshed, that even He, who spills Blood, thô in his own most just Defence, nay thô in his King's Behalf, and at his Command, seems yet in a manner to stand in some need of a Pardon from the King, before he can be fully Restored to the state of Innocence.

Several other just, Gracious, and Profitable things were done this Sessions; but these shall suffice, as being the Chief; nor could I be less large, unless I should have left out many things necessary to the clearing the Story, and have conceal'd something that makes for this Young Monarch's Honour.

I find nothing in the Records of this Parliament relating to the Queen Mother all this while; whether, in respect to the King, they Dutifully declin'd to call her in Question, or whether the King himself forbad them to concern themselves in a matter so nearly touching him, which is more likely. And surely, whoever considers the Inequality of this Queens Age, with that of Mortimer's, She being little more then Thirty, and He at least more then Fifty, (for we find, o 1.370 that he received the Order of Knighthood from this King's Grandfather) will rather believe, that by his subtle and crafty insinuations, he made himself Necessary to this Queens Counsels, than that his Person could ever render him acceptable to her Bed: She her self being accounted one of the most Delicate Ladies of that Age. Whereas He was not only a Married man, but a Father of Eleven Children, by most of whom he was at his Death a Grandfather. Howbeit near this time the King being sensible of her Wickedness to the King his Father, p 1.371 confin'd her to perpetual Imprisonment at Riseings near London, being in Filial Piety obliged to do no more against the Mother, nor no less for the Sake of his Father. The Greek Tragedians might have sav'd Orestes from his Mothers Furies, had they gi∣ven him the Discerning Justice of this Young English Prince, to Revenge in∣deed his Fathers Death; but not so, as by shedding of his own Mothers Blood. Nay herein, he not only transcended the Vertue of a Pagan Heroe, but shew'd himself both more Pious, and more Discreet, than that Christian Prince, his Pre∣decessor, Edward the Confessor; who only upon a bare suspicion of Adultery in his Mother Emma, caused her to pass q 1.372 Blindfold over Nine Burning Plow-shares (after the Law of the Ordeal) a Fiery Tryal indeed before any Proof made. Im∣mediately upon this Confinement of the Old Queens, all her Vast and Immoderate Dowry was siesed into the King's Hands; but some Plate and Jewels, with other Furniture convenient for her Estate, were still left unto her; and besides, the King her Son allow'd her, during Life three Thousand Marks, or a Thousand Pounds sterling (which was afterwards Augmented to four Thousand Pounds) per annum, for her Maintenance, and went himself constantly, whilst she lived (which was almost Twenty Eight Years after) to visit her Once or Twice a Year. Neverthe∣less, He often sent her many Goodly Presents, and Granted several Advantages, as of Fairs, and the like; and for her Greater Diversion would frequently cause ma∣ny Rare and Pleasant Shews to be Represented before her, both within and with∣out the Castle, to which, upon Occasion she was permitted to come: But cer∣tain Limits were appointed, and the Keeper of the Castle on Peril of his Head, was to secure his Royal Prisoner.

CHAPTER the FOURTH.

The CONTENTS.

I. Henry Earl of Lancaster founds the New Hospital at Leicester: The Popes Grant to King Edward, with his Opinion about the Souls of the Departed. II. The Lord James Douglas of Scotland kill'd in Spain. III. Edward Baliol claims the Crown of Scotland against David Bruce, with the Event. IV. Hector and Buchanan found tardy. V. King Edward represses the Licence of certain Outlaws. VI. A Parlia∣ment at Westminster. VII. Robert Vere, the Good Earl of Oxford dies: King John of Bohemia his Victories in Italy.

I. THUS at last the Nation being by this due course of long-intermitted Justice cleans'd from the sin of shedding so much Royal Blood, * 1.373 began to smile again with new Hopes: And now that the Heavy load of Rebellion and Murder was lay'd on the Heads of the Authors of either, the whole Kingdom sprang out with new Joy, and the Royal Throne became fixed and settled, being arm'd with the Sword of just Authority; and from this time all publique Transactions suc∣ceeded with an uninterrupted serenity. For no doubt, if we look seriously into the Dispensations of Providence, we may safely conclude from a prospect of these Af∣fairs, that one Reason, why hitherto our Arms were improsperous, and so various Misfortunes daily encroached upon the rising Glories of this Young King, was, that Judg∣ments were still owing to the Land for the late Rebellion and Treason, which till now could not be throughly expiated.

The Good old a 1.374 Henry Plantagenet, Earl of Lancaster, High-Steward of England, being now almost blind with age, but having first seen the Redemption of his King and Country from the slavery go which Mortimer's Insolence and Cruelty had well nigh brought it, in pious Gratitude to Divine Providence, and in contemplation of his own Deliverance, built and founded to the Honour of God, the New-Hospital by the Castle of Leicester, which he also endow'd with sufficient Maintenance for one Hundred Impotent and Aged People, of whose Wants his own Age made him not a little sensible. Which pious Work received its Completion from his Son Henry, the first Duke of Lancaster.

This Year Pope b 1.375 John the XXII. to ingratiate himself with our Young King, grants him the Tythes of all Spirituals for four Years, reserving however one Moiety to himself: So wisely liberal was his Holiness both to himself and others, of what was not his own. This c 1.376 Pope was of Opinion, that the Souls of the Blessed shall not see the Face of God till the Day of Judgment, as were also all the Cardinals of his Court, except d 1.377 James Furnere, Priest-Cardinal titulo Sanctae Priscae, commonly called the White Cardinal, who also, immediately succeeded this Pope by the name of Benedict the XII. Now it e 1.378 happen'd, that Ralph de Berne (alias Barnes) Abbot of St. Austen's in Canterbury being dead, Thomas Poncy D. D. was chosen Abbot, where∣upon he went to Avignion to be Consecrated of the Pope: There being look'd up∣on as a Man famous for Learning, and of deep knowledge in Divinity, he was by the Pope enjoyned among many Others to study the Point, and to deliver his Thoughts thereupon openly in the Consistory. He would fain have excus'd the Matter (as fearing thereby to disoblige the Pope, and so to retard his own Business) by saying,

That he had not his Books about him, and that he came not thither to engage in Disputations, but to dispatch his Business; and that he could not make any long stay in those Foreign parts without being at vast expences:

But all this notwith∣standing, he was not suffered to depart, till he should declare his mind as to the Pre∣mises, the Pope offering him a free use of his Library. Hereupon, (thô for the most part Others approv'd of the Pope's Opinion, even against their Consciences, least o∣therwise they should incurr his Displeasure) our Doctor Thomas Poncy, resolving ra∣ther to hazard all things than to contradict the Catholick Faith, or his own Con∣science, held the Affirmative of the Question, and stifly maintain'd it by Word of

mouth and by Writing: Which afterwards turned to his great Honour, this same Pope, upon his Death recanting his former Opinion as erroneous: But for this small Digression we crave pardon

II. Thô not much more to our purpose, yet not altogether impertinent were those two memorable Battels fought this Year between the Pagans and Christians, the One in f 1.379 Armenia upon the Plains of Lyas, where Cassanus the King of Tharsis was slain with 7000 Christians, the Pagans obtaining but a bloody Victory, with the loss of no less than 58000 Men: This Battle was struck on the Feast of St. Catherine, being the 25 of November. The Other was between the Castilians of Spain and the Moors of Granada, of which (because it bears some reference to the succeeding Affairs) I shall take leave to speak something more particularly. It may be remembred, that when I spake of the Dishonourable Peace made with Scotland at Northampton, I took oc∣casion to mention a Voyage, which the Lord James Douglas the famous Warriour of Scotland, had undertaken to the Holy Land, there to offer up his dead Master King Robert's Heart at the Sepulchre of our Blessed Saviour.

Now as soon as he had well provided for so long and important a Journey, he took the Noble Heart of his Lord King Robert, g 1.380 embalmed and enshrin'd in a Gol∣den Box, and with a Gallant company of choice Knights and valiant Gentlemen, of whom the Lord William Sinclare and Sr. Robert Logan were chief; he set forth for the Holy Land. And here Hector (according to his usual way) makes no more a∣doe, but boldly affirms, that he came to Jerusalem, offer'd up the Heart, stay'd a while, fought many Glorious Battels, wan much Renown, brought the Saracens to a Peace on conditions very advantageous to the Christians, richly rewarded the Priests and Holy Men there, and away came he again safe and sound as could be; till he touch'd the Spanish Coast about Andaluzia, or the Boetic Province, where finally he lost his Life. But Buchanan (in this place more modest) h 1.381 acknowledges, that his Death happen'd not in his Return, but in his Passage to Jerusalem, and therein agrees with i 1.382 Froisard, a most credible Historian in the main; who thus reports the whole matter. Earl Douglas being well purvey'd of all things, sets sail immediately from a Port of Murray in Scotland, directing his course for Sluce in Flanders, where he design'd to enquire, if there were any Knights or Noblemen, who to advance the honour of Christ, and purchase unto themselves true Renown, would adventure to accompany him in this his Expedition to the Holy Land. Having therefore accordingly sent into the Country thereabout to publish his Intention, he lay on Board before Sluce the space of twelve Days, himself not once offering to touch the Land; so firmly was he set on the performance of his Royal Master's Injunctions. And all the while (that he might the better allure Companions in Arms to partake with him in this hazardous Enterprise) he kept a stately and magnificent Port, making on Board triumphant Noises with Trumpets, Clarions and other Instruments of War, as if he had been King of Scot∣land himself. He had with him in his own Ship two Knights Bannerets, and six other Knights, with 26 lusty Esquires, and other young Gentlemen to attend his person, and all the Vessels he was served in, were of Gold or silver: And whoever came on Board to visit him, were nobly entertain'd with Banquets, Wine and spices, every one after his Quality. While thus he lay to the great pleasure and satisfaction of the Country, at the end of twelve days he had certain News, that Alphonso the XI King of Castille and Leon held war with the Moors and Saracens of Granada. Upon this report he thought it every whit as meritorious to fight against Infidels in Spain, as in the Holy Land, and that it could no way thwart with his dead Masters Com∣mand, if he should endeavour to exalt the Cross of Christ against Mahometanisme, to which cause himself had both living and dying devoted his own Royal Heart: Desirous al∣so to leave some Token of the Scottish Valour in the furthermost Parts of Spain, and concluding after all to perform at his leisure the Voyage to Jerusalem, he at last re∣solves to be a partaker in these honourable Wars. Whereupon hoising sail directly for Spain, he arrived happily at the Port of Valencia, where he landed with all his Com∣pany, but such as were appointed to look to the Fleet.

Thus this Gallant Scot, having well refreshed himself and his Troops, rode bravely forward toward the King of Spain, whom he found with his Army facing the Enemy on the Frontiers of his Kingdom toward the Realm of Granada. To make short, his service was well accepted, and thereupon the King of Spain resolv'd to give his Ene∣mies Battle. The King of Granada seeing the Christians advance, set forward also to meet them with innumerable Forces: And now both Armies wanted but little of joy∣ning, when the Generous Earl Douglas, fearing to come too late to so glorious a

Banquet, with all his Company strake spurs to his Horses sides, and couching his Spear, rushed fiercely among the thickest of his Enemies, all the way crying out a Douglas, a Douglas; as he that nothing doubted, but to be well back'd by King Alphonso. The Enemy, thô vastly Numerous, was strangely amaz'd at this vigorous and resolute Onset, and either out of Dismay or Policy, open'd their Ranks to re∣ceive them, giving also back a little to abate the Fury of the first shock. Certainly had the Castillians immediately seconded this Noble Knight with but half that Bra∣very, the Moors had either wholly been overthrown, or at most gain'd but a Bloody Victory. But whether 'twas Fatal oversight, or Discretion not to Engage with such vast Numbers, in confidence of a few seeming-rash Strangers, or whether 'twas a certain stupor and excess of Admiration, or a desire to stay a while beholding the Effects of such Gallantry; or foolish Envy, or base Cowardise, or that they could not come up timely enough, King Alphonso, however Brave and Victorious at other times, stood now still and joyned not the Battle. Whereat the Moors encouraged, immedi∣ately surrounded the Deserted Scots with their Numerous Forces; and there the Gal∣lantest Captain in the World, being abandon'd to Infinite Multitudes of Barbarians, was miserably at last hewen in pieces with all his Martial Company: Thô they left such Marks of their exceeding Valour behind, that the Infidels, who felt and saw their Fury, thought them Invincible, till they beheld them slain before their Eyes. Thus by occasion of a superstitious Vow of the Late King Robert, was Scotland un∣fortunately depriv'd of a Noble Captain, and many other Brave Souls, at a time when most she needed their Assistance at Home. This Lord Douglas bare for his Arms k 1.383 Azure a Chevron Argent, but his Posterity in Memory of this his Enterprise and Death do l 1.384 bear the Bloody Heart for their Arms to this day. And indeed he was one of the first Builders of his Name and Family in Scotland, being a great Champion to his Native Country, and as great a Terror to all the English Borderers: For m 1.385 ever since the Battle of Sterling, whatever English Archer he could lay his Hands on, it was his manner to cut off his Right Hand, and to pluck out his Right Eye, that he might thereby be rendred Useless for the Bowe. We read the like to have been done indeed by the Amazons to those Male Children, which themselves brought forth, before they put them away to their Fathers: And surely, such ungenerous Cruelty better became that fearfull, and therefore less humane Sex, than so Famous a Knight, as this Douglas; to whom it rather belonged, to be fierce and cruel to those that resisted, but Mercifull and Gracious to his Captives, and such as he had Conquer'd. At his Death, however the poor Archers of the North of England rejoyced 〈◊〉〈◊〉 but the whole Realm of Scotland was dejected; especially, now she saw a Storm approach∣ing, which no humane Power was more likely to avert, than this her Valiant Com∣mander; the Lord Thomas Randulph also surviving him but a little while.

III. But before we fall upon that Story, it will not be amiss by way of Prepara∣tion, to repeat the Original of the matter, something whereof We remember to have spoken n 1.386 in the first Chapter of this our History: Namely, how upon the Vacancy of the Crown of Scotland, upon the Death of Alexander the Third, the Lord John Bailiol, an English Baron, was by King Edward the First adjudged to have the best Right of all the Pretenders to that Realm; as he that claimed from the Eldest Daughter of David Earl of Huntingdon, Younger Brother to William King of Scots, and Great Uncle to Alexander aforesaid: And how this John Bailiol made Fealty and Homage to King Edward the First of England, for the said Crown of Scotland, and how afterward he withdrew his Homage thrô Counsel of the French King, the Ab∣bot of Melros, and others, and in the Year of our Lord MCCXCIV sent unto the Pope, that thrô false suggestion he had made his Oath unto King Edward, both con∣trary to his Dignity, and against his Will; and therefore beg'd to be assoyled there∣of; which Request the Pope granted. Thus o 1.387 did John Bailiol begin to Rebell a∣gainst the King of England, who had set him up; but King Edward soon after went against him, and took the Town and Castle of Barwick, with the slaughter of 26700 Scots; so that Bailiol was obliged to yield himself up to the Conquerour; by whom he was us'd with much humanity, and at last deliver'd out of the Tower of London with all the Great Lords of Scotland, that were taken at Barwick, and upon his Oath and theirs, had a safe Conduct to go into their own Country. The other Scotch Lords forgot the Oath and Assurance they had made to King Edward; but the Noble King John Bailiol, had rather forsake a Crown, than make it heavy unto him by perju∣ry; wherefore he took his Son Edward and his Family, and went over the Sea to Quimper in Bretagne, and lived there a private Life upon his own Lands: And vo∣luntarily

forsook his Realm of Scotland, Esteeming it less than his Faith and Honour: Thô the Scots in Derision called him Sr. John Turnelabard, because he was so shie of offending the King of England. Thus John Bailiol kept in France, till he di∣ed there, and Sr. Edward his Son received his Heritage, doing Homage to the King of France, for his Lands of Quimper. This Edward had in his Service an En∣glish Esquire, born in Yorkshire, named John Barnby, whom he loved most intirely; but one day John Barnby chanced upon a quarrel to kill a certain Frenchman, where∣upon he fled in all hast to the Castle for safety, under the Protection of his Lord and Friend. The Officers follow'd, and demanded him to be deliver'd up as a Felon; but Sr. Edward refus'd it for that time, and at Midnight sent him secretly out of the Ca∣stle, and he got safe over into England. But the King of France was so displeas'd with this Action of Bailiol's, that he siesed on all his Lands and flung him into Pri∣son. There he lay till the Lord Henry Beaumont came into France, being drove out of England by the Power of Mortimer, as we shew'd before: Now this Lord Hen∣ry was Earl of Buquhain in Scotland, in Right of his Wife, but had been forced to relinquish the said Earldom, when that shamefull Peace was made between England and Scotland, at Northampton; wherefore he thought no better way now of Recover∣ing his Right, than by the means of Sr. Edward Bailiol, whom he look'd on as the true Heir to the Realm of Scotland; and so desired to get him at Liberty, if by a∣ny means he might prevail so far. He was very Gracious with the King of France, as being of his Blood, and therefore beg'd of him,

That he would grant him of his Grace Sr. Edward Bailiols Body until the next Parliament, that he might live on his own Rents in the mean time, and then stand to the judgement of his Peers.

This Request the King Granted, and upon Sr. Edward Bailiol's delivery from Prison, the Lord Beaumont privily convey'd him into England, and kept him closely at the Mannor of Sandall, upon Ouse in Yorkshire, with his Sister Isabell of Beaumont, Lady Vesci: Where privately he began to retain Soldiers on all hands, in order to reco∣ver his own, and the Bailiol's Right. And Henry Lord Beaumont having first sound∣ed the King, this Year about the beginning of August, the Lord Edward p 1.388 Bailiol, being attended by some 44 Knights of Almaine, Captains of a few select Bands, who follow'd him for hire, or at a venture, to partake of his Fortune, came to London to our King Edward: To whom he declared,

How his Father had been prefer'd, as the Indubitate and Right Heir to the Crown of Scotland, by Edward the First of England, his Grandfather: That for doing Just Homage therefore to the said King Edward, he had been finally deserted by his own Subjects, and afterwards supplanted by Robert Bruce: That if it please the King, He q 1.389 also would hold the Crown of Scotland of Him, as Superior Lord of that Realm; that therefore he hum∣bly requested some Assistance from his hands, whereby to recover his Ancient Right and Patrimony.

King Edward indeed was troubled not a little at the Dishonourable Peace struck up with the Scots in his Minority; but it having been made in his Name, he was re∣solved to keep it entirely for the promised term of four Years, whereof hardly three were yet fully run out. In his own Person therefore he absolutely r 1.390 refuses to assist the Bailiol as yet, or so much as to let him lead any warlike Troops into Scotland thrô his Land; both having a due respect to the foresaid Peace, and for his Sisters sake, whom David the present King of Scotland had married; as also because the old Queen and the Lord Mortimer had at the time of making that Peace at Northampton, ob∣lig'd the King in a s 1.391 Bond of 20000l. to be forfeited to the Pope, in case of any Hostility or Breach made on his part, till the full terme of four Years should be ac∣complished. But as for those English Adventurers, who claim'd Lands in Scotland, which were now forfeited for their Non-residence (according to an Article of the foresaid Peace of Northampton) after King Edward t 1.392 had in vain sent to the Earl of Murray, then upon the Lord u 1.393 Thomas Randulph's death, Guardian of that Realm (by reason of King David's Minority) on their behalf, he gave them his leave, or rather a tacit Connivance (for nothing was expresly said) in their own Names upon their own Titles, and at their own charges to make War in the company of the Lord Ed∣ward Bailiol against the present King of Scotland; till they might have their Injuries redressed. Of these we find the Lord Henry x 1.394 Vicount Beaumont, Earl of Buquhain, the y 1.395 young Lord David Strabolgi, Earl of Athol, who had been a Ward to the said Lord Beaumont, the Lord Gilbert z 1.396 Ʋmphravil Earl Angus, Henry a 1.397 Lord Perey, who claim∣ed Galloway, Thomas b 1.398 Lord Wake, the Lord Fulk Fitz-Warine, Ralph c 1.399 Lord Staf∣ford in the Title of William Lord Zouch, d 1.400 Henry Lord Ferrers of Groby, John e 1.401 Lord

Moubray, and Sr. Alexander Moubray his Kinsman, the Lord f 1.402 Richard Talbot, * 1.403 a fa∣mous young Warrier, Sr. Roger Swinnerton and several other Lords and Knights; who raised their Friends and Tenants, and as many as desired to purchase Honour or prey in the Wars: All who taking the sea at g 1.404 Ravenspurr in Yorkshire (for the King would not allow them to pass thrô his Land) they arrived at Kingcorn in Scotland, not far from Dunfermlin. The Scots had beforehand intelligence of this their Design, and so were not unprovided of Forces to impeach their Landing: They had sent forth no less than h 1.405 10000 Men under the Command of Duncan Mac∣duff Earl of Fife, the Lord Robert Bruce Earl of Carrick, King David's Bastard bro∣ther, and Sr. Alexander Seton, eldest Son to the Lord Alexander Seton, of whom more hereafter. The Lord Bailiol's Forces were very small, as appears from the highest account of them; some, as i 1.406 Buchanan confesses, reckoning them but 600. which he rather thinks should be 6000. But another of more Honesty, and therefore of more Authority, says they were no more then k 1.407 2500; which small number being furnished with so many gallant Leaders, must needs be pretty considerable, since Discipline and Courage might very well make up their Defects; as it is well known to those who either understand the Art Military, or have read those many Instances of the like na∣ture abounding in History.

Accordingly the Valiant Lord Bailiol, thô he saw these more numerous Forces ready to impeach his Landing, resolved not to loyter away the time in cruising and coast∣ing about, but forthwith to discharge his Vessels in that very place; for he was not ignorant of the Worth of his Men, and what high Hopes they entertain'd, as those who fought with him for no less than a Kingdom: Withall he discreetly consider'd, how this (however too great a Match as to his Numbers) was the smallest Force he could expect to meet with in Scotland; but that if here he prevail'd, the reputation of the Victory would be of no small moment, but easily procure Friends to his Quarrel, and Terror to his Arms.

This well-grounded Resolution was so well favour'd by Fortune; that before his Men of Arms could touch the land, the Scots being gall'd by the Archers, (a few Footmen also making upon them a brisk Impression at the same time) gave back in Great confusion, and were soon thereupon totally routed, no less than 900 of them being slain, together with an hopefull young Gentleman Sr. Alexander, l 1.408 Eldest son to the Lord Alexander Seton. Upon this success the Bailiol marched directly toward the Abbey and Town of Dunfermlin, wherein they found good store of Provision, and other necessaries for Men of War: And among other things m 1.409 500 Great staves of fine Oak, with long Pikes of iron and steel, which the Bailiol took and deliver'd to the strongest of all his Men. Soon after at a place called Gledesmore, this small re∣solute Band of English, not yet consisting of above three or four Thousand in all, met with more than 40000 of the Scots to oppose them. But for the present they were hindred from joyning by a Deep Water, being the River of Erne that ran between both Armies. For the Citizens of St. Johnston, n 1.410 when they heard how the Earl of Fife was discomfited by the Bailiol, were much terrified, and brake down all their Bridges, which they had made over the Water of Erne; so that the English could not get o∣ver, but stood all that day in Battle Array, fronting the Enemies on the Banks of the said River: But the Lord Bailiol could not dispose himself to rest the night following; his Spies had brought him word of the negligence of the Enemies in their Camp, and his Courage made him conceive high Hopes of success, if he took his Oppor∣tunity; wherefore having assembled all the Chiefs together, he said,

Now Dear Lords, ye know that we are surrounded with Enemies on all sides; who if they may have an Advantage against us, there is nothing to be expected but Death. And I verily believe, that by tarrying here the remainder of this Night, we should only contribute to out own ruine. For the Power of Scotland may every day wax and encrease; but it will not be so with us, unless we gain Reputation by our Cou∣rage; althô we are but a small People in respect of them. Wherefore I pray you for Godsake, let us be hardy and couragious, and resolve with all our might to fall upon the Scots this night, and prove our selves the Aggressors; whereby we shall daunt their minds; especially now they are weary with their long March, and all out of Order, by reason of their security and contempt of us: Nor will they ever be a∣ble to recover, for the terrour we shall bring among them. And then manfully shall we beat them down before us; so that thrô the Grace of Almighty God, all the World shall speak of our valour and Chivalry.

To this Resolution of the Bailiols all the English gladly consented, and having o 1.411 for a mark of Distinction in the dark

night, tyed every Man a piece of White linnen about his arm, they boldly pass'd o∣ver the Water at a place called Duplin p 1.412 by Ernemouth, being directed by Sr. Alexan∣der Moubray, who was best of all acquainted with the Passage. Thus all in great si∣lence and good Order at last got safe over, except only Sr. Roger Swinnerton, who by ill accident was drowned, as some say: But it is evident by the q 1.413 Records, that he li∣ved at least till six years after. Now the Scots were in r 1.414 two Camps, almost five miles distant one from the other, intending by acting separately to distract the Baili∣ol, for they despised his Numbers. But soon after midnight the English Army, except the 44 Almaine Captains (who with the rest of the Strangers stood aloof, as well to observe those who should break forth of the Scotch Camp, as to pursue those that fled) was hotly engaged with the Scots in their First Camp: At the first Alarm the Scots were in an horrid Confusion; and they s 1.415 said among themselves,

What is now befallen unto us, that so small a Company as the Bailiol hath, doth us such mischief and sorrow? Now surely it seems that he works by Grace, for he is wondrous For∣tunate in his Cause: But certainly we will all die rather than yield unto him, since his Father esteem'd so little of us.

But the English now prevail'd mightily, and all the Captains were fierce and haughty against their Enemies, wherefore the Scots, by reason of the suddain surprise, and the straightness of the Place, which allow'd them no more room than they had time to Order their Battails in, were by Day-break ut∣terly broken and defeated: For the Throng was so great among the Scots, that ma∣ny were crowded and trampled to Death; so that while every Man thrust forward to come to the Battle, he but holp to encrease the Disorder of those that were fight∣ing; insomuch that the Crowding prov'd as fatal as the Sword. When this Victory was thus gain'd, the Englishmen, who thought they had overcome the whole Power of Scotland, drew together in the morning, and began to repose and refresh themselves. But the mean while the Noble Baron of Vesci, and the Noble Baron of Stafford, and the valiant Lord t 1.416 Roger Swinnerton (falsly reported by some to have been drown'd the night before) pricked their Horses up and down by the Hills, to observe the Straights of the Country. And as they pricked thus up and down, they saw from the Hills a great Host in good Array, ranged in Three Battails, with Helmes and Shields shining, marching towards them. At this they return'd full speed to the Bailiol's Men, among whom they said aloud,

Now for the love of Almighty God, be of good com∣fort, for you shall have another Victory presently;

and so they shew'd, how an∣other Army was coming against them. Then stept forth Sr. Fulk Fitz-Warine, a Baron of great Renown for Deeds of Arms, and said in the Head of the English,

Now my Lords, understand you what I shall say; since I have in my time seen ma∣ny and different Armies, as well among Saracens and Jews in Spain, as among Frenchmen and Scots; and yet saw I never the Fourth part of any of those fight: Wherefore, if we will abide our Enemies, We are enough to fight against them. But if we be not of good Courage and Resolution, 'tis to no purpose to fight with them; for surely We are too few to match so Great a Company. And therefore for the Love of God, let us take Heart, and grow Bold, neither thinking on our Wives, not Children, but only how to win the day; and through the help of our Lord God.

We shall overcome our Enemies. And with that came the Scotch Host towards them Furiously, in three Battails well arrayed: But upon their approach, when Donald Earl of Marr (who had secretly combin'd with the Bailiol) saw all this, and how few the English were; fearing they would be all lost, he said to Robert Bruce Earl of Carrick, and Bastard-son to the Late King Robert of Scotland,

Sr. Ro∣bert, (quoth he) full sorry am I at my heart to think, that all this People, whom the Bailiol hath brought with him; must die by dint of Scotchmens swords, since they are Christians, as well as we; wherefore I think it would be great Charity, to send unto them to yield themselves to our Mercy and Grace; and so to ransom them at an High Rate; forasmuch as they have invaded our Land, and done so much mischief.

Now surely (reply'd Sr. Robert) I have well perceived, that thou art an Enemy and Traytor unto Scotland; since thou art willing to consent to save our deadly Enemies, who have done us much sorrow and shame: And now it plainly appears, that You are of their Faction.

Surely Robert, said Sr. Donald, Ye lie falsly: I am not of their Company, and that soon shall you see: For I will fight with them rather than the proudest Man here.

And certainly, (said Sr. Robert) maugre your Head, I shall assail them before you re.

And with that they both spurred their Horses on the Moor, and their Battailions follow'd them in their Order, and so they came and met the Bailiol at an hanging Gap of the Moor

in a strait Passage; and they came so precipitantly upon the Englishmen, that hun∣dreds fell to the ground each upon other on an heap, both Horse and Man. Then the Bailiol and his men with a great shout flew fiercely upon them, and kill'd the Scots upon the ground, before they could Recover, and stood upon them, and foyned with their Swords and Spears, till they were even weary with slaughter; and all the while the English Archers shot thick among those that were farther off, to the great destruction both of Men and Horses; so that this Army being presently brought to Confusion, became a Prey to the Conquerour; the rest of the Scots quitting the field as fast as they could: But Sr. Edward Bailiol and his Men follow'd the Chace, beat∣ing them down till night. In these two Battles of the Scots, there fell more than u 1.417 20000 Men, among whom were Robert the Bastard Earl of Carrick, Donald Earl of Marr, the Lord Nigel Bruce, and Sr. Alexander Bruce, the Earls of Menteith and Athole (for David Strabolgi, who had the Right to that Earldom, was outed, and this other put in his place) twelve Barons, 800 Knights, 2000 Men of Arms, and a∣bove 13300 Foot: But on the English side there fell no more than two Knights, Sr. John Gourdon, and Sr. Reginald Beche; and of Esquires thirty three, but not one Archer, nor Footman: So that the extraordinariness of the Victory occasion'd, * 1.418 that it was justly attributed to Divine Power; and from this time the Lord Bailiol began to bear the Sirname of Conquerour: This Battle was struck on the 14 of August, being the x 1.419 Wednesday after the Feast of St. Laurence.

The next day in pursuance of so notable a Victory, they march up to St. John∣ston upon the River Tay, which thô very Defensible, was thrô the Consternation of the Inhabitants taken without Assault; and here they found good store of Warlike Am∣munition, and Provision of Victuals: Wherefore they thought best to Fortifie the Town for their own Use, and to entrench it round with deeper and larger Ditches, as not doubt∣ing shortly of an occasion to be put to defend themselves against Greater Forces; which indeed came to pass accordingly.

For immediately after Earl Patrick of Dunbar and Archimbald Douglas came and invested the Town with an Army of 40000 Men; before which time they had sent Orders to Sr. John Crab the Admiral, that he should set forth with as many Vessels of War, and as Great strength as he conveniently could of the sudden, and therewith fall upon the English Fleet, which lay in the Water of y 1.420 Tay, but ill-defended, as they imagin'd. This Counsel was put in execution; but missed of its desired Effect: For Sr. John Crab came with Ten stout Ships of Flanders, suddenly upon the English, as they lay in the Harbour: Sr. Henry Beaumont's Barge felt his Fury first; for this he took, and put all to the Sword he found there; which were yet but a few, and they not ready, because of the suddenness of the surprise: But however, before they fell, they made such Resistance, that the rest of the English had time to Arm and Unite strongly together: Which being done, thô nothing equal to the Scots in num∣ber, they behaved themselves so well, that by plain Valour they extorted another un∣expected Victory from their overweening Enemies; slaying and wounding the greater Part of them, and burning, sinking, or taking all their Vessels. Their Admiral Crab himself very narrowly escaped away; flying by Land, and himself bearing the first News of his own Loss. This Success happen'd to the English on St. Bartholomews, being a Saturday; on Knowledge whereof Earl Patrick and Douglas raised their Siege in De∣spair: Because nothing was to be done effectually, unless they could cut off the En∣glish from the use of the Water; which by this Defeat, could not now be performed. After this the English deliver the Town well Fortified and Provided with a sufficient Garrison, to the Custody of the Lord Duncane Macduff Earl of Fife, who upon the Victory at Kingcorn, had revolted from King David to the Lord Bailiol the Conque∣rour: But shortly after he betray'd the Town again to the Bruceans, requiting one Trea∣son with another.

IV. The Reputation of these frequent and incredible Victories was so great, that many Nobles and Gentlemen z 1.421 of England, of their own accord flock'd thither to the service of the Lord Bailiol, even at their own expence; either in hopes of Prey, or out of pure Courage to get Honour in the Wars, or of Love to the Family of the Bailiols, which had always been supported by the English: Or perhaps by King Edward's al∣lowance, for the Exercise of his Gentry in the Wars. Not a few also of the Scots themselves revolted to the Conquerour: So that soon after on the a 1.422 5 of the Calends of October (which is the 27 of September) the Lord Edward Bailiol was by the English Crowned King of Scotland at Scone, many also of the Prime Nobility of that Realm, consenting to, and assisting at, the same. Such weak Resistence can even so Potent a

Kingdom make; when those who should joyn in the Common Defence of their Coun∣try, either by Disloyalty to their Prince, or Faction among themselves, prepare a way for a Common Enemies Success: Especially when the supream Governour him∣self, either by reason of Childhood, or Unskilfulness, can have no absolute Disposal of the Laws in his own Hands to any purpose. Besides, at this time the Scots had few or no sufficient Leaders, the Lord James Douglas being (as we shew'd before) kill'd in Spain, and the Lord Thomas Randulph, who had been Protector of the King's Per∣son, and the ablest either Counsellor, or Soldier in Scotland, was now newly dead. b 1.423 Boetius, and from him Buchanan would here fain make us believe that he was poi∣son'd by a Monk at the Order and Contrivance of King Edward of England: Who upon the news thereof brought to him by the said Monk, invaded Scotland (say they) with a great Army: When finding Randulph still alive (thô but then dissem∣bling health, as he that had received the Poison) for Anger he burnt the Poisoner, and for Fear broke up his Army. Thus these Egregious Historians, and indeed they set off the tale wonderfull prettily; but with what Truth or Honesty appears, not only in that they bring no Author for what they say (themselves being more than 200 years after that Age) nor in that they are both very frequently found, either thrô Malice or Ignorance, in shrewd and palpable Errors; but in that, it appears from the most Au∣thentick Records extant, that King Edward the Third invaded not Scotland in Person, till two years after the Death of this Lord Randulph, which by their own c 1.424 Con∣fession preceded even this Invasion of the Bailiol: And moreover the whole Course of King Edward's Life and Reign will appear full of Acts of Generosity, Honour and Magnanimity.

But having laid down these First Seeds of the Scotch War, we shall now take a short leave of these Affairs, till time calls us to consider what Fruits in their Order they brought forth, and by whose Hand the chief Harvest of Honour was gather'd.

V. In England this mean while certain d 1.425 bold Fellows of the Realm, in meer con∣tempt of the King's Youth, or by the secret instigation of some great Malecontents, began to assemble themselves in considerable Bodies together: And thus they kept in Woods and Forests, robbing and abusing all that came near them after their own pleasure; and as it is usual, when Impunity accompanies Villany, in a short time these Bands grew so numerous and formidable, that they became a Terror and Grievance to the whole Kingdom. Among other of their Licentious Practises, the Lord Chief Ju∣stice e 1.426 Sr. Richard Willoughby going after Christmas towards Grantham, was taken by one Richard Fulvile, and by force carried into a Wood hard by, where being sie∣sed by certain of these Lawless Fellows, he was compell'd to lay down immediately Ninety Marks, as a Ransom for his Life, and also to swear never to discover them. Upon News of these and the like Insolencies, the Young King resolving now to be Master of his Crown, sends forth his Justices of Trailebaston, two and two with Power to enquire after all Mayors Sheriffs, Bayliffs, Escheators, and others, who had abu∣sed or neglected their Offices, by Extortion, Bribery, Fear or Favour; and after all such as had failed in the due Execution of the Laws, whereby these Licentious People be∣gan first to take such Boldness upon them. The form of the Writ, thô of moment, I forbear to transcribe, because 'tis already Extant in f 1.427 Holinsheads Chronicles, and elsewhere. But least the Law should fail of Power to maintain it self, the Young King takes to him some choice Troops of Armed Men, with many Light-Horsemen well mounted, and marches forth in Person to discover these Enemies to Government. Some Parties of these Audacious Villains were met with by him, nor did they much de∣cline the matter, Success had made them so Impudent: But Majesty and Vertue are more Valiant, than Vice and Rebellion; so that they are all soon Worsted by the Brave Young King, and become an Example to others, some of them being slain in Skirmish, many Hang'd and Quarter'd, a few Beheaded, others imprison'd and put to great Fines, and in short such Order taken with all, that the whole Kingdom was kept in Peace and quiet at Home all his Reign after.

VI. On the Thirtieth g 1.428 of September, or the Morrow after St. Michael, being a Monday, the King held his High-court of Parliament at Westminster, to consult about the Affairs of Guienne, and other his Lands beyond the Seas; as also concerning a Peace to be had with France, and to conferr about the Matters of Ireland. These were by John Stratford Bishop of Winchester and then Lord Chancellour of England, offer'd, as the reasons inducing the King to call that Parliament. The Affairs of Guienne were not in so ill a posture, the h 1.429 Earl of Ʋlster being now there, and Sr. John Darcy Ju∣stice of Ireland having been sent thither the Year foregoing, i 1.430 especially because of the

late Composure between England and France, the French being also at this time about a Treaty with England: Yet because then a Peace is most likely to be made on good Conditions, when he that treats is in a posture of Defence, it was thought fit to pro∣vide something for the Defence of those Parts however. And therefore Sr. John k 1.431 St. Philibert, a Baron of great prudence and valour, was now by the King appointed to be Major of the City of Bourdeaux, having an assignation of an 100 l. allow'd him for the Expences of his journey thither; thô this Worthy Gentleman deceased a∣bout two Years after. Sr. Oliver Ingham a mighty Baron, and One of the Twelve appointed for a Guide and Counsellour to this King at his Coronation, had now his l 1.432 Patent (which had been granted him seven Years before) for the Seneschalsie of Aqui∣tain renewed; and not long after he was sent over with pretty considerable Forces: Of whose valourous Exploits this Book will not be silent. At the same time the Lord m 1.433 Bartholomew Burwash senior was constituted Seneschall of Ponthieu in Picardy, which King Edward held in right of his Mother, with whom that Earldom was given upon her Marriage with the King his Father. As for Ireland, it was resolved, that the King in Person should go thither; that to prepare his way, a certain power of Arm∣ed Men should go before him under able Commanders; and that those especially who held any Lands there, should make speedy repair thither for Defence of that King∣dom; as also that all learned Men in the Law, who should be appointed as Ju∣stices, or otherwise to serve in Ireland, should by no means be excus'd on any pre∣tence whatsoever: And further 'twas order'd, that search should be made into his Ma∣jesties Records, to see what Methods had been formerly taken for the civilizing and go∣verning that Country.

As to the Affairs n 1.434 with France, the King by his Chancellour demanded, whether he had best treat with that Crown by way of Amity or Marriage: The Commons humbly conceived, that Marriage would be the best way; whereupon certain were ap∣pointed to consult about this Treaty; and a o 1.435 Commission was given to Sr. John Dar∣cy and Sr William Trussel, to treat and agree with King Philip, or his Deputies upon the Premises. Now for the better understanding of this Matter, it appears from the Records (as we shall more fully shew hereafter) that near this time King Philip be∣ing taken up with thoughts about the Holy War, that he might be sure of King Edward, of whose pretences to that Crown he was jealous, had offer'd to enter into a strict Alliance with him, by p 1.436 a Marriage between a Daughter of his and the young Prince Edward of England. And lest that might not suffice, had importun'd him to be his Fellow in Arms, and in Person to accompany him into Palestine; or as q 1.437 Others say into Spain to fight against the Moors of Granada. But because nothing was done in this Matter yet, only it was refer'd to the foresaid Commissioners to advise about it, we shall remitt the further prosecution hereof to the next Year, to which it more proper∣ly belongs.

Yet this we must not pass over, that now upon Occasion of the King's being invi∣ted into France, the former Resolution, that he should personally go into Ireland, took not effect this Year; and as for the next other Business put it off, and the Scotch Affairs the Year following wholly null'd it; so that the King went not thither at all, as it had been here resolved; only an Armed Power was sent thither the Year af∣ter this.

In this Parliament St. Hugolin, the Granchild of the Lord Hugh Spencer the Elder (who with his Son Sr. Hugh had in the late Revolution been illegally executed by Queen Isabell) having first by his great Valour r 1.438 in holding his Castle against the said Queen, compounded for his life, and since that Obtaining his Majesties Gracious Pardon, was now wholly acquitted thereupon: As indeed by this time both his Father and Grandfather too might have been, had not the too speedy violence of their Enemies taken them both out of the way. Yet 'tis observable by this Sr. Hugh the younger, whose Manuprizors were Sr. Ebulo le Strange and eleven other Knights; as also by Thomas Lord Barkley, who had as many Manuprisors, thô he was acquitted the last year; that it was a custome (to say no more) in those days, when any one had been tryed as an Offender against the King, thô he were thereof acquitted, or had his Par∣don, yet s 1.439 notwithstanding he was to provide Twelve of his Peers to be Sureties for his Forth-coming during the Kings pleasure: The Discontinuance of which custom has been too usefull to Traytors in our days.

It was also here moved by the whole Parliament, either in compassion of Innocence, or because all their Rancour was satisfied in the execution of Mortimer, that the King's Majesty would be graciously pleased to extend some Favour to Sr. Edmund, Eldest

Son to the late Earl of March. At which bold request the King being offended, as imagining they petition'd for his full Restoration to his Fathers Lands and Honours, asked them with some Emotion,

What they would have, since the King his Father had been murder'd by the procurement of the said Earl?

The Parliaments Answer was, they only spake in the Young Man's behalf for some certain Lands Intail'd; to which the King replied,

That he himself would do what to him should seem best at his Pleasure.

Which severity went so near to the heart of the young Lord, that before the end of the Year t 1.440 he died in the Flower of his Age, leaving behind him Ro∣ger his Son and Heir, then but three Years of age, which Roger three and twenty Years after was fully restor'd to all the Lands and Honours of his Grandfather.

It is u 1.441 agreed that all Feats of Arms shall be defended, as well by the Justices as O∣thers, untill the King and his Council do otherwise appoint.

It is agreed, that Queen Isabell the King's Mother, shall have yearly four thousand Pounds in Rents, or Lands.

All the Estates in full Parliament do agree, that none of them shall retain, sustain or avow any Felon, or other common Breaker of the Law.

It is enacted, that no Purveyance be made, but for the King, Queen and their Chil∣dren, and that by good Warrant and ready Payment.

The King shall appoint certain Persons to determine the Office of Thomas de Fer∣rers and Other his Brethren, of the Parsonage of Marleston in the County of Lei∣cester.

Commandment is given to the Abbot of Crowland, and Thomas Lord Wake of Li∣del, between whom there had been debate, to keep the Kings Peace: The like com∣mand was given to Sr. William de la Zouch of Ashby, and Sr. John Grey of Rother∣field. Stephen Gravesend Bishop of London was taken into the Kings Privy Council, and took his Place at the Board accordingly.

At the request of the whole Estate, the King now at last dischargeth the Lord Tho∣mas Barkley of his Mainprisors, day being given to him to appear at the next Par∣liament.

Whereas Sr. Henry Percy for the Yearly Fee of 500 Marks, stood bound to serve the King with a certain number of Men, as well in Peace as in War: The King in release of the said Fee, granteth to the said x 1.442 Sr. Henry in Fee, the Castle of Workworth in Northumberland and the Mannor of Rochbury.

In this Parliament Sr. Robert y 1.443 Benhale, who was then or soon after, a Baron of the Realm, and a most noble and couragious Knight in his time, as we shall have Occasion to see hereafter, with William Clopton and John Clopton, all young spritely Gentle∣men, having been convicted before the Justices of Assize in Norfolk and Suffolk of cer∣tain Ryots and other youthfull Extravagancies, were brought to appear in full Parlia∣ment, with several Knights and Esquires, their Sureties, where each of them was fin'd, and further bound with other Sureties for his good Behaviour: For at this time Justice be∣ing provok'd by the Insolence of those, who took too great liberty during the Kings Minority, was every where severely administred, as in the next years Parliament we shall see more particularly.

Sundry Merchants of Brabant, having been arrested by English Merchants for Wools, taken up to the use of the Duke of Brabant; upon the said Duke's request, the King commands all the said English Merchants to appear before the Council, and abide further Order therein.

About this time King Edward z 1.444 confer'd on the young Sr. Walter Manny, Carver to his Queen, the Honour of Knighthood here in England, by Bathing, and other sacred Ceremonies, with allowance of Robes for that Solemnity out of the Kings Wardrobe, as for a Baneret: And in the Sequel of this History we shall see, how worthily he be∣hav'd himself in this Honour.

VII. There a 1.445 departed this life on the 19 of April this Year the Lord Robert Vere, called the Good Earl of Oxford, Lord of Bolebec, Samford, and High-Chamberlain of England: So Valiant, that King Edward the First often employ'd him in his great∣est Affairs with equal success; so Temperate, that he had the common Repute of a Saint. He was solemnly interred at the Priory of Colne; and because he left no Issue of his Body, was succeeded in his Honours by his Nephew, Sr. John Vere, son of his Brother Alphonso, who was now about Nineteen years of Age: The Arms of this Ho∣nourable Family are Quatterly Gules and Or, in the First a Mullet Argent; which have belonged to the Earls of Oxford of that House and Name, from the Year of our Lord 1140, even down to our days.

In these days John of Luxemburgh (Son and Heir to Henry of Luxemburgh once Emperour of Germany) the most valiant King of Bohemia * 1.446 invading Italy, brought un∣der his subjection Brescia; Bergamo, Lucca, Parma, Reggio and Modena; of whose no∣ble Exploits and Death we shall have Occasion to speak hereafter: But the Occasion of his Wars in Italy may be seen in the Writers of that Nation; and no where more particularly than in Odoricus Rainaldus his Continuation of Baronius his Annals of the Church, at the Year of our Lord 1330, and after.

CHAPTER the FIFTH.

The CONTENTS.

I. A Parliament at Westminster. II. The true Grounds of the Scotch War enquired in∣to. III. A Recapitulation of the Scotch Affairs from the first Invasion of Bailiol to this time, IV. The Scotch Preparations against the War, which they expected from England. V. King Edward's Provision against them, and a Parliament at York. VI. The King's Sister Married to the Earl of Gueldre: The young Earl of Kent dies: The Queen deliver'd of a Daughter.

I. ON the 27 a 1.447 of April, being the Monday after the Feast of St. George, * 1.448 King Edward held his Parliament again at Westminster; where that we may see what Prudent Care was taken in those days by that August Assembly, that their Debates should not be aw'd by Fear, nor disturbed by Tumults, it was first by the King's Order proclaim'd, that no Man on pain of forfeiting all his substance, should presume to use, or wear any Coat of Plate, or other Weapon offen∣sive or defensive in London, Westminster, or the Suburbs of the same: And also, that during the time of this Session, no Games, or other plays of men, women, or children, should be used in Westminster to the disturbance of the Parliament. Here also, once for all we shall mention the Laudable Custom of Parliaments in these days; whereby they had certain appointed, not only to be Receivers, but also, Tryers of Petitions, who were to enquire of matter of Fact, expressed in the Petition; that so it might be clear∣ed, and rightly stated, before it came to be debated in full Parliament. But the first day nothing more was done, except the Proclamation aforesaid, because the Arch∣bishop of Canterbury and Others were not yet come. After this Simon Mepham Arch∣bishop of Canterbury, and John b 1.449 Stratford Bishop of Winchester, and Lord Chancel∣lour of England, began to open the Parliament, and by way of Oration, shew'd how the French King as then intended a Voyage into the Holy Land, and desired the King's Company in that pious Enterprise: Which caused his Majesty thus to call them toge∣ther at this time. Then Sr. Geoffry Scroop of Masham in the King's Presence, and at his Command, declared further, that it was as well to redress the Breaches of the Laws and his Peace, as for the Voyage to the Holy Land, that he had called them together. The Prelates alledging, that it did not properly belong to their Function to be present at Criminal Debates, with a Proviso of reserving their Rights still to themselves and Suc∣cessors, withdrew with the Proctors of the Clergy to consult together by them∣selves: And the c 1.450 Earls, Barons, and other Grandees consulted by themselves apart; as also did the Commons, they at that time d 1.451 having no Speaker of their own. As for the King's Voyage to the Holy Land, it was thought as yet too Early for his Years and the Good of his Realm, to be undertaken, and therefore 'twas resolv'd it should be defer'd for three Years: As to the Treaty of Peace with France by way of Marri∣age, which we mention'd in the foregoing Parliament; Sr. Geoffry Scroop now declaring, that the French King had assured our Ambassadors, that if his Majesty would in Per∣son go over to him, in order to an amicable Conference, he should find nothing but Friendship and Honour at his Hands: Upon this Declaration Sr. Geoffry requiring their advice, was answer'd; that for those Reasons, with his Majesties good liking, they agreed he should pass the Seas, and therefore would humbly Request him to defer his Personal Expedition into Ireland for one Year; but yet so, as that an Army should be sent thither. And then as to matters relating to the Conservation of the King's Peace, the Lords and e 1.452 Great Men returning, declare by the Mouth of the Lord Henry Beau∣mont,

how they think fit, that certain. Justices be appointed in every County, with Power to set Officers in every Town; who by the Assistance of the Constables should apprehend all guilty or suspicious Persons, and make Publique Hue and Cry. And further it was Enacted by Authority of the King, Prelates, Lords and Commons; that sentence of Excommunication should be published in all Churches and Chappels through∣out the Realm, against all Breakers of the King's Peace, or their Abettors. And also, Power was granted to dispence with all Obligations made by Word, Oath or Bond, relating to the countenancing or concealing of any Violators of the Peace. To such an Heighth of Insolence had some ill Subjects grown in the Minority of this King, that he was fain not only to go in Person to suppress them, as I shew'd before; but now al∣so to draw forth both the Civil and Spiritual Sword against them. But I must not here omit, what I find in the Remembrances of this Parliament, that in a Debate held be∣tween Sr. John Grey of Rotherfield, and Sr. William de la Zouch before the King and his Council, they grew to such high Words, that at last Sr. John drew his Dagger upon Sr. William in the Presence: For which presumption they were both commanded to Pri∣son, althô they were Barons of the Realm. And being afterwards brought forth to answer the Contempt, upon equal hearing the said Sr. William was acquitted; but Sr. John Remanded to Prison, there to remain, during his Majesties Pleasure. Thus like a Wise Builder, did this Monarch begin with a firm Foundation, as think∣ing it Necessary to Govern well at Home, before he could Expect to Conquer abroad.

II. And surely now was Fate busied not a little in preparing Matter for his Sword: France was not yet Ripe, and Ireland was not Worthy enough to employ so No∣ble an Arm; but Scotland to its unhappy Honour, did both seem a more equal Enemy, and by its Evil Genius was already hasting to rush into that War, which of it self came too soon upon them.

But because hitherto I have not seen any Author, either Foreign or Domestick, that seems fully to understand the Cause of King Edward's Invading that Realm; some saying, he did it out of Interest (which that he might do partly, I shall not deny) f 1.453 others, that demanding Barwick, as his Right, and being refus'd, he made that Refu∣sal an occasion of breaking the Peace: I shall now therefore Faithfully and Distinctly set down all that I have learn'd of this Matter, and leave it to the Decision of the Impar∣tially Judicious.

King Edward had hitherto kept the Quadriennial Peace most punctually; saving on∣ly, that he hindred not those of his Subjects, who claim'd Lands in Scotland (which by peaceable Means they could not enjoy) from using their best endeavours, (thô with∣out the least help from him) for the Recovery of their Right. Nay, we find it ex∣presly mention'd to his Honour, g 1.454 that these English Adventurers undertaking that War without his leave (for he would not, as we shew'd before, permit them to pass thrô his Land into that Realm) he became so displeas'd at their presumption; that by Advice of his Council, he caused all the Castles, Mannors and Lands belonging to the Lord Henry Vicount Beaumont (the Chief of these Undertakers) scituate and lying in the Counties of Warwick, Leicester, Nottingham and Derby, to be seised into his Hands: Thô soon after at the Parliament then sitting at Westminster, upon further examina∣tion, he had a full Restitution of all again. Thus much can truly be said concerning this King's Reputation, as to his Faith in this Matter: Nor yet did he when the Term of the Truce was expired, first seek an occasion against his Young Brother in Law. For we find that in his Parliament holden again at Westminster this Year, on the Day h 1.455 after the Nativity of our Lady, being the Ninth of September and a Wed∣nesday, whereas the Parliament was only called, as the Chancellor John Stratford Bi∣shop of Winchester declared about the Irish Affairs, and the King's Personal Expedi∣tion thither (for that was again resum'd, and the French Voyage put off) there was suddenly terrible News brought from the North, of a Scotch Invasion, which immedi∣ately turn'd all their Minds that way. So that in a great Hurry the Parliament was Adjourn'd to York, there to meet on the 25 of the said Month, which was the Fryday before the Feast of St. Michael. But before they brake up that Session, the Prelates i 1.456 by themselves, the Lords by themselves, and the Knights by themselves, by their Petitions Advised his Majesty, and Requested him not to depart the Land for any Af∣fairs of Ireland; only to send thither a new supply of Men and Money, and himself to March with an Armed Power toward the North, there to watch the Motions of Scot∣land: Towards which Exploit, they k 1.457 granted to the King one Fifteenth of the Tem∣porality, and a Tenth of all Cities and Burroughs; so as the King would please to live

of his own, without grieving his Subjects by outragious Prises, or such like: Where∣upon the King revoked the New Commissions for rearing of Tallages; and promiseth from henceforth to * 1.458 remise the same according to the old Rate.

III. But that we may the better understand the Business in Hand, it seems not un∣necessary to give a short Account of the Scotch Affairs, since the Invasion of Edward Bailiol the Conquerour; of which we have made some Relation already in the Year foregoing. After those frequent and memorable Victories, the said Edward Bailiol was Pro∣claimed King of Scotland, and Crowned at Scone, in Opposition to King David: His English Assistants were the Chief that both encouraged, and in a manner enforced him to take this Title upon him; they alledging,

That they fought for his Right to the Crown of that Kingdom, which if now after such fair Beginnings he had not the Cou∣rage to own, he would not deserve to obtain it: But that if he accepted the Title of King, it would confirm the Hands of his Friends, and weaken those of his Ene∣mies: Besides, 'twas not unlikely to bring over many great Ones to his Party.

On these and other the like Considerations, he accepted the Crown, as we shew'd before, and accordingly most of the Scotch Nobility came in to him: Thô some did but dissemble to secure their own Estates; till a Fairer occasion might be offer'd to declare themselves with more Advantage.

Soon after his Coronation, that he might secure the Crown unto himself, which he had taken upon him, l 1.459 he marched with his gallant little Army from Scone, and had another Victory over the Rebel Scots at Roxborough, where he took the Lord Andrew Earl of Murray, and sent him prisoner to Durham. These thick and manifold Losses, thô able to have broke the Spirits of any but the hardy Scots, did only make them more cauteous, and put them almost against their nature upon subtle Contrivances, now they saw how unsuccessfull their Forceable Opposition proved. Whereupon m 1.460 Patrick Earl of Dunbar, Archimbald Douglas and Sr. John Randulph, son to the Lord Thomas Randulph, late Protector of Scotland, with certain other Lords, that were still in their hearts firm to King David's Interest, did with subtlety require of King Edward Bailiol a Truce till the n 1.461 Feast of the Purification following; that then by peaceable Treaty in full Parliament a perfect Union and Agreement might be made among these different Parties of the Scottish Nation. The unwary Prince willing by any means to stop the further Effusion of his Subjects blood, presently swallows this Bait, accepts with joy this deceitfull Overture; and either to shew his Confidence in his People, or to create in them a confidence of his peaceable Inclinations, freely dismisses the greater part of his Forces. The Parliament was pretended to be held at Anan the chief Town in Anandale, about 15 miles from Caerlile; o 1.462 whither the perfidious Scots (on Christmas Day, being ten days before the Parliament was to sit) coming suddenly upon their new King, made a lamentable slaughter of his Friends who were about him, he him∣self hardly escaping away on an Horse, without either Bridle or Saddle. But there he lost his only Brother, the Lord Henry Bailiol, a Man of singular valour, with the Lords Walter Cumin and Richard Kirkeby; only Alexander p 1.463 Bruce, Earl of Carrick and Galloway, had his Life spared at the intercession of the Lord John Randulph, who was his Kinsman as well upon the account of his relation to King David, as because he was one of the latest that yielded to the Bailiol. But surely the Lord John Moubray of England was not now slain, as Hector falsly affirms; for we find q 1.464 by undoubted Re∣cords, that he died not till 29 years after this time. And here I must not omit to take further notice of the vanity of this Hector Boetius, r 1.465 who to advance his Nations Honour as he thinks, sticks not to averr by a most notorious falshood, that this Vi∣ctory was obtain'd by a just Battle, and after a long and doubtfull Fight: Whereas not to mention, that never any King went into battle deliberately, with his Horse un∣bridled; nor that it appears by Records, that several of King Bailiols chief Abettors and Friends, without whom he neither could nor would maintain a field, particularly, that the Lord s 1.466 Henry Beaumont was then in England, even Buchanan t 1.467 himself ac∣knowledges, that King Bailiol was surprised, almost asleep and half naked. He for his part fled away directly for Caerlile, where he was kindly u 1.468 received of Ranulph Lord Dacres of the North, then High x 1.469 Sheriff of Cumberland and Governor of Ca∣erlile, with whom he stay'd during the Holydays. Thence y 1.470 he went into Westmor∣land, where he was honorably entertain'd by Robert Lord Clifford at his Castles z 1.471 of Appleby and Brougham; a 1.472 in requital whereof King Bailiol then and there granted unto him and his Heirs for ever Douglasdale in Scotland (which had before been given to his Grandfather the Lord Robert Clifford by King Edward the First of England) if e∣ver again he should recover that Realm of his Adversaries. Not long b 1.473 after this he went in∣to

to Lancashire to the Lady of Ghisnes then residing at Mourholme, * 1.474 where for one week more he tarried with his small Company, who had with him escaped from the Scots; and this Lady (who was wife to c 1.475 William Lord Goucy, Earl of Ghisnes in France) fur∣nished him with Horse, Arms and Money; for he had lost all that ever he had, when he escaped from the Treason of the Scots. Moreover King Bailiol d 1.476 sent to King Ed∣ward his Letters Supplicatory,

Complaining unto him how falsly and treacherously he had been in a little while reduced to shame and sorrow, by the perfidiousness of his Liege-men, upon whom he had entirely trusted; and praying him for the Love of Almighty God, that he would maintain and help him against his Enemies: On which Condition he would hold the Crown of Scotland of him, and render homage unto him for the same.

King Edward had great commiseration of this his forlorn Con∣dition, and promised him very shortly to give him powerfull Assistance.

IV. In the mean time, while King Bailiol was thus recruiting himself again in En∣gland, and rallying his former Friends to his Assistance, the e 1.477 Scots that held for Bruce, nothing ignorant of what they were to expect, apply themselves to Archimbald Dou∣glas, who was then Viceroy of that Kingdom (in the place of the Lord Andrew Mur∣ray, who had been taken before at Roxborough) to consult with him about their Af∣fairs. For they had such an inveterate hatred against the English, who still claim'd Su∣periority over them, that even for their sakes, by whose Assistance he sought the Kingdom, and under whose Homage they rightly judged he would submit it, as his Father had done before, they now unanimously resolve no way to endure the Bailiol for their King. Him therefore they all mark out for a common Enemy, and with more alacrity make provision of all things necessary to a War; as knowing what a Po∣tent Adversary they were to deal with. 'Twas here imagin'd, how the English who were to take his part, would first begin with Barwick; that therefore they first furnish with a sufficient Garrison, the Lord Patrick of Dunbar being appointed Governour of the Castle, and Sr. Alexander Seton, a worthy Scotch Knight to defend the Town and Sub∣urbs. But William Douglas Lord of Liddisdale, a Man of great Wisdom and Courage, is sent to Anandale to guard the West of Scotland. Here Buchanan sends Andrew Mur∣ray the Viceroy to Roxborough, but Archimbald Douglas was now Viceroy, the Lord Andrew being a prisoner at Durham: And Bailiol was not at Roxborough now, as he says: So mightily do great Men err sometimes for want of Diligence or Integrity. The Lord Archimbald the Viceroy undertook himself with more than f 1.478 3000 Choice men to enter the Marches of England, and to rob and spoil the Borderers to his pow∣er; as a while after he did by the way of Caerlile, making great havock every where, but especially in Gillestand, and the Lands of the Lord Ranulph Dacres; where for 15 or 16 leagues about, he lay'd all wast before him. And besides all this, the Lord John g 1.479 Randulph is dispatch'd into France, to implore the assistance of King Philip against his and their ancient Enemy.

V. The news of all these Preparations, and the apprehensions thereof, was that which allarum'd the Parliament at Westminster in that manner, as I said before: And indeed gave the first Occasion of renewing that War (by discharging King Edward of his for∣mer Obligations) which afterward proved so fatal to Scotland. For immediately when the Parliament was reassembled at York, Sr. Geoffry h 1.480 Scroop declar'd,

That the King his Master having understood, that the Lord Bailiol had proclaimed himself King of Scotland, for which Crown, on condition of Assistance, he proffer'd to render Ho∣mage to the Crown of England; now therefore demanded whether (the Truce being fully expired) He should fall upon Scotland in his own Name, or claim the Demesne of the same, or by making himself a Party should take advantage of Recovering those Services and that Homage, which his Royal Ancestours have had before him.

But because most part of the States were absent, these things at that time were not so fully determin'd; so that the Parliament was adjourned till the Octaves of St. Hilary, the King being fain to send out new Summons, strictly enjoyning all Persons to attend, and on no pretence whatsoever any longer to delay or hinder the Kings weighty Af∣fairs by their Non-appearance.

This last default happen'd thrô the Pride of the Spirituality, the Archbishops of Canterbury and York not agreeing about the Bearing of their Crosiers; so that only the Archbishop of York, whose name was William Melton, Henry Burwash Bishop of Lin∣coln, and John Kirkeby Bishop of Caerlile, with the Abbots of York and Selby came thither: But Simon Mepham Archbishop of Canterbury, with all his Clergy forbore coming; whereby was occasion'd the loss of a fair Opportunity against Scotland; be∣sides the indignity put upon the King, in thus Frustrating his Expectation and the

Insuppoptable Expence and Trouble that must needs accrue to the whole State by a Reassembly.

I need not say any more of this Parliament, because I cannot find it produced a∣ny thing answerable to the present Exigence of Affairs, or to the King's Expecta∣tion: Save that upon their Reassembly, i 1.481 Wardens were appointed for the Mar∣ches of the North; and the King enabled by his Subjects either to Invade or De∣fend. But John Stratford Bishop of Winchester, and other the Commissioners, that were to consult about certain Matters put to them by the King, either could not, or would not of themselves be fully resolved; but (after the manner of that Age) wish∣ed the King to Advise first with the Pope, and also with the French King, both which befriended King David of Scotland, and concern'd themselves in his matters. However King Edward was so far from either violating the Peace first, or even when 'twas done by the Scots, from precipitating himself into a War; that thô the French King did openly abett the Scots, and the Pope did abett France as palpably; yet he follow'd this Counsel: For we find that about this time; among others; k 1.482 he sent this same Bishop of Winchester into France, concerning these Affairs. Of whom this is obser∣vable, that being then Lord Chancellour, he did not (as afterwards Cardinal Woolsey did in the Days of King Henry the VIII.) presumptuously carry the Great Seal with him beyond the Seas; but left it in his Absence with those, who both could and would be responsible for it, during his abode in France. And these things being thus done, the l 1.483 Commons had all leave to depart; but the Lords were Commanded to attend the next day, at which time the King dissolved the Parliament. It is ob∣servable, that on the first day of this Parliaments sitting, Commandment was given to the Mayor of York, in Presence of the King in full Parliament, to see the King's Peace kept in the same City, and the Suburbs thereof, and to arrest them that did the contrary. Also that Proclamation against Weapons and Plays, should be made by the Steward and Martial before the Parliament-House, and by the Mayor and Bayliffs in the City of York.

VI. Thus this Year ended, the Peace not yet broke on the English part; but all things being in so loose a Posture, that nothing seem'd more certain, than that a War would inevitably follow.

The Princess m 1.484 Eleanora, King Edward's Younger Sister, being about fourteen Years of Age, was this Year given in Marriage to Reginald the Second, Earl of Gueldre, a great Lover of King Edward and the English Nation: Her Portion was 15000 pounds Sterling, no small Summe of Money in those Days; for we find in Ancient Times, that even the Marriages of the Daughters of France n 1.485 exceeded not 6000 Crowns ready Money; thô in our Days a Merchant of London has made his Daughter worth Forty, Sixty, and a Hundred Thousand Pounds. This Lady (thô his second Wife) brought to the said Earl two hopefull Sons, Reginald and Edward, both Dukes successive∣ly after their Father: For when afterward King Edward was made Vicar of the Sacred Empire, he Created this Earl Reginald Duke of Gueldre, since which that Earldom be∣came a Dukedom.

In her passage to Guelderland she was Honourably attended by many English Knights, among whom was o 1.486 William Lord Zouch of Mortimer, and Sr. Constantine Mortimer his Kinsman, both Branches of that Great Family of the Mortimers, late Lords of Wigmore: Sr. Constantine four Years after became Steward of the Houshold to the foresaid Countess of Gueldre.

This p 1.487 Year the Lord Edmund Plantagenot, Eldest Son of Edmund of Woodstock late Earl of Kent departed this Life, being at his Death the King's Ward, and so without Is∣sue: Whereupon his Brother John succeeded him in the said Earldom.

To repair which Diminution of the Royal Branches in England, Queen q 1.488 Philippa soon after Christmas, was happily deliver'd at Woodstock, near Oxford of her second Child, a fair Daughter, who was Christened by the Name of Isabella, and many Years after by the King her Father given in Marriage to the Honourable and Valiant Lord Ingelram Coucy, Earl of Guisnes and Soissons, and in time Archduke of Austria.

CHAPTER the SIXTH. * 1.489

The CONTENTS.

I. The Lord Robert Earl of Artois in Picardy, being prosecuted by the French King, flies into England to King Edward's Protection, and becomes a Firebrand of the War against his Country. II. King Edward Summons the King of Scotland to come and do Homage, as also to render Barwick unto him, with King David's Reply. III. King Edward in Parliament resolves on a War with Scotland, and sends his Defiance. IV. Mutual Inroads, as Praeludiums to the War, with the Siege of Barwick. V. King Edward's expedition in Scotland, and return to the Siege before Barwick, where he is met by the Lord Darcy. VI. A Combat between a Scotch and English Knight, with the Battle of Halidown. VII. The Names of the English Lords in that Battle, with an account of the Loss on both sides: Barwick taken and Garrison'd by King Ed∣ward. VIII. King Edward's Devotion after the Victory: He leaves Edward Bai∣liol to prosecute the War in Scotland. King David flies into France, and makes a League Offensive and Defensive with King Philip. IX. King Bailiol's Success in Scotland, he calls a Parliament at St. Johnston, to which the English Lords, his As∣sistants, come and do Homage for their Lands held in that Kingdom. The Year con∣cludes with the Death of the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishop of Durham, and the Lord Hugh Poynz.

I. THat it may appear, that National Commotions and Destructive Wars do come by the Ordinance of God, for the Correction of Pride, Injustice, or other Sins; I shall here briefly touch at the seeds of the French War, which being cast about this time, lasted for so many years, and brought forth so many strange and notable Events; thô when first sow'd, they seem'd so small and inconsiderable.

King Philip of Valois, who now wore the Crown of France, a 1.490 obtain'd it at first chiefly by the Assistance, Conduct, and Authority of a Mighty Peer of that Kingdom, named, Robert Earl of Artois, who was one of the most Noble, Valiant, and Poli∣tick Lords in France, of High Lineage, and Prince of the Blood. He had married King Philips's German Sister, and was ever his Chief and Special Friend and Coun∣sellour; as well before, in his private Condition, as now in his Regal Eminence. Inso∣much, that for the space of three or four Years, nothing of any moment pas∣sed in all that Kingdom, but at the Advise and Discretion of the Lord Robert of Artois.

This Lord Robert, besides the Relation he bore to King Edward, as having Mar∣ried the Sister of King Philip, who was Uncle to Queen Philippa, was also by the b 1.491 Mother's side descended from King Henry the Third of England, King Edward's Great Grandfather, by the Lady Blanch of Bretagne, who was Daughter to Beatrice, second Daughter to the said King Henry the Third. He was the Son of Philip Earl of Artois, Lord of Conches and Damfront, and was entituled Robert of Artois, Earl of Beau∣mont le Roger, Peer of France, Lord of Conches, Damfront and Mehun: And as his Blood was Illustrious, his Courage was undaunted, and his Spirit unable to brook an Injury.

Now in process of time, it happen'd, c 1.492 that in a Plea of some High Concern, for Lands, between this Sr. Robert and his Aunt, the Lady Mathilda Countess of Artois, he had judgement awarded by the Court against him, whether because of Letters, that Sr. Robert was said to have counterfeited, or for Respect to the Lady, who was a Widdow, or out of Envy to him, who was the King's sole Favourite, or thrô neg∣lect and inadvertency, or for any other cause, Just or Unjust; however the proceeding so much ••ncensed Sr. Robert, that he could not forbear to utter in the hearing of many these High Words—"By me was Philip Crown'd, and by me shall he be discrown'd again.

These rash Words had surely cost him his Head, could Philip have taken him in

his anger. But he had wisely voided his Dominions, and cast himself upon his Ne∣phew John Earl of Namur. The mean while King Philip had caused his Lady (thô so near related to himself) with her two Sons, the Lords John and Charles, to be apprehended and flung into close Prison, d 1.493 in the Castle of Gastenois; whence he sware they should never return while they lived, whatsoever he should be advised to the contrary. Nor content with this, he sends to the e 1.494 Bishop of Liege, desiring him ef∣fectually, that he would for his sake defie, and make War against the said Earl of Namur, unless he would deliver up Sr. Robert of Artois, or expell him his Country. All this the Bishop did accordingly, he was so addicted to the Crown of France, and thereupon the Earl was forced, thô unwillingly, to send Sr. Robert away: Who went thence directly to his Cozen the Duke of Brabant, by whom he was entertain'd with much friendship and generosity. The enraged King, upon knowledge hereof sends the Duke word, that if he continued any longer to foster or entertain this his Enemy in any part of his Countrey, he with all the Realm of France, his Friends and Allies, would thenceforth commence an everlasting Quarrel against him. The Duke upon this Menace privately conveys this his Friend to a strong Fortress of his, expecting the Issue of King Philip's Intentions: But this angry Prince had so well studied his Re∣venge, that by his Spies he was acquainted with this Finess of the Duke's. Where∣upon taking it very heinously to be thus impos'd on, by his great Importunity, se∣conded with round Sums of Money, he engaged John of Luxemburgh King of Bohe∣mia (thô he was Cozen German to the Duke of Brabant) the Bishop of Liege afore∣said, the Archbishop of Colen, the Earl of Gueldre, the Marquis of Gulick or Juliers, the Earl of Bar, the Lords of Ros and Fanquemont or Valkenburgh (as the Ger∣mains) with several others, all at one time to concurr in a common Defiance against the Duke of Brabant. And accordingly all these having joyn'd the Earl of Ewe Constable of France, who led a considerable Army himself, defi'd the Duke of Bra∣bant, and entring his Country by the way of Esdan or Sedain on the Meuse, came to Antwerp, at that time the chief City of Brabant, and twice over-ran the Coun∣try where they pleased with Fire and Sword. Hereupon William Earl of Heinalt, out of kindness to the Duke his Kinsman, sent his own Lady Joan de Valois (who was King Philip's Sister) together with his Brother John Lord Beaumont of Heinalt into France, to entreat for Peace, and to obtain a present respit from War for the Duke of Brabant. At last, thô not without much ado, King Philip was wrought upon to vouchsafe him a Peace upon these Conditions:

That the Duke of Brabant should cast himself upon the favour of the Court of France, and of the Kings Coun∣cil, of them to abide the Censure; and also without fail by such a certain time abso∣lutely to banish out of his Territories the said Robert Earl of Artois.

The Lord Robert being thus eagerly prosecuted from one Country to another, and wholly driven to despair, at last resolves to fling himself upon the more powerfull Protection of the King of England, and from this time sets himself with full Bent a∣gainst his own Country. So dangerously impolitick is it, for a Prince to declare him∣self irreconcilable to any Great Man, before he has him in his Power: For here he kindled such a Fire, as the blood of more than an hundred thousand Frenchmen could not extinguish. He came into England disguised, like a Merchant (his Stuff and Riches being all convey'd hither before) about the time that King Edward held his Parliament at f 1.495 York, in order to his Affairs relating to Scotland. The King knew him well, for g 1.496 both he and his Mother had formerly received much kindness at his Hands, when they were persecuted by the Spencers, and beside as we have shewn, he was of Kin to the King by the Mother; wherefore readily apprehending of what great use such a Man might prove to his future Attempts, he immediately made him of his Council, and assign'd him the h 1.497 Profits of the Earldom of Richmond, till he should provide some other Settlement for him: But of him we shall speak more anon.

II. King Edward before the sitting of this Parliament, had upon Occasion of the foremention'd Rumours from the North, sent l 1.498 Ralph Lord Basset of Drayton and Sr. William Denham, his Ambassadors to King David his Brother in Law, demanding pre∣sent Restitution of the Town of Barwick, which his Grandfather Edward the First had held in peaceable Possession; and also to summon him to come into England to ren∣der Homage unto him, as Superior Lord for that his Kingdom of Scotland. To which Message King David by advice of his Council return'd thus, k 1.499

Lords, it is no small wonder to Us and to all our Barons, that the King your Master, our Good Brother in Law, should send us such a Message as here you bring us: For it could never appear

to us, that the Realm of Scotland was of old bound or subject to England, either to yield Homage or any other Service thereto. Wherefore neither would the King our Father, of famous Memory, ever own any such thing, for all the Wars that were made against him by your King's Father or Grandfather. The steps of our Father we Our selves, God willing, intend to follow, in all that is Just and Hono∣rable, even thô thereby we hazard both our Life and Kingdom. As for Barwick it was l 1.500 fairly won by the Prowess of King Robert our Father, from King Edward Fa∣ther to the King your Master, in time of Open War. And by the same Prowess he held it with Honour, till by his Death it came with the rest of his Inheritance to Us, his undoubted Son and Heir; who intend also with our utmost Ability, to hold it in the best manner we may.

But this Lords, we require of you as Gentlemen and Christians, that you would do your best to persuade the King your Master, whose Sister we have taken into our Royal Bed, that he will suffer us peaceably to enjoy our Rights and Franchises, as his Ancestors have done before; and leave freely in our Possession, what our Father so valiantly wan, and so quietly enjoy'd, and at last so entirely transmitted to Us with his Crown and Kingdom. Nor let the King your Master be too credulous of light Reports; since we intend Religiously to keep the Peace so lately made at Northam∣pton. Nor let him give too much Faith to evil Counsellors, whose restless Spirits stirr him up against us: Since if any other Prince in the world intended to injure us, He ought especially to aid, succour and defend us for his Sisters sake, whom we have Married and taken into our Bosom.

Upon this Answer the Ambassadors promising to acquit themselves as he had re∣quired them, were dismissed; but King Edward was nothing content when he heard them report the Answer. I am well aware, that the Scotch Writers, imagining the bet∣ter to colour all their losses, deliver how their King David had before this, even upon Bailiols Invasion, convey'd himself with his Queen into France: But neither doth it seem honourable nor reasonable, that by so weak, thô successfull an Enemy, and at the appearance of such small Forces, their King should be driven to such desperate Courses; nor is it agreeable to other, either Circumstances or Authors, and it is utterly contradicted by Froisard, who lived near those Days, and took great Care, and was very impartial in Collecting his History. Wherefore with him we cannot admit that he left his Kingdom in this manner, till the Main of his Forces were overthrown by King Edward in the Battle of Halidoun, to which now we hasten.

III. The late-mention'd Answer from Scotland was no way pleasing to King Ed∣ward; for whatever Natural affection for his Sister, the Queen of Scots, might per∣suade, he saw plainly by the resolute Answer of King David, that he was no longer to be rely'd on as a Friend, than he should want Power of manifesting himself an E∣nemy to England; that the Old League with France was more prevalent than this New Alliance with him; that however now in his Pupillage he seem'd desirous of Peace, within a few years he would prove both willing, and able to wage the fiercer Wars. It troubled him also not a little, that while himself was under Age, so Dis∣honourable a Bargain had been made, wherein he had been induced to resign those Instruments of his Superiority over Scotland, which as his Father had purchas'd with much Honourable Difficulty, so till himself had regain'd them he could not be at friends with himself. The present Occasion also seem'd more promising, since the Scots had already broke the Peace, and that (on his Part beside) the Limits of the Peace were fully expired; that moreover King Bailiol, had in Reality the best Right to that Crown; from whom he might expect not only the accustomed Homage, but also Re∣stitution of what Himself in his Minority had by evil Counsel resign'd, to the extream Diminution of his Honour and Royal Prerogative. Add to all this, that till he had settled his Affairs on that side, he could not safely make any Pretensions to France; which the Lord Robert of Artois from his first coming had vehemently instigated him unto; according to that vulgar Saying,

He that the Realm of France would win, Must with Scotland first begin.

Now therefore he calls his m 1.501 Parliament, which, as we said before, met at York a lit∣tle after the Purification of the Virgin Mary, or rather in the beginning of March, the * 1.502 Second Sunday in Lent happening that Year on the last of February. To this Parli∣ment King Bailiol, as holding of King Edward, had his Summons; but n 1.503 he under∣standing,

that his Enemies had laid wait for him in the adjacent Isles and elsewhere, durst not adventure to come in Person; but sent his sufficient Excuse by the Lord Henry Beaumont Earl of Buquhain, the Lord William Montagu and other Lords and Knights; who so evidently declared the Reasons of his Non-appearance at that time, that their Apology was accepted by the King and his Council. Here the King decla∣ring to all his Lords, the late Answer of the King of Scots to his Embassy, o 1.504 demands their Advice thereupon, and that they would consider what way he might best salve his Honour and maintain his Right.

The Result was, The whole Parliament was of Opinion, that the King could no longer with Honour put up those Wrongs and Injuries daily done unto him, and his people by the Scots: They humbly therefore pray'd and advis'd his Majesty to pro∣vide such force of Men and Arms, as might not only reduce Barwick into his Power, but also compell the King of Scotland gladly to seek his Peace, by rendring unto him the ac∣customed Homage for that Kingdom. In which Enterprise they all promised to assist him in Purse and Person.

The King, as he was always very Gracious to his People, thanked them heartily for the Loyal Affection, wherewith they embrac'd his Honour and Interest, and so having pre∣fixed p 1.505 Trinity Sunday for the time wherein his Forces were to be Assembled at Newcastle upon Tine, he Dissolv'd the Parliament.

Thus was a War resolv'd on: But yet q 1.506 before the King of England would draw his Sword, he sends again to King David other Ambassadors, to summon him to come and do the required Homage, upon peremptory refusal whereof, they were se∣cretly instructed with full Authority to defie him. But for all this, the Scots were so Resolute upon their Liberty, that no better Answer could be obtain'd, than what was return'd before: So that the Defiance was openly made, and War Published be∣tween the two Nations.

— r 1.507 Tanton' placuit concurrere Motu, O Deus, aeternâ Gentes in Pace futuras?

IV. Before s 1.508 this King Edward had sent some Forces toward the North, not to In∣vade Scotland, but to make good the Borders, in case of an Invasion from thence: And well it happen'd, that he had so provided. For t 1.509 before the Defiance was made, the Lord Archimbald Douglas, on the 20 of March, being the Sunday after the An∣nunciation, had enter'd the Marches of England (as we u 1.510 shew'd before) where he continued four days in great Outrage, without any encounter, and after that got off safe, thô with no great Booty. But now King Edward had order'd Reprisals to be made upon the Enemy, and soon x 1.511 after the Lord William Montague, Ralph Lord Nevill, the Lord Henry Plantagenet, Son to the Old Earl of Lancaster, and Ri∣chard Fitz-Alan Earl of Arundel, passed with King Bailiol into Scotland, where they did much Damage to the Enemy; and among the Rest, they took a certain For∣tress wherein they found the Lord Robert Colvile, a Baron y 1.512 of England, Prisoner (whom they released) with many other English Gentlemen, and several great Ladies of the Country, all whom they deliver'd. Here also they found a vast quantity of Provision of all sorts, which they kept for themselves, and so ras'd the Castle to the ground: From hence they March'd directly for Barwick, which they began to lay Siege to, both by Sea and Land.

A little before, to retaliate those Hostile Incursions made by the Scots upon the Marches, the Lord z 1.513 Anthony Lucy of Cockermouth, and William of Loughmaban with only 800 Resolute Men had enter'd Scotland in Hostile manner, for above twenty Leagues, when they were met by the Lord William Douglas, Captain of the Fortress of Loughmaban, attended with a great Multitude of Men of War. However at last the Victory fell to the English, the Lord Humphry Gurdon, Sr. William of Carlile, and more than an hundred and sixty Men of Arms being slain; the Lord Douglas himself, with Sr. William Ward, and about an hundred others were taken Prisoners, with a great deal of Booty. But the Lord Anthony Lucy on the English part, was very much wounded in the Fight, thô not mortally; and so they all return'd with their Prey and Prisoners into England. About the same time another party of the English Bor∣derers made a sudden Inroad into Scotland, and coming to Haddington in the time of a great Fair, they slew and took all they found there, seising on all their Cattle and other Commodities, that were of any Value.

V. But now, while the Siege of Barwick was carrying on, King Edward himself comes thither in Person with a well appointed Army; and there resolutely invests the

Town, declaring, he would never depart thence, till he had reduced the Place, or the King of Scots should come thither to give him Battle. Some five Weeks be∣fore he had been before Barwick, but a 1.514 then he was advised not to spend his time in a tedious and uncertain Siege; but to ride up in the Land and Destroy and Con∣quer, as his Grandfather had done in the furthest parts of Scotland; the Forces of King Bailiol being judg'd sufficient to hold a formal Siege, thô not to carry the place by force. Upon this reason, and hoping thereby to draw King David, or his Lieute∣nant to a Battle, he follows the advice, Wasting and Destroying all the plain Coun∣try of Scotland, and taking in several fortified Towns, and the strong Castle of Eden∣burgh particularly, wherein he placed a Garrison. Thence passing the Frith at Queens∣ferry, he came to Dunfermlin, and destroy'd the Town, but not the least harm was done to the Abbey, the King giving special Command to the contrary; hence he over∣ran all the Country about Scone, as far as Dundee, and on the left hand, as far as Dunbritton, an impregnable Castle, about five Miles from Glascow, standing on the Ri∣ver Cluid, in the Marches, bordering on the wild Scots. To this place King David with his Queen was now retired for safety; for he had been advised by his Council,

not to hazard a Battle, seeing, that beside the common uncertainty of War, he had but few good Captains remaining, and himself was little more than ten Years Old; the Lord William Douglas also now being Prisoner in England: But wait a while (say they) till this Tempest is of it self blown over; another time we may reco∣ver these Losses more easily.

Hereupon the King being thus secur'd, the rest of the Scots of those parts had withdrawn themselves, and the best of their Moveables into the Forest of Gedworth, which was impassable, but to those who were well acquaint∣ed with the Country. King Edward therefore, having thus ravag'd over all Scotland at his pleasure, without the least proffer of Battle made to him (except that some Knights and Gentlemen of Scotland would frequently Skirmish with any small detach∣ments from his Army) and finding it fruitless to expect any just Opposition from King David, intends back again for Barwick: But in the way thither he took the Castle of Blacknes belonging to Earl Douglas, which being about 10 Leagues or 20 Scotch Miles from Edinburgh, he Garrison'd also for himself, as he had done divers other Ca∣stles before, intending thereby to make constant War upon Scotland within its own Bowels.

Just as the King of England was return'd to the Siege before Barwick, with a Reso∣lution not to stir thence, till he had taken the Place, or that King David should raise his Siege by Battle; about the same time came to Barwick, the Lord b 1.515 John Darcy Justice of Ireland, with a Gallant small Body of Men to the King his Masters Assistance. He had three Years c 1.516 before been sent by King Edward into Aquitain to the Reinforcement of William de Burgo, alias Burgh, Earl of Ʋlster, then Guardian of that Dutchy. But the said Earl being this Year d 1.517 desirous to pass into Scotland to wait upon the King his Lord, as he was riding to Knockfergus, near the Fords of Ʋlster, and talking familiarly with his Followers about the subject matter of his present Un∣dertaking, an Irishman called Robert Fitzmartin Mandevil, suddenly drew his sword and ran it into his belly; so that there the young Valorous Earl was slain (only because he had imprison'd one Henry Mandevil of that Family) leaving behind him e 1.518 one Daugh∣ter, Elizabeth, Heir of all his vast Possessions; which afterwards was Married to a Son of King Edward's not yet Born. To Revenge his Death, the Lord Darcy leaving A∣quitain, came now for Ireland with this small Army; but understanding that the Men of the Country had already done that Work to his hand, by putting the foresaid Man∣devil and his Fellows to due Execution, he set Sr. Thomas Burgh in his place, as Lieu∣tenant of Ireland, and so made directly for Scotland, whither he came just in time to give a Specimen both of his Loyalty and Valour.

For in this very juncture the Scots having gotten together a considerable Army, re∣solv'd to raise the Siege from before Barwick; but when they saw too much difficulty in the undertaking, they proceeded over the Tweed into Northumberland, where being informed, that the young Queen of England was in the Castle of Bamburgh, near the River Warne, they immediately laid their Siege thereto; if by any means, for her sake at least, they might so oblige King Edward to rise from before Barwick. But this Prince was not so Uxorious; and besides he well knew the Great strength of that Place, and that his Queen had sufficient Provision both of Men and Victuals; so that for all this he stirred not, thô he heard likewise, how the Scots, during this their Siege before Bamburgh, f 1.519 overran the whole Country with their Detachments, Ravaging and Destroying whatever they could find, for six days together.

During this Siege of Barwick, there arose g 1.520 a great Controversie between two En∣glish Knights, the one Sr. William Fackenham Appellant, and the other Sr. John Sit∣sylt, alias Cecil, Defendant. The Quarrel was concerning an Ensign of Arms, which were, h 1.521 A Field Barry of Ten pieces, Argent and Azure, on six Escutcheons, three, two and one, Sable, as many Lions Rampant of the First. Which Arms each of these Knights challenged as his Right, and proffer'd to maintain the same by Combat in their proper Persons. But it pleased the King, that the Heralds should decide this matter by Law and Justice, without shedding of Blood; and so the Right of bearing those Arms was solemnly adjudged to Sr. John Cecill, as Heir of Blood lineally descended from the Body of James Cecill, Baron of Beauport, slain at the Siege of Wallingford Castle in the Fourth of King Stephen. Which Lord James Cecill was Son of Sr. Robert Sit∣sylt (for that is the right Ancient Name) who in the Days of King William Rufus, went with Robert Fitz-Haimo to the Conquest of the County of Glamorgan; after which he Married a Lady, by whom he had Alterennes, and other Lands in Hereford and Glocestershire. From these Cecills in a direct Line is the Right Honourable i 1.522 James, the Present Earl of Salisbury, Vicount Cranburne, descended: Who, when at St. Johns College in Cambridge, was pleas'd to allow me the Honour of his Acquaintance; whereby I am able upon Knowledge to declare, that he is a Gentleman, who for Loyalty, Generosity, and affability, is most likely to Advance the Ancient and Honourable Name of the Cecills to the utmost Period of Glory.

But to proceed to our History; all this while the Scots within Barwick had not been idle, but always defended themselves gallantly, and sometimes by brisk and vigorous Sallies offended their Enemies not a little: For the Town was well furnished with Men of War and Provision of all sorts, as having had a timely warning of what they were to expect beforehand. Once they undertook to fire the English Navy, thô without effect, at which time Sr. William k 1.523 Seton, the Bastard of Sr. Alexander Seton, a Man of great valour, being about to leap on board an English Ship, his own Vessel was sud∣denly wrought so far by the violence and motion of the Waves, that falling short be∣tween the two Vessels, he was unfortunately lost in the great hurry of the Engage∣ment, to the infinite regret of all that knew him. Once there happen'd a sudden fire in the Town, when the Captains fearing the English might make use of that advantage to their Ruine, begg'd a Truce and Respit, only while they might quench the Fire, pro∣mising thereupon to yield the Town afterward, if they had no Succour by that time: But the danger of the Conflagration being once overcome, they persisted in their Ob∣stinacy. Thus for three Months the Siege continued with much trouble to the Besie∣ged, as well otherwise, as because of their frequent Sallies, wherein for the most part they always had the worse; in one of them One of Sr. Alexander Setons legitimate Sons being also taken Prisoner. So that at last Sr. Alexander was so much opprest, that he gave his Eldest son Sr. Thomas Seton an Hostage to King Edward; that he would now without fail yield up the Town, if he were not succoured by such a Day. The King of England l 1.524 would have had all yielded up simply on Discretion (whereas the Besieged required their Lives and Goods to be saved) till he was obliged to com∣ply with their Request by the Advice of his Council, especially of the Lord Robert of Artois, who being with him in all this Expedition, and observing the Barrenness of Scotland, and the unprofitableness of these Wars, still egg'd him on with all the ear∣nestness imaginable to make an end here, and to enterprise the Conquest of France, which was his by Right of Inheritance, and was rich enough to fill his Armies with Plun∣der. Upon this account the Truce being granted, and the Hostage deliver'd, m 1.525 the Lord Patrick of Dumbar and Sr. Alexander Seton, sent away Sr. William Keth to the Siege of Bamburgh, to require the Scotch Lords speedily to come back to their Assi∣stance, assuring them,

That if they would Couragiously dispose themselves to fight with the two Kings, they would undoubtedly prevail, great Numbers of the English Army being bestow'd about in Garrison; and as for the Rest, they must either di∣vide themselves when they were to fight, or the Town and Castle would be at liberty to fall on their Backs, while the Army engaged them in the Front.

Now when Sr. William Keth had brought this Message to the Scotch Lords before Bam∣burgh, they, because also by this time the Castle seem'd impregnable (as we may part∣ly guess by those Ruins of the Walls, which are yet, or were very lately, to be seen) resolve to Rise from before the Place, and to advance against the Enemy. Wherefore the seventh Day from their coming thither, they began their March toward Barwick, and so repassing the Tweed, fetch'd a compass, and at last encamped in a place called Bothul near Halliden (vulgarly Halidoune) Hill, on the North side of Barwick.

But before I come to the Battle, I must not omit a Story, which the Scotch Writers call (thô nothing at all credible) lest thereby I may seem partially to rob that Na∣tion of what is esteem'd so honourable by those indiscreet Authors. Both the Besie∣gers and the Besieged saw this Approach of the Lord Archimbald Douglas with an Ar∣my of above Sixty thousand Men: At which time (as they n 1.526 report) King Edward of England calls forth his Hostage Sr. Thomas Seton, together with his brother William, whom he had taken prisoner, and erecting a Gibbet in fight of the Town, sends an Herald to assure Sr. Alexander, that unless he would forthwith yield up the Town, they should both be speedily executed. What should the Captain do in this case, he had already lost his Bastard son, who for his worth and valour, was no less dear to him than One of these. Both these, who were now ready to die, except he yeelded, were also Young Men of great Hope, and to a Father not less dear than Life it self. Yet Manly honour, and the Duty he ow'd his Country, pleaded strongly against Fatherly Affection; and now in a manner he is resolved to conquer importunate Nature, and make her as is fit, give place to vertue; when e're he was aware, casting his watry eyes toward the Gallows, and beholding again both his Sons, his only Hopes, ready to be sacrificed by the Hangman, the violence of Natural Affection return'd again, and wholly master'd his Nobler Thoughts of Honour. But just then, as he is resolving out of Paternal piety to be Impious to his common Mother his Country, behold his Lady, the Mother of the young Men, putting on the Spirit of a Man (which her Husband had laid off) began to confirm his late-wavering Mind, by laying before him,

What Duty he ow'd to his King and Country, and how untainted the Honour of his Family had hitherto been: That thô these their Children should thus perish, they might have Others, for neither was he, nor her self as yet uncapable of producing more (which we shall examin by and by) that thô they should now e∣scape, once they must surely die; but if now the Name of Seton should be blackned with Treason, no time would purge it from their Posterity. That she had often heard from the discourses of wise Men, the Praise of those who had voluntarily re∣sign'd their Children to death for the sake of their Country. Beside, should he prove Disloyal in hopes to save their Lives, how could he assure himself to preserve them thereby? Or that the perjur'd Tyrant (says she) would then keep his Word, who had broke it already; the day being not yet come, on which he was engag'd to yield? But the Succour being ready at hand, which ought to secure the Hostage? That therefore he should not seek to redeem an uncertain or short satisfaction, for a certain and perpetual Blot of Infamy!

This Speech settling the Good Man in his Loyal Resolution, she withdrew him from the Walls, that he might no more be stag∣ger'd when he should behold the shamefull End of his dear Children.

To say the truth this is a very pretty Tale, and would make as much for the Ho∣nour of that Noble Virago, as it reflects upon King Edward a stain of Inhumanity and Injustice: But as I said before, it is no way credible, if we consider the little Autho∣rity wherewith it is confirmed, only Hectors and Buchanans Word for't; the utter Improbability, that so Gallant a Prince should be so ungenerously Cruel; the Incon∣sistence of that part of the Speech, wherein 'tis affirmed that they were both capable of having more Children; when her youngest Son was now so great a Soldier, as they make him in the Sally wherein he was taken; his Elder brother Sr. Thomas having been given as Hostage, and yet an Elder than him, named Sr. Alexander, was a great Captain and slain at Kingcorne, when Bailiol first landed in Scotland, two Years be∣fore. But above all, we shall find a few Pages hence, that this Sr. Alexander the Fa∣ther, the Town of Barwick being yielded, when among others he had his choice to go or stay, chose rather to yield Homage to King Edward of England, which certainly neither his Lady would have suffer'd him to do, nor Nature it self, had his Children been now so unjustly and barbarously put to death by that King. Not to take no∣tice of the Declamatory Art, wherewith this Ladies Speech is fraught, she in one place alluding to the stories of Macaria or Iphigenia among the Greek Tragedians, or perhaps to the Tragedy of Jeptha, which Buchanan himself had put forth; and yet Hector is much more florid and rhetoricall in the Speech he makes her; and he says too, that the Scotch Army was not yet come neither. But having thus, for fear of being thought willing to conceal any Truth, told an Incredible story to the Honour of a Scotch Lady, I hope, I may be allow'd at the same time to tell another, every whit as well attested of an English Knight.

Now it is to be premised, that in these Days there were found in the Great Wood of Caledon a sort of huge wild white Bulls, called o 1.527 Bisons, with shaggy and curled

Mains, like p 1.528 Lions, otherwise not unlike to ours: These q 1.529 were so Fierce and Sa∣vage, that they could never be made familiar, nor would they taste of any Herb, or Grass, on which they found the Scent of a Man, after many days: ^o When they were taken (which was very hard to do) they would refuse all sustenance, and starve them∣selves to Death. Whatever came against them they would with great Fury and Vi∣olence run at, neither fearing Dogs, Nets, nor any kind of Weapon. It is said the late King of Scotland, Robert Bruce, who greatly delighted to hunt these Bulls, was one time overthrown by one of them, and in evident Peril of his Life: When a certain young Esquire, that was at that instant near his Person, running up to his Rescue, and seising upon the Bulls Horns by plain Force, overthrew him to the Earth, and so held him, till the Hunters came up and slew him. For this Notable Fact of his, the King endued him with large Possessions, and from that time his Name became Turnbull, which is retained by his Posterity even to this day. Now this Turnbull being at this time of such Renown, as also of incredible strength and Courage, and of unusual Sta∣ture, resolv'd to venture his Life for the Honour of his Country, and accordingly on the Vigil of St. Margaret, being the r 1.530 19 of July, and a Monday, before the Battles joyn'd, came out of the Scottish Host, and standing between both Armies, by an He∣rald s 1.531 Challenged to fight a Mortal Duel with any One of all the English. While e∣very Mind was busied about this bold Defiance, a young Knight of Norfolk, whom Baker calls Venile, Stow, Venale; but by good Authority, I find his Name was Sr. Ro∣bert Benhale (the * 1.532 same who in the Parliament An^o 1331 was Fined for a Riot) offer'd himself before the King of England, and kneeling desired his leave to undertake the Combat. This granted, he Arms himself, and with his naked Sword walks forth fair and softly to meet the Enemy: Before they joyn'd, it is reported, that a Monstrous Fierce black-Mastiff, an t 1.533 attendant of Turnbulls, flew out against the English Knight, who nothing daunted at the unexpected meeting of so uncouth an Enemy, raising his Right Arm on High, with a quick and sprightly pace, advanced up directly before him, till just upon the Shock he nimbly skips on the right side of the Mastiff, and at the same instant let fall his Right Arm so strongly, that he cut him in sunder at the Loins; and as fully secure of his own unerring hand, on he proceeds leisurely, with∣out once looking back to see what he had done. This Resolution of Mind, and this Activity of Body, as it greatly comforted all his Party, so it much disturbed the Bul∣ky Challenger, who could not but look on this as an unlucky Omen to himself. But Honour, and indeed Necessity, oblig'd him now to Muster up all his Courage; for by this, Sr. Robert Benhale was at him, wisely observing, what part of his Body was most assaultable.

The Giant laid most Manfully about him, and it seem'd, that a few of his strokes might suffice to decide the Controversie: But the Defendant was Young, Vigorous, and Nimble, ever at him, and yet ever at a distance from him; still offering, and ne∣ver resolving to strike, till he might once do it to purpose. When Turnbull thought himself sure of his Head, his Adversary was three paces out of his reach; and yet it behov'd him to make use of all his skill to defend himself; for immediately he was in upon him again. Thus for a while it was a delightfull sight for the Spectators to be∣hold, how the Unwieldy Turnbull behav'd himself, with as much Skill and Courage as was possible; but the Active English Knight traversing his ground with no less skill, and renewing his approaches with no less Courage, breath'd his Bulk pretty hand∣somely. All that beheld the Combat were full of Concern, according to their several Interests; but the English had the greater share of Hope, when they saw what Me∣thods their Champion us'd to tire his Antagonist, and how neat a Master he was of his Weapon. Turnbull well knew this Dilatory way was not for his Advantage, and therefore resolv'd to take the first opportunity to strike home with a vengeance. Sr. Robert, who well observ'd his Eye and Hand together, and easily apprehended his De∣sign, came one time briskly so near, that the Scot was now sure to himself of good Fortune. He strake at him with all his Might, Sr. Robert suddenly eludes the Blow, and while the Adversary bending down his Right side, and Rearing at the same time his left Arm, was recovering his overpois'd Body, in that very instant, Benhale steps boldly in, and with one home blow divides his left Arm from his Body; and just then (to the Admiration of all) while the Scot was lending a full stroke, he avoided out of his reach. And now, had he so pleas'd, he might have danc'd him to Death, the Blood gush'd out so mainly: But he had Courage, as well as Activity, and imme∣diately counterfeits a Design at his right Leg; many Falsifies he made toward his Head, but seem'd chiefly to aim lower: When the Giant considering his Condition re∣quir'd

dispatch, and hoping to requite the Loss of his Arm, with his Enemies Death, Levels a deadly Vengeance at Sr. Robert's Head. This was also fully avoided, be∣cause craftily invited; when quick as Imagination, he throws himself in upon him and with one full Blow, to which he lent both his Hands, cuts off Turnbulls Head. 'Twas so suddenly done, that it could not easily be judg'd, whether the Giant rais'd his Arm before or after the stroke was given: The Trunk stood some moments, but presently yielded to Death, falling forward to the Ground, at which Instant the Hea∣vens Rang with the Shouts of the English. The Knight address'd himself forthwith to spoil the Body, or at least to gather up the Head and sword of Turnbull: When of a sudden a Troop of Horse from the Scots, came forward upon the Spur to destroy him basely, who had defended his Life with so much Honour. King Edward was not aware of any such unworthy Action; so that the Knight was well near surrounded, by that time the King had commanded a Troop out to his Assistance. However, For∣tune so well seconded his Valour, that he escap'd alive from this Field; for in the u 1.534 Tenth of this Kings Reign we find him again in the Wars of Scotland, and two Years after in the Expedition into Flanders, and two and twenty Years after that he had Summons to Parliament amongst the Barons of this Realm.

The Scots came freshly forward in Four Battails about the time of Evensong, at which time the Floud was up at Barwick in the Water of Tweed; so that none might pass over on Horse, or Foot, the River being between the English, and the Realm of England: Wherefore the Scots, who were on the other side the English, expected, that those who fell not on their swords, would be drown'd in the Water.

This was the Array of the Scots, when they came in Four Battails against the Two Kings of England and Scotland.

In the Scotch Vaward x 1.535 were these Lords, John Lord Murray, who that day sup∣ply'd the Place of the Lord John Randulph, Earl of Murray, he being detain'd by sickness; the Lord Andrew Fraisier, with his two Brethren, Simon and James; Re∣ginald Cheyne, Patrick Graham, John Graunt, James of Carlile, Patrick Parker, Ro∣bert Caldecotes, Philip Meldrun, Thomas and Gilbert Wiseman, Adam Gourdon, James Gramont, Robert Brady, Hugh Park, with 40 Knights new dubbed, 600 men of Arms, and 3000 Commons.

In the First half of the Second Battail of the Scots, were these Lords, Robert Steward of Scotland, with his Banner, James St••••rt his Uncle, with his Banner, the Earl of Men∣teith, the Lord William Dougla•••• ••avid Lindsey, Malcom Flemin, William Keth, Dun∣can Campbell, with 30 Batchelours new dubbed; and in the Second half of the said Battail, were these Lords, James Stuart of Colden, Alan Stuart, William Abernethy, William Morrice, William Friskin, Adam Morest, Walter Fitz-Gilbert, John Gret∣ton, Robert Walthew, the whole Battail amounting to 700 Men of Arms, and 17000 Commons.

In the Third Ward of the Scotch Army were these Lords, Hugh Earl of Ross, Ken∣neth Earl of Southerland, and the Earl of Strathern, William Kirkeby, John Cam∣bron, Gilbert Say, William Ramsey, William y 1.536 Prondegest, Crispin Hard, William Gourdon, Arnold Ward, Thomas Dulpin, with 40 Knights new-dubbed, 900 Men of Arms, and 15000 Commons.

In the Fourth Ward of the Army of Scotland were these Lords, Archimbald Doug∣las, with his Banner, the Earl of Lenox, Alexander Bruce Earl of Fife, John Camp∣bell, Reputed Earl of Athol, Robert Sterenlow, William Vipount, Robert Lawether, John Lindsey, Alexander Graham, Patrick Prollesworth, David Wimes, Michael Scot, Thomas Bois, Roger Mortimer, William Ʋmphranville, Thomas Vaux, William Landis, with 30 Batchelours, 900 Men of Arms, and 18400 Commons. Besides this the Earl of Dunbar, Keeper of the Castle of Barwick, holp the Scots at this time with 50 Men of Arms, and Sr. Alexander Seton, Captain of the Town with an 100 Men of Arms; and the Commons of the Town with 400 Men of Arms, and 10800 Footmen: For all was set upon the Fortune of this Battle.

So the Summ of the Earls and Lords amounts to 65; the Summ of Knights Batchelours new-dubbed, comes to 140; the Foot of the Computation of Men of Arms makes 3650, and of the Commons, 64200: The Total of the whole Ar∣my arises to 68055. And the 65 Great Lords lead them on in Four Bat∣tails, as we said before, all on Foot; having deliver'd their Horses to their Servants.

Now because the Garrison of Barwick was almost exhausted, and by the Consent of both Nations, the Matter was to be determin'd by this Battle, there was no neces∣sity

of leaving any English Troops at the Siege; wherefore Edward King of England, and Edward King of Scotland having drawn out all their Forces into the Field, had also by this time well Marshal'd their Men in Four small Battails, to fight on foot a∣gainst their Enemies. And then the English Ministrels blew aloud their Trumpets, and sounded their Pipes, and other Instruments of Martial Musick, and Marched furiously to meet the Scots. Now to each Battail of English, were two Wings of chosen Ar∣chers, who z 1.537 shot this day so thick, and so home, that the Scots could by no means maintain their Order: So that the Englishmen of Arms and Footmen enter'd in a∣mong them, and beat them down by Heaps. Yet still the Scots fought valiantly; and while the Lord Archimbald Douglas liv'd, kept the Field with great Courage; thô much to their Loss: But when they saw him struck thrô the Body with a Spear, they began to flee for safeguard of their Lives, thô to very little purpose. For when the Scotch Valets and Pages saw the Discomfiture, they ran away upon the Spur, with their Masters Horses to save themselves, taking no Care for their Masters. But when the English men of Arms saw that, they leap'd on their Horses, and follow'd the Chace with great Fury; then were the Scotch men trodden down on all sides, their display'd Ban∣ners fell'd to the Ground, all torn and hack'd in pieces; and many a good Habergeon bathed in the Owners Blood. Yet frequently did the Scots gather together in Com∣panies to dispute the point with their Pursuers; but still they were discomfited. And thus, says my a 1.538 Author, it befell as God would, that the Scots had that day no more Power nor Might against the English, than twenty Sheep would have against five Wolves; and so were they discomfited, althô they were almost five to one of the English: And in this Battle were slain of the Scots; 35712, and of Englishmen only Seven, accord∣ing to the foresaid Author, and those were Footmen. Their Writers confess, that a Wing of English wheeling about, intercepted them in their Flight, and that they were b 1.539 even wearied with the slaughter of the Scots; and yet at the same time, Hector allows but 14000, Buchanan but 10000 to be slain: So fearfull are they to speak an un∣gratefull Truth, thô they have not Art enough wholly to conceal it. They themselves acknowledge that these Great Men fell that day; namely, the Lord c 1.540 Archimbald Dou∣glas their General, the Lords James, John, and Alan, Stuarts, Hugh Earl of Ross, Kenneth Earl of Southerland, Alexander Bruce Earl of Carrick, Sr. William Tudway, Sr. John Graham, Sr. Alexander Fraisier, and his two Brethren, James and Simon Knights of High Birth and Valour: Sr. Duncan Campbell, and Sr. John Campbell who call'd himself Earl of Athol, the Earls of Lenox and Menteith, and many more: So that this day seem'd to take away whatever of the Scotch Nobility was left in the Battle of Duplin. The English followed the Chace five Miles, making a Bloody Pursuit till Night: For the Scots as they gather'd together, made frequent Returns upon their E∣nemies; insomuch, that in all they lost upon this Occasion 8 Earls, 90 Knights and Baronets, 400 Esquires, and about 32000 (or as some say d 1.541 35000) of the Common Soldiers. For the Lord John e 1.542 Darcy with his Irish Troops on the one side, made a great Slaughter; while the King, with a choice Brigade of Men of Arms and Ar∣chers on Horse-back so encompassed them on the other side, that very few could escape, except those who first of all began the Flight. Not a few also were taken alive, as Sr. William Keth, who was the Occasion of this Loss to his Country, by perswading them against their Opinions, to joyn Battle with the King; Sr. William Douglas the Son of Sr. James, who died in Spain, Sr. Robert Kirkpatrick, Sr. William Campbell, Sr. Gilbert Wiseman, Sr. Alexander Graham, Sr. Oliver Sinclare, with ma∣ny more, all whom, as Hector says, King Edward the next day caused to lose their Heads, except such, as for Rewards were privily conceal'd from Death by the souldiers. This shamefull lie Buchanan however wholly omits, not out of good Nature we may be sure, but because of its Notorious Falsity. And Froisard frequently Reports of the English and Scots, that of all other Nations they were most Fierce against each o∣ther in time of Battle, but mutually Kind and Courteous to their Prisoners. Nor durst any souldiers for Gain conceal them, nor could they if they would, and we shall find seve∣ral of these, said here to have been Beheaded, in Action hereafter: For thô Hector in subtlety left out the Names of the Prisoners, we have recovered them elsewhere, and cannot but observe the Malice of the Man, who when he makes Calumnies, many times uses such General Terms, as plainly shews he was not furnish'd with Particulars. Those, who were privately saved by some English Souldiers, make a plausible excuse for the Forger to evade by, when we shall produce him any of these Prisoners alive afterward.

VII. Now the most Famous Barons and Leaders that were with King Edward in this Battle, f 1.543 were Prince John of Eltham, the Kings own Brother, and Prince Thomas of

Brotherton his Uncle, William Lord Montagu, Peter Lord Mauley, Thomas Beau∣champ Earl of Warwick, John Earl of Warren and Surrey, the Lord Walter Manny, Ralph Lord Nevil of Raby, Henry Lord Percy, John Lord Gray of Codonor, the Lords Alexander Hilton, Ralph Camois, Thomas Furnival, Gilbert Aton, Adam Wells, John Moels, alias Mules; beside the Lords John Willoughby, and John Fauconberg, both who fought Valiantly under the Banner of the Lord Ebulo le Strange: There were also these Lords John Moubray, Bartholomew Burwash senior, Robert Lord Clif∣ford, William Lord Clinton, Hugh Lord Audley junior, afterwards Earl of Glouce∣ster, Ralph Lord Basset of Drayton, Sr. John Roos and Thomas Brethren to Wil∣liam Lord Roos, Sr. Hugh Courtney son and Heir apparent of the Lord Hugh Courtney the Elder, and Sr. Robert Pierpoint, g 1.544 whose services that day were so Considerable, that they obtain'd him an High Place in the Kings Favour: And from him the present Thrice-Noble Earl of Kingston is Descended.

It is h 1.545 generally agreed, that the Scotch Army did by far exceed the English in number; and the Courage of that Nation was never justly called in question; yet thus by their own want of Experience, or disadvantage of Ground, or Divine Judgment, they were slain, taken and routed by a far less number of English; who yet in the whole Action lost but one Knight, one Esquire, and twelve or thirteen Footmen, fifteen being the most that are said to fall on our side. So great and signal a Victory could not but enforce the yielding up of the Town and Castle, which were before so much distressed, and could now expect no other timely Succour. Accordingly i 1.546 that very day, or ra∣ther (as k 1.547 some say) the next, both were deliver'd up to King Edward, who gave the Townsmen l 1.548 a Truce for 40 days, in which space of time they might sell, or o∣therwise dispose of their Goods, such as had a mind to depart; but as for those who were willing to become his Liege Men, he gave them free leave to remain in their dwel∣lings still, and enjoy their own, they giving unto him their Oath of Fealty. Of these were Earl Patrick of Dunbar, late Captain of the Castle, and Sr. Alexander m 1.549 Seton himself (Captain of the Town) who certainly would never have sworn Loyalty to him, had he so cruelly executed his Sons, as the same Scotch Writers too rashly re∣port. Sr. n 1.550 Alexander Ramsey also, and Sr. Robert Miners, with Other the Chief of the Town, to save their Houses and Lands there, took the Oath of Allegiance.

King Edward entred into Barwick with great Solemnity, where having tarried twelve days, he appointed King o 1.551 Bailiol to rule all the rest of Scotland, and left with him the Lord Richard Talbot and many other valiant Leaders with a sufficient Army to keep that Realm, that is, all beyond the Scottish Sea; but he himself claim'd Barwick both by Inheritance from his Ancestors and his own Conquest. And there therefore in his own Name, he immediately places the Lord Henry Percy, as Governor of his Castle of Barwick, with his Lieutenant Sr. Thomas Grey, and the Lord Patrick Earl of Dun∣bar was joyn'd in Commission with them, as Wardens jointly of all on this side the Scotch Sea, which he had received to his Peace. Only Earl p 1.552 Patrick had this Penance impo∣sed on him by King Edward,

That since upon the first Arrival of the English, he had (thrô despair to keep it) caused his Castle of Dunbar to be dismantled and rased to the ground, he should now at his own charge rebuild it, and admit an English Garrison therein.

The Lord John q 1.553 Darcy having obtain'd much honour in this War, return'd now with all his Forces to his Province of Ireland; where all along he exercis'd much wis∣dom and integrity in that his Government, and upon his return presently deliver'd Wal∣ter Bermingham Primate of Armagh out of the Castle of Dublin; of which matters to enlarge would be foreign to our purpose.

VIII. But the Pious King Edward of England, in r 1.554 Memory of this great Victory, which happen'd as we have shew'd, on the Eve of St. Margaret the Virgin (that Fe∣stival being in the Roman Calendar on the s 1.555 20 of July) repaired the Church and Convent of the Nuns, near the place where the Battle was sought (it having upon that Occasion been burnt and destroy'd) and caused an Altar to be therein erected and dedicated to that Virgin-Martyr. He further granted to those Nuns and their Succes∣sors for ever, 20l. per annum out of the Issues of the Town and County of Barwick; untill Lands to that value might be settled upon them; to the end,

That annually on the Eve and Day of St. Margaret for ever they should commemorate the Good∣ness of God for his so prosperous Success in that Battle.

As for the Bailiol, about the Feast of St. t 1.556 Laurence, which is the tenth of August, even before the King of England had left those parts, he put himself in the Head of an Army of about 26000 men, all English, or such Scots, as had yielded to serve him; and to prosecute this Victory, marched forth into the very Heart of Scotland, taking

Towns and Castles at his pleasure; for none resisted him: And there he took up his Winter Quarters, all the Country being subjected unto him; as we shall shew more fully anon.

About this time it was as the best Authors agree, that King u 1.557 David Bruce, being thus in a manner deprived of his Kingdom, was both advised by his Friends, and forced by Necessity to forsake his Native Country for a while, and fly to the protection of his old Confederate of France. All this was happily effected by the Loyal assistance of Malcome Flemein of Cumirnald, the Captain of the impregnable Castle of Dunbri∣ton; under whose Conduct, departing secretly with his Queen and a small Company, he set sail for France, and arrived safely at Bouloigne; whence riding to Paris, he was heartily welcom'd of King Philip, who received him with extraordinary Courtesie, of∣fering him freely to command any of his Houses or Castles to reside in, and to take up whatsoever he should want either for Use or Pleasure, provided he would engage ne∣ver to make any final Agreement with King Edward of England without his Consent first had and obtained; thô at the same time the Lord x 1.558 Bartholomew Burwash the El∣der, and other Commissioners late sent from England, were then in France about re∣newing a Truce toward a full Establishment of Peace. And indeed King Philip, who knew that the Lord Robert of Artois, his Mortal Enemy, was harboured and protected in England, did not at all question, but that he would do his utmost to embroil the Af∣fairs of France; nor was he ignorant; what just pretences King Edward might make to his Crown, beside the ancient and inveterate Antipathy that seem'd almost Natural between the two Kingdoms. He gave therefore to King David the Castle of Galliard upon the Seyne to reside in, during his Necessitous condition, and assign'd him a truly Royal Allowance; for nothing could be got from Scotland considerable enough to main∣tain a Port becoming the Majesty of a King. Nor was it long e're Philip sent into Scotland to those Lords, who held against the English, honourable Messengers with many large Promises of great Assistance both in Men and Money, provided they would engage never to strike up a Peace with the King of England, but by the consent and allow∣ance of him and David their King.

This Message so encouraged the Brucean Lords, that they readily accepted the Mo∣tion, and sware to keep the Covenant, which they sent back to the French King, with their Seals thereto annexed. The Contents whereof were but the same with those, which their King Achaius of old had made with Charlemaine King of France, and which were usually from King to King renewed between the two Crowns, till at last in our Fathers Days Scotland was happily united to the Crown of England: Which Covenant, since the Articles are but short and few, it will not I hope be amiss, here once for all to record.

y 1.559 1. That a firm and perpetual Alliance and Confederacy should be maintained be∣tween the Scots and French.

2. That when the English made War upon either the Scots or French, they should both give mutual Succour reciprocally one to the other.

3. That if it happen'd, the English should war in France, the Scots should then give them Succour with Men of War, to be waged and maintained at the Expences of the French; They also engaging to do the like for them, if it happen'd the English should make War in Scotland.

4. That neither Scots nor French should for the future aid or assist the English with Men, Money, Victuals or Advice, without the consent of the Kings of both Nations, under penalty of being declared guilty of High Treason.

5. That the French should make no Peace or Truce with the English, except the King of Scots may be comprised, named and allowed therein.

6. And lastly, That the Covenants and Conditions above-named, should be confirmed from King to King, and at each Change or Succession of them, that their Pragmati∣cal Sanctions should be sealed and confirmed reciprocally on both Sides.

This is the summ of that ancient League with France, which was now renewed again; And accordingly King Philip soon after z 1.560 sent into Scotland to the assistance of the Bru∣ceans, Men of War under the Command of the Lord Arnold D'Andreghan (who af∣ter became Marshal of France and a Famous Warrier) and the Lord Garenciers, with many other Captains, Knights and Esquires. Besides which he a 1.561 mann'd out ten Men of War to the Reinforcement of the Scots, but these meeting with a Terrible storm at Sea, were driven into Flanders, and so beaten, that after much loss of their Stuff and Pro∣vision, they were fain to return home inglorious and without effect.

King Edward the mean while, having so happily obtained the Victory aforesaid,

and settled his Affairs at Barwick and thereabouts, adding Piety to his Valour, b 1.562 goes according to the Superstition of those Times, with a few Attendants to visit several Places in England, which were most fam'd for Sanctity, and there offer'd his Thanks to God Almighty, the Blessed Virgin Mother, St. Cuthbert at Durham, St. Edward at Westminster, St. Erkenwold at St. Pauls in London, St. Thomas at Canterbury, and St. George at Windsor, for at that beloved Seat of his he finish'd his Pilgrimage. After which in * 1.563 November he again marched toward Scotland, as we shall shew in the be∣ginning of the next Chapter, and kept his * 1.564 Christmas at York, being still c 1.565 attended with the Lord Robert of Artois, who never ceased day nor night to set forth before him the Great Right which he had to the Crown of France; and the King took pleasure to hear him: But as yet matters were not fully ripe.

IX. And now was Scotland for a while quite out of breath, her Nobility being so mightily consum'd by the continual Wars, and their own too great Courage; and none remaining, who was any way able to encounter or impeach King Bailiol, who from this time had the sirname of Conquerour attributed to him. So that now with his d 1.566 Army aforesaid, wherein was the Lord Richard Talbot, and many young Knights and Esquires of England, he took in almost all Scotland, diligently viewing every Place, and prudently settling his Affairs; for the most part furnishing his Garrisons with English, as not yet daring, since the late Treacherous surprize, to repose much confidence in the revolted Scots, whatever Submission they now pretended. Only a few Castles continu∣ed true to King David in this Alteration, which as they could not then be easily ta∣ken for their strength, so for their Number were they very inconsiderable: If any thing may be said to be so in a War, when no less than a Kingdom lies at stake.

Hereupon King Bailiol finding himself pretty well established in his Throne, e 1.567 sum∣mons a Parliament to meet him at Perth, alias St. Johnston, to which those English Lords that claim'd Possessions in Scotland, came and there did their Homage to him for the said respective Lands held under him, reserving still the Allegiance they ow'd to their natural Lord and Soveraign the King of England. Among these was Henry Lord Beaumont Earl of Buquhan, who had to wife the Lady f 1.568 Alice, one of the Sisters, or rather as others say, Cosins and Heirs of the Lord John Cumin Earl of Buquhan and Constable of Scotland; of the Lands of whose Inheritance, doing Homage there∣fore, he had g 1.569 Livery and Seisin in the Sixth of Edward the Second, thô afterwards he was dispossessed, as other English Lords were till this time. This Great Lord they say, did first advise King Bailiol to implore the King of England's Aid toward the re∣covery of his Right; and till the King's Mind might be known, had conceal'd him at the Lady Vesci his sister's House. The Lord Richard Talbot was now also restored to the Lands which he claim'd in right of his Lady h 1.570 Elisabeth, another of the Cosins and Coheirs of the said Lord John Cumin of Badenagh, Earl of Buquan; as David Strabolgi Earl of Athol, in Right of his Mother i 1.571 Joan, the other Cofin and Coheir, whose Name Others reckon to be Katherine, had Livery of his Lands at the same time. Besides these King Bailiol gave to the Lord k 1.572 Henry Percy of Alnwick Castle in Nor∣thumberland, a Grant of the Inheritance of the Pele of Loughmaban, as also of Anan∣dale and Mossetdale, with all the Knights Fees and Advowsons of Churches within those Valleys, in as full and ample Manner as the Lord Thomas Randulph, sometime Earl of Murray ever had them; And moreover, of divers Lands in that Realm which had belonged to other Men of the Brucean Party. The like Grants were given to Ralph Lord Nevil of Raby, John Lord Moubray, and Sr. l 1.573 Edward Bohun, Brother to John Earl of Hereford and Essex, and Constable of England, all Men of great No∣bility and Valour. These with some few more came to this Parliament, held by King Bailiol, as Peers of Scotland, and as owing Homage for their respective lands held of him, partly to settle their own Affairs, and partly m 1.574 as Commissioners from the King of England, to see those Agreements ratified and confirmed, that had been made be∣tween the two Kings. And in this Parliament n 1.575 were revoked, and made null and void all Acts, Statutes and Ordinances which the late Kings of Scotland, Robert or David had made; and it was enacted, That all such Lands and Possessions, as either of the said Bruces had given, granted or confirmed to any Person or Persons whatso∣ever, should be now taken away and restored to the former and true Inheritor. Thus was David seemingly unking'd, and Bailiol to all appearance fixed in the Scottish Throne; but we shall quickly see him at the bottom of the Wheel again, and once more King David must be lifted up, thô to his greater loss and trouble.

But now we must shut up this Active year with a few Memorandums of Mortality: For Lewis Beaumont Bishop of Durham, o 1.576 departing this life in September, on the 19 of

December following Dr. Richard Bury, formerly the Kings Tutor, was consecrated Bi∣shop in his stead, in the presence of the King and Queen of England, and of King Bai∣liol of Scotland, besides 2 Archbishops, 5 Bishops, 7 Earls, and many other Noble Personages both Lords and Ladies: So obligingly Gracious was this Mighty Monarch to the Man that taught him; as indeed for his great Learning and Abilities he did well deserve. Also on the 12 of October following, p 1.577 Dr. Simon Mepham Archbishop of Can∣terbury deceased at his Mannor of Magfield, and was succeeded in that See by Dr. John Stratford Bishop of Winchester, a Man of great Learning, Judgment and Loyal∣ty. And on the 13 of the same Month Sr. Hugh Poynz, q 1.578 a noble and valiant Knight and Baron of this Realm went the way of all Flesh, leaving behind him Nicholas his Son and Heir, from whom many worthy Branches are descended.

CHAPTER the SEVENTH.

The CONTENTS.

I. A Parliament held at York. II. Edward Bailiol King of Scotland renders Homage to King Edward of England, whereby the Scots begin first to be distasted again. John Duke of Bretagne likewise renders Homage to the King of England for his Earldom of Richmond. III. A Council at Nottingham, which produces a Parliament at West∣minster. Wherein King Edward shews his Resolution to go with the French King to the Holy Land; Ʋpon which he sends Ambassadors to the Pope and King Philip; but that Design is broke. IV. King Bailiol causes a disgust among his Friends, whereat his Enemies take Advantage; till being reconcil'd again, he grows stronger. How∣ever his Enemies get to a Head again, and for a while prosper. V. King Edward startled at the News, prepares for another Expedition to Scotland in Person: He ar∣rives with his Army at Newcastle: The Lord Edward Bohun, Brother to the Earl of Hereford and Essex, unfortunately drowned.

I. KING Edward of England in his March toward Scotland, * 1.579 which as we have observed, he began in the November foregoing, a 1.580 stay'd to keep his Christ∣mas at the City of York: Thence he went and laid Siege to the Castle of Kilbridge, which he presently took by fine force, and thereupon ha∣ving confer'd with King Bailiol, and pretty well settled Affairs in those parts, he re∣turn'd again after Candlemas b 1.581 to York, in order to hold his Parliament, which he had summon'd to meet him there the next day before St. Peter in Cathedrâ, being the 21 of February, and a Monday, the second Week in Lent.

Here it was c 1.582 Enacted, that the Great Charter of the Forest, and other Statutes should be observed, and that what Clauses therein were obscure, should be by good Ad∣vice more fully Explain'd.

It was also petition'd, that in every County one Justice of the Peace Learned in the Law, should be appointed, as Chief over the Rest; before whom all Offences should be sued to the Outlawry: And that these were yearly to make an Account of their Doings before the King. To which the King replying, he would be advised, gran∣ted that they should yearly send up an Extract of their Proceedings into the Trea∣sury; and to Encourage them the more herein, undertook to d 1.583 provide, that each of them should have certain and limited Fees allow'd him. To the Petition, that no Pardon be granted to any Outlawed, by any suggestive means, but only by Parliament; his Majesty answer'd, that the Statutes made should be observed; and whereas it was Requested, That Sheriffs might continue but one Year, according to the Statute of Lincoln and Woodstock, he told them that the Statutes made should stand, and that the Chancellour, and others, who were appointed to make Choice of Sheriffs should name Able Men, who were to continue One Year, or longer, according to their Demeanour.

It was now Enacted, that the Justices of the Kings Bench, and the Common Bench, Justices of Assise, and of the Peace in every County, should Determine of false Jurors and Maintainers: Moreover, the King by his Letters Patents charged all Archbishops and Bi∣shops,

to cause Excommunication weekly in every Parish, to be Denounced against all such Offenders.

Upon Request of the Commons, that all Men might have their Writs out of the Chan∣cery for Fees of the Seal only, without any Fine, according to that of Magna Charta— Nulli vendemus Justitiam; the King granted, that Writs, which were of Course, should be so, and that for such as were of Grace, he would Command his Chancellour to be there∣in Gracious.

It is Enacted, that Bigamy shall be Tryed only in Court Christian.

It is Enacted, that Justices of Assise, after their Assise taken, shall not depart, before they have made Delivery of their Goal, on pain of loosing their Fees.

It is Enacted, If any Delivery be taken before any other Justices, than such, as are appointed thereto, contrary to the Statutes at Northampton; that the same may be void.

It is Enacted, that no Purveyance be made, but for the King.

The Commons Petition, That Remedy may be had against Oppressions of the Clergy, for Probates of Wills, and Citations for Trifles:

The King will herein do his Best, and chargeth the Bishops to do the Like.

That every Infant acknowledging any Statute or Recognisance, may at his Full Age, Averre his Nonage. The King reply'd, There was a better Law, than by Averment.

That all Men may have Delivery of their Beasts, which escape into any Hay, or Fo∣rest, without any Fine to the Forester, who accounteth them Forfeits, and that Coro∣ners may Execute their Office there.

The Coroners shall Execute their Office there, and Wardens of Forests shall be com∣manded to keep their Officers from Extorting.

That certain may be appointed to hear the Debates between the Town of Great Yar∣mouth, and Little Yarmouth.

The Judgements therefore made between them shall stand.

That Remedy may be had for the true making of Woollen Cloaths according to the Assize.

The King will Provide for the Execution of the Statute.

That no money be Exported out of the Realm.

The King will Provide therefore.

That Pardons may be granted for the Debts due to King John and Henry the Third, for which Process came daily out of the Exchequer.

The King will Provide an Answer the next Parliament.

That Remedy may be had against Sheriffs and their Officers for Gathering of Green Wax.

The Statute therefore made shall stand.

For e 1.584 that the Staple was ordain'd to endure at the Kings Pleasure, It is now Enacted, that the same Staple should be revoked; and that all Merchants-Strangers may freely buy any Staple Wares, paying the due Custom.

Sundry Justices in several Counties were appointed to enquire of the Felonies of Bennet of Normanton.

Lastly, because Sr. Geoffry Scroop Lord Chief Justice was to be employ'd in the Kings Weighty Affairs; it was Enacted, that the Kings Bench should be continued in War∣wickshire after Easter next; Sr. Richard Willoughby being appointed to supply his Place for the time, with the Assistance of Sr. William Shareshull, one of the Justices of the Bench.

II. This is the Summ of what I find transacted in this Parliament, which being ad∣journ'd, the King, who was desirous to keep a watchfull Eye over Scotland, passed on, and held his Whitsuntide f 1.585 at Newcastle upon Tine: Whither soon after Edward Bailiol, King of Scotland, Sirnamed the Conquerour, came to him well and Honourably attended with the Nobility of either Nation, and there g 1.586 on the Day of Gervasius and Prothasius (which is the 19 of June) in the Church of the Preaching Fryers, render'd his Homage, and swore Fealty unto him for his Kingdom of Scotland, and the Isles thereto belonging, with the Ceremony of Kneeling (while the Words of the Homage were pronounced) after which he h 1.587 kissed the King of Englands Cheek; all being per∣formed in the Presence of several Archbishops, Bishops, Earls, and many other Barons of both Nations. Here King Bailiol acknowledged the King of England, as Superior Lord of Scotland, swearing to hold his Realm of him, his Heirs, and Lawfull Succes∣sours for ever. Then and there also he gave and Granted to King Edward, in Requi∣tal

of his Expences and Labour in the Wars on his Behalf, Five whole Counties next adjoyning to the Borders of England; as Barwick, Roxborough, Peblis and Dumfres, with the Towns of Hadington and Gedeworth, and the Castles, and Fortresses of Sel∣kirk, Etherick and Gedeworth: So that all and each of these, should from thenceforth be wholly separated from the Crown of Scotland, and annexed to the Crown of England for ever: And all this was confirmed by Oath, Scepter, Writings, and Authen∣tick Subscription.

Moreover King Bailiol by the Advice and Consent of his Scotch Nobles, in Requi∣tal of King Edward's Cost and Labour for his Sake, and to Nourish a continual Sence of his Gratitude; Granted for him and his Heirs Kings of Scotland, to King Edward and his Heirs Kings of England for ever: That i 1.588 whensoever he, the said King of En∣gland, or any of his Heirs, should have War either at Home or Abroad, the Scots at their own proper Costs and Charges, should assist him or them with 300 Horse and a 1000 Foot, well Furnished for the War, which said 1300 Men, the Scots were to pay for one whole Year: But if the King of England should not within the said Space end his War, then he, the said King of England, should take them into his Pay, as he doth his own Souldiers.

But this Homage of the Bailiols was so highly stomached by the hardy and coura∣gious Scots, that thô for the present they were necessitated to smother their Resent∣ments, and indeed could never be able to drive him wholly from his Kingdom (as upon the same account was done to his Father) he being constantly sustained by the English: Yet what with their restless strugglings for Liberty, and their frequent and obstinate Rebellions, they so tired him out at the long run, that seeing himself also old and childless, he at last was fain to resign the whole Kingdom, with all his Right and Title thereto, unto his Superior Lord King Edward of England; as hereaf∣ter will be shewn at large.

Yet at the same time k 1.589 David Strabolgi Earl of Athol, Sr. Alexander Moubray and other Scotch Lords, that held Lands, Tenements and Fees in England, did their Ho∣mage to King Edward for the same. When also the Lord John l 1.590 Dreux Duke of Bretagne in France, and Vicount Limouvicen, Son to Arthur once Duke of Bretagne, and Nephew to John the brother of Arthur, late Duke thereof (who died without Issue the 8 of February this Year) performed m 1.591 his Homage to King Edward, on the 24 of June, at Newcastle, for the Earldom of Richmond in England. Which Earl∣dom, thô our common Historians say, it was lately given to the Lord Robert of Ar∣tois, as I have shewn before, appears n 1.592 yet to have been and continued in this Family of the Dreuxes ever since the year 1268, in the days of King Edward the First, untill this time and seven years after, when upon the Death of this John de Dreux without Issue, King Edward gave this Earldom to his Fourth Son, o 1.593 John Plantagenet, sirna∣med of Gaunt. Nevertheless, thô I know not how nor when, the Lord Robert of Ar∣tois had the Title of Earl of Richmond; but I never could find that he had any Cre∣ation thereto. But this John Dreux, as we intimated just now, died seven years after, in the 15 of this King, leaving no Issue behind him; thô he had been thrice Married: To whom John Earl of Montford his Half-brother, succeeded in the Dukedom of Bre∣tagne; which John was Father to John sirnamed the Valiant, after his Fathers de∣cease Duke of Bretagne, of whose Wars and gallant Exploits this History makes honou∣rable mention.

III. Immediately after this Enterview at Newcastle, the two Kings parted, the One toward Scotland, the Other for Windsor; whence King Edward speedily issued out his Summons to the Lords both Spiritual and Temporal, commanding them to meet him at Nottingham on the 10^th of that instant July; there with him to advise about Affairs concerning the Weal of the Realm. In this Council 'twas ordain'd, that a Parliament should be call'd at Westminster, to meet on the 24^th of September, or the Exaltation of the Holy Cross, the day bearing some proportion with the Design, which was to exalt the interest of Christendom. At which time the Parliament being assembled, the Pious Young King did then declare,

That being thereto invited by his Kinsman the Duke of Bretagne, who came in Embassy from France, he had formed a Resolution to march with his Cosen the French King and other Christian Princes into the Holy Land, to advance the Cross of Christ against the Turks and Infidels.

For, thô he had not as yet answer'd King Philip directly, when he requested his Society in this Croisade, because he had been credibly informed that King Philip about this time had victuall'd and mann'd out ten great Ships, which he design'd for Scotland in pursuance of King Davids Quarrel; yet forasmuch as those Vessels being miserably shatter'd at

Sea, were at last forced to return home without any effect; and because now Scotland seem'd fully settled under the government of King Bailiol, all things appearing safe from those Quarters, and quiet at home, himself also flourishing with Riches, Ho∣nour, Children, and full and vigorous Youth; he declares as we said before, to this Parliament, his Resolution to partake with Christendom in this pious and honourable Enterprise. And thô he did not expresly limit the time, since there can be no exact certainty before hand of such weighty and slow-moving matters; yet then he appoin∣ted Dr. John Stratford, Archbishop of Canterbury, as his Ambassador, to go to the Pope and to the French King, to consider and agree with them; as of other things, so espe∣cially about the Time, when the two Kings should set forward to the Holy Land to∣gether.

But for all this, althô the Lord Robert of Artois could by no means prevail to divert the King from this Design, to that of claiming his Right in France, which he earnest∣ly labour'd to persuade him to: Yet thrô some secret Ordinance of Providence it hap∣pen'd, even while this Parliament sat, that by other means he was compell'd to take other Measures: Which were not indeed so happy for Europe, but nothing less glorious to this English Monarch.

IV. For King Bailiol being thus fully settled in his Kingdom of Scotland, and no way fearing that his Enemies had any Ability left, sufficient in the least to shake his Throne, began first himself to open a way to his own Ruine, by imprudently occasion∣ing Discord among his most powerfull Friends.

Many of his Followers had been long disinherited of their Rights in Scotland, and several interchangable Marriages happening the while among them, it was utterly im∣possible to avoid, but that some Controversies would happen in deciding matters now by adjusting all things equally. And besides all this; not a few, who had no great Concerns in that Kingdom before, could not yet but merit high Considerations from the Bailiol, in regard of their late Services. Among Others John Lord p 1.594 Waren Earl of Surry was now by full consent of Scotch and English Nobles, created Earl of Strathern instead of Malisius, the late Earl, who had forfeited that his Honour by Rebellion: Thô afterwards q 1.595 at the sollicitation of Malisius his Friends, great endeavours were used for Revocation of that Judgment and Forfeiture. This was one difficult Point, inso∣much that King Edward of England, whose clearer Judgment saw the ill Consequences of these matters, had by his Letters to King Bailiol, desired him that the Business might be publiquely discussed by his Nobles and Faithfull Peers of the Realm, and not by such whose Fidelity might be called in question; And he had also sent his Letters to Henry Lord Beaumont; one of the chief of King Bailiols Council, requiring him to use his utmost interest for preventing any sudden Determination in that business: Con∣sidering of what ill Example it would be, as also of peril to himself and others in the like case. But there arose another Controversie higher than this by far; For whereas the Lord Henry Beaumont had already received what he claimed in Right of his r 1.596 La∣dy Alice, one of the Cosens and Coheirs of the Lord John Cumin, Earl of Buquhan, as was shew'd before; now it seems her Uncle, Sr. Alexander Moubray a potent Man, lately brought over to the Batliol, claim'd a Purparty of her Lands from the said Lord Beaumont. The Cause was debated in Parliament with great heat, the Lord Richard s 1.597 Talbot and David Strabolgi, Earl of Athol, taking part with the Lord Beaumont their Kinsman; and Others, as their Opinions, Humour or Interest lead them, with the Lord Moubray. King Bailiol thinking himself sure of his Old Friends, and hoping now for ever to bind fast unto him this late-reconciled Enemy, too rashly adjudged the matter in behalf of Sr. Alexander Moubray.

As it was too soon done, it was too late repented of; for the other Party was im∣mediately so exasperated, that in the very Parliament House they could scarce forbear flying to extremities: But the Parliament hereupon being presently adjourn'd, the Quarrel seem'd to sleep for a while. Yet however King Bailiol (who by the great∣ness of the Smoak perceived what a dangerous Fire was kindled, doubting the worst, made towards Barwick in all hast for his better security, with Sr. Alexander Moubray in his company. The Lord t 1.598 Richard Talbot in deep Indignation, that his Advise was so little reckon'd of, hasted with some few of his Friends and Attendants for England; but being surprised in the way by a strong Party of the Bruceans (who knew well how to make their advantage of these private Dissentions) after he had lost six men of Arms, and many more Foot, was himself taken Prisoner, and so carried to the strong Castle of Dunbriton. The Lord Beaumont in as great displeasure hies him to the Ca∣stle of Dundarg in Bucquhan, u 1.599 of his Wifes Inheritance, which having well victual'd

and fortifi'd, he not only by continual Excursions subjected to himself the Lands late in Controversie, but all the Country round about him. David Strabolgi goes to A∣thol with the same Discontent, and there makes great Provision for his own Defence.

Hereupon King Bailiol too late seeing his Error, and doubting not a little, what all this might come to, as also feating, lest his only Protector the King of England might take these Proceedings in evil part, by an action as weak as the other was rash, re∣vokes now his own former Sentence, grants the Lord Beaumont the Lands in contest, appeases the Earl of Athol with many and large Possessions belonging to the young Lord Robert Stuart (who afterward was King) and promised them both to ransom their Kinsman the Lord Talbot at any rate whatsoever. Having thus with much adoe re∣conciled those great Personages to himself (thô Sr. Alexander Moubray was again lost thereby) he resolves if possible, to be before hand with his Enemies, whom he knew to make huge Preparations against him; being the more animated by the late Accession of Sr. Alexander Moubray: Suddenly therefore he comes before Reinfrew, a City in the Province of Cunningham near the River Cluyd, which he as suddenly reduces; and having settled Matters there, passes over into the Island of Bute, where Sr. Alan Lile Sheriff of the Island, presenting him with the Keys of Rothsay, had the Castle and whole Isle committed to his Charge again. After this he took the Castle of x 1.600 Dunnow in Kyle, whereby he terrified the greater part of his Enemies into a Compliance, having seized on all the Lands belonging to the y 1.601 Stuarts, and lying in the Islands of Bute and Ar∣ran, about Reinfrew, Cunningham and Kyle, besides what belonged to many others, who like that Noble Family, scorn'd to save their Lands by forfeiting their Loyalty, Many of his own Friends he now rewards most liberally with Lands and Possessions taken from his Adversaries, as well of his own Natural Bounty (for he was a Prince of great Worth and Gallantry) as with Design to bind them fast to his Interest.

At the same time he z 1.602 made a narrow search after the young Lord Robert Stuart aforesaid, that by his Death he might secure himself on that side; as who was Ne∣phew to the late King Robert Bruce, (being eldest Son to King David's eldest Sister) and had even in the days of King Robert been sworn and own'd, as the next Heir Apparent to his Son David. For as for David who was then an Exile in France, he thought him∣self pretty secure of him, and now look'd upon this innocent young Lord, who was so powerfull in Wealth and Allies, and had the Right to the Crown of Scotland next after David, as a most Dangerous Person. But God had order'd it otherwise, and the Hopefull Prince Robert, being then scarce fifteen years of Age (thrô the secret Good∣ness of Providence, which destin'd mighty things for him and his Posterity) with the great care and foresight of his Friends, especially of Sr. William Heriot and Sr. John Gilbert, was privatly by water conveyed to the impregnable Castle of Dunbritton, and there earnestly recommended to the Care of that Loyal and valiant Lord Malcome Flemein, who was still Governour of that Place.

In the mean time the Lord Andrew Murray (Viceroy of Scotland for King David) being lately redeem'd from England with a good round Summ of Money, bestirs him∣self vigorously for his distressed Country, and now at last having joyn'd Sr. Alexander Moubray (who thrô displeasure had lately revolted from King Bailiol) he strictly be∣sieges the Lord Henry Beaumont in his strong Castle of Dundarg.

During this Siege, 'tis a 1.603 said that King Edward of England himself upon news there∣of, with a great Power entred Scotland and relieved him. The time indeed of this Siege may well enough agree with King Edwards Winter Expedition; for thô upon good reason I have laid the foregoing Story together, yet the whole Procedure took up more than the space of twelve Months: but yet in this matter the Scotch Writers are more agreeable to Truth; who say, that he was forced to yield himself on certain Conditions: Thô surely. One was not, as b 1.604 Leland says, that he might have liberty to retire freely into England, nor was he suffer'd, as Hector says, to depart upon parole, on∣ly giving his Oath never to return into Scotland any more, unless in King Davids Quar∣rel; but he was fain to pay a good Ransom for his Liberty, as it evidently appears from the c 1.605 Records, which plainly shew, that when about a Year after King Edward in requital of his Services, acquitted him of all such Debts as were due from him to the Exchequer, he especially forgave him among the rest four hundred Marks formerly lent unto him at York, towards the Payment of his Ransom, upon this his Imprisonment in Scotland.

V. The News of the foresaid Siege, and of the taking of the Lord Richard Talbot, was d 1.606 brought to King Edward, during the last Session of Parliament at Westminster, which as we shew'd, began about the 24 of September this Year: Whereupon the

late Resolution for the Holy Land was Suspended, and his Majesty thought it neces∣sary in Person to undertake one Expedition more into Scotland, and not to desist, till he had wholly subdu'd that untractable People, and cut off from them all possibility of future Rebellion. He was also extreamly exasperated e 1.607 at the News, that David Strabolgi Earl of Athol, had Revolted to the Bruceans; the truth of which Business was, That being, as we shew'd before, by large Gifts and Promises, as well as by the Re∣vocation of Judgement in the Lord Beaumont's behalf, Reconciled again to King Bailiol, he was f 1.608 suddenly one time surprised by the Bruceans, who then began to bestir them∣selves apace, by whom (thô for the present he escap'd them) he was so closely Hunted and Pursued on all Hands, that at last, after he had with much Difficulty sustain'd him∣self with Roots and Water for a while, he was compell'd to yield himself at Louqu∣habre on this side the High Mountains of Ardmanoth: At which time, to save his Life, he was fain to take an Oath to be thenceforth true to King David, and his Adherents.

But thus the Report came to England, that he had voluntarily quitted sides, and turn'd to the Rebels, as the Bruceans were then called; whereat King Edward was so Highly incensed at this his Treason, as he thought it, that immediately he g 1.609 gave Command to the Sheriff of Kent to seise all his Lands; and he himself made great Preparation, as well to chastise his open Enemies, as his treacherous Friends. To∣wards which chargeable Enterprise he had in the foresaid Parliament a h 1.610 Grant of one Tenth from the Clergy, of all Cities and Burroughs a Tenth, and the Fifteenth of their Temporals.

And now presently after; to wit, about the i 1.611 Middle of November, King Edward came in the Head of a Gallant Army to Newcastle, to the Assistance of King Bailiol; with which Forces in the Winter time, he entred Scotland by Galloway, and there without any considerable Opposition, he passed as Conquerour, farther than ever his Victorious Grandfather Edward the First had penetrated, even beyond Caithnes and the Mountains, where the High-landers, and Wild-Scots inhabit, where the Extremities of Scotland are wash'd by the Deucaledon Sea, above two hundred Miles from Barwick. But for the Particulars of this War, as they rather belong to the beginning of the next year, so thither I shall refer them, that they may make the better impression on the Readers me∣mory, being methodically ranged together.

But we must be just to the Ashes of a Noble Young Lord, who unhappily was ta∣ken away about the close of this Year: It was k 1.612 Sr. Edward Bohun, a Right Va∣liant and Worthy Gentleman, being Brother to John Earl of Essex, and the Kings Cosin, who as he was driving a great Booty of Cattle over the Solway Fryth in the Marches of Scotland, was lost in this manner. For causing his Guide to ride softly be∣fore him thrô the water; he presently saw, that what with the slipperiness of the stone whereon they were, and the strength of the Current, thrô which they passed, his servant together with his Horse was overwhelmed in the Water: When Sr. Ed∣ward out of meer Compassion, indeavouring to recover the Man, chanced in like manner to loose his right Ground, and so being opprest with the weight of his Armour, perished unfortunately in the Channel, l 1.613 leaving no Issue behind him.

CHAPTER the EIGHTH.

The CONTENTS.

I. King Philip of France takes upon him the Croisade: And invites the King of En∣gland to joyn with him. II. King Edward sends his Ambassadors with Overtures to Philip, who rashly rejects them; with an exact Inquiry into the first Seeds of the French War. III. The Lord Hugh Courtney created Earl of Devonshire: A Par∣liament at York. IV. The Names of the Chief Captains which attended King Ed∣ward in the Scotch Expedition, together with the Expedition it self. The weakness of Scotland, and the occasion of their Non-opposition at this time. V. Some few Efforts of the Scots against their Invaders, with the taking of the Earl of Namur on the one side, and of the Earl of Murray on the other: And Prince John Earl of Corn∣wall's

Success. VI. King Philip sends again to King Edward, with King Edward's Answer. VII. The Scotch Nobility submit to King Edward, with the Articles of their Submission. VIII. King Philip makes this their Agreement frustrate: King Edward's care to prevent a Revolt. IX. David Strabolgi Earl of Athol, upon his Par∣don, appearing an Enemy to the Scots, is by them slain, with the manner of his Death. X. Two Prodigies, with the Death of two Great Barons of England.

I. WHile things passed thus in England and Scotland, * 1.614 the French a 1.615 King was very hot in his long-design'd Preparations for the Holy War: Of his Progress wherein, with his Motives to it, and the occa∣sion of its Interruption, we shall in this place take leave to speak a little more fully once for all.

In the Beginning of this Year King Philip of France, together with John King of Bohemia, Son to Henry of Luxemburgh, late Emperour of Germany, the King of Navarre, and many Great Princes, Dukes, and Barons in his Company, made a Royal Progress to Avignion, the Chief City of Venaissin in Provence, where at that time the Seat of the Roman Bishops was, to visit Pope Benedict the XII, partly out of De∣votion, and to b 1.616 pay his Vows for the late Recovery of his Eldest Son John Duke of Normandy from a dangerous Sickness, and partly to procure his Assistance toward the Holy War, as well as out of Curiosity, and to Congratulate his Election to that Supream Eminence of Spiritual Dignity: For he had been but newly Elected and Consecrated Pope in the Place of John the XXII, who departed this Life on the Fourth of December, the Year foregoing: Of whom one Word by the by. This Pope John had all along been an Implacable Enemy to Lewis of Bavaria the Emperour, whom he Excommunicated, and not only sought to Domineer over him, but the Greek Church and Empire too. But as the Emperour of Germany stood up stiffly a∣gainst his Pretences, and once set up an Antipope Nicolas to ballance him; so from Greece he received such a Laconic Reply, which well shew'd how little they valued his Authority; and that was this— c 1.617

Thine uncontroulable Power we firmly believe; Thine Excessive Arrogance we cannot endure, thy boundless Avarice we are unable to satisfie: The Devil be with Thee; for God is with Us.

And certainly he was so bent upon amassing up Money, that he is said to have left behind him at his Death d 1.618 1250000 Pieces of Gold, or as Ciaconius hath it, 24 Millions of Gold, whereof 17 were coyned, the other 7 Or and rude Ingots; thô others make the whole to a∣mount to 25 Millions in all; the manner how he Collected it, being confessed by the foresaid Author of the Lives and Actions of the Popes and Cardinals: An in∣credible Summ, and far beyond what any of his Predecessors could shew. So true was the Proverb vulgarly Current in those Days,

e 1.619 He, that the Roman Flock doth keep, Without the Wooll won't feed the Sheep.

thô Odoricus * 1.620 Rainaldus says, he intended all this for the Holy War.

But whatever this his Avarice brought him to after Death, 'tis certain, his Succes∣sor Pope Benedict made no ill use of that ill gotten Treasure; but kept great Ho∣spitality, and bestowed much in Magnificent Buildings, and Design'd many Great and Worthy Matters indeed; some whereof took no Effect, thô a special Occa∣sion seem'd to be offer'd now at this time by the coming of the King of France, and those with him.

Upon their first Arrival, his Holiness, and the College of Cardinals Received them with much Honour and Respect, appointing for them all according to their Quality, convenient Lodgings at Villeneufe without the Town; After whom within few days came thither f 1.621 Alphonso. King of Aragon also, as well on the same Design with the others, as to require the Popes Assistance in the adjusting of Matters between James King of Majorica, and himself, relating to Sardinia and Corsica; for * 1.622 which (Re∣ceived on the Conditions which Pope Boniface the VIII had imposed) he had by his Ambassadors done Homage to Pope Innocent, Predecessor to this Benedict. While these Great Personages remain'd thus at Avignion, Highly Honoured and Entertain'd by the Court of Rome; tidings came, that in Granada, Prussia, Palestine, Armenia, and Greece, the Enemies of God became strong; that the Africans and Saracens of Granada infested Spain; the Turks Grecia; the Egyptians and Babylonians Armenia; that Orchanes especially, and his Captains had Wonderfull Success against Christi∣anity;

that well nigh all the Realm of g 1.623 Rascia was overrun by the Infidels; and that the King thereof (being a Christian) was by them most Barbarously Martyr'd, and put to Death.

These News greatly Afflicted the Hearts of all those Christian Worthies; inso∣much, that the Pope himself on the Good-Fryday following, Preached before the Kings and Princes a Passion-Sermon with much Devotion: "Wherein, after he had most feelingly set forth the Wonderfull Condescention of our Lord Jesus for our Sakes,

the unspeakable Extremity of the Pains he underwent for us, and at last, even Death it self, a most bitter and Ignominious Death, the Memory whereof was continually with most sorrowfull Compunction Recorded by all good Christians, in especial Man∣ner on that day; after this and more to the like Purpose, he earnestly Exhorted his Royal Auditory, in Pious Gratitude for all these transcending Benefits, to ad∣venture now something for their Gracious Lord and Masters Sake; with Christian Cou∣rage to undertake his Battles, and with the Hazard of their Frail Bodies to op∣pose the Enemies of his most Holy Religion, the Blasphemers of his Great and Glorious Name. To all which he added, the Examples of many Christian Princes, their Predecessors; the Everlasting Renown, that would recommend their Names to Posterity; the Great Rewards they would purchase thereby, as here an Absolution from all their Sins, and in the end an Eternal Weight of Glory.

All the Princes, but especially King Philip, were sensibly moved by this Pious and Eloquent Harangue, which was insinuated with very Pathetical Applications, exagge∣rated with many Figurative Expressions, Illustrated with much Copiousness of Lan∣guage, and Variety of Historical Instances; but above all, deliver'd with so much Zeal, and shining with so much Truth and Sincerity, that it easily made way into the very Souls of those, who came before with a good Affection to the Cause: So that what thrô Pity joyn'd with Royal Courage, what thrô the Hopes of worldly Honour and Eternal Felicity, what thrô the Confidence of sufficient Assistance, and the Feasability of the Matter, first of all King Philip Bravely professes himself a Champion of Christ, and Vows to take upon him the Croisade: Especially, having consider'd in his Mind, that long since this same Matter had busied his Thoughts; thô he could never absolutely fix upon it till now, for want of sufficient Motives and Leisure from o∣ther Affairs.

His Holiness highly Applauded this Heroick Resolution, and besides, a Liberal As∣sistance in Money promised to all the Undertakers, a Plenary Indulgence, and full Ab∣solution ab omni poenâ & culpâ: From which Encouragement, and the Example of so great a King, were moved to the same Resolution, John K. of Bohemia, Philip King of Navarre, Alphonso King of Aragon, and many Dukes, Earls, Barons, Knights, and Esquires, with four Cardinals, h 1.624 Talayrand Earl of Perigort, Cardinal of St. Peter ad Vincula titulo Eudoxiae Prior of the Priests; Neapoleo, Cardinal of St. Adrian, Prior of the Deacons; Gauceline Bishop, Cardinal of Alby, a City of Gallia Narbo∣nensis, and Bertrand de le Puy Bishop of i 1.625 Ostia, which latter by right is Senior Cardinal, and is by his Place to Crown the Popes of Rome.

Presently hereupon was the Croisade published thrô all Christendom; whereat, as many as were truly Pious or Valiant, rejoyced Highly; those supposing Religion would be much Advanced thereby, and these hoping to purchase Immortal Honour by their Deeds of Arms and Noble Chevalry. The whole business therefore being thus tho∣roughly agreed on at Avignion, the Kings and the other Grandees having taken their leave, went their ways to provide for this Weighty Affair. King k 1.626 Philip went a∣long with the King of Aragon as far as Monpellier; at which place he tarried a while, till he had made a full Reconciliation and Peace between the King of Aragon, and the King of Majorica. After which Christian Work he returned by small journeys, but with great Expence into France, visiting his Towns and Castles as he went thrô Auvergne, Berry, Beausse and Gastinois, till he came to Paris; where he was Received with Great Triumphs and Feastings. At that time the Kingdom of France was very Pu∣issant, and Flourishing with Nobility, Gentry, and good Men of War; as also with much Plenty and Riches, the Consequences of a long Peace and Prosperity.

But besides this, the Pope gave that King a Large Assistance in Money, and promi∣sed much more; but especially, he Granted him a l 1.627 Tenth of his own Subjects for m 1.628 six Years to come towards this intended War: Such was the Policy of Popes, whereby they came by Degrees to so great Authority over Princes; for first they granted things gratefull to them; Kings being willing to connive at these their En∣croachments, which were so profitable to themselves; and afterwards they pleaded

prescription to dispose Matters, as well against, as with, the Pleasure of Christian Mo∣narchs. King Philip indeed gave his Oath to his Holiness, not to put these sex∣ennial Tythes to any other use, except that of this Holy War: Thô afterwards he either forgot, or dispensed with this Oath, being in a manner necessitated to break it, when King Edward of England, like a sudden Inundation rushing upon him, drove all his High Designs and Vast Preparations another way.

I will not here dissemble, that this first Mention of the Croisade, and what else I have now related, is (nor without good Reason and Authority) placed more forward by n 1.629 four Years: But be sure the great Heat of all was about this time, and I could not find a more proper place to mention the whole in, than this, upon several accounts; wherefore also, I believe Froissard chose to fix it hereabouts, naming the Pope, who sat then, Benedict, who notwithstanding entred not his Papacy till this Year.

King Philip, who was look'd upon as the Chief General of this War, and was so o 1.630 stiled by the Pope, made the greatest Preparation, together with his Friends and Al∣lies, that ever yet had been seen, either in the Days of Godfrey of Bouloigne, or any other time before or after. For in the Havens of Marseilles, of Aquae Mortuae, of Nar∣bon and Mompellier, were provided as many Vessels, Ships, Carricks and Gallies as would suffice for 60000 fighting Men, with all their Horse, Arms, and other Warlike Furniture, and Provision for 3 Years: And besides, p 1.631 being assisted with the Popes Legats, he had so wrought with Senior Philippo Belegno, Blasio Zeno and Marino Morisini. the Venetian Ambassadors, that this Agreement was made; the Pope and the French King setting out 20000 Horse and 50000 Foot to the War, that the Venetians should furnish them with a Fleet of an hundred Sail, whereof there should be Gallies man'd with 4000 Souldiers; the Ships of burthen being fraught with Provision, Engines and other things necessary for War; as Bisquet, Wine, Fresh-water, Powder'd Flesh, Salt-Fish and the like. Moreover King Philip sent his Ambassadors to Charles King of Hungary, requesting him to open the Passages of his Country for these Holy Pilgrims; who receiving the News gladly, sent word of his Readiness to comply in all things with his Pleasure. He sent also to Hugo the noble and valiant King of Cyprus, to his constant Friend Robert King of Sicily, and to the Genoans also to joyn the Venetians at Sea; all who assured him, they would gladly concurr with so great a Prince in so good an Enterprise. The Grand Prior of France also was sent to the Isle of Rhodes, to agree with the Knights of St. John to prepare things necessary in those Quarters: The Rhodians lightly consented on certain Conditions to supply the Army from the fruitfull Isle of Candy (anciently called Crete) and at that time under the Dominion of the Venetians) who had agreed with them of Rhodes to that purpose.

Thus in q 1.632 a manner all Christendom with one consent embrac'd this Holy War; so that more than 300000 Men were ready to take the Cross upon them in this famous Expedition: The Venetians had r 1.633 already sent forth their Admiral Peter Zeno, who be∣ing joyn'd with the Fleet of Rhodes by a wonderfull course of Victory, chasing and de∣stroying the Barbarians far and near, secur'd all the Sea-coast which respects Syria, a∣bout the Isles of Rhodes and Cyprus, from the injuries of the Saracens and Tartars. King Philips Navy also was ready in Provence, and he had view'd it, and made his Son John, then about fourteen Years of Age, his Lieutenant or Regent during his absence, having commanded all his Lords to swear Obedience to him. Nor content with all these vast Preparations, he sent to our English Edward, desiring also his Company in this his most Christian Undertaking; but he being otherwise busied about his Wars in Scotland, and not a little displeased, that King Philip had interested himself in that his Quarrel, made as then no direct Answer to his Embassy, so that Philip perceiving he was not well satisfied in his mind, and doubting to leave so Powerfull a Prince behind him in Discontent, thought fit before he set forward to search his Mind more narrowly; and thereupon by the Lord s 1.634 Ralph Earl of Ewe, and High Constable of France, he repeated his Embassy unto him. These Ambassadors with some difficulty obtain'd an Audience; thô little more was concluded on with them, than that King Edward pro∣mised very speedily to send his Ambassadors over into France, to confer about cer∣tain Points then in difference between the two Kings: For said t 1.635 he,

The seat of this Holy War is not so far off, as King Philip pretends; it lies not in Palestine, I am well assured, but in Aquitain, which evidently appears by his Offers that way alrea∣dy: That as yet (he said) he could not consent to agree with him, who had not agreed with his own self; but had forgot, if not broken, the Promise made at Amiens, about the Restoring of what he had seized on in Gascoigne: That when once these Matters should be fully adjusted, he would be rather more ready to undertake that Ex∣pedition

than their Master.

With this short Answer he dismissed them, promising to follow them with his Ambassadors.

II. Accordingly soon after there were u 1.636 sent Dr. John Stratford Archbishop of Can∣terbury, Dr. Richard Bury Bishop of Durham, William Lord Montagu, and the Lord Geoffry Scroop of Masham; who being come to Paris, could not be admitted to King Philips Presence, in requital, as it should seem, of King Edward's Reservedness lately shewn to his Ambassadors; or perhaps to make them surmise, that he feared not War much, who was so little carefull of making Peace: But when the English Lords had roundly told the Earl x 1.637 of Ewe, the Marshall of Troyes, and Peter Roger Archbishop of Roüen, how highly they resented this coldness of the King's, and withall intimated, how rea∣sonable their Masters Requests would be, they were forthwith order'd to be brought before him, well received and graciously heard: So that immediately the Matter about which they came, was propounded to be taken in hand and throughly discussed.

King Edward's Demands from the Crown of France were only these,

• 1. That perfect Peace and Amity between the two Kings should be inviolably main∣tained to both their Powers.
• 2. That all Towns and Castles, heretofore taken from the English in Gascoigne by the Lord Charles of Valois, Father to King Philip, should be entirely restored to the King of England.
• 3. That the said King Philip should swear never to give any Aid or Succour to the Scots against the King of England.

All which being fully Ratified and Granted, King Edward would be ready to accom∣pany the French King to the Holy Land, in order to fight against the Common Enemies of Christendom.

In the discussing and debating of these Articles, the King of France was so zealously bent on the Holy War; and such diligence was used by his Council, not one at that time daring on the suddain to contradict, that in the end a full Conclusion of the Peace on the Terms proposed was agreed on, and Matters proceeded so far, that Proclamati∣on was order'd to be made thereof the next day in Paris and the Towns thereabouts. But whether by the Fickleness and Inconstancy of King Philip, or the Advice of some Scotch Pensioner in his Council, or a sense of Generosity, and a Commiseration of King David's exil'd Condition; or by some secret Impulse of Heaven for the sins of Christ∣endom and the punishment of France, scarce were the English Ambassadors return'd to their Lodgings, but they were remanded back again to Court, where presently new Scruples were started, which chiefly concern'd the third Article: For thô as to the se∣cond Demand, King Philip stood stifly against it at first, unless all the Charges his Fa∣ther Charles had been at in those Gascoigne Wars, were repaid him by the King of England; yet that (when 'twas made appear, that the War it self was unjust) he easily remit∣ted: But now as to the third Article, King Philip answer'd peremptorily:

That he could not either in Honour or Equity, desert his Friends the Scots in this their Oppression; they being his Confederates and just Men: Nor ought he to esteem King Edward worthy of his Friendship, while he continued War against them. That himself was, as all Kings ought to be, a Friend to Justice, from which he should ne∣ver swerve, either for Affinity or Advantage, or any other Consideration whatsoever; but that he would to his Power vex and molest all the Disturbers of the Peace of Scotland. For said he, there will never be perfect Peace and Quietness in Christen∣dom, till the King of France shall stand as Umpire between the Realms of Scotland and England. And therefore he briefly told the Ambassadors, that having better consider'd of it, he was resolv'd to conclude nothing as to Peace with England, un∣less King David also might be comprehended in the same League; so as that he might be restored to his Kingdom, and the Bailiol wholly excluded.

Surely, how gallant soever this Speech might seem, 'twas neither modest enough, prudent nor seasonable: For had he temporised so far, as thereby to have obtain'd King Edward's Company in this Holy War, the Bailiol might easily have been ruin'd by King David's Interest alone: And it was more likely, that then by fair means & mo∣dest Reasonings King Edward might have been wrought upon by a personal Conference, than by this rash and imperious way of Prescribing: For from these peremptory Words the Breach became so wide, that without bloody Wars Peace was not likely to be ob∣tained. Not to say, that if King Philip did really intend this Holy Expedition, he was not very wise to talk so high in such a juncture; and if he did not intend it, he was scarce sincere enough in his pious Resolutions.

However the English Ambassadors replied, their Commission extended not so far,

as to reach to King David, or to make any Concession to his Advantage; so the whole matter was broke off and the Breach made wider than before.

Now the most exact Account of the first Original of these Unkindnesses between the two Kings of England and France, which is by no Historian over exactly handled, is to be found only in the publique Records of the Peace ten years before this, made be∣tween King Edwards Father and Charles the Fair of France, a Copy whereof was then sent to Pope John XXII. and afterwards from the Library of Avignon brought into the Vatican, and being seen and diligently weighed by my y 1.638 Author, because from the Breach thereof, the Wars which exercis'd England and France for so many Ages, seem'd to take their first Occasion, yield us these Observations. In the Year 1325. which was the 19 of King Edward the II. of England, by the diligence of Qu. Isabella, with her Brother K. Charles of France, together with the assistance of Willi∣am Archbishop of Vienna, and Hugh Bishop of Orange, Nuntio's from the Apostolick Seat, a Peace was made between the two Realms on this Condition, z 1.639 says Villani, that what had been won by Charles of Valois in Aquitain, should remain wholly to the French; but in the publique a 1.640 Records signed with the Seal of the King of France, that Condition is not expressed, but very cunningly cover'd with obscure and deceit∣full Circumlocutions, which when the Inventers of these politick Fetches contrived, then they scattered the Seeds of a most inveterate Enmity between the two Realms to the infinite Dammage of France: When the French wrested the Articles to their own pur∣pose, and the English exclaim'd, that they were falsly and treacherously deceived; for it was added, that as to those Lands the French King should determin according to Law, the King of England demanding his Right: And so the Quarrel was not ended. But now this Condition in that Treaty is evident, that the French King should set o∣ver Aquitaine to administer justice a Person of integrity, and one not suspected by the King of England, and so the Armies on both sides should be disbanded, and the King of England on the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin should meet the French King at Beauvais, and do Homage to the Crown of France for Aquitain, which was then to be restored entirely unto him, the foresaid Lieutenant being called back. And this Agreement at the instance of Queen Isabell and the Pope, was by consent of the Am∣bassadors of both Parties, unanimously established in the Year aforesaid, as appears by the Letters of both the Kings. But now when afterwards King Edward II had con∣ferr'd on his Son the Dukedom of Aquitain, and a while after by Civil Tumults mis∣carried, and Edward the III succeeded in the Throne, the former Wars began to bleed fresh again, our Young Edward being obliged to seek that Right by Arms, which by Law he could not obtain; but lest the Laws of Nature and the Peace of Christendom should be violated, these Discords at the instance of the Pope, who sent William Arch∣bishop of Vienna, and John Grandesson Bishop of Exceter for that purpose, were com∣posed on this Condition; That as soon as might be, what had been taken by the En∣glish in Aquitain, contrary to the Form of the foresaid Agreement should be restored; and on the other side, that what had been taken by the French should be rendred to King Edward, the said King Edward being to pay 50000l. Sterling towards the repa∣ration of Dammages, and those Gascoigners, who as Ringleaders of the foresaid Dis∣sentions, had been by the French King adjudged to death, for King Edwards sake were only now banished. At this time also the Articles of the former League were restored, and publique Instruments thereof made at Marmanda the October following, and on the 20 of February in the beginning of the next Year were signed at Paris with the Kings Seal. But this Peace was intricate and doubtfull, because King Charles died be∣fore he had restored the Lands to his Nephew King Edward, which had been taken a∣way in Aquitain. But hereupon Philip of Valois, who had been present at the Rati∣fication of the Peace, being raised to the Throne, neither would restore those Places won by his Father, nor could by the Pope's perswasions be moved thereto; and so dealing more hardly, and too unkindly as well as unjustly with King Edward, never remitted any thing of his Haughtiness, till he had obliged the Young Prince to begin a War in the behalf of his Right, which had almost brought the Kingdom of France to utter destruction. But of this hereafter.

III. This mean while King Edward doubting what might happen, resolv'd to be be∣forehand with his Enemies, and as he question'd not, but that a War would soon be o∣pen'd from France, so he wisely design'd by a full Conquest to stop it the other way from Scotland. Soon after Christmas therefore he went to Newcastle, that he might bear an especial Eye to the Affairs of that Realm. From whence b 1.641 he made the Lord Hugh Courtney, a valiant old Gentleman, Earl of Devonshire upon this occasion. This

Hugh had for many years, after the Death of Isabell de Fortibus, Countess of Albemarl and Devonshire, quietly possessed the Lands and Fees of the Earldom of Devonshire, as being c 1.642 sole Heir to the foresaid Countess, thô he had neither the Title nor Inve∣stiture of an Earl: But at length there arose great difference between him and the Kings Officers of the Exchequer, concerning the payment of the third Penny, which, as they said, he being no Earl ought not to receive; and thereupon the Sheriffs of De∣vonshire declin'd to pay it him any longer. Wherefore he wrote his letters Supplica∣tory to the King being then in Scotland, who immediately directed his Precept to the Lord Treasurer and Barons of his Exchequer, requiring them to make search into the Records and Memorials remaining in their Hands, and to certifie him thereof: Which being done, the King having well consider'd the Matter and the Merit of the Man, return'd this Answer. Rex Dilecto & Fideli suo Hugoni de Courtney seniori, Comiti Devon. Salutem, &c. d 1.643

The King to his Well-beloved and Trusty Hugh Courtney senior, Earl of Devonshire, greeting. Whereas you, as appeareth by your Petition exhibited to Us and our Council, have for some time been sued for the Annual Pay∣ment of xviii l. vi s. viii d. of the yearly Fee of the Earldom of Devonshire, which Isabell de Fortibus, late Countess of Devonshire (whose Heir you are) and the Pre∣decessors of her the said Countess and yours, Earls of Devonshire, yearly received at the hands of the Sheriffs of that County, that were for the time being, and which you likewise after the Death of the said Countess, as her Heir, received for some time. And whereas the said Summ hath since been from you detained, because you have not used the Name and Title of an Earl, as by the Certificate of our Treasu∣rer and of the Barons of our Exchequer, by our Commandment made into our Chancery, doth appear. Forasmuch as the Inheritance of the foresaid Countess, and of her Predecessors and yours, Earls of Devonshire, is unto you descended by Hereditary Right, and that you at this present do hold the said Inheritance; We therefore wil∣ling to provide, as well for our own Dignity and the Equity of our Kingdom, as for your Honour and Support, Will and Command you, in requesting you, that by ta∣king to you the Name and Honour of an Earl, you cause your self henceforward to be called Earl of Devonshire, being assured, that we will cause the foresaid Fee to be yearly paid unto you, as it hath been wont to be paid to the Earls of Devonshire your Predecessors. Witness the King at Newcastle upon Tine the 22^d of February, and in the Ninth Year of our Reign.

Edward R. And to enforce this the more he sent his Precept to the then Sheriff of Devonshire, the Writ beginning—Rex Vice∣comiti Devoniae Salutem, &c. Commanding him forthwith by publique Proclamation, both in his County, and all other places of his Bailywick, to require all Persons thence∣forth to esteem and call him Earl of Devonshire. And likewise another Precept to the Lord Treasurer and Barons of his Exchequer, that they should cause the said Summ of xviii l. vi s. viii d. to be annually paid unto him, nomine Comitis, by the Title of an Earl, as his Ancestors formerly had received it.

Now c 1.644 about the Feast of the Ascension the King held his Parliament at York, con∣cerning his Affairs then in hand, relating to the Scotch War; at which time were Enacted sundry Statutes very serviceable for the Peace and Weal of the Realm: And here by the Intercession of King Philip, who sent thither the Bishop of Auranches and others for that purpose; he granted the Scots a Truce, till the Feast of St. John Baptist, then next ensuing.

IV. But about Midsummer (the Truce being near expired) he went in the Head of his Army to Newcastle again, whither King Bailiol came unto him from Carlile: And here it was finally agreed between them and their Council, that King Edward of England should pass to Carlile, and on the 12 of July enter Scotland that way in Hostile Manner, with these Lords and Captains in his Company, Prince John Planta∣genet, sirnamed of Eltham, Earl of Cornwall, the Kings own Brother, the Lord Henry Plantagenet, Son to the Earl of Lancaster, the Kings Cosin, Thomas Beauchamp Earl of Warwick, John Bohun Earl of Hereford and Essex, John Vere Earl of Oxford, the Lord Bartholomew Burwash Senior, the Lord Adam Wells, Ralph Lord Bulmer, the Lord Ebulo. le Strange, who dying this Year, left his Wife and Title of Earl of Lin∣coln to Hugh de Frenes who was also in this Expedition, together with John Lord Willoughby, Henry Lord Fitz-Hugh, Robert Lord Ferrers, William Lord Mon∣tague, the Lord Hugh Audley junior, the Lord William Clinton, the Lord John Norwich, the Lord John Bardolph, the Lord John Tibetot, or Tiptot, and the Lord John Grey of Codnore, with Sr. Mawrice Barkley, Brother to Thomas Lord Barkley, and many others of High Quality and Courage: On the other Hand King

Bailiol was appointed to go to Barwick; till the Truce was fully expired; and then on the same 12 day of July to enter Scotland in Hostile Manner with his Forces, the Chief Captains whereof under him were John Lord Warren Earl of Surrey, in England, and of Stratherne in Scotland; Richard Fitz-Alan the Stout Earl of Arun∣del, Henry Lord f 1.645 Beaumont Earl of Buquhan, who it seems had made no Oath to the Contrary, as the Scotch Writers affirm; but was redeem'd from his Imprisonment by a good round Summe of Money, as we shew'd before; the Lord Ralph Nevil, and the Lord Henry Percy were here also, together with the Lords Nicolas Cantilupe and Ralph Stafford, all Barons of great Valour and Conduct; who (thô Subjects of England) being for the most part ally'd to King Bailiol, with their several Retinues, and a choice Band of lusty Welchmen, enter'd Scotland on the One part, at the same time that King Edward enter'd on the Other, as it had been before appointed. Two such Mighty Torrents of War were not likely to be much resisted by the almost-exhausted Powers of the Bruceans: So that in a manner they ravag'd the Country at their Pleasure, wasting and burning all before them.

On the 12 g 1.646 of July, being a Wednesday, King Edward of England began his March from the City of Carlile, passing over the Solway Frith, and so entring into Scotland in good Order of Battle. On the Tuesday following, being the 18 of July, the Lord William Montague with certain other Barons of England rode forth, coasting on the left hand, towards the Parts of Caerlaverock in Nidisdale, to fetch in Prey for the Ar∣my; and the next day they return'd all safe with some Hundred Head of Cattle. On * 1.647 Thursday the King passed the Ford of Anand, which giveth Name to Anandale, and then he rear'd his Banners Royal, and made many Knights; but to the Lord William Montague he granted his Crest with the Eagle, and a gallant Courser with Caparisons, adorn'd with the Arms of Montague, which are Argent, three Fuzils in Fess, Gules: Moreover he gave him the Reversion of the Mannor of Wodeton, and Mersewode-vale with the Advowsons of the Churches; as also of the Mannor of Pole, with the Advow∣son of the Church, after the Death of Robert Fitz-Paine, and Ela his Wife, with∣out Issue; paying to the King, his Heirs and Successors upon Christmas-day, whereso∣ever he or they should happen to be, a sword of 3 shillings and four pence for all Services. Encouraged with this Bounty of his Prince, the Lord Montague pierced yet farther into Scotland, making great Havock and Spoil, and continually bringing in huge Quantities of Victuals, and Prey to the Army.

On that same day, a certain Knight of Heinalt, Named Sr. Enend, came before King Edward with a Present from his Father in Law, William Earl of Heinalt, which was a very Gorgeous and Princely Helmet, Richly beset with Precious Stones, and a∣dorn'd with the Coronet and other things, in the same manner as the Earl himself was us'd to wear it on Festivals, and when he appeared in the Greatest Splendor. The King was extreamly pleased with this Present, and immediately Rewarded the Messenger with an Hundred Pounds sterling. 'Tis likely he wore it long after for the Sake of the Donor: For I have seen several ancient Pictures, that Represent him in such an Helmet.

On the * 1.648 Sunday after St. Mary Magdalene, King Bailiol on the other hand took a strong Castle of the Earl of Athols, called Cambremouth; which would hardly have been master'd so soon, but that in time of the Assault, whether by chance, or from without, there happen'd such a fire in the Castle, as compell'd them to yield present∣ly, together with all their Ammunition, and Provision lay'd up for a long time, or else they had all perished by Fire, or been put to the sword. Here they found the Lord David Marshal with his Lady, also the Relict of the Lord Archimbald Douglas, and the Wife of Sr. Philip Moubray, beside meaner Prisoners.

Yet all this while, neither of the Kings found any Considerable Opposition: For long h 1.649 now had the Scots been us'd to these Harassings, and therefore the better avoided them at this time, by retiring with the best of their Substance into their Fortresses a∣mong the Marishes and thick Forests: This manner they were first taught by their King Robert Bruce; who in the Days of King Edward the First, being so hardly hunted and pursued, that neither Town, City, nor Castle could, or durst entertain him, betook himself to these Forests with good Success: And still, when the said King Edward was return'd for England, he would forth again, and appear on his Countries Behalf with sword in Hand; straight Rally his broken and scatter'd Forces, and presently recover, either by Strength or Policy, all that he had lost, as far as to Barwick: Upon News whereof King Edward would return with his Power, and win all again. Thus King Robert wan and lost the Kingdom of Scotland by turns for four or five times together,

when being at last Chaced into i 1.650 Norwey, his Mighty Adversary, King Edward the First died in a good old Age at Burgh upon the Sands near Caerlile. But while he lay on his Death bed he sent for Prince Edward his Son, and gave him Counsel

to be Mercifull and Just, and Constant in all his Words and Deeds, to love his Bre∣thren; but to avoid Flatterers, and especially Piers Gaveston: After this he made him k 1.651 swear upon his Blessing, that when he should see the Breath out of his Body, he should take his Corps and boyl it in a Cauldron till the Flesh should all come off: Then to bury the Flesh, but to keep the Bones in a Coffin, and to bear them along with him, whensoever the Scots should Rebell;

for whether by Imagination, or Su∣perstition, or secret Revelation, he promised certain Victory against the Scots, as often as his Bones were carried into the Field against them. We read indeed in profane Sto∣ry many such Instances, and particularly, that the Turks had some such Opinion of Scanderbeg's Bones; but however King Edward the Second, either out of Filial ten∣derness, or pure disobedience, buried his whole Body at Westminster, where it remains Honourably Entombed to this day; yet surely he never prosper'd against the Scots, besides that he came to an unhappy end, as we shew'd in the beginning of this Hi∣story; whether for want of his Fathers Bones, or his Blessing; for generally the Blessing of God goes along with a Parents just Benediction: But this by the by.

While after their old Manner, the Scots thus again at this time to avoid King Ed∣ward's Fury, retired into their Fastnesses, the l 1.652 Welchmen who were with King Bai∣liol, being Highly incensed for want of Opposition, spared neither Religious Persons, nor Places; but put all that came in their Reach to Fire and Sword. The mean while the Mariners of Newcastle, with part of the Kings Fleet (which Hector vainly makes to be so dreadfully shipwrack'd) made shift to come in at the Mouth of the River Tay, where they burnt a great part of the Town of Dundee, which stands between Brechin and St Andrews. And at the same time m 1.653 John Lord Darcy Justice of Ire∣land, having well settled Affairs at home, sailed with a Fleet of 56 Ships (with the Chief of the Irish Nobles in his Company) making a short cut to the Parts of Scot∣land, next adjoyning to Ireland, where having wasted the Isles of Aran and Bute, he return'd with great Prey and Glory. For which his Voluntary and Signal Services, a while after King Edward granted unto him and the Heirs Male of his Body Lawfully be∣gotten, the Mannors of Rathwar and Kildalk in Ireland.

V. But however, thô thus the poor Scots were Harassed on all sides, yet were they resolved not to betray their Country, either for want of Care, or Courage; but being in strength unequal to these Forces, they were obliged to act more wisely, and to lie chiefly upon the Catch; nor altogether without Success: For about this time n 1.654 500 Archers of England with other Footmen, upon some occasion, returning homeward in great Security, as having seen no appearance of an Enemy in Scotland, were suddenly set upon, being intercepted by Andrew Earl of Murray, Patrick Earl of Dunbar, and Sr. William Douglas, by whom they were all put to the sword. In this season John the young Earl o 1.655 of Namur (whom the Scotch Writers by mistake call the Earl of Guel∣dre) with his Brother Sr. Robert of Namur, came into England to serve King Edward, for the Sake of Sr. Robert of Artois their Uncle; and boldly undertook to enter Scot∣land only with a Choice Band of an Hundred Men of Arms, and seven or eight Knights and Barons, their Leaders, which came over with them, and a few English from Barwick for their Guides. But before the Earl could recover Edenburgh, he was so hotly assaulted by the Earl of Murray and Dunbar, and the Lord William Doug∣las; that althô the Strangers bare themselves Right Worthily, yet being oppressed by Multitude, they were compelled to give back, thô honourably by little and little, still maintaining the Fight, and by sudden Chargings defending themselves, till they reached Edenburgh, and recovered the Hill whereon the Castle had stood, thô now it lay in ru∣ines. Here they most manfully kept their Ground till the next day; when despairing of any Succour, and utterly destitute of either Meat or Drink, they were content to yield themselves on certain Conditions. The Scots not willing to drive these Men to despair, whose Natural Valour they found scarce matchable, and knowing that the weak Estate of their Country required them to be frugal of their Persons, accepted their Conditions: And here the Earl of Murray, either of Generosity or Policy, or for the sake of the Leader the Noble Earl of Namur, whom he admired, or hoped by ob∣liging to gain to his Side; quitted them all of their Ransom, and gave them present liberty of returning into their own Country; he himself for their further Security, and desirous to gratifie the King of France, whose near Kinsman the Earl of Namur was, conducting them as far as the Borders: But this Compliment was ill-timed; for upon his

Return p 1.656 being unhappily encountred by an English Party, belonging to the Garrison of Roxborough, he was by them overthrown, himself being taken Prisoner by Sr. William Priestwood, and the Lord William Douglas escaped very narrowly, but his Brother Sr. James Douglas was there slain upon the Spot with many more.

Among the q 1.657 Bodies of those few Strangers, that were slain in the passage to Edinburgh, 'tis reported, that there was found the Body of a Woman of exact Beauty, but more than ordinary Stature: She had been observed in the beginning of the Battle to step forth before all her Companions, where singly she overthrew a strong Esquire of Scot∣land, named Richard Shaw; and long and well she fought with the Scots, till finally, she not flinching, and her Company not able to come up to her, being encompassed by the Scots, unknown as she was, she was there slain. 'Tis thought, because she was left in so desperate a condition, that her own Party was ignorant of her Sex; and it might be, that for the love of Sr. Robert of Namur, who was a Batchelour, young, beauti∣full and couragious, or thrô some Heroical Disposition proceeding from high Birth, or Conscience of unusual Strength, or desire to emulate the ancient Viragoes, called A∣mazons, she thus adventur'd to take the Field: But her indiscreet Obstinacy to the Death, when Retreating was not inglorious, shew'd her unwife, and too much a Woman.

But of the Fight, wherein the Earl of Murray was taken, Others report a little o∣therwise, saying, r 1.658 How these Scotch Lords now in their passage toward the Borders were no less than ten thousand strong, as resolving upon some notable Exploit, either thereby to requite their Losses at home, or to oblige King Edward to leave Scotland for the Defence of his own People, and especially for his Queens sake, whom hearing to be as then in Bamburg an impregnable Castle of Northumberland, they went thi∣therward to invest the Place. But being on their way met by 5000 English ('tis proba∣ble, as appears by and by, under the Conduct of Prince John of Eltham, who was co∣ming this way at that time, either before parted from the King his Brother, or not till now come to joyn him) however after a sharp Conflict, the Scots were wholly broken and routed, leaving 5000 of their Companions on the ground with Sr. James Dou∣glas; only the Earl of Murray of their Captains being taken Prisoner, but Earl Patrick and Sr. William Douglas escaped. This Victory however cost the English 400 Men, 'twas fought so obstinately before the Day inclin'd to them.

It is certain, s 1.659 that about Lammas-tide Prince John of Eltham Earl of Cornwall, and the Kings Brother, with the Forces of Yorkshire and Northumberland, and the Lord Anthony Lucy of Cockermouth, with the Men of Cumberland and Westmorland, en∣tring Scotland, t 1.660 ravag'd and destroy'd in Galloway, Carrick, Kyle and Cunningham, and all the Western Parts which held against the Bailiol, or had lately revolted from him. The Lord William Douglas indeed with certain Troops of light Horse, still coasted them from far, waiting for some Advantage, but by the Policy of their Princely Ge∣neral they ever kept good close Order; so that at last without any considerable loss, Prince John with his little Host passing by Lenox, Menteith and Stratherne, came la∣den with Spoil and Prey to St. Johnston, where he found the King of England his Brother, lately return'd thither from his victorious March beyond the Scottish Moun∣tains. This Town had been lately destroy'd by the Scots, who despair'd to maintain it for their own behoof: But now King Edward order'd it to be rebuilt, fortifi'd and en∣compassed with a strong Wall, Ditch and Rampire.

VI. The King of u 1.661 France all this while did what he could by Policy to hinder King Edwards Proceedings, and withdraw him home again, before he might perfect any Con∣quest in Scotland: To that end again he sends his Ambassadors to him, and procures Others to be sent from the Pope, x 1.662 with Letters bearing date (apud Pontemsorgiae Ave∣nionensis Dioecesis, 2 Kal. Aug. Anno Pontif. 1.) to endeavour a Peace between King David and him, and to request his Company once more in the Holy War: But King Edward observing his pragmaticall Curiosity in Affairs no way relating to him, and also his unsincere way of Address, sent him short Word,

That he was able of himself (blessed be God) without any help from him to wage war with the Infidels, when he should see fit, unless He and his Adherents by their Malice and underhand Dea∣lings should stand in his way: And that he neither could nor would undertake any Foreign Expedition, while his Enemies the Scots continued so rebellious against him, who were also by him abetted and encouraged in their Rebellion: Thô both as a Christian Prince and a Kinsman he ought rather to compose War and Strife among two Christian Nations, and even to assist him with all his Might in his just Wars, than to nourish up his Capital Enemies unjustly against him.

VII. Thus King Edward put him off at that time, and proceeded with such success in his Affairs in Scotland, that about the Feast of the y 1.663 Assumption of our Lady, most of the Scotch Nobility being wholly tired out, and fearing yet much more, z 1.664 came in and submitted themselves to King Edward of England at St. Johnston, where both the Kings then were; among whom, thô the Lord Strabolgi came not in person, for fear of the Kings sudden Displeasure, yet by his Advocates and Letters he so humbly sued for Peace and Pardon, and so well acquitted himself of all Treason, that he with the rest was accepted on these Conditions.

a 1.665 These are the Points and Articles agreed on betwixt the Council of the Kings of England and Scotland on the one Party; and the Lord Alexander Moubray, the Lord Geoffry Moubray, the Lord Geoffry Roos, Dr. William Bullock Clerk, and the Lord Eustace de Lorrain, having full power from David Strabolgi Earl of Athol, and Ro∣bert Stuart of Scotland on the other Party, to treat on, accord and confirm all Points enterparled and to be enterparled, betwixt the said Kings and the said Earl and Robert Stuart, as appeareth by the Letters Patents of either Party.

1.

Imprimis, it is accorded, That the Earl of Athol, and all the Great Men, and Others of the Commonalty of Scotland, which were willing to come in to the King of Englands Peace, shall have Life and Limb, Lands and Tenements, Fees and Of∣fices, which they ought by right, or by inheritance to have in Scotland, those except which by common Assent should be excepted. In such manner, that all Offences and Misdemeanours, which they had committed in the Realm of England from the begin∣ning of the World to the Date of these Presents, shall be pardon'd without Imprison∣ment, or any other Molestation.

2. Item, That the Earl of Athol and the Lord Alexander Moubray shall still hold those Lands, Tenements, and Fees in England, which they held at their departure from Newcastle upon Tine, when they paid Homage to the King of England.

3. Item, That the Franchises of the Kirk of Scotland shall be maintained after the ancient Usage: And that the Laws of Scotland in Burroughs, Towns and Sheriff-wicks within the Lands of the King of Scotland, be used after the Old Way, as they were u∣sed in the time of King Alexander: And that the Offices of Scotland be administred by Men of the same Nation; yet so, as that the King of Scotland of his Prerogative Roy∣al may at any time according to his pleasure advance to places of Office Men of any Nation whatsoever.

4. Item, That all those, who being in the same case with the Earl of Athol, have Lands and Tenements within the Lands of the King of England, shall still hold those Lands and Tenements, Possessions, Fees and Offices, as they had them at their de∣parture from Newcastle upon Tine, when they paid Homage to the King of England; those except, who by common Assent shall be excepted, and if they be impleaded for their Lands and Tenements aforesaid, they may have their Defence and Recoveries in any Court according to Law.

5. Item, As touching the Demand which the Earl of Athol claimeth, that the King of England would release him his Lands in England, which he hath in gage for 800 Marks, the King neither ought nor will do that; but as for his Mannor of b 1.666 Bulin∣don, which the said Earl laid to pledge for c 1.667 two hundred Pounds, it is accorded, That if the said Earl of Athol come within one Year, and make true payment of the said Money, that the King shall cause the said Mannor to be restored unto him.

6. Item, That as touching the Castle and Lands of Chilham, the said Earl shall be in the same point that he was before, at his departure from Newcastle upon Tine, when he paid Homage to the King of England, and shall have his Recovery by Law; and the King promiseth in good Faith to take Order, that he shall have the Law of his Kingdom without favour on either Party.

7. Item, That as touching the Lands which the said Earl claimeth in Norfolk, whereof he hath Charters, the King promiseth, that having seen first his Charters, by Advice of his Council he will do him reason. And if in any case any man surmise Treason upon the said Earl, he may defend himself with his Body, according to the Laws and Usage of Scotland, and upon the Marches; And that all those in his case have the like Grant.

8. Item, that as to the Pardon, which William Ramsey Knight demandeth for the Trespass by him done to William Lord Montagu, in beating down his Castle of Hagh∣terdorne, the same William shall be ready to make satisfaction in such manner as shall be by the Kings of England and Scotland devised.

9. Item, That the Lord Eustace de Lorrain shall have his Lands and Tenements,

which he ought to have within the Realm of Scotland, and if any man hath trespassed against him, he shall have his Recovery by Law. Dat. at St. Johnston in Scotland the 18 of August Anno Dom. 1335.

Now whereas it was before remembred, that these Commissioners were empowred not only from the Earl of Athol, but also from the Lord Robert Stuart himself; it is not so much to be admired, that so great a Man as Prince Robert, who was now sole Governour of Scotland for King David his Kinsman, should yield so far as to admit of an Agree∣ment so much to his Masters Detriment with the King of England: I say, it is not so greatly to be admired, if we but consider the extream Necessity that drove him to it in that juncture, he himself being very sick at Dumbriton, and his late Partner in the Government, the Lord John Randall Earl of Mur••••y, being at the same time prisoner at London, and likely to continue in that Condition; because he had both before and now also refus'd to accept of King Edwards Peace.

Thô indeed no great sincerity was on the Scots Party, but the wonderfull Streights they were in, required a little Dissimulation and outward Compliance till a better Op∣portunity: Nay 'tis said by a very e 1.668 ancient and authentick Historian, that the greatest part of the Scotch Nobility (among whom the foresaid Lords, no doubt, are included) being wearied out by these continual Harassings and Desolations, came in voluntarily and submitted themselves entirely to the King of England on these Conditions,

That they should obey the Bailiol as their King, during his Life; the mean while King David with his Queen to live privately but honourably at London; and upon the Death of King Bailiol, who as yet had no Children, to succeed: That they would oblige King David to come to the Parliament, which was to be at London the next Michaelmas, and to stand to the King of Englands Awardment and Arbitration: In the mean while they yielded their Homage to him, as to their Superior Lord.

VIII. But the King of France, having knowledge hereof, out of Envy to King Edward's Glory, or because he found it more conducible to his own Affairs, to have the Interests of Scotland and England still divided, dealt so assiduously with the Scots, by promising himself to stand by them, that all this came to Nothing; nor did King David appear at all in that Parliament, as they had engaged he should do.

The mean time King Edward, thô he had great hopes that the Scots would at last stand to this their own Agreement, however thought it not becoming the Wisdom of a King to repose himself too much on the Faith of others; especially, considering the Mu∣tability of that People, and their strong Inclinations to France: Wherefore he resolves so to strengthen himself, that if they should be False, they should not be over Dan∣gerous; and so having already f 1.669 fortified St. Johnston, he now goes to Striveling, where, on the plat of ground on which the late Castle had stood, he built a strong Fortress called the Pile; thence he proceeded to Bothwill, where he added much strength and a Garrison to that Castle, appointing Thomas Lord Barkley to victual it from E∣dinburgh; who was so good a Convoy to what he brought thither, that he discom∣fited one night the Lord William Douglas, who lay in Ambush for him, with lit∣tle or no loss to himself; but with such an entire Victory, that Douglas himself with only three more could hardly escape, and that by the Benefit of the Night too. Edinburgh also about this time is rebuilt, and committed to the g 1.670 Custody of Sr. John Striveling, afterwards a Baron of this Realm. And having thus provided for the Peace of Scotland, the King returns in Health and Honour into England, leaving a good part of his Forces behind him with King Bailiol, and other his Captains, for the bet∣ter Security of his Affairs that way. A little before which the Famous War∣rier, the Lord h 1.671 Richard Talbot, was Redeemed from his Imprisonment for 2000 Marks, by the Favour of Prince Robert Stuart, who highly Respected Worth, thô in an Enemy.

IX. But the Lord i 1.672 David Strabolgi, Earl of Athol, having now fully obtain'd a Pardon from King Edward, as we shew'd before; that he might again purchase his good Opinion, resolves to be in Action for him with the foremost: Having therefore pro∣vided himself with competent Forces, Horse & Foot, and other Necessaries, he pre∣sently lays Siege to the Castle of Kildrummy, on the River Done, that held still for the Bruceans. The mean while certain of the Brucean Lords, as Patrick Earl of Dun∣bar, the Lord Andrew Murray, William Douglas, and others, prepar'd to go against him, as well to punish his Revolt and Perjury, as to Relieve the Besieged. Of this the Earl having timely notice, seemingly Raises the Siege, but indeed Marches directly forth in good Order of Battle to meet the Enemy. Both Armies joyned in the fields of Kilblaine, where began a very fierce Encounter; for generally in Civil Dissentions, when

mens Minds are mutually exasperated, the Animosity, wherewith they contend, is greater than that of different Nations: As the fallings out of old Friends are usually more fierce than those of Strangers. But at length the Earl of Athol, who was Superior in number, and no way Inferior in Skill or Courage to his Enemies, had carried away a Compleat Victory, had not Sr. John Crab, the Captain of Kildrummy Castle, in∣structed either by secret Notice, or his own Conjecture, issued out of his Castle with 300 fresh Men, who coming suddenly on the Backs of the Atholians, in the very In∣stant of their Victory, and falling on with great Fury, Noise, and Clamour, so terri∣fied them, and added such Courage to the almost Conquer'd Bruceans, that the Vi∣ctory now presently enclin'd the other way. Upon this, Earl David disdaining to fly, or to be taken alive to suffer a Publique Execution, or perhaps not dispairing by a Vi∣gorous Opposition to wrest back the Victory again, with a Select Troop of his Best Friends, makes a Desperate Impression upon the Enemy: Where Fighting a while Valiantly he was notwithstanding finally slain by the Hands of S^r Alexander Gurdon. There fell with him of the Nobles k 1.673 Sr. Robert Brady, and Sr. Walter Cumin; whose Brother Sr. Thomas being taken alive, was the next day condemned to lose his Head: Some few escaped into the Castle of Camoron with the Captain thereof Robert Menneth, who yet were compelled to yield the next day for want of Provision.

This Victory, thô not of it self considerable, did yet prove a Mighty Refreshment to the dejected Minds of the Scots; especially, since the Numbers of each Party were so unequal, that the English exceeded the Scots almost three times in Number: For l 1.674 one says, that the Earl of Athol had 3000 Men, the Bruceans being but 1100, beside those 300 fresh Men, who by their sudden Sally quite turn'd the Scale of Victory: Thô the most Resolute Men in the World being so surprised from behind in the heat of an Engagement, when nothing is certain, and as little can be deliberated, may well be frighted into a Fatal Confusion.

Yet m 1.675 others report the matter something otherwise, saying, that upon this sudden Sally of the Scots, the Earl of Athols. Men thrô Treason, or Panick fear fled all from him, ex∣cept about 13, who being content to partake of the same Honourable Fortune with their Valiant Leader, were all slain with him.

This Earl David Strabolgi (whom Hector and Buchanan erroncously call by the Name of David Cumin) was a Baron also of England, where he had large Possessions; for he died n 1.676 seised of the Mannor of Gainsborough, in Com. Linc. Bulindon in Com. Buck. Posewyke, West-Lexham, Styvely, and Holkellam in Norfolk, as also of the Castle of Mitford, with two parts of the Mannors of Pont-Eland and Calverdon, and certain Lands in Mollesdown in Northumberland, beside what he held in Scotland, leaving behind him David his Son and Heir then three Years of Age, and Catherine Beaumont, Daugh∣ter to the Lord Henry Beaumont, his Wife surviving; he himself being but eight and twenty Years of Age at his Death.

This Battle was struck on the last day of December, from whence the distressed Bru∣ceans Raised themselves with Hopes, that the succeeding Year would prove more favour∣able to their Cause.

X. This Year o 1.677 there was found in the Forest of Wolmer a young Mule with two Heads, and two Necks, of equal bigness, in other parts nothing different from ano∣ther. She was kept alive for some time after, in the yard of Sr. Edward St. John, War∣den of the said Forest.

It is also p 1.678 reported, that a young Woman, named Joane, living in the Parish of Kingsley in the Diocess of Winchester, and the Decanate of Aulton, being on the fourth of June at Night, advised by a voice to go and meet her Sweet-heart William in the Forest of Wolmer aforesaid, early in the Morning met with an Incubus in his Shape, who then and there carnally knew her. At her return home she fell into a grievous Malady, and then upon Conference with her Sweet-heart William, it appeared, that she had been seduced to her Confusion by an Evil Spirit: Whereupon with great Contrition and Lamentation she bewailed and confessed her sins, all the house being filled with an intolerable and noisome Savour. In this deplorable Condition she held for three days, and then died, having her whole Body extreamly swoln, and her bo∣some and privy Parts most dismally Black and Dreadfull; and so prodigiously heavy, that eight lusty Men could hardly bear the Body to the Grave. I know not how far it may please God sometimes for the Punishment of Impure thoughts and Unchast de∣sires, as well as for Example to others, to permit Satan to Tyrannize by his Illusions. Many Grave Authors have not doubted to attest Instances of the like Nature: However, be this true or not, I leave it to the Decision of others, and the cre∣dit of the Author.

King Edward this Year q 1.679 confirmed to his Cozen Henry de Torto Collo Earl of Lancaster, the County of Provence in France, being the Inheritance of Queen Elea∣nor, Wife of King Henry the Third of England, and Second Daughter of Raimend Earl of Provence, Grandmother to the said Earl Henry: which Inheritance the said Queen Eleanor granted to her second Son Edmund, sirnamed Crouchback, Father to Thomas Earl of Lancaster, who dying without Issue, this Henry the younger Bro∣ther became his Heir. I know not how valid this Grant of the Kings might be, but sure at this time Provence was in other Hands, as we shall shew hereafter.

This Year the Lord Ebulo le Strange, who in Right of his Wise Alice, Daugh∣ter and Heir of Henry Lascy, Earl of Lincoln, obtained the Title of Earl of Lin∣coln, r 1.680 departed this Life in Scotland: His Relict the said Lady Alice, of whose Lasciviousness I shall say nothing here, immediately upon his Death Married a cer∣tain Knight, called Hugo de Frenes, who likewise in her Right was entitled Earl of Lincoln; but he also died the next Year in Scotland, as we shall see in due place. Ebulo's Heir was the Lord Roger le Strange of Knokin Senior, his Cosin.

Besides there died the Thrice-Noble Lord John Bohun Earl of Hereford and Essex, and High-Constable of England; he deceased s 1.681 at Kirby-Thure in Westmoreland, on the Feast of St. Fabian and Sebastian, and was buried at Stratford, near London; but leaving no Issue behind him, was succeeded in his Honours and Estate by his next Brother Humphry, a Man Famous for Military Affairs, as we shall have Occasion to take Notice.

CHAPTER the NINTH.

The CONTENTS.

I. In the Revenge of the Earl of Athols Death the English Lords in Scotland lay Siege to Dunbar; but are not able to take it. II. King Edward sends word to King Bai∣liol to keep the field with his English Forces, and himself leaving the Parliament sit∣ting, follows them in Person, with his Exploits there. III. King Philip endeavours to divert him from an entire Conquest of Scotland, and sends out a Fleet against him, with King Edward's Commission to his Admirals about the Defence of the English Seas. IV. King Edward furnishes himself with Money divers ways, yet again makes overtures for Peace. V. His Considerations about the War with France, and the Advice of his Gouncil thereupon. VI. He sends an Embassy to the Earl of Heinalt, with the Result thereof. VII. The two Kings put themselves in a Posture. VIII. Prince John of Eltham King Edward's Brother dies; a Scotch Tale of his Death refu∣ted: The Earl of Lincoln dies: The Queen deliver'd of a Son. IX. A Comet, forerun∣ner of the French War, with other Prodigies.

I. UPon the News of the Earl of Athols Death, the Lord William Montague, * 1.682 and the Lord Henry Beaumont, his Father in Law, were greatly displeased, as were also the two Kings of England and Scotland: For he was a Man of Considerable Power, Valour, and Conduct: But especially the Lord a 1.683 Beaumont, to shew his Resentment, put every one to the sword he could lay Hands on, that had been of the adverse Party at the Battle of Kilblaine, where he was slain.

But the Lord William Montague, and the Lord Henry b 1.684 Plantagenet, Son to the Old Earl of Lancaster, the Lord Robert Morley, John Lord Molins, Richard Earl of Arundel, Gilbert Ʋmphravill Earl of Angos, the Lord William Clinton, the Lord John Segrave, and Sr. Hugh Audley Junior, with the Lords Nevil, and Piercy, and Staf∣ford, and Sr. Robert Benhale of Norfolk, who fought the Duel at Halidoun, as we shew'd before, the Lord John Leyburne, and many other Noble Captains with near 20000 fighting Men, went and laid Siege to the strong Castle c 1.685 of Dunbar, which had been lately rebuilt, and well furnished by Earl Patrick himself at the Command of King Edward, when he took Barwick: But new both the said Earl had Revolted, and the Castle was held for the behoof of King David, which was a great Eyesore to the

English, as being scituated on the Sea Coast between Barwick and St. Andrews, and the Gar∣rison thereof doing them much mischief.

This Siege began on the 27 of January, and was continued with pertinacity enough for the space of d 1.686 19, or as some say, 22 Weeks: Within the Castle at that time was the Countess of Dunbar her self, sirnamed Black Agnes of Dunbar, who was so liberal of her Hands to her Souldiers, and so pleasant in her Speech, that she Encou∣raged them wonderfully to acquit themselves like men upon all Occasions. Once it chanced, that as the English Pioneers approached near to dig down the Walls under the Covert of a certain Vaulted Engine, called a Sow, she beholding it, said merrily,

that unless they look'd well to their Sow, She would soon make her cast her Pigs;

and within a while the Engine was destroy'd accordingly. Nor yet were the English able with all their Cost and Labour to purchase much Honour or Advantage at this Siege: For when they had almost brought the Castle to a Surrender e 1.687 Sr. Alex∣ander Ramsay came once at Midnight as privately as boldly, thrô the English Fleet, and supply'd the Countess with 40 Select Warriours, and sufficient Store of Ammu∣nition; and thereupon taking some of the Garrison to those with him, he made a Brisk Sally upon the Besiegers, who fearing nothing less than such a matter from Men who were almost reduced, received a Considerable Loss by this surprize. This being performed as was intended, the next Night Sr. Alexander escap'd away again thrô the English Galleys, in the same manner as he passed by the Night before. Nor did the English understand any thing of the matter, but supposed the Garrison was in so good State still, as of themselves to undertake such daring Actions. Wherefore soon after, either by the subtle Collusion of the Scots, who by Mediation of Messengers from the Pope and French King, required and obtained a Truce, or by the English mens Despair of taking the Place, as some say, or rather, because the Lords that lay there, had a great mind to attend the King their Master into Brabant and Flanders, whi∣ther (as they heard) he was now preparing to go; for some or more of these Rea∣sons the Siege was Raised Ingloriously, under pretence of a Temporary Truce, where∣by the English generally became loosers. But certainly, however the Vulgar descant∣ed on the Matter, or whatever prejudiced Authors deliver of it, the English Lords aforenamed, that began and left the Siege in this manner, were all Persons of great Valour, Prudence, and Loyalty; wherefore we for our Parts dare not by any means rashly condemn them, thô we understand not what Reason they should have to leave the Siege.

II. Before the f 1.688 Ascension, King Edward sent word to King Bailiol to take with him the Lord Henry Plantagenet, whom he had g 1.689 lately made Captain General of all his Armies in Scotland, and the Earls of Warwick and Oxford, with divers other Lords and Captains of either Nation, and with them and their Forces to take the field. Ac∣cordingly h 1.690 after Whitsuntide the foresaid King Bailiol passed with an Army over the Scottish Sea, and went to St. Johnston, where they waited the King of Englands fur∣ther Order.

The mean while King Edward held his High-Court of Parliament at Nottinghant, where he understood, i 1.691 that the French King had sworn to Uphold and Protect the Interest of King David and the Rebel-Scots, as they were then called, against England, and had to that purpose sent over several Eminent Commanders with Considerable sup∣plies of Men, Money, and Ammunition. With this News King Edward was very well satisfied, as well because the French King had thereby apparently given him a just Occasion of turning his Arms against France it self; as also verily believing that the French and Scots together, would not fail now of affording him Battle. He there∣fore k 1.692 leaves the Lords and Prelates at their Debates in Parliament, and himself with a Select Company Posts away Incognito for Scotland, till he came to Barwick upon the Tweed: From thence borrowing a few Men of Arms for his Guard, he rode forth to St. Johnston, where he found King Bailiol ready appointed with the Forces of either Na∣tion, as he had commanded.

The Bailiol and all the Lords with him were as much surprised as pleased at this sud∣den coming of the Kings, and not a little satisfied with themselves, that they were found in such Readiness, as they ought to be.

Now before King Edward's Arrival at St. Johnston, l 1.693 Earl Patrick of Dunbar, the Lord William Douglas, and Sr. William Keth, Chief Captains of the Bruceans, ta∣king fresh Courage from their French Auxiliaries, had won the Castles of St. Andrew and Bothwill, and thence proceeded to Besiege the Castle of Striveling. The Place was vigorously Assaulted, and as well from within Defended; but when the Scots heard

of King Edward's drawing near to the Rescue, then they made a General Assault with more Fury than ever. But it was still so well maintain'd, that nothing was got but the Loss of many of the Assailants, among whom was slain Sr. William Keth, a Valiant, but a Rash Leader, and he who occasion'd the overthrow at Hali∣down: Whereupon together with the Apprehension of King Edward's approach, they brake up the Siege, before he could come upon them. As did also another Party of the Scots, m 1.694 then lying at the Siege of Lochindoris, wherein was enclosed the Lady Catherine Beaumont, Relict of the late Earl of Athol, who before their coming, ha∣ving Intelligence of their Design upon her Castle, had Requested King Edward's Aid, which was one occasion more of this his Expedition: But now the Fame of him did what was desired from his Sword; for the Scots upon Report of his coming brake up their Siege and departed.

The mean while n 1.695 King Edward passed with his Army by Dunkelden thrô Athol and Murray, as far as Elgin and Innernes, where Scotland is bounded that way, in pursuit of the Enemy, if by any means he might come to a Battle: But for all the Assistance from France, they durst not at that time look him in the Face, but o 1.696 kept themselves in Forests and other Fastnesses; only in the night times they would make false Alarms to terrifie the English; but they knew them so well, and kept such Watch, that they easily prevented all their Attempts that way.

In the King's Return on the left hand through Buquhan, p 1.697 he took Aberdeen, and burnt divers Towns and destroyed the Country, but still the Scots kept aloof, for they durst not hazard their only standing Forces against a Royal Army; nor in common pru∣dence could they: Wherefore King Edward not relishing this dilatory Way, and be∣ing perpetually both advised by his Friends and provoked by his Enemies to the French War, leaving King Bailiol at S•• Johnston, settled in the Goverment of that King∣dom with sufficient Forces to deal with the Scots, returns himself for England; resolved now, either by fair Means or Force to keep the French quiet at home.

III. For besides q 1.698 the Assistance King Philip had lately sent to the Bruceans, in confidence of these Diversions in Scotland, he began to take so much upon him, that thinking those Forces sufficient to hold play with England, he rashly and unjustly flies upon King Edward's Lands in France, conquering, surprizing and plundering Towns and Castles in Gascoigne, and slaying his Subjects without any other reason, but that he vow'd, as he said, to take revenge for his Friends the Scots.

Besides all these Provocations, while King Edward was in Scotland, he sent abroad no less than twenty six Gallies well mann'd, with other Ships of War, to cruise about the English Coasts for some Advantage, or to make for Scotland to the Assistance of the Bruceans; whereupon we find, that the King, who was not yet returned from St. Johnston, sent forth his Commission to the Lord Geoffry Say, then constituted his Ad∣miral of the Southern and Western Sea, and to the Lord John Norwich, his Admiral of the Northern Sea, a Copy whereof for that it proves the King of Englands Pow∣er over the English Seas, I have thought fit to insert in this place, translated from the r 1.699 Original:

The King to his Beloved and Trusty Geoffry de Say, Admiral of his Fleet of Ships from the Mouth of the River Thames toward the Western Parts, Greeting. Whereas we have of late commanded you by our Letters, that together with cer∣tain Ships out of the Cinque Ports, which we have order'd to be furnished and made ready for War according to our Command, you should set forth to Sea, to oppose and resist certain Gallies provided and enforced with Men of War in divers Foreign Parts; which as we are informed, were set out toward the Parts of our Dominion, to molest Us and our People, or else to make toward the Coasts of Scotland for the succour and relief of our Enemies there; and in regard that it hath been related by some, that Gallies of that kind, to the number of twenty six, are newly come to the Coasts of Bretagne and Normandy, and there still abide, waiting, as it is suppos'd, to do what Mischief they can against Us and Ours, or to succour our said Enemies as aforesaid: We therefore calling to mind, that our Progenitors, the Kings of England, have before these times been LORDS OF THE ENGLISH SEA on every side, yea, the Defenders thereof, against the Encroachments of Enemies; and seeing, it would very much grieve us, if in this kind of Defence our Royal Honour should (which God forbid) be lost or any way diminished in our time, and desiring with the Help of God to prevent all Dangers of this Nature, to provide for the Safeguard and De∣fence of our Realm and Subjects, and to restrain the malice of our Enemies, do strict∣ly require and charge you by the Duty and Allegiance wherein you stand bound unto Us, according to the special Trust reposed in you, that immediately upon sight of

these Presents, and without any further Delay, you set forth to Sea, with the Ships of the Ports aforesaid, and other Ships which are now ready; and that in obedience to our Command you arrest those other Ships, which we lately required you to arrest for our Service (but so, as they may be ready and provided to set forth according to our foresaid Command, seeing we caused the Masters and Mariners of the said Ships to be prepared and gathered together, whether they were within your Liberties or without) and to cause them being well furnished with Soldiers and other Provisions, to launch out to Sea with the aforesaid Ships, and that with all diligence you make search after the foresaid Gallies, and other Ships of War abroad against Us, and stoutly and manfully set upon them, if they shall presume to bend their Course for the end aforesaid, either to∣ward the Parts of our Dominion, or the Coasts of Scotland. And if they steal a∣way from you, so that you cannot meet with them, then you are with the fore∣said Ships of our Fleet without any delay, to follow after the said Gallies and Ships of War set out against Us (if they shall make toward our Kingdom or the Coasts of Scotland) and them couragiously to destroy for the Conservation of our Royal Honour.

But yet we will not; that you occasion any hurt or hindrance to Merchants or O∣thers passing by Sea, who have no intention either to offend Us and our Subjects, or to succour our Enemies, &c.

After all which there follows in the Commission a Power from the King to press Sea-men, and some other matters of that kind; the like Commission also was issued to the Lord John Norwich Admiral of the Northern Parts, both bearing this Date, —Witness the King at the Town of St. Johnston the 16 day of August. By the King himself.

IV. Presently after King Edward came s 1.700 back to Nottingham, where he found his Parliament sitting as he had left them, who had provided him towards the maintenance of his Wars in Scotland, France and Gascoigne, a Grant of one Twentieth, or as others, of one Fifteenth of their Temporalities, of a Tenth, or as some, a Sixth of the Cler∣gy, a Tenth of all Burroughs, and of English Merchants for every Sack of Wooll 40 s. but of Merchants Strangers 60 s. Besides t 1.701 this, the Clergy of their own accord granted unto the King all the Mony that had been collected and laid up in the Ca∣thedral Churches throughout England toward the Holy War. About this time also it was ordained, u 1.702

That no Wooll of English Growth should be exported the Land, and that all Cloath-workers should be received from whatever Foreign Parts, and fit Places should be assigned them with many Liberties and Privileges, and that they should have certain Allowance from the King, till they might be fix'd in a way of li∣ving by their Trade. It was also ordain'd, that none should use Cloth wove beyond sea, or to be imported hereafter, except the King, the Queen, and their Children only; Also that none should wear Foreign Skins, Silks or Furrs, unless he had of yearly Revenues an hundred Pounds.

By these and the like good Laws, thô for the present they took not their full effect, King x 1.703 Edward reduced the Woollen Manu∣facture, after it had been lost for many years in this Nation; from whose Time it hath flourished unto our Days, to the general advantage of the whole Kingdom. Also this or the following Year, the King sent his Commission to John Lord y 1.704 Molins empow∣ring him to seise on all the Merchants of Lombardy, with their Goods, Jewels of Gold and Silver, and other Chattels then in the City of London, and to deliver them for the Kings Use to the Constable of the Tower. No doubt among all these and many other ways of Raising Mony, the Inquisition after Corrupt Officers, called Traileba∣ston, was now renewed for the Advantage of the Kings Coffers: For that Wise Prince well knew, that neither Friendship nor Honour was to be expected abroad with∣out Money, the Nerves of War. Wherefore also he is said to have seised into his Hands z 1.705 Rich Vestments, and Vessels of Silver, and other Ornaments out of Abbeys, before he went Personally beyond the Seas. By all which means he is said to have amassed together such an Excessive Heap of Treasure, that by his Plenty of Coyn, the Land was almost quite drain'd; insomuch that Victuals and other Commodities became exceeding cheap, a 1.706 a quarter of wheat being sold at London for two shillings, and a fat Ox for six and eight pence, a fat Sheep for eight pence, a fat Goose for two pence, a Pig for a Penny, and six Pigeons for a Penny.

Having by these and the like Methods pretty well stock'd himself with Money, the Sinews of War, and conscious both of his own Courage, and that of his People, he yet notwithstanding like a Wise Prince, seeks out at the same time for Foreign As∣sistance, and yet in the midst of all these hot Preparations for War, he as piously en∣deavours by Offers of Peace to prevent the Effusion of Christian Blood.

Once again therefore c 1.707 he sends his Ambassadors to treat of an Accommodation between the two Kings; and to see, if by any means King Philip might be brought to Rea∣son, both in Restoring what he had unjustly seized on in Aquitain, and in Forbearing any farther to intermeddle with the Matters in difference between him and Scotland. And thô this he did (after many humble and advantagious Concessions offer'd by him in vain) rather now to satisfie the World of his own equitable Proceedings, than that he had any hope of settling a firm and friendly Correspondence between himself and his Cosin Philip: Because he well knew, that the French King being so mightily addicted to the Scotch Interest, was by no means likely to comply with his just De∣mands; he counselled yet farther, how he might by Force compell him, if by fair means he should not be able to enduce him to reason.

V. Now the Lord d 1.708 Robert of Artois was still, as we said before, of his Council and in great esteem with him: He was continually urging him to a War with France, and made it his only business to take all occasions of perswading him to a Breach with Phi∣lip of Valois, who had unjustly usurped his lawfull Right, and withheld it from him against all Law both Humane and Divine. King Edward was inwardly well pleased with the words of this great Personage, and more than once conferr'd with his Privy Coun∣cil about the matter. For as he was of a noble and daring Spirit, always ready to undertake the highest Enterprizes, so withall he was agreeably circumspect, and ever carefull by Wisdom to mark out his Designs beforehand. As yet he saw but small likelihood, that of himself he should ever attain to the Conquest of so entire and flou∣rishing a Kingdom as France was. And as he consider'd, it was much both against his Honour and Interest, wholly to neglect so great a Concern as his Right to the Crown of France; so also he thought it better, not to lay any Claim thereto, than not to pursue that Claim with Force of Arms to the utmost of his Power. Often therefore he demanded Advice of the Ablest Counsellors, Lawyers and Divines in his Kingdom, who thô they all agreed, that he had a clear Right to the Crown of France, were notwithstanding something backward to determin any thing in a matter of that Consequence; as doubting, if the Event happen'd otherwise than well, to have all the blame laid at their Doors. But at last the Kings Council being much pressed by him, agreed upon this Answer.

Sir the Matter, about which Your Majesty requires our Advice, is so weighty and of such vast moment, that we dare not presume by any means to speak directly to the Point, nor absolutely to determine your Royal Mind, either one way or the other. For to put you upon a War may be of dangerous Consequence to You and your Peo∣ple; and yet wholly to disswade you from it, is to betray your Right and Honour, both which we are bound by our Allegiance to maintain with the hazard of our Lives and Fortunes. This one thing therefore we have at this time to say: That it would not be amiss for your Majesty to send some Discreet Personages, sufficiently instructed in your Royal Pleasure, to the Earl of Heinalt whose Daughter is your Queen, and to John Lord Beaumont his Brother, who hath always yielded your Ma∣jesty both valiant and loyal Service. That of them your Majesty would by your said Ambassadors require their Advice and Assistance in way of Love: For they are not only well able to render your Majesty good Service on this Occasion, but also they understand the whole Matter so well, that they can best of all Men living ad∣vise You, what Friends to have recourse to, and by what means you may oblige them to your Side.

VI. The King was so well satisfied with this Answer, that forthwith e 1.709 he sends o∣ver to his Father-in-Law that right Politick Prelate, Henry Burwash Lord Bishop of Lincoln, with two Banerets, the Lord William Montagu, and the Lord William Clin∣ton and many other Nobles, besides two other Doctors learned in the Laws. All who with a fair Wind arrived at Dunkirk, and thence riding thrô Flanders, came to Valen∣ciennes the chief City of Heinalt, where they found the Old Earl lying on his Bed sick of the Gout, and the Lord John his Brother with him.

They were highly entertained and respected by the Earl and his Brother, for the sake of him that sent them; whereupon having distinctly shew'd the cause of their coming, with King Edwards Pretensions to the Crown of France, and all his Reasons and Scru∣ples on either Hand, they were thus answer'd by the Earl.

So God bless me; as I should heartily rejoyce, if King Edward's Designs might take a full and happy Effect: For I rather desire the Prosperity of him who hath married my Daughter, than of him, who thô I have married his Sister, yet never did any thing of Good for me or mine: Nay, he was the occasion of hindering the young Duke of Brabant from mar∣rying

one of my Daughters, as he desired to do. Wherefore I shall be so far from failing to aid my Dear and Well-beloved Son the King your Master, that I shall al∣ways be ready to the best of my Power to further his Undertakings, both by Pru∣dent Advice and Warlike Assistance. Nor do I at all doubt, but that my Brother Sr. John will do the same, who has not been slothfull in his Service to the King your Master before this. But alas! our Country of Heinalt is too too inconsiderable in respect of the flourishing Realm of France: And if we of our selves should once pro∣voke the French Arms upon us, England you know, is too far off to afford us a∣ny timely Assistance.

Upon this the Bishop of Lincoln answered thus unto the Earl.

Sir, We most heartily in our Royal Masters Name return you our Thanks for the great Affection you are pleased to bear unto his Affairs; and humbly desire you to give our Lord the King of England your Advice, whose Friendship he had best have recourse to for their Assistance in this weighty Concern; especially of such who are your Neighbours, and border upon the Realm of France: That thereby we may not only be render'd more Powerfull to prosecute this our Master's quarrel, but your Country also may be more strongly Protected against any Violence, which otherwise it might suffer for our sakes.

Surely Gentlemen, repli'd the Earl, I cannot for the present think of any more Puissant in War, nor more surely my Friends, nor more likely to be His, than the Noble Duke of Brabant his Cosin-German, the Earl of Gueldre, who hath Married his Sister, the Bishop of Liege, the Archbishop of Colen, the Marquis of Juliers, Sr. Arnold of Baquehen, Sr. Valeran his Brother, and the Lord of Faulquemont. For these Lords, as they are well addicted to your Masters Interest, so are they the on∣ly Men, that at the shortest warning can Raise the greatest Numbers of good Soul∣diers, of any I know: They are all good Captains, and well enclin'd to War, especially against France, which is near at hand, if your Master can prevail with them to begin once, being all together able to serve him with 10000 Men of Arms, if they may have wages accordingly. And then if he please to come this way, 'tis but passing the Water of Oyse and he is in King Philip's Dominions.

VII. This was the Effect of this first Essay, which when King Edward heard, he was well satisfied, and resolved to push on the business with all Speed and Vigour possible. As for those English Ambassadors who were then in France, they were now remanded home, because King Edward understood f 1.710 that while they were treating of a Peace, King Philip had sent a well-rigg'd Fleet to the Assistance of the Scots against him. Now the Admiral of this Navy for the French was g 1.711 David Bruce, the exil'd King of Scotland, who did much mischief to the English Merchants about the Isle of Wight, and besides had already enter'd the Isles of Garnsey and Jarsey, and put divers of the Inhabitants to the Sword. Wherefore King Edward immediately h 1.712 gave Commission to the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord Henry Plantagenet, Son to Henry Earl of Lancaster, and others (himself being then at Bothwell in Scotland, so busied in the Affairs of that Realm, that he could not be at the meeting appointed) to treat with certain Prelates and others, whom he had commanded to meet at London on Wed∣nesday after New-years day following, upon Matters relating to the Defence and safe∣ty of the Kingdom, repulsion of the Enemies, and other things concerning the State of the King and his Realm; as also seriously and fully to acquaint them with the Kings Intensions, to Ordain and do all things referring thereunto, and to His Honour, as if he were there Personally present. Nor indeed was the King of Englands Design i 1.713 wholly unknown to King Philip of France, for whether by meer Suspicion, or more certain Information, the matter began by little and little to take wind so much, that presently the Mighty Zeal for the Holy War grew cold in France of a sud∣den; and King Philip countermanded all his Officers from making any farther Pre∣parations, till he might see whither King Edward's Designes would tend. But be∣fore I proceed with those matters, I shall rid my hands of some things, which falling about this time, are fittest here to be inserted. Only I must not omit, that k 1.714 Pope Benedict, seeing how matters began to go between the two Kings, sent by the hands of his Nuntio, Philip de Camberlake, his Letters bearing date the x Kal. Decemb. to both the Kings, endeavouring to perswade them to an Accommodation; but especi∣ally he sought to pacifie King Edward's enflamed mind, and exhorted him to put away from him the Lord Robert of Artois, who continually stirr'd him up to the War; besides which he wrote to Queen Philippa, and the Archbishop of Canterbury, that

they would use their endeavours to bring the King to Terms. But all was too late, King Edward was too far exasperated by the Insolence of his Adversary: And thus the War began to break out between England and France, than which hardly e∣ver any was either of more long continuance, or of more Fatal Consequence to Christendom.

VIII. On the l 1.715 14 of September, or as some say, in the latter end of * 1.716 October, at the Town of St. Johnston, departed out of this Life the most hopefull young Prince, John Plantagenet, sirnamed of Eltham in Kent, the Place of his Birth; who was on∣ly Brother to King Edward, being the second Son of Edward the Second, by his Queen Isabella, Daughter to Philip le Bel King of France. He was m 1.717 advanced to the Title of Earl of Cornwall by his Brother King Edward the Third; and was twice by him made Lieutenant of all England upon his Expeditions, the one into France, the other into Scotland, during his Absence. But in his Action of this Year he so heated himself, that he fell into a Feavour upon his return to St. Johnston, and now at last died, in the very Flower of his Youth, being but twenty Years of Age, and a Batche∣lour. His Body being embalmed, and brought into England, was with great So∣lemnity Interr'd n 1.718 in St. Edmunds Chappel in Westminster Abbey; on the Southside of the Choire, and the Northside of the High Altar, on the Left hand of the Door of the said Chappel: Where the King his Brother raised for him a o 1.719 most Noble Mo∣nument of Grey Marble, set about with 24 little Images of various-coloured Alaba∣ster, and white Marble, under each whereof are the blank Escutcheons remaining, whereon had been as many several Coats of Arms depicted, which are now wholly worn away and decayed. On this Tomb lies his full Image of Admirable wrought A∣labaster, in his Coat Armour, his Visage bare, and a deep Shield on his Left Arm, whereon are engraven the Arms of England within a Bordure of France, having two Angels on each side supporting his Head, and a Lion Couchant at his Feet, Carved and finely Pictured of the same Alabaster, with a Canopy covering the whole, with delicate wrought Spires and Masons Work, every where intermixed and Adorned with little Images and Angels, according to the Fashion of those times, supported by eight Pil∣lars of white Stone, of the same Curious-wrought Work; But there is no Epitaph or In∣scription to inform us any further.

The Scotch p 1.720 Writers tell the manner of his Death thus;

that having done many abominable Cruelties in that Kingdom, and especially without any Regard to Holy Places, after all he came to St. John's Town, where (say they) the King his Bro∣ther then was in the Church at his Devotions near the Altar. That upon sight of him, the King, who had heard of all his Barbarous and Profane Cruelties, question'd him somewhat about those Matters: But receiving from him an harsh and unduti∣full Answer, was so far provoked, that immediately drawing his sword, he there slew him with his own Hands upon the Place, adding this—That an Altar ought not to be a Refuge for One, who had by Fire and Sword violated both Churches and Altars.

Certainly this Sentence, which Hector puts into King Edward's Mouth, was no way unbecoming a Religious Prince, even thô he had perform'd such a Fact upon such a Brother, as they make this Lord John to have been. But this very Author, for∣getting Decencies and Characters, at another time makes the same King as great a Profaner of Holy Places himself; and yet his Friend Buchanan likes not this Story of his so well, as to set his Hand to it, which he very seldom scruples to do, but when the Lye is too apparent: For indeed King Edward was not in Scotland at the time of Prince Johns Decease; and the young Lord was neither so Barbarous nor Pro∣fane, as Hector feigns; and besides, his Death was q 1.721 Natural, as all our Histories and the Records themselves agree.

In the r 1.722 Month of December there died also at St. Johnston the Lord Hugh Frenes (who in Title of his Wife, the Relict of Sr. Ebulo le Strange, was called Earl of Lincoln) of a Bloody Flux, occasion'd by an excessive cold; and indeed ma∣ny other English were destroy'd by the vehement cold in those Quarters that Win∣ter. This Earl Hugh was the s 1.723 Third and Last Husband of Alice, Daughter and Heiress of Henry Lacy, Earl of Lincoln; but neither he, nor any of her other Husbands had any Issue by her.

Queen Philippa of England t 1.724 this Year was deliver'd of her second Son at Hatfield, who in Memory of her Father William Earl of Heinalt, was Christened by that Name, and sirnamed of Hatfield, the Place of his Birth, as was customary in those Days. But this young Prince William of Hatfield lived but a short while, and was buried in the Ca∣thedral at York.

IX. About this time (as it were to usher in those grand Affairs, which King Ed∣ward was now entring upon) there u 1.725 appeared a fearfull Comet, which for a conside∣rable time darted forth its Rays with long and terrible Streams toward the East and toward the South: It was look'd upon as a Forerunner both of those Wars in the Holy Land, wherein the King of Armenia lost all his Country to the Turks, and also of the great Devastation, that followed shortly after in the Noble Realm of France. Althô (if they might not be divers) I had rather set the time of this Comets Appea∣rance to the Year following: For x 1.726 we find, that in the Years 1337 and 1338. there were seen either two, or one and the same Comet, of such a remarkable Phaenomenon, that together with that which happen'd in the Year 1330, they employed the Pen of that learned Astrologer of those Days, Godfry de Meldis an Oxonian, to write his Book called Judicium Stellae Comatae.

Also this Year in a Village called Leighton, about six miles Westward from Hun∣tingdon, was calved a Calf with two Heads and Eight feet, if y 1.727 Walsingham may ob∣tain credit, as there is little doubt to be made of the probability of this Matter.

This Winter was very sharp in England, there being a hard Frost from the 27 of November to the 9 of February, but no Snow at all; whence Wheat became dear, but other Grain grew plenty. In many Parts of England the Willow-trees brought forth Flowers in January, like Roses for Bigness and Colour; and Elder-trees bare fruit exactly like unto Cherries, but without any Stones; let who can, tell the Meaning of the Prodigy, says Walsingham.

CHAPTER the TENTH.

The CONTENTS.

I. King Edward sends a fresh Embassy to the Earl of Heinalt, with an account of 500 Gentlemen Voluntiers, whose Captains were the Lord Walter Manny and the Lord James Audley; with the success of the Ambassadors. II. King Edward endea∣vors also to bring over the Flemings; the Earl of Flanders puts to death the Lord Sigar of Courtray, whereby he looses the Affections of his People; who vanquish him in battle, and put him to flight. III. The Rise of Jacob van Arteveld in Gaunt, his Popularity, Power and Interest. IV. The English Ambassadors make use of him to bring over the Flemings to the King their Master; with their Success. V. The King in Parliament creates his Son the Prince, Duke of Cornwall, and makes seven Earls; the Prince at the same time dubbs twenty new Knights; with other things re∣lating to that Parliament and the Affairs of Ireland. All the Lands of the Priors A∣liens throughout England seised into the Kings Hands, and by him let to farm. VI. William the Good Earl of Heinalt dies, an instance of his Justice: and an ac∣count of a Divine Judgment upon an unnatural Sister: William Son to the Good Earl succeeds; the Countess Dowager goes into a Nunnery. VII. King Edward sends to demand the Crown of France, and makes many Potent Friends in High-Germany and elsewhere. King Philip seeks to draw off the Flemings to himself, but in vain. VIII. King Philip sets a Garrison in Catsand to intercept the English Commissioners: King Edward beats them out. IX. King Edward holds a Treaty of Peace with Philip, and with his Allies for further enabling him in the War. X. The Pope intercedes: The King calls a Parliament.

I. KING Edward the mean while not to slack his Business a 1.728 sends a Com∣mission to the Earl of Heinalt (wherein he is stiled William Earl of Hei∣nalt, Holland and Zealand, and Lord of Friseland, our Father-in-Law) and thereby constitutes him his Proctor to treat and agree with such No∣blemen, Persons of Note, as he should think best, touching both Alliances and Re∣tainers. He also sent Commissions with the like Power, and under the same Date, to William Marquis of Juliers, the Kings Brother-in-Law (he b 1.729 having married Joan Sister to Queen Philippa) to Sr. John Montgomery Knight, and to Doctor John Waweyn Canon of Darlington, his Liegers in those Parts.

In April following a like Commission bearing Date the 19 of the said Month, * 1.730 was issued to Henry Bishop of Lincoln, William Lord Montagu and William Lord Clinton; then newly made Earls, and they immediately dispatch'd to the Earl of Heinalt, on another Embassy far more honourable than before: For it consisted of ten Great Ba∣tons and fourty other Knights; c 1.731 who were all fully instructed to treat further with the Earl, and to article and conclude with such Lords of the Empire, as by the said Earl had been nominated. When they were come to Valenciennes, each of them kept a great State and Port, sparing for no Expence, no more than if the King of England had been there in Person, whereby they were highly extolled and respected by the People of those Parts. In the Company of these English Knights there was a gallant Troop of young English Batchelors, who had all their left Eyes hoodwink'd and clos'd up with a piece of Silk. It was talk'd, as if they had made a Vow to their Mistresses in England,

That they would never take off those Patches, till they had passed into France, and there performed some notable Exploit of Arms upon that Nation.

Some say, d 1.732 that for all this, they could never hear of any great Matter performed by any of them. If not, certainly 'tis for want of Reading or Understand∣ing: For of this Resolute Company were no less than 500, Captains whereof were reported the young Lord Walter Manny; that afterwards did Wonders in France, and was the first that begun the War, as we shall shew presently; the young Lord Thomas Holland, and also the noble Lord James Audely, e 1.733 then not three and twenty Years of Age, of whose valiant Acts and Heroick Exploits in the French Wars, the Histo∣ries of both Nations make very honourable Mention. In his Minority, being under the Guardianship of Roger Lord Mortimer, first Earl of March, he was by him chea∣ted into a Recognisance of ten thousand Marks, which Debt, as a Chattel, became due to the King upon the Attaindure of the said Mortimer: But his Majesty being soon convinced of his high Merit (for thô so young, he accompanied the King in all his Wars at his own Expences) freely discharged him of that Summ. He bore for his Arms Gules a Fret Or, and was afterwards one of that most honourable Company, whom King Edward chose for his First Companions of the most Noble Order of the Garter; and particularly in the Field of Poictiers he behav'd himself so eminently well, that he obtain'd this Testimony of John then King of France, to have best ap∣proved himself of any Knight whether French or English in Battle that day. But I must not forestall the Reader by too long a Digression; only this I thought necessary in order to refute the Lord Montaigne, and to shew what kind of Gentlemen these were, and that at least some of their Actions were not inferior to their Promises. However this f 1.734 Vow of theirs was rumor'd as the occasion of those honourable Patches, while they were at the Court of Earl William at Valenciennes, thô they themselves would by no means acknowledge any such thing, because the War was not yet declared.

These English Lords with their Company having thus for a while kept together in great splendor, did notwithstanding all the while ply their Masters Business so well, that by the g 1.735 24 of May ensuing, they had fully engaged divers of the Nobility and Others in Heinalt, Gueldre and the Marquisate of Juliers, to appear in the Kings Assistance against the French, and withall settled the Proportion of Men and Arms, wherewith each of them were to furnish the King in that Service, together with the Stipends and Wages to be paid them in lieu thereof.

The mean time the h 1.736 Bishop of Lincoln taking some of the Chiefs with him, rode to John Duke of Brabant, who entertained them with much Honour, and lighty ac∣corded to their Motion,

Promising to sustain the King of Englands Quarrel to the best of his Power, as well by Council, as by Force of Arms: That his Country should be open to his Cosin the King of England, or any of his; so that He or they might come or go, armed or unarmed, at his or their pleasure: That if King Edward would defie the French King, he also would do the same, and enter the Realm of France with Forces to the number of a thousand Men of Arms; so that their Wages might be paid them from England.

And accordingly on the 13 of Ju∣ly we find, that John Duke of Brabant, Lorraine and Lomberg, i 1.737 was retained for the King; and with the assent of the Emperour, was the Confederation made with Lewis his eldest Son, there stiled Marquis of Brandenburgh, Count Palatine of the Rhine, Duke of Bavaria, and Arch-Chamberlain to the Emperour. There passed also between the Emperour himself and the King of England and their Heirs, an Union and Confederacy, which obliged them to use all their Power particularly against Philip of Valois (who bore himself as King of France) and his Successors in that Kingdom, for the Recovery and Defence of their Honours, Inheritances and Possessions.

Things succeeding thus happily, the k 1.738 English Lords return to the rest of their Company at Valenciennes; whence by Letters and Messengers they so well ma∣naged the residue of that Affair, that the Lord Reginald Earl of Gueldre and Zuit∣phen (who had married Eleanora the King of Englands Sister) and William Marquis of Juliers (who had married Joan one of Queen Philippa's Sisters) with Walram Archbishop of Cologne, and the Lord Valeran his Brother, and the Lord Faulquemont, came all to Valenciennes to treat with the English Lords about the Premises before the Earl of Heinalt and the Lord John his brother. And here at last on Consideration of certain Summs of Florens to be paid to each of them, beside such and such Wages for their Men; They all undertook to defie the French King, and to bring into the Field against him every Man such a number to attend King Edward, when and where it should please him: Promising moreover on the like Conditions to procure other Lords of the Empire, such as were best inclin'd to War and most able, from beyond the Rhine.

After this Covenant thus made, the Almaine Lords departed to their several Coun∣tries; but the English remain'd still with the Earl of Heinalt, whence they sent fre∣quent Messengers to Adolph Bishop of Liege, being very desirous to bring him over. But he was so firmly knit to the French Kings Interest, that there were but small hopes of ever prevailing with him. As for the Valiant King John of Bohemia, thô they wish'd for him, he being a Prince of great Wisdom, as well as Resolution, and of great Power in the Empire, which once was govern'd by his Father Henry of Lux∣emburgh; yet they forbore to attempt any thing upon him, because they saw plain∣ly, that having married his Daughter to King Philips Son, John Duke of Normandy, he could neither in honour nor interest move another way. And indeed both he and the foresaid Bishop of Liege stuck so close to the Crown of France, that nothing but Death could separate them from it; which they both at last suffer'd in one day, at the famous Battle of Cressy, wherein the English obtain'd a most signall Victory.

But however they prevail'd elsewhere, and retain'd in the Kings Name, for his in∣tended Expedition into France, several other Noblemen of those Countries; l 1.739 as name∣ly Adolph Earl of Mont (who having done Fealty and Homage to King Edward, re∣ceived of him in reward thereof a Pension for Life of 1200 Florens of Gold per an∣num out of his Exchequer) Everard eldest Son to Theoderick Earl of Limbergh, Adolph Earl of Marlia, Robert de Touburgh Lord of Warnich, Theoderick Earl of Lossen and Heuseberg, and the Lord Blatikenberg, and Theoderick de Montjoy Lord of Walken∣berg, besides divers Valiant Knights and Commanders of eminent Note.

II. Moreover King Edward well considering, how opportunely the Flemings lay to annoy the Kingdom of France, and how their Trade in Wooll and other Merchandises, which came from England, made them in a great measure obnoxious to him, resolves to attempt them. And thereupon sends over m 1.740 an English Knight, named Sr. Ber∣nard Brett, of an excellent Tongue and obliging Deportment; who (if upon tryal he should find any Difficulty with Lewis, n 1.741 sirnamed of Cressy, Earl of Flanders) was then secretly by promises and other arts to work upon the Demagogues, and such as were most acceptable to the Populace; so as to perswade them to enter League and Amity with the Crown of England. The Earl of Flanders, thô he was perfect French at heart, yet could not, he thought, in reason, but propound this Request of King Edwards to his Estates being called together in Council. In short, the King of En∣gland found more Favourers here than the Earl had imagin'd, many openly alledging, that it was more for their Interest to prefer his Friendship than that of France; the chief of whom was a Lord of Flanders, named o 1.742 Sr. Siger of Courtray, who stifly maintain'd that Opinion in Council; for which he began to be in great dislike with the Earl.

This Knight p 1.743 had been accounted a Person of singular Honour, and of unquestiona∣ble Valour and Fidelity to his Lord the Earl of Flanders; but whether that he was won by the Policy and Golden Perswasion of this English Knight Sr. Bernard Brett, or whe∣ther he indeed thought it the best Advice for the Wealth of his Lord and of his Coun∣try, he was perfectly now for abetting the English Interest. His usual Residence was in the City of Gaunt, the Metropolis in those Days of all Flanders, where he kept great Hospitality, especially for the entertainment of Strangers, for which he was extreamly dear to the common People, who call'd him the Lord of Courtesie. This his man∣ner of being Free to all Men, made him not doubt of entertaining the English, among others, with all civility and honour; whereat the jealous Head of King Philip was so stung, that upon News thereof he sent to the Earl of Flanders, commanding him to

strike off his Head, as One whom he affirmed to be corrupted with English Gold from his Duty. The Earl, who was already not well-pleas'd with the Lord Sigar of Court∣ray, not daring, or not willing to give King Philip any occasion of Suspition, sent for him accordingly: Whereupon Sr. Sigar readily obeyed, as one, who having done no ill, suspected none, but when the Earl had got him once in his power, without Pro∣cess or Judgment he caused him presently to be beheaded.

This rash and illegal Action of the Earls did so incense the Commons of Gaunt and Bruges, that they began plainly to Rebel against him, openly rejected his Govern∣ment, and prepared to resist him by force of Arms. The q 1.744 Earl thinking to chastise them for their presumption, gather'd all his Lords and Knights about him; but soon after being met by the Commons in plain Battle, after a long Fight they utterly routed him, so that he hardly saved himself by flight; and then entring into a strong Castle of his, he began to fortifie with all diligence.

III. Things thus standing between the Earl and his people, r 1.745 there arose in Gaunt a Man of mean Birth to the Highest Command of all; he was by profession a Refi∣ner of Honey, or rather, as others say, s 1.746 a Brewer, his Name Jacob van Arteveld, or as the French call him, Jaques d' Arteville; but by reason of his great Wealth, subtle Wit, and boldness of Mind, he had long been of some Authority among the People; whereupon now he improv'd his former Popularity so far, that of a sudden by his Dexterity he render'd himself more absolute than ever the Earl of Flanders was him∣self, or any other before him. He had all things entirely at his Command, none ha∣ving Courage or Power to resist him; for undertaking to be the Peoples Patron, those who would not appear his Friends, were look'd upon as Common Enemies; And he never walk'd in the Streets of Gaunt with under Threescore or Fourscore lusty Yeo∣men at his Heels; among whom were Three or Four who understood his most inti∣mate Secrets. So that whenever he met with any whom he feared or hated, that man was slain without Remedy: For so he had precontracted with those his three or four Intimado's, that upon meeting of any One, if he should make such and such a sign to them, they should immediately dispatch him whatsoever he was, even thô himself should say to the contrary, without any scruple, question, or demurr. By this means, of those that did not love him, he was so feared, that every body was glad to dis∣semble a complyance with any thing, that Jacob van Arteveld had a Mind to. These Yeomen at any time when they had brought their Master home, us'd to go abroad for their Dinners, after which they would return again into the Street before his Lodg∣ings, and there wait till he came out, and so attend him till Supper time. Their stand∣ing wages were four Flemish groats per diem for each man (beside other profits) which four groats the day was duly paid every Week. And thus in every Town he had Souldiers and Servants, for their wages, at his Commandment; who were to watch and espie, if any person had a Design against him, or so, and to give him Information there∣of: Which having once received, he would never leave till he had banish'd or de∣stroy'd that man. Especially, he took care to banish all the Lords, Knights, Esquires, and Burgesses, who were known or suspected to be Friends to the Earl: Of all whose Lands he would levy one Moiety for his own use, the other to the use of the Wives and Children of the said Exiles. As for the Earls Rents and Profits, he collected them every groat himself, and expended them at his Pleasure, without taking or making any Account. Yet if he said he wanted Money, the People either durst not, or would not, but believe him, and where he had a mind to borrow of any Burgess, he was re∣fus'd nothing.

But it is very observable, that when God permits any great Evil to arise a∣mong men, his gracious Providence at the same time is creating a Remedy against that Evil: So now at that very time, when Jacob van Arteveld was rising to this Insolence of Power, a Friendship was making up between him and the English In∣terest; which at last was the occasion of his Downfall, as hereafter we shall see.

IV. For the English Lords who still kept an Honourable Port at Valenciennes, when they understood the Errant about which the King their Master had sent Sr. Ber∣nard Bret, and also heard of this new discord between the Earl and the good Towns of Flanders, they immediately thought to make some Advantage of all this for their Masters service; knowing it would be very acceptable unto him, if by any means they might win the Flemings to their side. Upon their advising with the Earl in this Matter, he plainly told them,

That without doubt the aid of the Flemings could not but be of very great Importance:

But added he,

I verily think your endeavours to gain them will prove utterly ineffectual, unless you can first make Jacob van Arteveld your Friend.

The English Lords resolv'd to do their best, and thereupon departed for Flanders: Being there, they distributed themselves into Three Parties, One for Gaunt, another for Bruges, and the Third for Ipres; and they all kept so high a Port, and spent so largely, as if Gold and Silver flow'd from their Hands: And yet beyond all this they made many great Promises, and Liberal Offers to those whom they confer'd with about these Matters, 'Twas the Bishop of Lincoln's Province to be at Gaunt, and he succeeded so well by help of his smooth Tongue, and more Eloquent Hand, that Jacob van Arteveld became forthwith his humble Servant. By Jacob's means the Re∣presentatives of the good Towns of Flanders were often conven'd together, before whom the Offers of the English Commissioners were propounded, concerning many con∣siderable Advantages, Priviledges, and Franchises, on such Conditions to be Granted unto them by the King of England. In short, things were here so well menaged, that it was fully agreed, that the King of England, or any of his might come into Flan∣ders armed or unarmed, and go at his or their Pleasure: But as for themselves they added,

how they were straightly bound to the Pope in a Bond of t 1.747 2000000 Florens of Gold, to be paid on peril of a general Interdiction, never more to make War against the King of France.

And with this Answer they desired the English Commissio∣ners to be content for that time.

Hereupon they return'd very well satisfied to Valenciennes, whence they sent fre∣quently to England to give the King an account of their Progress; and he for his part most liberally supply'd them with Gold and Silver to bear their own Charges, and to present to the Lords of Almaine, who were very ready to receive whatever was of∣fer'd of that kind.

At this time also the King sent an Orator to the Pope, Requesting that with his good leave he might enter a strict League and Alliance with the Emperour of Germany, be∣cause as then the said Emperour was not only Excommunicate himself, but also all those, who joyned themselves unto him, were involved in the like sentence. But to this Re∣quest of the Kings, the Pope refused to consent, and endeavour'd to disswade him from that Design by his u 1.748 Letters, bearing date at Avignon 13 Kal. August An^o Pontificatûs 3. Thô for all this we shall find the King to enter a League with the said Emperour the Year following.

V. Thus strongly did King Edward prepare, before he would Commence a War a∣gainst so Powerfull a Monarch; all which thô it prov'd in a manner unprofitable, and thô little or nothing of all his Glorious Actions was really performed, but by his own Forces, as we shall shew hereafter: Yet his great Prudence appears sufficiently from these Instances of his Foresight and Conduct, and that he was not Rash nor Presum∣ptuous; but Resolute with Deliberation. Yet next to God, he reposed his chief Con∣fidence in the Valour of his own Subjects; and now as well to Reward past Services, as to give Encouragement to new Ones, in a Parliament held at Westminster * 1.749 about the Feast * 1.750 of St. Gregory, the Pope and Confessor, he converted the Earldom of Corn∣wall (void by the Death of the Lord John of Eltham his Brother) into a Dukedom, and confer'd it on his Eldest Son and Heir Prince Edward, who was now but six Years of Age, x 1.751 investing him by the sword only, together with the County Palatinate of Chester; adding shortly after such Mannors and Priviledges to this Title, y 1.752 which were for the future to be inseperable, and to descend perpetually to the Eldest Sons of the Kings of England, his Successors; but upon the Death or Non-existence of such Dukes, to revert unto the Crown: And z 1.753 this was the first Precedent for the Creation of the Title of Duke with us in England. The Charter of this Creation bears date the 17 of March; but other particulars of this Matter I have already spoken of, when I was about the Birth of this young Prince: On the day preceding the King created the Lord Henry a 1.754 Plantagenet (Son to the Earl of Lancaster) Earl of Darby; and the Lord William Montague at the same time he made Earl of Salisbury, with a grant of the yearly Rent of 20l. out of the Profits of that County; also the Lord William Clinton Earl of Huntingdon, with a grant of a 1000 Marks Land per annum for him and his Heirs-male for ever, besides 20l. Rent also issuing out of the Profits of that County, for his better support in that Dignity. At the same time the Lord Hugh Audley, Cosin to the Lord James Audley, was created Earl of Glocester; the Lord Hugh Courtney, an old tough Souldier of almost Fourscore, was now created Earl of Devonshire, thô he was made so by Writ two Years before, as we have shew∣ed: Besides these the Lord Robert Hufford was made Earl of Suffolk, and the Lord William Bohun Earl of Northampton; to the Earl of Northampton shortly after the King gave a Grant of the Castle, Mannor, and Town of Stamford, with the Lord∣ship

of Grantham in Lincolnshire (which John Warren Earl of Surrey held for Life) also of the Castle and Mannor of Fotheringhay in Northamptonshire, and of the Castle and Mannor of Okeham in Rutland, with the Sheriffalty of the said County, to hold to himself and the Heirs-Male of his Body, under certain conditions in the said Grant expressed: The extent whereof may be f 1.755 seen in the Record. To the Earl of Suf∣folk the King gave (over and above an annuity of twenty pounds sub nomine & ho∣nore Comitis, pro tertio Denario Comitatûs illius, which anciently belonged to all Earls) the Honour g 1.756 of Eay in Suffolk, and the Mannor of Base-Court in the Parish of St. Giles without Cripplegate in London, commonly called the Barbican; * 1.757 because of old it had been a Burgkenning, or Watch-Tower for the City. Many like Advantages together with their Honours, the King at this time heap'd on the rest of these Noble and Valiant Earls; at which time also the young Duke of Cornwall (afterwards Prince of Wales) made h 1.758 twenty new Knights; to wit, Sr. Edward Mon∣tague (Brother to the Earl of Salisbury, and Simon i 1.759 Montague Bishop of Ely) Sr. Thomas Somerton, Sr. John Lisle, Son to Robert Lord Lisle, Sr. Richard Darcy, Sr. —Damorie, Sr. John Poultney, Sr. Peter de la Mere, Sr. Roger Banant, Sr. Ro∣ger Hilary, Sr. — Bolingbroke, Sr. — Buterell, Sr. Simon Swanland, Sr. William k 1.760 Scott, Sr. William Basset, Sr. Robert Sodington, Sr. William de la Zouch, Sr. — Cogshall, Sr. Roger Sangraville, Sr. John Strachie, and Sr. Thomas de la More, who wrote in French the Life and Death of Edward the Second, and also of our Edward the Third, both which are Extant in Latine, thô the latter is not yet published. What we said of the Woollen Manufacture in the Fourth Paragraph of the preceding Chapter, some will have to have been done in this Parliament; the matter is all one, let the time be now or then; for by these l 1.761 Laws, which gave so great Encouragement to Foreign Clothworkers to come hither, and also prohibited that none should buy any Cloth made beyond Sea, the occupation of Cloth-Weevers soon came in quest more than ever before in this Nation.

Sr. John Charleton m 1.762 Senior, Lord of Powys, a Man highly Esteemed for his Fide∣lity, Prudence, and Valour, was at this time constituted Justice of Ireland (the Lord n 1.763 Darcy being then Steward of the Kings Houshold, and otherwise employ'd in the Kings Affairs) and accordingly in October following, o 1.764 on the Festival of St. Ca∣lixt the Pope, and a Tuesday, he arrived safely there with his Brother Thomas Bishop of He∣reford, Chancellor, and Thomas Rice Treasurer of Ireland, and two Hundred lusty Welchmen. But whether for any just cause or no, in the Year following, the Bishop p 1.765 his Brother complaining to the King by Letters of Sr. Johns Misgovernment, was himself ap∣pointed in his Room, and further made Guardian or Deputy of that Realm. But the Af∣fairs of Ireland I shall not prosecute, because I haste to more Considerable and Weighty Matters, referring the Reader to Holinshead, and others, who may satisfie them of those things.

And forasmuch as there were sundry q 1.766 Priories at that time in England belonging to Foreign Abbeys, and thereupon called Aliens, because they were Cells to some Mo∣nastery or other beyond the Seas; the Number whereof at this time was found to a∣mount to One Hundred and Ten, besides those in Ireland, Aquitain, and Norman∣dy; King Edward now thought fitting (because of his Wars intended against France) to confiscate unto his own Use all the Goods of the said Priories, with all the Lands, Tenements, Fees, and Advowsons of the same, Letting out their Houses to Farm, as his Grandfather before him had done, in the 23 Year of his Reign, upon the like occasion. And this was Customary not only before this, but also afterwards, r 1.767 when ever the Wars brake out between England and France, for the Kings of England to seise all the Possessions of the Cluniacks, and other Aliens into their Hands, and to put them out to Farm to the Religieux themselves, on consideration of an annu∣al Pension. But when the War ended, there was full Restoration made of all a∣gain, as particularly we shall find four and twenty Years hence, or in the 35 of this King.

VI. While King Edward was thus busied at home, and his Ambassadors equally concern'd in his service abroad, there s 1.768 died at his Palace in Valenciennes, William the Third, Earl of Heinalt, Holland, Zealand, and Friseland, Father to Philippa King Edward's beloved Queen; who for his Great Mercy temper'd with Justice and other Princely Vertues, was sirnamed the Good. One Example of his Exact Justice I shall shew, whereby we may guess at his other Perfections: The Deed was done not long before his Death, upon a Bayliff of South-Holland, t 1.769 who had unjustly taken a goodly fair Cow from a poor Peasant, which had been the sole support of himself, his

Wife and Children: As there are some Kine in that Coun∣try, which can give twenty u 1.770 Pottles of Milk and more in a Day. The Earl lay then sick on his Death-Bed, as it proved; but it was his Custom, never to Debar the mean∣est Suitors, whether he was sick or well: So that upon this poor Countrymans Complaint and Examination duly had, the Bayliff was adjudg'd to give unto the Peasant an 100 Crowns of Gold, for the great Wrong he had done him; which was accordingly performed. But then for his Affront to Publique Justice, since he was an Officer, and had thus abused the Authority entrusted to him, the Earl sent for an Executioner, and caused him to strike his Head off by his own Bed-side. I shall only crave leave to add one more small digression of a matter happening in his Days, which thô not pertinent to the History, is yet well worthy Memory for its great Rarity.

In the Eleventh Year of this Earls Government, which was the Tenth Year of the Reign of King Edward the Second of England, and the Year of our Lord 1316, there happen'd even in England a great Scarcity of Corn, as appears by x 1.771 our Hi∣storians; but in this y 1.772 Earls Country there was so terrible a Dearth and Famine, that poor people fell down dead in the Streets for Hunger. Many also were found Dead in the Highways, and in Woods and Fields, whither they went to seek for Herbs and Roots to stop the Importunities of craving Nature: Little Children would die, as they indeavour'd to suck at their starving Mothers Breasts, and some Women could not refrain eating their Children. In this time of Famine a certain Poor Woman of Leyden, being extreamly opprest with Hunger, came to a Sister of her own, who was far better to pass, begging of her for Godsake to lend her some Bread; which she promised with Thanks to repay, when it should please God to enable her. The hard-hearted Sister deny'd her oftentimes, notwithstanding the other was so impor∣tunate, and withall told her, that she was assured by her Countenance, how she must needs have sufficient for her self, if not to spare. Hereupon the unmercifull Wretch (lying both to God and her poor Sister) said,

If I have any Bread to help my self withall, I wish to God it may all instantly be turned into Stone.

It seems the heavy Displeasure of Almighty God laid hold on those rash Words of hers; for go∣ing soon after to the Cupboard to relieve her self, she found all her Loaves of Bread most plainly converted into solid stones; so that she her self died for want of that, which she had so wickedly deny'd her own Sister. It is most credibly told us; z 1.773 that one or two of those Stone-Loaves are yet to be seen in St. Peters Church at Leyden in Memory of this most just and extraordinary Judgement.

However this Good Earl William, King Edward's Father-in-Law, having been all a∣long a most Vertuous Prince, Victorious in War, Wise and Judicious, Well-spoken and Learned, a great Friend to Peace, affable to all Men, and universally Beloved, af∣ter he had Governed his Provinces of Heinalt, Holland, Zealand, and Friesland, for the space of 32 Years, died, as before we said, and with a 1.774 great Pomp was buried at the Fryers in Valenciennes. The Bishop of Cambray himself sang the Mass, and be∣sides the English Lords, there were present many Dukes, Earls, and Barons of sundry Countries; as well for the manifold Alliances he had abroad, as for that his Fame was Singular, and his Memory Dear to all Men. He was succeeded by William the Fourth, his Son and Heir, who had Married the Lady Joan, Daughter to John Duke of Brabant, giving her for her b 1.775 Joynture the Land of Binche upon the Haysne, a fair and goodly Inheritance. As for the Lady Johanna Countess Dowager of Hei∣nalt, the young Earls Mother, and Sister to King Philip of France, she resolved to spend the rest of her Days in a Nunnery at Fontaine on the River Scheld, where be∣ing soon admitted she gave her self wholly to Devotion, Almsdeeds, and other Pi∣ous Offices.

VII. And now King Edward being fully in earnest, sends Dr. John Stratford Arch∣bishop of Canterbury; Dr. Richard Bury Bishop of Durham, Henry Burwash Bishop of Lincoln, and the Earls of Salisbury, Northampton, Huntingdon and Suffolk, with Sr. Geoffry Scroop Lord Chief Justice of England, and John Lord Darcy Steward of the Kings Houshold, his Commissioners to the French King, not now to demand Re∣stitution of a few Castles or Towns unjustly taken and detain'd, but to declare King Edwards Rightfull Claim to the Crown of France it self; as also by the by, to pro∣pose

some Conditions for a Treaty with c 1.776 David Bruce the exil'd King of Scotland, then in France. But if the French King should prove untractable and averse to Rea∣son, then to proceed to the Court of Prince d 1.777 Rupert, Count Palatine of the Rhine, Duke of Bavaria, and the Emperours Brother, to engage him also on the Behalf of England against King Philip. These e 1.778 Ambassadours being arrived at Bologne, received there Advice, that King Edwards Mind was alter'd; as who justly conceived, that their journey might be hazardous and expose them to the Fury of a passionate Prince, who in his displeasure made no difference between Just and Unjust, Sacred or Profane, and had before threatned his Negotiators with Death, if ever they came again, when before his Coronation, they were pleading the King of Englands Right to that Crown in the Chamber of France: Wherefore leaving off their design of visiting Paris, they bent their course for Heinalt; where they renewed the League with f 1.779 William the young Earl of Heinalt, the Earl of Gueldre, and the Marquis of Juliers. And proceeding to Colen made a like Agreement with Rupert Duke of Bavaria, he undertaking to serve King Edward against all Men Living (the Emperour his Brother only excepted) with an hundred and fifty Men of Arms, the whole number amounting to a thousand Men; in lieu whereof the English Commissioners engag'd, before their Return for England, to pay unto him at Dort 2700 Florens of Florence, or their equivalent Value in Ster∣ling; and moreover upon the Feast of St. Michael next ensuing the summ of 15000 Florens of good Gold, viz. for every Souldier 15 Florens for the two first Months Service.

Nay it appears by one of Pope Benedicts g 1.780 Letters to King Philip, bearing Date at Avignon, VIII Id. Novemb. Anno Pontificatûs III, how there were Treaties on foot at this time, that Lewis the Emperour, laying aside his Right to the Roman Empire, and only retaining to himself the Kingdom of Almain, the Secular Electors therefore giving him some good Equivalent, the King of England on Consideration of no small Summs of Mony, should be made King of the Romans, and elected Em∣perour. Or if this might not be done, that however he should be irrevocably depu∣ted for his Life Vicar of the Empire, as to the Lower Part thereof; that by reason of the Neighbourhood he might the more opportunely and powerfully infest the King∣dom of France.

King h 1.781 Philip of Valois was not ignorant of all this Diligence of King Edward's both at home and abroad: But it chiefly fretted him, that he had made so great Pro∣gress among the Flemings; whom he repented he had not more early by way of Pre∣vention sought to fasten to himself. But remembring how i 1.782 firm the Earl of Flan∣ders was to his side, he did not wholly despair of bringing them over, especially know∣ing them to be a People inconstant, mercenary, and likely to turn any way for Advan∣tage. He therefore sends to Gaunt the Bishop of St. Denis with Others, to propose on his behalf very advantageous Offers both to that and other the good Towns of Flanders; of which one was, that King Philip would release unto them all such Seignories and Lordships of theirs, as either he, or any of his Progenitors, had taken or withheld from them. But he came too late; For now Jacob van Arteveld bore such sway, that none durst contradict his Opinion, and the k 1.783 Earl himself had been already forced to withdraw his Wife and Children into France for their Security: So that Gaunt and Bruges, Ipre, Courtray and Cassel with other Towns thereabout, rejected utterly the Offers of the French King, and adhered firmly to King Edward; especially bearing an l 1.784 old Grudge to King Philip for the War he made against them in the beginning of his Reign, whereof we made some mention in the Second Year of this our History.

VIII. The mean while in the Isle of m 1.785 Cadsand (lying between the Haven of Sluce and Flushing) certain Knights and Esquires of Flanders, who held with the Earl a∣gainst the Towns, made a strong Garrison by command of King Philip, and their Lord Earl Lewis. The chief Captains were Sr. Guy of Rijckenburgh, Bastard-Brother to the Earl, Sr. Duras Halvin, Sr. John Rhodes, Sr. Giles Son to the Lord Lestriefe, Sr. Nicholas Chauncy and Others. These Men kept the Passage in hopes to meet some English, against whom already they made Covert War: Whereof the English Lords in Heinalt having Notice, knew they should receive no very kind Salute, if they went home that way: But while they were in Flanders they rode about at their plea∣sure, for Jacob van Arteveld had assured them of all Respect and Honour. But how∣ever because King n 1.786 Edward understood that the Flemings and French not only kept this Garrison in Cadsand, but also had set out several Men of War to Sea, to wait for his Ambassadors in their Passage home, he directed his Writ to John Lord Roos, Ad∣miral of the Fleet from the River of Thames Northward; to fit up a Convoy of 40

Stout Ships, well Mann'd, and to be with them at Dort in Holland, on the Monday after Midsummer-day, to secure their Return. They lay ready for them at Dort, and so took ship at their leisure for England, having effectually perform'd their Business: In their passage o 1.787 homeward they took two Flemish Men of War, with an hundred and fifty Scots on board, among whom was the Bishop of Glascow, Sr. John Stuart, and other Noblemens Sons of Scotland, as Sr. David Hay, Sr. Hugh Gifford, Sr. John de la More, Sr. William Bayly, Sr. Alexander Frasier, with two Clerks, Thomas Fer∣guson and William Muffet, and a Monk of Dunfermlin; besides certain Noble Ladies. These with 4000 Souldiers for their Guard, were sent by the French King to aid the Brucean Scots with Arms, Horse, Gold and Silver to the value of 15000 l. all which was now taken by the English Admiral, the Souldiers being most slain, and the rest all made Prisoners, and the Bishop by chance wounded in the Head slightly, thô being brought into Sandwich, thrô that and his grief together, he died soon after.

Besides this small Success, the p 1.788 Merchants of Bristow, about this time took in fight a French Ship called the Christmas; of which Sr. Thomas Lord Bradestan had a Grant from the King in requital of his good Services.

Now upon the safe arrival of the Ambassadors in England, and their Complaint of the Garrison in Cadsant, q 1.789 King Edward said,

He would very speedily provide a Re∣medy against that:

And accordingly soon after he sent the Earl of Darby, the Lord Walter Manny, the Lord r 1.790 Reginald Cobham, and divers other Knights and Esquires, with 500 Men of Arms, and two thousand, some say, s 1.791 four thousand Archers, who all went on Board at London in the River Thames. The first Tide they went to Gravesend, the second to Margate, and with the third they took the deep Sea, and made directly for Flanders. They had Wind and Tide at will, and so being come be∣fore Cadsant, they prepared themselves for Battle, and having placed the Archers on the Decks before them, in the Name of God and St. George they sounded their Trum∣pets and sailed toward the Town. The Men of Cadsant saw their Approach, and knew well who they were, but like good Warriers they ranged themselves along by the Dikes on the Sands, with their Banners waving before them, having for encourage∣ment sake made 16 new Knights. They consisted of 5000 Men of War, valiant Knights and Esquires with their Retinues (besides the Inhabitants.) their Chief being Sr. Guy the Bastard of Flanders; who was an expert and hardy Captain, and now ear∣nestly desired all his Company to have regard to their Honour, and to do their De∣voire. With him, besides those mention'd before, were present Simon and John Bou∣quedent, and Peter of Anglemonster, who were then and there made Knights, with ma∣ny other valiant Gentlemen. The English were resolved to assail, and the Flemings were as resolutely bent to defend.

But when the t 1.792 English Archers with a great Shout began all at one instant to send among them a thick Flight of deadly Arrows, they that kept the Shore recoyled back in great dismay, leaving many dead, but far more grievously wounded, upon the place. Insomuch that the English immediately took Land in very good Order, and so came to Handy-Stroaks with their Enemies, who fled not before them, but having recove∣red their late Disorder, came bravely forward to dispute their Landing. Here the Earl of Darby behav'd himself worthy of the Royal Stock from whence he came, but in the first Shock adventur'd so forward among his Enemies, that in the Preass he was at last fell'd down to the Ground, thô without any hurt, for he was arm'd at all Points, after the Manner of that Age: Sr. Walter Manny was not far behind, but saw when and where he fell, and inflam'd with generous Valour prick'd forward so boldly, and laid about him with his Battle-Ax so furiously, encouraging also his Men to the Rescue with these Words, "Lancaster for the Earl of Darby! that he clear'd the place by fine Force, raised his General from the Ground, and set him safe in the head of his own Guard, crying all the while "Lancaster for the Earl of Darby. On the English Part, beside the foresaid Henry Plantagenet Earl of Darby, and Son to the Earl of Lancaster, and the valiant Lord Walter Manny who thus rescued him, there were the Lord Robert Hufford Earl of Suffolk, the Lord Reginald Cobham, the Lord Robert Bourchier, and the Lord John Norwich, the Lord William Beau∣champ, Brother to the Earl of Warwick, and Sr. Lewis Beauchamp his Cosin, with other good Captains. Upon this Rescue of the Earl of Darby, both Powers joyn'd again with more Animosity than before; the English to revenge the former Affront, and the Flemmings in hope to succeed better now. The Battle was surely fought on both Hands very well; for the Flemings were Chosen Men, and the En∣glish resolv'd not to part Stakes by any means, but to win all at this their first Set∣ting

out or perish: Many therefore were slain on both Sides, but the greater number fell to the Flemings share. But all the while the Archers of England, flanking their Men of Arms, shot with such violence, and so wholly together, that they were not to be endur'd; so that at last the Enemies Ranks being made thin and broken, they began to fly. Sr. Guy the Bastard was taken Prisoner; there were slain Sr. Duras Halvin, Sr. John Rhodes, the two Brethren of Bouquedent, Sr. Simon and Sr. John, who but a little while enjoy'd their Knighthood, Sr. Giles Lestriefe, and above 36 Knights and Esquires more, and of the Common Souldiers more than 3000, what in the Haven, Streets and Houses: Besides all which about u 1.793 3000 more of the Inhabitants being fled for safety into a Church, were by the enraged Welchmen burnt together with the Church it self. For after the Battle they took the Town, plunder'd it, and then set it on fire; and so with much Prey and many Prisoners return'd for England without any x 1.794 considerable Damage themselves. King Edward received Sr. Guy the Bastard respectfully (for he was a valiant Man) and only taking his Oath to continue true Prisoner, permitted him to walk abroad at his pleasure. But y 1.795 he was so won with the Kings Goodness, that that very Year of his own accord he became a Leigeman to him, and swore Faith, and gave him Homage, as one who heartily embraced his Service. However for him and for the rest of the Prisoners, about two Years after, King z 1.796 Edward gave to the Lord Walter Manny the summ of 8000 l. Sterling. This Battle between the English and Dutchmen was fought on the 9 of November, being a Sunday, and the day before St. Martin.

Of this Discomfiture at Cadsant, * 1.797 Tidings were immediately spread over all Flan∣ders, and generally the Flemings said,

They were e'ne serv'd well enough, since without the consent of the good Towns, nay and against their Wills, only in Obedience to the Earls unreasonable Humour, they had presumed to keep a Garrison against their Friends of England.

This was just as Jacob van Alteveld desired, and thereupon he sends Messengers to King Edward, to recommend him heartily to his Ma∣jesty, and to request him to take the Sea and come ove••, forasmuch as the Flemings were impatient, till they had a Sight of Him: The effect whereof we shall see hereafter.

Nor even here was King Edward the First Aggressor; for it appears, that King Phi∣lip had * 1.798 already hired many Ships of the Gibellines of Genua and the Guelfs of Mo∣naco, which took much Booty from the English, and infested the Aquitanian Ocean; and also by his Royal Edict he had a 1.799 recalled the Rights of the Dutchy of Aquitain to the Court of France, and had actually with an Army, which he sent thither, seized on several Castles; besides that he had fired certain Places on the Sea-Coasts of England with his Navy which he sent into Scotland.

IX. Now whereas the foresaid b 1.800 Ambassadors of the King of England, had in ma∣king all those Alliances and Retainers, upon the Kings Account, obliged themselves to pay sundry great Summs of Mony; the King taking all upon himself indemnified them, their Heirs and Executors, of all those Summs and other Things, whereto they were so engaged.

But this great Affair of strengthening the King with Alliances, was again set on foot, and to that purpose c 1.801 another Commission was issued to the foresaid Bishop of Lin∣coln and Earl of Salisbury, to whom was added Robert Hufford Earl of Suffolk, and John Lord Darcy Steward of the Kings Houshold, with Power to any Three of them to treat thereupon with Lewis the Emperour. Another d 1.802 Commission of the same Date, was made out to them and to Richard Winkele, John Hufford, Paul de Monte∣florum, John Montgomery and John Waweyn, impowring them to treat with and to retain all Persons, as well Nobles as Others, for the Kings Service.

And yet as the King did by these Means endeavour to enable himself for the Re∣covery of the Crown of France, so did he not neglect all Methods of Peace: e 1.803 Parti∣cularly he constituted the foresaid Bishop of Lincoln, the Earls of Salisbury and Suf∣folk and John Lord Darcy, his Agents, to treat with the Magnificent Prince the Lord Philip, the Illustrious King of France (as he is stiled in the Commission) or his De∣puties, touching his Right to the said Crown; to wit, whether it ought to remain to him or King Edward; And by another Commission of the same Date, they were em∣power'd to treat upon all Controversies and Demands whatsoever, relating to the Duke∣dom of Aquitaine or other Parts beyond Sea, and also of an Happy and Perpetual Peace. But in case his just Demands should not find an agreeable Answer, on the same Day he prepared f 1.804 another Commission for John Duke of Brabant and Lorraine; whereby he constituted him his Lieutenant, Captain and Vicar General in the Kingdom of France: Where it is worthy Note, that the King in this Commission (where he

challenges the Crown of France, as devolved to him by Right of Succession, and con∣sequently become his Lawfull Inheritance) did assume the Title of that Kingdom, and Stiled himself, Edvardus Dei Gratiâ, Rex Angliae & Franciae, Dominus Hi∣berniae, & Dux Aquitaniae: And by another Commission, bearing even Date, made of these Officiary Dignities to the said Duke, he put France in the First place, thus, Edvardus Dei Gratiâ Rex Franciae & Angliae, &c. but soon after he voluntarily laid this Title of France aside, nor did he solemnly assume it again, till the Four∣teenth Year of his Reign over England, as we shall see in due place.

By several other Commissions of the same g 1.805 Date, (wherein also the Titles of England and France were in like manner transposed) did the King appoint to the same Digni∣ties William Marquess of Juliers, William Earl of Heinalt his Brother in Law, and William Bohun Earl of Northampton; and by another then Dated and directed to the Archbishops, Bishops, Dukes, Marquesses, Earls, Barons, and all other Persons in the Kingdom of France (having therein the Titles of France and England transpo∣sed as before) they are commanded to receive the said Duke of Brabant, as if it were the King in his own Person, as also the said Marquess and Earls. And fur∣ther the said Marquess and Earls were by other Commissions, severally constituted the Kings Special Ambassadors, to make known his Title to all whom it should concern, to challenge and prosecute his Right; to require every Unjust Detainer to render unto the King whatsoever he so withheld from him; to Displace and Punish such as they should think meet; and lastly to Do and Execute all other Things, which should be most necessary for the Recovery and Preservation of his Right.

Now it is to be remembred (thô we also spake of this before) that in the beginning of h 1.806 this Year King Philip had sent Forces into Gascoign, and thô not without considerable Loss to himself, seised upon many of the Kings Castles and Fortresses; notwithstand∣ing that the Lord Oliver Ingham King Edwards Seneschall of Gascoign, a noble, wise and valiant Captain, behav'd himself commendably against the French in all his Acti∣ons, considering his small Forces: Upon notice hereof King Edward gave i 1.807 Com∣mand to arrest twenty Ships in the Port of Southampton and thereabouts, and to press Men to be ready at Portsmouth to set forward for Gascoign on Whitsun-Eve follow∣ing, to reinforce the Lord Oliver Ingham his Seneschall. But it must not here be for∣gotten, what is recorded of Sr. k 1.808 Raymund Cornely, Lord of Abertha, a Gascoigner, that he made an Offer to the French King to fight with any Man living, in Defence of King Edwards Right to those Countries; for which he l 1.809 sent him great and par∣ticular Thanks.

Yet thô accordingly the King had raised a great Army to send into Gascoign, he made withall several Fair Applications by his Ambassadours to the Court of France, for Restitution of what had been seised on, and Prevention of a War. His Offers were these,

1. m 1.810 To Marry his Eldest Son the Duke of Cornwall to the King of France's Daugh∣ter without Dowry.

2. The Marriage of his Sister, the Countess of Gueldre to his Son, with a great Summ of Money.

3. The Marriage of his Brother (i. e. his Uncle's Son) n 1.811 John Earl of Kent with any of the Blood Royal.

4. To make Restitution for any Dammage, he ten∣der'd to King Philip as much Mony as he should in reason demand.

5. He also proffer'd to take a Voyage to the Holy Land with the King of France, if he would restore his Lands unto him.

6. To go the Voyage, if he would restore but Half or Some of those Lands.

7. To take the Voyage with him, if he would but make Restitution after his Return: Or

8. Lastly, to take the Voyage singly by Himself, so that at his Return he would restore him his Right.

These Overtures with many others, which the King or his Council could think of, were offer'd to the King of France, in Order to a Peace; with this General Proposal beside, That if any one could think of any other way, tending to an Accommoda∣tion, He would be ready to accept thereof: But all was in vain; for King Phi∣lip on the contrary, not only still held his Lands beyond Sea, but excited and

maintained the Scots against him, and also by his Navy did much Mischief at Sea.

I wholly here pass by the Matters of Scotland, till a more convenient Opportu∣nity, for fear of interrupting the Thread of our History, especially because all was done there by snatches, and fits, and intervalls, King Bailiol with various For∣tune contending to keep on his Head a Crown more full of Thorns, than of Jewels.

X. Now the o 1.812 Pope perceiving that the storm of War was ready to break forth, to the great Hazard of the Interest of Christendom, sent into England about the Feast of St. Martin, p 1.813 Pedro Priest Cardinal of St. Praxeda, and q 1.814 Bertrand Deacon Cardi∣nal of St. Mary in Aquiro, to use their best Endeavours to compose the Differences now growing High between the two Kings. For the more Honourable Reception of these Christian Peacemakers, according to the Kings Order, the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishops of Winchester, Ely, Chichester, Coventry and Lichfield, with the Mayor and Aldermen of the City of London went forth and met them on Shooters Hill. The young Duke of Cornwall with the Earl of Surrey, and many other of the Nobility received them a Mile without the City; and the King himself met them at the lesser Hall-door of his Palace at Westminster, and carried them into the Paint∣ed Chamber, where they deliver'd their Message. Hereupon the King caused a Par∣liament to be summon'd to meet him at Westminster on the Morrow after Candlemas day; r 1.815 till which time upon the Cardinals Mediation, (thô Peace could not be effe∣cted) a Truce was agreed on. Nor s 1.816 yet was Peace the only business about which these Cardinals came, but the Priviledges and Immunities of the Church; as appears by the Popes Letter to the King, bearing Date IX Kal. Julii An^o Pontificatûs III. However these Cardinals (thô they came to make Peace) were not yet rightly pre∣pared for the Work: For they made it evidently appear, that they were more con∣cern'd for the King of France, and so not fit to be as indifferent Composers of Mat∣ters between the two Kings: And this was notoriously demonstrated by t 1.817 Bertrand the French Cardinal, in a Sermon of his ad Clerum, wherein he could not forbear putting a false Gloss upon King Edward's Actions, and Adorning, and Gilding King Philip's cause; till the Archbishop of Canterbury not able to endure his Insolence, rose up and confuted all his Arguments, and Publiquely declared his Assertions to be vain, false, and frivolous. And from that time it was the Common talk in England, that the King of England had a Right to the Crown of France, which he intended to claim and pursue.

This u 1.818 Year on the third of June, there was a certain Fryer named Franciscus de Pistorio, of the Order of the Minors, deliver'd over to the Secular Power, and burnt as an Heretick at Venice, for persisting in this Assertion, That Christ and his Disci∣ples possessed nothing either in Proper, or in Common, the Contrary to which Pope John XXII had determin'd in the Constitution, which begins, Cum inter Nonnullos.

CHAPTER the ELEVENTH.

The CONTENTS.

I. A Parliament, the Cardinals return into France, together with Commissioners from King Edward. II. Whose Overtures being by the French rejected, King Ed∣ward with a Fleet of 500 Ships, sets sail for Flanders, and arrives at Antwerp, whi∣ther he Summons his Allies, with whom he holds a Parliament, which begets ano∣ther at Halle. III. King Edward sends from thence an Embassy to the Emperour Lewis of Bavaria, and invites his Queen to come over from England to him: she is soon after her coming deliver'd at Antwerp of her Third Son, named Lionell: Prince Thomas of Brotherton the Kings Ʋncle dies: An English Lord's Son, that was Born beyond Sea, Naturalized. IV. An Enterview between the Emperour and the King of England, the latter being made Vicar-General of the Empire by the Former. V. King Edward calls a Parliament of his Allies in Brabant, with the ef∣fects thereof. VI. A day appointed, whereon all the Confederates are to come with

their several Quota's to the King of England, * 1.819 who keeps his Court the mean while at Antwerp: The Duke of Brabant keeps fair with the French King. VII. Prince Edward of England, Duke of Cornwal, holds two Parliaments in the King his Fathers Absence: For whom he obtains a Mighty aid: The English Navy rein∣forced with sixty Sail.

I. ON the third of February, or the Morrow after Candlemas-day, the Par∣liament began; where the Truce was Prorogued a 1.820 to the First of March following: b 1.821 The Laity at the same time granted to the King the One half of their Woolls throughout the whole Realm, for the next Summer, which he received Graciously, and also he Levied of the Clergy the whole, causing them to pay nine Marks of every Sack of the best Wooll; but after the Rate of the One half he took, in whose hands soever it was found, as well Merchants, as others, according to the foresaid Grant: So that of the Abbey of Leicester on∣ly, as c 1.822 Knighton, one of that House, witnesses, he had no less then 18 Sacks. Af∣ter d 1.823 this he took a fifteenth of all the Commonalty of his Realm in Wooll, the Price of every Stone, Rated at fourteen Pound per Stone, at two shillings. And yet before this, e 1.824 about the Feast of all Saints, he had sent the Bishop of Lincoln, and the Earls of Northampton and Suffolk with ten Thousand Sacks of Wooll into Bra∣bant to make Retainors in High Germany, and there at the same time they sold all their Wooll, every Sack for fourty Pounds; which amounts in all to 400000 Pounds.

Besides all this he is said about this time to have seised on the Wealth of the Clu∣niacks and Cistertians Aliens (of which we spake in the former Chapter) and of the Lom∣bards, f 1.825 and all the Triennial Tythes, which were first intended for the Holy War. Nor was the French King behind him in these Arts of Raising Money, for he also laying Usury to their Charge, confiscated all that the Lombards had, Coyned Moneys both Gold and silver of a less Value, and drain'd the Clergy Exceedingly.

On the First g 1.826 of March, at the Cardinals Instance the King Prorogued the fore∣said Truce to Midsummer following, in case the King of France should consent to it, and give Security that it should be observed; after which on the 21 of the said Month, the Cardinals (who h 1.827 cost the Church of England fifty Marks per diem all the time of their stay here) took Sea at Dover, the Archbishop of Canterbury, and the Bishop of London bearing them Company, with intent to further the Treaty be∣tween the two Kings; but because all their Endeavours brought forth no Accom∣modation, we shall say no more of their Proceedings: But hasten to the Mat∣ter in Hand.

King Edward when it was understood, i 1.828 that the French King refus'd to give Se∣curity for the observing the Truce inviolably, being advised to revoke the latter Pro∣rogation, did so on the sixth of May, and immediately set himself about a Journey into Flanders, there Personally to confer with his Allies, in pursuance of his De∣sign against France. But before he went, upon the Cardinals further importunity, a Com∣mission was issued * 1.829 to John Archbishop of Canterbury, Richard Bishop of Durham, Ro∣bert Earl of Suffolk, Sr. Geoffry Scroop Knight, and Mr. John Hufford Archdeacon of Ely, with Power to Treat and agree touching all things in Difference between the two Kings, in Reference to a full and final Peace. And by another Commission bearing the same Date of the 21 of June, the Duke of Brabant, the Earls of Heinalt and Gueldre, the Marquess of Juliers, and Sr. William Dunort Lord of Ostervandt, Knight, are added to them. These Commissions were double, and of two several Styles, in the One the King calls King Philip, only Philippus de Valois, Consanguineus noster Fran∣ciae; but in the other—Excellentissimus Princeps, Dominus Philippus, Rex Franciae, Il∣lustris, Consanguineus noster Charissimus.

II. But these Offers being all rejected, and Jacob k 1.830 van Arteveld urgently re∣questing his Presence in Flanders, the King at last on the * 1.831 16 of July, took ship∣ping at the Port of Orewell, near Harwich in Suffolk, with a Royal Navy of l 1.832 500 Sail, and many great Barons of England in his Company; among whom were m 1.833 Henry Earl of Darby, William Montague, Earl of Salisbury, Robert Earl of Suffolk, the Lord John Fauconberg, Norman Lord Darcy, Hugh Lord Meinill, John Lord Beaumont, Son to Henry Vicount Beaumont, Earl of Buqhan in Scotland, Nicolas Lord Cantilupe, Sr. John Beauchamp, a younger Brother of Thomas Earl of Warwick, Sr. Robert Benhale of Norfolk that vanquished Turnbull the Scot, Sr. Otho n 1.834 Grandesson, Son of Gilbert or William Grandesson, who was Brother to the Great Otho, Lord Grandison, descended of the Ancient House of the Grandessons, Dukes of Burgundy, Sr. Walt. Manny, & many others of High Birth,

Youth and Courage; for King Edward chose the most Personable of all his Nobi∣lity to accompany him in this Expedition, thereby to gain the greater Reverence to the English Nation from Strangers, who should see their Proportion, Shape, and Sta∣ture. These were all with their Retinues Men of Arms; besides whom, the King had a great o 1.835 Multitude of Archers and Welchmen, with all whom he arrived at Ant∣werp, belonging then to the Duke of Brabant, on the 22 of July. While he resided here, People came flocking from all Parts to see him, and to observe the Royal Magnificence of his Court: He for his part upon his first Landing had sent out his Summons to his Cosin the Duke of Brabant, to his Brother-in-Law the Earl of Gueldre, to the Marquess of Juliers, to the Lord John of Heinalt, Uncle to the young Earl, and to all others, in whom he had any confidence; signifying unto them, that he would gladly confer with them at Antwerp. They accordingly came all thither within two days after; at which time King Edward p 1.836 expresly revoked all the Power which he had given formerly to his several Commissioners to Treat with Philip of Valois, as King of France; and then he desired to know their Minds, and when

they would in good Earnest perform what they had undertaken in his behalf: He earnestly al∣so required them to dispatch what they intended with all possible Expedition; q 1.837 for to that purpose he said, he was come thither with his Forces ready prepared to be∣gin the War, and that it would be an infinite damage to him to protract the Mat∣ter much longer.

The Lords having consulted among themselves, return'd this Answer.

Sir, our coming hither at this time was rather to give your Majesty a Vi∣sit, then for any thing else, we are not yet prepared to give a Determinate Answer to your Demands: But by your leave we shall go back again among our Subjects, Friends and Allies, and return hither at what time you shall please to fix us; when we shall give you so direct and positive an Answer, that it will nor appear other∣wise, but that We shall well have done our Devoirs. The King shew'd them what Charges he had been at, and still was like to be with these Delays; that he expected to have found all ready at his coming thither; but since it was not so, He for his part resolved not to return to England, till he had a plain Answer from them one way or other.

He therefore would expect them all there again on the Third of August following at the farthest, because the time of Action began to wear away. To this Appointment having all agreed, they took leave of the King, who tarried still at Antwerp, being lodged in the Abbey, some of his Lords tarrying with him to bear him Company, while others rode about the Country at great ex∣pence, to negotiate the Kings Affairs, and to gain the favour of the People, as also to divert themselves, and satisfie their Curiosity. As for the Duke of Brabant, he went to the City of Louvaine, about seven Leagues East of Antwerp, from whence he sent frequent Messages to the French King,

Requesting, that he would not enter∣tain any Suspicion of him, nor give Credit to any idle Rumors: For he assured him, that he would by no means make any Alliance or Agreement to his Disadvantage; Thô as he said, the King of England being his Cosin-German, he could not in Honour refuse him the Civility of his Country.

Thus the Duke of Brabant endeavouring to keep in with both Kings, was really a Friend to neither; but we shall see how he behaves himself now to King Edward. The Third of August came, and all the other Lords return'd to Antwerp, except the Duke; whereat the rest taking occasion, said, that as for their parts, they and their Men

were ready, provided the Duke of Brabant would be as ready on his Part, for he was nearer than they, that being his Country: That therefore when they should understand that he was fully provided, they would not be one jot behind him.

With this tergiversation of theirs, King Edward was inwardly very much displeased, r 1.838 for he found no sincerity nor Honour in any one of them, except the Earl of Gueldre, and he privately told the Bishop of Lincoln and his Council, that he had not been well advised hitherto. However, he immediately sent this their Answer to Louvain to the Duke of Brabant, urging the Matter home to him, and requiring him as his Friend, Kinsman, and Ally, and as a Christian, and a Man of Honour, to deal

sincerely and heartily with him; for hitherto, he said, he very well percei∣ved that he was but cold in the Matter; and that he justly feared, unless he grew more warm, and shew'd more concern for the Cause, he should loose the Assistance of all the other Lords of Almaine.

The Duke being thorougly awaken'd with this Alarm, began to consider more seriously on the Matter, that King Philip had been severe and cruel to him, King Edward his Friend, and able to be his Protector, that he was ty'd to him not only

on the account of Allyance, but in Honour, having passed his Word, and contracted to be on his side; only he fear'd, that if the Rest of the German Lords should fall off, he might be left a Prey to Philips anger: Wherefore he at last declared to King Edward, s 1.839 that now he was fully determin'd to be as ready as any One in his ser∣vice; only he desired once more to speak with the foresaid Lords altogether: So that they were sent for again, the time of their meeting fix'd about the middle of Au∣gust, the Place to be t 1.840 Halle, a strong Town of Hainalt on the very Borders of Bra∣bant, distant from Brussels but four English Miles, thrô which the River Senne sends a small current; and this Place was judged the fittest, because the young Earl of Hainalt, and his Uncle Lord John of Beaumont might be there. In short, the Re∣sult of this Parliament at Halle was this, the Lords having again consider'd on the Premises, found themselves so bent on King Edward's Service, that they thought they never should desert him, unless compell'd by the Emperour, to whom only they ow'd Allegiance: Wherefore in the Name of himself and all the Rest, the Duke of Brabant spake thus to King Edward,

Sir, we of our selves cannot find any just Cause, all things consider'd, to defie the French King, without the Consent of the Emperour, our Soveraign Lord, or that he would Command Us so to do in his Name. For long since in a Covenant mutually Sworn and Sign'd between France and Germany, there is an Article, that no King of France should take, or hold a∣ny thing belonging of Right to the Empire: Notwithstanding which Obligation this King Philip hath taken the Castle of Creveceur in Cambresis, and the Castle of Alves in Bailleul ( u 1.841 Palencour) and also the City of Cambray it self: So that the Emperour has good Reason on his side to break with the king of France. And Sir, if you can obtain his Consent, it will be more for our Honour; otherwise the World will say, that without the Imperial Authority, the Lords of Almaine Com∣menced an unjust War, having no Provocation thereto.

III. This Request appear'd but reasonable to the King; wherefore he appointed the Marquess of Juliers with certain English Knights, and Men Learned in the Laws, to∣gether with some of the Earl of Gueldre's Council, to go to the Emperour about the Premises: Only the Duke of Brabant would by no means send any body in his Name, because he would not be known to stir in the business, till things should be ripe; He stood in such fear of the King of France, ever since that Quarrel about the Lord Robert of Artois, of which we spake in the 7^th Year of King Edward: But yet however he freely Resign'd his stately Castle of Louvain to the King of England to lie in, and to use as his own, during his Royal Pleasure.

The Marquess and his Company found the Emperour at Flourebeche, where they did their Message to him so well, that together with the Perswasions of the Lady Margaret, the Empress, who was Sister to Queen Philippa of England, he was willing to grant King Edward's Request; for which end he desired an Enterview with him, and immediately cre∣ated the Earl of Reginald Duke of Gueldre, and the Marquess William Earl of Juliers; thô x 1.842 some say, this was done afterward by King Edward their Kinsman, when he was Vicar of the Sacred Empire.

King Edward the mean while kept his Court with great Splendor at Louvain, being lodged himself in the Castle for his better security, since the City was Commanded thereby: From hence he sent a considerable Part of his Forces into England, as ha∣ving little occasion for them yet, to defend the Frontiers against the Scots. At the same time he kindly invited his Beloved Queen to come over to him, if she so pleased, for he sent her word, he was determin'd not to leave those Parts for the space of a Year at least. The Queen shortly after went over to the King her Husband, being then Great with Child, of which, being a Male, she was happily deliver'd at y 1.843 Ant∣werp (while the King held a Noble Turneament there) on the Vigil of St. An∣drew, or the 29 of November 1338. The Infant was Baptised with the Name of Lionell, and sirnamed from the Place of his Birth, Lionell of Antwerp, who became in time Earl of Ʋlster, Duke of Clarence, and a Person of Extraordinary Features of Body and (which is a more aimable Beauty) Valour, and other Princely Endowments. But as the Queens Fecundity did on one hand make the Royal Family to flourish, so on the other, Fatal Necessity was busied in lopping off a Princely Branch from that Regal Stem: For this very z 1.844 Year, the Kings Uncle Thomas Plantagenet, sirna∣med of Brotherton, from a place of that Name in Yorkshire, where he was Born, be∣ing Earl of Norfolk, and Marshal of England, departed this Life, and was a 1.845 buried in the Choire of the Famous Abbey at St. Edmunds-Bury in Suffolk; where there was a goodly Monument erected to his Memory; but it is now wholly buried in the same

Ruines, into which the Fatal Dissolution cast both that and many other Religious Houses. He left Issue by the Lady b 1.846 Alice his first Wife, Daughter of Sr. Roger Hales of Harwich, two Daughters his Heirs, the Lady Margaret; and the Lady Alice; the former, first Married to the Lord John Seagrave, and after to the Famous Sr. Wal∣ter Manny; the latter to Sr. Edward Montague, Brother to the Earl of Salisbury. He is c 1.847 said to have had also a Wife named Anne, before the Lady Alice, by whom he had a Son Edward who died without Issue, and also another after her, by whom he had a second Son, named John, who became a Monk in the Abbey of Ely. Upon his Death however, the Earldom of Norfolk, and Office of Marshal for want of Issue Male, fell into the Kings hands by Escheat: But the Lord William Montague Earl of Salisbury, in consi∣deration of his many Eminent Services both in War and Peace, abroad and at home, ob∣tained presently after a d 1.848 Grant (bearing Date at Antwerp the 15 of September) of the Of∣fice of Marshal of England.

During this the Kings Stay in Brabant, the Lady e 1.849 Eleanora Plantagenet, Fifth Daughter to Henry de Torto Collo, the old Earl of Lancaster, and Sister to Henry Earl of Darby, brought forth to her Husband, John Lord Beaumont of England (Son to Henry Vicount Beaumont Earl of Buquhan) a Son called Henry: Whereupon two Years after Sr. John the Father obtain'd the Kings Special Letters Patents, declaring, That notwithstanding the said Henry the Son was begotten and born in Foreign Parts; yet since it was occasion'd by Sr. John's and his Lady's Attendance on the King and Queen, he should be reputed a Lawfull Heir, to inherit his Father's Lands, as well as thô he had been born in England.

Now that it may appear, how King Philip was much more in the Pope's Books than our Edward, it is observable; that when he heard of King Edwards Arrival at Ant∣werp, as one that saw a Dreadfull Tempest of War hanging over France, he wrote a f 1.850 Letter to King Philip, bearing Date at Avignon V. Id. August Anno Pontificatûs IV. Wherein piously indeed he stirs him up to implore the Divine Assistance; and to the end he might obtain the Favour of God, to put away all things that might offend his Majesty; and first to pacifie his own Conscience, lest he should nourish a War with∣in himself, to desist from Oppressing the Clergy and the Poor; lastly, he advised him to admit of honest Conditions of Peace, and upon Occasion to offer the like: For whereas in that War much Christian Blood was like to be shed, he would then ap∣pear clean of the Sin of all that should be shed both before God and Man; but that he should not put his Confidence in the Power of his Forces, but in the Divine As∣sistance: As for his Part, that he together with the Whole Church would power forth his Prayers unto God for him.

IV. King g 1.851 Edward the mean while according to the Emperors Request, went forth Royally attended to give him a Meeting, he being then in High Germany about 7 Diets beyond Colen: But when he heard of the King of England his Brother-in-Law's Approach toward that City, he also set forward with Imperial Pomp, till he came to h 1.852 Cologne, where he was met by King Edward. The Enterview was very Glorious and Magnificent, the Emperor greatly Honouring the King of England, thô some i 1.853 say, at the first Meeting he took it ill, that King Edward refus'd to submit himself to the Kiss of his Feet (as it should seem Kings were wont to do to Empe∣rours) but our Edward gallantly k 1.854 answer'd;

That He Himself was a King Sacred and Anointed, and had Life and Limbs in his Power, being accountable to none but God, as Supream and Independent of all Others, being also Lord of Sea and Land, and Wearing no less than an Imperial Crown: Wherefore he ought not to abase himself to any Mortal Potentate whatsoever.

This Answer was accepted; And pre∣sently l 1.855 two Royal Thrones were erected in the open Market-place, One for the Em∣perour, the Other for the King; the Emperour took his Place first, and King Ed∣ward sate down by him: In which Honourable Enterview there were for Assistants four Great Dukes, three Archbishops and six Bishops, thirty seven Earls, and of Ba∣rons, Banerets, Knights and Esquires, according to the Estimation of the Heralds, Se∣venteen Thousand: The Emperour held in his Right Hand the Imperial Scepter, and in his Left the Golden Mound or Globe, which denotes the Government of the World; a Knight of Almain holding over his Head a Naked Sword. And then and there the Emperour publiquely declared the Disloyalty, Falshood and Villany, which the King of France had used towards him; whereupon he defi'd him and pronoun∣ced, that both He and his Adherents had forfeited the Protection and Favour they might expect from the Empire, and had justly incurred whatever Displeasure might be done unto him thereby. And then He m 1.856 made, ordain'd and constituted King Ed∣ward

his Deputy and Vicar General of the Sacred German Empire, granting unto him full and absolute Power over All on this side, as far as Cologne: Of all which he gave him his Imperial Charter in sight of all that were present. The next day these two Illustrious Persons, with the Great Lords and Prelates, met again in the Cathedral of Cologne; where they heard Divine Service, and after High Mass, the Emperour and all his Barons swore to the King of England,

That they would stand by him, help and defend him against the King of France and all his Adherents, both to live and to die with him for the space of Seven whole Years to come; provided the War to be between the said Kings should not be compounded before that time. It was also fur∣ther sworn, that all the Barons of Almain from Cologne and on this Side, should pre∣sently enter the King of Englands Service, and should always be ready to come un∣to him, as often as they should be summoned thereto, against the King of France, as well where the King of England should be in Person, as to any other Place to which he should assign them. And if it should happen, any of the said Lords of Al∣main should refuse to obey the said King of England in the Premises, that then all the other Lords of High Germany should rise in Arms against that Man, till they had destroy'd him.

At this time n 1.857 also there was a certain Sanction, formerly made, repeated in King Ed∣wards Presence, containing these two Points; the First, That the Administration of the Empire belongs to the King of the Romans, as soon as ever he is Elected by the Se∣ven Electors, without the Pope's Confirmation; and the Other, That those are Pro∣scribed, who do not obey him, or, as Rebdorf says, that whosoever for the future shall esteem Lewis to be Excommunicate, or shall omit Divine Service for any Papal Sentences, shall be Proscribed in Body and Goods. Which latter Clause chiefly re∣spected the Bishop of Cambray, who upon that Account had left the Emperor and re∣volted to the French King.

These matters being thus fully contracted and established, after many enterchange∣able Caresses and Magnificent Entertainments, the King of England took his leave of the Emperour, and return'd with all his Company to Brabant.

The mean time o 1.858 several great Lords of England, rode about Flanders and Heinalt at their pleasure, being wonderfull Magnificent and Liberal in their Expences, freely bestowing Gifts of Gold and Silver, and other Jewels to the Lords and Ladies of the Country, to purchase their Good Wills: And truly they obtain'd the very Hearts of the Country; but especially they were extolled among the common Sort, because of the splendid Shew they made wherever they came.

All these things must needs have been matter of incredible Expence and Charge to that Mighty Monarch: And indeed it seem'd that he had made good Progress in his Affairs, having succeeded so well with the Emperour and the Lords of Germany: But those Friends that are made by Money, commonly fall off at the appearance of a greater Interest, and when they have got what they could expect; as within a while all these did: Thô as it chanced, he gain'd more Glory thereby, performing after∣wards of himself, what had been no such great matter to have done, with the help of the Empire's Forces: As we shall see hereafter.

V. Now King Edward upon his Return into Brabant, p 1.859 sends his Summons to the Duke of Gueldre, the Earl of Juliers, and all other his Allies in those Parts, to come to him about q 1.860 the Feast of St. Martin the Bishop to his Parliament, to be holden at Arques in the County of Leuze near Brabant; or as r 1.861 One says, at Malines in Bra∣bant. Against which time the Town Hall was as richly adorn'd with Hangings and other Royal Furniture, as if it had been the King's own Chamber of Presence. Thi∣ther at the time appointed came the Duke of Brabant, and the Duke of Gueldre, the young Earl of Heinalt, the Earl of Juliers, the Lord of Valkenberg, or as the French pronounce it Faulquemont, and all other Barons on this side Cologne; except only the Bishop of Liege, who had no less than s 1.862 twenty four Cities (as they call them) sub∣ject unto him; both as a Secular Prince, and as a Bishop.

In this Parliament t 1.863 King Edward, in his Royal Robes, with a Crown of Gold on his Head, sat on a Stately Throne five foot higher than any other, and there the Empe∣rours Letters Patents were openly read; wherein was declar'd,

That King Edward of England was made Vicar General, or Lieutenant for the Emperour; and as so, had full Power to make Laws, and to administer Justice to every person in the Empe∣rours Name; and to coin Money, both Gold and Silver at his own Pleasure, with his own Stamp and Inscription. It was also commanded by these the Emperours Letters Patents, that the Lords and other Subjects of the Empire, should yield Obedience

and pay Homage to the King of England, his Vicar, as to himself.

And the Lords of Germany there present, u 1.864 promised in all things to obey him, according as their Liege Lord the Emperour had commanded, and that they were both willing and rea∣dy to attend his Service to the utmost of their Power. Immediately hereupon cer∣tain x 1.865 Claims were made, and judgment given between Parties, as before the Em∣perour himself; and at the same time a Statute (before-time made by the Emperour) was renew'd, being to this effect,

That whoever design'd War or Combat, or a∣ny other Harm against any Person, Kingdom or Country, should make his Chal∣lenge or Defiance at least three Days before he began any Hostile Deed; other∣wise, that the Author should be look'd on as a Malefactor, and the Deed Villanous.

Then the King y 1.866 sent forth his Summons to the Bishop of Liege to come in, accord∣ding to his Duty; but he absolutely refus'd to obey him, for his Heart was French all over: Whereupon the King sent Henry Burwash Lord Bishop of Lincoln, to make Complaint of him before the Emperour, and to require Justice against him; to which it was answer'd,

That the Emperour himself would shortly come in Person to the Aid of his most Dear Brother-in-Law the King of England;

for it was ex∣pected, that a great War would begin the next Spring between the two Nations.

VI. After this the Lords of Almain departed, having first agreed upon a Day, wherein they were all to appear before Cambray (which was at that time in the French Hands, thô belonging to the Empire) there to lay their Siege, to wit, on the 8 of July the Year following, being Wednesday, in the Third Week after the Feast of St. John Baptist. King Edward went back to Louvain to the Queen, who as we said before, was newly come thither out of England, well accompanied with Ladies, her Maids of Honour and other Gentlewomen, who went over as well to wait on the Queen, as to visit their Fathers, Husbands and Brethren then with the King. King Edward soon after remov'd his Court to Antwerp, as more commodious for the Queen to lay her Belly in, and there he kept a most Honourable Court all that Winter, and as Vicar of the Empire z 1.867 set up his Royal Mint at Antwerp, where he coined great plen∣ty of mony both Gold and Silver. Yet all this while the Duke of Brabant, who had once been so greatly humbled by King Philip, as we shew'd before, never ceased sen∣ding Messengers to him, to excuse him, and to assure his Majesty, that he would un∣dertake nothing prejudicial to the Crown of France. The Chief of this Embassy was the Lord Lewis of Travemund, one of his Council, who was frequently sent upon this Errand, and at last was made his Lords Resident in the Court of France, that he might be the more ready at hand, always to excuse him against whatsoever informations might be given of him or his Designs.

VII. The mean while in England, the young Prince a 1.868 Edward Duke of Cornwall, by Commission from the King his Father, held a Parliament at Northampton, which began on the 26 of July; wherein a Mighty Aid was granted unto the King to∣wards the Maintenance of his Wars; as may be conjectur'd by this Proportion, the three Counties of Leicester, Lincoln and Northampton only being taxed in 1211 Sacks of Wooll. Besides which he had an Aid of the Bishops, Abbots, Priors, Rectors, Vicars, and Justices, who went not with him to the War; of some 100 l. a piece, of others two Hun∣dred, according to their Estates and Abilities: And moreover at Michaelmas follow∣ing, a Tenth was granted of the Clergy for two Years to come. About this time there were b 1.869 Sixty Sail of Stout Ships appointed for the defence of the Cinque-Ports, beside the present Fleet; and Sr. William Clinton Earl of Huntington and Constable of England, was made Lord Lieutenant of Suffolk, and the Lord c 1.870 Robert Morley, Lord Lieutenant of Norfolk.

CHAPTER the TVVELFTH.

The CONTENTS.

I. King Edward with his Allies prepares to open the Campagne, not in the mean while neglecting his Endeavours to compose Matters. II. He writes to the Pope and Car∣dinals, setting forth his Right to the Crown of France, the many undeserved Pro∣vocations

of the French King, and his own Reasonable Offers, which he had often made, and was yet ready to make, with the Copy of the Letter at Large. III. The Popes Answer at Large, being an indirect expostulation, wherein he shews that Lewis of Bavaria (the Em∣perour) being under the Sentence of Excommunication, was not, nor ought to be ac∣counted Emperour: That all his Friends and Abettors were Actually Excommuni∣cate, and so concludes, partly excusing himself from abetting the French King against En∣gland, and partly (unless he withdraws from his Correspondence with the Emperour) threatning to proceed judicially against him also.

I. NOW the unactive Winter was passed over, * 1.871 and the vigorous Spring began to open the Earth and the Wars together; the Feast of St. John Baptist approaching, when the Lords of England and Germany began to prepare themselves for the appointed time of Action. King Edward had made his Recruits from England, whence those Men of War he expected, came over to him about the beginning of June. And the Duke a 1.872 of Gueldre and Earl of Zutphen, had done Homage unto him, as Vicar of the Empire and King of France, for which the King granted him a 1000 l. per annum during his Life; and he had further made an Alliance with Albert and Otho, Dukes of Austria, Stiria and Carinthia, and received their Homages. But yet before he began his March, at the Instance of the Cardinals Pedro and Bertrand, of whose endeavours for Peace we spake before, John Archbishop of Canterbury, Richard Bishop of Durham, Henry Bishop of Lincoln, the Earls of Darby, Salisbury and Suffolk, with some Others, were by the King b 1.873 impow∣red to Treat once more with Philip of Valois or his Deputies, concerning the Dignities, Honours, Lands and Rights belonging to King Edward, and all other Controversies whatsoever: The Deputies on the other Part being the Archbishop of Roüen, the Bi∣shops of Langres and Beauvais, and the Places of Treaty first Compiegne, and then Ar∣ras: But nothing of Peace being thereby effected, the King prepares now roundly for the War.

II. And yet before he began his March, he wrote to the Pope and the College of Cardinals, setting forth his Title to the Crown of France, and the great Necessity that lay upon him as well to vindicate his Right, as to preserve his Lands and Honour, both which were injuriously invaded by Philip of Valois his Adversary: The Tenor of which Letters from the Original c 1.874 Latine is as followeth,

To the Venerable College of the Beloved Fathers in God, the Cardinals of the Holy Roman Church: EDWARD, by the Grace of God, King of England, Lord of Ireland, and Duke of Aquitain, Greeting. We have written to the most Holy Father, the Chief Bishop, after due Recommendation of our Respects in these words: The Law of Nature, which is the Guide of all living Creatures, hath granted to eve∣ry one a Liberty of Defence against injurious Violence, generally allowing that to be justly done, which any one doth in his own Defence, repelling of Force and In∣jury. Truly, since great and hazardous Wars and injurious Violations have been moved and done against Us, which being notorious to the whole World, having al∣so by our frequent Intimation fully been made so to the Apostolick See, we take it for Granted, that to your Holiness they cannot be unknown. Now We being Lo∣vers of Peace (God knows) that we might avoid Contention and introduce Amity, have freely offer'd to our Persecutor, respectfully indeed, and perhaps too humbly, the desirable Methods of Peace, not without a great Resignation of our own Rights and Interest; that omitting at present a too eager Prosecution of our Personal Quarrels in this season of just Sorrow, wherein the Fury of the Soldan of Babylon, and other Enemies of the Cross, being highly enflamed, because an Expedition was sworn against them, and solemnly proclaim'd in Parts beyond the Sea, hath and doth daily harass and destroy many Christian Souls: So that horrible despight and reproach is cast up∣on our Crucified Lord, we might as indeed we ought, and most earnestly desire, joyntly intend to the Cause of our Saviour, which is neglected, and may there∣by be attributed to the great shame and ignominy of every Christian King, thô ne∣ver so well deserving. But we know not for what Offence it happens, that from the meek Offers of Peace (from whence Friendship ought to arise) there hath grown a Swelling of greater Anger and Obstinacy in our Persecutors Mind against Us: Thô (God and our Conscience bearing Us witness) We have not provoked Him, by any one fact or attempt made by Us against Him. Nay the Eyes of all the World our publique Witnesses, do see with how many and great Indignities our foresaid Per∣secutor (who stiles himself King of France) doth daily wound and defalcate Us and our Rights.

He is at this Present an Invader and unjust Usurper of the Realm of France it self (which is known to belong to Us by all true Right of Succession) not having been asham'd to withhold by Force that Crown (which he ought rather to claim by Law and Equity, We being called and heard) thô We were a Male, and it could no way be doubted, but that We were a Person principally concern'd in the Mat∣ter; and Our Right was as Notorious in that very Realm, as it is founded on the Law of Nature: The matter of Fact being Evident, that Philip of Famous Memo∣ry, late King of France, Father of Charles King of France, last-deceased, and of the most Serene Lady Isabella, Queen of England, Our Mother, was our Grandfather. And that to the same Charles, at the time of his Death, no Male living of those, who together with him, descended from the same Philip, was nearer than Our Selves. And thô the Female Person by Custom Anciently observed in that Kingdom, be rendred uncapable of inheriting that Crown, this Law being principally intended for the Good of the Realm, that under a frail Womans Government the Kingdom should not fall to ruine; thô it excludes the Person of the Woman, doth not yet exclude the Person of the Male, descending from the Woman thus excluded. d 2.1 Be∣side, by the foresaid Law the Female Frailty is excluded from the Kingdom, that the Realm may be more Advantagiously provided for, and the nearest Male be ad∣mitted. Or else let him be admitted rather to that Right, who doth not prima∣rily proceed from the Mother so excluded, but is to be look'd on, as a Nephew propagated Originally from the Grandfather; otherwise there would follow another absurdity of Injustice, that the Collaterals of the same Line should be excluded, and a more Remote Kinsman call'd in, when by the very Natural Law of Nations, Bro∣thers and Sisters, and their Children, are in mutual Succession still Prefer'd to other Collaterals of another Line. And thence the said Law arose in Favour of Kings, and Hate of the Females Inability to Reign, not that by the Injury done to the Female, an Occasion also should be taken of Injuring the Male Descendant. Nor yet is it to be thought, that the intention of this Law could be so unjust, as to con∣demn the Mother and the Son, being of another Country. Nay rather on the con∣trary, by that very Judgement of the Law, whereby the Mother is remov'd from the Succession, the Son being seated in his Mothers Place, and supplying her de∣ficiency, the Succession devolves unto him. Just as a Son steps into the Right and Degree of his Father, deceased, so as to be admitted to the Succession of his Fa∣ther among his Fathers Brethren. Then well may the disconsolate Mother, thô by the foresaid Rigour of the Law, divested of her Royal Inheritance, Rejoyce again and be Comforted, that her Son is so substituted in her Place. Nor then is Affliction added to Affliction, which the Sacred Consideration of the Law abhorreth, as we see, even where the Law, hath not laid an easie Burden of Affliction; but a case in the Law, which condemns that customary Law, that yields the goods of shipwrack'd Persons to another: Because it there expresly corrects it by this reason, that we should avoid adding to Afflicti∣on; much more for that very Reason is it forbid. Let it therefore satisfie this Law of France, that from a Mother more then Pregnant (who yet was not made a Woman by any of her own fault, but by necessity of Nature) it fully cuts off the Root of Royalty; And that so the Mother by the Law of her Disherison, doth expresly suffer as it were a certain Shipwrack: But let it not also be cruelly, and against all Right concluded, that she is in the Person of her disinherited Son, to suffer a second and a worser Ship∣wrack, or that without a Fault the Punishment should be doubled; when even where a Fault is, the Punishment ought to be mitigated.

Otherwise, if because the Mother is not Lawfully admitted to the Throne, the Son must be understood to be Lawfully expelled from the Throne: Then had not the Kingdom of the Jews of Right belonged to the Holy Jesus; which is a∣gainst the Foundation of our Faith to assert. Who notwithstanding he was the Son of God begotten in a Mystery, without the Company of a Man, of a Female of the Royal Stem of David, even of the Virgin Mary (who her self was not admitted to the Kingdom, nor perhaps ought she to be admitted) yet by the undoubted certainty of Faith, became the True and Lawfull King of the Jews. And God forbid, that this Royal Succession of King Jesus, should be either an untying or breaking of the Legal Observance; since he came not to break the Law, but to fulfill it. Where∣fore this most Excellent Instance of Lawfull Succession (by Right of the Mother) may reasonably put to silence the pretended Reasons of the Enemies of our Right in the said Kingdom of France: That the Saviour of the World, and We (a Poor Mortal Sinner) whom parity of reason, as to this, reconciles together, may not be se∣parated,

as to Our Lawfull Degree and Order of Succession, by any vain Constitution, or forced Interpretation of humane Laws.

And yet for all this there was not only not any due Citation of Us made, nor our Defence (thô in a Matter so highly Prejudicial to Our Right) admitted; but also Our Proctors, who instantly desired that they might Legally appear for Us and Our Title, were so far from being allowed an equitable Hearing, as that they were rudely and unjustly repelled with horrible Menaces of no less than present Death. Wherefore their Procedure (thô the Deed of the Twelve Peers of France) hinders Our said Title nothing at all; since, as to Us, who were then Weak, and in Our Minority; they laying by the part of indifferent Judges, perform'd the Office of Thieves and Robbers: Whose Process thus made against Us to Our Prejudice, e∣ven Our very Minority renders invalid in the Law. For neither could it have been effectual, had it been made against an Adult Person; that Just Defence being so deny'd, which to every Freeman is allow'd even by the Law of Nature, which neither any Prince, nor any Law ought to infringe.

Besides, it is now publiquely known every where, how in Our Dukedom of A∣quitain, he has invaded and violated Our Rights, flying upon our Lands, and wasting those he could take: Which having joyned to those he had seised before, and without any Fear of God, saying, that he has Law at Will, he still most injuriously detains.

As for the Scots, whom the Rights of Ancient Times had made subject to Our Crown, they by the Disloyal madness of Rebellion, kicking against their Natural Lord, were guilty of High Treason; a Fault which they have continued down from Our Predecessors, even unto Us. Yet with these, that they might be the more enabled to offend Us, he has in despight of Us, enter'd a League, Cherishing and Maintaining them in so ungratefull and black a Crime against Us, thô by Right of Blood and Nature, he ought rather to stand on our side. And when all these Pre∣mises did not satisfie his unsatiate desire of abusing Us, having collected all the Forces he could possibly bring together, he prepared unawares to swallow Us up with the torrent of his Anger, desiring to remove Us out of the World; because per∣haps by his own evil Designs against Us, he measured Ours against him: Thô none can justly collect or measure Our Intentions by meer Conjecture, since we have not done any Act meriting such an Opinion.

Moreover, not well resenting the Gift of Divine Providence bestowed on Us, he seems to reckon it an Injury done to him, that we live and Reign in Our King∣dom of England, and over what else the Lord gave Us to Rule in Prosperity; at least, but for him, in Peace. And all this we imagine he hath done, only because the People that serveth Us, or rather whom we by Our indefatigable Cares do constant∣ly serve, have hitherto by the Gift of God, continued in Great Glory and Re∣nown. Yet these things, thô heard and known, did not presently move Us, but we past them by with a Charitable dissimulation, sparing no Labour, nor cost to ap∣pease his Persecuting Violence against Us, and to make, as much as in Us lay, Our Reign to pass peaceably with him: Until we saw his Sword even ready unsheath'd for the Destruction of Us and Ours, and prepared for Our utter Extermination. And now will any Body perswade Us, that such an Uncle, so well known to Us, and a Prince of such Power, thô We were then busied in other Wars, ought to be neg∣lected: Who being armed with the Right of his own Will, and surrounded with a Mighty Power, collected from all Parts, that he might more freely persecute Us at his Pleasure, deserts even the Cause of Christ, which he had sworn to maintain. What therefore should not a King, that even now sees himself and his State in ap∣parent Danger, endeavour to do for his own Right and Security? Surely he only can tell, who knows what such a Man ought not to do, who contends only to avoid Injuries and Losses, especially in those things, that so nearly concern his very Life & being. Or can that be said to be a light and idle Fear, which could shake the Constant Courages even of Noble and Valiant Princes Our Allies, only for Our Sakes. Much more then ought it to Alarum Us, whom only the Preparations of all these terrible things did concern.

For this Cause therefore, even by Natural Impulse being made not voluntary, but necessary Defenders of Our own Rights, and those of Our Subjects, and seeking for the most Prudent Course of Proceeding, according to the Military Precepts of the most Illustrious Captains of Antiquity, since Hostile Preparations are more danger∣ously expected at our own Doors, than repelled to those of our Enemies, We thought it better to meet them, that they might not fall upon Us unprepar'd, but be stifled where first they had their Birth: Not only following the advice, but using the

Assistance of those whom Consanguinity and Affinity hath joyned unto Us, and to whom it as well belonged to prevent, together with Us, Our Downfall, which would even to them have proved little less than Fatal. According to these Coun∣sels and by these Aids We resolvedly endeavour to secure Our Selves, committing into the Hands of God our Righteous Cause (which once We were willing to have refer'd to Your Apostolick See, or to any other Good Men, indifferent and free from prejudice) nothing doubting, but that He, who sees all things from on High, will give a most just Sentence, and bring it to pass with the Power of his Sword. Nor do we believe, Holy Father, that any Equal Umpire, or Just Judge can so Interpret or wrest this our Act, that what We have done for Our own De∣fence, and the Security of Our Just Rights, t 2.2 he should esteem an Injury or Of∣fence: Nay rather, we believe, and are sure, that the true Intention of Our heart will be consider'd, and that such a One will weigh in the Balance of unbyass'd judge∣ment what we go about, and why we undertake this arduous Affair••: That, as the Sanction of the Law teacheth, the Deed may not be censur'd from the Words, but from the Deed the Words may be consider'd. s 2.3 Let therefore all vain Surmises about our Actions be laid aside, and let them only take Place in what appears certain, but not in uncertain Matters.

And now perhaps an Accuser, who is but a bad Interpreter of Our Actions, because We have enter'd Friendship with a Man, against whom the Church, or the Vicar thereof is said to have proceeded, will be apt to say, that We do not perform the part of a Brother, or an Ally; because forsooth We are gaining to Our side such ne∣cessary Power, whereby We may defend Our Selves from the Dangers that threaten our Ruine, and may be enabled to contend for the just obtaining of Our Rights. But in the mean time such a One forgets to say, that We intend to defend Our Selves, and to strive for what is Our own; which is the real Truth of the Matter: For We are so far from opposing him, or favouring any of his Opposers, that We should rather of Our Selves, without any respect of Danger, expose Our Selves for his Honour, as becomes the Catholick Piety of Kings. Yet thus He accuses Us; when yet, as the intention of all Equity allows, the Final Cause of every Action or the Reason is to be principally attended, and from a Knowledge of the Will and Pur∣pose, there should arise a distinct and certain Knowledge of the Deed call'd in que∣stion; and as to humane Actions, only the Real Act, not the Verbal Conception ought to be weigh'd. He forgets to say, that of this Matter We only make a shield against him, who levell'd a deadly blow at Our Head: And that We have done after the Example of a Wise Physician, who by his Skill, diverts that deadly Matter, that is hastening to those Parts of the Body, where the Receptacle of Life is, to other Parts, where that very Poyson which was design'd for present Destruction, cannot be suspected. At this Our Care he Storms, Holy Father, he Storms, is uneasie, and complains, he, who sought by his subtle Devices to find Us unadvised, and unprepared: But without doubt it was more Discreet for Us, according to the Theory of War (which teaches, that he more avoids the Inconvenience of War, who carries it further off from his own Country) to go forth into another Realm, to fight against our Notorious Ene∣my, with the joynt Power of our Allies, than alone to expect him at Our own Doors. Let not therefore the Envious Information of Our Detractors find Place in the meek Mind of Your Holiness, or create any sinister Opinion of a Son, who after the Manner of his Predecessors shall always firmly persist in Amity and Obe∣dience to the Apostolick Seat. Nay, if any such Evil suggestion concerning your Son, should knock for entrance at your Holinesses Ears, let no Belief be allow'd it, till the Son, who is concerned, be heard; who trusts, and always intends both to say and to prove, that each of his Actions is just before the Tribunal of Your Holi∣ness, presiding over every Creature, which to deny is to maintain Heresie. And further this we say, adjoyning it as a further Evidence of our Intention, and greater Devotion, that if there be any One, either of our Kindred, or Allies, who walks not, as he ought, in the way of Obedience towards the Apostolick See, We in∣tend to bestow Our Diligence (and We trust to no little purpose) that leaving his Wandring Course, he may return into the Path of Duty, and walk Regularly for the future.

Again there is One thing, which by Your Holinesses leave, having heard of many, We must declare; thô the more We think of it, the more cruelly it stings Our Mind; and that is, that the Hand of Our Adversary, who notoriously Labours now, as formerly, for Our Destruction, when no Body made War against him, nor he a∣gainst

any Body but Us, was even at that time armed out of the very Patrimony of Christ. Which unkindness, that the Kings of England, Our Predecessors, those Il∣lustrious Champions of Christ, those g 2.4 DEFENDORS of the FAITH, those zealous Assertors of the Right of the Holy Roman Church, and Devout Observors of her Commands, that either They, or We, should deserve this Unkindness, We neither know, nor believe. And thô for this very Reason many do say (We say not so) that this Aiding of Our Enemy against Us, seems neither an Act of a Father, nor a Mother towards Us, but of a Step-Mother; yet notwithstanding We con∣stantly avow, that We are, and shall continue to Your Holiness, and Your Seat, a Devout and Humble Son, and not a Step-Son. Hence We hope, not without Rea∣son, that Our Humility being made Greater and Firmer by this, that it deserved not any Ill-turn from Your Fatherly Charity, will receive a more exuberant Encrease of Favour; that what it laid upon Us, who were Innocent, Your tender Compas∣sion, which at first was wanting, will now endeavour to Recompense unto Us with Goodness.

And this Account of Our Right, and of the Injuries thus multiply'd against Us, We intimate to the Preheminence of Your Sacred Dignity; that Your Holiness, who best know the Measure of Good and Just, and in whose Hands are the Keys to o∣pen and to shut the Gates of Heaven upon Earth, as the fulness of Your Power, and Excellence of Your Judicature requires, if there shall appear Reason, may favour Our Right, We being ready, not only from Your Sacred Tribunal, which is over all, but from any Body else, Humbly to receive Information of the Truth, thô contrary to Us, if any one knows it: And We, who freely submit to Reason, will embrace any other Truth, which shall be given to Us to understand, with Full and Humble acknowledgements.

But because You, ô Fathers, are superscribed in these Our Letters, who are for Your condign Merits, called to partake in the Cares and Counsels of our Lord, the Chief Bishop, and assist by his side to give the Knowledge of Sal∣vation to the People of Christ, We are willing to open these things also to Your Knowledge; that knowing the Justice of Our Cause, You may pay that Duty unto Truth, which You owe, and to which with urgent Requests We excite Your circumspect Wisdome, which is wont equally to weigh the Rights of every Man, without accepting of Persons.

And if in any thing that we have done, there shall be found any flaw, We Request herein better Advice from You, and desire to be profitably informed, being ready in all our Actions to yield to Reason.

Given at Antwerp the 16 of July, An. Dom. 1339.

III. This Letter of the Kings was shortly after thus Answer'd by the Pope, whose Name was Benedict the XII.

BENEDICT the Bishop,

h 3.1 Servant of the Servants of God, to his most Dear Son in Christ, Edward King of England, Greeting, and Apostolical Benediction: Being long since Desirous that You should follow the Commendable Footsteps of Your Progenitors, Kings of England, who were Famous for the Fulness of their Devotion, and Faith towards God, and the Holy Roman Church, and have shew'd forth the Splendour of their Nobility untainted; And wishing that these Qualities might shine more Eminently in You, thrô that Fatherly Love and Charity, where∣with We affect both You and Your Realm, We remember how We directed Our Letters to Your Highness, among other things recounting unto You, that those Ex∣cesses, which had been wickedly perpetrated with a complication of manifold and hei∣nous Offences, by the Noble Lord Lewis of Bavaria, long since, as was told You, thrô Discord Elected King of the Romans against God, and the said Roman Church, and against Pope John the XXII, Our Predecessor of Happy Memory, could not e∣scape Your Notice, which as being Notorious to the whole World, We took Care to recite in Our Letters; not all, since the Repetition thereof would have been too long and tedious, but some of them, as follows.

For the same Lewis (contrary to the Processes of our said Predecessor, and his In∣hibitions, made and had by the Advice of his Brethren the Cardinals of the same Roman Church, containing divers Spiritual and Temporal Penalties and Sentences) en∣ter'd Italy, and openly admitted into his Familiarity several Hereticks Publiquely and Notoriously condemn'd of Heresie, himself also Asserting manifest Heresies, and up∣holding and maintaining Hereticks, who openly taught the detestable, and horrid Er∣rors of the foresaid Heresies, and knowingly, or rather madly approving Heretical O∣pinions,

sent an Evidence of that his Approbation by divers Letters Sealed with his own known Seal, to the Peril of other Nations: And afterwards by a Detestable te∣merity, presum'd to Usurp unto himself the Imperial Name, and to exercise the Of∣fices of the Empire in Italy and Almaine, contrary to the Processes and Prohibitions aforesaid, incurring thereby, besides other Penalties, the Sentences of Excommunica∣tion and Anathema; And finally, adding Presumption to Presumption, and Excesses to Excesses, he doubted not to March to the City of Rome, where he brake forth to that Madness of Impiety, that designing to stir up the Mischief of a General Schism, both to the City and the World, he attempted to set up a certain Hypocrite, a Man of Devillish Presumption, Peter de Corbarils by Name, as the Image of horrid Abo∣mination in the Apostolick Seat, for Bishop of Rome. And that as much as in him lay, was by force effected; He honoured him as Pope, and then, and there upon his Consecration, or rather Execration, received de Facto the Imperial Crown; To say no∣thing of the many other Mad Proceedings, or rather Detestable Receedings by the said Lewis and Peter, done thrô Heretical Presumption: For which our said Predecessor pronounced the said Lewis to be deprived of his Power, Honour, and Dignity, and using against him (who was ensnared in the Errors of such Heresies and Schisms) the Sword of Apostolick Power, as also against all others, who should adhere unto him, or afford him Help, Counsel, or Favour, or knowingly have, hold, or call him Ro∣man King, or Emperour, He Published not only the Penalties and Sentences of Ex∣communication and Anathema; but also all other Penalties and Sentences, as against Favourers of Hereticks and Schism, and declared them to be by Law Enacted, as in divers Processes, by Our said Predecessor had, is more fully contained: As to all which Penalties, however by the said Lewis deserved, and against him by the just Sentence of the Church promulged, if being truly Penitent he had Humbly submit∣ted himself to Mercy, he might have found the said Church Gracious, and that she would have received him as the Prodigal Son, returning from far, with open Arms into her Bosom, ready to sacrifice for him, in her large Returns of Praise to God, the Fatted Calf.

Again, We added in the foresaid Letters, that althô of all the foresaid Excesses by the said Lewis committed (against the said Processes by our said Predecessor made against the said Lewis, Justice so requiring) we had and also have notice; yet that we might snatch him from out the Jaws of Eternal Death, being deliver'd from the bonds of his sins; after that we were taken up to the Heighth of the Chief Apostleship, We gratiously received his Messengers, several times sent unto Us, and had many Conferences with them about his being Reconciled, which was to be ob∣tained by his bringing forth the Fruit of true Repentance: And thereupon the matter hung to be conferr'd on further on Terms assigned; wherein certainly it was not our Fault, that there was no further Progress made in the Affair of his Recon∣ciliation.

Wherefore (most Dear Son) we then thought fit to require Your Highness by those Letters and to entreat. You, that prudently considering and calling into your most inward Meditation, the weight of those Penalties, into which they should fall, and of those Sentences, which they would incurr, and with what Dangers and Difficulties they would enwrap themselves, who to the said Lewis, so notoriously by all condemned of Heresie and Schism, so odious to all Christendom (before he had obtain'd the favour of Reconciliation from the said Church) should rashly pre∣sume to afford any Help, Counsel or Favour, or should knowingly and wittingly give unto him, as unto an Emperour, or King of the Romans, the Honour or Title of a Royal or Imperial Name, you would take care to withdraw your self, and wholly abstain from contracting Leagues of any Familiarity or Friendship with him, or ren∣dring unto him any Reverence and Honour, as unto a King or Emperour, untill the said Lewis should merit to obtain the Grace of the said Churche's Reconciliation; that so the integrity of your Good Name, and the unspotted Brightness of your Race might be preserved. But when an unwelcom and unpleasing Rumour was lately brought unto us, That You, O Son, thô you had heard our Reports and wholsom Advice, which proceeded from the Fountain of Charity, have not only presumed, to the hazard of your Safety and Reputation (which with Grief we speak) to enter a League and Confederation with the said Lewis, and to him to adhere, and to give him Favour, Help and Counsel, thô he is not yet reconciled to the Church, nor acquitted of those Penalties and Sentences, wherein, because of the Premises and many other Offences he is known to have been by our Predecessor involved; and

althô the Processes of our said Predecessor are not released, but remain yet in their full Force, whereby, as is premised, heavy both Spiritual and Temporal Penalties and Sen∣tences are inflicted upon all and singular, of whatsoever Preheminence, Dignity State or Condition, even thô they excell'd in the Pontifical, or Royal, or any other Ec∣clesiasticall or Secular Dignity whatsoever, who should adhere unto the said Lewis, or afford him, directly or indirectly, publiquely or privately, Counsel, Aid or Favour, or to him as Emperour, or King of the Romans, yield Obedience, or assign and ascribe the Stile of King or the Name Imperial: Nay, which (alas!) is known to be more pernicious and damnable (if there be any Truth in these Relations) You have de facto accepted from the said Lewis, under the Name of Empe∣rour, the Office of Vicarship thrô all Almain and Germany, and all and singular the Provinces or Parts thereof: Whereas the said Lewis is neither King nor Emperour, as is premised: On pretence whereof You are said to have commanded by your Mi∣natory Letters, and more straitly to have enjoyned on severe Penalties, several Pre∣lates of Churches, and Ecclesiastical Persons, beneficed in the Lands of the Empire, but persisting in due Devotion and Fidelity to Us and to our See, that they should appear before You, as Vicar of the said Lewis in Almain, Germany, and the Parts a∣foremention'd, to hear the Equity of his the said Lewis's Sentences and Judgments, and of your Commands, and to yield unto the said Lewis, or to You in his Name, their Recognitions and Homages for their Lands, Goods and Rights, which they hold of the Empire. Concerning You therefore, O our Son, considering the Wisdom of You and your Council, we cannot sufficiently admire, that when You (as we have heard) in order to the Recovery of those Rights, which you say belong to you, have travelled toward the Parts of Almain, not without the detriment of sun∣dry Great Persons, and the exceeding profusion of Expences, and have made many Preparations to that purpose, now at last you have despised the Processes of our said Predecessor, and damnably brought into contempt the Penalties and Sentences afore∣said, into which You have most manifestly involved your Self (if what we hear of You be true) not without most horrid Scandal, which sullies the Glory of your Fa∣mily. And all this notwithstanding, we have never offended You, nor have done a∣ny thing against You; althô we have also understood, that it hath been falsly and deceitfully suggested to you by those who neither love You, nor your Safety, nor your Honour, how we gave out of our Chamber, a great quantity of Money, to our Most Dear Son in Christ, the Illustrious King of France, in Aid of his War, and also granted unto him the Institution of all Ecclesiasticall Persons in all Churches of his Dominions, which Matters are known to be void of all manner of Truth; For such things were never demanded of Us, nor should we by any means have granted them, had they been never so instantly requested of Us; nor did we grant the Tythes to the King of France against You, but against the Germans adhering to Lewis, and Enemies to the foresaid Roman Church, who were then even ready to invade the Realm of France (as the common and known Report went) as is expresly contained in the Grant of the said Tithes. For it was not our Intention to administer fuel of Discord against You, or to help them with any Supply; but rather extreamly desiring, that both your Kingdom and the Kingdom of France should enjoy Peace and Concord, Unanimity and Prosperity, We have to that purpose by our Letters directed to your Highness, and to the said King of France, and by our Legats de Latere, Cardinals of the Holy Roman Church, sent to those Parts, with most ardent Desires travailed, and cease not yet, nor shall cease to travail, that be∣tween You and the said King, and both your Realms, the serenity and brightness of Peace may shine forth.

Yet You, O Most Dear Son, giving as it seems, credit to the foresaid false and ly∣ing Suggestions, have shew'd your Self an Enemy and Persecutor of Us and of the said Roman Church, and do invade and usurp the Honours and Rights of Us and of the said Church, (to whom the Government and Administration of the Roman Empire, it being void, as now it is known to be, do of full Right belong) by molesting the Prelates and Ecclesiasticall Persons, who persist as is premised, in due Devotion and Fidelity to Us, and by endeavouring to withdraw them to the Obedience of the said Lewis, being as is premised, sententially condemned of divers Heresies, Schisms and other Crimes; and by the just Judgment of God and the Church, deprived of all Kingly and Imperial Right (if ever any hath, or did belong unto him) to perform a Recognisance and Homage, or to You in his Name, by attempting to induce them by coactive Methods and Comminations.

But I would to God (O Son) before you involve your self any further in these most dangerous and detestable Matters, that you would seriously consider, and set before the eyes of your Mind with mature Deliberation, the hazardous Labyrinths and knotty Snares, into which some, who are more sollicitous about their own, than your Affairs, by their subtle and most exquisite Arts, endeavour to involve You, and to lay a Burthen upon you (which by all means they desire to rid themselves of) not easily supportable, if you diligently attend the Circumstances, nor without the ha∣zard of your utter Ruine.

Nor would We have you ignorant, how that our foresaid Predecessor, in a cer∣tain Constitution made formerly by him with the Advice and Counsel of his said Brethren, did promulge Excommunications and other heavy Sentences, against all and singular, of what State, Dignity or Condition soever they should be, whether Patri∣archal, or any other Superior, as Pontifical or Royal, who without the special Li∣cence of the Apostolick See, should presume to assume the Name of Vicar, or of a∣ny other Office within the Lands of the said Empire, (it being void, as then it was, and now also is void, as was premised) or being assumed to retain it beyond the space of two Months, or being laid down to reassume it any ways; If they should remain refractory, and would not obey and intend to the same.

We therefore, who toward You, O Son, could not shut up our Bowels of Fatherly Compassion, but are inwardly touch'd with Grief of Heart, seeing such things de∣vised, as tend to the detriment of You, and of your Honour and Estate, Fame and Safety, do entreat your Magnificence, require and more earnestly exhort you in the Lord, nevertheless persuading you by sound and fatherly Counsel, that taking the Premises, together with what else may occurr unto you, into serious Conside∣ration; and moreover, holding for certain, and remembring, that the said Lewis, as we premised, is neither King nor Emperour, and that nothing, which he hath done, or shall do, as long as he hath been and shall be bound by the said Processes, Pe∣nalties and Sentences, was or is valid, or of any Authority, Stress or Moment, and that it is dangerous and very much to be feared by You, to commit your Self to the uncertainties and hazards of War, especially being involved in all the foresaid Pro∣cesses, Penalties and Sentences, from which you cannot be deliver'd, but only by the Apostolick See, (which has expresly kept in her own hands the Absolution there∣from) and so becoming a Persecutor and Enemy of God and the said Roman Church: From which things the Lord of Mercies protect and defend You.

You should also consider diligently, that thô it is natural for Man to sin, yet per∣severance in Sin ought to be reckon'd Diabolical and proper to Devils, and that from these horrid Errors, to which perhaps you have declined, being seduced by the Serpents subtlety, before they grow more deadly, and stink worse and putrifie in the sight of God and Men, We desire You to hasten back, and to direct your feet in the right Way, pleasing God, and agreeable to your Condition, Safety and Honour, and ra∣ther than despise the Decrees of the said Cardinals, who sincerely love You and your Realm, to acquiesce in the mutual Reformation of Peace between You and the said King, it being a thing so pleasing to God and desirable to Men.

And surely it seems to Us, that althô the Office of the said Vicarship might now have lawfully been assigned, yet it would not become your Honour (who are such and so Great a King and Prince, and are known in the world to be ennobled with such a Royal Name and Title) to be called the Vicar of any Temporal Lord whatsoever. How much less then did it, or doth it become your Eminence, to be called his Vi∣car, who (as often aforesaid) hath no Authority at all; but is, alas! defiled with the blemish of so many Crimes, and involved in such and so many heavy Penalties and Sen∣tences, together with all his Adherents.

And now know, O most Loving Son, that if you shall acquiesce in these our wholsom Admonitions, thô You have been so moved as to fall, We will effectually reach forth our Gracious Hand (as far as by Gods Assistance we shall be able) to raise You up again: But otherwise, We cannot forbear, since the very Duty of our Apostolick Employment requires so much of Us, but take Order to provide the best Remedy, as to the Premises, by proceeding against you (which will be very trou∣blesom and ungratefull to Us) if it shall (which God forbid) be necessary, as, Ju∣stice so requiring, both ought and may be done.

Given at Avignion under the Seal of the Fisher, &c. in the i 3.2v Year of our Pon∣tificate, on the Ides of November.

CHAPTER the THIRTEENTH.

The CONTENTS.

I. King Edward summons the German Lords to meet him at Mechlin in Brabant. II. Ʋpon their Meeting the King and They send their several Defiances to King Philip. III. The Lord Walter Manny begins the War, and takes Thin l'Evesque, which he garrisons for King Edward: The Earl of Salisbury makes an Incursion into the Bishoprick of Liege. IV. The King of France's Preparations. V. The French Navy burn Southampton. VI. King Edward lays Siege to Cambray. VII. But on News of King Philips Preparations, rises and goes forth to meet him, putting all to Fire and Sword, as he goes. VIII. The two Kings face one another at Vi∣ronfosse in Cambresis: A Day appointed for Battle with the Order and Number of both Armies. IX. The true Reasons why the French declined to fight, and the sud∣den Departure of King Philip. X. King Edward returns to Antwerp, where having sent for his Son the Prince to come to him, he keeps his Christmas. XI. A Copy of the Pope's Letter to King Edward to move him to Peace. XII. King Edwards An∣swer thereto. XIII. Two notable Parliaments held at Westminster, one by the Prince before his Departure out of England, and the other by Commissioners empowered thereto by the King.

I. BEfore the Return of this Answer from the Pope, * 3.3 King Edward immedi∣ately after the Date of his own Letters, began his March to a 3.4 Ville∣nort in Brabant, where he lodged his People partly in the Town, and partly without in Tents and Pavilions, along the River side: Here he tarried from the 20^th of July till the middle of August, still expecting the Co∣ming of the Lords of the Empire his Allies, but especially of the Duke of Brabant, on whom chiefly the rest did depend, as to their resolution in this Matter. But when his Patience was almost tired with fruitless expectation, he was fain to send once more his special Summons to each of them, commanding them to come and meet with him at Mechelen, the Metropolis of Brabant, on b 3.5 St. Giles his Day following, and then and there to shew him the Cause of those ill-boding Delays. Now all this while that the King waited thus at Villenort for his Confederates, he maintain'd idly at his own Costs and Charges 1600 Men of Arms all English, and 10000 Archers of England, besides all other necessary Provisions for his Court, and beside the great Armies and Garrisons he had in other Places, and upon the Seas, and beside the vast Summs of Mony, which he had dispos'd of to the Lords his Confederates.

The French King for his part was not unpurvey'd of necessaries for Resistance; for beside his formidable Preparations in France, Normandy and Aquitain, he had set forth a Mighty Fleet of Ships, consisting of French, Normans, Bretons, Picards, and Spani∣ards; who had Orders, as soon as ever the War should be once open, and the Defi∣ances made, to land on some of the Sea-coasts of England, where they could to their best advantage, and to put all to Fire, and Sword, and Rapine. So honourable in those days were Christian Princes, as (thô they manifestly prepared against each other) not to begin open War, till they had given mutual Warning thereof.

II. On the first of September, or St. Giles his day, according to King Edward's Sum∣mons, these tardy Lords of Almain came all at last to Mechelen unto him, where they immediately enter'd upon consideration of the present Affairs: There was much Debate among them, but in the end it was resolved, that the King of England should set for∣ward within fifteen days at farthest, and to the intent their Cause should not appear unwarrantable, they all agree'd to send their particular Defiances to the French King. First the King of England, c 3.6 then the Duke of Guerles or Gueldre late Earl, and Wil∣liam Earl of Juliers late Marquess, but now advanced to higher Dignities by King Edward; d 3.7 then the Lord Robert of Artois, the Lord John of Heinalt, the Marquesses of Nuys and Blanckeberg, the Lord of Faulquemont or Valkenberg (as the Dutch call it) Sr. Arnold of Baquehen, the Archbishop of Colen, Sr. Galeace his Brother, and the

rest of the Lords of the Empire. All these had their particular and special Defiances, written, signed and sealed, excepting, of all the Confederates, the Duke of Brabant on∣ly, who said, "He would do the like by himself at his best Convenience. Henry Lord Bishop of Lincoln, was chosen to carry these Defiances into France, being attended with the Herald Windsor (who was Principal King at Arms of England in those days) These presently carried them to Paris, and there Windsor (after the Defiances were deliver'd) openly defi'd King Philip of Valois, in the Name of the King of England his Master, and then having Both performed their Business so discreetly, that they could not justly incurr any reproach or blame, thô inwardly King Philip boiled with Fury; they de∣manded and obtained a safe Conduct, and so return'd to the King their Master, who tar∣ried for them at Mechlin.

III. That very Week that the Lord Walter Manny understood for certain how the Defiances had been made, he took to him fourty Spears, e 3.8 and rode thrô Brabant Night and Day, till he came into Heinalt, and entred the Wood of Blaton: His Resolution and Design was not as yet known to any of his Followers, but those few of his Friends only, to whom he thought it necessary to Communicate his Purpose; and to these he privately confessed,

how he had promised before some great Ladies in England, to be the very first, that after the War was Proclaim'd, should enter the Confines of France, and perform some notable Exploit of Arms: That now therefore in pursuance of his Vow, he resolves for Mortagne, a Town and Fortress on the Confines of Hei∣nalt, two Leagues from Tournay, towards Valenciennes, which belonged then to King Philip; and that therefore this he would endeavour to surprise.

So having passed thrô the Wood of Blaton, he came early one Morning before Sunrise to Mortagne, where by chance he found the small Door of the Great Gate of the Town standing open: Hereupon alighting immediately from his Horse with all his Company, having appointed certain to stand still and Guard the Gate against his Return, he enter'd with all the rest, and went thrô the High-Street with his Banner before him in good close Order, till he came to the chief Tower: But here he found the Gate and the Wicket fast closed a∣gainst him. When the Watchman of the Tower heard the noise of Men of Arms, he straight sounded a Trahee, Trahee, signifying Treason thereby: At which the whole Castle took the Alarm, and presently came to their Defence. But the Lord Manny was not prepared with Engines sufficient for an Assault, only he hoped to have broke down the Gate before the Alarm might be given, which now failing of he Retreated, and set fire however to the Street adjoyning to the Castle, and so burning about 60 Houses, put the whole Town in a fright, but would not suffer his Men to scatter abroad for Murder, Spoil, or Plunder: Because the Garrison was entire.

Thence therefore taking Horse again, he rode back directly toward Conde, where they passed the River of Haysne, as he is falling into the f 3.9 Skell: Thence he took the road to Valenciennes, and coasting on the Right hand came to Avesnes, whence by the Ab∣bey he proceeded to Bouchain, which stands on the Banks of the Skell, between Cam∣bray and Valenciennes: Here he passed the River over the Bridge, the Captain either not daring, or caring, to Impeach their passage. After this he came before a strong Ca∣stle, upon the Sambre called Thin l'Evesque, because it belonged to the Bishop of Cam∣bray, not standing above g 3.10 three Leagues from Cambresis. This Place they took by sur∣prise, with the Captain and his Lady therein: And here the Lord Walter Manny pla∣ced a good Garrison, whereof he made his Brother Sr. Giles Manny the Captain, who afterwards proved but an ill Neighbour to the City of Cambray. This done Sr. Walter return'd into Brabant unto King Edward his Master, whom he found still at Mechlin, and there he shew'd what he had done, for which the King gave him Thanks and approved of his Service.

At the same time the Earl of Salisbury made an Inroad into the Bishop of Liege his Country, with a Thousand fighting Men, h 3.11 where having wasted all before him for several Miles together, he return'd safe again, laden with Spoil and Glory.

IV. l 3.12 Nor was the King of France an idle Spectator of all these Preparations and Ho∣stilities; For he must needs be well aware aforehand of a Storm, which he himself in a manner Raised, and was sufficiently, as to all humane Probability, provided against it: His Navies, Magazines and Treasures, were well furnished, his Garrisons and good Towns well stock'd with Men of War, and Provisions, and his Allies stood all ready, as in a Race, to run the same Course together with him. But as soon as ever he had re∣ceived the Defiances from King Edward and his Confederates, he immediately addresses himself to put Life and Vigour into all his former Preparations: He straight began on all hands to retain Men of Arms, and others in his Service, and first he sent the Lord

Galeas de la Bausine, a Valiant Knight of Savoy to be Captain of the City of Cam∣bray, and with him two more Couragious Gentlemen, the Lord of Roy, and Sr. Theo∣bald of Marnel, with above two Hundred Spears both French and Savoyans. At the same time he sent sufficient Forces to seise into his Hands the County of Ponthieu in Pi∣cardy, which belonged to King Edward in k 3.13 Right of his Grandmother Eleanor, sister to Alphonso, King of Castille and Leon, Daughter of Ferdinand III, and only Child by his second Wife Joan, Daughter and Heir of John Earl of Ponthieu and Provence. He di∣rected also his Letters to the young Earl of Hainault his Nephew, to the Duke of Lor∣rain, the Earl of Bar, and the Bishops of Mentz and Liege, desiring either their friendly Assistance in these his Wars, or at least, that they would remain Neuters, and forbear all Hostility against him and his Realm. The Earl of Hainalt wrote him a very courteous Answer,

That for his part, He would be always ready to Assist his Uncle the King of France, against any Person whatsoever. But forasmuch as the King of England made his War, as Vicar of the Sacred Roman Empire, he said he could not in Rea∣son, Civility, or Duty, deny him entrance into his Country, nor refuse to shew him Respect, and gratifie him in his Lawfull Demands, because he held part of his Lands of the Emperour.

Most of the other Lords answer'd to King Philip,

that they would never commit, or undertake any thing which should be to his displeasure.

Be∣sides l 3.14 he had John Earl of Luxemburgh, and King of Bohemia, whose Daughter, the La∣dy Bona, was Married to King Philip's Eldest Son, John Duke of Normandy, engag'd firmly on his side, and by his means Henry Count Palatine of the Rhine, undertook to serve him with 300 Men of Arms for 56000 Florins of Florence. In like manner he engaged Albert Bishop of Metz (then a Free City, now under France) Otho Duke of Austria, Theodore Marquess of Monferrat, Amè Earl of Geneva, Geoffry Earl of Li∣nanges, Valeran Earl of Deux-Ponts, Henry Earl of Vaudemont, John Earl of Sarburg, Prince Humbert, Son and Heir to James Humbert the Old Dauphin of Vienna, besides the Duke of Lorrain aforemention'd, and many other Lords and Captains of Almain, Spain, la Franche Comtè, Dauphinè, Savoy, and other Countries; besides the Scots, who were able to give Powerfull Diversions, and besides the Towns of Fuenterabia, or Fonta∣rabie, St. Sebastian, St. Ander and Laredor in Biscay.

V. The mean m 3.15 while Sr. Hugh Quiriel, Sr. Peter Bahuchet, and Sr. Nicolas Barbe∣noire (so called of his Black-Beard) being joynt Admirals of King Philip's Navy, and having full Commission to Intercept our Merchants, and to burn, kill, and slay in En∣gland without Pity, were scouring the Seas in several Squadrons, as they saw occasion for Advantage. Among other Particulars, One Detachment from this great Fleet, consist∣ing n 3.16 of Thirteen Sail Great and Small, met with 2 Great Ships of England, full of Riches and Money, received for Woolls in Flanders, and well Mann'd also, being ac∣companied with two lesser Barks, and one Caravel only: The two Ships were Na∣med the Christopher and the Edward. Now when each side knew their Opposites to be Enemies, they both with equal Ardour addressed themselves to the Fight: Neither side spared their shot from Engines, from their long Bowes, and Arbalists; for Guns, that are actuated with Sulphur and Fire, were not as then known in Europe. So there be∣gan a most Cruel Fight, thô not on equal Terms, the French almost thrice exceeding them in Number of Vessels, but more than four times in Number of Hands, they be∣ing all fitted up ready for War, ours being but Merchants, thô well Convoy'd. Where∣fore the three small English Vessels, being unfit for Fight, and Laden more with Mer∣chandise, than necessaries for War, made off, and escaped by their Nimble Sailing; but the Edward and the Christopher stood stiffly to their Tackling, and fought fiercely more then 9 Hours, insomuch, that on both Parts more than 600 Men were slain, before the Vi∣ctory could be decided: But in the end wearied with Labour, Wounds, and Slaughter, and opprest with Number, they were both taken, and brought into the French Havens, most of the wounded English being unmercifully thrown overboard, too base a Recom∣pence for their Great Valour. On the o 3.17 5 of October, being a Sunday, 50 Galleys of Normans, Picards, Genoans, and Spaniards, all well Mann'd and Furnish'd with Ha∣biliments for War, at 9 of the Clock in the Morning, while the People were at Church, came suddenly to Southampton, where they sacked the Town, the Inhabitants running away for fear, but they plunder'd all they could lay Hands on, and slew the poor people they met with, and ravish'd Women, and wasted the Victuals at a heavy rate. Those of the Nobler sort, whom they could light on, they hung up in their own Houses, and upon their Departure set the whole Town on Fire: But by the Break of next day, before they were half got to their Ships, Sr. John Arundel, a Valiant Gen∣tleman of Hantshire, came in upon them, being accompanied with a goodly small Band

of Choice Souldiers, and those Townsmen who had fled from the French the Day be∣fore; who thô they came too late to save their Friends, came yet soon enough to Re∣venge them, and so falling suddenly upon the Barbarous Pyrates, before they could re∣cover their Confusion, which their speedy Departure put them into, they slew no less than 300 of them upon the spot, together with a Chief Captain of theirs, the King of Sicily's Son; to whom the French King had granted, whatsoever he should Win or Conquer in England. But for all his High hopes, he was in this surprise beaten to the ground by a rough Clown, who laid about him with a Flail like a Mad-man; the Prince not being able to speak a Word of English, cry'd p 3.18 out in French, Rancon, Rancon, meaning that he desired to be taken to Ransome: But the Clown nothing understand∣ing either his Language, or his Coat-Armour, answering him "I know thou art a Fran∣con, and therefore thou shalt die, still laid on, till he had thrash'd him to Death. The rest of the Pyrates fled as fast as they could to their Ships, but the Pursuers cut many of them short, and not a few were drowned thrô their too great haste, as they confusedly endeavour'd to recover their Vessels, most of the Ships being hal'd off for fear the English should board them. After this the Townsmen of Southampton encompassed the place about with a great Wall, and q 3.19 in the Parliament (of which we shall speak in due season) the Lord Richard Talbot was appointed Captain of the Town with 20 Men of Arms, and an 100 Archers at the Kings Wages: whereby they were secur'd from the like distress for the future.

Another time Eleven r 3.20 of these French Gallies approaching to the Town of Har∣wich in Essex, cast fire among some of the Out-houses, the force whereof was so aba∣ted by reason of a strong Contrary-Wind, that no great harm was done: But the Town it self was too strong to be attempted with any probability of Success. Thus the French Navy sought Advantages along by the Sea-Coasts; once they sailed to the Isle of Wight, but here they gain'd nothing, being strongly resisted by the Inhabitants: Thence therefore they coasted about for some more easie adventure; at Hastings they burnt Fishers Cottages with their Boats, and slew many Poor Labouring Men; they also made great shows of a Design against the Isle of Thanet in Kent, and against Dover and Folkeston; but here they were able to do no great harm, except to Poor Fisher∣men. Thence sailing about to the Havens in Cornwall and Devonshire, every where they Destroyed the Fishermen and their Boats, and whatever Ships they found at An∣chor, they fired. At length they enter'd Plimouth-Haven, where they burnt some Great Ships, and a good part of the Town: But here at last they were met with by Hugh Courtney Senior, Earl of Devonshire, and old tough Souldier of Fourscore, who came upon them with the Trained Bands of his Country, and seeing at the first Brunt a few of his Men fall by reason of the French Quarrels, which they shot from far, he made his Men to close immediately, and fall to Handy stroaks with them, whereupon he soon overcame them, beating them down by Heaps, and so Chaced them eagerly to their Gallies, when being not able to reach their Fellows by wading (for they were now drawn off, and stood aloof) there were drown'd of them about 500.

About this time there s 3.21 came a Fleet of Frenchmen consisting of 20 Great Ships, 15 small Ones and 32 Gallies, riding before Sandwich-Haven; but they durst not take Land, because they saw the County-Militia ready drawn up to receive them. Thence therefore they tack'd about to Rye, where they did much Mischief; but while they were there, a Squadron of English came up with them, whereupon the French hoised Sail and fled before them, the English all the while making after them with full Sail, till they came to Bologne, where they set fire to part of the Town, and hang'd 12 Captains of the Fleet, whom among others they had taken.

VI. The News t 3.22 of these Hostilities of the French, and especially of their Success at Southampton, were brought to the King of England in Brabant, while the two Cardi∣nals, u 3.23 Pedro de Gomez of Spain, Titulo Praxedis, and Bertrand de Monte Faventio, Titulo Sanctae Mariae in Aquiro, were yet in his Presence, debating of Matters between the two Realms, and urging the King to a Peace with France; whereupon the King with Great Indignation turning to the Earl of Juliers, and other his Friends there Present, asked them

If he had not great Cause to break with France? If only to Revenge their Inhumane Butchery, and extream Cruelty to his Poor Subjects, who fell into their Hands?

At which the Cardinal Bertrand replyed in this Manner, not without a smile, betraying his Haughty Conceits,

My Lord, said he, the Realm of France is encom∣passed about with so strong a Line of Silk, that it cannot be broken by the strength of the Kingdom of England: Wherefore my Lord, ô King, you will do well to stay first for the Arrival of the Dutchmen, and others Your Friends and Confederates;

the greater Part whereof You still want, and I believe will not find them here in haste.

The King extreamly disdaining these Proud Words, immediately Answer'd,

That he would however ride forth into France with Banner displayed, and that there he would demand a View of those Invincible Frenchmen, and that He would either win that Realm against whosoever should oppose him, or honestly leave his Body in the field.

The next day He x 3.24 departed in this Resolution from Mechlin, and went on to Brussels, another Chief City of Brabant, his people passing on by the Town: Thither at last came now the long expected Aid of Almaines to the Number of 20000 strong, with their Leaders; but only the Duke of Brabant appeared not as yet. Wherefore once more King Edward sent, and demanded of him, Whether he intended to let him have his Company to the Siege of Cambray, or no? The Duke answer'd,

that as soon as he knew for certain, that Cambray was actually Besieged, he would upon his Honour come thither, with 1200 Spears, all good Men of War.

Satisfied with this, King Edward marched on five Leagues Farther, till he came to Nivelle, a Town near the Borders of Hainault, where he lay one Night, and the next day went to Mons, a chief Town in Hainault, and of great strength; and there he found the young Earl of Hai∣nault, his Brother-in-Law, who received him gladly. The King was attended by the Lord Robert of Artois, who was of his Privy Council, and always about him, with a∣bout 16 or 20 more of the most Noble Barons of England, who still waited on the King both for the Honour of his Person, and to be ready to advise with him about any sudden Emergency: Together with whom was Doctor Henry Burwash, Brother to the Lord Bartholomew Burwash, Senior, and Lord Bishop of Lincoln, who purchased much Praise of all Men, for the great Wisdom, Conduct, and Courage he at all times shew'd, but especially in these Grand Affairs of the King his Master. The Army lay without the Town in the Fields and Villages thereabout, where they found plenty of Provision of all sorts for their Money; thô as some paid truly, others made bold to do otherwise: It being next to Impossible, absolutely to restrain a whole Army from all kind of Licence. When the King had tarried thus at Mons the space of two Days, he went thence ac∣companied with the young Earl to Valenciennes, which was seven Leagues further, standing on the Skell: And here he met with the Lord John of Hainault, the Earls Uncle; the Lord Faginelles, the Lord Verchin, the Lord of Havreth, and others, who were about the Earl their Master. The King to shew his Generous Confidence in the Earl, went into the Town only attended with twelve more of his Nobles; the King and the Earl his Brother-in-Law, y 3.25 going hand in hand thrô the Court of the great Hall of his Palace, which is called La Salle du Comte. But as they were going up the Stairs of the Hall, the Bishop of Lincoln Proclaimed aloud these Words—

O Yes, William Bishop of Cambray, I Henry Bishop of Lincoln, as Procurator to the Mighty Lord Edward King of England, Vicar of the Sacred Empire of Rome, do here Warn and Admonish You the said William, that You open the Gates of the City of Cambray to Our said Lord the King of England: Which if You refuse to do, You shall forfeit Your Lands, and We will enter by force.

To this Proclamation no Answer was gi∣ven, for the Bishop of Cambray was not there Present, but in the City of Cambray it self, looking to the Defence thereof. Then the Bishop of Lincoln Proclaim'd again—

O Yes, You Lord William Earl of Hainault, We here Warn and Admonish You in the Name of the Emperour, that You come and serve the King of England his Vi∣car, before the City of Cambray, with such a Number of Souldiers as You ought to do.

The Earl answer'd,

With all my Heart, I am ready to serve him, according to my Duty.

Upon these Words, they enter'd into the Hall, after which the Earl Led the King into his Chamber, where they supp'd together. The next day the King departed to Haspre upon the Salle, where he tarried two days, viewing his Men as they passed onward before him, and thence he went to Cambray, which immediately he began to invest round, and daily his Forces encreased. For thither came the young Earl of Hainault, and John Lord of Beaumont his Uncle in Great array: These had their Quarters Assign'd them near the King; there were there also the Duke of Gueldre and his Men, the Earl of Juliers, the Earl of Mons, the Earl of Savenier, the Marquess of Nuys, the Lord of Faulquemont, Sr. Arnold of Baquehen, with other Lords of the Em∣pire, Allies of England. And now at last, the sixth day after the Siege was laid, came thither the Cautious Duke of Brabant with 900 Spears in his Company, and he took up his Station on the side towards Ostervandt, on the River Skell, over which he flung a Bridge, to maintain Communication between the Hosts for their mutual security. As soon as he was come, he also sent his Defiance to the French King, who was then at

Compiegne in Valois, whereat his Resident Sr. Lewis of Travemund, who had always confidently affirmed that his Lord meant nothing less, was so ashamed and confound∣ed, that he would never after that return into Brabant, but died in France of sorrow and vexation.

During this Siege, there were many Skirmishes and Rencounters; for the Town was well replenished with good Men of War, the Bishop z 3.26 having lately received into the Walls John Duke of Normandy; King Philips Son, with 500 Men of Arms, besides the ordinary Garrison and the Forces sent thither before, upon the Defiances of King Edward and his Allies. And many times there went forth from the Army strong De∣tachments to fetch in Provision, or to seek for Adventures abroad; among whom the Lord John of Hainault, and the Lord of Faulquemont, with their Men, rode constant∣ly together as Companions in Arms, and burnt and wasted greatly the Country of Cambresis. One day among others the two foresaid Lords with 500 Spears and a 1000 other Souldiers in their Company, went and presented themselves before the Castle of Oisy in Cambresis, which belonged at that time to the Lord of Coucy, and made there a very vigorous Assault: But the Besieged defended themselves so well, that they received little or no Disadvantage; so that the Lords were fain to return again without obtaining their purpose.

But the Assaults that were given to the City of Cambray it self were surely both many and very fierce, thô not much more successfull: Once especially the young Earl of Hainault, with some Troops of English mixt with his own Men, on a Saturday, gave a terrible Assault at the Gate of Cambray, that looks towards St. Quintins; there was a young lusty English Esquire of honourable Parentage, called John Chandos, who af∣terwards became a great Lord and a Noble Captain, of whose rare Valour and wise Conduct this our History will produce many famous Instances. This valiant Esquire cast himself first of any between the Barriers and the Gate, where he was presently ta∣ken up by an Esquire of Vermandois, called John of St. Dizier; and so between these two there were performed many notable Feats of Arms, that it was a gallant sight to behold them, till new-comers on both sides parted them: For John Chandos was so well follow'd by others both English and Hainalders, that the Barriers were clearly won by force, the Earl himself being now entred, with his Marshals, Sr. Gerard of Verchin and Sr. Henry Dantoigne and others, who adventur'd their Bodies couragiously to crown their Names with Immortality. At another Gate called the Gate Robert, the mean while fought Sr. John of Hainault the Earls Uncle, with the Lord of Faulquemont, the Lord of Engien, and the Lord Walter Manny and their Companies, who maintained a fierce and honourable Assault: But Cambray was not to be won easily, the French King had so well furnished the Place with valiant Knights and Esquires, who delighted in Arms, and defended themselves and the City so bravely, that the Assailants got nothing that day but dry Blows, and at last returned to their Lodgings weary and well beaten. For the Duke of Normandy's Presence, and the hopes of a speedy Relief from the King his Father, was an invincible Bulwark to them against Despair, and the Bishop of Cam∣bray preached well to the Souldiers chiefly for his own Sake: For he was the first Oc∣casion of betraying the City to King Philip in hate to the Emperour, who was excom∣municate by the Pope. To this Siege came John the young Earl of Namur at the Earl of Heinalts desire, to serve the King of England: But he at his first coming declared,

That he would use his Utmost endeavours in the King of Englands Service, while he should continue within the bounds of the Empire, but as soon as ever he should en∣ter the Realm of France, he said he must take his leave of him, and go to the Ser∣vice of the French King, who had retained him before.

Of the same Resolution was the Earl of Hainalt, for he had privately commanded his Captains on pain of Death, that none of them should presume to act any thing of Hostility within the French Pale.

VII. While thus the King of England held Siege before Cambray with 40000 Men of Arms, besides Archers and Footmen, and hardly pressed the Besieged with continual Assaults, King Philip made his General Rendezvous at Perone in Vermandois a Tract of Picardy, 5 leagues from Cambray, and news came daily to the Camp of his great Preparations to raise the Siege. King Edward hereupon consulted with the Lord Robert of Artois, in whom he reposed an entire Confidence, demanding of him, whether it were better to March forward toward Perone, and bravely meet his Adversary in his own Realm, or still to lie before Cambray till he should win it by Force. He, as he was a Person of rare Wisdom, concurred with the Lords of England in this Opinion,

That since the City was strong and well furnished with Warriers, Victuals and Ammuniti∣on,

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so that it would require much time to constrain it, and that they were not sure to win it at last, since especially the Winter season drew on apace, and they as yet had done nothing worthy the Fame of so gallant an Army, but lay in a man∣ner idle at much Charge and Expence: Upon these Reasons they judg'd it best for his Majesty, to leave an uncertain and unprofitable Siege, and to set forward into the Realm of France, where they might find more Forage, and plenty of all things, and in all likelihood presently obtain a Battle.

This Advice prevailing, the Army was order'd to rise from before Cambray, and to follow the Marshals Banners: Then their Tents and Pavilions, and all manner of Harness being truss'd up, they departed thence in good order toward Mount St. Martin on the Borders of France: The Mar∣shals of the English Army were William Bohun Earl of Northampton, and Hugh Au∣dely Earl of Glocester, with Robert Hufford Earl of Suffolk; the Lord High-Consta∣ble was Thomas Beauchamp Earl of Warwick; and thus they all passed the River of Skell on a 3.27 St. Matthews day, at their ease, the whole Country of Cambresis being destroy∣ed as they went along, with Fire. But when the Earl of Hainault had accompanied the King of England as far as the Empires Bounds reached that way, and that he should pass the River and enter the Realm of France, he then took leave of the King his Bro∣ther-in-Law, saying,

He would ride no further with him at that time, for King Phi∣lip his Uncle had sent for him, and he would not incurr his Displeasure, but inten∣ded now to serve him in France, as he had done to King Edward in the Empire.

So he and the Earl of Namur with their Men rode back to Quesnoy in Hainalt, at which place the Earl for the present dismist most of his Men, commanding them to be ready when he should send for them; for he said, that shortly he design'd to go and help his Uncle King Philip: But the Dukes of Brabant and Gueldre, and the other Ger∣man Lords with all their Troops went over the River with King Edward; as did also the Lord John of Heinalt and his Brigade, by the express Leave of the Earl his Nephew.

As soon as the Army was got over the great River of Skell into the Realm of France, b 3.28 among many others, whom King Edward Knighted at that time, one whereof was John Chandos aforesaid, he called unto him a young lusty Esquire, a Native of Brabant, whose right Name was Henry Eam, thô commonly called Henry of Flanders; and there presently he Dubbed him Knight, assigning him at the same time for his better main∣tenance 200 l. Sterling per annum, to be raised of certain Lands in England. This Gentleman was of great Nobility and Valour, but above all of singular Loyalty to King Edward, and of extraordinary strength of Body, and of a promising Aspect; whereby he purchased such esteem from this King, who was a wonderfull Judge of mens Persons, that he was afterwards by him chosen to be one of the First Founders of the most Noble Order of the Garter. But in this our History he shall go by the Name of Sr. Henry of Flanders, that being his more usual Title in Froisard, his Name of Eam or Esme, seldom occurring: Which gave occasion to the learned Esquire Ashmole to say, that he could meet with little or nothing relating to him, whereas we shall find fre∣quent mention of his Honourable Actions under the foresaid Title, but indeed nothing under his true Name of Eam. Thô 'tis worth our Observation, that as here Froisard says truly, how he was now first made a Knight by the King of England with a Grant of 200 l. per annum; so we shall find, that he was again Knighted by the Prince of Wales his own Hands, with an Allowance from him of an 100 Marks per annum more, as will fully appear from an Instrument made unto him c 3.29 eight Years after this by the Prince himself, and two Years after confirmed by the King: Thô the second Knighthood was as I suppose, that he was then made Banneret. After this King Edward marched forward, till he came to the Abby of St. Martin, where he tarried two Days, his People lying a∣broad in the Country, where they made great Havock of all things, and the Duke of Brabant was lodged in another Abby hard by.

The King of France being d 3.30 still at Compeigne a City of Valois, when he heard of King Edwards approach towards him, enforced his Summons, and presently dispatch'd away the Lord Ralph Earl of Ewe and of Guisnes, his Constable, to St. Quintin, a chief City of Picardy, to keep the Town and Frontiers there against his Enemies; the Lord William de Coucy he sent to defend his own Lands, and the Lord of Hesdin unto his, besides many other Men of Arms, which he sent to Guise and to Ribemont, to Bethune and the Fortresses joyning to the Frontiers: He for his part went for Pe∣rone, intending there to make his general Rendezvous.

Now while King Edward lay at the Abby of Mount St. Martin, his Men overran all the Country as far as Bapaume, and almost to Perone it self, and to St. Quintin:

They found the Country rich and plentifull; for it had seen no War of many years. It chanced among many other Adventures too long to be rehearsed, that the young Sr. Henry of Flanders, being desirous to behave himself worthy of the Knighthood he had lately received, together with other Knights, whose chief Leader was the Lord John of Hainalt, and in his Company his Friend the Lord Faulquemont, the Lord of Begues, the Lord of Landrecy, the Lord of Lens and divers Others, the whole amoun∣ting to 500 Men of Arms; these altogether took notice of a Town thereabouts, call'd Hondecourt, wherein many of the Country People were gather'd together in trust of the Strength of the Place, and had thither convey'd all their best Moveables. Sr. Arnold of Baquehen, and Sr William of Dunnort with their Men had well view'd the Place before, and had given it o're, as not hoping to do any good there: For the Captain of the Place was an Abbot of great Wisdom, Strength and Valour, and he had caused to be set overthwart the street without the Town strong Barriers of Timber in manner of a Grate, every Bar being about half a foot thick and near a foot distant from each other: Within which were great quantities of Stones, Quick-lime, and o∣ther Ammunition, and sufficient numbers of good hardy Souldiers to defend the Place, But when the foresaid Lords came thither, they alighted from their Horses and came boldly on foot to the Barriers with their Swords in their Hands, where they made a brave Assault, and were as resolutely received by them that were within. There stood the Abbot himself arm'd at all points, who gave and took many a shrew'd Blow that day; and they within cast out stones, pieces of Timber, Pots full of burning Lime, Pitch and Tarr; wherewith they hurt many of the Assailants: But Sr. Henry of Flan∣ders was still close at the Barriers foyning and striking lustily with his good Sword, till the Abbot with his Gauntlets took hold of his sword in both his hands so forci∣bly, that at last he laid hold on Sr. Henry's Arm, and drew it to him thrô the Barriers up to the shoulder; nor is it to be doubted, but he had drawn Sr. Henry's Body thrô had the space been wide enough; he was of so great strength. Yet for all this Sr. Henry would not let go his Sword, thô to save his Life, which he valued not equally with his Ho∣nour: But at the same time the other Knights and Esquires that were next him, laid all at once at the Abbot, so that by long contending at last they rescued Sr. Henry, but the Sword was left behind:

Which Sword, says Sr. John Froisard, as I passed that way sometime after, the Monks of the Abby shew'd me as a Rarity, in memory of so va∣liant an Abbot.

This Assault endured thus till Night, and many were slain and hurt on both sides, especially a Knight of Holland belonging to the Lord John of Hainault, whose name was Min Heer van Herment; he among Others was slain and many were wounded grievously: After all therefore, when the Flemish, Heinalders, English and Almains, saw the great Obstinacy and Resolution of those that were within, and how they were like to get nothing there but what would cost them very dear, they with∣drew from the Assault toward night and returned to the Camp.

Now on Monday the 4 of October, * 3.31 at the instant request of the Duke of Brabant to admit of a Treaty of Peace with France, at Mount St. Martin e 3.32 the King grants un∣to the said Duke Power in his Name, to give safe Conduct to such Persons as he should think fit, to come on the French Kings Behalf, and meet with his Commissioners at a∣ny Place within two or three Leagues from his Camp, to treat of Peace; the same Power to continue till the Friday following, being the 8 of October, and all that day; but nothing to purpose being then effected, I shall pass this matter by.

While King Edward lay here (among Others, whom he advanced to divers Ho∣nours, as well Foreigners as English) conceiving f 3.33 a great Hope from the forward Youth, Strength, Air and Beauty of Sr. Lawrence Hastings, a noble Baron of this Realm, at that time but just arrived to full Age; he resolved to spurr on his promi∣sing Vertue by the incentives of Honour: Wherefore considering, that he was descen∣ded from the Lady Isabella, Eldest Sister, and at last Coheir with Emery de Valence Earl of Pembroke, he declared and by Charter constituted him Earl of Pembroke, with the Prerogative and Honour of a Count-Palatine, as appears by the Letters Patents, bear∣ing Date apud Montem Martini, 13^o Octob. Anno Regni 13. Anno Domini 1339.

The * 3.34 next Morning King Edward went from Mount St. Martin, commanding on pain of Death, as well in piety towards God, as in gratitude to the Monks his Hosts, that no man should presume to do any harm or injury to the Abby. Then they entred Vermandois, and that day took up their Quarters betimes on the Mount of St. Quin∣tin in good Order of Battle. The Men of War and others in St. Quintins might ea∣sily discern their Banners; but they had no great desire to disturb them. They thought it sufficient if they might preserve themselves: So that thô the Van-currours of the

English Host came riding up to the Barriers to skirmish, none yet came out against them. The next day the Lords of the Kings Council debated which way they should proceed, and by advice of the Duke of Brabant they resolv'd for la Tierasche; be∣cause that way their Provision came in most plentifully: And if King Philip followed them, as they thought he would most certainly do, then they were determin'd to expect him in the plain Fields, and there to give him Battle.

Thus they marched forward in three Great Battalia's, the English Marshals and the Germans made up the First, the King of England led the Main, and the Duke of Bra∣bant brought up the Reer: In this Order they rode forth burning and wasting the Coun∣try for three or four Leagues a day, but always they took up their Lodgings betimes. One Brigade of English and Germans passed the River of Somme by the Abby of Ver∣mand, and wasted and overran the Country all above: Another under the Lord John of Hainault, the Lord of Faulquemont, and Sr. Arnold of Baquehen rode to Origny St Bennet, a good Town and a rich, but it was not greatly fortified; so that it was pre∣sently taken by Assault and Plunder'd, an Abby of Nuns being violated and the Town it self fired. Then the Army proceeded toward Guise and Ribemont, but the King lodged at Vehortes and staid there one day, while his Men overran and destroy'd the Country all about. The next Day the King took the way to la Flemenguere to go to Lesche in Tierasche, and the Marshals and the Bishop of Lincoln with 500 Spears pas∣sed the River of Oyse and entred into Laonnois, toward the Lands of the Lord Willi∣am of Coucy, where they destroy'd St. Gawen and the Town of Marle with Fire. At night they lodged in the Valley beside Laon, and the next Day they drew again to the main Host; For they had found by examination of their Prisoners, that the French King was come to St. Quintins with an Hundred Thousand Men, and intended there to pass the Somme, and follow King Edward to fight him. But in the return to the Army they fired a great Town called Cressy sur Serre, with many other Towns and Hamlets there∣about. As for the Lord John of Hainault and his Company, who were 500 Spears, they went to Guise, where they burnt the Town and beat down the Mills: And thô Sr. John found within the Fortress his own Daughter, the Lady Jane Wife to Lewis Earl of Blois, who begg'd of him to spare the Inheritance of his Son-in-Law, the Earl her Husband; yet for all that he proceeded in what he had begun, and utterly de∣stroy'd all but the Fortress, and then returned to the King, whom he found at the Abby of Sarnaques, and still his Men rode about to fetch in Prey for the Army, and to spoil the Enemies Country. Among others the Lord of Falquemont with an hundred Spears, went to Plommion, a considerable Town in Tierasche, which he found empty; for the Inhabitants were fled into a great Wood, having carried all their Goods with them, and had fortified themselves in the Wood by felling of Trees round about them. The Al∣mains having first set fire to the Town, rode thither and beheld their manner of De∣fence; but here they met with Sr. Arnold Baquehen and his Company, who joyning together assayled them there in the Wood: The Townsmen defended themselves to their power, but these were Men of War, and by removing the Timber on one hand, and offering to set it on fire on the other, presently drove them to flight, having in the Medly slain and grievously wounded little more than 40 or 50 of them, but all that ever they had was left behind, a prey to the Conquerour: Thus on all hands was the Country overran; for they did what they pleased, and as yet found no manner of im∣peachment, g 3.35 thô they had burnt near a 1000 Towns and Villages.

When this Havock began to be made in France, on h 3.36 St. Matthew's Festival at night, the Lord Geoffry Scroop Lord Chief Justice of England, led the Cardinal Bernard de Monte Faventio, who had so boldly insulted to King Edward of the strength of France, up into an high Tower, shewing him the Frontiers of that Kingdom, where for about 14 or 15 leagues together, it seem'd as if all the Country was on a light fire: Where∣upon Sr. Geoffry said to the Cardinal,

My Lord, what thinketh your Eminence now? Doth not this Silken Line, wherewith you say France is encompassed, seem to you in great danger of being crack'd, if not broken?

The Cardinal was so amaz'd, that he answer'd nothing, but fell down as Dead for sorrow and fear.

About this time there was i 3.37 brought to King Edward in his Camp a Letter from the Pope, bearing Date from Avignon the iv. of the Ides of Octob. Anno Pontificatus v^to, the Substance whereof was, to let him know the great Propensity of the Roman See to his Person and Welfare; the Edicts and Sentences set forth against Lewis of Bavaria, and how assiduously he had sought to reduce him to the Bosom of the Church; and ad∣vising him not any longer to cleave or adhere unto Him or his Interest, till he should be reconciled to the Church; because of those heavy Penalties, which were denounced

against. Him and his Adherents, into which himself was thereby plunged: That Lewis was not really Emperour, nor any of his Actions valid, or done by Imperial Authori∣ty; that he moved War unjustly against the Bishop and People of Cambray, to which he then laid Siege; that therefore he must not suffer these things in silence, but un∣less he would reform himself and forbear those Courses, he should be obliged, thô un∣willing to proceed against him, according to the extent of his Apostolick Power. By that time this Letter was received, King Edward had, as we shew'd, rais'd his Siege from before Cambray, and was now enter'd into the French Pale with Fire and Sword.

VIII. In this manner King Edward passed through France for about the space of 5 Weeks, and he so scoured the Country with his Armies, that in a manner all the Lands of k 3.38 Cambresis, Vermandois, Tierasche and Laonnois, and other Parts of Picardy and Artois, were wholly wasted, except those Cities which were sworn to him, with Church∣es and Monasteries, which he spared for Devotion, or Castles, which were too strong∣ly fortified. The Inhabitants of the Country fled on all hands, nor was there any that offer'd to resist him: Thô the French King had gather'd several great Armies, some being dispersed about in Walled Towns, and he himself with the residue of his Standing Forces lying now in and about the strong City of St. Quintin. After this King Edward went from Sarnaques to Morevil, where he tarried one Night only; the next Day he reached la Flamenguere, where he lodged his Men all close about him, l 3.39 being in number more than Fourty Thousand strong: And here it was resolved in Council, that King Ed∣ward should abide his Adversary and give him Battle. King Philip on the other hand being removed from St. Quintin with all his Army was gone to Vironfosse in Cambre∣sis, where he tarried (his Forces dayly encreasing) and protested,

That he would not stir thence, till he had fought with the King of England and his Allies, since they were now within two Leagues one of another.

When the young Earl of Hainault who was still at Quesnoy, ready provided with Men of War, understood that the French King his Uncle, was with an Army Royal at Vironfosse, resolved to give battle to the English, he rode directly thither with 500 Spears, and presented his Service to King Philip. But he might even as well have stay'd away, for the Thanks that he had now, or the Reward that he found after: For King Philip was in his heart extreamly disgusted at him, because he came but lately from the Service of his Adversary the King of England, with whom he had been du∣ring the Siege of Cambray. But the Earl excused himself so discreetly, saying,

That what he did then was of meer necessity, because he was bound to serve the Empe∣rour or his Deputy within the Bounds of the Empire; but what he did now, was of his meer Choice, and therefore ought to be taken as a token of his Good-will;

so that at last the King and his Council either was, or seem'd to be content: And so the Marshals of France order'd him his Station, which, either in spight or policy, they appointed in the Main Battle, thereby to fight against King Edward his Brother-in-Law.

Thus these two Puissant Monarchs, lay both with their goodly Armies in the plain Fields between Vironfosse and Flemenguere, within two Leagues one of another: But as yet neither Army advanced. King Edward therefore advising with his Lords in a Council of War, asked them what they thought best to do; for he said, that his Intenti∣on was to fight it out without any more delay. Then the Lords beheld each other, and at last desired the Duke of Brabant first to open his Mind: He like a Gallant Soul∣dier presently advis'd to fight;

for otherwise said he, we cannot part without some Blemish upon our Honour: Wherefore I would counsel you to send Heralds to King Philip to demand of him a Day of Battle.

Accordingly an Herald of the Duke of Gueldre's, being well-skill'd in the French Tongue, was sent on this Errant; he rode forth till he came to the French Host, where being admitted before the King and his Council, he spake aloud these Words,

Sir, the King of England is here hard by in the Fields, and desires to fight you Power against Power: And if you please to ap∣point him a Day, he will not fail to meet You upon the Word of a King.

* 3.40 This Message being thus deliver'd on a Wednesday the 20 of October, King Philip yielded either to give or take Battle two Days after, to wit, on the Friday ensuing; and in token of his acceptance of the News, richly rewarded the Herald with Furred Gowns and other Gifts bestow'd on him, as well by himself, as other the Princes and Lords of his Host, and so dismissed him again. Thus was the Day of Battle agreed on, all the Lords and Captains on both Sides being informed thereof, and commanded to be rea∣dy accordingly.

On the Thursday Morning, being the 21 of October, two Knights belonging to the

Earl of Hainault, the one the Lord of Faginelles, and the other the Lord of Tupenay, Mounting their Horses, rode forth together without any other Company from the French Host, with a Design to view the English Army. So they rode along coasting from far the English Camp, till upon their approach almost within shot of the first Battail, the Lord of Faginelles Horse chanced to take the Bridle in his Mouth so strongly, that his Master could not rule him: Wherefore much against his Will he was carried by the Horse into the English Army, among the Lords of Almaine, who well saw he was not of their side, and so took him Prisoner. He and his Horse were taken by five or six Gentlemen of Almaine, who straight began to examine him, in order to appoint him his Ransom. And when they understood he was of Hainault, they asked him if he had any acquaintance with the Lord John of Hainault, he answer'd, yes; and desi∣red them for Godsake to carry him into his Presence; for he said he knew well that he would acquit him of his Ransom. The Almains did not care how soon their Money came, wherefore they willingly carried him before the Lord of Beaumont, who knew him presently, and bought him of his Masters. Thus was the Lord of Faginelles easi∣ly redeemed, having his Horse also restored unto him at the Request of the Lord Beaumont, Sr. John of Hainault. No other Adventure worth our Notice happen'd that day.

On the Fryday early in the Morning, m 3.41 both Armies prepared for Battle, and every Lord heard Mass among his own Men; making their Confessions, and obtaining Absolution. The English drew forth in the Field, all ranged in three Battails on Foot; their Horses and Baggage being put aside in a little Wood behind them, which they had fortifi'd. Their first Battail was led by the Duke of Gueldre, the Marquess of Nuys, the Mar∣quess of Blankeberg, the Lord John of Hainault, the Earl of Mons, the Earl of Save∣nier, the Lord of Valkenberg, Sr. William du Fort, Sr. Arnold of Baquehen, the whole Body consisting for the most part of Almains, (except 4000 English) to the Number of 8000, in all 12000 Fighting Men, ranged orderly under twenty two Banners, and sixty Penons, or Streamers. The second Battail (which in the March was the last) the Duke of Brabant brought up, accompanied with many Lords and Knights of his own Country, as the Lord of Kuck, the Lord of Bergen op Zoom; the Lord of Breda, the Lord of Rhodes, the Lord of Bosleduc, the Lord of Burgivalle, the Lord of Stone∣nort, the Lord of Wenden, the Lord of Elka, the Lord of Cassuben, and Sr. John of Cassuben his Brother, the Lord of Duysburg, Sr. Thierry of Walcourt, Sr. Ralph van Gratz, Sr. John Iliffe, Sr. Giles of Krainburg, Sr. Walter of Horburg, the three Bre∣thren of Harlingen, Sr. Henry Eam, commonly call'd Sr. Henry of Flanders, and divers other Barons and Knights of Germany, who were all under the Duke of Brabants Ban∣ner that day, as the Lord of Hailbrun, the Lord of Guiten, Sr. Hector Vilain, Sr. John of Rhodes, Sr. William of Strasburg, Sr. Goswin de la Mulhausen, Sr. Vauflart van Guistle, and many others: In all, the Duke of Brabant had 12000 Men under 24 Banners, and 80 Penons, or Streamers. The third and Greatest Battail of all was led by King Edward of England, surrounded and attended by his English Captains, the Chief whereof were these, Henry Plantagenet Earl of Derby, the Kings Cosin; Henry Burwash, the Noble and n 3.42 Warlike Bishop of Lincoln, Richard Bury Bishop of Dur∣ham, the Kings Tutor, William Montagu Earl of Salisbury, William Bohun, Earl of Northampton, Hugh Audley Earl of Glocester, Robert Hufford Earl of Suffolk, the Lord Robert of Artois, who was called the Earl of Richmond at that time (because the Duke of Bretagne for being on the French Kings part, had lately forfeited that Title) the Lord Reginald Cobham, the Lord Henry Percy, the Lord William Roos, the Lord John Moubray, the Lord Ralph Stafford, the Lord John de la Ware, the Lord Ralph Basset, the Lord Walter Manny, the Lord Nicolas Cantilupe, the Lord John Tibetot, or Tip∣tot, the Lord Fulk Fitz-Warine, the Lord John Lisle, the Lord Robert Benhale of Nor∣folk, Sr. Otho Grandison, Brother to the Lord Peter Grandison, Sr. Lewis Beauchamp, and Sr. John Beauchamp, which latter was younger Brother to the Earl of Warwick; and lastly, Sr. John Chandos, lately Knighted by the King, of whom much Honour is to be spoken in this our History. The King had with him in all, besides his Royal Standard, 28 Banners, 80 Penons, or Streamers, 6000 Men of Arms, Knights, and Esquires, and 12000 Select Archers. Besides he had set by another Choice Battail, as on a Wing, whereof the Earl of Warwick, Thomas Beauchamp was Chief Leader, and with him were Lawrence Hastings the young Earl of Pembroke, the Lord Thomas Bark∣ley, the Lord John Multon of Egremont, and others: This Battail consisted of 5000 Men of Arms, all on Horseback. When thus every Lord stood under his Banner among his own Men, as the Marshals had Commanded, the King of England Mounted on a large

White Palfrey, and only attended with the Lord Robert of Artois, the Lord Reginald Cobham, and the Lord Walter Manny rode about before all his Battails, and in the Head of each of them, with a very cheerfull Countenance, sweetly desired all the Lords, and o∣thers, "that they would that day do their utmost to defend his Honour, and their own; and they all unanimously promised him so to do. After this he returned to his own Battail, and set every thing in good Order, Commanding that none should presume to go before the Marshals Banners.

In the mean while the French o 3.43 Army was in like Manner disposed into Three Great Battails, each whereof contained 15000 Men of Arms, and 20000 on Foot, in all 35000 Men; the whole Three amounting to 105000 Warriers: Among whom were Four Kings, five Dukes, Twenty six (or as p 3.44 others say, Thirty six) Earls, more than Four Thousand Lords and Knights, and above 60000 of the Commons of France. The Kings that were there, were Philip himself, King of France, John of Luxemburg King of Bohemia, Charles King of Navarre, and David King of Scotland; The Dukes were John Duke of Normandy, King Philips Eldest Son, John Dreux Duke of Bretagne, Lewis the Great Duke of Bourbon, Reginald Duke of Lorrain, Walter de Brenne Duke of Athens: The Earls, Charles Earl of Alencon King Philips Brother, Lewis of Cressy Earl of Flanders, William Earl of Hainault, Gaston Phaebus Earl of Foix, John Earl of Armagnac, Amè Earl of Geneva, Amè Earl of Savoy, Lewis Earl of Blois, the Earl of Forestes, the Earl of Bar, the Earl Dauphin of Auvergne, the Earl of Longeville, the Earl of Estampes, the Earl of Vendosme, the Earl of Harcourt, the Earl of St. Pol, the Earl of Guisnes, the Earl of Boulogne, the Earl of Roussy, the Earl of Dampmartin, the Earl of Valentinois, the Earl of Auxerre, the Earl of Sancerre, the Earl of Dreux, the Earl of Gascoigne, the Earl of Languedoc, and many more Vicounts and others, too tedious to enumerate.

It was a Glorious and Ravishing sight no doubt, to behold these two Armies standing thus Regularly embattel'd in the Field, their Banners and Standards waving in the Wind; their proud Horses barbed, and Kings, Lords, Knights, and Esquires richly Armed, and all shining in their Surcoats of Sattin and Embroidery.

IX. And now it may be justly expected, that a Bloody Battle should ensue upon these vast Preparations of these two Puissant Monarchs: But we shall see all come to no∣thing, upon these Reasons, which now I shall more distinctly set down. King Philip of Valois was, no doubt, a Man of singular Courage, and as the Sequel shew'd, rather too Rash, than Timerous. He had all along answer'd the English Ambassadors, when they offer'd Peace upon easie Conditions; q 3.45

that the King their Master should never Re∣joyce of two Foot of Ground in all the Realm of France: And had often sworn by his Messengers, that King Edward should not tarry one Day in his Realm without Battle, let him come when ever he would.

The r 3.46 Constable of France also, by Command of the King his Master, had sent Letters to King Edward, containing among other things, that if he would choose out a Place not Fortified with Trees, Ditches, or Bogs, the King of France without fail would afford him Battle: Which same thing was also affirmed by the King of Bohemia, and the Duke of Lorrain in their several Let∣ters under their Hands and Seals; beside King Philips late Promise to Windsor Herald, whereby he Obliged himself to come and give him Battle on this Day, sufficiently shew'd his Resolution. But s 3.47 all the Lords of his Council were not of the same Mind: For thô some urged,

that it would be an indelible Stain of dishonour, if now they should decline to come to the push, seeing their Enemies were so near them in their own Country, and had both demanded, and been promised Battle:

Yet others of deeper Judgement replyed;

That it would be the most Unwarrantable Indiscretion in the World, to Commit all to the Hazard of One Engagement: For (said they) if Fortune prove adverse to Us, Our King is in Jeopardy of loosing his Crown; and thô he should Conquer his Enemies, yet will he never be the nearer to gain the Crown of England, or the Lands of any of King Edwards Allies. Beside (which gave the Greatest Suspicion to King Philip) who knows, said they, whether all your Subjects are firm to You or no; and that no Lords here present may Prefer King Edward, or Revolt to him, as the Lord of Artoic hath done already?

With these Debates time slipt away, till Afternoon: When of a sudden there t 3.48 started an Hare near the French∣men, whereat those that saw her, rais'd a Loud shouting; so that the Hindermost thought thereby, that the Armies were now upon the Point of Engaging; Wherefore hastily they clap'd on their Helmets, and took their Spears in their Hands, and (after the Manner to Encourage their Men to the Battle) many New Knights were thereupon made, especially Fourteen were then Created by the Earl of Hainault, who were after∣ward

in Derision called Knights of the Hare: And some have made more Abusive Ob∣servations thereupon.

But all this while both the Armies stood still; King Edward, because he was unequal in Number, and had beside a Promise to have Battle, presented unto him, if he would abide in the open Field; and also, because he could never imagine, that so Glorious an Army with Four Kings their Leaders, and such a Number of the Prime Nobility of France, should ever refuse an Enemy that expected them, took no thought of being the Aggressor; and King Philip, as yet, doubted on the foremention'd Reasons, whether he should proceed or no; just at which time there were brought in to the Host Let∣ters of Recommendation from Robert King of Sicily, and Naples, to the French King and his Council, which dash'd the whole business. Now this u 3.49 King was look'd up∣on in those Days to be the most Famous of all Men for his extraordinary Skill in Astro∣logy; whereby with the help of a good Genius, he could shrewdly (to say no more) guess at many Notable Events: He therefore, when he saw the Wars between France and England open, and that with all his own Personal Endeavours and Travels with the Pope at Avignion, he could no way prevent it, set himself to seek out earnestly some foreknowledge of the Event, if he might by any means comprehend any thing of the Fortune of these two Princes. Whether, from consideration of their several Nativities, both which are attainable (and as for Our King Edward's, together with that of his Son the Black-Prince, I think to present them to the Reader in the Close of this Work) or from what else he took his Opinion, I know not, but surely, he succeeded so well, that either he found out, or thought he did,

that if the French King should Fight with King Edward of England in Person, he must infallibly expect to be discom∣fited; and that he saw those many ill Consequences, which would fall on the Noble Realm of France by so Fatal a Miscarriage.

Wherefore being a Prince extreamly ad∣dicted to the Interest of France, as one, who had not only adventur'd, but lost his Only Son in the Quarrel of that Kingdom, as I shew'd in the Battle of Southampton, he sent frequent Letters to King Philip his Cosin, and to his Council; (of all whom he was held in great Esteem for his Piety, Learning, and Knowledge in Judicial Astrology, as well as other Curiosities of Nature) earnestly desiring,

that by no means they would adventure to give Battle to the English, whenever King Edward should be Personal∣ly present, especially at this time, that he saw many Dreadfull Calamities to be threat∣ned to France.

I take no notice here of the pitifull Cavils of the Ignorant, or Pre∣judicated Critick, but reckon it my Duty to relate Matter of Fact, attested so credibly, as this is; and I am ready to believe, that such a thing might proceed from the Infinite Goodness of Almighty God towards Christian People, that by these Warnings King Philips fierce Mind might be rendred more susceptible of Offers of Peace, and all those Miseries, which were else to follow, be thereby prevented. Yet for all this King Philip was not absolutely perswaded from giving Battle, he was too Wise to give an Implicit Faith to things apparently of no great Authority: But however, as the Morning was wholly spent in the former Debates, so upon occasion of these Letters, and the Dis∣courses ensuing thereon, the Afternoon was also taken up, and the Day in a manner quite worn out: So that at last leave was given for every Man to withdraw to his former Lodgings in the Camp. When the young Earl of Hainault saw by this Dishonourable delay, that now no Battle was like to happen, he immediately went off with all his Men in Displeasure, and that Night reach'd Quesnoy. Now toward the x 3.50 Evening of this Day, three French Spies being brought before King Edward, and separately examin'd, decla∣red, that King Philip Design'd on the Saturday following to Present him Battle, and that he was not encamped above a League and an half off. On the Saturday therefore, King Edward descended into the Field again, as before, and in the Forenoon there were taken certain of the French Scouts, who said, that the French were ready ranged in the Field, and Resolved to give them Battle. At which Report, the English were well pleased, as desiring above all things to bring the Matter to a full Tryal. But in the mean time some of our Scouts were taken, and among them a Knight of Almain, who confessed in Order the whole Array of the English Army, and their Ardent De∣sire to Fight. Hereupon the first Battail of the French was Order'd to Retreat, and they began to set up their Tents, and to encompass the Camp with a Ditch, and to cut down great Trees to lay between them and the Enemy, to hinder all sudden approach. But the English on the other Hand stood all Day in the Field on Foot, always looking for the coming of the French, but in vain: Wherefore toward the approach of the E∣vening, the Marshals of the Host, and others, considering, that they had waited enough that Day of all Reason, and that it was better to encamp by Daylight; commanded

to Horse, and so went off on the Right hand towards Avesnes en Hainault. But at the time of their removal King Edward sent to the French King, telling him, that all the Sunday following he would expect him, as before, in the same place: Which also he did do. But he heard no more of him, but that on the Saturday, when the English took Horse, with Design to go into their Night Quarters, the French Scouts without consideration believing that they intended to fall on their Army, return'd in all haste with such a Report; so that the King of France thinking fit to retire to a more secure Place, there happen'd in the Reer such a y 3.51 Panick Terror, that for pressing over ha∣stily on one another, there were lost in a certain Miry Place more than a Thousand Horse. Yet when after this the Army was disbanded, because being late in the Year, little more could now be done, when King Philip reflected on the whole Matter, he was extreamly displeased with himself, that he had thus declin'd fighting: But the Lords of his z 3.52 Council told him,

that he had not lost one jot of his Honour, since he had Couragiously sought out his Enemies, and Faced them boldly for several days, and finally (for by that time King Edward also was return'd to Antwerp) had made them quit his Realm without any Great Advantage. And they moreover said, that the King of England must be fain to make many vast and expensive Voyages, before he should be able to Conquer France, unless the Frenchmen by their own heat and rashness would fling their Country away.

King Philip however went the next day to St. Omers, and thence placed his Men of War in Garrisons, especially at Tournay, Lille and Douay, and to other Towns bordering on the Empire. Sr. Godmar du Fay, a Norman Lord, was now made Captain of Tournay, and Sr. Edward Lord of Beaujeu was sent to Mortagne confining on Hainault near the Skell: And having thus settled Affairs King Philip returns to Paris.

X. The mean while King Edward, who knew nothing of the Departure of the French Army, stood after his usual manner embattlel'd in the Fields the next Sunday, on which Day the Lord of a 3.53 Andelys was taken by the English: Then the King heard that the French Army was marched off, and retired to their own homes: Whereat he was extreamly amazed. But on the Monday the Marquess of Brandenburgh Son to the Emperour, the Marquess of Nuys his Son in Law, the Duke of Brabant and the other Germans disposed themselves for home, because of the sharpness of the Wea∣ther, the Winter being already pretty well enter'd. King Edward gave them his leave to depart, and he himself went straight to Antwerp in Brabant, where he had left his Queen, and her young Son Prince Lionel: Upon his Return to Antwerp he issued out another b 3.54 Commission to John Archbishop of Canterbury, Richard Bishop of Dur∣ham, Henry Bishop of Lincoln, William Earl of Salisbury, Sr. Bartholomew Burwash, and Sr. Geoffry Scroop Knights, and John Hufford Archdeacon of Ely, to treat of Peace with Philip of Valois (as he is called in the Commission) or with Commissioners from him; and a Month after, to wit on the 16 of December, the said Commission was re∣newed, upon adding Robert Hufford Earl of Suffolk to the forenamed Commissioners. The mean while the King kept his Christmas in great Splendour at Antwerp, together with his Queen and her Ladies and many German Lords, c 3.55 most part of his Army re∣maining still about him. To adorn the Solemnity the better, he had sent for his Eldest Son Prince Edward, Duke of Cornwall and Earl of Chester (for he was not yet crea∣ated Prince of Wales) whom he had left his Lieutenant or Warden of England, be∣ing now a Proper, Hopefull, Young Gentleman of almost ten Years of Age. His great Grace and exact Shape made him as acceptable to the Ladies Eyes, as his large and well-proportion'd Limbs rais'd a full Expectation of his future Manhood among the Lords both of England and Almain. And here it seems by what follows in the next Year, that a Match was, if not fully concluded, yet at least propounded and well-nigh agreed on, between the said Young Prince, and the Duke of Brabants Fair Daughter the Lady Margaret, at that time but four Years old; thô indeed the same thing had been projected the Year foregoing, as appears by d 3.56 the Rolls. About the same time Prince Otho Duke of Austria, stirred up with the Fame of King Edward, with whom he had en∣ter'd an e 3.57 Alliance this Year, sent and required the Lady Isabella his Daughter in Mar∣riage for his Young Son; the Letters beginning thus,

f 3.58 To the most Excellent and Mag∣nificent Prince, the Lord Edward, the most Illustrious King of England, his Sincere and most Dear Friend, Otho by the Grace of God, Duke of Austria, Stiria, Suabia and Carinthia, Lord of Carniola, Moravia and Portaenaon, Earl of Hapsburgh, and Chi∣burgh and Land grave of Alsatia, with all Hearty and Devout Affection, wishes a good Success of his Desires, and a continual Encrease of Health and Felicity, &c.

But neither g 3.59 of these Matches took effect, the Pope by the King of France's underhand∣dealing,

still refusing a Dispensation for the First (they being within the Third Degree of Consanguinity) and the Other being otherwise hindred, as we shall see hereafter.

At the End of this Year there came from the Pope to King Edward this Letter fol∣lowing, the like whereof He also at the same time sent to King Philip of France.

* 4.1 Benedict the Bishop, Servant of the Servants of God, to his most Dear Son in Christ, Edward the Illustrious King of England, Greeting and Apostolick Benediction. While we seriously consider and deeply revolve in our Minds, how great hath been the Bounty of the most High and Eternal King, and the Abundance of his most mercifull Goodness, that when lately your Army (most Dear Son) and the Army of our most Dear Son in Christ, the Illustrious King of France, stood so near together confronted in Battle Array, furiously dispos'd to a terrible Conflict on both sides, those miserable Effects did not ensue, which those warlike Preparations and Force of Armed Men did threaten, to him we pay the tribute of our Praise, since it ought to be esteemed as the greatest Gift of Al∣mighty God, and no less than a Miracle, gratiously wrought by the Goodness of the Wisdom of God, which never fails in its Dispensations. And surely it may be more evidently gather'd, that so great an Effusion of Blood of those who had been re∣deem'd with the precious Blood of our Lord, as must needs have followed, if the said Armies had come to Battle at that time, to the great loss and scandal of all Christendom, and to the hazard of many Souls, was by no means pleasing to the most High, who maketh Wars to cease, and by the Prophet threatens to scatter the Nati∣ons, that delight in War. Your Royal Wisdom also may consider, how deeply both You and the foresaid King must have incurr'd the Divine Anger, if you had procee∣ded to hazard so many of those, whose Souls and Bodies he hath so dearly ransom∣ed: And it is to be feared, that without doubt God Almighty will most severely animadvert against him especially, who of the two should be most forward in pro∣moting such Mischief, whereby such Slaughter and Confusion would follow, that all Christendom would be shook thereby, and a Reformation of Peace and Concord, would not only be rendred difficult, but which God of his infinite Mercy avert, im∣possible. And moreover it doth not seem less worthy of consideration, how migh∣tily by occasion of the present Wars, your Majesties Subjects are, as it is said, many ways exhausted of their Mony and other their Goods, and are like upon continuance of such Burthens (which God forbid) to be further grieved: And that the E∣vent of War is doubtfull, but especially upon the Divine Indignation to be feared.

Wherefore We more earnestly in the Lord require and exhort your Royal Mag∣nificence, nevertheless beseeching You by the Mercies of God, that taking the Pre∣mises, and what else may occurr to your Royal Wisdom, into your Princely Consi∣deration, you may by taking Truce with the said King and renewing the Peace, ob∣viate the dangers both of your Self (most Dear Son) and of your People; and so please God, who loveth Peace, and delighteth in Peace-makers, rendring thereby your self more acceptable unto Him, and confirming the strength of your whole Kingdom: And that therefore you would incline to the wholsom Admonitions and Perswasi∣ons of ourdear Sons Peter of the Title of St. Praxedis, Priest, and Bertrand of St. Ma∣ry in Aquiro, Deacon, Cardinals of the Apostolick See, our Nuntio's, who are zea∣lous of your Royal Honour and Success, and whom we have lately by Advice of our Brethren sent to those Parts for that purpose.

Truly, considering the Premises, and that we might prevent the like dangers, and innumerable more, which are ready to follow from the said Wars, and that between You (our most Loving Son) and the said King, who is by the near Tye of Blood and Affinity joyned unto You, the fulness of Peace and mutual Charity may flou∣rish, We wish with most ardent desires a Reformation of this Peace; and if perhaps it cannot be obtained by the Instance of the said Cardinals, yet if You (O most Dear Son) and the said King, disposing your selves to mutual Concord, acceptable to God, amiable to Men, profitable to Christendom, and many ways the best for both of You, will but consent, that We also in our own Person should intend, as Friendly Moderators to the Reformation of Peace, taking a mutual Truce, and granting a Ces∣sation from Arms for a convenient time, wherein the Treaty of Peace may be be∣gun, continued, and if the Lord of Mercies grant, brought to an happy End; We, thô we are continually occupied with weighty and importable Affairs even above our strength, do notwithstanding thrô Desire of the said Peace, hereby offer Our selves ready, as far as conveniently and with honesty may be done, effectually to in∣terpose in the Reformation of this Peace, to the Quiet, Profit and Honour of each Party, our share of Sollicitude, as it shall be administred unto Us from above. Con∣cerning

all which we request your Royal Majesty, upon the most mature Deliberation, to write unto Us, your Pleasure.

Given, &c. at Avignon x Kalen. Jan. Anno Pon∣tif. iv.

To this Letter of the Popes, the King of England wrote this Answer.

* 5.1 To the most Holy Father in God, Benedict, by Divine Providence Bishop of the Holy Roman Church; Edward, by the Grace of God, King of France, and of England, and Lord of Ireland, Devout Kissings of his Holy Feet.

We received with due Reverence and Devotion, the Letters of your Holiness, sent last unto Us, wherein your Goodness persuades us to renew the Peace, or take a Truce, with the Lord Philip of Valois, graciously adding, that You in your own Person would intend to the Reformation thereof, as a Friendly Moderator, if We and the said Philip would consent thereto. Surely We, considering in the Lord your Holinesses Affection, which is so sollicitous for the quiet of your Sons, do hum∣bly return You all possible Thanks, for that your wholsom Persuasion, and an Offer so condescending and so pious, and in a firm love and confidence of your Integrity we desire to follow your Counsel, and particularly to conform Our selves to your Holy Pleasure.

But it is now notoriously known, how the said Philip contrary to Justice hath u∣surped unto himself the Kingdom of France, lawfully devolved unto Us, by the Death of the Lord Charles of Famous Memory, the last King of France, our Uncle: And not content with this, he hath seised into his hands our Lands in the Dutchy of Aquitain, as many as he was able, in Hostile manner invading our Islands in the Sea, and also our Kingdom of England, with that very Fleet, which under colour of an Holy Expedition beyond Sea, he pretended to rig forth, having sworn for the Cause of Christ. He hath also excited the Scots to rebell against us, designing alto∣gether to oppress us; that so according to his unsatiable Desire of Sovereignty, he may the more freely withhold from us our said Kingdom of France, and other our Hereditary Lands. To whom (as we remember we have written before to your Ho∣liness) We have offer'd many desirable Methods of Peace, willing even to pur∣chase Quiet of him, thô with no small Resignation of our own Rights: But he long holding us in suspense by divers specious Treaties, and exposing us to vast Expences, that so he might drain our Exchequer, and render us thereby unable to recover our Rights, hath at last took no care to give us any Satisfaction, but still his Persecu∣tion encreased and rag'd against Us: Wherefore necessity so compelling, We are now come to the Parts beyond Sea, to take unto us the Assistance of our Friends, to revenge the Injuries done, and to repulse those, that would have been done, by him unto Us, and to obtain our Hereditary Rights: Which certainly we intend not to neglect, but will pursue them (when we cannot by any other agreeable way) by Force of Arms, God being our Help.

And althô in Presence of the Reverend Fathers, Peter of the Title of St. Praxedis, Priest, and Bertrand, of St. Mary in Aquiro, Deacon, Cardinals and Nu••tio's to your Holiness, who have laudably and sollicitously labour'd in the Affair of Peace, the said Realm of France, which by all Right is known to belong to Us, hath been demanded, and We have, under certain ways of Peace, caused our said Will to be sincerely open'd to the foresaid Cardinals, always offering Our selves ready to em∣brace any reasonable Method of Peace, on condition the Adverse Party will agree thereto: Yet neither by the said Cardinals, nor by Others, could we know to this Day, that he the said Philip would do or offer any thing of Satisfaction unto Us. And truly if then he had made but never so small Offers, to shun the hazards of Wars and the prosuseness of Expences, we should have made a reasonable Answer thereupon, but now we see not what we can do farther with our Honour in the way of Peace.

But for all that if it shall now please the foresaid Lord Philip to offer us any Reasona∣ble Way, or if your Prudent Consideration, or the said Lords, Cardinals, shall o∣pen unto us any agreeable Method of Peace (to which the said Philip shall con∣sent) presently (when we shall be once assured thereof) we will take Deliberation thereupon, and with all speed return such an Answer, as ought to seem reasonable and acceptable to your Holiness and to All, that have a solid, right and ordinate Reason.

And if perchance in the foresaid Method of Treating, the Consent of our Friends and Allies should seem requisite to be obtain'd, We our selves will put too all possible Diligence, insomuch, that it shall appear, not to be our Fault, that a firm Peace

doth not follow thereupon, if the other Party will but condescend to Reason.

We therefore heartily beseech your Clemency, that if it please you, you would duly weigh our Justice and Intention founded upon Truth, and incidently cherish Us, who continue in all fulness of Devotion to You and the Holy Roman Church, with the favour of solid Love and Charity, esteeming of Us, as of a most Devout Son. For God, the Lord of Consciences, is our Witness, that We desire to aug∣ment the Honours and Liberties of the Church, and if God shall grant us to pro∣sper, with devout and humble Affection we aspire to fight his Battles against the E∣nemies of his Faith. God preserve your Holiness, &c.

Given, &c.

XI. Before this there were two Parliaments this Year held at Westminster, One be∣ing called by the Duke of Cornwall, who had Commission thereto from the King his Father: The Other by the Archbishop of Canterbury and Others, who in the Ab∣sence of the King and his Son, Prince Edward Duke of Cornwall, had the same Com∣mission.

The First was held on the Quindene of St. Michael, or the 13 of October, * 5.2 which then fell on a Wednesday. At the Opening h 5.3 whereof its Causes were declared to be Three: First to take care for a strict Observation of the Kings Peace: Secondly, to provide for Defence of the Marches toward Scotland: For that People, being thereto in∣stantly urged by their Kings Letters from France, and the promised Assistance of the French King, began to stir again notwithstanding the Truce: And the Third and last Reason was for the better keeping the Sea: To all which was added a Demand of a Supply for the King in his Wars.

After this the Archbishop of Canterbury, who together with Dr. Richard Bury Bi∣shop of Durham, and Sr. Michael de la Pole came from beyond the Seas, as the Kings Messengers to the Parliament, made a Narration of the Kings Exploits, which he had atchieved in those Parts at that time, and the present Hazards both He and his Men were exposed to, without liberal and speedy Supplies out of England. The King, as then lay near St. Quintin, accompanied with 15000 Men of Arms, and of Archers and Others more than 30000, as appeared by his Letters to the Lord William Clinton Earl of Huntington, who was then i 5.4 Admiral of the River Thames, and Warden of the Cinque-Ports, and to the Merchants at Pearch; besides what we have related before of this Expedition. It was also further declared, that the King and Others about him, for the procuring of his Allies to assist him thus far, and for his own necessary Expences in this War, stood bound in Three hundred thousand Pounds, which in Ho∣nour he could not but pay before he left those Parts: Wherefore the Result was, he wanted liberal Contributions. Hereupon the Young Prince Edward, Duke of Corn∣wall, and Warden of England, with the other Lords, granted unto the King the Tenth Sheaf of all the Corn of their Demesnes, except of their bound Tenants, the Tenth Fleece of Wooll, and the Tenth Lamb of their own Store, to be paid for two Years: Desiring withall, that the Maletoste, or Wrong set upon Wooll, be revoaked, and that this Grant turn not into a Custom: All which was allow'd by the Prince in the Kings Name. For he had full Commission by the Kings Letters Patents to grant what should appear reasonable to the Lords and Commons.

The Lords demand, that the Keeping of the Kings Wards Lands may be committed to the next of Kin to the said Ward: And that Remedy be provided against those, who dying pass away their Lands to defraud the Lord of the Wardship, or the King himself. To this the Commons answered, that as they knew well, so they heartily tendred, the Kings Estate; and were ready, according to their Duty, to maintain the same: But this being a new Point, they durst not determin about it, till they had further conferred with their Counties that sent them; And so desiring Respite till ano∣ther time, they promise to travel and enquire throughout their several Counties.

To the Three Causes of their Assembling at this time, the Commons answer'd thus, First, as to the Keeping of the King's Peace, that would be kept sacred; if good and couragious Justices were appointed in every County, and such as were permitted to Main-prise, do put in good Sureties, as Esquires or Gentlemen, and if no Pardon were granted but by Parliament: These Matters once established, they humbly con∣ceive, the Peace could not be violated. Then as to the Defence of the Northern Mar∣ches, they thought that would best be performed; if all, who had Lands in those Parts, were obliged to live upon them. As for the Keeping of the Seas, they pro∣posed, that the Cinque-Ports, or other Haven Towns, which are discharged of all o∣ther Contributions, should look to that especially, and also, that those, who had Lands either there, or elsewhere upon the Sea coasts, should repair thereto and dwell upon

them. Then the Commons demanded a few things, First, that the King will pardon all Felonies, Escapes, Trespass for the Forests and otherwise, all Aids to make the Kings Son a Knight, or to Marry his Daughter. That all Purveyors, as well with Commission as without, shall be arrested, if they make not present Pay. That the King would pardon old Debts and Duties from any time to before his Coronation. That all Customs of Wooll and Lead may be taken as they have been, and not as late∣ly enhanced, with Common Assent, and that if they be, Resistance may be made. And lastly, that knowledge may be had, how these things may be assured. But their Art to provide against the Scarcity of Mony was this, that every Merchant for every Sack of Wooll exported, should be obliged to bring in at least 40 s. of Bullion to be coined within the Realm.

For the upholding the Kings Navy, it was Enacted, that the Navy of the whole Realm, except what should be Actually in the Kings Service for the time being, should remain in some certain place, without any scattering by any private Men, till further Or∣der be taken. 'Tis agree'd, that the Archbishop of Canterbury, and other Nobles should by their Letters require the Archbishop of York and his Clergy, largely to con∣tribute for the Defence of the North, even as they had already done: And then seve∣ral were appointed to follow this device, and to prepare the Commissions for Array into divers Countries.

It is agree'd, that the Inhabitants of Holderness in Yorkshire, should be Arrayed, and grant Aid for the Defence of those Marches, as well as others of the County of York, altho they be appointed by Commission to keep the same. It is agree'd, that the Commissions of Sr. William Wallingford, and all other Commissioners for Purveyance for the King, be utterly void: And that all Officers of the Ports by the Kings Writ, do refrain the exporting of k 5.5 Corn. That the Earl of Richmond, the Lord Clifford, the Lord Roos of * 5.6 Werke, the Lord Moubray, and Sr. William Daubeny, should be com∣manded by Writ to repair towards their Lands, for the Defence of the North Marches, or if unable, or otherwise occupy'd in the Kings Service, then to send their Quota's thither to the Lords, who were Captains there. That the Writs of Summons for the next Parliament should charge every Sheriff to return for his County two Knights girded with Swords. That every Archbishop and Bishop do before the next Session of Parliament take a Certificate of all Benefices, being in the Hands of Aliens, of the Value of each of them, and of Residence, or Non-Residence thereon. That two Writs be issued out, the One to call a Convocation of the Clergy of the Province of Canter∣bury, and the other of York, against Hilary Term following. It is also determin'd, that the Parliament should be Summon'd against the Octaves of St. Hilary then ensuing: Of which we shall now take leave to discharge our selves, that our following Discourse may find no Interruption.

When the time of the next Sessions of Parliament approached l 5.7 because the Duke of Cornwall, Warden of England, was busied about the Kings Weighty Affairs (being as I shew'd with his Father beyond Sea) there were appointed to preside in Parliament John Stratford Archbishop of Canterbury, Lord Chancellour, and William de la Zouch, Arch∣bishop of York, m 5.8 Lord Treasurer, with the Dean of York, and Sr. John Willoughby, Deputy Lord Chief Justice, Sr. John Stonore Justice of the Kings Bench, and Sr. John St. Paul, any Four, Three, or Two of these, by the Kings Letters Patents were ap∣pointed to begin, continue, and end the Parliament, for, and in the Name of the King, and the Lord Warden of England, and there to do all things, which the said Guardian should do, until his, or the King, his Fathers coming. The Commission began Edvardus D. Gr. &c. and ended—Teste Edvardo, Duce Cornubiae & Com. Cestr. Filio nostro Charis∣simo, Gardiano de Angl.

These n 5.9 Commissioners aforesaid caused sundry of the Lords and Commons to assem∣ble in the Presence Chamber, * 5.10 because several of both Houses were not yet come, they continued the Parliament from day to day, till the * 5.11 Monday next after the Octaves aforesaid, during which time, Merchants, Owners of Ships, and Mariners, did attend. That o 5.12 same day the Causes of the Parliament were declared to be the same, as before, namely, for Granting the King an Aid, for keeping of the Sea, and for De∣fence of the North Marches, whereunto the Commons require Respit until Saturday the 19 of February: And then they unanimously offer'd to the King for Aid 30000 Sacks of Wooll, on certain Conditions expressed in a pair of Indentures. But for the better Expedition, after some Debate, they yielded to give the King presently 2500 Sacks of Wooll; so, as if the King liked the Conditions aforesaid, the same should go in part of Payment, if not, they were freely offer'd unto him. The Lords promised, to send unto

the King to know his Pleasure, and in the mean time, they also for their Parts, grant, that such of them, or of their Peers, as hold by a Barony, should give to the King the Tenth of their Grain, Wooll, and Lambs, and of all their own Demesnes.

As for the Merchants, their Day was put off till p 5.13 Monday, in the First Week of Lent, but the Mariners of the Cinque Ports promised to make ready their Ships before q 5.14 Midlent, viz. 21 Ships of their own, and 9 of the Thames, and to bear half the Charges themselves, the other half the Privy Council promised to bear of their own good Will to their King and Country, but not of Duty, or that it should stand for a Precedent. The Mariners of the West promise to set forth 90 Sail and 10 Ships of the Burthen of one Hundred Tunn or more, and to bear the whole Charges, if they could. Two Sufficient Scho∣lars were appointed to compute the Charges, the One for the West, and the Other for the Cinque Ports. It was here order'd, that all Ships of Portsmouth, and from thence toward the West, of the Burthen of one Hundred Tunn, or upward, should ride at Dartmouth, the Admiral to be Richard Fitz-Alan, Earl of Arundel; and that the Ships of the Cinque Ports, and the Thames, being of that Burthen, should ride at Winchel∣sea, the Admiral to be William Clinton, Earl of Huntington: The whole Fleet to be ready before the end of Lent. Command was given to the Admirals, to stay all other Ships which might pass the Seas, and to warn them to go into safe Harbours: And to Furnish this Fleet with Souldiers, beside those, whose Duty was to attend, and also those, who were prest, general Proclamation was order'd to be made, that all Persons who had re∣ceived of the King Charters of Pardon, should now repair to the Sea-coasts for the Kings Service, on pain of forfeiting the same.

The Lord Richard Talbot, that Noble Warrier, some of whose Valiant Acts we have mention'd in the Scotch War, having in Parliament undertaken for the security of the Town of Southampton, is now appointed Captain of the Town, and allow'd for that Service 20 Men of Arms, and an 100 Archers extraordinary at the Kings Wages, and more upon occasion. All which Souldiers to have one Months Pay beforehand, and Sr. Richard one 100 Pounds by way of Gratuity: Being also appointed to see the said Town forthwith fortified, according to Covenants, in a pair of Indentures, and to levy the Charges of the Neighbours, bordering thereabouts, and if that shall not suffice of the Inhabitants. The Bishop of Winchester (who at that time was Adam Orleton the Traytor) the Prior of St. Swithens, and the Abbot of Hyde, were order'd to keep at their Mannors near Southampton, with all their Powers, to be ready to assist the said Sr. Richard at his Call: Also, that two Pinaces, the one at r 5.15 Milbrook, the other of Ro∣ger Normans, do constantly attend the Pleasure of the said Richard in the Port of South∣hampton. Further, that all the Inhabitants should remain still upon the Place to Defend the same on Pain of loosing all they have. Sr. Richard was to have all the Ammuni∣tion and Warlike Furniture of the same Town, to be deliver'd into his Hands by In∣denture, and was endued with a like Power in all things as the Earl of Warwick had been, when he was Governour there; The Sheriff of Southampton having a Writ of Attendance on him for Victuals, and other Necessaries, Mr. Stephen Butterly, and Mr. William Weston Serjeants at Arms, were to provide sufficient Timber, Boards, and other Necessa∣ries for the said Town, by Indenture.

Thus much for the Sea, and the Sea-coasts: Now as for the Defence of the Marches of Scotland, and the Places thereabouts, which might want Strength or Provision; William Snoring, and John at Fennes, Merchants of Lynn-Regis, Robert of Bayon, and Henry Smith, Merchants of Barton upon Humber, do undertake at a certain Price, and by a certain Day, to deliver Ten Thousand Quarters of all kind of Grain at the Town of Barwick, and in the Road of Leigh: Every Quarter of Wheat and Malt at 9 shil∣lings; of Oats, Beans and Pease at 5 shillings: To which there was added a Cau∣tion, that under Colour of this Licence they should not serve the Kings Enemies. Sr. Thomas Rokeby (who, for finding out the Scotch Army in the first Year of this King, was by him Knighted, as we shew'd in due place) being now a Person of great Reputation for Valour, Wisdom, and Fidelity, took upon him to keep the Castles of Edenburgh and Sterling, till Midsummer next ensuing. And the Division of all the Grain aforesaid, and of other Victuals for the said Castles, and the Town of Barwick, being proportionably made, the greatest Share was allotted to the Castles.

Next in Order to preserve the Isle of Wight, this Wise and Great Assembly provided, First, that the inhabitants of the same, during the War, should be respited the Payment of any Aid to the King; and that None of them should by any Means be dispensed with to travel abroad, or to absent themselves out of the said Isle; nor should be impannel'd,

or warned at any Assise, or Inquest, during the said War. Also, that due Provision of Wine, Grain, Coals, and other Necessaries for the Castle of Caresbrook in the said Isle be forthwith made; the Kings Butler being appointed to deliver the Wine to Sr. John Langford, Constable of the said Castle, and William of Rewinock was commanded to pro∣vide the rest of the foresaid Necessaries.

Sr. John Ferrers Captain of Jersey Island, was now appointed to send thither a sufficient Deputy; to whom like Rules were set, and Provision allow'd for Defence of the same: Command being also sent to Bayliffs there to seise upon the Goods of one William Payne, late Jurate of that Isle, who Revolted to the Enemy, and to Choose another.

On the back-side of this Roll are seen the Numbers of such Souldiers, as were ar∣rayed, and set out by certain Nobles, Knights, and Gentlemen of the Counties of York, Nottingham, Derby, Lancaster, Westmorland, and Cumberland, by their particular Rates, which in the whole amounted to 7400 Men of Arms, 200 Archers on Horseback, and two Thousand Halberdeers. Those of the three first-named Counties were order'd at the Costs of the Country to March to Newcastle upon Tine only; and they of West∣morland, Cumberland, and Lancaster, to Carlile only: And the Captains and other being together shall lie and forrage upon Scotland, and not upon the Marches of England. A Clergyman was appointed for the defraying of their Wages, having the Lords Percy and Nevile to oversee his Accounts, and to speak with the Nobles, Knights, and Captains, to execute these Orders, and to bargain with Merchants for Shifts and returns of Money. The Lord Richard Talbot, who was late Captain of Barwick, upon his undertaking the Charge of Southampton, was now discharged for a while thereof, Sr. Walter Clark being appointed to keep the same till Easter next ensuing.

Those, who had directed unto them the Commissions of Array for Souldiers for the County of York, were Thomas Lord Wake, William Lord Roos, Sr. Thomas Ʋghtred, Sr. William de la Pole, and Sr. Michael Wath; only afterwards, s 5.16 because the Lord Wake had been appointed Guardian of the Sea-coasts in Lincolnshire, and had in that Service many Souldiers under him, for whose support he had been at great Expences, he was in consideration thereof, discharged from finding such Men at Arms, Hobelers, and o∣thers, as for his Lands in Yorkshire, he had else been lyable to be charged with. Those, who had Commissions of Array for Nottingham and Derby, were the Lord Nicolas Cantelupe, Sr. Richard Willoughby, and Sr. Thomas Longvillers, all Noble Barons of the Realm. For the County of Lancaster, Sr. Henry Heydock, and Sr. Robert Radcliff: For Westmorland and Cumberland, Anthony Lord Lucy, Sr. Pierce Filliol, Sr. Hugh De∣lowthrey, and Sr. Robert Perning: For Northumberland, the Lord Henry Percy, and Ralph Lord Nevill of Raby, Ranulph Lord Dacres, of the North, Sr. John Fenwick, and Sr. Thomas Helpscots, all who were empower'd to Place and Displace Captains up∣on Reasonable Cause. This is the Substance of the Parliament held at this time, especially in Matters Relating to Scotland, (the Discourse whereof we shall refer to another Place) and also to France.

CHAPTER the FOURTEENTH.

The CONTENTS.

I. King Edward holds a Parliament of his Allies at Brussels in Brabant: Where he takes upon him the Arms and Style of France, the Flemings entring an Alliance with him, and rendring him their Homage thereupon. II. The Queen of England deli∣ver'd of her Fourth Son at Gaunt, with the Mann••r of King James the Second's Pe∣digree, by the Mothers side down from him. III. King Edward Publishes his Letters Patents Monitory to his Subjects of France, to own his Authority, as of their Right∣full King, and to come to his Peace and Protection, with a True Copy of the Let∣ters. IV. King Edward returns into England, with Design to hold a Parlia∣ment, the time whereof he fixes on the Wednesday after Midlent-Sunday, which then fell on the Twenty Ninth of March. V. King Edward informs the Pope

of his Reasons, for Ʋsing the Style and Arms of France; with the Popes Answer.

I. THE Sacred Solemnity of our Saviours Nativity being now over, King Ed∣ward by Advice of the Lords of the Empire his Friends, went from a 5.17 An∣twerp to Brussels, the Chief City of Brabant, there to hold a Parliament, and to consult with his Friends how to proceed farther in his French Wars. These Lords being there met accordingly, first perswaded the King to require the Aid and Friendship of the Flemmings in this his Cause, and that for his Sake they would de∣fie the French King, and March whither he should lead, or direct them. For all which he should Engage to Recover Lisle, Doway, and Bethune, which three Towns the French King withheld from Flanders. Upon King Edwards Request therefore Jacob van Ar∣teveld came to this Parliament at Brussels with a great Retinue, as if he had been Earl of Flanders, and at his Motion, all the Chief Burgesses of Gaunt, and the other Good Towns of that Country, by some, called the Hanse-Towns of Flanders; thô properly speaking, they belong rather to the Four Provinces of Lubeck, Cologne, Brunswick, and Dantzick. All these were well pleased with the foresaid Promise of King Edward, and thereupon desired to take Advice among themselves: When having Retired and Debated sufficiently upon the Point, they gave the King this Answer; the Contrivance and Menagement of all which is Attributed to Jacob van Arteveld:

Sir, You were plea∣sed to require of Us, that which of Our selves We would most willingly do; if We might do it handsomly, and without Loss, or Dishonour: But alas! Sir, We are Obliged both by Oath, and a Bond of b 5.18 2000000 of Florens of Gold to be paid into the Popes Chamber, never to make War against the King of France, whosoever he shall be: Which Forfeiture not only keeps Us in Aw, but also the Danger of being Interdicted by the Pope, if We break Our Oath made to him. But Sir, If You will but undertake to bear the Arms of France, and Quarter them with the Arms of En∣gland, and Own Your Self publiquely King of France, (as indeed You are, and ought of Right to be Accounted) then We will look upon You as the True King of France, against whom We are not to make War, and thereupon demand of You an Acquittance of Our said Bond, which You may Grant Us, as King of France. By this means We shall be assured of Our Money, and acquitted of Our Oath, and then We will be ready to serve You in what You shall Command.

This Fine Trick was thus Invented by that subtle Demagogue Jacob van Arteveld to satisfie the unthinking Commons of the Equity of standing to King Edward against France, notwithstanding all their Solemn Engagements to the Contrary. However, the King demurr'd at this their Answer: For thô he knew he might Lawfully claim the Crown of France, in Right of his Mo∣ther Queen Isabella; yet he thought it neither Reasonable, nor much for his Honour to take upon him the Arms, and Kingly Title of that Realm before he had made Con∣quest of any Part thereof; not being sure, that ever he should be able to bring those Matters to effect. On the other side he was very loath to refuse the Flemmings this their Desire, because they might prove so Instrumental in his Service. Whereupon he Advis'd in private with the Dukes of Brabant and Gueldre, the Earls of Juliers and Blankburg, Mons and Bergen, the Lords of Hainault and Valkenburgh, the Lord Ro∣bert of Artois, and his English Peers; by whose Advice he return'd this Answer,

That if they would Swear and Seal to this Covenant, and Engage to serve him up∣on all Occasions in his War, he would then readily do all this, since in Equity he might, and further undertake to restore them those three Cautionary Towns, of Lille, Doway, and Bethune, which they had deliver'd, as Pledges of their Faith to the French King.

To this the Flemmings agree'd, and d 5.19 so the 23 of January was ap∣pointed, firmly to Ratifie these mutual Covenants and Conditions at Gaunt; on which day the King and most of the forenamed Lords came to Gaunt, where he was met by the Chief Burgesses of all the Towns of Flanders, and then and there all the foresaid Agreements being ready Engrossed, were rehearsed, Sworn, and Seal'd to; and so the King took upon him the Style of France, and Quarter'd the Arms of that Kingdom with those of England. But thô e 5.20 afterwards, perhaps to gratifie the French Nation, or because that was the more Ancient and Greater Monarchy, he placed the Flowers de Lis in the Dexter and more Honourable Quarter, yet it is highly probable, that at their First En∣termingling it was not so; as appears not only by the Figure of this King in Armour, trampling on a Boar by a Castle, signifying France, in a very Old Vellam M. S. now by me, where the English Lions are ranged in the First and Last Quarters of his Shield; but also from f 5.21 a Seal of Queen Isabella, this Kings Mother, where the Arms of

England, as being those of the Husband's Line, and therefore to have Precedence, are Marshal'd where now the Flower de Luces shine. But to put this out of all Doubt, We shall further produce the Words of King Philip, spoken at this time upon occa∣sion of this Action of King Edwards, to certain English Gentlemen sent to him about the present Affairs.

Our g 5.22 Cosin, says he, doth wrongfully Quarter the Arms of En∣gland and France, which notwithstanding doth not so much displease Us, because in∣deed he is descended (thô by the Weaker Sex) of Our Kin; and therefore, as being a Batchelour, We could easily be content to allow him part of the Arms of France; but whereas in his Seals and Letters Patents, he Styles himself King of England and of France in the One, and sets the Quarter of his Arms with Leopards, before the Quarter, Charged with Lillies, in the Other, this is that which We disdain ex∣ceedingly: For thereby it should seem, he Prefers that Inconsiderable Isle of England before the Mighty Kingdom of France.

To this Complaint Sr. John Shoreditch, the King of Englands Agent, made Answer,

that it was the Custom of England to set the Title and Arms of their Progenitors before the Arms and Title of a Right derived from the Mother. And thus, said he, doth my Lord the King of England Prefer his Paternal Coat, both out of Duty and Reason.

But as it appears, soon after they were alter'd, even as now they stand at this Day; only, h 5.23 that when Charles the Sixth of France, with Design to shew a Difference, changed the Semee Flours de Lize into Three, Our King Henry the V. also did the like, and so it hath continued ever since.

Either at this time or soon after, the King set at the Foot of his Shield, beneath the Arms of France and England thus quarter'd, this French Motto, DIEV ET MON DROIT, in English, GOD AND MY RIGHT, declaring there∣by his Confidence to be only in God and the Equity of his Cause: Which Motto with the Title of France, hath been continued by the Kings of England his Successors, e∣ven unto this day.

That King Edward might justifie his Title to the Kingdom of France, whose Arms he thus undertook to Bear, he sent his Ambassadors to the Pope with these Instructi∣ons following,

i 5.24 That it may be made evident to the Holiness of our Lord the Pope, that our Lord the King of England, doth justly by Hereditary Right claim the King∣dom of France, the Information which follows, was given in by the Ambassadors of the said King. The Matter whereupon the Lord Edward, King of England saith, He hath Right to the Crown of France, is thus. It is and hath been notoriously known, that the Lord Charles, the Younger Son of Philip King of France, com∣monly called the Fair, after the Death of the Lord Philip his Brother, at which time the said Lord Charles immediately by Hereditary Right succeeded in the said Kingdom, was true King of France, and that unto him the said Kingdom of France was lawfully devolved by Right of Succession; and that he the Lord Charles held, and peaceably and quietly possessed the said Kingdom of France, for the time that he Reigned, as true King of France: And that at last the same Lord Charles leaving no Brother then surviving, deceased without any Heir Male, begotten of his Body. It is also certain de jure, that in Hereditary Successions, coming from one Intestate, the next of Bloud to the Deceased, being able at the time of the Decease to Succeed, doth wholly exclude all the more remote of the Blood of the said deceased, whether he was allied to the Deceased by the Person of a Male or Female. And it is certain, that at the time of the Death of the said Lord Charles King of France, as afore∣said, the foresaid Lord Edward, King of England, was his nearest Kinsman, as who was Son of the Sister of the said Lord Charles, namely, of the Lady Isabella Queen of England, being only removed from the same Lord Charles aforesaid in the Second Degree of Consanguinity: But the Lord Philip of Valois, who occupies the said Kingdom of France, was Son of the Uncle of the said Lord Charles, namely Son of the Lord Charles of Valois, Brother to the foresaid Philip the Fair, and so notori∣ously removed from the said King Charles, in the Third Degree of Consanguinity: And by Consequence, in common Right, the foresaid Lord Edward, King of Eng∣land, Son of the Sister of the foresaid Lord King Charles deceased, k 5.25 ought by Right of Succession to be preferr'd, in the Succession of the said Kingdom, to the foresaid Lord Philip of Valois, who only is near to the said King. Charles in the Third Degree of Consanguinity. l 5.26 The Intention therefore of our Lord the King of Eng∣land being founded on Common Right, nothing remains, but only to answer, what may be objected.

And first it is objected on the part of the Lord Philip of Valois, who bears him∣self

as King of France, against the King of England aforesaid, that the same King of England did unto him, as King of France, make Homage for the Dukedom of Aquitain and for the Earldom of Pontive; and did thereby recognise him the said Lord Philip to m 5.27 be his Lord and King of France.

2.

It is also objected to the King of England, that he made unto him Liege Ho∣mage and Oath; and that of these things the foresaid Philip hath by him Letters sealed with the Seal of the foresaid King of England; and moreover, that these Letters were sealed in England.

3.

It is also objected to the foresaid King of England, that he is not of the Blood of the House of France, but by Means of a Woman, namely of the Lady Isabell his Mother: And that a Woman neither can, nor ought (an approved and lawfully prescribed Custom in the Realm hindring) to be admitted to obtain the said King∣dom by Right of Succession, and by Consequence by means of her, her Son is not to succeed.

To answer these Objections, the Information which follows was given in by the Ambassadors of the King aforesaid. First, that the Homage made ought not in effect to prejudicate the King of England, because the same King of England at the time of making the said Homage was notoriously under Age, nor had then compleated the 18^th Year of his Age; whereby he ought, as other Minors, when they are abused, within the times provided by the Laws of Restitution to the full, to be aided by a competent Judge, if there had been a Competent Judge, with the benefit of Resti∣tution to the full. But upon Defect of a Competent Judge, the said King of Eng∣land within the foresaid times of Restitution to the full, used other Remedies of Law; which ought to suffice him in this Part.

Moreover the said King of England, being under Age, as aforesaid, did before the making of his Homage, by one of his Procurators, especially constituted for that purpose, protest openly and expresly, that for any Homage whatsoever, to be made to the Lord Philip of Valois, then bearing himself as King of France, by the said King of England, for the Dukedom of Aquitain and the County of Pontive, he did not, nor would intend, to renounce his Hereditary Right, which he had to the Realm of France, or any way from the said Right to derogate; althô thereupon Letters should thereafter be signed with either of his Seals: And he did protest, that he made not any Homage to the said Lord Philip of his own Free Will, but only he should do it for the just fear he had of Losing the said Dukedom and County; and because he feared, that unless he should do such Homage unto him, he could not avoid other great Dangers and irreparable Losses. And to the Truth of the Premises, the King of England caused by his said Procurator an Oath to be taken upon his Soul, by laying Hands on the Holy Gospel, before many Witnesses called thereto.

As to the Objection concerning the Oath, which the King of England in his Ho∣mage ought to have made, or that he should have sworn, so to have declared, sa∣ving the Objectors Reverence, it is not true; because neither the Lord, the King of England, nor any of his Progenitors did ever swear in the Performance of any Homage, as will evidently appear by the Inspection of the Registers, containing the Forms of the said Homages; nor is it contained in any Letters sealed with the King of England's Seal, that such an Oath hath been made. Nor can it be said, that in the Homage made by the said Lord the King, an Oath was tacitly implied hereby, that the Letters were sealed with the King of England's Seal, wherein it was contai∣ned, that this Homage was Liege, because the word Liege doth by its signification no way import the same.

And as to what is said, that these Letters were sealed in England, and so without Fear; it is answer'd, that even so it was not without Fear, when there was a fear of losing the whole Dukedom aforesaid, by reason of an Army then ready to invade the King himself in the Dukedom, and in England by the way of Scotland; and that the said Letters were sealed, while the said King was notoriously under Age, as a∣foresaid, not of the perfect Knowledge of the said King, nor upon (due) Notice of his Right or Prejudice, as neither by reason of the frailty of his Age could then be had. Besides he the said King, ought to be restored in full in this Case, within the Times thereto limited, if he had had a Competent Judge, and because he had not a Competent Judge, he used in due time other Remedies, whereby there was taken better Provision as to his Right. And the King of England would have our Lord the Pope to be more surely informed, that the said King never did any thing on

purpose to the Lord Philip, bearing himself as King of France, for which he ought to cease, or desist from the Prosecution of his said Right, or for which he thought, or doth think his Conscience wronged in this part; and that it was so, He calls God to Witness.

As to the Objection, wherein 'tis said, that the said Lord, the King of England, is not of the Blood of France, but by means of a Woman, who is not capable of the Right of the Hereditary Realm of France; it is answerd, that althô by the Custom of the Realm of France, a Woman of the Royal Blood be excluded from the Hereditary Rights of the Realm of France, yet hereby it doth not follow, that her Son being a Male, and able to Reign, ought to be excluded from the Succession of his Forefathers devolved unto Lawfull Heirs; because the King of England claims the Succession of his Uncle, the Lord King Charles deceased, according to the Pre∣rogative of his Degree, as next of Kin to the deceased King, who ought not to be excluded from the Inheritance of his Uncle, or his Grandfather, by any Kindred more remote in Degree, even althô the Mother of the said King by reason of her Sex should be excluded, or put by.

And if it be said, that some Nephews and Kindred, of the Lords Lewis and Phi∣lip, Brethren of the said Lord, King Charles, successively have been excluded from the Royal Succession upon that Account, that they were only allied to the said Kings by the means of Females, as also the King of England was allied to the said Lord King Charles by means of a Female only, namely of his Mother; it is answer'd, that not upon that account were the said Nephews excluded, but upon this, that none of the said Nephews was in Being at the Time of the Death of the said King, about whose Inheritance the Controversie was; and this will evidently appear by matter of Fact underwritten. For it is to be known, that the Lord Philip the Fair, King of France deceased, leaving behind him three Brothers, namely Lewis the El∣dest, Philip the Long, the Second Born, and Charles the Third and Youngest, and one Daughter, namely Isabell, Queen of England; Lewis the Elder Son succeeded his Father, Philip the Fair, immediately in the Kingdom of France, and got one Daughter; after which King Lewis died, leaving the said Daughter (which had no Issue during the Life of the said King Lewis) and his Wife impregnate, who after the Death of the said King brought forth a Male Child named John, who after Nine Days, wherein he was accounted King of France, deceased: And Philip the Long, the Middle Brother of the said Three, succeeded him immediately in the said King∣dom. This King Philip begat three Daughters, but no Male, the Elder Daughter whereof was coupled in Matrimony to the Duke of Burgundy, the Second to the Dauphin of Vienna, the Third and Youngest to the Earl of Flanders. Of the First Daughter, married to the Duke of Burgundy, was born a Male Child, called as is said, Robert, during the Life of King Philip, but that Robert died before King Phi∣lip, his Grandfather, and so was not in Being at the time of the Death of the said Lord Philip his Grandfather. Of the Second Daughter married to the Dauphin, there was no Issue at all, during the Life of the said King Philip, as neither of the Other, who was married to the Earl of Flanders. After the Death of the said King Phi∣lip, his Third and Younger Brother, namely the Lord Charles immediately succeed∣ed; who in the end leaving two Daughters unmarried, deceased without Issue Male. From all which it is evident, that the said Lord Charles was True and Lawfull King of France, and by Consequence, that the Lord the King of England, who was Son of the Lady Isabella, Queen of England, Sister to the said Charles, as aforesaid, ought, as his Nearest Kinsman, to succeed him in the Kingdom.

These Instructions were given to Nicolas de Flisco and his Son Andrew, who were to be fol∣low'd by others with Letters from the King to his Holiness, sealed with the Arms of England and France, which New Seal was not yet made: But while the foresaid Nicolas de Flisco remained at the Court of Avignon under the Pope's Protection, certain wicked Persons, thinking to curry Favour with the King of France, about Midnight on Good-Fryday Eve, enter'd his House by Violence, broke open his Chamber, and hardly giving him time to put on one thin Garment, hurried Him and his Son, and one young Gentleman away, and carried them down the Rhosne to a certain Tower, where they kept them close till Saturday, and then convey'd them into the Parts of France. At which In∣jury his Holiness was so moved, that he began to thunder out the most heavy Edicts against the Authors and Accomplices of that Crime, and put France under Interdict; as appears by an Expostulatory Letter of King Philips to the Pope,

Wherein cal∣ling God to Witness, that this Violence was neither done by his Command, nor

Will or Knowledge, and that when he heard the English Men thus taken were with∣in his Kingdom, he had given Order to make diligent Search for them, and to re∣turn them to Avignon again; he complains that those Processes were too sudden and too rigorous, since he was wholly innocent of the matter, and so to the blackning of his Honour, and that for the future he would not be so hasty in acting against him, without giving him Notice, &c. Dated at Moncell near Pont St. Maixence 21 of Maii. To which the Pope return'd, That he could never think, the Knowledge of that Fact did belong to him; however it was so horrid, that the Severity, which he had used, was necessary: But that his Paternal Affection toward him was no way diminished thereby, nay he would rather conspire with him in a mutual A∣greement of Good-will and kind Offices. Dated at Avignon iii Kal. Jun. Anno Pontif.

vi. Soon after at King Philips Command Nicolas de Flisco and Andrew his Son, with the Gentleman their Servant, were brought back and restored to the Pope; whereupon he return'd his Thanks to the King of France, and took off the Interdict; but as the Author of his Life says, hang'd all those of his own Family, who had a hand in the matter, before the Doors of the House, which they had broke open. But as for his own Master of the Horse, who was consenting to the Deed, when being in Prison, for anguish and shame he had slain himself; after it was found willfull Murder, he gave Order that his Body should be expos'd on a Gibbet, to be devour'd by the Birds of the Air.

II. But to return to the King of England, who had lately taken upon him the Arms and Title of King of France, as we shew'd, He the mean while presently found the expected Ef∣fects of this Contrivance of Jacob van Arteveld's; for now immediately upon the same, all the People of Flanders n 5.28 yielded unto him, as True and Rightfull King of France, and consequently their Superior Lord, their Homage and Fealty, and submit∣ted themselves and their Country to his Government; and were long after in all mat∣ters obedient unto him, as to the King of France both by Right and Conquest. Af∣ter things thus done, it was determin'd in this Parliament, that o 5.29 the next Summer the War should be hotly pursued in France, being to be begun with the Siege of Tour∣nay: Which was the thing chiefly desired by the Flemings. For they made sure to be able to get it, and then they hoped easily to recover Lille, Douay and Bethune, with the Appurtenances. With this Resolution the Council brake up, and the King within a few days returned to Antwerp; But the Queen, who was then big with Child, remain'd still at Gaunt, where she was very honourably entertain'd and visited, especially by Jacob van Arteveld, * 5.30 and the chief Lords and Ladies of Flanders: And within a while after was happily deliver'd of a Lovely and Lively Boy, her Fourth Son, who was named John, and sirnamed of Gaunt, from the place of his Birth. This John of Gaunt in time became a Noble and Mighty Prince, himself being both Duke of Lancaster, and King of Castille and Leon, his Son Henry of Bolingbrook was afterwards King of England, by the name of Henry the Fourth, who was Father to the Conque∣rour Henry the Fifth, but that Kingly Dignity was extinguish'd in his Son Henry the Sixth: However from John of Gaunts Loins q 5.31 by the Mothers Side was descended Henry the Seventh, who was the Son and Heir of r 5.32 Edmund of Hadham Earl of Richmond, by his Lady Margaret, the only Daughter and Heir of John Beaufort Duke of So∣merset, Nephew of John of Gaunt by his Son John Beaufort. And he marrying the Lady Elizabeth, Daughter of King Edward the Fourth, who had the Blood and Right both of Prince Lionell and Edmund of Langele, Third and Fifth Sons of King Edward the Third, got of her the Lady Margaret, his Eldest Daughter, from whom the Kings of Scotland is descended our most Gracious Soveraign James the Se∣cond, King of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, whom God grant long and hap∣pily to reign.

III. But it must not be omitted, that before King Edward left Gaunt, s 5.33 he sent his Letters Patents to the Prelates, Peers and Commons of France, thereby signifying, that Charles late King of France, his Mothers Brother, being Dead, the said Kingdom was devolved to him by manifest Law. And that Philip of Valois Son to the Uncle of the said King, had by Violence and Injustice intruded into it, during his Minority, and even yet wrongfully detain'd it. Lest therefore he should seem to neglect his own Right, He now thought good to own the Title of France, and take upon him the Defence and Government thereof; and having offer'd the said Philip divers Friendly Conditions of Peace, to which he refufed all Condescention, he was therefore necessi∣tated to defend himself, and recover his Right by Force of Arms: And therefore all such Subjects, as would submit to him, as True King of France, by Easter then next

ensuing should be received into his Royal Grace and Protection. * 5.34 But here the Stile of France is set first, and the Title of Duke of Aquitain omitted, it being immerged in the more General Title of King of France. This is the Summ of his Letters, which he caused to be sent t 5.35 to the Frontiers of the French Dominions, and to be fixed up∣on the Doors of Churches and in other Publique Places: But to satisfie the Curious I shall adjoin a full Copy of the Letter it self, the Tenour whereof was this.

EDWARD, by the Grace of God, King of France and of England, Lord of Ireland,

unto all Prelates and Ecclesiastical Persons, and to the Peers, Dukes, Earls, Barons, and to the Commons of France, Greeting.

u 6.1 The High Lord and King above, althô his Will be in his own Power, yet is plea∣sed to make that Power Subject unto Law, commanding every thing to be given unto Him, which is His; thereby declaring, that Justice and Judgement ought to be the Preparation of a Kings Throne. Wherefore seeing the Kingdom of France thrô the Providence of God, is by the Death of Charles last King of France of Famous Memory, Brother German to Our Lady Mother, devolved and fallen unto Us by plain and manifest Law; forasmuch as the Lord Philip of Valois, Son of the Uncle of the foresaid King, and so remov'd from that Crown by a farther Degree of Consan∣guinity, thrô Force and Usurpation hath intruded himself into the foresaid Kingdom, (while We were yet in Our Minority) and so contrary both to God and Justice, doth still detain and occupy the same: Now least We should seem to neglect Our own Right, and the Gift which God hath given Us, or not to submit Our Will to Gods Ordinance, We have thought Good to acknowledge the Title of France, and by sup∣port of the Almighty King have taken upon Us the Defence and Government of the said Kingdom, firmly purposing within Our Selves (as every Good Man ought to do) Graciously to Administer Justice to every One, according to the Rights and Lau∣dable Customs of the foresaid Kingdom. Also to Renew the Good Laws and Customs which have been in the time of Lewis Our Progenitor; moreover, adding thereto what shall seem Expedient, according to the Condition and Quality of the time. But as for any Change of Coin, or any Inordinate Exactions, We intend not to seek Our Profit by Your Detriment: Because (the Almighty be Praised) We have enough and abound: And as concerning the Affairs of the Realm, Our Purpose is not to pro∣ceed rashly, or by Our own Will, but by the Discreet Advice and Counsel of the Peers, Prelates, Nobles, and other Our Faithfull Subjects of the kingdom, so far forth, as shall make for the Honour of God, the Defence and Advancement of the Church, (which in all fullness of Devotion We Reverence) and to the Advantage both Publique and Private of all the Subjects thereof, with full Execution of Justice, by the Grace of God to be Administred unto all and Singular Persons, We being ear∣nestly carefull for the Honour, Profit, and Tranquility of You all. For as the Lord knoweth, nothing will be more acceptable to Us, than that by Our carefull Solici∣tude, Peace may be engendred in General among all Christians, but especially be∣twixt Us; so that by Our Concord the force and Strength of all Christian Princes may be united together, for the Recovery of the Holy Land, which Our Saviour and Redeemer hath dedicated with his own Precious Blood; whereunto We will endea∣vour Our Selves thrô the Grace of the Holy Ghost. And forasmuch as We have offer'd to the foresaid Lord Philip divers Friendly and Reasonable Conditions of Peace, whereunto he would neither condescend, nor agree to any Conformity, nay rather he moveth against Us unjust War, to the Utter Subversion of Our State; We are of Necessity compelled to the uttermost of Our Power (for Our own Se∣curity, and the Recovery of Our Right) to Defend Our Selves by force of Arms: Not seeking any slaughter of Good and Humble Subjects, but desiring their safe∣guard and Profit.

For the which Cause, all and singular such Our Subjects of the Kingdom of France, as shall submit themselves unto Us, as unto the True King of France, between this and the Feast of Easter next ensuing, professing unto Us their Fealty, and doing un∣to Us, as unto the King of France of Duty it appertaineth (so as Our beloved Sub∣jects of Flanders have done already) or shall be ready to offer themselves so to do: All such We willingly Admit and Receive to Our Peace and Grace under Our Pro∣tection to be defended, them to maintain, as is convenient from all molestation and trouble whatsoever in Person or Goods, hereafter to be inflicted by Us or by Our Officers, upon whatsoever occasion of Rebellion afore-passed.

And forasmuch as the Premises cannot easily be intimated to all and singular Persons, We have provided the same to be fixed upon Church Doors and in other publick Pla∣ces,

whereby the Manifest Notice thereof may come to all Men, to the Comfort of You, that are to Us Loyal, and to the Information of those, who thrô the Sinister dealing of Our Enemies, are otherwise informed of Us.

Given at Gaunt the 8 day of February, in the Year of Our Reign over France the First, and over England the Fourteenth.

IV. Presently after King Edward had thus assumed the Arms and Style of France, and had caused his Great Seal to be Changed, leaving the Earl of Salisbury and the Lord Robert Hufford le Fitz, Eldest Son to the Earl of Suffolk, in Flanders, with his Queen and Children, he took the Sea for England, and Landed safe at x 6.2 Orwell in Suffolk on the 21 of February, at Nine of the Clock in the Morning; on which very day, that his New Seal might be made more Publique, he caused y 6.3 Impressions thereof, and of his Privy Seal (which was also alter'd) to be made, and sent to all the Sheriffs in Eng∣land, to be Published in the several Counties; in regard he intended at the meeting of the Parliament on the z 6.4 Wednesday next after Midlent-Sunday, to acquaint them with the Cause, wherefore he had added to his Style the Title of King of France. And on the First of March following, he deliver'd his New Broad Seal to Sr. John de St. Paul, in the Cage-Chamber at Westminster, the Old Great Seal being then deliver'd up to him by the said Sr. John, which he gave to William de Kildesby to be laid up in his Wardrobe. But it is to be a 6.5 remembred, that upon this Change, there were two Seals made alike in all things, but only One was circumscribed Edvardus Dei Gratia Rex Angliae, & Franciae, & Dominus Hiberniae. And the other was Edvardus Dei Gratiâ Rex Franciae, & Angliae, & Dominus Hiberniae; the Style being varied in Re∣spect of the Place, as Our King is now in Scotland called Rex Scotiae & Angliae, but in England, Anglia is put first. But of King Edward and his Affairs in Parliament We shall not yet speak, till We have given some account of other Matters of no small Consequence in other parts, which fell after the two Armies had broke up at Vironfoss without engaging.

V. Only here We shall remember, that the King of England upon this variation of his Seal, to set forth the Equity of his Cause, sent his Letters to the Pope, wherein using the Style of King of France, and the Lillies quarter'd, he largely sets forth, how the Realm of France, was devolved unto him by Hereditary Right; and that Philip of Valois had by Violence and Injustice usurped it, * 6.6 to whom the Pope sent an Answer, the Tenour whereof followeth,

Benedict the Bishop, Servant of the Servants of God to his most Dear Son in Christ, Edward, the Illustrious King of England, Greeting, and Apostolical Benediction. When lately the Letters of Your Royal Excellency were presented to Our Apostleship, and the Contents thereof more fully understood, as soon as ever a New Title therein described, and the Impression of a Seal engraven with the Arms of France and England, did at first view appear, they Administred un∣to Us great Matter of Astonishment and Admiration. For by how much We Em∣brace You with the Preheminence of a more Ample Charity, by so much the more grievously are We afflicted inwardly, while We perceive You to be led by Perverse and Deceitfull Counsels, and to be induced to such things, as are neither Expedient nor Decent. Nor doth our inward Affection permit Us to be silent or dissemble; but that We should set before the Eyes of Your Mind these things, that You may be able more Discreetly and Profitably to take Care to Your self, as to the Premises.

For it is affirmed for certain, and undoubted; that whereas the Custom hitherto kept inviolably doth not admit the Succession to the Realm of France by the Fe∣male Line, the Succession is said not to be due unto You, who, as You know are descended of the Stock of the House of France by the Female Line. And if no such Custom did forbid the c 7.1 Successive Proceeding of the Female Line, to the Crown of the said Kingdom, there are however to the Kings of France of Famous Memory, who gradually Succeeded unto Philip King of France, of Famous Memory, Your Grand∣father, Daughters, and their Children, who, as to the said Succession, as is reported, are nearer unto the Kings, their Fathers, than are You and our most Dear Daughter in Christ, Isabella, the Illustrious Queen of England, Your Mother, Daughter of the foresaid King Philip: But the Custom aforesaid hath been of former time so invio∣lably observed, and still is observed, that it admits not a Succession to the said Kingdom by the Female Line.

But to think that by the way of force You may obtain the said Kingdom, consi∣dering the Greatness and Power of the King and Kingdom of France, Your Forces are by no means believed to suffice thereto: And that holding and possessing no∣thing in the said Kingdom, You make Your self to be called King of France, and have

assum'd the Arms thereof, as is Premised, it is certainly reckoned to proceed from E∣vil and Unrighteous Counsell. But if those who perswaded You to such things, en∣deavour to say for an Excuse, that You are Lord in Flanders, which is known to be in Fee of the King and Kingdom of France; truly it is to be attended and consider∣ed, and Your Royal Wisdom may diligently examin who, and what Men, and of what Condition they are, who have brought You in there: For in them hitherto hath the Vertue of Constancy and Loyalty never been Praise-worthy: For they have often basely ejected out of Flanders it self, Their Natural Lords, to whom they were bound in the Debt of Loyalty, violating the Covenant of Their Faith, after the Pleasure of Their own Wills; and if they have done this to them, whom they were Natu∣rally Obliged to Reverence, what may be presumed of You, ô Son, and what kind of Title may thence be taken or formed, We pray that Your Wisdom would discreet∣ly consider.

Again consider, even thô it did proceed of Good and Right Counsel, that (now) You cause Your self to be named King of France, during the Reign of Our most Dear Son in Christ, Philip the Illustrious King of France, who, as King, hath for many Years peaceably held and possessed the Kingdom of France, and to whom, as such, for the Lands within the said Kingdom to You belonging, by doing Fidelity and Liege Homage, You have recognis'd him for King of France, and Your Lord for the Lands aforesaid: Those that hear asmuch, are amaz'd, d 7.2 ascribing it not to discre∣tion, but rather to Simplicity and Vanity. Finally We judge it ought to be more strictly consider'd, that such a Title, wanting both Reality and Advantage, (which those are said to have perswaded You to, who love you not, but seek by Your Losses to make Their own Market, believing to attain thereto more fully, when they shall have procured You to be insnared and involved in more deep Intricacies, and hazar∣dous Necessities and Troubles) is feared to be a Poysonous Root, which will probably (unless other Care be taken) bring forth Fruits of Bitterness and Sorrow.

Moreover We account, that You ought no less diligently to consider, how ma∣ny, and how Great Kings, Princes, and Noblemen, who have proceeded from the Stock of the House of France, or have Affinity, or Confederation therewith, who opposed not themselves unto You about Your Affairs before, by this Name and Title You would provoke against You, and more directly incense, if (which God forbid) You should insist thereon. And the very Title might begin such a Matter (which God avert) whereby the Reformation of Peace between You and the said King of France, might, as to all humane judgement, be render'd for ever impossible: And also the Princes, and other Subjects of the said Realm (who, as the vulgar report goes, would expose themselves to the hazards of Death, and the perpetual loss of Their Goods, rather than endure the Premises, would by the same Name and Title, be render'd more prompt, able, Valiant, and Couragious against You, e 7.3 for the Defence of the said King Philip, and his Kingdom: Nor ought You, most Dear Son (as We remember to have written unto You elsewhere) to repose much Confidence in the Germans and Flemings; for You shall find them Affable and Kind unto You, as long as They can have leave to drain Your Substance, but otherwise You may not confide in Their As∣sistance. And if You peruse the Deeds of Your Progenitors, how the same Germans and Flemings behaved themselves formerly towards them, You will manifestly find how far You may trust unto Them.

We therefore intreat Your Royal Highness, and earnestly in the Lord exhort You, that You would receive the Premises (which We write of a Fatherly Good Will and Sincere Affection) with a favourable Mind, and taking them together with other Mat∣ters, which as to this Point may occurr unto You, into a just and considerate Discussion and Examination, laying by the foresaid Title, would incline Your Royal Mind to the way of Peace and Concord, whereby You may be able both to attain and peaceably to keep those things, which shall be Your Right, a Mutual Agreement being made be∣tween You and the said King; that as You are joyned with the Tye of Blood and Affi∣nity, so You may be allied in the perpetual Bond of Confederation and Love.

Dated Aven. III. Non. Martii An^o. Pontif. VI.

Other Letters bearing the same Date were written to the King, wherein the Pope chid him, that being Admonished the last Year, IV Id. Octob. under Penalty of Ecclesi∣astical Censures, and other heavy Penalties, to break with Lewis of Bavaria, he had yet return'd no Answer to the Apostolick See; and as it appears, f 7.4 those very Cardinals, who were Nuntio's of the Apostolick See upon the Account of Peace, wrote to the Pope, that those Censures he had once threatned the King of England with, might now

be inflicted on him, because he still kept the Lieutenantship of the Empire, but Bene∣dict wrote Back unto them to abstain from any such Proceedings against Edward, till with the Cardinals he had more maturely weigh'd so important a business. But before things went so far, We shall find the Emperour himself to Repeal his former Commis∣sion, given unto King Edward; so that there was no further Occasion for that Papal Thunderbolt to strike England at that time.

CHAPTER the FIFTEENTH.

The CONTENTS.

I. The French King sends an Army into Gascoign, which the Lord Oliver Ingham, King Edwards Seneschal of Aquitain, being too weak to match, overthrows by a Strata∣gem. II. King Philip reinforces his Navy, and sends to waste the Lord John of Hai∣nalts Lands. III. Sr. Giles Manny, Brother to the Lord Walter Manny, slain by the Cambresins. IV. The French King gives leave to the Bordering Garrisons to make an Incursion into the Earl of Hainalts Territories: Whereupon the Earl sends him a Defiance. V. After that the said Earl Marches in Hostile manner into the French Pale, where being satisfied with Revenge for that time, he passes over the Sea for En∣gland to enter a strict Alliance with King Edward. VI. The mean while King Phi∣lip orders his Eldest Son, John Duke of Normandy, to Revenge this severely upon Hainalt, and he himself having try'd in vain to draw off the Flemings from England to his side, procures the Pope to Interdict Flanders, and Commands his Garrisons, that Border'd that way, to make sharp War upon them, which is done accordingly. VII. Jacob van Arteveld in Revenge resolves to go and lay Siege before Tournay, and invites the Earl of Salisbury, and the Earl of Suffolks Eldest Son to come to such a Place, and joyn him: They in their Passage thither are intercepted , and taken Prisoners by the Men of Lille, and are sent to the French King, who is hardly perswaded by the King of Bohemia not to put them to Death in cold blood. VIII. The Duke of Normandy Invades Hainalt, with the various Rencounters thereupon. IX. He returning to Cam∣bray, Mutual Inroads are made into France and Hainalt by the Garrisons of either Party. X. The Duke, when the season of War was come, Marches again from Cambray, and goes before the Castle of Thine l'Evesque: The Earl of Hainalt coming home, Mar∣ches with a great Army to raise the Siege.

I. NOW thô Philip the French King, had upon good Reasons, as we shew'd before, declin'd to venture his whole Stock upon the chance of one Bat∣tle, yet was he not wanting to shew himself both Active and Provident, in offending his Enemy of England, where he imagin'd any probability of Success. He a 7.5 therefore appointed the Lord Gaston Earl of Laille, who was a right Valiant Leader, and as then at Paris with the King, to undertake an Expedition a∣gainst the English in Gascoign, and to act as his Lieutenant there; making war against Bourdeaux and Bo••••delois, and all the Fortresses that held still of King Edward. At that time the worthy Baron b 7.6 Oliver Lord Ingham, was Governour of Bourdeaux and the Parts thereabout, who not much doubting any great matter from France in this juncture, when the King of Englands Forces were in Flanders (For King Edward up∣on his Departure into England had left in Flanders great Part of his Forces under the Command of the Earl of Salisbury, and the Lord c 7.7 Robert Hufford le Fitz, eldest Son to the Earl of Suffolk) was notwithstanding suddenly surprized to behold a compleat Army of Frenchmen approaching the Walls of Bourdeaux, to lay Siege thereto. He was not ready enough prepared to make good the Place by pure Force, nor had he sufficient Power at that time (many of his Men being dispersed into Winter Quar∣ters) to man the Walls and make good all other Defences: Only this was his Com∣fort, that the Inhabitants were all entirely affected to the English Interest. Where∣fore putting all his own Men, which were under 6000 into Arms in the most secret manner, he commanded the Citizens to shew no Fear or Distrust, but to follow their Occupations, as in time of Peace. Then immediately he set the City Gates wide o∣pen, and rear'd upon the Walls both of Town and Castle the French Lillies. The E∣nemy

finding the Gates open, enter'd peaceably, but when they saw the Arms of France every where erected, and also upon the Castle it self, supposing the English Garrison fled; and so secure now, both they within and they without for the most part laid by their Arms, but all went in without Order, to rifle the Houses of the English, and to seize the Castle. But just then the Valiant and Politick Lord Ingham with his Men all well-arm'd and in good Order rush'd forth upon them, flaying them down by Heaps, and driving all be∣fore them. At which instant the Citizens fell in upon them from all Parts with their Weapons in their hands, so that it was impossible for them, thô never so numerous to rally again and recover any Order: Wherefore with great ease the Lord Ingham prevail'd and vanquish'd them utterly, so that they were all either slain or taken al∣most to a Man; the Earl of Laille hardly with a few escaping. King Edward upon News hereof, besides his Gracious Acceptance of Sr. Oliver's Service, sent his Royal Letters of Thanks to his Subjects of Bourdeaux, wherein he also promised them con∣siderable Aid very speedily. They began thus. Edward, &c.

You ought, O most loving and loyal Subjects of Bourdeaux, greatly to rejoyce, for that by your Cou∣rage and Loyalty, you have purchas'd unto your selves a Name, that will be crown'd with immortal Honour: And we nothing doubt, but you will yet further endeavour to exalt your Glory more high by perseverance in those laudable Beginnings. But as for this last piece of your Service to Us, We shall take care to requite it with such Bounty, that by example of your Rewards obtained from Us, other of our lo∣ving Subjects may be rendred more prompt and willing to hazard in our Service both their Lives and Fortunes, &c.

When the News of this Success was brought to King Edward, it was also shew'd unto him, that the Lord d 7.8 De la Brett, and other Lords of Gascoign, who had lately yielded to the French King; had now, for want of sufficient Protection from him, re∣turn'd to the Obedience of the King of England, and wasted the Lands of the French King as far as Tholouse.

About the same time the English e 7.9 Mariners of the Cinque Ports, to revenge in part those late Affronts done to England by the French Navy, embarqued themselves in Pinnaces and small Boats well appointed, and after the Feast of St. Hilary, arrived at Boulogne upon the Sea-coast, from whence is the shortest Cutt to Dover: The wea∣ther was so misty, cloudy and dark, that they were scarce perceived when they were in the Haven. So that by the Lower Town they burnt 19 Gallies, 4 great Ships and 20 Small Boats with all their Tackling, beside those Houses near the Shore, among which one was the Block-House at that time full of Oars, Sails, Weapons, all man∣ner of Rigging, and other Necessaries sufficient to furnish 19 Gallies and Men for them. After all which they slew many of the Townsmen in a skirmish on the f 7.10 land, set fire to the Lower Town, hang'd twelve Captains of their Ships, whom they had taken, and so bad them farewell for that time.

II. The mean while King g 7.11 Philip bestirr'd himself, as One, who was sensible, how near all these matters concern'd his Honour and Estate Royal; he mightily enforced and strengthned his Navy, then on the Sea, under the Command of his three Admi∣rals, Sr. Hugh Quyriel, Sr. Peter Bahuchet, and Nicolas Barbenoir, the Genoan. These were furnished with a notable Fleet of Genuans, Normans, Bretons, and Picards, who did this Winter no small damage to the Coasts of England, at Dover, Sandwich, Win∣chelsey, Hastings, and Rye: For they were more than 40000 Men in all. Beside this King Philip wrote to the Lord of Beaumont-in-Champaine, the Lord of Bresne, the h 7.12 Vidame of Chalons, the Lord John de la Beau, the Lords John and Gerard of Loire, enjoyning them to furnish themselves with competent forces, and so make an Impression upon the Lord John of Hainalts Lands, burning, killing, and destroying with∣out Pity, because he took King Edward's Part against France. These Lords did as they were Commanded, and enter'd the said Lands with 500 Men of Arms; appearing sud∣denly one Morning before the Town of Chimay, a strong Town of Hainalt, seated in a Wood, on the little River Blanche. Here they found a vast quantity of Cattle and o∣ther Prey, for the Country People never imagin'd the French could have come so far, without passing the Wood of Thierasche. The Place was too strong however, to be won by them, so that setting fire on the Suburbs, and the neighbouring Villages, they return'd laden with Spoil to Aubenton, and there divided the Booty.

At the same i 7.13 time the Garrison of Cambray sent a small Detachment to a little strong House hard by, called Relenques, which also belonged to the foresaid Lord John of Hai∣nault, and was now kept by a Bastard son of his, who had only 15 Men of Arms, and about fourty others in his Company. These few held out manfully one whole day a∣gainst

a continual Assault of the Cambresins; but because the Ditches were so frozen, that there was free Passage for the Enemy to approach to the very Walls, about Mid∣night the Bastard and his Men in great silence trussed up all they had of any worth, and setting fire to the House, departed for Valenciennes, whither they all came in safety. Next day, as the Cambresins came thither again to renew the Assault, seeing all was reduced to Ashes, they beat down the Walls and what remain'd to the ground, and so returned.

III. We shew'd before, k 7.14 how the Lord Walter Manny had taken the strong Castle of Thine l'Evesque, so called, because it belonged to the Bishop of Cambray, over which he had set as Captain his Brother Sr. Giles Manny. This l 7.15 Sr. Giles was a Valiant Knight, and very much incommoded the Garrison of Cambray, both distressing them, that issued out of the Town, and also boldly braving them at their own Walls. Once particularly this Winter he Marched from his Garrison in the head of Sixscore Men of Arms, and came to the Barriers of Cambray; where the clamour rose so high, and the skirmish grew so fierce, that great numbers within the City were fain to run to Arms, and come to the Gate to the assistance of their Fellows, who were hitherto too weak for Sr. Giles, and were ready to turn their backs. But now upon this reinforcement Sr. Giles caused a Retreat to be sounded to his Men, and so began to draw off fair and softly. The fresh forces of the Cambresins issued out of the Barriers after him, as they might well do, both considering their own Numbers, and that so strong a Place was at hand to second them. Among the Frenchmen there was a young lusty Esquire of Gascoign, named William Marchant, who came out among the foremost into the Field, well∣mounted, his shield about his Neck, and his Spear in his Hand. Him when Sr. Giles beheld, he turn'd his Horse and rode up fiercely to him, thinking to have slain or taken him: But the Esquire held him tack gallantly, insomuch that at last either by his Hands, or some others, (for the Medley and Confusion was now at the highest) Sr. Giles was stricken thrô all his Harness, the Spear passing quite thrô his Body, upon which he fell down to the earth. Upon the fall of their Captain, his Men renew'd the skirmish more fiercely, but by continual Recruits from the Town they were finally overpower'd, slain, and put to slight. The Cambresins took up the Body of Sr. Giles, wounded mor∣tally, as he was, and brought him with great Triumph into the City, where presently they disarm'd him, and got skilfull Surgeons to dress his Wound, for they were very de∣sirous to save him to be Ransom'd; but for all their Care, he died the next day after. Then they resolv'd to send his Body to his Brethren, John and Thierry (for the Lord Walter the Elder was about King Edward's business) which two kept Garrison at Bou∣chain in Ostervandt: For thô at that time the Country of Hainault was not engag'd in any War (saving the late Incursion made into the Lord of Beaumonts Lands) yet all the Frontiers toward France were Garrison'd for fear of the Worst, the times begin∣ning to be troublesome. So they prepar'd an Horse, and Litter, and putting his Body therein, caused two Fryers to convey it to his Brethren, who received him with great sorrow, and saw him decently interred at the Fryers in Valenciennes, where afterwards the Lord Manny m 7.16 buried his Father, as in due place we shall see. This being per∣formed, his two Brethren, John and Thierry, (who were also half n 7.17 Brethren to the Earl of Namur) went to their Deceased Brothers Castle of Thine, whence they made sharp War upon those of Cambray, in Revenge of the Death of their Brother.

IV. At that time the o 7.18 Lord Godmar du Fay of Normandy, was Captain of Tournay and the Country thereabout; the Lord of Beaujeu was Captain in Mortagne on the Skell, at the Consines of Hainault in Tournois, the Seneshall of Carcasson in the Town of St. Amand on the Scarp, Sr. Emeric of Poictiers in Doway; and the Lord Galeas de la Bausine, the Lord of Villers, the Marshall of Mirepoix, and Sr. Theobald of Mar∣ville in the City of Cambray: All which Garrisons desired nothing more than to make an Inroad into Hainault, there to rob and spoil the Country. This their De∣sire was brought to effect by the Bishop of Cambray, who being then at Paris with the King, complained

that the Hainalders had done him great Dammage, having de∣stroy'd and overran his Country more than any other: And that the Lord John of Hainault was an apparent and known Enemy to France, and the Earl his Nephew also, secretly a Friend to England.

Whereupon King Philip (as one that consider'd not how many Enemies he created to himself) presently gave leave to the foresaid Garrisons of Cambresis and Tournois to make an Incursion into Hainault, which they gladly did to the number of 600 Men of Arms. On a Saturday Morning they all began their March from Cambray, and were met by a Troop of Almains from the Ca∣stle

of Mal-maison, which stood two leagues from Cambray; the Almains being Ser∣vants to the Bishop of the said City. So that all joyning together they went to the Town of Haspre upon the Selle, which was rich and large, being much extended in the Suburbs without the Walls. The Inhabitants were all secure, as in the depth of Peace, for they had seen no War of many Years, and knew of none near them. Wherefore the French enter'd without resistance, and found Men and Women in their houses and at work, whom they took or slew, as many as they laid hands on, and having robbed the Town at their pleasure, they set it then on fire and burnt it to the very ground, that nothing remain'd but the bare Walls: Nor did they so much as spare the Great Priory of Black-Monks within the Walls, of large Buildings, beside the Church, which being all within the Walls was a Cell to St. Waast or Vedast, an Ab∣by of Arras; but this also being first robbed, they burnt to the ground, and so re∣turn'd laden with prey to their several Garrisons. The News of this was brought to the young Earl of Hainault, when he was a bed in his Palace at Valenciennes, called la Salle du Comte: Whereupon he arose suddenly, buckled on his Armour and hastily call'd for all those Knights who were about his Court; But their Lodgings were so scatter'd, that they could not all be ready so soon as the Earl: He for his part not tarrying for any Man, rode into the Market-place and caused the Bells to ring an Alarm: At the sound whereof all the Men of War, then in pay in the City, arose, put on their Armour and follow'd the Earl their Lord, who with a few was already ridden out of the Town in great haste towards Haspre. He was scarce well out of Town, when news came to him, that the Frenchmen had atchieved their Enterprise and were gone home. Then he rode in a great passion to the Abby of Fontaine, where the Lady Joan de Valois, his Mother was retir'd in Devotion, p 7.19 as we shew'd before, upon the death of her Husband the Earl. To her he related this Affront of her Brother King Philip, with the most bitter Invectives imaginable; she good Lady! took much pains to appease his Anger, and to excuse his Uncle of being concern'd in such an unnatural Cruelty to him: But he said with an Oath, that the Destruction of Haspre should be soundly revenged in France. So after a short Visit he return'd to Valenciennes, and presently sent out his Writs of Citation to the Prelates and Knights of his Country, to come and give him their Counsel in this Affair. When his Uncle the Lord John of Hainault heard this News, he took horse and rode to the Earl his Nephew to Valenciennes, whom as soon as the Earl saw, he said,

Ah! Dear Uncle, your Absence from us hath made the Frenchmen presumptuous.

Sir, repli'd he; that you have received any Trouble or Dammage, I am very sorry, I assure you; and yet in a manner I cannot but gather thence some kind of satisfaction: For now you are fitly rewarded for the love and service you shew'd to the French King, when you left your Brother-in-Law, the King of Eng∣land, to go and aid him at Viron-fosse. Consider now, whether you had best stay for a little more Provocation; till you see all your Country overrun, as some of my Lands have been already.

Ah Uncle, said the Earl, do you but advise into what Quarter we had best to March, and I'll see it shall be shortly done with a Witness.

Now the Day of the Parliament being come, which the Earl had summon'd to Mons, thither came all the Burgesses of Hainault, Holland and Zealand, among whom were divers Opinions: The more Cauteous advis'd,

That certain Persons of Quali∣ty should be sent to the French King, to know whether he consented to those Ho∣stilities done in Hainault, or no; and if so, upon what Pretence he made War in the Earls Land without Defiance. Others more warm were of the mind, that the Earl should immediately seek Revenge, in the same manner as he had suffer'd the Injury, to wit suddenly, and without giving any Notice at all. But at last a third Opinion prevail'd above these, that indeed the Earl could do no less in Honour than make War in France; but it was reckon'd more generous and agreeable to the Law q 7.20 made by King Edward at Arques in Brabant, to defie the French King first, and then to pass into his Realm with an Army.

Accordingly the Defiances being there written and sealed by the Earl and all his Nobles, the Abbot Theobald of St. Crispin was presently dispatch'd away with them to Paris. The Earl thanked all his Lords for their readiness to maintain his Honour, and set himself with all his Power to pre∣pare for the War. The Abbot of St. Crispin went and presented the Defiances to King Philip, who upon perusal thereof, notwithstanding his Quarrel with England, haughty as he was, made but sport of the matter, saying,

His Nephew was but an Outragious Fool, and that he was only taking the readiest course to ruine his own Country.

The Abbot return'd to the Earl and his Council, to whom he shew'd how he had suc∣ceeded: But the Answer enflam'd them all ten times more than before. The mean

while the Earl made great Levies from Brabant and Flanders, as well as in his own Countries, till he had gotten together a Formidable Army.

V. All things being ready, he r 7.21 began his March towards the Lands of Chimar, for his intent was to go and destroy the Lord of Bresne's Lands, and the Great Town of Aubenton in Tierasche: The Inhabitants of Aubenton were in much doubt of these Preparations; whereupon they sent for Succour to the Grand Baily of Vermandois, who sent unto them the Vidame of Chalons, the Lord of Bresne, the Lord de la Bonne, the Lord of Loire, and Others to the number of 300 Men of Arms. So they all fell to fortifie the Town where it most wanted, determining to expect the Hainalders and to defend the Place, which was very considerable in greatness and ri∣ches, especially in Drapery. The Hainalders came thither, as was expected, early on a Fryday and view'd well the Town, to find in what part it was most assaultable: That same Morning they resolv'd to give a general Assault, and so approached in very good Order in Three Battalia's, with their Crossbows before them, and their Banners waving in the Wind. The Earl of Hainault himself led the first Battail, having in his Retinue a great number of Choice Knights and Esquires of his own Subjects: The Lord John his Uncle had the second Battail, consisting of many choice Bands of Men of War, English and Others; the Third and last was brought up by the Lord of Val∣kenburgh, which consisted for the most part of Almains and Brabanders. These 3 Bat∣tails assaulted the Town at one time in three several places, with much Vigour and Gallantry, the Archers all the while both from within and without letting fly their Arrows and Quarrels without sparing. The Earl with his Battail came up near to the chief Gate, which for a while was worthily defended by the Vidame of Chalons, who there and then Knighted three of his Sons, and obliged his Men by words and example to do gallantly: But yet at last both he and they were by the Earl beaten back again into the Town in some Confusion: The Earl carrying the Barriers by fine Force, and keeping them. The mean while his Uncle the Lord of Beaumont was fighting with like Valour and Success at the Gate toward Chimay, where after a sharp Conflict, which yet was well manag'd by the Lord de la Bonne and the Lord of Bresne, he forced the E∣nemy to retire into the Town, and thereby wan both the Barriers and the Bridge also. Yet what they had, as it was not cheaply won, was not easily maintain'd: For the Besie∣ged being beaten into the Town, came now to revenge that Affront upon the Walls, whence they cast down barrs of Iron, Stones, Timber, Darts, and Pots of quick Lime, which did a great deal of Mischief. An Esquire of Hainault had such a stroke with a stone upon his Target, that it was quite cloven in sunder with the blow, and his Arm so shatter'd and broken, that it was long before it could perfectly be healed. The next morning being Saturday, the Assault was again renew'd on all sides with far more fury than before, so that althô they within did their utmost to defend them∣selves, at last all their Barriers and Defences were beaten down, and the Town was carried by Force. Sr. John the Earls Uncle, enter'd first with great noise of shouting and Trumpets, his Men of Arms beating down all before them. At this dreadfull sight the Vidame of Chalons, like a Noble Knight withdrew himself into a fair spacious place before the Minster, where he stood with his Men in a square Battail, resolved as it should seem to sell his Life dearly. But as for the Lord of Bresne, when he saw all was lost, knowing he had so much displeased Sr. John, by his late Incursion into his Lands about Chimay, that if he were taken no Ransom would be accepted for his Life, he determin'd to save himself by flight, and presently taking a good Horse fled away without any Order upon the spur. Sr. John hearing that his Capital Enemy was escaped, immediately with a good Brigade of Horse sped after him; but the Lord of Bresne had got the start of him so much, that finding the Gate of his Town rea∣dy open to receive him, he made shift to enter and close the Gates again, just as Sr. John came up to the very Walls, thrô eager pursuit with his Sword drawn in his hand. Wherefore seeing his Enemy had escap'd him, he return'd back to Aubenton; but in his passage thither, meeting with many of the Lord of Bresne's Men following their Master, he put them all to the Sword without mercy. The mean while in the Town, was the young Earl and his Men hard fighting with those who were drawn up before the Minster; and there the Vidame of Chalons did Wonders in Arms, and so did two of his Sons, and all his Company plaid this their last Stake gallantly and with honour; but the Hainalders were as cunning Gamesters, besides that they were more animated with Success; so that at last the Vidames Party being opprest by num∣bers of Men no less valiant and desperate than themselves, were slain upon the spot every Man, not one was taken to ransom, and the Vidame indeed scorn'd to be taken,

and his Sons were of his Mind, and so they all fell with their Swords in their hands. And of the whole Town not one escaped, but only those who fled away with the Lord Bresne, so that there died about 2000 People of the Town besides the Souldi∣ers. After this bloody Execution the Town was rifled and plunder'd, and all the Goods sent away to Chimay, and the residue committed to the Flames. From Au∣benton these incensed Warriers went to Maubert Fontaine, which they presently wan, and spoiled the Town, and then ras'd it to the ground; after that they took and burnt the Town of Aubigny, and Signy the Greater and the Less, and all the Hamlets thereabout, to the number of above 40. And then at last the Earl of Hainalt being (as the manner of War is) rather overrevenged of his wrongs, return'd to Mons well pleased, and having satisfied his Men with Thanks and Prey, gave them leave to de∣part for a while, because the season was not yet come to keep the Field.

But considering, that these his Actions would shortly call a War upon him from France, having constituted his Uncle Sr. John, Deputy Governour of Hainault, Hol∣land, and Zealand, he immediately shipt himself for England, with design to make an Alliance Offensive and Defensive with his Brother-in-Law King Edward; that so he might be the better able to withstand the Power of France. But the Lord John of Hainault staid at Mons, where like a good Provident Captain he took care for all Parts, and retain'd Souldiers, and strengthen'd all his Nephews Castles and Fortresses with Men and Ammunition. And first he sent to Valenciennes the Lord of Engien, the Lord of Vergny, the Lord of Gomegines, and Sr. Henry of Hofalize: To Lan∣drecy he sent the High-Steward of Hainalt with an hundred Spears; to Bouchan in Ostervandt three Captains, Brethren, Knights of Almain named Courrars; instead of the two Mannys, who were removed to the Castle of Thine, as s 7.22 we shew'd before: To Escandure he sent Sr. Gerard van Sanckins, and the Lord of Valkenburg to the Town of Avesnes; the like care he took of St. Amand and of every Fortress fronting on France.

VI. But when King t 7.23 Philip heard, how the Hainalders had wasted the Country of Tierasche, and had slain and taken his Captains, and destroy'd utterly his good Town of Aubenton, he presently in a great fury commanded his Eldest Son John Duke of Nor∣mandy, to make a notable Inroad into Hainalt, and there to harrass and destroy all the Country, that the Memory of his severe Revenge might remain for ever: And him we shall leave about his vast Preparations to execute his Fathers Command. His Father the mean while to provide against the Storm, which he expected from England, reinforced his Navy greatly at this time, and commanded his Admirals to cruise about the Coasts of Flanders, and by no means to suffer the King of England upon his return to set Foot∣ing there on pain of their Heads. And because he now understood for certain, that the Flemings had made homage and Fealty to the King of England his Adversary, he sent unto them a notable Prelate, who pretended to come from the Pope to shew them,

That if they would return to their Duty, and own themselves to hold only of his Holiness and of the Crown of France, forsaking King Edward, who (as he said) had enchanted them; then he would forgive them all their Trespasses, granting unto them a General Absolution, and also quit them of 2000000 of Florens, in which Summ they were bound unto him by a Former Obligation; and that he would fur∣ther procure them many Advantagious Privileges and Franchises.

The Flemings an∣swer'd,

That they look'd upon themselves as fully acquitted already of whatsoe∣ver they were bound in to his Holiness: Since they fought not against the King of France, but the Usurper of that Crown.

King Philip being nettled with this An∣swer, made his Complaint to the Pope, and so well handled the Matter with him, that (contrary to the Opinion of St. Austin, who says, u 7.24

That neither a Common-Wealth, nor a Prince of a People, ought to be excommunicated

) he too easily interdicted all Flanders, insomuch, that no Priest there durst say or sing any Divine Service, while they should continue unreconciled to the Church. Whereof when the Flemings complain'd bitterly to King Edward, he sent them word,

that when he should come among them he would bring along with him Priests out of England, that should sing Mass, and perform Divine Service among them, whether the Pope would or no: For he said, He had Authority and Privilege so to do: And this Answer contented the Flemings.

But when King Philip saw he could not win them to his side by fair means, then he sent command to his Garrisons of Tournay, Lisle, Douay and other Frontier Fortres∣ses, to make War on the Flemings and to overrun their Country. According to these Orders the Lord Godmar du Fay, Sr. John du Roy, Sr. Matthew du Trie Marshall of Mirepoix, and divers other Lords and Knights from Tournay, Lisle and Doway, col∣lected

a Body of 1000 Men of Arms, 3000 Crossbows and Others; who all toge∣ther one evening setting out secretly from Tournay, and riding about six leagues North∣ward, came early the next Morning before Courtray. By that time the Sun was risen, they had gather'd together all the Cattel about the Town, while a Party of them rode up to the very Gates, and slew and hurt all whom they found without the Walls. Then they return'd homeward with all their Prey, which they carried clear off, and found, when they came to Tournay, that they had got more than 10000 Sheep, and of Swine, Beefs and Kine as many more.

VII. The Flemings were extreamly fretted at this Inroad of theirs, but especially Jacob van Arteveld, who swore to take a bloody Revenge within a little space: And presently commanded the good Towns of Flanders, to get ready their Quota's of Soul∣diers, and send them to him to Geertsberg or Mount Gerard directly between Ant∣werp and Tournay by such a certain day, in order to go with him before Tournay. He wrote Letters also to the Earl of Salisbury and the Lord Robert Hufford, eldest Son to the Earl of Suffolk, being then at Ipres, desiring them to come and meet him there at the same time. He himself against the Day prefixed went out of Gaunt with his Men of War, and made his Rendezvous at Mount Gerard aforesaid, being on an Arm of the Skell; where he resolved to stay for the Lords of England, and the Men of Frank and Bruges. The foresaid English Barons thought it dishonourable to delay a Matter of such Importance, especially the Flemings being so forward in what they them∣selves on behalf of the King their Master extreamly desired; wherefore they immedi∣ately dispatch'd an Answer to Jacob van Arteveld, signifying, that they would not fail to be with him at such a Day.

There was then at Ipre a Lord of Almain, named Sr. Vauflart de la Croix, who for a long time had made War against the Garrison of Lille (by the Dutch called Ryssel) whereby he was well acquainted with all the Avenues and Passages of that Country. Him now the two English Lords took for their Guide, and when the time appointed drew near, marched out of Ipre with 50 Men of Arms and 40 Archers in their Com∣pany: But as they came toward the Town of Lille, either by Treason of some a∣mong them, or by the Enemies Spies, their Approach was signified to those of the Town, who sent out beforehand 1500 Men both Horse and Foot, in three several Bo∣dies, that the English might by no means escape. It is likely they had at least a strong presumption some time before of this their Coming; for in such a certain place they had made a great Dike, where there never was any before, that their Passage might be the slower, and they might not slip quickly by unperceived. Sr. Vauflart had guided them well till they came to this Dike, but here he began to smell a Plot, and making an Halt, said to the English Barons,

My Lords, now I see well you can∣not pass without peril from the Garrison of Lille. For this way is but newly thus stop∣ped, and without fail they have had notice of our Coming: Wherefore by my ad∣vice, you would do well to turn back again and take some other way.

But the Lords answer'd him,

Nay Sr. Vauflart, it shall ne're be said, that we went out of the way for fear of the Men of Lille; therefore ride on before in Gods-name, for we have promised Jacob van Arteveld to be with him as on this day.

And saying so, they began to move forward; but then Sr. Vauflart repli'd,

Gentlemen, you have taken me in this journey for your Guide, and I have been with you all this Winter in Ipres, where indeed for your kind Company and singular Favours, I have been particularly obliged unto you: But if the Men of Lille once appear without the Walls, never expect that I should stand by you: For I design to save my self as soon as I may; because, if I am taken by them I am sure to die for it: And you must pardon me, if I love my Life something better than your good Company, thô you are my Friends.

The English Lords laughed heartily at him and said,

Well Sr. Vauflart, if it be so, we freely excuse you from further Attendance.

And truly just as he had imagin'd, so it fell out, for unawares they were even then in danger of the French Ambush, who cri'd out,

Hold Messieurs, you are not like to pass this way without our Leave,

and at that instant they poured in a whole Flight of Ar∣rows upon them, and came out in good Order against them. The Lord Vauflart had no sooner espi'd them, but he turn'd his Horse and got out of the Preass, as hastily as he might, and setting spurs to his Horse escap'd away: But the English Captains thought scorn to flinch, and so rode forward, till finding themselves enclos'd with their Enemies, as it were in a Net, they alighted on foot and began to defend them∣selves like Men; insomuch that for all their great Disadvantage, they slew and hurt many of their Enemies. But the Men of Lille were now both behind and before,

and they were enclosed in a narrow straight Passage beside, so that on each Flank al∣so they lay open to the Enemies shot, among bushes, hedges and ditches, that they could neither turn backward nor forward, nor yet have convenient Ground to fight it out on: And however well they might behave themselves, 'twas impossible they should get off, because perpetually fresh Men flow'd in upon them under the Conduct of the x 7.25 Lord of Rambois; so after some Resistance they were all taken of necessity, and with them a young Esquire of Limosin, named Raymund Rogerii, Nephew to Peter Rogerii then Cardinal, and shortly after Pope of Rome, by the Name of Clement VI. This young Gentleman having yielded himself prisoner, was afterwards slain in Cool blood by the Frenchmen, for greediness of his rich Arms and costly Apparel. This is the man∣ner of the taking of the Earl of Salisbury, and the Earl of Suffolks y 7.26 eldest Son (not as is commonly said, of the Earl of Suffolk himself) as Froisard hath deliver'd; and truly it would not seem improbable neither, but upon these accounts, that it is hardly cre∣dible, two such Great Captains as these were known to be, should erre so much against the Rules of War, in being so rash and careless; and besides the way from Ipres to Greetsberg by Ryssel or Lille is the farthest way about by much, and shews that Sr. Vauflart had rather a mind to expose them to their Enemies, both of Lille and Tour∣nay, than to guide them the nearest and safest way: Which had been by passing from Ipre to cross the Skell about Courtray, a Garrison of their Friends, to keep the left hand till they came to the place of Rendezvous, which was not above 4 leagues be∣neath Aelst or Alost, on another Arm of the Skell. Wherefore having a more proba∣ble Account elsewhere of the taking of these Men, I shall set that down also, leaving the Reader to judge, which Opinion seems most preferable. Immediately after Easter the Earl of Salisbury, and the Earl of Suffolks Eldest Son, called Robert Ʋfford le Fitz, went and laid Siege to the Town of Lille in Flanders, z 7.27 so called from its Scituation a∣mong Lakes, which are now dri'd up, that Town holding then for the French; and being furnished with a good Garrison. Hereupon full of Courage, one Day they made a vigorous a 7.28 Sally upon the Besiegers, but whether really overpower'd by the English, or only in Policy pretending so to be, they at last retir'd in great (seeming) Confusion, much faster than they issued out. The two English Lords, as the Nature of Man is, presuming belike on their late frequent Successes, hoped by pursuing them close to en∣ter with them Pell-mell, and so to be Masters of the Place. With this Design they follow'd the Townsmen close at their heels, themselves being follow'd but by a few of their Troops, that were then in readiness; thô greater Numbers were hasting on to second them. But as soon as ever the two Lords with a few about them were got within the Gates, down fell the Armed Portcullis from behind them, and in their Face they met with a great number of Men of Arms; besides that those who lately fled from them return'd upon them now with greater vigour. So that immediately they were both taken and sworn Prisoners (with their Men) and then clapt in Irons and laid in the Town-Hall Prison or common Goal, till it might be resolv'd what to do with them. At last it was determin'd, that these two Illustrious Captives, being fetter'd and shackled with Iron, should be sent and presented to the French King, as a lucky Hansel of his future Success. As they were b 7.29 convey'd to Paris, they were drawn in a Cart thrô the midst of every Town, Village or Hamlet in their way, with great shouts and cries of the Vulgar, and scoffs and railings of the rascal sort of People. Be∣ing c 7.30 at last brought into the King of France's Presence, he most unworthily com∣manded they should be put to Death; but to this the most Noble King of Bohemia, John of Luxemburgh, oppos'd himself with words to this effect.

Sir, if these Gentlemen your Prisoners, were not Persons of as high Merit as Qua∣lity, I should not take much notice of them at this time; thô I should hardly al∣low of putting the most mean or undeserving Enemy to Death in cold blood. They are indeed, as Matters now stand, open Enemies to your Majesty; but they are Honou∣rable Enemies however, and such as never fought against you, but in their Liege Ma∣sters Quarrel; nor then till open Defiance had been made. Nor were they taken so much by the Valour of your Subjects, as thrô an excess of their own, and that too by a subtle Contrivance of their Adversaries; nor even then perhaps had they so tame∣ly yielded, but that they believ'd, they should not fail of being used like Prisoners of War. Let not the most Christian King of France prove more severe and less just or honourable, than even his Enemies suppos'd him to be.

Beside, the Event of War is uncertain, and the King of England is not only him∣self of great Puissance, but has gained strong Allies in the Empire; so that he may be suppos'd able to return like for like: If these Men therefore should now die, who

of your Lords would willingly fight in your Quarrel; since if taken, they must never expect to be put to Ransom, but in Revenge of these Mens Blood, to inevitable Death? Nor are your Enemies only like to resent this Action, if you proceed se∣verely; but the better Part of your Friends also, as you may guess from Me, who am the First, that blame this Resolution of yours against them. To kill those that re∣sist is Valour and Justice; but to put those to the Sword, who have laid down theirs, is both cruel and ungenerous: It may be any Mans fortune to be taken Prisoner; but it will be an eternal Blot to that Conqueror, who destroys those in cold Blood, whom the Law of Arms makes only Prisoners of War. My Royal Friend and Bro∣ther, let us resolve to be valiant Enemies but Mercifull Victors; at least let us forbear these unreasonable Severities, till we are first provoked by the example of the English, to use them.

King Philip being convinced by these Reasons of his Old Friend, the Heroick King of Bohemia, revoak'd the Sentence of their Death; but however d 7.31 committed them to close Prison: He sent also to thank the Garrison of Lille, for this agreeable piece of Service, and promis'd them gratiously to take them into his Consideration. But Jacob van Arteveld, when he heard of their Taking, in great Displeasure broke up his Assembly at Mount-Gerard or Geertsberg, and laying aside all hopes of Succeeding as then against Tournay, went back again to Gaunt the Metropolis of Flanders.

VIII. The mean while John Duke of Normandy, King Philips Eldest Son, who as we shew'd before, had Orders from his Father to invade the Earl of Hainalts Coun∣try, made his general Rendezvous at St. Quintin. There came to him thither Walter de Brenne, the Duke of Athens, Lewis of Cressy Earl of Flanders, who had now little or no Authority left him in his own Country; Ralph Earl of Ewe and Guisnes, Con∣stable of France, the Earl of Auxerre, the Earl of Porcien, the Earl of Grand-P••••, the Earl of Coucy, the Lord of Bresne, the Lord of Craon, and divers other Nobles of Normandy and of the Lower Marches. All these with their several Retinues be∣ing assembled at the Place aforesaid, a little after * 7.32 Easter, in the Year of our Lord MCCCXL; The Constable and the two Marshals found the whole Number to con∣sist of 6000 Men of Arms and 18000 Others. So they took the Field and began then March, passing by the strong Castle of Bouhain and Cambresis, and lodged in the Town of Montais on the River Selle. The Lord Richard Verchin High Seneschall of Hai∣nault, being beforehand informed by his Spies, that the Duke of Normandy intended to lodge that Night at Montais, took with him certain Choice Men of Arms from se∣veral Garrisons, and about Sun-set, leaving his Castle of Landrecy, rode forth till he came to a Forest on the Confines of Hainault, a little league from Montais. It was now Night and very dark, but this Lord and his Men knew the whole Country per∣fectly. Wherefore in a field by this Forest the Lord Verchin made an Halt, and there first declared to his Company,

That he design'd to go and beat up the Duke of Normandy's Quarters at Montais;

whereat all his Men expressed much joy, and pro∣mised to live and die with him in the Undertaking. He thanked them heartily, and then gave them the Word and full Directions, thô they were all expert Captains; the Knights being Sr. James Sart, Sr. Henry of Hofalize, Sr. Oliver Guistels, Sr. John Chastellet, and Sr. Bertrand his Brother: The Esquires were Giles and Thierry Som∣main, Brethren, Baldwin Beaufort, Colebrier Brule, Esquire Moreau, Soldat Stramen, John Robsert, Bridol Thyaulx and Others to the number of 56, who all rode secretly to Montais, and enter'd the very Town undiscover'd. The French were so secure they had set no c 7.33 Watch, so that the Seneschall of Hainault alighted very silently before the chief House of the Town, for there they expected to find the Duke of Normandy himself: But whether by Chance, his own Discretion, or meer Providence, he was not lodged there; but two other Great Lords of Normandy had the Place assigned them to their no great advantage in the end, for now they were suddenly assailed by these unexpected Guests, and the Gate of the Lodgings broken down. But when they heard the Cry of Hainalt in the House they were extreamly amazed, and yet they defended themselves as well as they could, thô it availed but little; for they were but few within, and those but ill prepared; there one of the Lords was slain outright, as he fought valiantly, the other was taken Prisoner, but being naked was left there, when he had first given to the Seneschall his Faith and Troth, that he would not fail to yield himself Prisoner, within three Days after at Valenciennes. At this Noise the Army be∣gan to take the Alarm, and the Frenchmen came out of their Lodgings and made fires, and lighted up Torches and Candles, while others went to awake their Fellows; but the Duke of Normandy, at the first noise arose in all hast, put on his Armour, and

order'd his Banner to be displayed before his Lodgings, whereto his Men might repair; for it was not known what Numbers the Enemy consisted of, the Darkness of the Night making all things uncertain. But now the Hainalders, perceiving it high time to depart, retired in good Order to their Horses, mounted and went away with 10 or 12 Prisoners of Quality clear off, for the French durst not pursue them in the Dark, for fear of an Ambush. By the next morning they reached Quesnoy, where having rested a while to refresh themselves they rode to Valenciennes.

In the Morning the Duke of Normandy, being mightily incensed at this presumption of the Hainalders, and resolving a severe Revenge, gave Command to his Men to dislodge, and March into Hainault, and there burn and destroy without Mercy. So his Vancurrours consisting of two Hundred Spears, ••ode forth under the Command of Sr. Theobald of Marville, Galeas Lord of Bausine, the Lord of Mirepoix, the Lord of Ra∣venal, the Lord of Sempy, John Lord of Landas, the Lord of Angers, and the Lord of Tramels: Next these rode the two Marshals of the Army, with 500 Spears; then came the Duke himself with the other Lords, Knights, and Esquires, and the Gross of the Army. The Vanguard burnt Ferest, Bertran, Bertinginel, Sormaine, Vendegres in the Wood, Vendegres on the Sands, by the River Rouelle; the next day they burnt Os∣menal, Wallers, Gomegnies, Marchiennes, Pestell, Anfroy, Pyeprux, Fresnoy, Obiez, the good Town of Bannoy, and all the Country as far as the River Honneau. That same day the Marshals with their Battail gave a Brisk Assault to the Castle of Verchin, but the Seneschal had so well provided for it, that they got no Advantage there. Thence the Army passed on, and encamped by the River of s 7.34 Selle, between Aussy and San∣coy. Now at this time the Lord of Valkenberg, who had been sent at first to Avesnes, was Captain of the strong Town of Maubeuge upon the Sambre, having with him in Garrison an 100 Spears of Germans and Hainalders. When he heard how the French were about these Hostilities in Hainault, and saw the poor Country People daily flying away from before them, he was very much moved both with Indignation and Compas∣sion; and so now leaving the Town to the Care of the Lord Beaurenoire and the Lord Montecuculi, he arm'd himself and his Company, whom for that purpose he had drain'd from several Garrisons, saying, he had a great Mind to find out these Frenchmen. So he rode carefully, and with secresie all day by the Forest of Mormaux; but in the E∣vening hearing by his Spies, that the French Army was encamped on the Selle, between Aussy and Sancoy, he said, he would go and give them a Camisade. So riding on till about Midnight, by the help of a Guide, he passed the River, and then gave the Word, and necessary Orders, making all things ready for the Exploit: So he rode on fair and softly, till he came to the skirts of the French Host, but then all in one instant set Spurs to their Horses, and dashed in with great Fury among the sleepy Frenchmen, cry∣ing out Valkenberg, and cutting down Tents and Pavilions, and slaying and wounding whomsoever they met with. The Alarm waken'd the whole Host, so that they began to Rise and Arm apace, and so flock'd to their Banners, moving as they were ranged, to that Part, whence the noise came. Of the French there were already slain the Lord of Picquegny, and the Lord Anthony Condom desperately wounded; the Viscount of Quesnes, and the Bourge of Rouvres were taken Prisoners, besides the Mischief done a∣mong the Common sort. But now, when the Lord of Faulquemont (which is Valkenburg) saw by the Lights in the Host, and the Banners approaching, that it was time for him to be gone, he went off in an instant with all his Company, and repassed the River of Selle without any Damage in the World; for he was not followed, because the French were unskill'd in the Country, and feared an Ambush. By Sunrise that Morning he got to Quesnoy, where he was let in by the Captain Sr. Thierry of Valcourt; who knew him for a Friend. About the same time also the Duke of Normandy went over the River after him, his Vanguard being enforced with 200 Spears more under the Lord of Nor∣siers, besides the Footmen arm'd with Brigandines, all who appear'd before Quesnoy, and made a shew, as if the Army was coming up to besiege the Place, or at least attempt it by Assault: But the Town was so well provided with Ammunition and Valiant Souldiers, that they would but have lost their Labour; which also the Enemy partly knew, but however they were resolv'd not to leave them unsaluted, and so came to the Barriers to skirmish. Thô they came on fast enough, they were soon obliged to with∣draw much faster, for they were entertain'd by the Town with many pieces of Artille∣ry, from whence were discharged huge quarrels of Stone, and mighty Weights of Lead and Iron, which kill'd whereever they fell, but especially made the Frenchmen unwil∣ling to approach, for fear their Horses should be slain, now they were in a strange Coun∣try. Wherefore they turn'd off thence, and in their way set on fire Verchin the Great

and the Less, Fresne, Samners, Artes, Semeriens, Sariten, Turgyes, Estines, Aulnoy, and so many Towns and Villages that way, that the smoak was seen at Valenciennes. After this the Frenchmen order'd their Battails on the Mountain Casteres near Valenci∣ennes, to see if by any means they could entice the Enemy to come forth against them. The mean while a Detachment of 200 Spears under the Leading of the Lord Craon, the Lord Mauliverer, the Lord of Mathelor, and the Lord of Dunoy, rode towards Montigny, and went and Assaulted a great Tower belonging to Sr. John Vernier of Va∣lenciennes, which afterwards came to Sr. John Nevill. The Assault was fierce and con∣tinued long, even well-nigh an whole day, so that several of the French were slain and wounded before they left off: But they within behav'd themselves so well, that they receiv'd no loss at all. About the same time another Party of Frenchmen went to Tryche, thinking at their Pleasure to pass the Bridge, and so to approach the Town: But the Townsmen had already broke down the Bridge, and stood there to Defend the Passage: So that they could not hope for any Advantage that way. However having Guides among them, and such as knew the Country, they made shift to Convey over at De∣nain two Hundred Men on Foot, who came suddenly upon the Men of Tryche: They therefore being but few in number, and not very Expert in Military Affairs, could not endure against the French in plain fight, and so they fled to the Town as fast as they could, leaving several of their Friends behind, both dead and wounded. Upon this Suc∣cess of the French, another Body, both Horse and Foot passed over, who joyning with the others, set themselves all together to Assault the Town. That day the Seneschal of Hainault went secretly from Valenciennes with an Hundred Men of Arms to succour the Men of Tryche, and in the way a little beyond St. Waast, he met with 25 Forerun∣ners of the French Army, whose Captains were the Lord Bouciquaut, afterwards Mar∣shal of France, the Lord Surgieres, and Sr. William Blandeau who had passed the Bridge by Valenciennes, called de la Rouelle. When the Seneschal of Hainault espied these Men, he rode forth like a Valiant Captain in the Head of his Troop against them, and at the first shock bore down to the Earth with his Spear, the Lord Bouciquaut, whom he took Prisoner and sent to Valenciennes, as one who was ordain'd to a Nobler De∣stiny: The Lord of Surgieres escaped away by the Goodness of his Horse, but Sr. William Blandeau was also taken alive by Sr. Henry de Hofalize, and the rest either all taken or slain. Then the Seneschal proceeded on toward Tryche, but he had almost come too late; for the French had just taken the Town before he came, and were now beat∣ing down the Mills, and a little Castle that was hard by: When upon the Seneschals approach, being suddenly taken, they had hardly the leisure to mount their Horses; so they were easily discomfited and put to flight, and pursued so narrowly, that many leapt into the River of Skell, and some were drown'd, especially the Footmen, of whom very few escaped. Thus was Tryche sav'd out of the fire, and most of the spoils recover'd again: After which the Seneschal repassed the River at Denain, and rode to his Castle of Verchin to defend it, if need should be.

All this while the Duke of Normandy was upon the Mount of Casteres near upon all day, expecting that the Men of Valenciennes would have issued out to have fought with him: And so they would gladly have done, but that Sr. Henry Dantoing their Gover∣nour and the Provost of the Town, according to the Seneschals Order, stood at the Gate which looks towards Cambray, and by fair Words and good Arguments us'd all their endeavour to stop them from sallying out: For it was too Great, Populous, and rich a City to be hazarded at one cast of Fortune; But while the Men of War remain'd with∣in, both they and the Town were safe, being a mutual security to one another. When therefore the Duke of Normandy saw plainly that they would not come forth against him, he sent the Duke of Athens, and the Marshals of his Host, the Earl of Auxerre and the Lord of Chastillon with 300 Spears to go and skirmish with them at the Bar∣riers. All these rode forth accordingly in good Order and came to the Barriers on the side de la Rouelle, but they durst not tarry there long for fear of the shot from the Walls, which slew their Horses; the Lord of Chastillon notwithstanding rode so near, that his Horse fell dead under him, so that he was fain to leap upon another in great Danger of his Own Person. Then they return'd by the Marches, and burnt and beat down the Mills on the River Rouelle, and so came by Chartreux to their Host again: But certain of their Company tarried behind at Marley to get store of Forage for their Horses. Now there was a considerable Castle not far off, formerly belonging to the Lord Ro∣bert of Namur, in Right of the Lady Isabella his Wife, who was one of the Sisters of the Present Earl of Hainault, but now by exchange it was again reverted to the Earl. The Garrison within this Castle perceiving how these Frenchmen loytred thus behind their fel∣lows

in great Security, and that the Army was now very far off before them, made upon them a sudden and vigorous Sally, wherein they slew the greater part of them, recover'd all their Prey, and without any loss return'd in Triumph to their Castle.

All this g 7.35 while the Great Battail of the French was still on the Mount Casteres, till now at last, that all their Detachments were return'd from all Parts, thô as we have shew'd, not without loss, they enter'd Consultation how they should proceed farther. In the end it was resolved, that since they were not sufficiently numerous to Storm so Great and Populous a City as Valenciennes, they should content themselves for the pre∣sent with what they had already done, and so return to Cambray. So that Night they reach'd Monchau, and Fontaine au Tertre, and the Abbey pertaining to the Lady Jane of Valois, Countess Dowager of Hainault: There they lodged that Night, keeping good Watch, as being still in the Enemies Country; But the next Morning they de∣camped betimes, some of those in the Rear upon their departure setting fire on Mon∣chau, and Fontaine, together with the foresaid Abbey, thô it belonged to the said La∣dy Jane, Sister to King Philip of France. This when Duke John her Nephew under∣stood, he was so displeased, that he commanded those who began the Fire to be hang'd up immediately. After this they burnt the Town and Castle of Tryche, (so lately re∣scued to no purpose) and beat down the Mills; also they set fire on Prony, Romeny, Thyaulx, and all the plain Country between Valenciennes and Cambray. Then the Duke proceeded to Escandure, a strong Frontier Castle of the Earl of Hainalts, stand∣ing on the River Skell; the Garrison whereof had been a great Plague to the City of Cambray; Sr. Gerard van Sanctius being the Captain. But when the Duke of Nor∣mandy had lain before the Place six days, it was deliver'd up unto him; not without the Admiration of all who knew its strength, and therefore vehemently suspected the Cap∣tain Sr. Gerard, and an Esquire of his, named Robert of Marmeaulx, to have play'd the Traytors in this Matter. However, shortly after they both suffer'd a shamefull Death upon this account at Mons in Hainalt: But the Garrison of Cambray rased the Castle to the ground, conveying the Stones and Timber thereof into their own Town to help them in their Necessary Reparations.

IX. After h 7.36 this Desolation of Escandure, Duke John return'd to Cambray, where for the present he disbanded some of his Men, and others he sent to reinforce the Garri∣sons of Doway, Lille, and other places. As soon as these fresh Aids came to Doway, the Garrison was so encouraged, that they sent forth together with them of Lille 300 Spears, whose Leaders were the Lord Lewis of Savoy, Amè Earl of Geneva, the Earl of Villers, Sr. Galeas of Bausine, the Lord of Vaurain, and the Lord of Vasiers. All these overran with fire and sword, the fruitfull Country of Ostervandt in Hainault, so that they left nothing untouch'd, but the strong Castles. At this the Three Brethren, Captains of Bouchain, were extreamly concerned; as those who daily saw the fire and smoak, and other ill effects of the Enemies Rage, but were not strong enough to op∣pose it. Wherefore they sent to Valenciennes, to tell the Governour, that if in the Night he would send forth 600 Spears to joyn him, they would most certainly take a Notable Revenge upon the Frenchmen, who lay scatter'd abroad without any Retiring place, or shelter in the plain Country: But whatever they alledged, those of Valenci∣ennes durst not stir out of the Town, because the Earl had strictly enjoyn'd the con∣trary; during his absence. Wherefore the French meeting with no Opposition, took great Booties, and fired the Town of Nyche, Descoux, Escaudan, Hery, Monteney, Se∣nain, Verlain, Vargny, Ambreticourt, Lourge, Salx, Ruette, Neville, Lieu, St. A∣mand, and all the Villages of that Country, from whence they brought off much plun∣der. But as soon as they were return'd into Garrison, those of the Garrison of Bouchain, went forth and burnt a Moiety of Descon, which was French, and the Town of Desquer∣chine, and all the Villages that held with France, as far as to the Gates of Doway. Thus on both sides were the Garrisons furnished with Men of War, and daily mutual Advantages and Losses were exchanged between both Parties.

At the same time there was a Garrison of Germans in the Fortress of Mal-Maison, which was but two Leagues from the Castle of Cambresis on the Selle, being placed there by the Bishop of Cambray, who held with France. This Fortress on the side to∣ward Hainault look'd directly upon Landrecy, whereof the Lord of Poitrel was Cap∣tain; for thô the Earl of Blois own'd it once, yet on certain considerations he had late∣ly parted with it to the Earl of Hainault, before the Earl had broke with France. These Germans of Mal-Maison aforesaid came one day to the Barriers of Landrecy, and in sight of the Town began to drive away a great Booty of Cattle, that grased there∣about. The Lord of Poitrel understanding thus much, Arm'd himself and all his Com∣pany,

and rode forth to the Rescue in the Head of his Men, with his Spear in his Rest, still crying after the Enemy, "Sirs, it is a shame to fly away. Now the Germans of the French side had among them an Hardy and Couragious Esquire of Almain, named Albert of Colen, who not enduring those biting Words, immediately turn'd his Horse, couched his Spear, and ran furiously against the Lord of Poitrel, giving him such a stroak on the Target, that the Spear flew all to pieces, but having presently recover'd another, he redoubled his stroak with so much Fury, that the Spear enter'd quite thrô his Armour into his Body just to the Heart; so that the Lord Poitrel fell dead from his Horse. But his Companions, the Lord of Bausiers, Sr. Gerard Mastin, and Sr. John his Brother, with their Troops renew'd the Chace against the Frenchmen so briskly, that most of them were slain, all the Prey rescued, and their own Prisoners recover'd, but a very few having the Good Fortune to escape. So the Hainalders return'd a∣gain to Landrecy, bringing along with them, as a Qualification of their Victory, the Dead Body of their Captain, the Lord of Poitrel, in whose place succeeded the Lord of Floron.

Thus various were the Rencounters between the Hainalders and French; but the Country of Hainault was grievously wasted and afflicted with this War; and still the Duke of Normandy lay on the Frontiers, no man knowing whither he would turn his Fury next: But the Greatest Concern of all was, they could hear no tidings of the Earl of Hainault, their Lord. He for his part, as we shew'd before, had taken a Voyage into England; where he was well received by the King and his Barons, and there was made between the King and the Earl his Brother-in-Law, a mutual Alliance, Offensive and Defensive. From England the Earl went into Germany to the Emperour Lewis of Bavaria, who had Married his Eldest Sister the Lady Margaret, as King Edward had Married the Youngest, and with him also he made an Alliance, Offensive and Defen∣sive: And these were the Occasions that kept the Earl so long abroad. Besides this the Lord John of Hainault his Uncle, having as well as he could, supply'd all Places of Strength, and given necessary Orders, since he had received peremptory Command absolutely to decline coming to Battle, till the Earl's Return, was also gone now into Brabant, and other parts of Flanders, where he shew'd to the Duke of Brabant, and to Jacob van Arteveld, the Desolation of his Country of Hainault, desiring of them their Advice and Assistance, They answer'd,

How They were sure, that shortly the Earl him∣self would return Home, and then they promised to be ready to go with him whither he would please to lead them.

X. Now i 7.37 while the Duke of Normandy remaind'd at Cambray, the Bishop and the Burges∣ses of the City told him, how the English and Hainalders had gotten by Surprise the strong Castle of Thine l'Evesque, desiring him for the Common good to endeavour its Re∣covery: Because the Garrison that lay there was so prejudicial to all their Country. Upon this the Duke began again his Musters out of Artois and Vermandois, and ha∣ving compleated a sufficient Army went forth of Cambray, and came before Thine on the River k 7.38 Sambre, and sat down before it, pitching his Tents in the fair plain Mea∣dows toward Ostrevandt. The Duke had brought with him from Cambray and Doway several great Engines, but especially six of extraordinary size, all which he reared up against the Fortress, casting from them night and day mighty Stones, wherewith he beat down the Roofs of their Chambers, Halls, Towers and Houses: So that the Besieged were fain to lie in Vaults and Cellars for their better Security against these Engines; the Captains of the Fortress at that time were Sr. Richard Limesi, an English Man of honourable Extract, and two valiant Esquires of Hainalt, John and Thierry, Brethren to the Lord Walter Manny, and to the Earl of Namur: These three Captains, thô infinitely molested by these Engines, would often say to hearten their Company:

Surely Fellow-Souldiers, one of these Days the Earl of Hainalt will come against these Frenchmen and deliver us with Honour, and fully acquit us of our present Danger: Nor will he then fail to give us both great Rewards and Thanks for having so truly defended this Place so long.

But after that the Engines cast in upon them dead Horses and Dogs, and other stinking Carcasses, which annoyed them much more than any other thing; for it being about the time of Midsummer, thrô the heat of the Air the stink became so abominable, that they saw at this rate they should never be able to hold out any longer. So by good Advice they concluded to desire a Truce for 15 Days, in which time to send and inform the Lord John of Hai∣nalt (who was Governour of the Country in the Earls absence) of their State and Condition; and if he should not afford them any Succour in that space, then they would yield up the Fortress to the Duke. This Treaty being agreed to by the Duke,

the Three Captains sent forth an Esquire of Hainalt, named Estrelart de Sommain, to John of Beaumont, to whom the Esquire, finding him at Mons, related the whole Message, not forgetting to aggravate the ill Condition of his Friends at Thyne. Sr. John thereupon shew'd him the Letters he had newly received from his Nephew the Earl, wherein he wrote,

That he was coming homeward into his own Country, and that he had been with the Emperour and King of England, and with several Lords of the Empire, with all whom he had made a strict Alliance.

And, says he, go and tell our Friends at Thyne, that they be of good Courage; for the Earl will be here within a Day or two, and without doubt they shall be relieved effectually upon his Return.

During this term of Truce the Earl returned home accordingly; at which time the Lord of Beaumont his Uncle, gave him an exact Account of all publique Transactions during his Absence; how the Duke of Normandy had lain on the Frontiers, and how he had burnt and wasted his Country. The Earl answer'd,

that it should be dearly paid for, adding, how the Realm of France was rich, and large enough to make ample Satisfaction for all their Trespasses done against him:

But for the present, he resolv'd to address himself immediately to the Assistance of those who were besieged in Thyne, since they had hitherto defended themselves in such Difficulties with so much Honour. Whereupon he straight sends out his Summons to all his Friends and Allies in Germa∣ny, Brabant and Flanders, and thrô all his own Country, himself went to Valenciennes, where he made his General Rendezvous, and presently he had a gallant Army. This done, he marched from Valenciennes in great Array with many Carriages, Tents and Pavilions, and other Necessaries, following the Army, and went and encamped by Sar on the Plain along by the River Sambre. He had in his Company these Lords Hai∣nalders, John Lord of Beaumont his Uncle, the Lord of Engien, the Lord Verchin Se∣neschall of Hainalt, the Lord Dantoing, the Lord Barbancon, the Lord of Lens, the Lord William Bailleul, the Lord Havereth, the Chastelain of Mons, the Lord Mon∣tecuculi, the Lord Barbais, Sr. Thierry of Walcourt Marshall of Hainalt, the Lord Dalmed, the Lord Gomeygnes, the Lord Brisuell, the Lord Roisin, the Lord Trisa∣gines, the Lord Lalain, the Lord Mastin, the Lord Sars, the Lord Vargny, the Lord of Beaurien and many Others, all ready with their Men to serve their Lord the Earl. Beside of his Allies there came thither to his Aid, the Earl of Namur with 200 Spears, after whom came the Duke of Brabant with 600 Spears, and the Duke of Guerle with 400, William Marquess of Juliers was now in England with King Edward; but there was the Earl of Mons, the Lord of Valkenberg, Sr. Arnold of Ba∣quehen, and divers other Lords and Captains of Almain, Westphalia and Flanders. All these with their several Troops were encamped along by the River Sambre, over a∣gainst the French Host, and Plenty of Victuals and other Provision was daily brought to them out of Hainalt.

When the Duke of Normandy, who lay on the other side of the River with a goodly Army, saw how these Lords his Enemies were thus lodged between Sars and Ausne, he sent Word to the King his Father, letting him know how great the Earl of Hainalts Forces were, and how they still encreased daily. King Philip being then at Perone, sent presently 1200 Spears to the Reinforcement of his Son, and he himself soon after went to the Army, but Incognito and like a private Souldier; for he was un∣der an Obligation, made by Oath to the Emperour, never to come against any Lords of the Empire, or those that held thereof, without the Imputation of flat Perjury: Which by this pittifull Salvo he thought now to avoid. Wherefore the Duke of Normandy, his Son, was still look'd upon and named the Chief General of the whole Army; thô all the while he did nothing, but by the Advice and at the Command of the King his Father.

When those, who were besieged in Thine, saw the Earl of Hainalt come to their Aid with such a Mighty Power, they were well refreshed, as well with the Conscience of having held out so gallantly, as with sure Hopes of an easie Deliverance. But all their Friends were not come yet, for on the fourth Day after the Earls Arrival, there came to him a fresh Accession of considerable Forces from Valenciennes, under the Conduct of Sr. John de Bossu Provost of the City. Upon this Reinforcement the Earl of Hai∣nalt began to skirmish with the Frenchmen couragiously: But neither were they wanting to do their Devoir; so that with Arrows, Quarrels and Engines many were slain and hurt on both sides; but the Armies could not as yet joyn Battle, because the River Sambre ran between them. l 7.39 Only the Skirmishers fought daily together by means of four Bridges that lay over the River; which yet were well kept on both

sides, that neither could pass over to the other without apparent Disadvantage. While thus the two Armies lay by the River Sambre, the French toward France, and the Hainalders towards their own-Country, the Foragers on both sides rode forth daily to fetch in Provision for the Army; but they never encountred one another, because the River parted them. Only a strong Detachment of the French went forth and burnt in the Country of Ostervandt, where it had not been wasted before, as part of the Town m 7.40 of Quesnoy, and other Villages thereabout; which the Hainalders requited by bur∣ning in like manner in the Country of Cambresis. While n 7.41 both Armies stood thus confronting each other, there came to the Earl of Hainalts Aid, at the Perswasion and under the Conduct of Jacob van Arteveld 60000 Flemings, well-arm'd and in good Array. Wherefore now that the Earl found himself above an 100000 strong, he sent by his Heralds to the Duke of Normandy, demanding Battle of him; for he said, it could not but prove a shame to that Party of the two who should now decline the fight, when both Armies were so equally great and alike provided. The Duke said, he would ask Counsel of his Lords, but they were so long in Debate, that the Heralds were fain to come back for that time without any Answer at all. The third Day after therefore the Earl, having all this while received no Return to his Message, sent again to the Duke to know his final Resolution. The Duke repli'd,

That he was not sufficiently convinced, that it was necessary to give his Enemies Battle at their pleasure, but at his own rather: That the Earl was too hot and hasty, but might perhaps be cooled some time or other.

The Earl hearing this, took it but for meer Tergiversation and Delay, and so declared to his Chief. Lords and Captains the Summ of his two Messages with the Answer, and that he was resolv'd to fling a Bridge o∣ver, and go and give them Battle in spight of their Teeth, demanding their Opinions thereupon. At this they all began to look on each other, every Man being unwilling to speak First; but by and by the Duke of Brabant spake thus for all:

To make a Bridge and so to go over and fight the French (whatever I should think in other Circumstances) is not my Opinion at this time. For I am most certainly assured, that the King of England will very shortly come over the Sea, and lay his Siege be∣fore Tournay, and you know we have all sworn to aid and succour him to the ut∣most of our Power. If we should now fight the French, and have so ill success as to lose the Field, King Edward would miss of his Purpose, and be wholly dis∣appointed of the help he expecteth of us. And if we should obtain the Victory, he will have but small reason to thank us; since we shall seem to have prefer'd the Gratification of our own Revenge to the care of his Welfare. So that my Opinion is, that by no means, while it is in our choice not to be compell'd, we engage our selves with the whole Power of France, without the Presence of him, who is chiefly con∣cern'd in this War. But when we shall lie before Tournay, with King Edward on our side, and the French King in Person against us, I think it will be next to impos∣sible, that we should then miss of a Battle. Wherefore for this time my Advice is, that we break up and depart, when we have secur'd the Lives of this Garrison here, since our Lying in this place is so excessive chargeable and expensive. For I am certain within these ten Days at farthest, we shall hear, that the King of England is come.

The Major Part of the Lords present approved of this Counsel, as most reasonable, all things considerd; and especially the Brabanders, Citizens of Brussels and Louvain, when they heard of this Advice of their Lord, applauded it extreamly, as being desirous to return home as soon as might be. But the Earl of Hainalt pre∣vail'd with much ado with the Leaders to tarry a little longer: In which time, since he had never before seen himself in the Head of so considerable an Army, as he was very Couragious, he thought to force the Lords, his Allies to an Engagement before their Departure, as Themistocles did the Grecian Confederates at Salamis. Wherefore privately he brake his Mind to the Lord John of Hainalt, saying,

Dear Uncle, I desire you would please to ride down by the River side, and to call over the River to speak with some Body of the French Army: And then desire him to shew unto the French King and his Son from me, that if they will give me three Days Respit and Truce, I will make a Bridge over the Water, and so go over and give him Bat∣tle: Or else let him do the like, and we will by no means hinder the Workmen from making the Bridge.

The Lord of Beaumont according to his Nephews De∣sire, rode presently down along the River side with Thirteen Knights in his Company, and his Banner before him to let the Enemy know who he was. At last he perceived on the other side a Knight of Normandy, whom he knew by his Arms, and so called unto him, naming him by his Name,

Sr. Maubousson, I pray let me speak with you a

little. Then the Knight drew near to the Bank side and said, Sir, what is it you would have with me? Sr. John repli'd, Only that you will be so kind, as to go to the French King and his Council, and tell them how the Earl of Hainault has sent me hither to ask a Truce only, while he may lay a Bridge over this River, and that then he will go over and give you Battle without fail: Of this if you will please to bring an Answer, I'll tarry here till your Return. The Lord Maubousson, having made signs of yielding to his Request, immediately set spurs to his Horse and rode directly toward the Kings Tent, with whom at that time were the Duke of Normandy, and many other Lords and Peers of France.

Before all whom having declared his Message, he received a short Answer, being commanded to tell him that sent him thither,

That as the Duke of Normandy had held the Earl of Hainault all this while, so he resolv'd to do, untill it should please him to do otherwise: And so to put him to Charges, till he should be forced to sell all his Lands, which yet should be either few or none, and what should be left worth but little: For he would make hot War upon him on all sides. And (says King Philip) when We see Oc∣casion, we'll come over the River and invade Hainault with an Army Royal; till we have utterly consumed all his Country.

This Answer was brought by Sr. Maubous∣son to the Lord of Beaumont, who thanking him for his pains, return'd to the Earl whom he found playing at Chess with the Earl of Namur. But when the Earl saw his Uncle, he rose up hastily and went aside, and heard distinctly what the King of France had answer'd him; at which, thô outwardly he took little notice, he was ex∣treamly displeased in his Mind, saying only this,

Well, well, but I hope things will not fall out as he imagins.

While thus the Castle of Thine was batter'd on one side by the French, and could not be effectually relieved by the Hainalders without a Battle, which it seems the French declin'd, as we have shewn, the o 7.42 Three Captains of the Castle by sec••et ad∣vice from the Earl of Hainalt, having provided a good Ship and other Barks, into which they put all their Men and Provision, first set the Castle all of a light fire, and then immediatly departed to the Army of their Friends, by whom they were received with much joy. The French perceiving by the Fire, how the matter went, ran in all hast, and climb'd the Court Walls to quench the Fire, which at last with much labour they did, but the Castle was much endammaged thereby.

But before these things happen'd, King Edward had won a great Victory at Sea, and was arrived at Gaunt in Flanders, of all which we shall now take leave to discourse; only first we think it requisit to shew what Preparations he had made in England all this while, in order to those great Affairs, which then he was about to undertake.

CHAPTER the SIXTEENTH.

The CONTENTS.

I. King Edward holds a Parliament at Westminster, with the Particulars thereof at large. II. Being warned of the Strength of the French Navy, he provides according∣ly, upon his Setting forth for Flanders. III. He takes the Sea, and engages the French Fleet before the Haven of Scluce, with the particulars of his Victory. IV. Nele Loring, an English Esquire, Knighted for his Valour: King Edward goes to Gaunt, from whence he sends to his Clergy, with the Copy of his Letters. V. The Manner, how King Philip heard first of this Loss; the Ʋse of Arrows prefer'd to our modern way of Guns. VI. The two Armies of Hainalt and France break up from before Thine l'Evesque. VII. King Robert of Sicily procures the Pope to write to King Edward to move him to accept of Peace. VIII. A Copy of the Popes Credence. IX. A Copy of King Edwards Answer, shewing how he had all along sought Peace to no purpose: And yet on certain Conditions was ready to admit of a Treaty.

I. ON the a 7.43 Wednesday next after Midlent-Sunday, King Edward of England held his High Court of Parliament at Westminster, wherein he demanded of the Commons, towards his Charges in order to the Recovery of his Right in France, the b 7.44 Ninth Part of all their Moveable Goods, the Cu∣stoms of Wooll for Two Years to be paid aforehand; and the Ninth Sheaf of Corn,

with the Ninth of all other Grain, the Ninth of Wooll and the Ninth Lamb to be levied in two Years, which Grant was reduced into the Form of a Statute, beginning, b 7.45 To the Honour of God, &c. Saving that those Articles thereof which were but Temporary, were in a Schedule thereunto annexed, exemplified under the Great Seal and began thus, —Edvardus Dei Gratiâ Rex Angliae & Franciae, &c. c 7.46

Know ye, that whereas the Prelates, Earls, Barons, and Commons of our Realm of England in our Present Parliament, holden at Westminster the Wednesday next after the Sunday of Midlent, the 14 Year of our Reign of England and the First of France, have gran∣ted to Us of their good Gree and Good-will, in aid of the speed of our great Busi∣ness, which We have to do, as well on this side the Sea as beyond, the Ninth Sheaf, the Ninth Fleece, and the Ninth Lamb, to be taken by Two Years next coming after the making of the same, and the Citizens and Burgesses of Burroughs the very Ninth part of all their Goods, and the Foreign Merchants and Others, which live not of gain nor of store of Sheep, the Nineteenth of their Goods lawfully to their value: We willing to provide to the Indemnity of the said Prelates, Earls, Barons, and o∣ther of the Commonalty, and also of the Citizens, Burgesses and Merchants afore∣said, do will and grant for Us and our Heirs to the same Prelates, Earls, Barons and Commons, Citizens, Burgesses and Merchants, that the same Grant (which is so chargeable) shall not another time be brought for an Example, nor turn to their Prejudice in time to come: Nor that they be from thenceforth charged, nor grieved to make any Aid, or to sustain Charge, if it be not by the Common Assent of the Prelates, Earls, Barons, and other Great Men and Commons of our said Realm of England, and that in the Parliament: And that all the Profits rising of the said Aid, and of Wards and Marriages, Customs and Escheats, and other Profits ri∣sing of the said Realm of England, shall be set and dispended upon the Maintenance of the Safeguard of our said Realm of England, and of our Wars of Scotland, France and Gascoign, and in no place elswhere during the said Wars.

Besides which extra∣ordinary Grant of the Lords and Commons, the Clergy also at the Motion of the Archbishop freely gave unto the King a Tenth. Here also, because the King in his Style was called King of France, and had alter'd his Arms, whereby his Subjects might think themselves in danger of becoming a Province to France, that being the greater Kingdom, the Kings Letters Patents of Indemnity were granted, beginning, d 7.47 Edvar∣dus, &c.

Edward by the Grace of God, King of England and France, and Lord of Ireland, to all those, who these Letters shall hear or see, Greeting. Know ye, that whereas some People do think, that by reason that the Realm of France is devol∣ved unto Us, as Right Heir of the same, and forasmuch as We be King of France, our Realm of England should be in Subjection to the King and Realm of France in time to come, We having regard to the Estate of our Realm of England, and name∣ly, that it never was, nor ought to be in Subjection, nor in the Obeisance of the Kings of France, which for the time have been, nor of the Realm of France: And willing to provide for the Safety and Defence of the said Realm of England, and of our Liege People of the same, do will and grant, and establish for Us, and for our Heirs and Successors, by Assent of the Prelates, Earls, Barons and Commons of our Realm of England, in this our present Parliament summon'd at Westminster, the Wednesday next after the Sunday in Midlent, the xiv Year of our said Reign of our Realm of England, and the First of France, that by the cause or colour of this, that We be King of France, and that the said Realm to Us pertaineth, as afore is said, or that We cause Our Selves to be named King of France in our Stile, or that We have changed our Seals or our Arms, nor for Commands, which We have made, or hereafter shall make, as King of France, neither our said Realm of Eng∣land, or the People of the same, of what Estate or Condition they be, shall not in any time to come be put in Subjection, or in Obeisance of Us, nor of our Heirs nor Succes∣sors, as Kings of France as aforesaid, nor be subject, nor obedient, but shall be free and quit of all manner of Subjection and Obeisance aforesaid, as they were wont to be in the time of our Progenitors, Kings of England for ever. In Witness where∣of, &c.

Certain Bishops and Lords require of his Majesty to be saved harmless for those great Summs of Money wherewith they stood bound on the Kings Behalf to the Duke of Brabant, in case the Duke of Cornwall should not Marry with the Daughter of the said Duke, which Request was granted, and all with the Letters Patents aforesaid was enrolled in the Chancery. The Petitions also of the Clergy by Assent were made into a Statute, beginning Edvardus, &c. and enrolled as above. After this certain

fit Persons there named, were appointed for several Affairs, some to hold Debate of matters concerning Flanders; some to speak with the Merchants, touching Exchange to Brussels; and to confer with the Merchants of England; some to dilate with Pri∣ors Aliens, of which we shall speak more hereafter; others to advise touching the De∣fence of the North Marches; others to treat about the Affairs of Gascoign; and o∣thers how best to preserve the Islands and the Sea-coasts. As to the Keeping of the Peace, and performing of Covenants between the Duke of Brabant and Others on the Kings Behalf, that was all to be debated in the Kings own Presence. Concerning the raising of Money, that was refer'd to the Commons. But because the Taxes last granted were not duly answer'd to the King, by those who had been entrusted with the Care thereof; Certain Persons were now appointed to take the Accounts of Sr. William de la Pole, Sr. John Charnells, and Paul de Monteflore and Others, who had received Money, Wooll, and other Goods to the Kings Use. Whereupon Sr. Willi∣am de la Pole and the Rest had Day given them to shew their Accompts, each of them finding their sufficient Sureties: The Earl of Derby, and the Lord Wake were Sureties for Sr. William; the same Earl of Darby and the Lord John Montgomery for Sr. John Charnells: John Lord Dacres and Reginald Lord Cobham, Sr. John Share∣shull and Sr. John Stradling stood for Paul de Monteflore, Sr. John Sturmy and Sr. John Charnells were bound for William Welchborne; and the Earl of Huntington engaged for Pierce Dyme and other Merchants of Barton. Thereupon the Parliament was Pro∣togued till Wednesday in Easter Week then ensuing.

At which time certain were appointed to sit on Petitions had before the King: When also the Bishops at the Kings Request, promised never to dissent from the Kings Pro∣mise made for the Customs of Wooll, but by Common Assent of Parliament. A Mo∣tion to remember to Repeal a Commission made to Sr. Robert Waterford of the e 7.48 Opposer in the Exchequer: Also to remember to respit the Prior of St. Dennis near Southampton, and of Southwick, from paying of the Tenths and Fifteenths: And to direct a Commission to Sr. Robert Popham to be Sheriff of Southampton during the Kings Pleasure. It is Enacted, that the King may with the Assent of his Allies make any reasonable Peace.

In this Parliament in f 7.49 consideration of the many Good Services done by the Marquess of Juliers, the King made him Earl of Cambridge, and gave him in Fee a 1000 l. per annum, till he could provide for him so much of Hereditaments. Whence it appears, that the Learned Antiquary, g 7.50 Mr. Cambden, was mistaken, who says, that King Edward the Third, for the Love he bore to Queen Philippa his Consort, created the Lord John of Hainault her Uncle, Earl of Cambridge. And that upon his Revolt to the French, he devested him thereof, and conferr'd it upon William Marquess of Juliers, Sisters Son to that Queen. Whereas the said Lord John was not now, nor of some Years after, Revolted to the French, as We shall shew in due place, so that he could not yet for∣feit with Edward, nor is there any thing at all in Our publique Records, that may give the least Countenance to this Assertion of that Famous Man; as the Diligent Sr. Wil∣liam Dugdale acknowledges: Whereas it is most Evident, that at this time the Mar∣quess of Juliers was created Earl of Cambridge, as We have shewn. But We have not made this Observation upon so Great and Venerable a Person out of Envy, or Ostenta∣tion; rather thrô love of Truth alone, and to infer thereby, that if such Mighty Men may sometimes trip, if after all Our Diligence We also are found Tardy, the Candid Reader would reckon it to the account of Our frail Humanity. But to return, h 7.51 It was also now Enacted, that Prince Edward, Duke of Cornwall, should in the Absence of the King his Father be Custos, or Warden, of England, and that the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Earls of Lancaster, Warwick, and Huntington, taking for their Di∣rection such Justiceers as they should think fitting, should attend on him, and be of his Council.

That the Charter by Writs do pay the Merchants of Barton and Lynn for their Pur∣vey of Corn. Such Merchants, Denizens, as by Writ were to appear, are commanded to attend the Day after the Ascension.

Pardons shall be made to Sr. Robert Joice, and William Claxton, Pierce Tiliol, and Simon Rokeby, of all Debts: The like to be made to Thomas Brookhall for Thirty two Tunns of i 7.52 Powder.

As to the Affairs relating to Scotland, We shall still defer to speak, till a more con∣venient occasion, which will soon offer it self: That We may not by dividing the Sto∣ry distract the Reader: Only in short We shall here remember, that the Scots this mean while taking Advantage of King Edward's being occupied in Foreign Affairs, had

begun to struggle for their Liberty with such Success, that King Bailiol was fain to Re∣tire into England, as well for his own safety, as to require Succour against his Impor∣tunate Enemies, the Bruceans. However, as yet King Edward saw no such great Mat∣ter, as might Oblige him to make a Personal Expedition that way; for they fought ra∣ther by Craft and Surprise, than by plain and open force: Wherefore he still resolves Himself for France, only in this Parliament takes Care beforehand thus to provide for Scotland. k 7.53 Gilbert Ʋmphraville, Earl of Angos, the Lord Henry Piercy, Ralph Lord Nevill, the Lord Anthony Lucy of Cockermouth, the Lord John l 7.54 Segrave undertook altogether to set forth for Scotland at their own Costs 210 Men of Arms, and 220 Archers. The Lord John Moubray, whom Hector ( m 7.55 as we observed before) asserts to have been slain 8 Years agone, being now sound and well again for all that, was n 7.56 constituted in this Parliament Governour of Barwick upon Tweed, being retained by Indenture to continue there from the First of May, then next ensuing for one whole Year, having for Defence thereof 120 Men of Arms, one Hundred Halberdeers (or Hobelers) and 200 Archers, of the which he was to provide of his own proper Re∣tinue, sixty Men at Arms, whereof Ten to be Knights; beside twenty Hobelers, and o 7.57 sixty Archers, and the King to find the Rest. Of all which number it appears, that there were three p 7.58 Bannerets, and ten Knights, and that One Thousand Nine Hun∣dred Eighty Nine Pounds five Shillings, being due unto the said Lord Moubray by those Covenants, Dr. Richard Bury Bishop of Durham, with two great Barons of the North, Henry Lord Piercy, and Ralph Lord Nevill, were commanded to take Care for the Payment thereof: Besides, he was to have an Hundred q 7.59 Pounds Imprest to help to furnish him. At the same time the Lord William Felton, r 7.60 who was Governour now of Roxborough Castle (and had been so s 7.61 ever since the Eleventh of this King) was char∣ged with 60 Men at Arms, ••50 Halberdeers, and 50 Archers, to ride in Company of those Lords that were to Defend the Marches; besides 36 Men of Arms, and 40 Hal∣berdeers for the Defence of his own Castle, King Bailiol only t 7.62 undertook to find but 20 Men of Arms; for he was reduced so low now, that among other Methods for his Supply, the King of England was fain to grant him toward the Maintenance of his Estate, u 7.63 together with the Mannor of Hexlisham, Three Hundred Pounds per an∣num out of the Desmes, within the Diocess of York, during the vacancy of that Arch∣bishoprick. For to the Establishing of the Credit of this M.S. so often by me Ci∣ted, which agrees notwithstanding exactly with that Abridgement of the Records of Sr. Robert Cotton, set forth by Mr. William Prynne, we are to understand, x 7.64 that Dr. William Melton Archbishop of York, was now lately, to wit, in the beginning of April, Deceased, and for this and other Reasons, we find that See kept void in the Kings Hands about two Years: But this by the by. Now besides all the foremen∣tion'd Preparations, y 7.65 the Lord William Roos of Hamlake, Ralph Lord Bulmer, the Lord John Willoughby of Eresby, the Lord Henry Fitz-Hugh, and the Lord Adam Welles were to set forth to the Wars of Scotland 550 Men. The Valiant Sr. Thomas Roke∣by (of whose being Knighted we spake z 7.66 in the beginning of this Our History) un∣dertakes for such a certain number of Souldiers in time of Peace, and for a Greater in time of War, for the Defence of the Castles of Edinburgh and Striveling.

a 7.67 A Commission was order'd to be made to Mr. John Burden Parson of Rothbury in Northumberland to be Chamberlain of Barwick, during the Kings Pleasure, his Year∣ly Fee being one Hundred Marks, and that Robert Turchill, who had been both Chamberlain and Victualler, with one Hundred Marks Fee, should have only fifty Marks Fee.

It is agreed, that every One who is of Power and Ability, shall be ready upon Warn∣ing, to go forth toward the North-Marches: That no Victuals be carried by Sea out of England into Scotland, and that a Commission be made to the Earl of Angos, the Lords Piercy and Nevill, or any two of them to set forth the Arrays of Yorkshire, Not∣tingham, Darby, and Northumberland, to punish all Rebels and Disobedient, to deter∣mine of all Trespasses done in Northumberland, and the Kings Lands in Scotland, to re∣ceive any Person to the Kings Peace or Pardon, and to grant a Truce: The like Commis∣sion to be made to the Lord Wake, the Lord Anthony Lucy, and Sr. Pierce Tiliol, where∣of the said Anthony to be one of the West-Marches.

The Bishop of Lincoln is order'd to pass the Seas with the King, and to be of his Council; and Provision of Victuals appointed to be made at Southampton and Sand∣wich for the Kings Navy: And thus all things being fairly Established for the De∣fence of the Realm on that side, the Parliament was Prorogued till the Wednesday next after the Translation of St. Thomas Becket.

II. And now the King having by Wise Counsel settled his Affairs at home, resolves in all haste to cross the Seas in Pursuance of his War abroad, and therefore goes the first Opportunity to b 7.68 Ipswich, where he kept his Whitsuntide, intending thereabouts to pass over into Flanders. While he lay here, his Brother-in-Law Reginald the Se∣cond, c 7.69 Duke of Gueldre sent him word by way of Caution,

that he should take an especial Care of his Person, for that King Philip had set a Price upon his Head, and had withall given so strict a Charge to his Admirals, that they had sworn to present him Alive or Dead at Paris: And to that end they were furnish'd with the d 7.70 most Gallant Armada that ever any Man living had seen. For there lay as then in the Haven of Sluce near Bruges in Flanders, between the Isle of Cadsant and Blankeberg, more than e 7.71 400 Sail, whereof 200 were Great Vessels, well stuff'd with French∣men, and all manner of Habiliments of War, besides Spaniards, Genoese, Normans, and Picards, all Manned with above f 7.72 40000 Men: Wherefore it behoved him to look to himself.

Now John Stratford Archbishop of Canterbury, having also recei∣ved before this, some Imperfect hint of the Strength of the French at Sea, g 7.73 advis'd the King out of pure Love to his Person and Welfare, by no means to Adventure to cross the Sea without a Royal Navy: But he looking upon him, as one whose blood Age had Frozen, and that so he was apt to be timerous without Reason, gave him an angry Check, and resolv'd to set forward with what Strength he had: Whereupon the Good Prelate resign'd his Chancellourship for sorrow, and withdrew himself, as one says, from the Council: Thô others h 7.74 more probably say, that not till after this Expedi∣tion he was by the King in his Displeasure remov'd from his Office of Chancellour. But when the Lord Morley, his Admiral of the Northern Fleet, sent him Word of the same, and the foresaid Letters from the Duke of Gueldre, made the Matter no more to be doubted, then i 7.75 althô he had already near two Hundred Sail, yet he sent the Bi∣shop of Lincoln to the Southward Ports, and himself rode Northward to Yarmouth, where he caused so many Ships more of the Cinque-Ports to be immediately equipped, that now at last his Fleet consisted k 7.76 of 260 Vessels, Great and Small, all well Mann'd with Archers and Men of Arms; besides those, wherein many young Ladies and other Gen∣tlewomen were to go over to see the Queen.

III. When he was thus provided, at last on the l 7.77 22^d of June, being m 7.78 the Thurs∣day before the Nativity of St. John Baptist, about the first Hour of the Day, in the Name of God and St. George, he departed out of the Haven of Orw••ll in Suffolk; and set Sail for Flanders. The n 7.79 next day, being the Eve of St. John Baptist, and a Fry∣day about three of the Clock, they came to the Coasts of Flanders about Blankeberg, where o 7.80 when King Edward p 7.81 saw before him a Fleet so Numerous, that their Masts and Streamers made them resemble a great Wood, he demanded of the Master of his Ship, what People he thought them to be: To whom the Master reply'd,

May it please Your Majesty, I take them to be Normans, and others, set out by the French King to Rob and spoil Your Coasts, and if they may, to take Your Majesties Person: And among these, I doubt not, but We shall find those very Men who burnt Your Good Town of Southampton, and took Your two good Ships, the St. Edward and the Christopher. Ha! said the King, I have a great while desired to Fight with the Frenchmen, and now by the Grace of God and St. George, I shall Fight with some of thew, if I may: For surely they have done me so many Displeasures, that I shall make them pay Dearly for all, if God shall enable me.

Then * 7.82 he commanded the Lord Reginald Cobham, Sr. John Chandos, and Sr. Stephen de la Burkin to take Land, and to ride along by the Shoar to view the Countenance of the Enemy: These Gentlemen rode so near, that they saw all their Order, and that the whole Fleet was divided into Three Squadrons, being as they guess'd, 400 Sail, more or less, all riding in the Har∣bour of Sluce, among which they saw 19 Ships so Large, they had never seen so many the like before, whereof the Chief they knew to be the Christopher, a Ship of England: And having made this Discovery at their leisure, (for all Flanders was then free for English∣men) they return'd to the King (who would needs for that time be Admiral of the Fleet himself) and gave him an Account of what they had learn'd. But by this time the Evening began to approach, and therefore the King commanded to cast Anchor, resolving to have the Day before him, and to begin the Fight next Morning.

On the next day, being a Saturday, and the q 7.83 Feast of St. John Baptist, early in the Morning, the French Fleet came forth of the Haven in good Order about the space of a r 7.84 Mile; approaching towards the English, in Three Squadrons. The French Wri∣ters indeed say, that Sr. Peter Bahuchet would by no means permit them to quit the

Haven; but this is no way agreeable to the Fame of that Admiral, the Harbour being a place too narrow for them to accept of a Battle in, ( * 7.85 althô it is still accounted ca∣pable of 500 good Sail of Ships) nor were they very secure there any longer than they were Masters of the Sea: For the Men of Bruges, King Edward's Friends, were ran∣ged in Warlike Order upon the Shoar to watch their Advantage: And we find that King Edward took a Compass about in his very Address to the Fight, whereby they had their Liberty to come forth: So that their Opinion seems to me no better than a vain Pretence, thereby to palliate the Truth. About Nine of the Clock that Morning, the King of England who saw well what they did, and was prepared to Engage them, set forward towards his Enemies. He s 7.86 had placed all his biggest Ships foremost, being well furnished with Archers, and other Souldiers; and always between two Sail of Ar∣chers, he Order'd One with Men of Arms: He had also set one Squadron to lie aloof, as well to keep the French, who else might enclose his first Squadron, in suspense, as to be ready to Assist them that were weary, when need should so require. But since, as we intimated before, there were in the English Fleet a great Number of Countesses, Ladies, Knights-Wives, and other Gentlewomen, who were going thither to wait up∣on the Queen at Gaunt, and to visit their Husbands and Friends in those Parts, these Ladies the King comforted all he could, and caused them to be kept far off, with 300 Men of Arms, and 500 Archers for their Guard. And then he gave Order to hoise up the Sails, Designing to come with a Quarter Wind, to t 7.87 get the Advantage of the Sun and Wind at his Back, and so at last they turn'd a little sideways, having Wind at Will. When the French saw them do thus, they wonder'd what they meant, some saying; "They find we are too many for them, and so think it best to let us alone. But when they beheld the Banner Royal of England, and found that the King him∣self was there in Person, they then thought it worth their while to endeavour to take him, and so began to make up to the English. The French were all u 7.88 Good and Expert Men of War, especially upon the Sea, to which they had been long enu∣red: For (whatever some Writers say, who in hopes to excuse this loss, assert, x 7.89 how their Navy was filled with Peasants, and Persons of the Meanest Condition, as such who would be contented with less Pay) their Admirals were certainly Men of Great Knowledge in Maritime Affairs, and as to the rest we shall find by the manner of their Fight, that they wanted neither Courage nor Skill, but only Fortune. Be∣fore the two Fleets joyn'd, the Valiant y 7.90 Admiral Barbenoire sent forth four Gallies, which set upon a Good English Ship, called the Rich Oliver, and assailed her vigo∣rously on all sides, with Stones and other Shot from Engines: so that many of her Men were slain, and more wounded, and she her self in great Danger of being lost; but at that Instant the English Navy came so near, that she was Rescued, and the Four Gal∣lies Boarded and Won, before the French could come up to them. And now both the Fleets met fiercely together, the French joyning the Battle with many Trumpets, and other Instruments of Martial Musick, and the English altogether giving a Mighty Shout, that sounded horribly upon the Waters, the Shoar being not far off: And at the same Instant they sent a Flight of Deadly Arrows from their Long Bows, which the French answer'd as liberally with their Cross-bow Shot: But the English Arrows did the most Execution by far. Then the Men of Arms approached, and fought with Swords, Spears, and Axes, hand to hand: For on both sides they had certain great Hooks fasten'd to Chains, called Grapling-Irons, to cast from one Ship to another, which catching fast on the Tackling or the Upper Deck, they were both held close together. That day many Noble Deeds of Arms were done on both sides, with assailing and de∣fending, taking and Rescuing again; but the first apparent Advantage, which the English by Obstinate Valour obtain'd, was, that after a sharp Conflict, the Christopher, which the French had taken a Year before, and had now in their Forefront, was retaken by the English, before any other; for they knew the King was much displeas'd at the Loss of that Good Ship: All the French within her were slain, except some Three or Four taken to Mercy; and now again, being furnish'd with Englishmen, she turns her Angry Foredeck against the Genouese. Then there was great Shouting, and Cries on both sides, and the Battle began to be more hot than before; these Encouraged with their first Success, and the Presence of their King, those in the Contemplation of their Numbers. This Fight was Mannaged with much Cruel Obstinacy, for besides the great Antipa∣thy of both Nations, and the Mutual Provocations which highly incensed them on both sides, the Sea-fights are always more Dangerous and Terrible, than those on the Land: No man there being able to flinch or fly, but to expect the Reward of his Valour, or the stroak of Fortune.

Most certainly Sr. Hugh Quuriel, Sr. Peter Bahuchet, and Sr. Nicolas Barbenoire the Genoan, were most Valiant and able Captains. For they maintain'd the Fight from be∣fore ten of the Clock in the Morning, till seven in the Evening, for z 7.91 Nine whole Hours: So that the English were very much put to it, for their Enemies were a 7.92 Four to One, and all us'd to the Sea. There King Edward (who bare the Admirals Flag in his Ship that day) fought most Resolutely: For he was in the Flower of his Youth, being not full 28 Years Old, and in all the World either Heathen, or Christian, there was no King so Brave in those Days of that Age. With him in this Hazardous Enterprise were Thomas Beauchamp Earl of Warwick, with Sr. John Beauchamp his Brother (Earl Thomas being the Admiral, but for that Day the King taking the Place upon himself) Henry Plantagenet Earl of Darby, Laurence Hastings Earl of Pembroke, William Clin∣ton Earl of Huntingdon, the Lord Roger b 7.93 Northwode of his Retinue, Hugh Audley Earl of Gloucester, Humphry Bohun Earl of Hereford and Essex, and his Valiant Bro∣ther, William Bohun Earl of Northampton, the Lord Reginald Cobham, the Lord John Chandos, the Lord William Felton, the Lord Walter Manny, the Lord Henry Piercy, the Lord John de la Warre, the Lord c 7.94 Ralph Basset of Sapcote, Thomas d 7.95 Lucy Lord Multon, the Lord Robert of Artois, commonly called the Earl of Richmond, Sr. Stephen de la Burkin, Sr. Henry of Flanders, and Nele Loring a Yaliant young Esquire of England, with other Barons, Knights, and Esquires, all who bare themselves that day with singular Courage; the first Squadron of the Enemies being entirely Beaten by fine Force, and the second very much shatter'd, the French of that Part leaping into the Sea to avoid the stinging Arrows, so that at last the Lord Morley coming in oppor∣tunely with part of the Northern Fleet, and some Succour from Bruges, the English obtain'd the Greatest Victory that ever was known on those Seas before. Only the Night coming on about 23, or 30 French Sail fled away; but one Great Ship, called the e 7.96 James of Dieppe, intending to have carried away a Ship of Sandwich, belonging to the Prior of Canterbury, was stay'd from getting off by the Resistance and Noise of the Mariners; who being thereupon Assisted by the Earl of Huntington, defended them∣selves so stoutly, that they not only saved their own Vessel from the French, but also were occasion of Winning that: For after a whole Nights vigorous contending for the Ma∣stery, the French by the next Morning being utterly overcome and taken, there were found in the Ship f 7.97 400 Bodies of Men slain.

The King about that time understanding of the g 7.98 30 Sail that had sled away, sent after them fourty Tall Ships, under the Command of Sr. John Crab; but we know nothing of the Success. The whole Number of the Enemies slain, came to 25000 at least, thô the best Account is h 7.99 30000, but however it is on all Hands confessed, that on both sides there fell no less than 30000, whereof at the most there were not above 4000 English, thô one says but i 7.100 400; among whom are said to be k 7.101 Four Great Barons, Sr. Thomas Monthermer, called the Kings Nephew, who was Eldest Son to the Lord Ralph Monthermer, the Lord Latimer, Sr. John Butler and Sr. Thomas Poynings; of whom 'tis only certain, that Monthermer died at this time, for Sr. Tho∣mas Poyning's Death happen'd in l 7.102 October, a Year before this, according to the Re∣cords, and for the other Two we find them living after: Thô one Historian having first number'd them among the slain, all the rest blindly follow his Authority. Among those Ships that were taken by the English in the First Squadron, was the St. George, the St. Edward, and the Black Cock, all formerly belonging to England, beside the Christopher, together with which and the James of Dieppe, there was taken the St. Denis a mighty Ship of France, and others to the Number of 230 Sail; two * 7.103 of the Admirals were slain in the Fight, only Barbenoir got away among those that fled. Indeed the French Writers tell us, that King Edward was wounded thrô the Thigh with a Spear, and that in Revenge he hang'd Admiral Bahuchet upon the Main-Yard of the Middle Mast of his Ship; as for the hanging of Bahuchet, it is either falsly repor∣ted, or unhandsomly at least, the reason of that Severity being suppressed: Which, if there was any, must have been in requital of the Barbarity and Rapes which he (to say no more) permitted to be done at Southampton: For as to what relates to the King's Wound, we shall find it so quickly healed, that neither the King himself mentions it in his Letters, nor did it any way hinder him in his Affairs, as it must needs have done, especially he going a Pilgrimage on Foot presently after, as we shall prove. Thô e∣ven they, who make him wounded, are fain in decorum to make him keep his Ship three days: But here I follow Froisard, as the most ancient, so by far the most probable Writer.

IV. The labour of this Honourable Day being over, King Edward m 7.104 continued on

Board all night before Sluce with a triumphant Noise of Trumpets and Clarions. The next Morning came thither to visit Him, and to congratulate his Success several of the best Quality, and the Principal Burgesses of Flanders, that had heard of his Arrival: Of whom the King enquiring after Jacob van Arteveld, was informed by the Burges∣ses of Bruges, that he was gone at the Head of sixty thousand Flemings to assist the Earl of Hainalt against the Duke of Normandy, who lay then at the Siege of Thine l'Evesque. That Day being Sunday and the 25 of June, the King and all his Com∣pany, but those who were concern'd in the Navy, took Land, and having at the Town of Sluce heard Mass, and returned Thanks to God for the late Victory (which was his constant Custom to do) there he rested Himself and his People, both that and the next Day. For I find that upon his Dubbing Esquire Nele Loring a Knight, n 7.105 for his remarkable Service in the late Naval Fight, he gave him by his Letters Patents a Do∣nation of 20 l. per annum, for him and his Heirs Males for ever; the Letters beating Date at Sluce, Teste Rege, 26^o Junii, which was now on a Monday. On the Tues∣day, or the 27 of June, his Majesty went o 7.106 on Foot in a Pilgrimage to our Lady of Ardenberg, once a chief Town of Flanders; and wherein at that time was p 7.107 one of the Finest Churches in the World, the Ruines whereof are yet to be seen; the Town a self standing but one league from Sluce toward the South-East, and something less from Middleburg. Here having heard Mass and Dined, he took Horse and rode to Gaunt, which was about four leagues further, the Carriages by little and little coming after; and here his Queen received him joyfully, presenting him with her Fourth S•••• John, of whom she had been lately Purified; to the Kings extream Satisfaction. But now to shew with what Pious Moderation, this Prince received so great a Victory, I shall here present the Reader with a Letter of his directed to the Bishops and Cler∣gy of England, to exhort them to return both his and their Thanks to God Al∣mighty, and to lend him their Prayers for his further Perseverance in Prosperity.

EDWARD, q 8.1 by the Grace of God, King of England and France, and Lord of Ireland,

to his Arch-bishops, Bishops and other Prelates, &c. Greeting.

We thought good to intimate unto you for your Certification and Rejoycing, the boun∣tifull Benignity of Gods great Mercy so lately poured upon Us: It is not unknown to you, (We suppose) nor to other our Leige Subjects, who also have been Par∣takers with Us in the same, with what boisterous Wars We have of late been tos∣sed and shaken, as in the swelling Ocean. But althô the rising Billows of the Set are wonderfull, yet more Wonderfull is the Lord above, who turning the Tempest into a Calm, hath in so great Dangers so mercifully respected Us.

For whereas of late upon urgent Reasons, We prepared to pass into Flanders, the Lord Philip of Valois, our Bitter Enemy understanding our Purpose, laid against Us a mighty Navy, intending thereby either to take our Person, or at least to hinder our Voyage; which voyage if it had been accordingly hindred, all our great Enterprises, which We have taken in hand, had been dashed, and We our Selves brought to great Con∣fusion: The God of Mercies beholding Us so distressed, and in such Peril and im∣minent Danger, hath gratiously and beyond Mans expectation, sent unto Us suffi∣cient Succour and strength of valiant Souldiers, and a prosperous Wind after our own Desires: By means and help whereof, We set out of the Haven into the open Seas, where We soon perceived our Enemies, well appointed and prepared to set upon Us with a main Multitude. Against whom notwithstanding on Midsummer-Day last past, our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ hath granted unto Us the victory, after a sharp and terrible Conflict. In which Battle a mighty Number of our Enemies were destroyed, and almost all their whole Navy taken, with some Loss also on our Part, but nothing like in Comparison to theirs. By reason whereof We doubt not, but that the Passage by Sea shall hereafter prove more quiet and safe, both to Us and our Subjects: And also many other Commodities shall ensue thereupon, as we have good cause to hope.

Wherefore We, devoutly considering the Divine Favours so gratiously bestowed upon Us, do render our most humble Thanks and Praise to Christ our Lord and Sa∣viour: Beseeching him, that as he hath been, and always is most ready to prevent our Necessities in his own good time, so he will please to continue his helping Hand ever towards Us, and so direct Us here temporally, that We may reign and rejoice with him eternally in Heaven.

Moreover We require your Charitable Assistance, that you also Rising up toge∣ther with Us, unto the Praise of God alone (who hath so favourably begun to work with us for our Good) do instantly in your Publique Prayers and Divine Service, as

well as in your Private Devotions, recommend Us to the Lord; since We are here labouring in these foreign Countries, and not only studying to recover our Right in France, but also highly to exalt the whole Catholick Church of Christ, and to rule our People in Righteousness: And that You also call upon all your Clergy and People (each one thrô his distinct Diocess) to do the same, altogether invocating the Name of our Saviour on our Behalf, that of his Clemency he would please to give unto Us, his Humble Servant, his Grace and a docible Heart, that We may so judge and govern here upon Earth in Equity, doing what he hath commanded, that at length We may happily attain to that which he hath promised, thrô our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, &c. An. 1340.

V. This Letter was enclosed in another of the Kings, directed to his Son the Prince, who received them at Waltham: And then at last and not before, was the Fame of this Victory perfectly credited by the most Scrupulous. But thrô France the sad News of this their Loss flew more nimbly; thô as yet none durst undertake to be the hate∣full messenger of such an unwelcom Relation to King Philip. Till at last his Lords prompted a pleasant Fellow, the Kings Jester, to do it; who is said to have revealed the whole Matter after this manner. r 8.2 Running carelesly one time into King Philips Presence, he began to insult with much vehemence, and upbraid the English of flat Cowardise calling them Dastards and cowardly Poltrons, with many other Opprobrious Words to that effect: Which he repeated with great Bravery, till the King asked him the reason, why he so extreamly undervalued the Englishmen,

Why (said the Fool) because the Cowardlike, Faint-hearted Rogues, had not the Courage to leap into the Sea so gallantly, as our Normans and Gentlemen of France did.

Certainly We are told by most Writers, that in this Fight the English Arrows fell so thick among the French, and did so sting, torment and fright them, that many Men, rather than endure them leapt desperately into the Sea: To which the Words of this Jester no doubt alluded. And without all question, the Guns which are used now adays, are neither so terrible in Battle, nor do such Execution, nor work such Confusion as Arrows can do: For Bullets being not seen, only hurt where they hit, but Arrows enrage the Horse and break the Array, and terrifie all that behold them in the Bodies of their Neighbours: Not to say that every Archer can shoot Thrice to a Gunners once, and that whole Squadrons of Bows may let fly at one time, when only one or two Files of Musqueteers can discharge at once; Also that whereas Guns are useless, when your Pikes joyn, because they only do execution point blank, the Arrows, which will kill at Random, may do good service even behind your Men of Arms: And it is notorious, that at the famous Battle of Lepanto the Turkish Bows did more mischief than the Christian Artillery. Besides it is not the least observa∣ble, that whereas the Weakest may use Guns, as well as the Strongest; in those Days your lusty and tall Yeomen were chosen for the Bow, whose s 8.3 Hose being fast∣ned with one Point, and their Jackets long and easie to shoot in, they had their Limbs at full liberty; so that they might easily draw Bows of great strength, and shoot Arrows of a Yard long beside the Head. But to proceed.

VI. About the same time that King Edward sent the foremention'd Letters into England, he also directed others from t 8.4 Gaunt to the Earl of Hainalt, and those who were besieged within the Castle of Thine, certifying them of his Arrival and Success. When the Earl heard this News, and that the French had received such a Blow at Sea, because he could not force the Duke of Normandy to a Battle, having at last brought off the Besieged in that manner as we related, he decamped, and giving his Souldiers leave to depart, return'd with all the Lords in his Company to Valenciennes, where he feasted them all most magnificently. There Jacob van Arteveld once or twice declared openly in the Market-place, in the Presence of the Earl of Hainalt, the Duke of Brabant, and all the Lords and Others, who were content to hear him,

What undoubted Right the King of England had to the Crown of France; and of what great Puissance the Three Countries of Flanders, Hainalt and Brabant were like to be, now that they were surely joyn'd in one indissolvible Bond of Allyance, whereof King Edward was the Knot, Strength and Stay.

And more he spake to this purpose, with so much Eloquence and Discretion, that all who heard him, highly ap∣plauded his smooth Language and weighty Reasons; Saying, that he was both a very good Orator, and a most sound and expert Politician, and therefore most meet and wor∣thy to Govern all Flanders. After this the Lords of the Empire departed severally from Valenciennes, having first of all agreed to meet again within eight Days at Gaunt, to visit the King of England, which they did accordingly. He for his part received

them gladly, and feasted them honourably, as also did the Queen in her Apart∣ment: And here 'twas agreed between King Edward and the Lords of Germany, that a General Council should be held at Villenort about their present Affairs; for which a certain Day was appointed, and Notice given to all the Allies to meet ac∣cordingly.

Now the King of England, as he had formerly made a Promise to the Flemings, had brought over with him certain Bishops, and very many Priests and Deacons, u 8.5 who being less scrupulous than the Priests of Flanders (notwithstanding the Popes Inter∣dict) open'd the Churches there, and celebrated Divine Service without the least he∣sitation: Whereupon the Fears of the Flemings were abated, as such, whom the Pope himself, so much above all others, could not materially endammage.

The mean while the French King, having understood for certain of his great Loss at Sea, brake up and dislodged from before Thine, with his Son the Duke of Normandy (at the same time that the Earl of Hainalt departed on the other side) and drew to∣wards Arras, the chief City of Artois, having dismist the greater Part of his Forces, till they might hear other news from him. But immediatly he sent the Lord Godmar du Fay with a good Number of Men of Arms to the City of Tournay, to look, that nothing was wanting there, for he had an Eye especially upon the Flemings. Where∣fore he also sent the Lord of Beaujeu to Mortagne, to keep the Frontiers against Hainalt, and in like manner he provided for St. Omers, for Aire, for St. Venant, and all the Fortresses fronting on Flanders.

VII. It may be remembred, that we spake x 8.6 a little before of King Robert of Si∣cily, of whom again we have something more to say, his Zeal for the House of France bringing him again in our Way. Now this Robert being the Son of Charles the Se∣cond, King of Sicily and Naples, was also nearly alli'd to King Philip of France y 8.7 be∣ing his Uncle; for his Sister, the Lady z 8.8 Margaret, being formerly given in Marriage to Charles Earl of Valois, was by him Mother to the said King Philip. This Ro∣bert at that time excelled all the Kings of Christendom in humane Learning, especially in the more recondite Parts thereof, but chiefly (as we have intimated before) he addicted himself to the Study of Astrology, which he did with so good success, that either from the Regular Conclusions of that Science (for certainly that Study can∣not be called wholly trivial or vain, without as much Rashness as Ignorance) or by some Natural Impulse, or by Divine Direction and Inspiration, he drew this for an undoubted Maxim,

That it was given to King Edward of England to succeed prosperously in all his Personal Undertakings:

So that both before at Vironfoss (as we have related) and now also again he warned the French King and his Coun∣cil, that King Philip should by no means adventure a pitch'd Battle, where the King of England should be present in Person. And besides all this he had such a tender and friendly Regard to the fair Realm of France, that he us'd all the means possible to set the two Kings at Unity, and when at last he found his Endeavours prove unsuccessfull, was passionately concerned at the Destruction, which he foresaw was coming upon that Famous Kingdom. This Pious and Learned Prince was now with Pope a 8.9 Benedict XII, and the College of Cardinals at Avignion, before whom with Tears he declared the great Miseries, that were like to fall upon France, by this War between the two Kings, most earnestly desiring them to use their utmost Endeavours to reduce them Both to some Friendly Terms of Agreement. The Pope and his Car∣dinals answer'd,

That for their Parts they both were, and always would be ready with delight to promote so good a Work, and would willingly bestow their utmost Labour therein; if by any means they might obtain a Hearing.

Accordingly Letters were prepared and sent to the King of England by two Eminent Cardinals, Pedro of St. Praxede, and Bertrand of. St. Mary in Aquiro, who had further Instructions to treat with him about a final Peace. But these Endeavours being as useless as many the like before, we shall say no more of them at this time.

CHAPTER the SEVENTEENTH.

The CONTENTS.

I. King Edward holds a Council of his Friends and Allies at Villenort; where the Me∣thod of the War is agreed on, and St. Omers and Tournay appointed to be at one time besieged. II. King Edward sends a Challenge to King Philip, with the Answer. III. King Edward lays Siege to Tournay, where he is joyn'd by his Allies. IV. The Earl of Hainalts Exploits, and the Assault of the Flemmings upon Tournay. V. King Philip prepares to raise the Siege, and encamps at Pont a Bouvines. VI. The vari∣ous Rencounters during the Siege. VII. An Account of a Parliament held at West∣minster. VIII. Scotland recovers breath, and takes Edinburgh by Stratagem, other Places by Force. IX. The English Allies before St. Omers, raise their Siege, and in a Panick fear fly home. X. King Edwards and the French Kings several diffi∣culties at the Siege, render them both uneasie, XI. Dr. Norwich comes with Instru∣ctions from the Pope to induce King Edward to a Peace: The Lady Jane of Valois obtains from the two Kings a time for a Treaty, with the manner thereof, and the Ar∣ticles of the Truce. XII. Ʋpon Proclamation of the Truce, both Armies break up, with divers Descants thereupon. XIII. In a Parliament at Arras the Truce between the two Kings prolonged for two Years. XIV. The Year concludes with the Death of sundry Great Personages, a Notable Victory obtain'd by the King of Spain o∣ver the Moors; and the Birth of a Princess of England; named Blanch of the Tower.

I. NOW the time being come, wherein the Great Council at Villenort was appointed to meet, there came thither accordingly King Edward with his English Nobles, as did also all his Friends and Allies in the Empire, and in Flanders; namely the Duke of Brabant, and the Duke of Gueldre, the Earl of Hainault, and the Lord John his Uncle, the Marquess of Juliers Earl of Cambridge, the Lord Robert of Artois, the Earl of Mons, the Marquess of Nuys, the Marquess of Blankeberg, the Lord of Valkenberg, the Earl of Namur, Sr. William of Dunort, and Jacob van Arteveld, with many other Great Personages, and three or four Burgesses from every good Town in Flanders. In this Parliament there was a perfect Union, Alliance, and Concord made between the Three Countries of Flan∣ders, Brabant, and Hainault,

that from thenceforward, each of them should be aid∣ing and assisting to the other; and that if any one of them should either make War against, or be warred upon by any other Prince, or State, thon the other two should take the Part of the Third: And that if any Quarrel happen between any two of the foresaid Countries, then the Third should be taken as Umpire in the case; and if so, they should not be able to adjust Matters fully, then the whole to be left to the Decision of the King of England, to whom the last Appeal was to be made.

And in Confirmation of this Triple League, there was a Law Ordained and Establish∣ed to be common and current thrô the whole Three Countries, which was named the Law of the Allies.

Here also it was determin'd, that two Compleat Armies should be forthwith raised, the One consisting of the Men of Gaunt and Bruges, and other Flemmings, a 8.10 with a certain Number of English Archers, b 8.11 making up in all 55000 Men; which being commanded by the Lord Robert of Artois was to lay Siege to St. Omers: And the other consisting of King Edward's own Forces, with the rest of his Allies, was to sit down before Tournay in like manner. The Lord Robert of Artois was soon ready for his Task, and went accordingly; thô not so soon, but that King Philip before his Arrival had sent thither the Duke of Burgundy, named c 8.12 Eudes the IV, with many other Lords, Captains, and Men of Arms, to the Reinforcement of the Earl of Ar∣magnac: Who Arrived there accordingly d 8.13 with two and fourty Ships furnished with Souldiers and Provision of all Sorts. As for King Edward, it was resolved that he should set forward with his Forces by e 8.14 Magdalene-tide, then next ensuing, and lay

Siege to the City of Tournay: And that thither all the Lords of the League should repair to him with their several Forces; except the Lord Robert of Artois aforesaid, Sr. Henry Eam of Flanders, and the rest, who were to lie before St. Omers. All these things being thus fully Established, the Council brake up, and every one address'd him∣self to the performance of this Agreement.

Now King f 8.15 Philip of France had presently secret Information of the greater part of the Resolutions of this Council: Whereupon, besides his foremention'd Provision for St. Omers, he sent to Tournay the Chief of all his Men of War, as Ralph Earl of Ewe, and his Son the Young Earl of Guisnes, Gaston Phoebus Earl of Foix, and his Brethren; Emery Earl of Narbon, Sr. Emery of Poictiers, Sr. Geoffry Charny, a Va∣liant Young Lord, of whose Exploits this History will not be silent; with these he sent the two Marshals, Sr. Robert Bertrand, and Sr. Matthew de la Trie, Sr. Gerard de Montfaucon, the Lord of Caieux, Seneschal of Poictieu, the Lord of Chastelan, and Sr. John Landas, and many other Valiant Knights, and Esquires, to the Number of g 8.16 4000 Men of Arms, and h 8.17 10000 Footmen; the City it self affording no less than 15000 Fighting Men effective. Now therefore when this Great Recruit was come to Tournay, the Captain thereof the Lord Godmar du Fay was wonderfully satisfied, and so joyning all together, they immediately took all Care possible to supply and fur∣nish the Place with Provision of Salt, Wine, Flesh, Fish, Wheat, Oats, At∣tillery, and what else might seem Necessary for the Maintenance of a Town Be∣sieged.

II. Nor was King Edward himself unwilling that his Intentions should be known in France: But according to the Law formerly Established with his Allies in Flanders, besides his Defiance made last Year, he sends i 8.18 before he goes to the Siege of Tournay, his Charter of Defiance to King Philip, the Tenour whereof from the k 8.19 Original French, runs thus.

l 9.1 Edward by the Grace of God, King of England, and of France, and Lord of Ireland, to the Right Noble and Puissant Lord Philip Earl of Valois. Sr. Philip of Valois, We have long and often peaceably demanded of You by Our Embassadors in the most Reasonable manner we could devise, that You would restore unto Us Our Lawfull Right and Inheritance of the Crown of France, which all this while You have with great Injustice and Violence detained from Us: And whereas We well perceive that You intend to persevere in the same injurious Usurpation, without re∣turning any Satisfactory Answer to Our just Demands [We give You to understand that] We are entred into the Land of Flanders, as Sovereign Lord thereof; and are now passing thrô the Country. And We further signifie unto You, that by the help of Our Saviour m 9.2 Jesus Christ, and Our Righteous Cause, with the Forces of the said Country, Our Subjects and Allies, We purpose to recover the Right, which We have to that Inheritance, which You by Your injurious Violence detain from Us. And therefore are We now approaching toward You, to make a quick deci∣sion of this Our Rightfull Challenge, if You also will do the like. And forasmuch as so great an Army, as We bring with Us on Our part, supposing You also on Your Part to do the like, cannot remain long in the Field without great Destruction both of the People and Country, which thing every Good Christian ought to avoid (espe∣cially Princes and others, who have the Government of the same) We are desirous by as short dispatch as may be to meet, and therefore to prevent the Mortality of Chri∣stians, since the Quarrel apparently belongs to You and Me, let the Controversie be∣tween Us be fairly decided by Our own Persons, Body to Body, to which thing We offer Our Selves for the Reasons aforesaid; that the Great Nobility and Valour of each other may be seen of all Men. But if in case You shall not vouchsafe this way, then let Us end the Dispute by the Battle of one Hundred of the most sufficient Per∣sons of Your Party, and as many of Mine, which each of Us shall bring into the Field. But if You will not admit either of the One, or of the Other way, then that You will Assign unto Us a certain Day before the City of Tournay, which Day to be within Ten days next after the Date of this Our Letter, wherein to Combat both of Us, Power against Power: We offering unto Your Choice these above specifi'd Condi∣tions, as We would have all the World to know, not of any Malice, Presumption, or Pride in Our Selves, but for the Causes aforesaid, and to the intent that the Will of Our Saviour Jesus Christ, being declared between Us two, Peace and Unity might grow more and more among Christians, the Power of Gods Enemies may be abated, and the Bounds of Christendom be enlarged and enfranchised. Wherefore consider hereupon with Your Self, which of Our foresaid Offers You will accept, and by the

Bearer of these Our Letters send unto Us quick and speedy Answer.

Given under Our Great Seal at Chyn upon the Skell, near Tournay, the n 9.3 17 Day of Julii, A. D. 1340.

This Letter was some Days after thus Answer'd by King Philip.

PHILIP by the Grace of God, King of France, to Edward King of England. We have seen Your Letters brought to Our Court, and sent on Your Part to one Phi∣lip of Valois; wherein are contained certain Requests, which You make to the said Philip of Valois. But because the said Letters came not unto Us, and the said Re∣quests were not made unto Us, as by the Tenour of the said Letters it clearly ap∣pears, We do not return You any Answer to the Premises. Nevertheless, foras∣much as We understand by the said Letters, and otherwise, that You are entred in∣to Our Realm of France, threatning great Damage to Us, and to Our Realm, more thrô Presumption, than Reason, and not considering the Duty, which a Liegeman oweth unto his Lord: For You have formerly entred Our Liege Homage, ac∣knowledging Your self, as Reason is, a Liege-Man unto the King of France, and have promised unto Us such Obeisance, as is usually expected from Liegemen to their Lords; as more plainly appeareth by Your Letters Patents, which We have Sealed with Your Great Seal. And because You may know something of Our In∣tent, We give You to understand that it is Our purpose, when it shall seem good unto Us to drive You out of Our Realm to the Honour both of Us, and of Our Kingdom, and to the Profit and Commodity of Our People. And this to do, We have firm and assured Hope in Jesus Christ, from whom We derive all Our strength and Power. For by Yo•••• unreasonable Demand, proceeding more from Presumption than Reason, hath been hindred and laid aside the Holy Expedition beyond the Sea, whereby great Numbers of Christian People have perished, the Divine Service hath been diminished, and Holy Church less Reverenced. And as touching that which is noted, that You look to be Assisted by the Flemmings, We hope and believe sure∣ly, that the good People and Commons of that Country will so bear themselves to∣wards Our Cosin the Earl of Flanders, their Lord, that it may not be to their dis∣honour, and that to Us, their Sovereign Lord, they will Respect their Faith and Loy∣alty. And as for what they have hitherto done otherwise than well, We are assu∣red, that was occasion'd by the Evil Advice of such Persons, who neither had any Regard to the Publique Weal, nor to the Honour of their Country; but only to their own Private Advantage.

Given in the Fields near adjoyning to the Priory of St. Andrew les Aire, under Our Privy Seal, in absence of Our Great Seal, 30 of July, in the Year of Grace 1340.

The French Writers say, that King Philip among other Matters return'd this Answer,

o 10.1 that a Lord ought not to accept of a Defiance from his Vassal; and that he sent him this Condition by Word of Mouth, * 10.2 that King Edward by that his Challenge hazarded nothing of his own, but only expos'd the Dominion of another, which was against all Reason; since the Stake ought to be equal on both sides: But if he would set his Kingdom of England, thô less considerable, against his of France, then he would accept the Challenge, and meet him in the field in single Combat, on Condition that the Conquerour might remain sole Master and Peaceable Lord of both the Realms:

But this, they say, King Edward would not hearken to: For as he was Va∣liant to make the Challenge, so he was circumspect to weigh the Conditions. Yet I cannot admit of this Matter: For how know they, what King Philip sent by Word of Mouth? And how could King Philip imagine, that his Word should be taken in a Matter of such Consequence; when all Challenges ought to be confirmed by hand and Seal, unless made in the hearing of the Defendant? And how was not this an An∣swer to the Challenge of King Edward; when as King Philip in his Letter professes he would not Answer him, because he took not the Letter to be directed to him? Truth needs no such pitifull Salvo.

III. Toward the latter end of July, the Corn p 10.3 being near ripe, King Edward, as We said before, began his March toward Tournay, which he intended to Besiege, with seven Earls of England in his Company, eight Prelates, Twenty eight Barons, 200 Knights, 4000 Men of Arms, and 9000 Archers on Horseback; besides Footmen: All these For∣ces were English, with whom were many Great Lords of the Empire, and their Troops; and the Imperial q 10.4 Eagles were display'd among the English Lions, and the Crosses of St. George, in the Head of this Army, in token that King Edward was Vicegerent of the Sacred Roman Empire. Thus the King Marched from Gaunt, and passing the Skell, went and sat down before Tournay, at the Gate called St. Martin, where the Way being di∣vided, leads both to Lisle and Doway. After the King, the Duke of Brabant came thi∣ther

with more than 20000 Men in all; and he lodged at the Bridge of Aire by the River Skell, between the Abbey of St. Nicolas and the Gate Valenciennois. After him came the Earl of Hainault with a goodly Company of his Subjects of Hainault, Holland, and Zealand; and his Place was between the King and the Duke of Brabant. Then came Jacob van Arteveld in the Head of 60000 Flemmings from Gaunt, Ipres, Poperinghe, Cassel, Bruges, and other Good Towns of Flanders, and these were lodged on the other side at the Gate St. Fountain. And lastly, the Duke of Gueldre, the Mar∣quess of Juliers, the Marquess of Blankeberg, the Marquess of Nuys, the Earl of Mons, the Earl of Savynes, the Lord of Valkenberg, Sr. Arnold of Baquehen, and the other Lords of Germany, were lodged on the side that look'd toward Hainault. Thus was the strong City of Tournay closely begirt on all sides, so that none could go in or out without the Danger of the Besiegers; and things were so well order'd, that on occasion each Part of the Host could joyn the other by the help of Bridges, which they had flung o∣ver the Skell, for their mutual Communication.

IV. All the time of this Siege, which lasted for about Nine Weeks, the King of Eng∣land and his Allies had r 10.5 good store of all manner of Necessaries; for their Foragers brought in daily huge Booties from all Parts; and Provision came in from Hainault and Flanders at easie Rates. One Morning the young Earl of Hainault, who could never forget the Injuries lately done by the Frenchmen in his Country, took along with him the Lord s 10.6 Walter Manny, and the Lord Reginald Cobham with 500 Spears, and leaving the Siege, rode forth by Lille, which he left on his Right Hand, and burnt the Good Town of Seclin, and many little Villages thereabouts, their Van-currours running up as far as the Suburbs of Lens in Artois. Then these Lords went another way, and rode to the Town of Orchies, which was taken and burnt, for it was not greatly fortifi'd; many other petty Towns they burnt also, and overran the whole Country; after which they return'd to the Army before Tournay, with much Pillage and Booty.

The Flemmings that lay at the Siege, were ever the most Obstinate of all others in molesting the Besieged, as well thrô the Encouragement of their Leader Jacob van Ar∣teveld, as because the hope of Gaining their Cautionary Towns of Lille, Bethun, and Doway, depended chiefly upon the Success against Tournay at this time. One Assault among the rest endured with great Pertinacy on both sides, for one whole day without any Intermission; during which space many notable Adventures happen'd, for the Chief of the Captains, and Men of Arms in Tournay came to that part; the Fury of the Be∣siegers flaming there most terribly. For they came by Water in Ships, and other Ves∣sels brought thither for that purpose, intending to break down the Barriers and the Po∣stern of the great Arch. But it was so resolutely defended, that the Flemmings wan nothing for all their Labour; but after all, having lost a Vessel with sixscore Men in her (which were every Man drown'd) they were forced to give over the Assault, being all Weary and soundly Beaten. Many Adventures happen'd in the time of this Siege, all which cannot be here enumerated, but some Particulars must not be omitted in so ge∣neral and full an History, as this is. On Land they had high Stages and Belfroys of Timber, in manner of Batteries, from whence the Archers would shoot upon the De∣fendants, while others fought at the Walls and Barriers: But Tournay was sufficiently provided, and that King Edward knew well, and therefore resolv'd to reduce them by Famine. When the Captains within saw his Design, they thrust out of the Town all manner of poor People, Men, Women, and Children that were not fit for War; to make their Provision hold out the longer, being to serve fewer Mouths. They were put forth thus inhumanely in the open day expos'd to the Enemies Discretion, which was a most pitifull Object to behold: But the Noble Duke of Brabant gave them all leave to pass thrô his Host, allowing them moreover a safe Conduct, to carry them to Arras, where at that time the French King lay. It was thought that secretly the Duke of Brabant favour'd the French, either for fear of what might follow, or out of Natural Inclination, which surmounted his Private Quarrel against King Philip, or t 10.7 thrô Bribes, or out of Envy to King Edwards Good Fortune, or out of meer Inconstancy: But however this Action he did not at this time without the Consent of the King of England.

V. u 10.8 King Philip had now in Order to Raise this Siege, amassed together a Mighty Ar∣my, the Chief Leaders whereof were John King of Bohemia and Earl of Luxemburgh, the Duke of Lorrain, the Earl of Bar, the Bishop of Metz, the Bishop of Liege, and the Bishop of Verdun upon the Meuse, the Earl of Monbiliard, the Lord John of Chalons, the Earl of Geneva, the Earl of Savoy, and the Lord Lewis his Brother: All these came to serve the French King with their several Troops. Thither also came John de

Dreux Duke of Bretagne, the Dukes of Burbon and Athens, the Earls of Alenson, Fo∣restes, and Armagnac, Lewis de Cressy Earl of Elanders, Guy Castillion Earl of Blois, with his Eldest Son the Lord Charles (who is to make a considerable Figure in this Hi∣story) the Earl of Harcourt, the Earl of Dampmartin, the Lord of Coucy, and many others of the Highest Quality. Thither also came x 10.9 Philip the King of Navarre with a goodly Number of Men of War, raised in those Countries, which he held of the French King, and for which he was obliged to serve him with such and such a Quota: Lastly, there was King David de Bruce of Scotland, who led a handsome Number of Gal∣lant Scotch Gentlemen, and other Troops, which he had hired with Money, deli∣ver'd unto him by King Philip to maintain his Estate withall during his Exile from Scotland.

While the French King lay with this great Army at Arras in Artois, the poor People that had been excluded out of Tournay, came thither, and by their heavy Complaints mov'd the hearts of all Men to pity, giving also y 10.10 advise to King Philip of the great Necessity of the Besieged: In whose name they desired speedy Succour, for else they were in danger to be lost, the English assailed them so mightily, and their stock of Provision was so extreamly wasted. Hereupon King Philip sent thither the Duke of Athens, the Viscount of Thoüars, the Viscount of Andelot, and other Lords to the number of 15, with a Detachment of 12000 z 10.11 Men of War. These marched directly to Mount Cassel, but they found it already taken up by a Body of Flemings: So that being disappointed of that Convenient Post, and knowing themselves unable to make their way by Force, upon Consultation had, they wheel'd off from Cassel, and having done what harm they could in the Enemies Land, return'd to the French King, who was still at Arras. They found him then in Consultation, whether he had best in Person attempt to raise the Siege from before Tournay, or go into Flanders, and there make War upon the Towns, that held with the King of England. But it was resolved by a Council of War, that it would be most for his Honour, for him to endeavour Per∣sonally to raise the Siege, and this being fully concluded on, King Philip immediatly began his March toward Tournay, with a mighty Power of his Allies, and Men of War drain'd from several a 10.12 Garrisons, the like whereof for Number had b 10.13 never been seen in those Days; among whom were c 10.14 Four Kings, Four Dukes and Fourteen Earls, besides Viscounts, Lords, Knights and Esquires. With this Army he went from Ar∣ras, till he came to a d 10.15 little River below Lille, about 3 leagues from Tournay: Where he found the Water so deep, and the Ground so uncertain, great Marishes lying all about, that there was no way to pass but one, which could admit of not more than two or three Horsemen on a Breast: Wherefore not knowing how soon an Enemy might appear, King Philip durst not adventure to pass the River, but lay that night at a place called Pont a e 10.16 Bouvines. The next Day the Army lay still in the same place, as yet uncertain what course to take: and while certain Horsemen were sent out to seek for a more convenient Passage, Others advised to fling several Bridges o∣ver the River, but that was found impracticable. Those who had been sent out to search, return'd to the King telling him, that his only best way would be by the Bridge of Cressin; and this way was resolv'd on: but however he tarried a while where he was before, to consider more maturely of the safest and most honourable Management of his Affairs.

VI. Now when it was nois'd abroad, that King Philip lay encamped with so great an Army between the Bridges of Cressin and Bouvines, with intent to give the King of England Battle before Tournay; every Man of Honour, that either expected Glory or Prey, drew to one King or the other, as their Duty, or Affection and Inte∣rest led them. * 10.17 Among the rest there were in the Castle of Bouchain in Ostervandt three valiant Captains, all Brethren and Germans, that held for the Earl of Hainalt, and consequently for the King of England. When these Knights heard for certain, how the two Kings were so near encamped, that in all likelihood they would not part without Battle, then Two of them desired the Third to stay behind for defence of the Fortress, while they went to the Camp before Tournay to King Edwards Service. The Matter was soon agreed on, and the two Knights whose Names were Courrat, departed from Bouchain, and rode forth till they came to Escaupont beside Valencien∣nes, designing to pass the River Skell at Condet. When they were now between Es∣caupont and Fresnes, they heard a great Tumult and Noise of Men, and saw some fly∣ing in great fear to them ward: Wherefore the two Brethren asked the foremost of them,

What might be the matter that they fled in such Confusion?

In the Name of God, Sirs (said they) the Garrison of Mortaign yonder hath issued out

upon us, and having already done much mischief, and slain and taken many People, they are now returning with a great Booty to their Fortress.

Then the Brethren as∣ked, if they could shew them where these Frenchmen were, and they said Yes. So the Knights pursued after them by direction of these poor Countrymen, being themselves * 10.18 27 Spears in all, and they overtook the Frenchmen hard by Nostre Dame Aux-Bois. The French consisted of an 120, who were driving before them an 100 head of great Cattle, and certain Prisoners, Men of the Country: Their Captain being a va∣liant Knight of Burgundy, named Sr. John de Frolois, who belonged to the Lord of Beaujeu, at that time Governour of Mortaign. As soon as the Germans saw these Men, thy cri'd their accustomed Cries, and rode in fiercely among them with great Courage: The Knight of Burgundy set himself valiantly to receive them, and some few of his Men with him; but the greater Part fled down right, they were so surprised with this unexpected Onset. Wherefore Sr. John de Frolois, after a short Resistance was taken Prisoner, and all his Men either taken or cut in pieces; for even those that fled were so eagerly pursued, either by the Germans, or those of the Country, that not one escaped. Thus all the Prisoners were deliver'd, and all the Prey recover'd and rendred back to the Owners: And the two valiant Brethren came before Tournay, where they were Welcome to their Friends.

In this same season, while the French King lay encamped at the Bridge of Bouvines, William Lord of Bailleul in Hainalt, and the Lord Vauslart de la Croix, (the same h 10.19 German Knight, who left the Earl of Salisbury when he was taken Prisoner, for fear of the Men of Lille, whom he had exasperated by his Hostilities) these two en∣couraged a Party of Hainalders to venture along with them, to go and rouse the French Army; for they said, they knew all the Avenues of the Country, and that they would bring them to such a place where they should not be much overnum∣bred. So very early one Morning they left the Camp, to the number of about Six∣score Knights and Esquires, and rode directly toward the Bridge of Cressin, the Lord William Bailleul being appointed their Chief, to whose Banner upon Occasion they were all to repair. Now that same Morning it chanced, that a certain Number of the Bishop of Liege's Men had rode forth from the French Camp, under the Conduct of Sr. Robert Bailleul, who was Brother to this Lord William Bailleul, but held to the Contrary Party. The Leigeois had already passed the Bridge of Cressin, and were seeking Forage for their Horses, and some further Adventure if they might: But what of themselves they could not find, Fortune offer'd into their Hands, presenting them with a Success, which they could not wish for. For it being a very misty Mor∣ning, the Hainalders passed beyond them, and went over the Bridge on the other side, neither Party having yet the least knowledge of other; a man being hardly able to see the length of a Spear before him. When the Hainalders were all over, 'twas resolv'd, that the Lord William Bailleul should tarry there with his Banner and four∣ty Spears on the Bridge to secure the Retreat of the rest; who were to adventure far∣ther under the Conduct of Sr. Vauflart de la Croix, Sr. Ralph de Monceaux, and Sr. John Verchin. These consisting of Fourscore Spears, rode so far, that they dash'd in upon the Troops of the King of Bohemia and the Bishop of Leige, who were en∣camped nearest to that Bridge; just at which time the Lord of Rademach, who had kept Watch the latter part of that Night, was going off from Duty, for it was about se∣ven of the Clock. These Hainalders made a great Confusion and did some Mischief, but the Army began to stir presently, and to draw that way in good Order; where∣upon they retired again toward the Bridge with the Luxemburgers and Liegeois at their Heels. Then was the Lord William Bailleul advised to repass the Bridge, and expect his Men on the other side, because they were so closely pursued, that there would be much confusion if the Bridge was not clear at their Return. Sr. William leaving them space accordingly, the Hainalders repassed after him, thô not without some difficulty, their Captains being fain to place the best Men in the Reer, who were yet much prest upon by the French. The Lord Vauflart de la Croix particularly, staid so long behind in hopes to bring off his Men, that being intercepted, he saw plainly there was no pos∣sibility for him to recover the Bridge. Wherefore with much ado getting out of the preass he took a way well known to him, down among the Marches; where he thought to lie hid among the Reeds and Rushes, till night, and so to escape: The rest of his Friends fighting still at the Bridge with no great Advantage. At which time Sr. Robert Bailleul, who held on the French Part, being allarum'd with the noise of the Scufflle, came thither on the Hainalders Backs with his Banner before him, when the Hainalders saw the Banner of Murrians, they verily took it for the Lord William's,

who was of their Party, and so flock'd unto it: For there was but a small difference between the two Brethrens Banners; for the Arms of the Murrians are three Bars Coun∣ter-bars, a Chevron Gules, only in the Chevron of Sr. Robert there was a Croslet Or, which being but small, was not taken heed of by the Hainalders. But some apply∣ing themselves to Sr. William's, and some to Sr. Roberts Banner, being broken and divided by this Mistake, they were all routed, taken or slain, none knowing whither to turn in so strange a Confusion. Sr. John Verchin was slain, with Sr. Walter du Pont de l'Arche, Sr. William Piereport and many Others: Sr. John de i 10.20 Solre, Sr. Daniel Bloss, Sr. Ralph Monceaux, Sr. Lewis Lamplugh and Others were taken; the Lord William Bailleul himself with much difficulty escaped, and hardly five or six more of all his Men. But as for poor Sr. Vauflart de la Croix, who lay in the Marish grounds in great fear, wishing that the Mist would not break up all that day, his evil Destiny betray'd him; for by the end of that Skirmish the Day being clear again, he was espied by some of those who rode by that way; and these presently made such a Shouting and Out∣cry upon him, that he was fain to come forth and yield himself their Prisoner. They that took him carried him into the Camp, and deliver'd him to their Master Sr. Ro∣bert Bailleul, who was very much concern'd for him, as one that knew the danger he was in, and that if the French King should hear of his Taking, he hated him so mor∣tally, that it was impossible to preserve him. Wherefore Sr. Robert did what he could to stop the Report, and advis'd him to disguise his Name; but alas! 'twas too late; for King Philip having already heard, that Sr. Vauflart de la Croix, who had done so much Mischief to the Men of Lille, was a Prisoner in his Camp, sent his Officers for him, and forthwith order'd him to be carried under a Guard to Lille, giving the In∣habitants leave to do with him as they thought best. No Prayers, nor Promises of Gold or Silver could mollifie the minds of those Men, when they saw him in their Power; but immediatly they put him to a cruel Death, though he offer'd an incre∣dible Ransom: so justly did he formerly fear to fall into their Hands, when the Earl of Salisbury, and the Earl of Suffolks Son were taken; but yet what so wise∣ly he before avoided, being urged by his unhappy Destiny, he now fell into una∣wares.

King Philip was wonderfully pleas'd with this Adventure of Sr. Robert Bailleuls, and no doubt gave him some good Tokens of his Favour: For small successes are a Refreshment to a Man after great and continued Losses; and besides he was glad that by the death of an Enemy, he had so highly gratified his good Subjects of Lille, as if he had given them large Franchises.

But the Earl of Hainalt was so extreamly k 10.21 incens'd at this Matter, that immedi∣atly he l 10.22 sent to his Subjects of Valenciennes, that at such a time they should come and meet him before Mortaigne, appointing them to make their Assault between the Rivers of Scarp and Skell, and the Towns of St. Amand and Condet. Against the time limited He himself and the Lord John his Uncle, with the Seneschal of Hainalt and 600 Spears of Hainalt and Almain, departed from the Siege before Tournay, and went to Mortaign on the side of Condet, at which time also the Men of Valenciennes came on another Part in great Numbers, bringing with them several huge Engines for Bat∣tery. The Lord of Beaujeu, who was Captain there at that time, had all along expe∣cted a Siege, because the Fortress stood so near the River, and was so unwelcom a Neighbour to Hainalt: Wherefore on the Sides next the Land he had made strong Fortifications, and cut deep Trenches, and to secure himself on the River Side, he had caused twelve hundred Piles to be driven in, that no Vessels might pass that way. But for all these Preparations the Earl and his Men came thither on one part, and the Men of Valenciennes on another: And so the Assault began in Two places at once. But the Piles on one side hindred their Progress, and the Earl approaching the Barriers, found the Trenches on his side so deep and large, that he could not come near enough, and he wanted both Hands and Stuff, besides time, to fill them. Then he ad∣vis'd, and sent four hundred Men over the River Scarp, to that side where Chasteau l'Abbaye and St. Amand stood, commanding them to give an Assault at the Gate that looks toward Mauld. And now was Mortaign enclosed on three Parts; that being the weakest of the Three, which respected Mauld; but yet it prov'd strong enough: For thither came the Lord Beaujeu himself with the Flower of his Men to defend the Place. He for his part had in his hand a broad glittering Sword, sharp and well-steel'd, and above the blade near the hilt was fastned a sharp Hook of Steel, which Hook was made with such art, that it always took hold of what he strook, and he was so strong of Arm, that whomsoever he caught hold on, he either brought to him, or flung

him with great force into the Water, as he did more than a dozen at that time: However here the Assault was well carried on, being much fiercer than in any other place. The Earl of Hainalt on the other hand was contriving, how by force or art to pull out the Piles, that were stuck in the River, for then they might come up in their Vessels close to the Walls. At last he order'd to make ready a Ship, wherein was to be placed a great Engine to draw out the Piles one by one: And while the Carpenters were about this work, that same Day the Valenciennois on their Side had reared a great Engine, wherewith they cast huge Stones into the Fortress to the no small trouble of the Besieged. Thus the first day and night passed in Assaulting and Contriving how to carry the Place. The next morning the Assault was renewed and continued on all hands till the Evening: And on the third Day the Ship was ready with the new-design'd Engine to draw out the Piles. But when they went to use it at that kind of work, they found their Labour to be so great, and to require so ma∣ny Hands, and that it was so long e're they could pluck out one, that they despair'd of pulling out 1200 in a Year almost, upon which accounts they were soon weary of that Trade, and the Earl wishing he had never begun it, commanded them to leave off. However still the other Engine of Valenciennes, that cast Stones into the For∣tress, play'd on lustily and with good Success: But at that time there was within Mor∣taign a subtle Mathematician, an Engineer, who saw there was much mischief like to be done, unless he could disable that Engine also. Wherefore with great expedition he raised a certain Machin within the Castle, which was not very bigg indeed, but it was well fitted and trimmed at all points: And with this he cast but three times; the first stone fell within 12 foot of the Engin, the second fell nearer, but the third strack it so full, that it brake the Shaft or chief beam of the Engin clear in sunder, and so rendred it useless: Whereat the Besieged made a merry shout; but the Hai∣nalders were so discouraged, that the Earl dismissed his Men of Valenciennes, and re∣turn'd with the rest of his Troops to the Siege before Tournay.

About this time the m 10.23 Garrison of St. Amand, which held for the French, and was distant n 10.24 two leagues Northward from Valenciennes, and three leagues Southward from Tournay, issued out of the Town and went to Haynon in Hainalt, where they destroy'd the Minster, robb'd the Abby, violated the Nunns, burnt the Town, and carried away the Spoil to St. Amand. Another day this same Garrison sent out a Detachment, which passing the Wood of St. Amand came to the Abby of Vicoign, where they began to make a great Fire near the Gate, intending to burn it down; for they had no other way to get an Entrance. When the Abbot saw what danger his House was in, he took horse presently and at a back door rode out, going thrô the Wood to Valenciennes, where making a relation of his Necessity, he desired the Provost to lend him a certain number of Crossbows towards the preservation of his Abby. His desire was granted, and away he went with this Assistance, conducting them behind Rames, and so set them in the Wood toward the high-way that leads to Porcelet. From that station they shot against the Genouese and Frenchmen, who were before the Gate of Vicoign: But when now they saw and felt the Shot from the Wood, they were so amaz'd that they return'd as fast as they might, and so the Abby was saved from de∣struction.

Now three days o 10.25 after the Earl of Hainalt was return'd from before Mortaign, as we have shewn, Complaint was brought unto him to the Siege of Tournay, of these and other Outrages, committed by the Garrison of St. Amand upon the foresaid Pla∣ces and others about the Frontiers of Hainalt. Hereupon he resolv'd to seek some Reparation, and so went again from Tournay with 3000 Men and came before St. A∣mand; where he expected to find 12000 of his Subjects more, whom he had by Letters commanded the Provost of Valenciennes to send thither by such a time to joyn him. On the side that looks towards Mortaign, the Town was not closed but onely with Pales; and therefore the Captain thereof, who was a good Knight of Langue∣doc, and Seneschal of Carcasson, had before this, told the Monks and the Townsmen,

That the Place was not tenable against an Army; thô however he was resolv'd to hold out to the last, and by no means to yield or forsake the Place, which his Lord the French King had once committed to his Trust. He told them these words pro∣ceeded from no vain diffidence or Cowardise, but only being his real Opinion, he gave them this Caution; that they might save their Goods, or what else they va∣lued in time: For he had nothing to take care of but his Honour, which he was re∣solved to maintain, whatever should happen.

The Townsmen would not believe these Words; only the Abbot and most of his Monks, as being more timorous and

tenacious, follow'd his counsel, and remov'd all the Jewels and Plate belonging to their Abbey to Mortagn, where also they themselves tarried for their greater Security. Now the day before the Earls Arrival, the 12000 Valenciennois, whom he had sent for, came thither, and placing all their Crossbows at the Gate that looks toward the Scarpe, began the Assault immediatly: But however nothing was gain'd all that Day but dry blows; wherefore the Besieged insulted upon them,

Crying, Sirs, get you gone home again while you are well, and drink your good heavy Ale; for you are not nimble enough to get in here.

Toward night the Assault ceased, the Hainalders be∣ing extream weary, but chiefly their Hearts failed them, because the Earl, their Lord was not yet come as he had appointed them: Wherefore they presently withdrew home∣ward again in great displeasure. Next morning betimes the Earl departed from before Tournay and came to St. Amand, on the side toward Mortagn, where presently giving a fierce Assault, he wan the Pales and the Outworks, and so approached the Gate: Where the Earl and his Uncle were so forward, that both of them had their Helmets cloven and their Heads so disorder'd with the blows, that they were forced to with∣draw for that time. At last one of the Captains said to the Earl,

Sir, this way we shall never prevail, the Passage is so narrow and so well defended. But Sir, if we can get strong Rams of Timber, sharpned like Piles, and run them against the Abby Walls, we shall not fail of making there several Breaches: And the Abby once entred the Town is ours.

The Motion took and Rams were made accordingly, to every of which 20 or 30 Persons were appointed, who all together ran them with great force against the Walls: so that within a while there were several considerable Breaches made. At one of these Passages stood ready a certain Monk named Don Froisard, who defended his Post with great Manhood, and fought so lustily, that he kill'd or disa∣bled no less than 18 persons with his own Hands: So that no entrance could be had that way. But when he saw how the Enemy rushed in at other Places, he was obliged to quit his Station, and had such good Fortune, as at last to escape the Town, and to carry the first news of its Taking to Mortagn. The mean while the Earl and his Men enter'd the Town by these Breaches in the Abby; and passed a little River that ran thereby, in battle Array. There he found the valiant Seneschal of Carcasson, with his Men about him, ready to receive him under his Banner: Which was Gules, a Chief Argent; Three Cheurons in the Chief, Bordur'd, Argent, Indented. And here he fought couragiously a considerable time: But the Hainalders flow'd in so upon him, that at last he was slain under his Standard, with 200 of his faithfull Men about him. For the Earl upon his entrance into the Town, had given Command to put all to the Sword, because they had done so much mischief in his Territories: So that very few escaped Death, but such who had fled betimes to Mortagn, or lay hid in Cellars and other secret places. At night the Earl returned to the Army before Tournay; and the next day the Men of Valenciennes hearing what their Lord had done, came again and burnt the Town, Abby and Minster, and brake all the Bells, which were very choice ones.

Another p 10.26 time the Earl of Hainalt went forth with a Detachment of 600 Men of Arms, and having burnt many small Villages which now have no Name, passed the River Scarpe hard by Haynon, and went into France to a great and rich Abby and Town called Marchiennes, which was defended by Sr. Emery of Vernaulx and certain Crossbows from Doway. Here the Earl began a fierce Assault at the First Gate, which the Captain had well fortified with large and deep Ditches, and now with his French∣men and the Monks defended the Place nobly. But as the Earl was fighting here, an∣other Party of English and Hainalders went in Boats and Barges to another Quarter, where finding a more easie Entrance, they got all into the Abby, having only lost one German Knight, named Sr. Bacho de la Ware, of the Lord of Valkenbergs Reti∣nue, who was by ill fortune drowned. The mean while the Earl, his Uncle, and the Seneschal of Hainault prevail'd also, thô with more adoe at the great Gate, so that the Captain and all his Men were either slain or taken; the Monks for the most part being taken alive; but the Abby and Town were plunder'd and burnt to the ground: After which the Earl return'd again to Tournay.

Thus during the Siege, the Englishmen and their Allies rode forth to seek Adven∣tures; insomuch that they destroy'd, as some say, q 10.27 300 Towns and Villages, slew more than a 1000 Men of Arms, and took many more Prisoners, besides much Booty.

Thô some Reader may already be offended with this Prolixity, yet I must not o∣mit one more memorable Adventure, which happen'd at the Bridge of Cressin; both

because the Lord Monmorency, a most considerable Person on the French Part, was there taken, and also because the late Success of the Lord Robert Bailleul's at the same place, was now well required by those of the English Party.

One day during this Siege before Tournay, r 10.28 there was an Adventure undertaken by the Lord of Ronderendence, and Sr. John his Son, Sr. Arnold Baquehen, Sr. Reginald Descouvenort, Sr. Rorant Dastô, Sr. Baldwin van Basten, and Candrelyer his Brother, Sr. Stauren van Leurne, and an hardy Esquire, named John Randeberg, with many o∣ther Lords, Knights, and Esquires of the Dutchy of Gueldre, and the Marquisate of Juliers: Besides these there were certain Knights Batchelors, as Sr. Floren van Beaurien, Sr. Latas de la Hay Marshal of this Detachment, Sr. John of Hainalt the Bastard, Sr. Oliver van Guistells, Sr. Robert Cleves, and divers others of Hainalt, and the Neighbouring Countries, to the Number of 340 Men of Arms: All who rode forth one Morning early toward the Bridge of Cressin, which they passed without any Encounter. Being got over, they consulted what course to take, and it was resolv'd that the Frenchmens Quarters were to be beaten up: So the Lord of Ronderendence, Sr. Henry van Keu∣kren, Sr. Tilman Soussy, Sr. Oliver van Guistells, Sr. John the Bastard of Hainalt, Sr. Robert Cleves, and Jaquelet of Thyaulx with his Brother, were appointed with 40 Spears only to go and perform that Exploit: And the other Knights and Esquires to the Number of 300 Spears, were to stay at the Bridge foot to make good their Retreat. Those that were appointed to that purpose, went forward accordingly, and strack suddenly into the Skirts of the Host, overthrowing Tents and Pavilions, and killing and wounding the Frenchmen.

That Night two great Barons of France, to wit, the Lord of Monmorency, and the Lord of Salieu had kept the Watch on that part of the Camp, which lay nearest to the Bridge; who hearing the noise, came presently with their Banners before them to the Scuffle. Upon sight of them the Lords of Almain wisely drew off, and made back toward the Bridge: But the French follow'd them so closely at the heels, that the Lord Oliver van Guistells, who being purblind could not keep his course right, was taken Prisoner, and with him the two Brethren, Jaquelet and Mondrope of Thyaulx. And yet those in the Reer of the Almains could plainly hear the Language of the Frenchmen, calling after them, and saying, "Gentlemen, you must not think to escape thus. Where∣upon one said to the Lord Ronderendence,

Sir, have a Care what you do; for I fear the French will gain the Bridge before us. Well, said he, thô they know one way, I know another;

and therewithall he struck off on the Right hand, and took a by way, which brought him and his Company to the River: But by the late descent of Waters, the River was now so deep and environ'd with Marshes, that it was too Ha∣zardous to attempt to pass over that way: Wherefore after a while they were fain to return toward the Bridge again. This mean while the Frenchmen had rode a full Gal∣lop toward the Bridge, not caring to follow them in their by-way, as knowing they could find no Passage, but rather resolving to take the Bridge before their Return, and so to intercept them. But when now they came near and saw that great Company which were left to make good the others Retreat, at the foot of the Bridge, they were abash∣ed, and said to one another,

We here pursue others too indiscreetly, since We thus may lose more than We can possibly Win.

Upon which consideration divers of them return'd back again, and particularly the Lord of Salieu with all his Men, and his Banner before him.

But for all this the Lord Charles of Monmorency rode still with his Banner and Re∣tinue forward; saying, he would by no means retire, till he had tasted what kind of Men they were. So there began a fierce Rencounter between the French and the Almains; and many were overthrown on both sides: But as the Skirmish grew warm, and was yet doubtfull, there came on at the Frenchmens backs the other Almains, that had re∣turn'd from the River with the Lord Ronderendence, when they saw they could not get over because of the Marishes: So that now the Frenchmen were enclosed among their Enemies.

The Lord Reginald Descouvenort knew the Lord Monmorency by his Banner, un∣der which he beheld him fighting valiantly; wherefore he came up suddenly on his Right side, and with his Left hand catch'd fast hold of his Horses Bridle, and so drew him after him out of the Preass: Yet all the while the Lord Monmorency strack at him many Weighty blows, some whereof he defended, and some he was fain to receive, being well Arm'd at all Points: But at last, he made shift to take him Prisoner with his own hands, for the Lord Monmorency had his Horse no longer in his own Government. Besides him the Almains took at this time no less than fourscore

Knights and Esquires; and after a full Victory return'd in safety to the Camp before Tournay.

VII. Now during these two Sieges held by King Edward and his Forces at one time before Tournay, and St. Omers, a Parliament by Commission from the King, was held at Westminster s 10.29 on the Wednesday next after the Translation of St. Thomas the Mar∣tyr; The Reasons of their meeting being declared to be, 1. To consult what further course was best for the King and his Allies to take with France. 2. To provide for the Common Peace, and how to keep good Order at home. 3. To take Care for the Defence of the Northern Parts. 4. For the Dominion at Sea. 5. How to Answer the King the Subsidy last granted him.

The next day was openly declared in Parliament the great Victory, which the King had lately obtain'd at Sea: And that to go on so, as to perfect these happy beginnings, he must be further enabled with supplies of Money: The answer to which was re∣spited till Saturday then next ensuing. At which time the Lords and Commons grant∣ed unto his Majesty, as in the last Preceding Parliament, the Ninth of their Corn, Wooll, and Lambs, and many Carefull Proviso's were made for the Answering the same.

On this Saturday came in the Earl of Arundel, and Sr. William Trussel, who were sent from the King with Credential Letters, under the Privy Seal, directed to the Lords and Commons, purporting his great Victory, and no less necessity of speedy Returns of Money. By which Letters, among other things, it appears, that the King got the said Victory on St. John's Day, in the Water of Swine, in the Port there. That the Kings Allies had carried him about Tournay with 100 Men; and that Sr. Robert of Artois had carried him at St. Omers with 5 Men. The said Letters, which are at large in the Re∣cords, conclude with the fear of much Damage, but especially loss of Honour to the King, without a speedy and undelayed Assistance, requiring their further Credit in the Bearers, for what they should say.

After this, certain Bishops and Knights, as John Stratford Bishop of Canterbury, Ralph Stratford Bishop of London, Ralph de Shrewsbury Bishop of Bath and Wells, Simon Mon∣tagu t 10.30 Brother to the Earl of Salisbury, Bishop of Ely, Robert Wyvill, Bishop of Salis∣bury, with the Abbots of Waltham of the Holy Cross, and of Westminster, Sr. Ralph Shirley, and other Knights there named, freely undertook at their own Credit, to spare the King 20000 Sacks of Wooll, every Sack to be sold five Marks under the Price rated at Nottingham: So as for every Sack of the best sort, the King should be an∣swer'd six pounds, for others five pounds, and for the worst of all four Marks; besides his Custom of 40 shillings for every Sack, and of all this, present Return to be made to the King. And it was order'd, that the Subsidy of the next Year should be em∣ploy'd for the Payment of these Woolls, and this to be confirmed by the Kings Let∣ters Patents.

Provision is order'd to be made for the King, two Parts at Sandwich, and the Third at Southampton, of Wheat two Thousand Quarters, of Beans and Pease five Hundred Quarters; of Bacon, eight Hundred Flitches, fourty Weighs of Cheese, and an Hun∣dred Tunns of Wine: Ambrose de Newburgh being appointed Purveyor General for Sand∣wich, and Sr. John Hothersall at Southampton; and 4400 l. were Assign'd out of the Aid of Essex and Oxford, to the Kings Butler.

Such Parsons of Churches, as pay their Tenths, shall be excus'd now from paying their Ninths.

The Sheriff of Southampton is appointed to Repair to the Constable of Carisbrook Castle in the Isle of Wight, and there together with him to Muster the Islanders, and to choose a Keeper of the Isle, till further Order: Others being nominated to make the like Enquiry on this side Trent.

A Writ of Warrant was now directed to the Sheriff of York, to deliver up the Body of u 10.31 John Randal Earl of Murray, to the Bishop of Durham, the Lord Henry Piercy, and the Lord Ralph Nevill: They to do with him according to their Commission.

Order'd, that Priors—Aliens, and others, who have their Possessions in Farm of the King, shall pay no Ninths; as neither such Hospitals, as have not heretofore been Taxed.

A Writ to gather no Ninths of any Religious Person, who pays his Desme, and was not summon'd to the Parliament, untill Michaelmas next.

It was further Order'd; that every Sheriff by Writ should cause certain Merchants of every City and Town within their Bailywick, to appear before the Kings Council at such a Day: and that Proclamation be made, that no Person Presume to buy any Wooll, till

the King be served; whereunto those of the Custom-house to have a strict Regard. It was also Enacted, that the 20000 Wooll-Sacks granted to the King, shall be taken in whose hands soever they shall be found; or Agreement to be made therefore of the two Payments of the Ninths.

The Merchants of Barton and Yarmouth, upon Security of the Ninths of several Counties mention'd in the Records, Engage to pay to several of the Kings Creditors beyond the Seas, the Summe of 28555.—15 s.—2 d. and that certain of the Kings Jewels lying in Pawn therefore, should be redeemed. Sr. William de la Pole un∣dertakes for his Complement of Wooll, or in Consideration of the first Ninth in Suffolk, to pay to the King before Michaelmas Three Hundred Marks beyond the Seas.

Now of these Merchants that appeared before the Council, Henry Goldbeater, Tho∣mas Grey, William Lancaster, and John Lodington take 1500 Sacks of Wooll within the County of York, they to pay to the King for every Sack 4 Pounds ten Shillings, besides the Custom of 40 s. within three Weeks. So Bardolph Barton, Merchant of Hull, and Thomas Thirwit Merchant of Beverley, take a 1000 Sacks, half from Not∣tingham, and half from Darby, the first 500 at four Pounds thirteen Shillings and four pence per Sack, besides the usual Custom of 40 s. and the latter 500, at three Pounds three Shillings and four pence, in like manner. So also Thomas Loveshead, William Mallestroit, and William Bambridge, Merchants of York take 400 Sacks out of Cum∣berland and Westmorland, at 4 Marks per Sack, besides the Custom. Walter Priest of Melton-Moubray, and Hugh Cogshall Merchants of Barton upon Humber, agree for 500 Sacks of Leicester, for 8 Marks per Sack, and an 100 of Rutland for 4 l. 10 s. per Sack, besides the Custom. Thomas Collis, Richard Weston, and Adam Hone, and John Retoun have 400 Sacks of Shropshire, for six Pounds six and eight pence the Sack, and 400 out of Staffordshire, for Twenty Shillings less by the Sack, besides the Custom. Then New Writs were sent to the Sheriffs, to summon in more Merchants before the Council, because they had still more Sacks to dispose of.

Now also 500 Sacks of the Woolls of Gloucester were Assign'd to Queen Philipps toward the Payment of her Debts: Which was a Matter not the least acceptable to the King, who always lov'd her to an High Degree; as indeed she well merited. Then follow the Remembrances for the King to keep promise; as to keep the Sea, to pur∣vey for the Navy, and to defend the Isles of Jersey and Garnsey. Sr. Anthony Bath was Order'd to see to the delivery of the Kings Jewells: And Conrade Clipping, and Godrick de Renley are Assign'd for the Customs of England. Then there is the Copy of a Letter sent from the Lords of the Parliament to the King, by Sr. William Trussel, containing the Grant of the Ninths, and their Policy in making present shift for ready Money by Woolls: In the Postscript they direct him to buy at Sluce, and other Ports of Zealand, because the greatest store of Woolls had been convey'd away by stealth: To which there is another secret Letter adjoyned, sent (as it seems) from some of the Coun∣cil, to the same Effect.

And here's the Substance of this Parliament, and the Summe of all the Aid, that came to the King, during the Siege of Tournay, thô it both fell short, and came also too late, and as is highly probable, not till after the Treaty.

But We are also to remember, that in this Parliament King Edward Bailiol was ap∣pointed to serve at Carlile with 40 Men of Arms, being still allowed, 300 l. per annum, together with the Mannor of Hexlisham, as in the last x 10.32 Parliament. And the Earl of Angos, and the Lord Piercy were Order'd to set forth the Arrays of Yorkshire, Notting∣ham, and Darby, to Newcastle upon the Tine, and so to the Marches: For about this time Scotland began to Raise up her Head again, of whose Affairs it will not be amiss in this place to take some Prospect.

VIII. About the time that King Edward Commenced his French Wars, the Lord y 10.33 Andrew Murray Viceroy of Scotland, Departed this Life, and was buried at Rosmar∣kie, being greatly desired by the Scots for his successfull Valour: After his Death the Young Lord Robert Stuart was continued Viceroy, till the Return of King David out of France. This Lord Robert took up, during his Viceroyship, the most Successfull Arms against England, that ever had been since the Death of King Robert his Uncle: But in Process of time, when he came to be King himself; he first wholly cast off the English Yoke, and maintain'd that Kingdom in Prosperity and Honour, during his whole Reign, as in part we shall shew hereafter. But the uncertain and contradictory Reports, with the false Computations of the Scotch Writers, make it as impossible to give a suc∣cinct and exact Account of every Action, as it is indeed unnecessary. Let this suffice,

that Scotland being now left more at Liberty by King Edward's Absence, while he was busied in the French Wars, did by Degrees recover many Great and Important Places, which before she had lost; thô as yet she was unable to do any Notable Exploit upon the Borders of England. And first, by the High Valour of Sr. William Douglas, all Tividale was clean Recover'd out of the English mens Hands; for which piece of Service he was afterwards Rewarded with that Country. He also overthrew the Lord John Striveling at Cragings, Wan the Castle of Hermitage, baffled Sr. Laurence Vaux, and took Sr. William Abernethie Prisoner; and then by the Lord Robert Stuart was sent into France to King David, to Request his Counsel and Assistance in the War; because a Tempest was expected from England. The mean while the Lord Robert Besieges Perth, alias St. Johnston, which was by the English Valiantly maintain'd against him for the space of Ten Weeks: When the Lord Douglas on a sudden Arrived from France, bringing with him into the Tay 5 Ships well furnished with Men, Arms, and Ammuni∣tion, the Captains whereof were two Knights, belonging to Galliard Castle in France; upon the Seyne, which was allotted for King Davids Residence, also two Valiant Es∣quires, named Giles de la Hoy, and John de Breis, with a Pirate of great Renown, whose Name was Hugh Handpile, so that now the Captain of Perth, Sr. Thomas Ʋghtred, not being able to hold out any longer, after he had z 10.34 destroy'd the best Ship, that Hugh Hand∣pile had, and perform'd all that could be expected, was at last enforced to yield up the Town, thô not without a 10.35 Honourable Conditions.

Now beside the foremention'd Captains, who were on the Brucean Side, Patrick Earl of Dumbar, Kenneth Earl of Southerland, Sr. Robert Hussey, Sr. Simon Frasier and Sr. Alexander Ramsey (who were dispos'd about in Garrisons of those parts of Scotland, which the English had not won) during the space of seven Years made con∣tinual War upon the English with various Success, sometimes loosing and sometimes win∣ning, as well by Open Force as by Surprise: Till at last King Bailiol being wholly tired out by these their importune Hostilities, retired into England, as we shew'd be∣fore: Thô others say, he was brought hither by King Edward, either for his own fur∣ther Security, or hoping by his Removal to keep the Scots more quiet; or for suspi∣cion of his Loyalty. But now while King Edward lay at the Siege of Tournay, the French King sent new Supplies of Men and Money into Scotland, requesting withall the Lord Robert Stuart, to make strong War upon England, that by such a Diversion King Edward might be forced to quit the Siege. The Scots taking heart upon this Re∣inforcement, not only wan many Fortresses in Scotland, but also adventur'd in se∣veral Bodies to enter England, where they destroy'd the Country almost as far as Durham, returning all safe again; saving b 10.36 that the Earls of March and Southerland be∣ing encountred by the Lord Thomas Grey of Werke, Sr. Robert Manners, and John Copland, a valiant Esquire of Northumberland, were utterly discomfited. In short the Scots did so well use this Opportunity of King Edwards Absence, c 10.37 that there was by this time scarce any Place of Moment left to the English in all Scotland, except Bar∣wick, Striveling, Roxborough and Edinborough. Which last Castle stands on a Rock, on an Hill so high, that a Man who is no way resisted, can yet hardly pass up to the Top without Resting; so that it is in a manner impregnable. The Captain of this Piece at that time was Sr. Richard Limesi, who had so valiantly kept the Castle of Thine l'Evesque against the Duke of Normandy, as we shew'd d 10.38 before, and was there∣upon Commission'd by King Edward to undertake the Defence of this Place. But al∣thô the Strength of the Hold and the Resolution of the Captain were so notorious, the Lord William Douglas invented a subtle Device, wherewith to recover the Castle, and which he discover'd only to three of his chief Companions and Friends, Sr. Alex∣ander Ramsey, Sir Simon Frasier, and Earl Patrick of Dunbar. The Stratagem how∣ever is told two ways, and the less probable, by the e 10.39 Scotch Writers themselves, which is this: The Lord Douglas having acquaintance with one Walter Towers, a Merchant, called him into the Fryth, directing him to counterfeit himself an English Merchant, and to offer the Garrison Wines to sell. This Towers according to his In∣structions provided two Vessels of rich Wine and other Presents for the Captain, de∣siring his leave to sell off the rest of his Goods in those Parts without any impedi∣ment or molestation: That in consideration of this Favour, if the Garrison wanted a∣ny thing which he had, upon knowledge, he would gratifie them therewith at reaso∣nable Rates. The Captain bidding him bring a certain quantity of Wine and Sea-bis∣ket, promises Admission at any time: He forsooth pretending to be afraid of the Scots, appointed to be there very early the next Morning. That night Douglas and 12 of the most chosen and valiant Men with him, disguised themselves with Seamens Ha∣bit

over their Armour, and having planted their Fellows in the nearest place they could, with Order not to stirr till the Signal given, go along with the foresaid Provision to the Castle: Sr. William Douglas and Sr. Simon Frasier went first with the Cart, the other Eleven were commanded to follow at some distance. Being upon Call let in at the outer Gate of the Barriers, which was before the Castle Gate, as they espi'd the Keys of the Castle hanging on the Porters arm, they suddenly slew him, so that he died without one Word speaking. Then in great silence they open the Castle Gate, and thence gave the signal to their Fellows by the sound of an Horn, the mean while they cast all their Carriages between the Doors, that they might not be closed before their Fellows should come up. This is Buchanan's Relation, thô in some respects, I know not upon what Authority, different from Hector's who went before him: Where∣fore I rather follow Froisard, an Author of credit infinitely beyond them both, who thus tells the whole Matter. f 10.40 That Sr. William Douglas with his Companions aforesaid, took to them two hundred hardy Wild Scots, and went on board a Ship wherein was Pro∣vision of Corn, Oats and Fuell, and so they came peaceably into the Harbour of the Fryth or Forth, not far from the Castle of Edinburgh: That in the Night they ar∣med themselves and all their Company, disguising ten or twelve of their Choice Men, and such as they had most confidence in, with ragged Habits over their Armour, and Hats like Country Clowns, the rest of their Men they bestowed in an Ambush a∣mong the ruines of an Old Abby near the foot of the Hill. This done, they that were dress'd like Clowns, being yet well arm'd beneath their Rags, drave up the Hill about break of day twelve Galloways laden with the foresaid Provision: Being little more than half way onward, Sr. William Douglas who could speak English perfectly, without any mixture of the Scotch Dialect (as his Father the Lord James could ••o before him) and Sr. Simon Frasier, disguised as they were, went a little before and cal∣led to the Porter, saying,

Sir in great fear we have brought hither Corn, Oats and Fuel, which, if you have any need thereof, we will sell you good cheap. Why? Marry said the Porter, and we have great need thereof: But it is so very early that I dare not wake the Captain nor his Steward: However let them come in; for I shall open the outer Gate, where you shall be safe till the Steward-rises.

Upon this the Gate being open'd, they all entred within the Barriers, Sr. William Douglas first, who heedfully casting his eye about, espied the great Keys of the Castle hanging up∣on the Porters Arm. The two last Horses being laden with Coals, were so order'd (be like their Hamstrings suddenly cut) that they fell down just at the entrance of the first Gate; so that without much time and labour it could not be closed again. At that instant while the Porter, as he thought no harm, was carelesly looking to the unlading, Douglas from behind gave him so sure a stroak, that without word speaking he fell down dead. Then they took the great Keys and opened the Castle Gate, laying all the Sacks there upon the Groundsell, that it should not by any strength be closed against them; but the outer Gate they cleared, for their Men to come in with more ease. This done Sr. William sounded an Horn, and all cast away their torn Coats, and drawing their Swords stood close together in shining Armour at the en∣trance of the Gate. Upon the Signal given, those that lay in Ambush mounted the Hill with all expedition, being assured of Success. The Watchman also of the Castle, being allarm'd with the noise of the Horn, look'd out and saw Men with their Weapons in their hands ascending the Hill and running toward the Castle. Then he blew his Horn aloud, and cri'd out

Treason, treason, Rise, rise, to Arms, to Arms quickly: For yonder come Men of War upon us.

At this Alarm the Garrison be∣gan to rise and run to Arms in all hast, they that first could, hasting down to the Castle Gates. But Sr. William Douglas and his twelve Companions so stoutly defended the Passage, by the help of those Encumbrances, that lay on the Threshold, that the Gate could not be closed again till the coming up of the Scots Ambush. Notwithstanding they within endeavour'd to defend the Castle to the utmost, and hurt and slew several of the Scots, but at last by the obstinate Valour of Douglas and his Men, joyned to the great Surprise the English were in and their Unpreparedness, many also giving all for lost without Trial, the Castle was carried, all that opposed being master'd and slain, except the Master Sr. Richard Limesi and six English Esquires, who were taken Priso∣ners. The Scots tarried there all that Day to settle the Orders of the Castle, over which they made Sr. Simon Vescy Captain, with a sufficient Garrison under him: The News of this Loss with the Manner thereof, was brought to King Edward while he lay before Tournay.

During this Siege before Tournay, Jacob van g 10.41 Arteveld had a Son born in Gaunt,

to whom Queen Philippa of England, who lay then in that City, was pleased to be Godmother, and gave him the Name of Philip: Which Philip van Arteveld in pro∣cess of time, became a famous Captain of the Rebellious Gantois against the Earl their Lord, as may be seen in Froisard, and those who write of the Wars of Flanders in that Age.

IX. Now it is to be remembred, that before we began to treat of the Siege of Tour∣nay, we spake of another h 10.42 Army of Flemings, which was appointed to sit down in like manner before St. Omers, under the Conduct of the Lord Robert of Artois, com∣monly called the Earl of Richmond, and Sr. Henry Eam of Flanders: They were in all, what with those from Ipres, from Poperinghe, from Messene, from Cassel and Wi∣noxbergen or Bergues St. Vinoc, 40000, or as others say 55000 Men. All who lay in the Vale of Cassel in Tents and Pavilions to counter-garrison the French, that were in St. Omers, Aire, St. Venant and other Fortresses thereabouts. In St. Omers e∣specially there was the Duke of Burgundy, the Dauphin of Auvergne, the Earl of Ar∣magnac, the Lord of Kalingen, the Lord Montagne, the Lord Rochefort, the Vicount of Thoüars, and divers other Knights of Auvergne and Limosin. And in Aire also and St. Venant, there were divers good Captains with sufficient numbers of Men of War; who upon occasion would frequently issue out and skirmish with the Flemings, when they found them divided.

One Day it fell out i 10.43 that 6000 Flemings, whose Quarters were not assigned near the chief Commanders, of their own heads would needs go to the Suburbs of St. O∣mers; where they beat down divers Houses and robbed them. When this matter was known in the Town, several of the Captains within armed themselves, and privi∣ly issued out at another Gate with 6 Banners, two hundred Men of Arms and 600 Footmen. Who by an unknown way came suddenly upon the backs of the Fle∣mings, at such time as they were all scatter'd abroad, being wholly busied in Rob∣bing and Plundering the Town of Arques by St. Omers. The French came upon them in good Order of Battle, crying out couragiously, "Cleremont, the Dauphin of Au∣vergne! Whereat the Flemings being confounded, and having no time to rally, were beaten down by heaps. The Chace of them lasted for about two Leagues: So that in all there were slain above three Thousand, four Hundred taken Prisoners, and led to S••. Omers; and those few, that by good Fortune and fleetest Horses escaped, re∣turn'd to the Camp, where they made most heavy Complaint of their evil Adventure. When the Lord Robert of Artois, and Sr. Henry of Flanders heard of this Mis∣chance, they said,

They were even serv'd well enough, for offering against the known Rules of Martial Discipline, to go forth without Command, and without a good Leader.

That very Night, while all the Army was at rest in the Camp, about Twelve of the Clock there fell upon the Flemish Host a k 10.44 Panick Terror and a general Consternation without any visible Cause: insomuch that they all arose immediatly in great Fear, as it were with one consent, and made such hast, as if they thought they should never dis∣lodge: Wherefore they beat and cut down their Tents and Pavilions, and speedily trussed up their Carriages and so fled away, none waiting for another, but every one taking his readiest way home without Order or Discretion. Surely had the French Garrisons thereabout known of this Affair, there had not one of them escaped away alive. But the Enemy could little imagin what their very Captains wondred at: For they at the beginning of this strange Hurly-burly rose hastily, and made great Fires, and took Torches and mounted their Horses, and came cheerfully before the Flemings, and call'd out to them saying,

Sirs what ails you? Do you want any thing? Doth any one pursue you? Are you not secure of our Conduct? Come back again in the Name of God; 'tis a great Shame to fly when no man pursues you.

Many such expostulati∣ons their Leaders had with them, but all in vain; for whatever they could say or do, every Man took the next way to his own House. Wherefore the Lords and Captains also, when they saw there was no Redress, trussed up their Harness and Baggage in Waggons, and returned to King Edward before Tournay, telling him of this strange Adventure. The Accident made every Man wonder; some said, they were mechanick and mean Spirits; others, that they were Sots and overcome with idle Dreams and Fancies: But the Truth is, they neither l 10.45 lov'd their Chief Leader, the Lord Robert of Artois, nor were they willing at first to pass out of their own Towns; but only to lie at home on the Defensive Part; to which ill Humour their late Loss adding a terror, which was heightned in their Fancies by the darkness and horrors of the Night, they might be easily dispos'd to receive these Impressions.

Others relate this Matter otherwise; * 10.46 namely, that a just Battle was fought between the Duke of Burgundy, and the Earl of Armagnac on the one Part, and the Lord Robert of Artois, and his Flemings on the other: Wherein the Flemings were at last worsted, and the Lord Robert of Artois after a stout Resistance routed, with the Loss of four Thou∣sand Men. But 'tis no way probable, that that Duke and Earl, who might hardly be suppos'd sufficient to defend St. Omers, should presume to be able to give Battle to an Army of 55000 Men, under so good Leaders; at least, unless at the same time, De∣tachments from all the French Garrisons thereabouts should joyn them. And then 'tis so unlikely, that only 4000 of the Flemings were slain; that 'twould be a Miracle if so many escaped. But Indiscreet and Partial Men, hoping to advance the Honour of their Country, fall upon senseless and improbable Narrations, which others as carelesly Embrace upon their Authority: When as not only Froisard, who lived in those Days, and was both a Competent and Diligent Writer, but Reason also attests to the Truth of that other Account, which we have given: Nor is it a jot less Honourable for the said Duke and Earl, with 800 Men to have slain 4000 of the Flemings, as we have witnessed for them. But Our Sr. Richard Baker; after his usual inconsiderate way, m 10.47 says, that the Duke of Burgundy, and the Earl of Armagnac routed King Edward's Army, which consisted of 55000 Men before Fournay, and that two days after King Edward for vexation sent his Chartel of Defiance to King Philip: When as 'tis so unfit a time for the Captain of a Routed Army to send a Challenge to a Prince, who is Victor, that 'tis Nonsense to imagine it: And these two Lords were by Testimony of all the French Writers in the Garrison of St. Omers, and not at Tournay: And King Edward never had the least sign of Battle offer'd him all the Siege; and his Army consisted not of 55000, but of 120000, and the Challenge of King Edward, which he says, followed upon this Rout, preceded the very Siege, and this Rout too, as appears by the Date of King Edward's Letters, which bears the 17 of July; when Du Chesne acknowledges the Rout at St. Omers to have fell so late as on the 25 of the said Month: Thô n 10.48 Gio∣vanni Villani, a Person of more Credit, says it was on the 28 of July. But I shall hereafter take little Notice of that Mans Writing, because the Authorities I shall bring, and the Contexture of the Story it self will confute him among the Learned, and to o∣thers I write not: Thô I know he took this Account from Du Chesne, and other French Authors, but even them he has corrupted and mistook, as any Man may observe.

X. These are the various Adventures, which most deserve Memory, during the Siege of Tournay, that is for the space of Nine Weeks and upward; King Edward all the while expecting to win the Place by Famine; for he knew well, there was a great Num∣ber of Mouths within, and not much Victuals; the Frenchmen as he knew, presuming that the King of France would not suffer the Siege to continue so long, without endea∣vouring a Rescue. Wherefore the King of England being strongly encamped, and al∣ways prepared to give or receive Battle, resolved to win the City by Famine: For this Wise and Pious Prince knew it would be too expensive of Christian Blood, to attempt so strong a Place by Storm. Some thought however, that they could not have held out so long, had not the Duke of Brabant secretly favour'd them, and allow'd certain Quantities of Provision to be convey'd into the City thrô his Quarters; nay, there are, who stick not to affirm, that he was o 10.49 brib'd and corrupted by the King of France's Money, and that being therefore suspected by King Edward, he most willingly admitted of a Treaty, when 'twas offer'd him.

But it may be these were only vain and undutifull Reflections, cast out by the idle People of Bruges and Louvain, and other Brabanders; who were both ill-affected to the Cause, and also grew so uneasie with this long Siege, that they were not asham'd o∣penly to ask leave of the Marshal of the Host, to return home into Brabant. When the Marshal heard such an unworthy Request, he told them,

that for his part he was very well content they should go; but then they must leave their Horses and their Ar∣mour behind them, least those, who saw them going home, should say, there went a sort of Souldiers, who had left their General at a Siege, because there were no Car∣pets and Perfumes in the Field:

With which nipping Retort they were so confounded, that they never more open'd their Mouths to their Captains about that Affair. And be∣side this backwardness of the Brabanders, those Officers, whom King Edward had en∣trusted to Collect his Taxes, and other Moneys in England for his Use beyond Sea, were so negligent and slow, if not false in that business, that they mightily perplext their Master thereby; and made him borrow vast Summs upon Usury, and to enter into many Disadvantagious Engagements for the Payment of his German Auxiliaries, and other Ne∣cessities consequent upon the Siege.

Nor was King Philip of France without his Difficulties: For besides, that it torment∣ed his very Soul to see his Good Towns Besieged, and spoiled in a manner before his Eyes, his Lords not suffering him to hazard a Battle for Revenging thereof; he is said to have lost, what by Skirmishes, and divers Rencounters with the English, and what by ill-diet and Famine (which may be wonder'd at, he being in his own Country) espe∣cially for want of Water, by the p 10.50 evil Air, hot Weather, and other Inconveniences, more than q 10.51 20000 Men: Without any set Battle.

XI. King Robert of Sicily being still in those Parts, was wonderfully assiduous in his Negotiations for Peace: The Pope by his Cardinals back'd him very close; and especi∣ally by an r 10.52 Englishman, one of his Chaplains, named William Norwich Dean of Lincoln, and Auditor of the Gauses of the Holy Palace, whose Credence from the Pope con∣tained these Heads.

1. That he should advise the King not to be too much puff'd up with his Victories, nor in confidence thereof, to shew himself strange or difficult in admitting of Peace; by two Instances, of One who being 17 times beaten in War, yet the 18 time obtain'd an entire and absolute Victory: And of Another, who having gain'd two Notable Victo∣ries, was the third time utterly Defeated and overthrown.

2. Secondly, To advise him of the Perfidiousness of the Nation ally'd unto him, as the Flemings, who since they had deceived their own Natural Lord, would in all pro∣babilitie much more deceive him, whom but accidentally, and for the present, they had received for their Lord. And that the Duke of Gueldre, and the Marquess of Juliers were like to serve him, only as far as they might serve their own ends: And least of all should he trust to the Almaines, who always use to be accounted unstable; and his Grand∣father, the Good King Edward, found by Experience their Instability, in the time of his ut∣most Exigence.

3. Thirdly, Of the Excessive Power of the King of France, who thô he should lose Ten Battles in his Kingdom, could easily recollect People in abundance to resist any body in all probability: Which yet in the King of England (being in another Kingdom, and in the Hands of Strangers, and not attended with his own People) is accounted Difficult, nay Impossible. And this appears by the Example of a certain King of Eng∣land, who formerly had more in Revenues within the Realm of France, then the King of France himself had in his own Kingdom, and yet was quite expelled by Degrees.

And especially, since the said King of England's claim, as to the Realm of France, in which he is reputed to have no Right, and as to certain Counties, in which by Pre∣scription of an Hundred Years and more, the Kings of France have continually and qui∣etly had Possession, doth seem unjust: Wherefore it seems, that of Right he ought to be content with the Dutchy of Guien, under that form, whereby the Lord Edward his Grandfather held the same.

4.

Fourthly, To put him in mind of the Fear of God, which he always ought to bring to Memory, by revolving in the Closet of his Breast, the Processes and Censures made and set forth against the Bavarian, which by the adhering to him, and assuming the Lieute∣nantship of the Empire, he is known to have incurred: Upon which our foresaid Lord (the Pope) hath often writ to the same King, as well by Exhortation as Admonition, and once intended Letters unto him, not as unto a Son, nor as one faithfull to the Church; but as one that adhered to Rebells and Infidels. And especially, because of the Incursions of the Enemies of the Christian Faith, who had begun on all Hands to oppose Christianity, as is particularly contained in the Letters of our said Lord, he ought to desist from carrying on the said War.

5.

Also in case that the King should say, he not without Reason doubted, to put himself unto the dispose of our Lord (the Pope) especially the Lords Cardinals be∣ing his Assistants, the greater Part of whom, and in a manner all, are Natives of the Kingdom of France, or there Beneficed, either in their own Persons, or in the Per∣sons of their Nephews, and have Revenues as well in Temporals, as Spirituals, and of whom a great part publiquely make against him as to the Affair now in Hand; I should in Answer thereto declare the Good Will which our Lord (the Pope) hath particularly to the Person of the Lord, the King, and his Kingdom, and that in such Matters, not concerning the Church and its Patrimony, he is not wont to require the Counsel of the Cardinals: And in this Affair, if it should be refer'd to him, he would not care to require Counsel of others.

Besides this, the Pope exhorted those of the Privy Council to both Kings, to perswade them unto Peace, particularly to the English Lords, among other things he wrote thus,

We desire and require, and exhort You all in the Lord, that having before Your eyes God alone, to whom all Hearts are

open, and all desires are known, and from whom no secret is hid, as to such and such hazardous Matters, concerning, as is premised, the state of all Christendom, what You shall with Good and Right Consciences believe to be wholsome, profitable, and ex∣pedient to the said King, his Weal, Honour, and Profit, and also to Christendom a∣foresaid, You would endeavour to perswade and advise him.

Dat. Avin. VII. Kal. Septemb. An ^o. Pontificatûs nostri VI. But all this had signified little to King Edward (who was sensible of the Loss he always suffer'd by these Treaties, which were then most vigorously offer'd, when some Great Advantage was in his Hands) had not there been a Lady of High Quality, and Wonderfull Vertue and Piety, whose Tears and Prayers could not be lost upon a Man, whose heart was acquainted with Pity.

This was the Lady s 10.53 Jane of Valois, Countess Dowager of Hainault, Holland, and Zealand, Sister-German to King Philip, and own Mother to Philippa Queen of Eng∣land. Who since the Death of her Husband William, the Good, late Earl of Ha••∣nault, had withdrawn her self from the World, and entred the Abbey of Fontaine au Tertre, resolving there to spend the Residue of her Life in Works of Charity and De∣votion. This Pious Lady (as the Greek Poets Report of Jocasta, when Polynices and Eteocles were prepared for Battle, and as our t 10.54 English Poets Relate of the Mother of Belinus and Brennus, two Brittish Princes, when they were ready by unbrotherly War to decide the Right of a Kingdom) went assiduously with great Zeal and Dili∣gence between the two Kings, humbly kneeling to the King of France her Brother, whose Haughty and Resolute Temper she well knew, and sweetly, like a Vertuous Mo∣ther intermixing with her Son-in-Law King Edward, Commands and Prayers, and mo∣ving Tears, and convincing Arguments; at the same time labouring with the Duke of Brabant, whose Son was to have Married one of her Daughters, but for a Trick of King Philips; and also with her Son-in-Law the Marquess of Juliers, and with her late Hus∣bands Brother the Lord John of Hainalt, to joyn with her to move King Edward to accept of a Truce, thô never so short. At last by the Aid and Counsel of the Lord Lewis D'Augemont, who was equally acceptable to both Parties, she so far prevail'd, that both the Kings agreed to send to a certain Place 4 or 5 Commissioners a piece, to propose and consider of some Moderate and Equal Way to decide the Matter: For which Treaty a Truce was to be had for three Days; the said Persons, the Commissioners from both Parties, to Meet and Treat each day about the Premises, in a little Church or Chappel, standing in the Fields of Spetelin.

On Saturday the 23^d. of September there came accordingly to the Place appointed, on the French Part, the Venerable Old Prince, John King of Bohemia, and Earl of Luxemburgh, Adolph Bishop of Liege, Reginald Duke of Lorrain, Amè Earl of Savoy, and John Earl of Armagnac; on the English Part, came John Duke of Bra∣bant, Henry Bishop of Lincoln, Reginald Duke of Gueldre, William Marquess of Ju∣liers, and Earl of Cambridge, and Sr. John of Hainalt Lord Beaumont. All these at their first Meeting in the Chappel aforesaid, began u 10.55 with many Mutual Salutations, and endearing Caresses, as if they had been sworn Friends all their Lives: Thence they fell upon the Mater in Hand, and began to Propound and to Weigh divers Offers and Concessions, and all the while the Incomparable Lady Jane of Valois was by, earnest∣ly entreating them for Godsake to lay aside all Prejudice, and only to consider the Pub∣lique Good, and the Weal of Christendom, and be ready to accept of what should seem just and indifferent. But for the first Day there was little or no Advancement made: However they brake up with a Mutual Promise to Meet again at such an Hour the next Morning, and in Conformity to the Day, to dispose themselves towards the Entertain∣ment of Unity and Peace: Accordingly they Met, and did at last unanimously Agree on certain Articles and Methods; but not being able to draw them up at that time, and to Compleat the whole Affair, as it ought to be, they deferred the Consummation of all till the last Day. So being all Met again the Third Day, they fully Agreed to hold inviolably a Truce for them and their Allies, till the Feast of St. John Baptist follow∣ing, during which Term x 10.56 certain Commissioners on both sides were to be sent to Ar∣ras, whither also the Bishop of Rome was to send certain Cardinals, all these being to consult together about a Full Ratification of a Final Peace between the two Kings: The Form of the Truce was this.

John, y 10.57 by the Grace of God, King of Bohemia, and Earl of Luxemburgh, Adolph Bishop of Liege, Reginald Duke of Lorrain, Amè Earl of Savoy, and John Earl 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Armagnac, to all who shall see or hear these present Letters, Greeting. Be it known unto all, that a Truce is given and confirmed between the High and Mighty Princes, the Kings of France and of England, for Them and for all their Friends, by the Assent of

the High and Mighty Lords, the Duke of Brabant, the Duke of Gueldre, the Mar∣quess of Juliers, and Sr. John of Hainalt Lord of Beaumont, on the one Party, and of Us and of every of Us above-written on the other Party, By vertue of Power delegated to Us, and to those abovenamed from the said Kings: So that we have drawn up Affiances with our own Hands, between the said Kings, their Friends and Allies, whosoever they be, to endure to both Parties, from this time untill the Na∣tivity of St. John Baptist next ensuing, and all that Day till the next Morning at Sun-rise, in manner and form following, that is to say.

1.

That z 10.58 during the said Truce, no evil Will or Mistrust of either Party of it self shall be prejudicial to the said Truce and Respit.

2.

Item, That during the said Truce, either of the said Princes, their Helpers, Co∣adjutors and Allies whosoever, shall remain in such Possession and Seisin, as they have at this Time, of all Goods, Lands and Possessions, which they hold and have con∣quer'd, howsoever.

3.

Item, It is accorded that during the said Truce, the said Princes, their Aiders, Coadjutors and Allies, may safely go from one Country to another, and all Mer∣chants with all their Merchandise, and all manner of their Subjects, with their Goods and Purveyances, as well by Land as by Sea and by Water, freely, as they were wont in the times of the Ancestors of the said Kings, only paying therefore the Cu∣stomes anciently used: Except such banish'd Men, or any of them as have been ba∣nished out of the said Realms for other Causes, than the Wars between the said Prin∣ces. But that the Barons of Gascoign, and of the Dutchy of Guienne, and other Per∣sons of Gascoign and of the Dutchy, that are banished, may be comprised in this Truce, so as freely to come and go from one Country to another, during the said Truce.

4.

Item, It is accorded, that the said two Kings shall not procure, nor cause to be procured, either by Themselves or by any Other, that any new Practice or Grie∣vance be made by the Bishop of Rome, or Others belonging to Holy Church whatso∣ever, upon or against either of the said Kings, their Coadjutors or Allies, or upon their Lands or Subjects, by Occasion of the said War, or any other Cause, nor for Services, which the said Allies or Coadjutors have done to the said Kings, or either of Them. And that if our Holy Father the Pope, or any Other, will do against the Premises, the two Kings shall hinder him or them to their Power, without any fraud, during the said Truce.

5.

Item, That the Truce be immediatly proclaim'd in both the Hosts, that all who know and hear it, may be obliged to keep and observe it.

6.

Item, It is agreed, that within 20 Days, to begin from this day, either of the Kings shall cause to be proclaim'd in Gascoign and the Dutchy of Aquitaine, in the Lands which they hold, the Articles of this Truce, that they may be known and understood.

7.

Item, It is agreed, that if by either of the said Kings, their Subjects, Coadju∣tors or Allies, any Siege be laid in Gascoign, in the Dutchy of Aquitain, or in the Isles of the Sea, in Garnsey or Jersey, the same Sieges shall be raised, as soon as this Truce shall come to their Cognizance. And that a 10.59 Fourteen Persons, to wit, Seven for each of the Kings shall enter every Town, Castle and Fortress, where the Sieges shall be, and shall view their Store of Provision both of Men and Victuals, to the intent, that on the Day when the Truce shall end, the said Towns, Castles, and Fortresses shall remain, and be furnished with the like Number of Men, and the like Quantity of Victuals, as at first they were found to be by the foresaid fourteen Persons.

8.

Item, It is accorded, that the Banished and Fugitives of the Country of Flanders, that have been on the Part of the King of France, b 10.60 shall not return du∣ring the Truce, and if they do, they shall forfeit all the Goods they have in Flanders.

9.

Item, It is accorded, that during the said Truce, all Prisoners taken in this War, shall be released from their Prisons, upon their Faith and Oath to return thither a∣gain, if they shall not be ransomed within the term of the said Truce; so as if the said Prisoners shall deny in their due times to return themselves back to Prison, the said Truce failing, that then upon the failure of every Prisoner, his Lord shall con∣strain him to come and make restitution of his Person: So that the Levies which were made before this Truce in time of War, whether they be Goods Spiritual or o∣therwise, shall remain without making Restitution during the Truce.

10.

Item, It is agreed, that a Truce be forthwith taken between the English and

the Scots, their Aiders and Allies, untill the Feast of St. John Baptist aforesaid: And that certain Persons shall be deputed by the said Parties to be at a certain Day on the Marches of England and Scotland, to vouch and stand to the said Truce: c 10.61 But if the Scots, or any other of the Allies on either Side, shall refuse to admit of this Truce, let them be at their own Choice; however France, Picardy, Burgundy, Bre∣tagn and Normandy, shall be bound to this Peace without any Exception: So that during the Truce however, the Scots shall obtain no manner of Aid or Reinforcement from the French.

11.

Item, It is accorded, that this Truce shall be proclaimed in England and Scot∣land, within 26 Days after the Date of these Letters.

12.

Item, it is accorded, that within this Truce shall be included and comprised the Spaniard, the Catalaunian, the Genouese, the Provincial, the Bishop and Chapter of Cambray, and the Castles in Cambresis, as also the Lord of Albret, the Vicount of Fron∣sac, Gaston Lord of Lille, the Lord of Tricouleon, Sr. John Vernon, and the Lord of Roye:

In Witness whereof We the foresaid John King of Bohemia, &c. on the one Party and on the other, * 10.62 have Sealed this Instrument of Truce and Peace, and deliver'd the same accordingly in the Church of Spetelin on Monday the 25 of September, in the Year of Grace MCCCXL.

d 10.63 Besides there was at this time Consideration taken of the Flemings, the Summ of Mony, wherein they stood bound to the Pope and the French King, being now re∣leased unto them: And as by King Philips means they had before been Excommuni∣cated, so now at his Request the Interdict was repealed, and they again received into the Bosom of the Church; Lewis Earl of Flanders, being thereupon restored to his Country.

It was moreover at this Treaty e 10.64 resolv'd, that either Party should send four or five Persons, as their Commissioners to meet at Arras, whither also the Bishop of Rome was to send 2 more, who all together were to consult in order to a full Confirma∣tion of the Peace between the Two Kings.

XII. The Contents of this Truce were immediately proclaimed in both Armies, whereof the Brabanders especially were wonderfull glad: For they came at first but with an ill Will to the War, and were now quite tired out with the length of the Siege: So that the very next Morning with the light, ye might have seen Tents taken down, Carts and Waggons lading, and People removing with all speed imaginable.

The Brabanders therefore went away first, as being more eagerly bent upon home, the King of England, thô much against his Will departed also; but he was so ear∣nestly parswaded to the Truce, both by his real and false Friends, and also by the ne∣cessity of his Affairs, that he could not but comply: And the King of France had so much of the bad Air and hot Weather already, that he was glad to make hast a∣way from that unfortunate Place.

Thus was the strong City of Tournay wonderfully preserved from utter Ruine, with∣out Battle given, only by the power of a Ladies Tongue, and by the Providence of the Divine Goodness; which even yet seem'd desirous to give further Warning to King Philip, and as it were to offer him one more Opportunity for Deliberation: Before it would resign his Kingdom up to those Destructions, for which already it was marked out. Yet notwithstanding f 10.65 the City had been so reduc'd, that their whole Provisi∣on of Victuals could not, as was said, have held out above three or four Days longer.

So in France it was reckon'd, that King Philip had the chief Honour of this Expe∣dition, because he had, as he design'd, saved Tournay from ruine, and obliged her Enemies to forsake the Siege and to depart the Country. On the other Hand, the Lords of England said, how they had the Honour only, because they had tarried so long in the Realm of France without Battle, having for more than nine Weeks besie∣ged one of the best Towns thereof, wasting and destroying about in the Country all the while at their pleasure; and that the French King had not once offer'd to relieve the Place at the time prefix'd in his Letters; but had in the end, without giving Battle, as he ought to have done, first himself sought, and after agreed to a Truce with them, who had done him all this Displeasure.

King Edward g 10.66 went from Tournay directly for Gaunt, where he found his Vertuous and Beautifull Queen in good Health; with whom about two Months after he went pri∣vately for England, as we shall shew in due place, all his Men being Order'd to follow, except those Lords, who were to be at the Parliament at Arras. King Philip for his Part dismist the Main of his Army, and himself went first to Lille; whither the Bur∣gesses of Tournay came to wait upon him: He received them very Graciously, and

shewed them much favour upon the account of their Hazard for his Sake, restoring unto them at this time all their former Privileges, and adding to them several New ones to their great Satisfaction; for a while before he had upon some Displeasure taken away their Charter, and set over them the Lord Godmar du Fay and other Captains succes∣sively to be their Governours. But now for their late approved Loyalty and Va∣lour they had their old Form of Government restored, and leave to choose a new Provost and Jurats according to their Ancient Customs. All which being done and ra∣tified, the King went from Lille to Paris.

XIII. While King Edward tarried yet at Gaunt, he h 10.67 wrote unto the Pope a Let∣ter, wherein thanking him for his diligence in Labouring after a Peace between the two Realms, which he himself also mightily desired, that thereby he might be at liberty to prosecure the Holy War against the common Enemies of Christendom; and decla∣ring, how at the importunate Instances of some, he had accordingly condescended to a Truce, even then when he had almost reduced Tournay to the last Extremity; he shews, that upon sight of his Holinesses Letters he had prolonged the Term of the Truce, that thereby he might give his Holiness suller Information of his own Inten∣tions, and also of the Equity of his Cause; requiring thereupon his Advice, which he should be ready to embrace: Also that he had sent his Envoys to the Apostolick See, to return Thanks to his Holiness for his Diligence in obtaining the Liberty of Nicolas de Flisco, desiring God Almighty to preserve his Holiness in the Government of his Holy Church many and happy Days. Datum apud Gandavum 19^no Novembris, Anno Regni nostri Franciae Primo, Regni verò nostri Angliae Quartodecimo. At which time also he sent unto his Holiness the following Justification of Himself and his Cause, i 10.68

These are the things in effect, which are reported unto You, Most Holy Father our Lord, by Us, William of Norwich Dean of Lincoln, John Hufford Arch∣deacon of Ely, and John Thoresby Canon of Southwell, on the Behalf of our Lord, the Illustrious King of England: Most Holy Father and Lord, that your Holiness may be more fully informed of the sincere and just intention of our said Lord the King, which is ever prone and ready to accept of a Reasonable Peace, something in Fact is to be opened. The Lord Philip, who now bears himself as King of France, from the time that he first occupied the Realm of France, verily believing, nor without Reason, that our said Lord the King directed the Eyes of his mind toward the Kingdom of France, or at least would afterwards look that Way, was pleased, what in the Parts of Scotland, by really Adhering to the Scots, and what in the Dut∣chy of Guienne, by there Usurping many Places, so continually and strongly to divert him, that he should have no leisure to intend to the Recovery of his Rights in France. And because he being under Age, and having no skill in the matter of his Right, nor Experience as to what he was to do, especially because of the foresaid Snates, as is premised, prepared for him, had not untill of late any way open of du∣ly prosecuting his Rights, as to his said Kingdom of France: Our said Lord the King, desiring Peace and Quiet, offer'd unto the said Lord Philip the Methods here under-named, only for the Recovery of the Dutchy aforesaid, and that he would absolutely refrain from Assisting the Scots:

Viz. First, the Marriage of his Eldest Son for a Daughter of the Lord Philip, to be Coupled with him in Matrimony with∣out any Dowry: Secondly, the Marriage of his own Sister, now Lady of Gueldre, for a Son of the said Lord Philip with a great and excessive Dowry: Thirdly, the Marriage of his own Brother, the Earl of Cornwall, for some one Kinswoman of his: Fourthly, to re∣deem the Seisure of his Lands, he offer'd unto him a Summ of Mony to be adjusted at the Discretion of the said Lord Philip: Fifthly, because the said Lord Philip pre∣tended, that he would cross the Seas to the Aid of the Holy Land, our said Lord the King, out of the great Zeal which he always had and hath to undertake this Holy Expedition, offer'd to be ready to undertake the said Expedition with him, and to grant a reasonable and final Truce to the Scots, on that Condition, that the said Lord Philip would faithfully promise him after their Return, to do him full Justice as to the Dutchy. But he, despising and rejecting Conditions so reasonable, nay more than reasonable, answer'd, That he would do nothing, untill he had given unto all the Scots, as well those that were Living, as unto the Heirs of the Dead, full Satisfaction for all Places which in his time he had by force taken in Scotland. And when the Messengers of our said Lord the King answer'd, that as to that Point they were not empower'd, nor did they believe, how their said Lord the King would do it; the Lord Philip answered in these Words,

It will never be well, untill there be one King of both the Realms of France and England.

This the Lord Arch-bishop of Canterbury de∣clared

publiquely, before a great Number of Prelates, Earls, Barons and Others.

Our Lord the King hearing these things, being then come to Years of Discretion, caused a Parliament to be called; wherein by the Advice and Consent of all the Pre∣lates, Earls, Parons, and other Nobles, and of the Commons there present, and espe∣cially of the said Lord of Canterbury, particularly insisting thereupon, it was Ordain∣ed, that since by the way of Humility he could not obtain Peace; and by the Sen∣tence and Decision of the Doctors and Advocates, as well of the Court of Rome, as of the Students of Paris and Oxford, and others, and also of all the more Expert and Famous Prelates of England, with whom he had caused his Right to be carefully discussed, the said Kingdom of France, by the Death of his Uncle, the Lord Charles last King of France, of Famous Memory, was Lawfully by Right of Succession de∣volved unto him, as the next Heir Male: He should take Care effectually to prose∣cute even by a strong Hand his foresaid Right. And that this he might do more se∣curely and secretly, there were sworn there to the Lords, Canterbury, Lincoln, Lon∣don, Salisbury, Litchfield, and many other Prelates, Earls, Barons, and other No∣bles, Peers of the Realm, upon the Cross of the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury aforesaid.

Also among other things it was Ordained, that the Alliances should be made in Almaine, which are now made, and that the Lord Bishop of Lincoln, taking unto him certain Noblemen of England, should be constituted Agent for the perfecting those Alliances aforesaid: Who by Ordinance of the said Parliament, and by the Command of our said Lord the King, being so obliged, accepted the same Office of Agent, and brought it to effect. Which done, our said Lord the King, in pursuance of the Coun∣sel aforesaid, passed the Sea, and wasted certain Parts of the Realm of France with an Army of his own, and of certain his Allies. Afterwards the Winter Season approach∣ing, our said Lord the King being Returned into England, heard that there was a great Fleet of Ships prepared on the Sea, for a sudden Invasion of him and his. Who by the Counsel of his Friends, his then Assistants, and principally of the foresaid Lord Canterbury, speedily prepared himself to scour the Seas, and expos'd himself to go over without Pro∣vision of Money, or Horses, chiefly upon Confidence of the said Lord Canterbury, who had promised within certain and few days to send him Money enough: And passing the Seas, he found his Enemies upon the Sea, near the Haven, where he designed to Land, and obtain'd that Victory which God gave him.

Who afterwards taking Land on Confidence of the foresaid promise, with a Mighty Multitude of Armed Men Besieged the City of Tournay, and there having sat a great while destitute of all Aid of Money, althô at the Importunate Instance of many, yet in very deed being forced by the only failure of Money, he consented to take a Truce, as be∣ing in the greatest Danger and utmost point of Necessity, since as he said, he had not all the time of the Siege received one Penny out of England; and further, unfolding his Opinion against the said Archbishop, he said these Words; "I verily believe that the Archbishop would, that for want of Money, I had been ruin'd and slain: And further he hath privately said to me, such things of my Wife; and on the other Hand hath said to my Wife such things of me, for which if he had been credited, he had provoked Us to such Mutual Discord, that there would have been a perpetual Division between Us. Truly, Holy Father, our Lord the King hath often remem∣bred all those things, touching the Lord Archbishop, to me William Norwich, as well apart, as before others of his Council, and strictly enjoyn'd me upon Oath, that I should fully and faithfully Report them to your Holiness. Those things, most Holy Father, namely, that our Lord the King, consented to a Truce for want of Money, and what Relates to the Lord Archbishop, if it please You may be kept secret: All the rest may be made Publick.

At the same time these Negotiators declared King Edward's Resolutions in these Words;

Most Holy Father and Lord; that He may particularly and nakedly open his Mind to your Clemency, he signifies unto your Holiness, that he Challenges, and intends to Challenge the whole Realm of France, as Lawfully due, and devolved un∣to him by. Hereditary Right: But for the Reverence of You, and of the Apostolick See, and to avoid the Perils, which in all probability will happen by continuance of the Wars, he is ready to Treat of Peace, and to consent to a Good Peace; but so, as that in the Treaty of Peace to be made, consideration be had, as to the Right pro∣portionable unto him in the said Kingdom; and not only as to the Dutchy, because with the whole Dutchy alone, althô free from all Service and Subjection of any One, he intends not to be contented.

And moreover, because your Holiness being Highly sollicitous for the Reforma∣tion of Peace, have offer'd your self by your Letters, to Labour in your own Per∣son at the Apostolick-Seat, if the Deputies of the Parties be therefore sent to your Court; or by others, as it may be Honestly and Profitably done; our Lord the King, out of his great Confidence, and Devout Reverence, consents, that this may be in your Holinesses choice.

These were King Edward's peremptory Demands; so that there appear'd no way of a Final Agreement. Nay, it was to be expected, that King Philip upon hearing thereof would be inflam'd the more: Wherefore the Pope advis'd him to be more moderate in his Demands; for the King of France was so far from granting thus much, that in his k 10.69 Letters to the Pope, he only gave him Liberty to declare a Restitution of those Lands of Aquitain, which had been Won by his Father Charles of Valois, in the time of Charles IV. (When King Edward II. refus'd to give him Homage; from the withhold∣ing of which we have seen the first Causes of Dissention, between the two Kings, to have flow'd) or of what had been forceably taken by King Philip himself in this last War. Thus were both the Kings disposed in their Minds: So that little Good was to be expected from any Treaty.

And now came the time, wherein by the Articles of the Truce, the Parliament was appointed to be at Arras, the Chief City of Artois, lying upon the River of Scarpe: When there came thither from the Pope ( l 10.70 who in this Cause was not to be look'd on as a Judge, but only as an indifferent Friend to the Common Peace) the Cardinal of Naples, and the Cardinal of Cleremont, commonly so called, thô they had only been Bishops of those Titles, before they were made Cardinals. These Legates going first to Paris, where they confer'd with the King, came now to Arras together with the French Commissioners, who were Charles de Valois Earl of Alancon, King Philips own Brother, Peter Duke of Bourbon, Lewis Earl of Flanders, Guy Castilion Earl of Blois, the Archbishop of Senes, the Bishop of Beauvais, and the Bishop of Auxerre: They were met by seven of King Edward's Delegates, who were Dr. Henry Burwash Bishop of Lincoln, Dr. Richard Bury Bishop of Durham, Henry Plantagenet Earl of Darby, Thomas Beauchamp Earl of Warwick, Robert of Artois Earl of Richmond, Sr. John of Hainault Lord of Beaumont, and Sr. Henry Eam of Flanders. All these held a Treaty together for 15 days; but yet they perform'd but little, as to a Final Composition; for the English Demands were too High, and the French Concessions too low, they yielding to offer nothing but the m 10.71 Earldom of Ponthieu, which was his Mothers Dowry. However they now made shift to prolong the Truce, then in being, for two Years more; and farther than this, the Cardinals could not perswade them. Wherefore thus much be∣ing done, and duly Ratified, the Council brake up, and the Cardinals at the Lord John of Hainalts desire, passed homeward thrô that Country, where by him and the Earl they were Feasted Nobly.

Now according to the Ninth Article of the foremention'd Truce, the Earl of Salis∣bury, and n 10.72 Robert Hufford le Fitz, Eldest Son to the Earl of Suffolk, were released from their Imprisonment, a Ransome being appointed, which they were to pay before the end of the said Truce, or else render up their Bodies to Prison. But here Authors make no small confusion, some alledging, that the Earl of Salisbury was deliver'd in Exchange for the Earl of Murray, a Scot, which could not be till the latter end of the next Year, as we shall shew in due place: Others, confessing, that he was now deli∣ver'd, do add, that immediately thereupon he went with many other English Knights to the Siege of Algezira in Spain, to help the Good King Alphonso against the Moors: And this is the saying of o 10.73 Leland himself. But surely this followed the Siege of Vannes in Bretagne, and not of Tournay in Flanders: For as yet Alphonso had not Won the great Battle of Tartessos, of which by and by; and yet this Battle preceded the Siege of Algezira. However this is certain, * 10.74 that the Earl of Salisbury was present at the next Parlia∣ment which sat in April following: Thô many such Matters having been so confusedly re∣lated by Authors, much Difficulty hath arose to Us in this Our Undertaking. Upon which Account the Intelligent Reader will pardon these Digressions, which seem necessary for the clearing of the Truth.

XIV. Soon after the Prolongation of the Truce, the Famous Dr. Henry Burwash Bi∣shop of Lincoln, p 10.75 Departed this Life about the Festival of Christmas, at the City of Gaunt in Flanders, in the Service of the King his Master, to whom he was very Ne∣cessary. Of him q 10.76 Walsingham Reports a divertive Story, which since r 10.77 Sr. William Dugdale ventures to relate, I shall not scruple neither. He is said to have made a new Park at Tynghurst, wherein he enclosed much ground that belong'd to divers of

his poor Tenants, who therefore pursued him with many a bitter Curse: Now soon after his Death (say they) he appear'd unto a certain Person (who had been one of his Esquires) in the Habit of a Keeper, with a Bowe, a Quiver of Arrows, his Hom by his side, and his cloathing was all in Green, to whom he said,

Thou know'st, how I've offended God, and injur'd the Poor, by enclosing this Park: Wherefore I am enjoyned Penance to be the Keeper thereof, till these enclosures be laid open again. Go therefore to my Brethren, the Canons of Lincoln, and entreat them from me, to make Restitution to the Poor, of what I so unjustly took from them.

The Ca∣nons upon this Message sent one of their Company named William Batchelor, to see the Dead Bishops Will performed: Who accordingly caused the Banks and Pales to be thrown down, and the Ditches fill'd up again, and having so done, return'd by St. Al∣bans, where he Related the whole Matter to Michael the Abbot of that Place. I should not care to tell such idle Stories, but that there may be Readers also of that Size, who will take pleasure in such Entertainment: But much less do I concern my self in seriously confuting them. And yet I will not let this go thus, because Walsingham (who was a Monk, and therefore thrô Prejudice or Ignorance, might either deceive, or be deceived) has noted him for a Covetous worldly wretch. For his Quality, he was Younger s 10.78 Brother to the Lord Bartholomew Burwash the Elder, and t 10.79 Nephew to the Great Sr. Bartholomew Badlesmere, Baron of Leeds: For his Natural Abilities he was a Person of Good Learning, but of exceeding Great Skill in Politicks, as may be gather'd from his Prudent Menagement of Embassies, and other Publique Affairs. And as for his Charity (which is a Vertue directly Opposite to Avarice) We find, u 10.80 that together with a Brother of his Sr. Robert Burwash, he was a Founder of a Grammar School in Lincoln, to which he left Maintenance for five poor Priests, and as many poor Scholars for ever. He had his Education at x 10.81 Oxford, and had been y 10.82 twice Lord Treasurer of England, and for a while Lord Chancellour; till of his own Accord he Resign'd that Place, because of his Publique Employments, in which at last he Deceased at Gaunt; but was brought over Sea, and z 10.83 Buried in Lincoln, at the East-end of his Cathe∣dral toward the North: At whose Feet there lies his Brother Sr. Robert, who was a Great Souldier in his time, and also a Son of Sr. Robert's, Named, Bar∣tholomew.

There died also this Year two Famous Old Barons of England, the a 10.84 One was Hugh Courtney Senior, Earl of Devonshire, of almost 90 Years of Age; who left behind him his Son and Heir of the same Name, then about Thirty three Years Old. The Other was the * 10.85 Lord Henry Vicount Beaumont, Earl of Buquhan in Scotland: He left behind him John his Son and Heir, then Twenty two Years of Age, and a young Daughter, Named Elizabeth, afterwards Married to Sr. Nicolas Audley, Son and Heir to the Lord James Audley of Heley. Besides these two, there Died about the same Time at Gaunt, in the Kings Service, the Lord Chief Justice of England, S^r. Geoffry Scroop: He had been very Loyal to King Edward the Second, as ap∣peared by the joynt Testimonies. of the Prelates, Earls, and Barons in b 10.86 Par∣liament; whereupon he Obtain'd much Grace with King Edward the Third, whom he also Served till his Death with Indefatigable Industry, Admirable Discretion, and Untainted Loyalty: In Consideration whereof among other Princely Favours be∣stow'd on him, we find, that the King Advanced him to the Degree of a c 10.87 Knight Banneret, with a Gift of two Hundred Marks per annum for his better Support, and that but this very Year he d 10.88 gave unto him the Great House call'd the Er∣bar, by the Church of St. Mary Bothaw, near Dowgate-Street in London. He lest behind him together with a Good Name, and a Plentifull Estate, Henry his Son and Heir, at that Time Twenty five Years of Age, who prov'd a Valiant and Noble Knight in his Days, and John a Younger Son, who many Years after Married Elizabeth one of the Daughters and Coheirs of David Strabolgi, Son to David Earl of Athol, slain in Scotland five Years before.

We shall conclude this Chapter with a short Relation of a most signal Victory ob∣tain'd this Year on the 30 of October over the Saracens, Moors and Africans in Spain. In the foregoing Year e 10.89 Alphonso XI. King of Castille and Leon, being hardly put to it by the Barbarians, begg'd aid of the Pope and all the Great Princes of Christendom. From France and England went but few or none, because of the Wars then hot be∣tween the two Realms: But from other Parts many gallant Knights and Gentlemen went against those Enemies of God, being especially encouraged thereto by the Pope's Bulls, wherein he granted large Indulgences to those, who undertook this Expedition. Alphonso therefore being now reinforced with a small, but well-compacted Army, and

joyned with his Neighbour Alphonso the Brave, King of Portugall, gave Battle to the Moors in the Plains of Tartessos, vulgarly called Tariffa, from a Town of that Name in the Boetic Province, which enclines to the River called Rio Salado, near the Her∣culean Sea. The Forces of Alphonso were 35000 Foot and 14000 Horse; but the Army of Allibohacen King of Morocco, with those of Granada, under their Miramo∣lin, and three other Kings of the Moors, consisted of 600000 Foot and 80000 Horse. And yet thrô the Divine Assistance the Christians wan the Day, f 10.90 and with the Loss of no more than g 10.91 20 Men, slew in the Fight and in the Chace above h 10.92 200000 of the Infidels, besides an incredible number of Prisoners taken: Thô Others reckon no less than 450000 to have fallen that Day; among whom were two of the Sons of Allibohacen. In Memory of which Miraculous Victory the said 30 of October hath ever since been kept as an high Festival in Spain, being dedicated to the Honour of the Holy Cross, which was at this time so successfully advanced against the Enemies of Christendom. King Alphonso after this Exploit, having first and chiefly return'd his Thanks to Almighty God, now also in token of his Gratitude to the Pope, sends him for a Present to Avignon, out of the Spoils he had taken, an 100 gallant Horses of Barbary in rich Trappings, with an 100 Saracen Slaves to lead them, an 100 Mo∣risco Cimitars, and an 100 Shields of Tann'd Leather plated: Also 24 Military En∣signes, and the Horse and Standard of King Allibohacen, which he used in this War; together with many rich Vessels of Gold, and Silver, and Jewels of great Price, be∣sides his own Horse, on which he fought, and his own Royal Standard, which he fol∣low'd in that Battle. i 10.93 John Martin Don Leyva and Pedro Didaci de Corduba the Spanish Ambassadors, who brought all these Presents, were received with extraordi∣nary Pomp by the Cardinals and other Prelates, at their entrance into Avignon. And the next day his Holiness k 10.94 himself celebrated Mass, and after that made a notable Sermon, wherein with great Eloquence he magnifi'd the Kings Victory, and exhorted all present to praise God therefore, and to pray for the Kings Health and Perseve∣rance in Prosperity. And to enable him the better to maintain his Wars against the Moors, he then granted unto him the Thirds of the Tithes of all his Subjects; which the Kings of Spain enjoy to this Day. From this happy Success of the two Al∣phonso's, Kings of Spain and Portugal, against Jutzeph King of Granada, and Allibo∣hacen King of Morocco, the Pope took an Occasion to exhort our King Edward of England to dispose himself towards a l 10.95 Peace with his Rival of France, that they might both unite their Forces against the general Enemies of Christendom. These Let∣ters bear Date from Avignon, the xv of the Kalends of January, i. e. 18 of Decem∣ber in the Close of this Year, being the VI of his Pontificate. The Copy of which Letter is to be seen in the Ecclesiastical History of Odoricus Raynaldus at this Year 1340. King Alphonso presently after this Victory lays Siege to the great Town of Algezira, belonging to the Moors, and lying upon the Streights of Morocco, on the Frontiers of Granada: Which after a long Siege was enforced at last thrô Famine to yield to the Christians. Thô still the Saracens held Footing in that Kingdom, till having lost the City of Granada to Ferdinando and Isabella Kings of Spain, they were at last finally expelled that Kingdom by Philip III.

Because we may not disturb the intended Order of our Discourse, which follows in the next Chapter, we take leave in this place to tell the Reader, that the Fruitfull Young Queen of England, whom we shall shortly bring home with the King her Hus∣band, was soon m 10.96 after in the Tower of London deliver'd of a Fair Daughter, named Blanch, who to temper King Edwards Felicities, unfortunately died before she was weaned, and lies buried at Westminster.

CHAPTER the EIGHTEENTH.

The CONTENTS.

I. King Edward in great Displeasure comes privately over into England, where he dis∣places and imprisons several of his Chief Ministers of State. II. His Quarrel with the Archbishop, with the full State of the whole Case in Epitome. III. The Arch∣bishop's

Letter to the King. IV. The Archbishop's Letter to the Lord Chancellour. V. His Remonstrance to the King and his Council. VI. His Letter to the Bishop of London. VII. His Articles of Excommunication, which he publishes over all his Pro∣vince. VIII. A Copy of the King's Letters to the Bishop of London in Defence of his Proceedings against the Archbishop. IX. The Archbishops Answer to the King, wherein he defends himself against all his Objections. X. The King's Reply to the Archbishop's Defence, which he sends to all the Suffragans of that Province, with ab∣solute Command to obey the Archbishop in nothing contrary to his Pleasure; wherein we shall find a notable Instance even in those Times of the King's Supremacy and Jealousie of his Rights and Royal Prerogatives. XI. The Particulars of a Parliament at Westminster, wherein at the last the Archbishop upon his Submission is fully par∣don'd and received into Favour.

I. WE said before, that upon the Truce taken before Tournay, King Ed∣ward went to Gaunt, and how thence he returned into England: But now we are to take up that Thread again, and so to proceed in a further Discourse of his Affairs. While a 10.97 he lay at Gaunt, Lewis Earl of Flanders, being now by vertue of the Truce restored to his Country, came thither to visit him: And for several Days he made great Cheer to him and his Queen, caressing and entertaining them with magnificent Feasts and Banquets. But King Ed∣ward took small Delight in such matters now; his Mind ran upon the Mony, which he dayly expected from England to pay off his Debts contracted beyond Sea; which having long look'd for in vain, pretending b 10.98 that he would ride abroad for his Plea∣sure, he went suddenly into Zealand, where he took Ship privately, with only his Queen, and Eight more Persons of Quality in his Company, designing for England. But upon the Sea he met with a Storm, which for three days together tossed him too and fro with great fury, to the utter hazard of his Person. It is said, c 10.99 that the Tempest was rais'd by certain Necromancers of France, who purpos'd thereby to de∣stroy him; or at least to cool his Courage from passing the Seas any more. What∣ever was the Occasion, this is certain, that as if King Edward had been only destin'd for the Kingdom of France, which he so greatly desired, it seem'd fatal for him always in his Passage thither to have calm Seas and Wind at will; but in his Return all things contrary; so that often he endur'd many great Losses and Shipwrecks. And this was his Fate, while his Fortune stood fair, but when he began to decline, he found the Wind so contrary to him, that by no means he could once set his Foot more in France. However now at last, this storm being happily abated, on the third Night being d 10.100 St. An∣drews, he arrived safe at shoar, and landed at the Tower of London about the Cock-crow, The Lords that came with him and the Queen, were the Earl of Northampton, the Lord Nicolas Cantilupe, the Lord Walter Manny, the Lord Reginald Cobham, the Lord John Darcy, the Lord Guy Beauchamp, Eldest Son to the Earl of Warwick, with the Lord John Beauchamp his Uncle, and two Chaplains, which were also his Secretaries, Dr. William Killesby, and Dr. William Weston, with their Servants only. Upon the King's entring the Tower, he found there no Guard ready, but only his Children and three Servants waiting on them. Wherefore in great e 10.101 Anger he sent for the Lord Ni∣colas de la Beche, Constable of the Tower, and committed him to Prison in the said place: As also he served at the same time Andrew Aubry Lord Mayor of London, the Lord Thomas Wake, Sr. John St. Paul Keeper of the great Seal, Sr. John Stonore Lord Chief Justice of the Kings Bench, Michael Wath, Henry Stratford, and Robert Chickwell Clerks of the Chancery, and Philip Thorp Clerk of the Exchequer: All whom he sent for and imprison'd, as he had done also to the Archbishop of Canterbu∣ry, if he could have got him. After this in several Parts of the Kingdom he caused to be taken and clapt up in divers Prisons, Sr. John Poltney Alderman of London, Sr. William de la Pole Baron of his Exchequer, Sr. William Shareshull, one of the Ju∣stices of the Kings Bench, Sr. Richard Willoughby Deputy Lord Chief Justice, Sr. John Shardelow, and Sr. Thomas Ferrers: Thô within a while after the Lord Wake was de∣liver'd with Honour, having no Fault fix'd upon him. The City of London during the Imprisonment of their Mayor was at the Kings Command govern'd by a Bayliff, as will appear hereafter. As for Dr. f 10.102 Robert Stratford Bishop of Chichester, who was then Lord Chancellour of England, and Robert Northborough Bishop of Coventry and Litchfield, then Lord Treasurer, he immediately discharged them of their Offices, threatning to send them into Flanders, there to lie as Pledges for Money, which he owed; or if they refus'd to go, to lay them in prison in the Tower. But upon the

Bishop of Chichester's Remonstrance to him, g 10.103 that he would then be in danger to incure the Penalty of Pope Clements Canon, De non incarcerandis Episcopis, he re∣lented and let them go free, thô deprived of their Offices; Sr. Robert h 10.104 Bourchier suc∣ceeding in the Place of Lord Chancellour, and Sr. Richard Saddington in that of Treasu∣rer, and Dr. Killesby in the Place of Privy Seal, Sr. John St. Paul, the late Keeper being also discharged. All the Sheriffs also of Shires, and other Publique Officers were at this time removed, and new ones put in their Places: And certain Justices were appointed to enquire into the Faults of Collectors, and other Officers concerned in the Gathering the Taxes; so that few or none escaped unpunished; so strictly these New Justices pro∣ceeded in their Commissions. As for the i 10.105 Lord John Molins, a Great and Noble Ba∣ron of the Realm, the incensed Prince in the heat of his Displeasure flang his Body into Prison, and seised all his Lands into his own Hands, which thereupon were com∣mitted to the custody of Sr. John Eldred; his Offence having been judged no less than Rebellion: Thô six years after the King being appeas'd, he was again received into Favour, and restoration of all his Lands made unto him. The Archbishop of Cantorbury had surely felt as hard Measure as any of them, if not worse: But by meer chance he was then gone from Lambeth; and when he understood what indignation he had incurr'd, wisely kept aloof, till the Storm was over. As we shall shew at large hereafter.

Certainly k 10.106 at this time the Kings Mind was beyond Measure exasperated against those, whom he had intrusted to levy Monies here in England, and to send it over to him into Flanders: Because thrô their Neglect, when he was just upon the point of obtaining Tournay, he was forced to accept of a Dishonourable Truce, as Himself complains in his Letters, which we shall see by and by. And truly 'twas a great Pity, if thrô the Avarice, Fraud or Treason of his Officers at home, these things happen'd thus: For he was thereby enforced as it were, to consent to lose the fairest Oppor∣tunity, and to let a certain Victory slip thrô his Fingers, even then, when his Friends were yet uncorrupted and in Presence. And verily I doubt not but this was an Occasion, which made the Emperour, and the Lords of Germany for the most part, to fall off from him shortly after: Because they saw his Money come in so slowly at this great Exigence, Wherefore not unreasonably doth honest Walsingham l 10.107 bemoan,

That so Worthy a Prince should from his own Subjects find such unworthy Dealing; For (as he truly adds) if in very deed they had scann'd, and exactly weigh'd with themselves the Acts of all the English Kings, from the First Monarch to that Day, they would not have found that ever this Island brought forth a Prince of such Mature Vertue at so unripe an Age; he not having compleated 28 Years.

II. Now that we may State the Archbishops Case Right, We are to take Notice, that as he was at first a great Promoter of the Wars with France, so lately m 10.108 by the Perswasions and Threats of the Pope, he was brought over to be at least cold in the Affair: Whereby he mightily incensed the Minds of all Men against him, who ab∣horr'd this Weakness and Inconstancy. These things being known, while King Edward lay before Tournay, Henry Burwash then Bishop of Lincoln, and Sr. Geoffry Scroop Lord Chief Justice, who both, when living, secretly maligned the Archbishop, inflam'd the Kings Mind more vehemently against him, and laid to his Charge no less than flat Trea∣son, and that he had Conspired with the French King. Upon these Presumptions, and urg'd by his Necessities, the King as we shew'd, came Incognito into England, and Landed about One in the Morning at the Tower of London, without the least Rumour or Suspicion any where gather'd of his Arrival. There a Council of those about him be∣ing held, it was at last resolv'd, that the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishop of Chi∣chester Chancellour of England, and the Bishop of Coventry and Litchfield, Treasurer, with others abovenamed, being forthwith taken up by the Kings Guard and Officers into Custody, should be brought before the King, to render an Account of what they had done in his Absence. In the Morning early certain of the Guard were at Lambeth; but the Archbishop by chance had gone thence the day before: Whereupon the Officers returning over the Water to London, took up the Bishops of Chichester and Coventry, with the rest abovenamed, and brought them away to the Tower. This being nois'd abroad, the Archbishop hies him to Canterbury, but is follow'd by Sr. Nicolas Canti∣lupe, who being sent by the King together with one John Faringdon, a Publique No∣tary, to Register Notes of what should be done with the Archbishop, in the Kings Name warn'd the said Archbishop:

That whereas he had bound himself to Foreign Merchants, under Penalty of forfeiting his Goods, to see such Summs of Money paid, as the King had borrow'd for the Maintenance of his Wars, and that the King being

disappointed of those Moneys, for the receiving whereof he had put his entire Con∣fidence in him, had met with an Interruption in his Warlike Affairs; and the Kings Army with the Lords of the Realm there present, had been reduced to a want of things Necessary for War, He would now either presently pay that Money to those Creditors, who perpetually call'd upon the King and his Lords, or would go into Flanders, there to Answer the Creditors in Foreign Court, and deliver himself up in∣to their Custody, till the whole Summ, for which he had bound himself, should be discharged.

This Message being thus deliver'd, the Knight in presence of the No∣tary demanded an Answer: The Archbishop said,

that he must deliberate in Matters of that Moment, before he could give in his Reply; whereupon the Knight with∣drew. And now, when the Archbishop saw how he was not only in Danger of lo∣sing all his Fortunes, but also his Life and Good Name, he began roundly to deal with the King by his Letters, advising him to take unto him better Counsellors, to beware of Flatterers and Misreporters of other Mens Lives and Actions, and being engaged in Wars abroad, not to disturb the Peace at home.

But when by these Let∣ters and other Suasory means, he could not pacifie the King, he began from the Pulpit to Preach unto the People, concerning his Integrity and Fidelity both to the King and Kingdom. Insomuch, that having call'd an Assembly of the Clergy and Layety to∣gether in the Metropolitan Church of Canterbury, he took his Text out of the n 10.109 A∣pocryphal Scriptures, Non pertimuit Principem & Potentiâ nemo vicit eum. And here in a long and various Drscourse he commended Thomas Becket, once Archbishop of Can∣terbury, who withdrew himself from Secular Affairs to the Government of his Church: But he blamed himself, for that laying aside the Care of his Flock, he had been wholly taken up in Menaging the Kings Affairs. The Punishment whereof, he declared with Tears, that for his Merits towards the King and Kingdom, being brought into Envy, and Danger of Death, he now most justly suffer'd: But for the future he promised to be more Diligent in the Government of his Province. Sermon being thus ended, he published certain Articles of Excommunication (intending thereby to Guard himself from the Kings Power) with the Dreadfull Ceremony of Bell, Book, and Candle, the Bells Ringing Dolefully, and the Candles being suddenly Extinguished with a Stench. In these Articles all such were Excommunicated as should disturb the Peace and Tran∣quillity of the King and Kingdom, all Layicks who should lay Violent Hands on the Persons, Lands, Goods, or Houses of Clergymen; all those who should violate the Liberties of the Church; all who by any device should lessen the Privileges granted to the Barons in Magna Charta; all who should raise false Accusations against any Per∣son; but especially all those, who should bring an Archbishop, or any other Bishop of his Province into the Kings Hate or Anger, and him, or them, of Treason, or any other Notorious and Capital Crime, falsly Accuse. And having Published these Articles in his Church, he commanded the Bishop of London, and all the Suffragans of his Province to Publish the same in their Churches and Dioceses.

Presently hereupon the King, that he might some way obviate these High Proceed∣ings of the Archbishop, wrote to the Bishop of London, setting forth,

that at the per∣swasion of the Archbishop, he had undertaken so doubtfull and Difficult a War, to Recover his Right and Inheritance: But that He, who had been the Author of the War, having now conspired with his Enemy the French King, had at last perswaded him, that after the profusion of such vast Expences to no purpose, he would lay down the Claim of his Right, and disband his Army: That he had not, as he promised, purvey'd sufficiently for his Army, nor satisfied his Foreign Creditors, of whom, up∣on his Security, vast Summs of Money had been taken up for support of his Wars, and who were continually importuning the King and his Lords: That at last he had demanded of him an Account, how he had Administred the Realm, which he cun∣ningly under Pretence of Excommunications and Censures hath eluded.

After this Ralph Lord Stafford was by the King sent unto the Archbishop, who ta∣king along with him John Burton, Advocate, and John Faringdon publique Notary, warn'd him again in the Kings Name,

that without more delay he should Repair to the King, there to Advise together with other Prelates and Lords about the War, and Matters Relating to England and France (the King o 10.110 offering him a safe Con∣duct to that purpose) to the end he might understand, what Defence he could make for that his Neglect:

But him also the Wary Archbishop put off, saying only, that he would consider of it. A little after there came out of Flanders to Canterbury, Messengers from the Duke of Brabant, who, when the Archbishop would not be seen by them, declared the Cause of their coming in Writing fix'd up at Noon-day upon

the High Cross without the Gate of the Priory of Canterbury,

importing that John Archbishop of Canterbury was Cited and Warned into Court by the Duke of Bra∣bant; that so he might Lawfully answer in Flanders for the Debts of the King of England, for which he stood Engaged; there to remain according to Oath in that Part by him made, till his Lords Debts were fully cleared.

In this hurry comes a Letter from the King to the Prior and Convent of Canterbury, being the same with those Letters, which he had wrote to the Bishop of London, with a Command to read it out Publiquely before the People and Clergy of Canterbury. The Prior and Con∣vent having received it, inform the Archbishop thereof, and shew him the open Let∣ter: He on Ashwednesday following, before all the People and Clergy, gets up into the Pulpit in Canterbury Church, and there in a Sermon spake Largely of his Loyalty and Integrity in Menaging the Kings Affairs: Then he commanded the Kings Letters, wherein the King had laid Heavy things to his Charge, to be Read Openly: Which done, he dexterously takes off each Crime and Accusation in Order. After which, the Answer, that now he gave by Word of Mouth, being Digested into Writing, he Pub∣lished over all his Province of Canterbury. All which Letters, because of many Ex∣cellent Sayings therein, and for that they make much for the Clearing the Story, I have thought fit to set down at Large from Stephen Byrchinton, or Brickington, a Be∣nedictin Monk of Canterbury, who flourished in that Age, and others of good Autho∣rity. And first we shall produce the Archbishops Letter to his Majesty, taken from the O∣riginal Latine; for Mr. Fox is not Exact in his Translation.

III. MOST Dear Lord, may it please Your Majesty to consider, p 11.1 that the most spe∣cial thing, which keepeth Kings and Princes in the most Flourishing Condition, is Wise Counsel: And therefore says the Wise Man, Where there are many Counsellors, that is Good Ones, there is safety. And it is written in the Book of Kings, that So∣lomon, the Wisest of Kings, took unto him the most Ancient and Sagest Persons of his Realm; by whose Advice, temper'd with his own Judgement, he continually pre∣served the Land of Israel in Peace, and held all his Neighbour Kings round about him, as his Tributaries and Vassals. Now when he was gone the way of all Flesh, his Son Rehoboam Reigned, who despising the Counsel of the Elders (who had stood before his Father) adhered to the Young Men, who were willing to please him; whence he justly lost the whole Kingdom of Israel, except a Twelfth Part reserved unto him of the Lord. In like manner many Kings, as well of Israel, as of other Countries, be∣ing led by Evil Counsel, have been reduced to great extremities. And sir, you well remember (saving your Royal Pleasure) that by the Sinister Advice taken by Our Late Lord the King, Your Father (whom God assoile!) against the Law of the Land, and Magna Charta, of the Peers of the Realm, and others, some he imprison'd, some he put to Death, siesed on their Goods, and vexed others with Intolerable Fines: And what happen'd thereby unto him, Your Majesty well knows. After his Days also, by means of Evil Counsellors, which were about Your Person, Your Majesty had almost lost the Hearts of Your People, but from them (as it pleased him) the Lord Jesus Christ hath delivered You. From that time by the Good Ad∣vice and Prudence of Your Prelates, Peers, and Counsellors of the Land, Your Af∣fairs are so well Menaged, that You now entirely Possess the Affections of Your Peo∣ple, and Your Subjects, as well Spiritual as Temporal, have given unto Your Ma∣jesty greater Aids, than to any of Your Progenitors. So that by the means of Good counsell, the Votes of Your People, and the special Grace of Almighty God, You have obtain'd many Glorious Victories over Your Enemies of Scotland and France, and are at this Day Reputed the most Noble Prince in Christendom.

But now Your Majesty, by the Perverse Counsel of some Men, who are rather known to Respect their own Profit and Advantage, than either Your Majesties Honour, or the Welfare of Your People, have caused Clergymen, and others of Your Subjects to be siezed, and undue Processes to be made against the Laws of the Land, which by Oath made at Your Coronation, You are bound to observe, and also against Magna Charta, which whosoever shall presume to infringe, are by the Prelates of England and the Popes Bull, which we are known to have by Us, to be Excommunicate: All which things, as they are to the great Peril and Danger of Your Soul, so also, alas! are they to the great debasing of Your Royal State and Dignity. And althô those who make themselves, more than agrees with their Condition, Rulers of the Land, and Your Counsellors, endeavour to perswade You, that Your present Proceed∣ings will be acceptable to Your People; yet we most constantly averr, that after this manner which You have begun, there will happen nothing less; and that Your Maje∣sty

will find at last. And We doubt not a little, that if You proceed as You have begun, You will both lose the Hearts of Your own People, and of Your Allies, and also Your Just and Lawfull Right, and will Raise up such Evil-will against Your Per∣son here at home, that Your will not be able to Maintain Your War; whereby You will give occasion to Your Enemies of Rising against You to destroy You; so that You will be in Danger to lose (which God forbid) both Your Good Name and Kingdom.

Wherefore, Sovereign Lord, I beseech You, that for the Safeguard of Your Ho∣nour and Realm, and the Maintenance of Your Quarrel. You would Summon toge∣ther Your Lords, and the Wise Men of the Land, and that Your Affairs may suc∣ceed more Prosperously, take their Advice, without whose Counsel and Aid, You can neither Conquer abroad, nor Rule happily at Home. And because such as are near Your Majesty, are not afraid to lay Treason and Falshood to Our Charge, we hereby denounce, that they shall be forthwith Excommunicate, and as Your Spiritual Father We beseech You so to Esteem of them.

And whereas it is laid to. Us, that by Our Evil Administration of Affairs, You both lost the Town of Tournay, and much Honour also, may it please Your Majesty to call together Your Prelates, Peers, and Nobles of the Realm, in some convenient place, where We may securely confer with the Prelates, and make strict Enquiry in∣to whose Hands from the beginning of Your Wars, the Woolls, Moneys, and what else was granted to this Day, came, and how they were used, and by whose Default the City of Tournay was not Won, but left in that Dishonourable Manner; and that so like a Good and Just Lord, You will after their Demerits punish the Culpable ac∣cording to Your own Laws. And as for Us, We shall ever be ready to submit Our Selves to the judgement of Our Peers, the State of Holy Church, of Us and of Our Order (as We elsewhere have frequently Written) still maintained. And for Gods Sake, Sir, believe not either of Us, or of any other Your Liege Subjects, any thing but Good, till the Truth be explored, nor be too forward to lend Your Ear to any Man: For if Men should be punished without answer given or the Truth known, the Judgement would still be the same both to the Guilty and to the Innocent.

And Sir, may it please You to Consider both maturely and seriously the Great Force of Your Foreign Enemies both of France and Scotland: For if the Prelates, Lords, and Wise Men of the Realm, should all without any difference, with one consent, both Night and Day, joyn and combine wisely together to Menage Your Weighty and Arduous Affairs, to Maintain the War You have begun, and to preserve Your Ho∣nour and Kingdom, 'twould all be little enough. Nor let it displease Your Majesty (most Redoubted Lord) that so rudely and grosly We declare the Truth unto You: For the Great Love and Affection, which We bear unto Your Person and Interest, and ever by the Grace of God shall bear, (especially because We are, tho•• Unworthy, the Primate of all England, and thereby Your Spiritual Father) doth move Us to say, Command, and Provide for what may turn to the Benefit of Your Soul, and the Ad∣vantage of Your People. The Holy Spirit save and keep You, my Lord, both in Soul and Body, and grant You the Grace both to hear and receive Good and whol∣some Advice, and moreover vouchsafe to give You Victory over all Your Ene∣mies.

Dated at Canterbury, January the First, in the seventh Year of Our Con∣secration,

by Your Majesties Chaplain, John Canterbury.

IV. Besides this the Archbishop for the further Declaration of his Innocence, and Main∣tenance of his Authority, wrote to Sr. Robert Bourchier then Lord Chancellor of England, in these Words,

JOHN, by Divine Permission Archbishop of Canterbury, Primate of all England, and Legate of the Apostolick See, Wisheth a Will to Conserve the Liberties of Holy Church, and the Law of the Land entire. For the Wise Man saith, that the Truth being foreknown and foreseen, doth cause Us to avoid great Dan∣gers, that else would happen. Therefore We would have You understand, that the Tenths of Holy Church last granted unto Our Lord the King for One Year by the Clergy of Our Province of Canterbury, to be paid together with other Tythes then behind, were granted on certain Conditions, and certain Articles granted by Our Lord the King unto the said Clergy, and confirmed by his Charter: And moreover, that the said Clergy for that time should not be burthen'd with any other Portion or Con∣tribution, to be made or granted unto our Lord the King. After this also in the Par∣liament Conven'd at Westminster on the Wednesday next after Midlent, there were gran∣ted unto the King the Ninth Fleece, the Ninth Lamb, the Ninth Sheaf, but on cer∣tain Cautions and Conditions, namely, that no Prelates, or any of the said Clergy,

should be any way Obliged to the Contribution of this Ninth Part, but only those who held by Barony, and were bound to come to the Parliament: And that the Prelates and Others of the Clergy, paying the said Ninth, should by no means be obliged to the Payment of the Tenth, granted as aforesaid. But yet certain Colle∣ctors of the Ninth of our said Province, do endeavour by several Distresses to levy and raise the said Ninth of Prelates and Others of the Clergy, who pay the said Tenth, and hold nothing of the King by Barony, nor are bound to come to the Par∣liament. And on the other hand, they exact the said Tenth of those, who are ob∣liged to the Payment of the Ninth, by burthening Men of the Church, contrary to God and Justice, and the Grant aforesaid. Wherefore we exhort and require you in the Lord, that by no means You permit Religious Persons and Ecclesiasticks, to be burthen'd and vexed, unless according to the Form and Grant aforesaid: Nor by any means yield either Counsel or Assent in prejudice of the said Charter, or sub∣version of the Privileges and Liberties of the Church: But that if any Brief, Com∣mission or Precept, contrary to the Form of Magna Charta, or the Privileges and Liberties aforesaid, have already been issued out of the Chancery, You cause them within ten days after the Receipt of these Letters, as You are bound, to be revo∣ked and disanulled. It is really the Will of our Lord the King to cherish and main∣tain the said Charter, and the Privileges and Liberties of the Church, as we are assu∣red: And it is not his Will, nor ought to be, that the Clergy should by any means be burthen'd and grieved, beyond their own free Grant: For this would not a little tend to the prejudice and grievance of Holy Church, which we cannot endure: But if You shall take no care to revoke and disanull the Premises, as is premised; We shall not omit to take such Remedy, as Holy Church will allow. And what you shall do in the Premises, as our Spiritual Son, Faithfull and acceptable to God, within eight days after the time above limited, you shall take care to certifie unto us by your Letters. The Holy Spirit, as you shall keep his Privileges uninvaded, vouchsafe to save and keep your Body and Soul.

Given at Canterbury, 28 day of January in the Seventh Year of our Consecration.

V. Beside this he also wrote a Remonstrance to the King and his Council in these Words,

To our Lord the King and his Council, and all and singular Persons of his Council: We John, by Divine Permission Archbishop of Canterbury, Primate of all England, and Legate of the Apostolick See, do shew, that whereas all those, who seise on Clergymen, put them by force, or detain them in Prison, and do not permit them to go, where they shall please, knowing them, publiquely and notoriously to be reputed as such, and bearing themselves as Clergymen, who have not confessed Crimes, nor have been convicted or indicted of Crimes, nor have been openly taken in the Fact, are entangled in the Sentence given by the Canon, &c. And that Sen∣tence we have published in the Church of Canterbury, and have caused it to be pub∣lished by all our Brethren Suffragans of our Province of Canterbury. After the De∣nuntiation or Publication of which Sentence made, as is premised, there have been taken, and in divers Castles and Places of England, imprisoned and forcibly detained, John de St. Paul, Michael de Wath, Robert Chickwell, John Thorp and Henry Strat∣ford, to the prejudice of God and Holy Church, against the Laws and Privileges of all Clergymen, and also to the endangering of the Souls of those who acted those things, or gave their Counsel and Assent thereto. Wherefore we earnestly entreat our Lord the King, who hath always taken care to maintain the Liberties of Holy Church, and its Laws and Privileges entire, as our Lord God in all his Actions hath heretofore happily attested, and made him Famous, that it would please His Majesty without Delay, to command a Release or Delivery from prison of the said Clergy∣men, and of every of them, who are so detained against Magna Charta, and the Laws and Customs of the Land. Moreover we desire and beseech in the Lord, all those Counsellors, who presum'd to give the King Counsel to do such things, by no means to hinder the Delivery of them, who are so detained: For we cannot dissemble, but that otherways we must do in this Matter, according to our Duty. Also, that all Lay Persons and Free-men, who were, against Magna Charta, and the Laws and Cu∣stoms of the Land, taken and yet detain'd in Prison, may be deliver'd, and that it would please our Lord the King to reform and correct other the Premises, according to a Form contained in a Bull of q 12.1 Innocent the IV. Whereby all, who presume to go against Magna Charta, or to violate it, do incurr the Sentence of Excommunicati∣on. Also, that not only his Ministers and Officers of different Stations, who passing thrô the Land, enter the Houses, Granges and other Places of Archbishops, Bishops,

and other Religious and Ecclesiasticall Persons, without the Will of the Farmers or Keepers, do take away Goods at pleasure, and carry them away forceably, but also those, who command the Premises, or in their Names confirm and ratifie what is so done, are involved in the foresaid Sentence: Let therefore our Lord the King vouchsafe to apply a fit Remedy: For we cannot dissemble, but that we intend by our Selves, and our Brethren and Suffragans, to execute both our and their Du∣ty against such, as the Care of our Pastoral Office shall require: But it is not our Intention, that our Lord the King, his Lady the Queen, or their Children be involved or comprehended in the said Sentences; as of Right they may be excused.

VI. The said Archbishop also sent Letters to the Bishop of London, the Tenour whereof followeth:

John, by Divine Permission Archbishop of Canterbury, Primate of all England, and Legate of the Apostolick See, to his Reverend Brother, Ralph Bishop of London, Greeting. Holy Church which ought to be Free, is unduly oppressed with di∣vers Exactions and vexatious Burthens in these days: Her Goods (to which no Lay Hand ought to extend) are seised on at will for Prey. The Clergy also of our Pro∣vince of Canterbury is vexed unjustly, and vilely trampled upon by reproachfull Con∣tempt; Justice (which principally ought to shine, and whereby Kings Reign, and the People are established in Peace) is not duly honoured: But many let loose the Reins to Injuries and unjust Oppressions without punishment; We therefore, ta∣king a Fatherly compassion at the groans of the Oppressed, and seriously conside∣ring, that for this purpose the Divine Mercy hath exalted Us to this Apostolical Dig∣nity, not that We should spend our Days in quiet and affluence of Delights, but according to the Duty of our Place, being profitably instructed by the examples of our Predecessors, that we should set our selves against those that come up against us, as an impregnable Wall for the House of the Lord; and by Gods Assistance reduce the wandring into the way of Truth, have thought fit by publique Denuntiations to be made in eminent Places by us, and others our Brethren and Suffragans, openly to in∣timate unto all men, certain Sentences of Excommunication, by Holy Fathers and our Predecessors hitherto promulged against Delinquents in Cases hereafter mention'd: That those who are wicked, may not be able under the vail of affected Ignorance any way to excuse themselves, in pretence that the Truth was unworthily hid and not manifested, as it ought to be: But rather that all may take better heed to themselves for the future. And yet it is not our Intention, that our Lord, the Illustrious King of England, our Lady the Queen, or their Children, should be involved or compre∣hended in the said Sentences, or any of them or under the Denuntiation; as of right they may in this part be excused.

Commanding, &c. that you publish them, &c. Dated, &c. The Tenour of which Articles follow.

VII.

In the Name of God Amen. We John by Divine Permission Archbishop, &c. do denounce Publiquely and Solemnly in these Writings all those to be (as by the Holy Fathers they are) involved in the Sentence of Greater Excommunication, and to have been and to be Excommunicate, and we sequester them from the Pale of Holy Mother Church, who do presume to deprive Churches of their Right, or malitiously to infringe or violate the Liberties or Free Customs of the same, and especially those, who vio∣late the Ancient Liberties or free Customs of our Church of Canterbury, or diminish them in any thing, or knowingly contravene the Privileges granted thereto, or do ought a∣gainst them, and also those, who wickedly and injuriously presume to disturb the Peace and Tranquillity of the King or Kingdom of England, or shall give Counsel, Aid or Favour thereto, by the Authority, and in the Name of God the Father Almighty, and of his Son Jesus Christ, of his most blessed Mother the Virgin Mary, of blessed Thomas the glo∣rious Martyr, and of all the Saints.

Item, That whereas in the great Charter of Henry, once King of England, it was Granted and Ordained, that no Freeman of the Realm of England should be taken or imprisoned, or disseised of his Free-hold, or his Liberties, or his Free Customs, or be Outlaw'd, or Banished, or any other way molested; and that upon a Freeman the Law should not pass, unless by the lawfull Judgment of his Peers, or by the Law of England, and that the King would deny, or sell, or delay, right and justice to no Man: And that the City of London should have all her Ancient Liberties and Free Customs: And several other Liberties and free Customs are prudently in the said Charter granted to the Realm of England, to the Praise and Honour of God, the Peace of the Catholick Church, and the Quiet of the Realm: And by the Arch∣bishop and Bishops of the said Kingdom, those have been excommunicated, anathe∣matized,

and sequestred from the Pale of Holy Mother Church; who after the Grant of the said Charter, and the Liberties and free Customs therein, and in the Charter of the Forest, contained and granted to the Church of England, by any art or de∣vise, should violate, infringe, diminish or alter; privily or openly, by Deed, Word or Counsel, in rashly going against them, or any of them, in any Article: Many not∣withstanding, not ignorant of the Premises, do now rashly attempt to go against the said Charters, the Liberties and free Customes, in the said Charters contained, and mightily endeavour to infringe them: Now we, being desirous to overthrow their detestable designs, and to dissipate their vailed and pretended Ignorance, by reducing the Premises into the notice of all Men, do in general admonish all and singular, who have done against the Premises in any manner of way, or, contrary to the said Charters, or either of them, have made Statutes, or have kept them when made, have introduced Customs, or have kept them when introduced; also the Writers of Statutes, and Counsellours and Executors, and those who shall presume to judge ac∣cording to them. That duly they amend themselves, and by the appointment of their Ordinaries make full satisfaction for their Offences within 15 Days to be rec∣kon'd from the time of this our Admonition: Whom upon their Non-obedience, from that time we denounce publiquely and solemnly to have incurred the said Sen∣tence of Greater Excommunication, confirmed of sure knowledge by Pope Innocent the IV.

Item, That all and singular, who from the Houses, Manors, Granges or other Pla∣ces, to Archbishops, Bishops, or other Ecclesiasticall Persons belonging, shall presume to take away, seise, consume or touch any thing against the Will of the Owners, or those, who are deputed the Keepers of the said thing, or cause the said thing to be taken, seised, consumed or touched, and approve the taking away, the seising, con∣suming or touching of the said thing, done by their Abettors, or in their Name, are Violators of the said Liberties and Privileges Ecclesiastick; and we publiquely and solemn∣ly in these Writings denounce them ipso facto to incurr the Sentence of Greater Excom∣munication, which in the Council of Oxford was made against the Violators of the Liberties of the Church.

Item, Because the Iniquity of the times renders the Clergy odious to the Laiety; insomuch that the Latter do seise on the Former, and detain them against their Wills, or not permit them to go freely whither they please, we publiquely and solemnly denounce, all and singular, as well Clergymen as Laymen, within our Province of Canter∣bury, who knowing them to be Clergymen, and publiquely and notoriously to be held and reputed for Clergymen, and also to bear themselves as so, having not confessed any crime, nor being convicted or indicted, do in custody or prison put and detain them against their Wills, rashly in a Case not permitted by Law, or the Custom of the Realm of England, to the Scandal and manifest Injury of the Cler∣gy, to be involved in the Sentence of Greater Excommunication, in this part made by the Canon.

Item, Whereas all and singular, who in our Province of Canterbury do mali∣ciously from the false instigations of Hate, lay a Crime to the charge of any Per∣son or Persons, who among good and grave Men were not before defamed of the said Crime, whereby on occasion of the Charge they may any ways be grieved, are and have been envolved in the Sentence of Greater Excommunication, justly made by Holy Fathers in the Council of Oxford against Defamers of this kind, and those who knowingly offend against Archbishops, or their Spiritual Fathers, Ambassadors of Christ, Pillars of the Church, do commit a sin so much the greater, as is the Emi∣nence of the Person offended; We by the Authority wherewith we are invested, do publiquely denounce all and singular, who in our Province of Canterbury, have falsly, wickedly and malitiously already presumed, or hereafter shall presume, to lay to the Charge of an Archbishop or Bishop, or any other, the Crime of Treason or any o∣ther Crime, contrary to the Constitution aforesaid, to be involved in the said Sentence of Greater Excommunication, in the said Council discreetly made, and to be seque∣stred from the Pale of Holy Mother Church, &c.

Besides all this the Archbishop sent the Letters afore-mention'd to all his Brethren and Suffragans, that they also in their several Diocesses and Precincts, should publiquely promulge the Sentences above-written: Whereupon the King hearing of these Letters of the Archbishop, and considering them together with others, which (as r 12.2 was thought) some Courtiers had forged in his Name, to render him more obnoxious, that he might more plainly detect the Archbishops Falshood, and establish the Reputation of his own

Justice, wrote this Letter to the Bishop of London, and sent a Copy thereof to the Prior and Chapter of Canterbury.

VIII. s 12.3

EDWARD by the Grace of God, King of England and France, and Lord of Ireland,

to the Reverend Father in God, Ralph Bishop of London, Greeting.

It is manifest by old approved Histories, but more clearly appears by what is dayly practi∣sed, that many Men, abusing the Favour of Princes, and the Honour conferr'd upon them, and waxing insolent thereby, do sometimes by malitious and sly Insinuations endeavour to deprave the laudable Undertakings of Kings. And that what we say, may be rendred more manifest to all our Liege People, We suppose, that neither you nor they have forgotten; how We being formerly exalted to the Regal Throne in the years of our tender Youth, and desiring at our first Undertaking that Royal Charge, to be directed by wholsome Counsels, did call unto Us John, then Bishop of Winchester, and now Archbishop of Canterbury, because We supposed him to ex∣cell others in Loyalty and Discretion, and have made use both of his Spiritual Ad∣vice in Matters concerning the Health of our Soul, and also of his Temporal, in Af∣fairs relating to the Augmentation and Conservation of our Kingdom. Nay he was by Us received into such Familiarity, and experienc'd so much of our Favour to∣wards him, that he was called Our Father, and next unto the King adored of all Men.

Now afterwards, when by Right of Succession the Kingdom of France was devol∣ved unto Us, and by the Lord Philip of Valois de facto manifestly usurped, the same Archbishop by his Importunities perswaded Us to make a League with the Lords of Almain, t 13.1 and others against the said Philip, and so to expose Our Selves and Ours to the Expences of War; promising and affirming, that He would see Us abundant∣ly supplied out of the Profits of our Lands, and elsewhere; adding moreover, that We should only take Care to provide Men of Courage and Skill sufficient for the War, for he himself would effectually procure such Summs of Money, as should both Answer our Necessities, and the Souldiers Pay. Whereupon having passed the Seas, we set Our Hand to Great undertakings, and with marvellous Expence, as it behoved, made Our Warlike Provisions; and bound Our Selves in vast Summs of Money to our Confederates, in confidence of the Foremention'd Aid promised unto Us. But, alas! since We put Our Confidence in the Staff of a broken Reed, whereon, according to the u 13.2 Prophet, if a Man lean, it will go into his Hand and pierce it, being defrauded of Our wish'd for Aid; of meer Necessity We were compelled under heavy Usury, to contract the Insupportable Burthens of Debt, and so breaking off Our further Ex∣pedition for that time, were Obliged to desist from Our Enterprises, so Valiantly begun against Our Enemies, and to return into England: Where having made Re∣lation to the said Archbishop of Our manifold Vexations and Misfortunes, and there∣upon calling a x 13.3 Parliament, the Prelates, Barons, and other Liege Subjects of Our Kingdom, gave Us the Ninth of their Corn, Lambs, and Wooll, besides a Tenth granted Us by the Clergy; which Subsidy, had it been faithfully collected and ob∣tained in due time, had not a little availed toward Our said Warlike Expedition, the Payment of Our Debts, and the confusion of Our Enemies; nay, it might probably have sufficed to have answer'd all, as many then supposed. The said Archbishop then again promised Us, diligently to use his Endeavours, as well in the Collecting the same, as also in procuring other things necessary for Us. Whereupon, giving credit to his promises, and having Recruited Our Forces with a Navy collected for that pur∣pose. We set Sail for Flanders, and upon the way buckled in a fierce Sea Fight with Our Enemies, who had combin'd to the Destruction of Us and of Our English Nation: But by the Mercifull Bounty of him, who Ruleth both the Winds and Seas, and not by Our own Merits, We obtain'd over the Numerous Multitude of those Enemies a Glorious Victory and Triumph. Which done, passing forward with a Great Army for the Recovery of Our Rights, We encamped near the most strong City of Tour∣nay; in the Siege whereof being very much busied, and even wearied with continual Toyl and Charges, We silently waited in daily Expectation, hoping, that however by means of the said Archbishop, Our promised Aid would at last come to relieve Us in Our so Many, and so Great Necessities. At length being frustrated of Our concei∣ved hope, thô by many Messengers, and divers Letters, We fully signified to the said Archbishop, and other Our Counsellors joyned in Commission with him, Our Ne∣cessities, and the sundry Inconveniences we were exposed to, for want of the promi∣sed Aid aforemention'd, as also the Great Advantage and Honour which We saw, We might easily obtain by a seasonable supply of the said Moneys, We yet received

no Advantagious Answer from them: Because, minding their own business, and whol∣ly neglecting Ours, they palliated their own Idleness (not to say Fraud or Malice) with painted Glossings and frivolous Excuses; like those Mockers, who as y 13.4 Isaiah says, deridingly Scoff and say, "Precept upon Precept, Precept upon Precept; Line upon Line, Line upon Line: Here a little, and there a little. So that, alas! while a near hope of Triumphing over Our Enemies, most graciously smil'd upon Us, We were even then for want of Necessary Supplies constrained against Our Will to submit to accept of a Truce, to the shamefull Hinderance of Our Expedition, and the no small Joy of Our Adversaries. Returning thereupon into Flanders, both Empty of Money and Full of Debt, neither Our own Purses, nor Our Friends, being sufficient to discharge Our Necessities, and to pay off Our Foreign Auxiliaries, We were com∣pelled to plunge Our Selves into the Devouring Gulf of Usury, and to submit Our Shoulders to the various Burthens of Insupportable Debts. At last Our Faithfull Friends, Companions of Our Labours, and Partakers of Our Troubles, came unto Us, with whom We carefully consulted for a desired Remedy; whereby We might happily obtain some Fair Weather, after this so Great Storm of ill Fortune. These All agreed, that the sad protracting of Our Wars, and the manifold Inconveniences proceeding from Our Want of Supply, happen'd all thrô the Fault or Negligence (not to say Malice) of the said Archbishop, to whose Discretion We had committed the Affairs of Our whole Kingdom; They the while much Admiring and Murmuring at Us, because Our Royal Goodness had so long left unpunished the Insolence of the said Archbishop, and other Our Officers: Saying, that if We would not apply a speedy Remedy to these Evils, They must of Necessity withdraw from Our Service, and go back from their Alliance made with Us: And this certainly must needs redound to the Subversion of Our Kingdom, Our own perpetual Infamy, and the Eternal Reproach of the English Nation; which God, Our most Mercifull Father, of his Infinite Good∣ness Graciously forbid to come to pass in Our Days; as the Anchor of Our hope is im∣moveably fixed on him.

Whereupon intending the due Correction of Our Officers, some of them, whom for many Reasons We suspected Guilty of Male-Administration, Subversion of Justice, Oppression of Our Subjects, of Bribery, and other Heinous Offences, We have (as We might do) caused to be removed from their Offices: Others also of Inferior De∣gree, being culpable in the Premises, We have committed to safe Custody, least should they enjoy their wonted Liberty, the Execution of Justice might by their craftiness be prevented, and the Inquisition of the Truth cunningly eluded. Which Truth since We believed We should obtain so much the more certainly and fully from the said Archbishop, by how much it was expected, that nothing of what belonged to Our Information in this part, should be hid from him, to whom for so long time We had thought fit to commit the Administration of Our whole Common-Weal, and Our Chiefest Concerns; We therefore by Our Trusty and Well-beloved Nicolas Canti∣lupe, did send him Our Special Command, that forthwith he should come to London to Our Presence; because We were minded to confer Personally with him. But He, as one always Insolent in Prosperity, and Timerous in Adversity, fearing now, where no Fear was, did untruly allege, that some Mischief was intended and threatned unto him by some of Our Assistants, if at any time he should once come forth of the Church of Canterbury: Whereas God and Our Conscience are Witnesses, no such Matter ever enter'd into Our Mind, nor, as We believe, into the Heart of any of Our Servants. Yet We suppose, he glanced herein at Our Cosin the Earl of Darby, thô not only to him, but to all others, z 13.5 as well of the Clergy as Laiety, by his Evil Demerits, he hath rendred himself Odious. But We, who desire that all Our Sub∣jects should have free Access to Our Person, especially those, who by Our Letters or Messengers are thereto required, to confute his Malicious Suggestion, sent unto him Our Trusty and Well-beloved Ralph Stafford Steward of our Houshold, to offer and give unto him safe Conduct; but notwithstanding that We caused our Royal Letters Patents under Our Great Seal to be presented unto him, again commanding him to make his Personal Appearance before Us, that We might be informed, how he had behaved himself in that Publique Station which he had long Menaged, as aforesaid: Yet he set∣ting at nought both Our Requests and Commands, answer'd with as Haughty an Air, as Impudent Mind, that he would neither appear before Us, nor confer with Us, unless in Our Full Parliament, which at this time upon Good Reasons is no way Expedient to be call'd.

Thus this Archbishop, whom Our Royal Bounty had exalted with Large Benefits,

and Great Honours, and had admitted into Our Familiarity, nay, even to an Intimacy of Friendship; upon whom, as on a most Dear Father, Our whole Breath and Life did Repose; who also, while We did after his Will, put on the Pretended Countenance of a Loving Father toward Us; even this Man is now cruelly turn'd to be an Heavy and Unnatural Step-Father, and wholly forgetfull of the Benefits he has receiv'd, with Arrogance and Pride pursues his Benefactor, and hath served Us, as the Proverb is, a Mouse in a Bag, a Serpent in your Lap, and Fire in your Bosom, with an ill Re∣quital for Our Kindness. For thô, when We were first Exalted to the Throne of Our Kingdom, descended unto Us by Right of Inheritance, the Divine Grace so work∣ing, it always was, and hath been Detestable unto Us to Abuse the Greatness of Our Power: Who rather affect to Rule Our Subjects with Clemency, Lenity, and Mo∣deration of Justice, that they might enjoy Peace, which is desired of all Men: Yet notwithstanding, this Man hath gone about to defame Our Innocence, and the Fide∣lity and Diligence of Our Counsellors and Officers that pursue Justice, publiquely by his Letters Patents, declaring in several Places, that in these Latter Times by the Kings Power, contrary to Justice, the Laiety is Oppressed, the Clergy confounded, and a 13.6 Holy Church burthen'd with divers Exactions, Taxes, and Talliages. And because he subtlely Usurped the Name of a Good Pastor, when indeed he was no∣thing less, but rather after the Common Opinion, and his own Confession, as it is vul∣garly Reported, a very Hireling, he cloaked his Fox-Craft with a feigned Zeal for the Liberties of the Church: Whose Troubles, if in Our Days it hath sustained any, are rather to be attributed to the Remisness of the said Archbishop, to his Evil Coun∣sels and Crafty Devices. He also wickedly pretends to have certain Sentences of Ex∣communication, which were long since made in general against the Violators of the Liberties of the Church, and Magna Charta; thereby to spoil the Good Opinion had of the King, and to defame Our foresaid Royal Ministers, and Traiterously to stir up Sedition amongst the People committed to Our Charge; and finally, to with∣draw from Our Royal Majesty the Hearts of Our Earls, Lords, and Barons of the Realm. These by his Letters he commanded to be Published in most Places of Great Resort; besides, and contrary to, the accustomed means provided in a Provincial Council.

Wherefore We, desirous, as We have Reason, to Respect the Integrity of Our Fame, and to obviate the Malice of the said Archbishop, as also carefully to decline the snares he hath laid for Us and Ours, have thought good, beside those things a∣bove Rehearsed, to bring into Publique Notice some of his many Evil Actions. And truly, when We were in Our Minority, by his Imprudent Counsel and Perswasion, We made so many Prodigal Donations, unlawfull Alienations, and Excessive Lar∣gesses, that Our Exchequer was wholly exhausted thereby, and Our Revenues ex∣treamly diminished: We have also found, that being corrupted with Bribes, he has Released to several Persons vast Summs of Money owing to Us, and that without any Reasonable Cause, when neither Necessity, nor any Prospect of Advantage so required; and also, that he has apply'd to the use of himself and his Friends, and other ill-deserving Persons, many of Our Rents and Revenues, which ought to have been kept for Our own Use and Necessity. Moreover, being as well an Accepter of Persons, as of Bribes, contrary to Our Desire, and his Oath of Fidelity made to Us, he hath admitted to publique Offices in Our Dominions, Persons altogether un∣worthy, neglecting and putting back those that well deserved: And many other things out of a Refractory Mind, he hath rashly presum'd to do, to the Detriment of Our State, the hurt of Our Royal Dignity, and the no small Damage of the People subjected unto Us, by abusing the Authority and Charge committed un∣to him.

Who, if he shall still persist in his proud Obstinacy, and Stout and continued Re∣bellion, We shall hereafter in convenient Time and Place cause his Faults to be more manifest; in the mean while, willing and commanding You, to Publish and cause to be Published all and singular the Premises, openly and distinctly in places, where You shall think it Expedient, and to set forth also, as it shall seem best to Your Godly Wisdom, Our Pious Resolution for the suppressing all manner of Incommodities, and furthering the Commodities and Advantages of Our Subjects; so behaving Your Selves herein, that We may have cause to commend Your Care and Diligence.

Witness Our Self at Westminster the Twelfth day of February, in the Year of Our Reign over England the 15, and over France the 2^d.

In Answer to this the Archbishop return'd the same Defence he had made in the

Pulpit at Canterbury, only mutatis mutandis; with this Preface directed to the King, viz.

IX. b 13.7

To his Dread Lord, EDWARD, by the Grace of God, of France and England the most Illustrious King; John by Divine Permission, his humble Minister of the Church of Canterbury, once Temporally, but now more in the Lord, wisheth Health both of Soul and Body, and evermore to persevere in Good, and Manfully to Resist envious and wicked Suggestions, which easily corrupt Good Manners.

There are two Things, whereby the World is principally governed, the Holy Pon∣tifical Authority, and the Royal Power: Of which the Burthen incumbent upon Priests is so much more weighty and sublime, by how much at the Divine Scrutiny they are to give an Account even concerning Kings themselves. And therefore your Majesty ought to know, that You depend on their Judgment, not that they can be directed by your Will. For who doubts, but that the Priests of Christ ought to be accoun∣ted both Fathers and Masters of Kings and Princes, and of all the Faithfull? Is it not look'd on as a sign of a deplorable Madness, for a Son to endeavour to bring un∣der his Father, or a Scholar his Master? And that many Prelates have Excommuni∣cated, some of them Kings, others Emperours, the Canonical Authority of the Scri∣ptures testifies: And if you enquire for any thing particular of the Persons of Prin∣ces, the blessed c 14.1 Innocent smote the Emperour Arcadius with the edge of Excom∣munication; because he consented, that St. John Chrysostom should be violently expelled from his Seat. And the Holy Ambrose Archbishop of Milain, for a fault, which to other Priests seem'd not so very enormous, bound the Emperour Theodosi∣us the Great, in the Bond of Excommunication; who afterward, having first given convenient Satisfaction, obtain'd Absolution: And in more convenient time and place many more Examples of the like nature may be produced. Whatsoever Priests there∣fore offend by Error meerly humane, which doth no way trespass upon the Faith of Religion, it seems, that they neither can, nor ought to be punished by the Secular Pow∣er. For it is the part of a good and religious Prince to restore broken and bruised Churches, to build new ones, to honour, and with all respect imaginable to defend the Priests of God; like unto Constantine, that pious Prince of most Happy Memo∣ry, who, when the Complaints of Clergymen were brought unto him, said,

You can be judged of None (that is, none of the Secular Judges) who are reserved to the judgment of God alone, according to the Assertion of the Apostle, saying, d 14.2 The spiritual Man is judged of no man. Let your Majesty therefore consider, what and how great the Punishment of that Son ought to be, who uncovers the nakedness of his Father, and wickedly defames his innocent Parent, to whom as is premised, he ought to yield all reverence and honour. For the Pagan Princes after their manner, yielded and do yield no small Honour to the Prelates of their Temples and Idols, whom they termed Flamins: How much more ought Christian Princes, Worship∣pers of the True God, and of the Christian Faith, to reverence the Ministers and Pre∣lates of Christ? But alas, in a preposterous and unnatural way, the Honour, which on Occasion of the Dignity wherein we, thô unworthy preside, ought unto us, as unto your Father to be yielded, is turned into Reproach, the Respect into Reviling, and Reverence into Contempt: While You sent your Royal Letters Patents, sealed with your Royal Seal, or rather notorious Libels, spitefully dictated and written by our Enviers and Enemies, containing various crimes and many enormous Matters and false-invented Reproaches against us, to our infamy, as plainly by the reading there∣of may appear; to all the Suffragans of our Province of Canterbury, Deans, Abbots, Priors and their Chapters, and other Ecclesiasticall Persons, to be published to the great Affront of us, I hope, and not of God himself: That so the Devotion of our Flock toward us might wax cold, and their Obedience be turned into Contempt. From which unexpected (not to say detestable) Deed it evidently appears to all that behold it, how the Royal Power, (which proceedeth from the Lord, according to the saying of the wise King Solomon, e 14.3 Hear, ô ye Kings and understand; Learn ô ye Judges of the ends of the Earth: For Power is given unto you from the Lord, and Soveraignty from the most High) doth now presume to judge even the Lord God himself in the Persons of his Ministers and Priests; not only to the violation of the Divine Law, but against the Ordinance of God, of humane Law and natural Rea∣son, and doth condemn its Spiritual Father, and the chief Peer of the Land, being not called, not convicted, and by your Record, to use the vulgar word, unheard, to the hazard of your Soul, to the exceeding prejudice of all us Peers, and of all the People of the Land. Nor let any one maliciously accuse us, that being con∣scious

of our own Guilt we seek to hide our selves, lest we should be obliged to bear the brunt of your Objections. For the most High knoweth, that we hearti∣ly desire to see you, above all mortal Men; that all Flattery remov'd we may in∣timate unto your Highness the dangers both of You and of your Kingdom, and the Affection and loving Hearts of your Subjects; and advise You, that your Actions I wish they were all Praise-worthy) might be as a Light to others, according to that of the * 14.4 Wise Man,

The World is by a King's Example sway'd—

And also, that upon beholding our Face, You might call to mind those Services, which lately we have performed in your Employs, carefully and Faithfully, according to the Conscience of our Soul, so God help us in the last Trial, when all Men shall f 14.5 stand before his Tribunal, to receive the things done in their Bodies, according to that they have done, whether it be good or evil. And especially, that before You, the Prelates, Barons and Peers of the Realm, we might set forth our Reputation (which by your Letters and Libels aforesaid is basely torn and bespatter'd) purged, true and pure (as I call God to Witness it is) to Publique Knowledge. But upon notice, that certain of your principal Counsellors near your Person, have given forth menaces of Death against us; who are in this Land, not as Joseph was in Egypt, but like Tyrants now adays domineer in the Throne, after that of the Wise Man, g 14.6 Many Tyrants have sat on the Throne, and a Man unthought on hath wore the Diadem: The Sword being thus in the Hands of Madmen, not thrô any proud Arrogance or Dis∣obedience, but by wisely * 14.7 yielding to the Course of Fury, we have hitherto defer'd our Access to You, that just Fear excusing us, which might fall upon the most Re∣solute, being notwithstanding ready to obey your Majesty in all things, the Honour of God and of Holy Church, and of our own State and Order being always in all points preserved. But truly in the mean while, during the Power of these Tyrants, to the rooting out whereof, let Him that ariseth from on high vouchsafe to assist You, that the word of the Wise Man may be fulfilled, h 14.8 For it was requisite, that upon them exercising Tyranny should come Penury, which they could not avoid: Lest the clamour of our Infamy should grow higher, to the manifesting of our Innocence, we answer to the Articles contained in those Letters, or infamous Libels, not sophistically but truly, in form following, viz.

For the Beginning of your foresaid Letters, * 14.9 or of the foresaid infamous Libell, be∣ing full of Reproach, containeth; That your Majesty being formerly exalted to the Royal Throne in the Years of your tender Youth, and desiring at your first Ʋnderta∣king that Princely Charge, to be directed by wholesom Counsel, did make use of our Spiritual Advice in matters concerning the Health of your Soul, and also of our Temporal, in Affairs relating to the Augmentation and Conservation of your Kingdom. And that afterwards, when by Right of Succession the Realm of France was devolved unto You, and by the Lord Philip of Valois de facto manifestly usurped, we perswaded You by our Importunities to make a League with the Lords of Almain and Others, for the Re∣covery of your Right, and that You should only take care to provide Men of Courage and Skill sufficient for the War, because we would effectually supply you with Monies for the Necessities of You and Yours, and for Wages for the Army: And because You altogether wanted this due Assistance, you were fain to submit to the heavy burthen of Ʋsury.

To these things, most Excellent Prince, even thô we hold our Tongues, and speak not a word, the notoriety of the Fact knows how to give a fit Answer: For in the beginning of your Reign, while we presided over the Church of Winchester, by whose Counsel your Majesty was directed, is known to the whole Kingdom. For He, who is ignorant of nothing, knows, that when the Question about the Kingdom of France, after the Death of King Charles, the Brother of your Serene Mother, i 14.10 was handled and discussed in the Parliament, then held at Northampton, and it was thereupon ordained, that the Bishops of Worcester then (now of Winchester) and of Coventry and Litchfield, should go into France, and in your Name claim that Kingdom, and as much as in them lay, hinder the Coronation of the said Philip of Valois, who according to this Ordinance, taking then upon them the Legation enjoyned them, went into France; which very Embassy gave the greatest Occasion of this present War; we had at that time no concern in the Government of You, or of your Youth, as others had, who directed You both in Spirituals and Temporals; be∣cause neither as then did we any ways intermeddle in the Kings Business, but re∣mained

at Court; for what cause, God knows, hated by all the Courtiers. But afterwards in times of Unity, since it pleased Your Majesty, that We also, together with others of Your Council, should confer about Your Affairs, toward the Establish∣ing of Peace between the two Realms of England, and of France; considering the Perils of Souls, Bodies, and Goods, that were impending from the Devouring Gulf of War, We labour'd with all Our Power, and to that end frequently crossing the Sea, not without many Dangers, Toyls, and vast Expences, We together with other Pre∣lates, and divers Peers of Your Realm have sought the Personal Presence of the said Philip, and have effectually offer'd him, We say, not Measure sufficient enough, but even running over, as before this it hath been known, for the obtaining of Peace. But the said Philip, like the Deaf Adder, stopping his Ears, and not willing to hearken unto Us, there were sent unto him on Your Part two Spiritual Ambassa∣dors, to wit, the Bishop of Durham, and of Worcester then (now of Winchester) for the obtaining of his Peace: And another time, the Lords Henry of blessed Memo∣ry, Bishop of Lincoln, and William Mountagu, and William Clinton, now Earls of Salisbury, and of Huntingdon; who yet could neither obtain Peace, nor any delay from War: But while the said Ambassadors were yet in the Parts beyond Sea, the the said Philip of Valois, presently sent divers Commissions to all his Maritime Coasts, to kill and destroy the Men and Ships of England, wheresoever they could be found at Sea, and with all Expedition sent an Armed Band to Invade your Country of Gas∣coign. And so the War being begun by the said Philip, and not by Us, according to the deliberation of Your Parliament at Westminster, Summon'd on that Occasion, and not on Our Account only, but on the Account of the great Cruelty and Obsti∣nacy of the Haughty Mind of the said Philip, who Invaded the English, and refus'd all manner of Agreement, and for the obtaining of Your Right in the Realm of France, which was wickedly Usurped by the said Philip, it was Ordained and A∣greed, that an Alliance should be struck up with the Almains, and others. But as for the Wages in this part to be paid to Your Forces, in a certain Council then for that end called at Stamford, there were certain Agreements made with certain Mer∣chants of Your Land (We being present) the Form whereof may plainly appear in Your Chancery: Which, if they had been observed, together with other Subsidies given by the Clergy and People, to the Aid of Your War, and the great Customs of Woolls, not only in our Opinion, but in the Judgement of all Your Counsellours, would have sufficed for this whole War. And Your Majesty well knows that the foresaid Agreements were neither Violated, nor Changed by Us; and that the Sub∣sidies by no means came to our Hands. If then any Misfortune happen'd for want of Money, for which We are sorry, this is to be wholly imputed to those, who brake the said Agreements, and wickedly wasted and embesel'd the said Subsidies; and not to Us, who bore the Burthen and Heat of the Day, and especially for this Cause, that after Your first Crossing the Seas, We have made no long abode in this Kingdom. But with the Reverend Fathers, the Lords Cardinals, and the Bishop of Durham, We went into France for the Reformation of the said Peace, going and coming to You, then residing in Brabant, frequently upon that Occasion. And at last the said Affair of Peace being wholly laid aside, as Desperate; We stay'd with You in Bra∣bant for a while, which was Chargeable enough to Us: And being made Partakers of Your Necessities, together with Your Majesty, and others, Prelates, and Barons of Your Land, and for Your Majesty despising all Danger, We enter'd several grievous Obligations for the most heavy Debts. which You had contracted (I wish not to the Prejudice of Your State) by paying much Usury. And so, most Excellent Prince, You put not Your Confidence in the Staff of a broken Reed (as You say in Your said Let∣ters) considering our Actions, but on a most firm Staff, and like unto that, where∣with Jacob k 14.11 went over Jordan, and returned Gloriously with two Bands. For with how much Glory, this Second time, Your Return hath been Crowned, the World knows; and I wish it may be continued to the Glory of God, and Your Honour in times to come.

A little after in the foresaid Letters a more Wonderfull thing is laid to Our Charge, * 14.12 That breaking off Your further Expedition, for that time, You were obliged to desist from Your Enterprises, so Valiantly begun against Your Enemies, and to return into England, where having called a Parliament, the Prelates, Barons, and other Liege Subjects of Your Realm, gave as an Aid for Your War, the Ninth of their Corn, Lambs, and Woolls, besides a Tenth granted You by the Clergy. For the Collecting of which Aid, and for the procuring of other things Necessary for You, We effectually promised to do

Our Devoir. On Occasion of which Our Promise, after a Glorious Victory at Sea, granted unto You by God, You encamped near the strong City of Tournay. In the Siege where∣of being for some time wearied with Expectation of receiving the foremention'd Aid, You were thrô meer want compelled against Your Will to admit of a Truce.

Most Gracious Prince, (that We may speak with due Reverence) Your Majesty is not ignorant, that the Aid of every Ninth, granted unto You (as is Premised) before Your second Voyage, was, by the Consent of Your Majesty, and of Your Council, wholly Assign'd over for the first Year, to several of Your Creditors, as will plain∣ly appear by the Assignations themselves: And that the said Assignations should be firmly observed, Y•••• your self, after Your second Voyage, frequently enjoyned by Letters.

From all which it is Evident, that to the foresaid Siege, of the beginning whereof we were Ignorant, We could not send any thing, God is our Witness, nor did We pro∣mise so to do: Nor could the slow Return of the said Subsidy be imputed to Us, the several Payments whereof were adjusted in full Parliament, by certain Terms and Proportions. And therefore on these and other Reasons, We and other Your Coun∣sellors fully weighing the Premises, told Your Majesty, that without Your Personal Presence, We could not help You; so that Your said Counsellors cannot be sty∣led Mockers, saying, Precept upon Precept, &c. But perfect Servants and Faith∣full to their Lord, not reporting, false, but true things, according to that of the Gos∣pel, l 14.13 Ye shall know the Truth, and the Truth shall make you Free; and so, God wil∣ling, it shall be done. Moreover, before your Return, there was but little or no∣thing of the foresaid Subsidy paid; but all will come into the Hands of your Pre∣sent Ministers; I pray God, it may hereafter be well disposed of to your Honour.

Besides this, Dread Lord, it is added in your said Letters, that upon your Return into Flanders, after the foresaid Siege, there was nothing either in your own Purses, or your Friends, whence You might discharge your Necessities, and pay off your Foreign Auxiliaries: Insomuch that you were compell'd to plunge your self into the Devour∣ing Gulf of Ʋsury: And it was agreed by all your Faithfull Friends, Companions of your Labours, that all these manifold Inconveniences and Misfortunes happen'd thrô the Fault or Negligence, and (as is pretended) Malice of Ʋs, and of other Your Offi∣cers. Being therefore led by their Counsel (lest otherwise they should draw back from your Assistance) and desirous to apply a speedy Remedy, certain of your Officers You have removed, other You have caused to be detained in safe Custody. And believing to be more fully acquainted with what had been done by their Information, You sent unto Ʋs by the Lord Nicolas Cantilupe first, and after by the Lord Ralph Stafford Steward of your Houshold, commanding, that We should take Care more speedily to come to your Personal Presence, offering Ʋs, because of many Fears by Ʋs pretended, your Letters of safe and sure Conduct: But it is pretended, that We, setting at nought your Re∣quests and Commands, answer'd with as Haughty an Air, as Impudent Mind; that We would neither appear before You, nor confer with You, unless in Full Parliament before the Lords and Peers of your Kingdom: Which Parliament (as the said Letters Witness) for certain Reasons was no way expedient to be called at that time.

Dread Lord, the plain Truth of the Premises being consider'd, an answer thereto is easily framed; for by right Judgement your Return into Flanders, could not be im∣puted to Us, when (as is Premised) We made no promise beforehand, and by Con∣sequence Your Friends and Allies could not complain of any Fraud or negligence of Ours: For the Most High knows, that then, and at all times, while We have been in your Service, We have (as is Premised) Loyally and Industriously pursu'd your Af∣fairs and Commands: And according to the Vulgar saying,

m 14.14 God doth expect from Man No more, than what he can.

But whereas your Faithfull Friends and Companions of your Pilgrimage, would like∣wise have an apt Remedy applied to these Matters; 'tis to be believed, as the Words Sound, how that by a just Process foregoing, which shall not be Arbitrary, but Ma∣ture, the Culpable (they mean) should be Lawfully punished for their Faults. But that Clergymen, who are exempt from the Judgement of the Secular Power, and Lay Freemen, should against their Wills be seised and detained contrary to the Laws and Customs of the Kingdom, and the Form of Magna Charta, what, and how great is their sin, who do this, cannot be unknown to your Royal Majesty; since the Pe∣rils

of the Soul thereupon proceeding are not only expressed in the Holy Constitu∣tions, but are by Us and our Suffragans, divulged thrô all our Province of Canterbury, and published both to the Clergy and People. And certainly, most Serene Prince, We much fear, that the Processes done and had in your Land in these days (I would they were Lawfull and Just!) may turn away from You (which God forbid!) the Hearts of your People; unless a due Remedy be more speedily apply'd.

But what those things were, which your foresaid Messengers on your Behalf de∣clared, and as they pleased, enjoyned us cannot be secret or hid, as being publique∣ly told before Notaries, and a multitude of Men. The first of whom, viz. the Lord Nicolas Cantilupe. bringing with him Royal Letters of Credence under the Privy Seal, and delivering his Credence, enjoyned and cited us; that within eight Days, then immediately following, upon the account of certain of your Majesties Debts, for which we stood bound, we should forthwith cross the Seas into Brabant, there constantly to tarry till the said Debts should be fully satisfied. But the other Mes∣senger, namely the Lord Ralph Stafford, as if he had come from a long journey, and had brought no Letter at all with him, said unto us, only by word of Mouth, I cite thee to appear before the King; assuring us also by word of Mouth only, that we ought not to fear the Traps of those that threatned us: If therefore such Messages as these, were consonant to certain Clauses in that part inserted in your Letters, let a just Judge determin. It must needs seem to any circumspect Person, that to go pre∣sently into Brabant, and yet to tarry still in England for the gaining of the foresaid Informations, contains meer Repugnances. And let your Majesty know, that no vain Fear, Pride, Disobedience, Contempt, or Conscience of Guilt withheld us from the delectable Sight of your Royal Face, but it was the most just reason above al∣ledged, duly considered. And that we may speak with due and respectfull Reve∣rence, althô your Royal Letters of Conduct, for Coming to your Council, Staying and returning, might at first view seem sufficient; if indeed we had been called to your Council, as we were not: Yet that same Day, whereon your Letters were brought to us, there was a Royal Brief directed to the High-Sheriff of Kent, that he should oblige us to come before You and your Council at London, to answer about a certain Contempt in the said Brief contained: But with what zeal to your Justice that matter was conceived, God knows. For thô the Royal Conduct it self gave us free Liberty of Returning, yet the very Nature of the said Brief laid upon us a strict necessity of staying in the hands of our Enemies: Which thing by no means did or may become the Majesty of a King. Yet we, as we said before, have always been; and shall be ready in the presence of your Majesty, the Prelates, Barons and Peers of the Land, to answer to whatever shall be objected against us; and to stand to the judgment of our Peers in all things, our State and Order always preserved.

But those who endeavour to hinder the Convocation of a Parliament; pretending for an Occasion, that there is no lawfull Cause, endeavour to decline the Declara∣tion of the Truth; the Truth it self witnessing, which says, n 14.15 For every one that doth evil, hateth the light.

As to that which is inserted in the said Letters, that We, * 14.16 being exalted by the Roy∣al Bounty to great Honours, upon whom, as a most Dear Father your Soul reposed, were now cruelly changed into an heavy and unnatural Step-father unto You; forgetfull of Benefits received, ungratefull, and pursuing our Benefactor, and that we have served You, as a Mouse in a Bag, a Serpent in the Lap, and Fire in the Bosom, with an ill Requital for your kindness. The Truth being thus concealed, and Falshood set forth in laying to our Charge this Ingratitude, saving your Reverence, not very truly, rather from the Malice of him that dictated the Letters, than of him that sent them, we thus answer; For it is said by the mouth of Truth, o 14.17 Every one that hath forsaken Houses, or Brethren, or Sisters, or Father, or Mother, or Wife, or Children, or Lands for my Names Sake, shall receive an hundred fold, and shall inherit Everlasting Life. Now him that spake the Premises we call for our Witness, that from that time, wherein we labour'd in your Service spiritually, according to the Knowledge gran∣ted unto us from the Most High, we did so much apply our Mind with all Sincerity, Loyalty, Devotion and Diligence (as we premised) to the dispatch of your Af∣fairs, for your Honour and the Weal of your Kingdom, that we not only left our Father and Mother, our Wife, that is, our Church, and our Spiritual Children, the Care and Culture of our Houses and Lands, and also of our Selves; but being day and night sollicitous for You and your Affairs, we often passed the night without Sleep; and by no means spparing our Labours, either beyond or on this side the Sea,

we have (I pray God it be not to the peril of our Soul) quite wasted our Body, and by spending our temporal Goods, are as it were made Beggars; and by minding your Advantage and that of your Realm, have lost the Love both of Clergy and People, as the World knows. And whether these be the Actions of a Step-father, or of a Father, let him judge, who knows not how to lie, the Almighty, True God! For unto you we have ever been a kind Father; but unto our Spiritual Children (which with grief we declare) for your sake an heavy Step-father. We were not a Mouse in your Bag, because in your service we did not feed on what was yours but on our own: What we have of a Serpent, we shew in exercising his Wisdom, not in pouring forth the malice of his Poison in your Lap; as also by earnest desires kindling Fire of Divine Love and Charity, which doth not consume in your Bosom, but according to the knowledge given unto us of the Lord, enlighten: For all which, since there is no reward allow'd from Man, let him reward us, who is the Rewarder of all Good Men. Nor will that our Exaltation by Royal Benefits diminish our Re∣ward from the Most High: Which yet was charged unto us, as we have evinced, by the malice of the Dictator; especially, since it would not become the Royal Mag∣nificence to repeat such Upbraidings: For it is not thrô the Collation or Procure∣ment of any Secular Prince whatsoever, that we are any thing exalted by the Bene∣fits and magnificent Honours, which hitherto we have enjoy'd; but thrô the graci∣ous Munificence of God, p 14.18 who giveth liberally unto all, and upbraids no man of the Good things he hath given.

But as to that which under a kind of covert is spitefully thrown against us, * 14.19 That we have defamed the Kings Innocence, and the Fidelity and Diligence of his Counsel∣lors and Officers, who pursue Justice, publiquely in our Letters declaring, that in these latter times by the Royal Power, contrary to Justice, the Laity is oppressed, the Cler∣gy confounded, and Holy Church burthen'd with divers Exactions, Taxes and Tallia∣ges; whether the Premises are grounded on Truth, the Most High well knoweth. For laying aside all Equivocation, we have incessantly studied in Mind and Spirit to conserve your Innocence, and to own it publiquely unto others: For the Conserva∣tion whereof we have hitherto prayed God, and continually do pray him, and we have often by our Letters Patents directed and shall do hereafter, that those of our Province should pour forth their Prayers for the safe and happy Conservation of your State.

But whether by the damnable Presumption of certain of your Officers, as we be∣lieve, without your Connivance, against Justice, the Layety is more than usually op∣pressed, the Clergy and Church burthen'd with divers Taxations and Talliages, as e∣vidently now appears; when from Ecclesiastical Persons that is now exacted, which they never granted. Your People also in these Days are governed by new and unu∣sual (I wish I could not say Arbitray) Laws, so that their Substance hardly sufficing for Life, will at last (unless God avert) to your great Reproach, be reduced to ex∣tream Poverty. Nor did we say, propose or publish such things with a sinister In∣tention to defame the Innocence of You, or of your Officers; since we named none in particular: But that thereby your Royal Majesty being moved, might so much the sooner apply a fit Remedy; lest thrô unlawfull Grievances the Affections of your People should (which God forbid!) lose their wonted Devotion by turning their Love into Hatred.

And because your Royal Majesty, * 14.20 after the malevolous pleasure of the Dictator of your Letters, seems to charge us; That we have endeavour'd to usurp the name of a Good Shepherd, when indeed we were nothing less, after the common Opinion, and even our own Confession, wherein we called our selves an Hireling, and that we cloa∣ked our Fox-craft with a feigned Zeal for the Liberties of the Church; whose Trou∣bles, if in Goods or Persons, it hath sustained any in your Days, are solely to be at∣tributed to our Remissness, evil Counsels and crafty Devices. To which we answer, as the subject matter permits; For the Truth called himself the Good Pastor, say∣ing, q 14.21 I am the Good Shepherd, and no other can call himself a Good Shepherd, wit∣ness the same Truth, saying, r 14.22 There is none Good save God alone. If therefore in Preaching publiquely we said,

That we were not a Good Shepherd, but an Hire∣ling; We spake after the Doctrine of our Saviour, saying, s 14.23 When you have done all those things, which are commanded you, say ye are unprofitable Servants. And Truth it self knows, that we never thought fallaciously, or by any pretence, to usurp the Name of a Good Shepherd, as we neither are nor can be. But laying aside all Fox-craft and feigned Zeal, such as we were, We (together with the other Prelates

and Proctors of the Clergy of our Province) interposed our selves for the relief of your Necessity, and the Profit, or rather Salvation of your Kingdom, which with our own eyes we beheld exposed to innumerable Dangers; doing all that in us lay, and procuring to be granted Taxes and many Subsidies, to the great burthen and grievance of the said Clergy; that by the Aid of the Subjects, the Enemies of the King, Kingdom, and Church might be drove away; and the Church and Kingdom might flourish in the calm of Peace. For which, because as it seems, by You it can∣not be reasonably laid to our Charge as a Fault, we comfort our self with the com∣mon Proverb,

Thô Others Accusations raise; t 14.24 'Tis fit that You should yield me Praise.

But as to that which is laid to our Charge, * 14.25 That by our Letters we commanded to be published in most Places of great Resort, certain Sentences of Excommunication, which were long since made in general against the Violators of the Liberties of the Church and Magna Charta, thereby to spoil the good Opinion had of the King, and to defame the Kings Ministers aforesaid, and traiterously to stir up Sedition among the People committed to the King, and to withdraw from your Royal Majesty the Hearts of the Earls, Lords and Barons of your Realm. Because the Premises seem to fling the Crime of Treason upon our Head, in which Case no King or Temporal Lord can be our Competent Judge, as is sufficiently shewed above, we protest openly and publiquely by these Presents, that we intend by what we have said, or shall say, in nothing to prejudice our State in this part, but wholly to decline the Tryal of any Secular Judge whatsoever. But yet extrajudicially to the declaration of our Inno∣cence, we do confess, nor can we deny, that we have denounced, and by Others caused to be denounced certain Sentences of Excommunication, formerly made in ge∣neral against the Violators of the Liberties of the Church and Magna Charta; but yet so, as particularly and expresly to except, as we might the Kings Person, that of the Queen and their Children: Wherein we defamed no body, since therein we nominated no body: Nor thereby, saving the Reverence of him that dictated, did we traiterously procure Sedition, or cause the People to be withdrawn from You: Who are at present obedient to You in all things, and who serve You in all things according to their Duty, as the whole World may see: But He, who knows all things, is our Witness, that as far as it was possible for us, we always, as well publiquely as privately, did induce the Lords and Commons of your Realm, to love you heartily, and to serve you in your Affairs more readily, and with all their Power to aid You, as is sufficiently known to all your Realm.

In the end of your foresaid Letters, there seem to be many things said, proposed, and generally repeated, to the slander of our Reputation. As that You being in your Minority, by our imprudent Counsel made certain prodigal Donations, unlawfull Ali∣enations, and excessive Largesses, so that thereby your Majesties Exchequer was whol∣ly exhausted; affirming further, that being corrupted with Bribes, we have without rea∣sonable Cause, released to several Persons vast Summs of Money owing unto You: And also, that we have applied to the Ʋse of our selves and our Friends, and bestow'd on other evil-deserving Persons, many of your Rents and Revenues. And that being not only an Acceptor of Bribes, but of Persons also, we have, contrary to your desire and our Oath of Fidelity made to You, admitted to publique Offices in your Dominions Persons altogether unworthy, neglecting and putting back the worthy and well-deserving: And that of a refractory Mind, we have rashly presumed to do many other things, to the detriment of the State Royal, the hurt of the Regal Dignity, and the dammage and grievance of your People, by abusing the Authority and Charge committed unto us.

Premising again the foresaid Protestation, because your Royal Majesty as it seems, doth in the Premises lay unto our Charge Perjury by way of Crime, in which cause You are not our Judge, as neither can you be, yet unto Generals we answer gene∣rally, that according to the discretion given unto us by God, being in your Offices, we always faithfully served your Royal Majesty, and in our Actions gave you, in our judgment, sound Counsel: To prodigal Donations, or unlawfull Alienations, or ex∣cessive Largesses, or Relaxations of great Sums of Money due unto You (unless up∣on good Reasons by you done) neither thrô Bribery, Hate, Love or Favour, yiel∣ding fallaciously any Assent, but to our Power conserving your Honour and Interest in the Premises, and all other Matters. And because sundry times we stiffly with∣stood several Donations and Relaxations, we often went away with small Thanks

from the Kings Servants and Others. And if particularly any thing had been made out, as to each of the Premises, we should have given a particular Answer, agreeable to God and the Truth. For at present it doth not occurr to our Memory, that your Royal Highness hath made any extraordinary Donations, we being present and know∣ing, those onely excepted, which unto certain Earls, lately by You first made, by Consent of solemn Parliament then held in your Royal Palace at Westminster, You of your Royal Bounty gave: Which then we believed and yet do, not to have been done to the Kings Prejudice, but to make for your Interest and Honour. For the Experience of things teaches, what rank they held for You and your Realm, and how much they have suffer'd and do suffer at present. But as for any Excessive Largesses or Relaxations, of the Kings Liberality made, we remember not at present, unless your Majesty would have us understand it, of one Relaxation made to a Debtor, even to all your People of England, in your last Parliament (You being pre∣sent) conven'd at Westminster: Which Grace on that occasion was granted by the Assent of the King and of the whole Parliament, on consideration of a greater Ad∣vantage thereby accruing to You, viz. that the Community of the Land should grant You a Ninth aforesaid; nor would the Community have otherwise assented to give the Subsidy of the said Ninth: Which latter Instance, where Reason sways, ought not to be imputed unto us.

But when the said Generals are declared more particularly, as the Law requires, we will give in our Answer to what shall be so declared, distinct enough: And yet one thing we shall not here omit, which we wonder that it should be objected against us; namely, that we have applied unto the use of us and of our Friends, the Kings Rents and Revenues: For the just Judge sitting in Heaven knows, that hitherto we never appli'd any of the Kings Lands, Rents or Profits, to our selves or ours; nor ever intended to apply them: But in the Affairs of You and of your Father and Grandfather, for whom we have crossed the Seas 30 times, and have often gone to and fro for Scotland, and in other your Employs, we have spent so much of our own, that of our Purses it may be said, as above in your Letters it is repeated, Here a little and there a little. For from the beginning of the Wars to this present day, we have received nothing at all from the Kings Exchequer except 300 l. And so the Evil design'd against us is remembred; but our Labours, Expences and Gratitude, are utterly forgotten of all Men. u 14.26 Therefore I may say with Job, Oh! that my sins were throughly weighed, and my Calamity laid in the Balances together; surely this would appear heavier than the sand of the Sea.

As for Acceptors of Persons, truly God is our Witness, we never were; but desi∣rous always to prefer the Kings Will, we placed, and caused to be placed Worthy Persons in Publique Offices, in whatsoever Lands or Places were subject to the Kings Government; as far as Human Condition permitted us to know the Manners of Men, according to the knowledge and power given us from above, taking therefore Gifts or Rewards of no body. And if any one will say or prove, that we have taken a∣ny Gifts or Mony from any, we shall be ready upon Occasion to answer all Plaintiffs, or Impeachers, whensoever it shall please the Kings Majesty, according to the Law and Customs of the Realm, the Honour of God, our Estate and Order being in all things preserved: Knowing (most Serene Prince) for certain, that if we might with a safe Conscience reveal the secrets of your Council, we could show openly to all the World, to whom the Failing in all the Premises ought to be imputed, in the just Judgment of God and all true Men.

Thus much for the present may suffice as to the said infamous Libel, and I wish that for your Majesties Honour, it had never been written and published; which al∣thô at the first view it seems to bespatter and wound our Reputation; yet things be∣ing seriously consider'd, as they ought to be, and the Writings therein contained, weighed in a just Scrutiny, those Men cannot avoid the blot of Treason to the King and Kingdom, who dictated this Libel, or thereto gave their Counsel and Consent, or reported the Contents thereof to our Injury, or published them to our Infamy.

Which may your Royal Majesty vouchsafe with an Upright Heart to consider; whom may that King, by whom x 14.27 Kings reign and Princes decree Justice, vouchsafe to preserve in Health, and in his own Love. Amen.

This notable and artificial Letter the Archbishop wrote in a strain agreeable to the Times, sometimes standing stiffly upon his Pontifical Authority, and the sacred Liber∣ties of the Church, sometimes humbly conceding the Regal Power, always full of submissive Courage, which was fomented by his Innocence or Dignity: But all these

Arts could neither frighten nor mollifie the Kings Exasperated Mind yet; so that he presently followed it with this Reply, which he sent as an Antidote against the Arch∣bishops Insinuations, to all the Bishops and Clergy of that Province.

X.

EDWARD by the Grace of God, King of England, and France, and Lord of Ireland,

To the Bishops, Deans, Abbots, Priors, and their Chapters, and other Ecclesiastical Persons of the Province of Canterbury, Greeting.

The Wound of Hearts, Pride, which always soareth aloft, doth often turn the Remedy to a Disease, and the Physick to Poison; And this is proved by the presumptuous Arrogance of John Archbishop of Canterbury; who, when lately he had publiquely Preached, and commanded to be Published in several places of great Resort, sundry sinister Mat∣ters, concerning Us and Ours, as more fully is contained in our Excusatory Letters to You, and others thereupon directed, now heaping up more heavy Injuries to his former endeavours, to intimate to our Liege People, that Our Excuses which We provided to heal the Wounds of Our Dignity and Royal Fame, are not true; and with Exquisite Engines to batter them, and by New Letters lately sent to You and others, with a slanderous Pen, and lying Style, more grievously and freely to defame them. And thô it be the Custom of Popes, Cardinals, and Inferior Prelates, to re∣ceive the Discourses and Letters of Kings respectfully and graciously; yet Our Ex∣cusatory Letters containing (as in due place and time We intend fully to prove) true and just Matter, he intitles Detestable Scandalous Libells, putting a false blot upon Our Name: Because if any One that hath the Custody of a Common Weal, is ready to prove those Crimes that are committed to writing, if truth corroborate his Asser∣tions, he is vindicated from the Scandal of Libelling, and is thereby accounted Praise-Worthy. He also not observing the manner of his Predecessors, who used to Ho∣nour and Love their Princes, and cause y 15.1 Supplications, Prayers, Intercessions, and gi∣ving of Thanks to be made by themselves and others, for them; and to teach them in the Spirit of Meekness, begins the Web of Faction and perverse Contention against Us, and Our Servants, in the Spirit of Pride, z 15.2 making long his Iniquity, and seek∣ing (which is the Comfort of Wretches) more Companions in his punishment: And which is worse, by his Lying Words he wickedly endeavours to precipitate into a Disrespect and Contempt of Us, his Suffragans, and other Our Devout and Loyal Sub∣jects, And althô with God, not the Heighth of a Mans Degree, but the Passing of a Good Life gains approbation, this Man Glorying in the Loftiness of his Condition, requires unto himself, as unto the Ambassador of Christ, that Reverence, which be∣ing due from Him unto Us, He doth not pay. Nay, when both He and other Pre∣lates of the Realm, who receive the Temporals of their Churches from Us, by their Oath of Allegiance do owe unto Us Faith, Honour, and Reverence, He only is not asham'd to render unto Us, instead of Faith, Treachery; in lieu of Honour, Reproach; and for Reverence, Contempt. Wherefore althô We are ready, and always have been, to respect, as is meet, Our Spiritual Fathers; yet as for their Offences which We see to abound to the Hazard of Us and of Our Kingdom, We ought not to pass them over slightly. But the said Archbishop complains, that certain Crimes were in Our said Excusatory Letters objected against him; thô absent, unheard, and with∣out Defence; and that he was condemn'd of Capital Matters, as if We (as He fool∣ishly pretends) had to the utmost proceeded criminally against him; which is not true: When We only supply'd the place of an Excuse, being compell'd of Necessity; lest We should seem to neglect Our own Reputation. But let this Cavilling Repro∣ver see, if this complaint may not justly be retorted upon his own Head, who false∣ly and maliciously in positive Words describes Us his King, and Our Counsellors, thô absent, unhear'd, and without Defence, as Oppressors and Transgressors of the Laws altogether: When as He is justly blamed, who incurrs the Fault, which he himself Reproves; and a 15.3 wherein he judgeth another, he condemneth himself; while he him∣self is found reproveable in the same thing. Moreover, althô he studied to serve, not Our Interest, but his own Covetousness; yet he upbraids and boasts, that he hath labour'd so Mightily in the Kings Affairs (to use his own Words) that thereby he feared, how he had manifoldly incurred the heavy displeasure both of God and Man: And this he might justly fear, since he may be reckon'd among that sort of Men, who according to the Prophetical taunt, b 15.4 have taught their tongues to speak lies, and weary themselves to commit Iniquity. But as to certain other false and specious Words, contained in the Letters of the said Archbishop, thô We might confute them with Reasons more clear than the Light, yet lest We should protract Discourse, We thought fit for the present not to answer them, because it is not decent to strive with a conten∣tious Man, nor agree with him in perverseness.

But We command You. firmly, in the Faith and Love, wherein You are bound un∣to Us, enjoyning You, that notwithstanding any Mandate of the said Archbishop (to which in derogation of the Royal Honour, against Your Oath of Allegiance made un∣to Us, You ought not to obey) You forthwith proceed to the Publication of those things, which in Our foresaid Excusatory Letters are contained, according to their Order.

And because We are and ought to be extreamly jealous, concerning the mainte∣nance of Our Rights and Prerogatives Royal, which the Worthily remembred Supre∣macy of Our Progenitors, Kings of England, hath Gloriously defended; and because the said Archbishop, to stir up the Clergy and People against Us, and to hinder the Carrying on of Our War, which by his Counsel principally We undertook, hath caused and commanded by others to be done, and Published certain Denunciations and Publications of Sentences of Excommunication and Monitions, Injurious and preju∣dicial to Our Crown and Dignity Royal; since thereby he endeavours in sundry Ar∣ticles to take away from Us the Jurisdiction, notoriously to Us belonging, and where∣of We, being a King Anointed, are known to be capable, and which both We and Our Progenitors (the Popes, Prelates and Clergy of Our Kingdom both knowing and allowing) have peaceably enjoy'd time out of Mind, to the Hurt of Our Maje∣sty Royal, and the manifest derogation of Our Rights and Kingly Prerogatives: We therefore strictly, and upon your Peril, forbid You, that neither by your selves, nor by others, you make; nor, as much as in you lies, by others suffer to be made any such undue Publications, Denuntiations, or Monitions, Prejudicial and Derogatory to Our Rights and Prerogatives Royal; or any thing else, whereby Our Liege Subjects may be stirred up against Us, or the Carrying on of Our War may be any way hin∣dred, to the Subversion of Us, and of Our Liege People (which God forbid) at the Command of the Archbishop, or any other whatsoever: And if any thing in this kind hath by You been attempted, that forthwith You Repeal it.

Witness Our Self

at the Tower of London, the 31 of March, in the Year of Our Reign of England the 15, and of France 2.

This truly Royal Command of the Kings being obey'd by all the Bishops of the Province of Canterbury, the King resolved to maintain the Rights of his Crown, and Summons a Parliament, to which also the Archbishop is cal∣led, c 15.5 the Kings Royal Protection being Granted him, that he might safely come thither.

XI. On the d 15.6 Ninth of April, being Easter e 15.7 Monday, King Edward held his High Court of Parliament at Westminster; the Causes whereof were declared to be, how the King might be speedily supply'd with the Grants, yielded unto him last Year, upon his passing in Person against his Enemy, Philip of Valois, who had taken away part of the Dutchy of Guienne, much part of which Grant was kept from the King by Evil Officers: Also secondly, how more plenty of Money might be raised, and whether Florens were to be current with Sterling. After which Declaration was made in the Kings Name, that whoever of his Subjects should think themselves hardly used either by the King, or his Officers, upon Complaint and Proof made, should have their Remedy.

The mean while the Archbishop, in Order to be present at this Session of Parlia∣ment, f 15.8 came to London; repaired secretly to the Bishops of London and Chichester, by whom he is convey'd to the Kings Palace, where the Parliament sat, with a great Company of Clergymen and Souldiers. Upon his Entrance into the House, the Kings Steward and Chamberlain met him; who in the Kings Name forbad him to enter the Parliament, untill in the Kings Exchequer he had undergone a Tryal concerning Crimes laid to his Charge. Canterbury, lest he should move the King too much, went into the Exchequer, and there took a Copy of the Articles, whereof his Accusation was fra∣med, to which he promised after a mature deliberation to return an Answer. Then with the Kings leave he enter'd the Parliament, and there before the Prelates and Lords of the Realm declared the causes of his coming to be for the Honour, Rights, and Liberties of the Church, for the Profit and Commodity of the Realm, and for the In∣terest and Honour of the King; and lastly, that he might clear himself in Parliament of several Crimes laid to his Charge, and Published over all England. That day there was nothing done, but the Parliament being at the Kings command Adjourn'd, every one went his way. But from g 15.9 Thursday the 12 of April, till Thursday the 19, the Par∣liament continued from day to day in debate upon this point, that the Nobles of this Land should not be put to answer, but before their Peers in open Parliament: Where∣upon are named Four Bishops, Four Earls, and Four Barons, to draw up the Platform

for the Kings View. Their h 15.10 Names were these, the Prelates Ralph Stafford Bishop of London; Ralph Shrewsbury Bishop of Bath and Wells, John Grandeston Bishop of Exceter, and Thomas Charleton Bishop of Hereford: The Four Earls were Richard Fitz-Alan Earl of Arundel, William Montagu Earl of Salisbury, William Clinton Earl of Huntingdon, and Robert Hufford Earl of Suffolk: The Four Barons were, Henry Lord Piercy, Thomas Lord Wake, Ralph Lord Basset, and the Lord Ralph Nevill. These being also to enquire concerning the Crimes laid against the Archbishop, and to prepare them for the King, among other things determin'd, that the Lord Chancel∣lor, the Lord Treasurer, and other High Officers of State, should be included under the Names of Peers; and set down a Request, that all Conditions and Estates might enjoy their proper and peculiar Liberties. By that time these things were thus for∣warded, the Archbishop came again to the Parliament, but was forbid by the Captain of the Kings Guard i 15.11 Sr. William Attewood to enter: Whereupon he spake thus to the People that flocked about him,

My Friends, the King by his Writ of Summons hath called me to this Parliament, and I, who am the Chief Peer of the Realm, and who next the King have the First Voice in Parliament, claim the Rights of my Church of Canterbury, and therefore require entrance into Parliament.

But when for all this being kept out by the Guard, he could not enter, he took his Cross in his own Hands, and solemnly protested, that he would not stir from that place, till the King gave him leave to come into Parliament, or a sufficient Reason why he should not: While he stood there in this manner, some that were by, began to revile him, telling him, that he was a Traytor, and had deceived the King, and betray'd the Realm. To whom the Arch∣bishop,

The Curse of Almighty God, and of his Blessed Mother, and of St. Thomas and Mine also, be upon the Heads of them that inform the King so, Amen, Amen.

In this hurry certain Noblemen chancing to come out, he besought them to Request the King in his behalf. and for the Right of his Church of Canterbury; this they kindly promise him to do. The mean while certain Articles cunningly contriv'd, and so as they might stir up the hate of the Common People against him, are scatter'd about in all places. The Authors of this trouble of the Archbishops were thought to be that subtle Engineer Adam Orleton Bishop of Winchester, the Lord Darcy, and Dr. William Killesby; but Winchester cunningly dissembled the Matter, and the other two were his open Enemies. However at last by the Intercession and Favour of the Lords, the King gave leave for his Admission into Parliament, where he offer'd to purge himself Lawfully in Parliament of the Crimes objected unto him: But he was referr'd to the Consideration of the Twelve Peers, who had his Cause in Hand at that time. On the 19 of April being a Thursday, k 15.12 the King came into St. Edward's Chamber, commonly called the Painted Chamber, before whom, in sight of all the Lords and Commons, the Archbi∣shop humbled himself, and required his Gracious Pardon; which upon the whole Par∣liaments General Suit and Entreaty his Majesty granted. After which the Archbishop desired, that whereas he was publiquely defamed thrô the Realm, he might now be Arraigned in Open Parliament before his Peers: But the King answer'd, he would first attend to the Common Affairs, and after that examine lighter Matters. However a little after without any more Accusation, or Answer; the King of his own accord de∣clared him Legally purged and excused, and ever after held him more Dear than before. Thus ended the Archbishops Troubles, the Matter being no more resumed, he either appearing Innocent, which is most likely, or however made so by the Kings Pardon: Thô at that time all things touching his Arraignment were deliver'd l 15.13 to remain with Dr. William Killesby, Keeper of the Privy Seal, who as We observ'd before, was thought no very Good Friend to the Archbishop. But the Gracious King it seems had a Mind not to destroy so able a Minister, but only to humble him and break his High Prelatical Obstinacy, which for a while seem'd ready to Cope with his Regal Power.

But upon occasion of this Contrast, the m 15.14 Clergy of England in this Parliament made these Requests to the King, That the Liberties of Holy Church may be kept, and the Great Charter be newly proclaim'd, and by Oath confirmed: The King answer'd, that it

was his Desire that Magna Charta should be observed; but that it seem'd to him suffici∣ent, for either that, or other their Liberties to be exemplifi'd under the Great Seal; and that more Oaths were not necessary; especially since already too many were forsworn throughout the Land.

Then they shew'd, how several of the Clergy were imprison'd by the Kings Officers without due Process, and that therefore they may be deliver'd: To which the King answer'd,

That he intended not any Clergyman should be attached against Law, and that he would be ready to hear, if any was in that Manner Impri∣son'd,

either against Magna Charta, or the Statute of Northampton.

They complain'd further, that several of the Kings Officers had entred divers Reli∣gious Houses, and have by Oath extorted a Confession of things deposited in those Houses, and them so found have carried away. The King answer'd,

that he would not his Officers should do thus: But that if Laymen to defraud Him, do conceal their Goods in such places, then the Privilege should not avail: For so the King is wronged.

On Saturday following the King thus answer'd the Petition of the Lords, which Peti∣tion was, That Magna Charta might in all points be observed so as such Persons, who are neither appealed, nor indited, nor presented at the Suit of any, and yet have their Goods, Lands, or Possessions taken away, may be restored thereto again. R.

The King granteth for Him and his Heirs for ever, that if any Person commit any Act contrary to the form of Magna Charta, or any other Good Law; he shall be lyable to answer it in Parliament, or else where he ought by Law.

The same answer he gave the Commons, whose further Petitions, with their Respective Answers, follow,

Com. That the Chancellor and other Officers of State, there named in the Records, may upon their Entrance into the said Offices be sworn to observe the Laws of the Land and Magna Charta.

K. The King willeth the same.

Com. That every Man, for Debts due to the Kings Ancestors, may have therefore Charters of Pardon, of Course out of the Chancery.

K. The King granteth.

Com. That Certain by Commission may hear the Accounts of those, who have re∣ceived Woolls, Monies, or other Aid for the King, and that the same may be enrolled in the Chancery.

K. It pleaseth the King, so as the Treasurer and Lord Chief Baron may be joy∣ned in the Commission.

Com. That the Ordinance made at Northampton, That Men of evil. Life and Conver∣sation should be attached, may be repealed: Because on Pretence thereof many Honest Men have been arrested.

K. The King doth revoke it.

Com. That many Commissions, whereby sundry Men have been fined outragiously by the Commissioners, may be revoked, and New ones granted to Others.

K. The King is pleased, that the same shall be done in the Presence of Him, of the Lords and certain of the Commons.

Com. That the Chancellor and all other Officers, there named, may be chosen in open Parliament; they at the same time to be openly sworn to observe the Laws aforesaid.

K. The King yieldeth onely thus much, that if any such Office, by the Death or other Failure of the Incumbent become void, the Choice to remain solely in the King; he taking therein the Assent of his Council; but that every such Officer shall be sworn at the next Parliament according to the Petition: and that every Parliament following, the King shall resume into his Hands all such Offices; so as the said Officers shall be left liable to answer all Objections.

Hereupon at the request of the whole Three Estates made unto the King, these Ar∣ticles were Statutes, as on the Back of the Roll doth appear: Which Statutes with the Conditions were after read before the King, his Officers being present, as the Chan∣cellor, Treasurer, Justices of both Benches, Steward of the King's Chamber and O∣thers, all which Officers were sworn on the Cross of Canterbury to perform the same: Only the Chancellor, Treasurer, and certain of the Justices refused the said Oath, as being repugnant to their former Oath and the Laws of the Realm. However for that time the Statutes and Conditions aforesaid, together with the Commissions to en∣quire after Oppressions, were exemplified under the Great Seal and deliver'd to the Lords and Commons. Althô afterwards the King judging them to entrench upon his Prerogative Royal, and consequently to be in themselves illegal, did absolutely revoke and annull them, declaring them void and of no force.

Because the King before Michaelmas then next ensuing, was to transport 20000 Sacks of Wooll; it was at this time provided, that no Subject should before that time pass over any Wooll, on peril of treble Loss, viz. of Wooll, Life and Mem∣ber: Also that during the War with France the King may charge Religious Aliens. Robert Stratford Bishop of Chichester, the Lord Robert Wake, and Sr. Robert Soding∣ton, were appointed to proportion the Wooll, according to the Assesment of the Fif∣teenth lately made, by the direction of such as had perfect Knowledge of each Coun∣ty:

Which particular Rates being accordingly made, were deliver'd and enter'd upon Roll in Chancery, and thereupon Commissions issued out for Collecting the same. And this is all I thought fit to observe of this Parliament; they that would know more, may have recourse to the Printed Books of Statutes, which in this Year agree exactly with the Record, except in one Point, touching the Revocation of the Sta∣tute aforesaid (to which some Officers would not agree) thô in the n 15.15 Print it is set here, there is no mention in the Record: Nor is it likely, that it was Revoked till two Years after, as the o 15.16 Record places it.

As to what Sr. Robert Cotton observes immediately before, that there is no men∣tion of the Revocation of the Statutes aforesaid in the Record of this Year; but for that he refers Us to the Seventeenth of this King; it is to be noted, that indeed the Statutes aforesaid were not revoked during this Session; (for then they were made) and that in a Parliamentary way they were not revoked, till the time fixed by him, viz. the 17 of Ed. 3. But that shortly after (according to the Printed Book of Statutes) the King of his meer Prerogative, without any Parliament, only by Advice of his Council, did abrogate what formerly he had, as he judg'd, unadvisedly Enact∣ed; and this being done this Year, was two Years after confirmed by Act of Parlia∣ment. But for the Rarity of the Case, I shall subjoyn the Form of the Kings Revoca∣tion; which is this:

EDWARD, by the Grace of God, King of England, and France, and Lord of Ireland,

to N. N. Sheriff of Lincoln, Greeting.

Whereas at Our Parliament Sum∣moned at Westminster in the XV of Easter last past, Certain Articles, expresly con∣trary to the Laws and Customs of our Realm of England, and to our Prerogatives and Rights Royal, were pretended to be granted by Us by the manner of a Sta∣tute: We considering, how that by the Bond of our Oath We be bound to the Observance and Defence of such Laws, Customs, Rights and Prerogatives, and Providently Willing to Revoke those things, which be so improvidently done, to a due State; Counsel and a Treatise thereupon had with the Earls, Barons, and o∣ther Wise Men of our said Realm: And for because We never consented to the making of the said Statute, but as then it behoved Us, We dissembled in the Pre∣mises by Protestations of Revocation of the said Statute, if indeed it should pro∣ceed, to eschew the Dangers, which by denying of the same We feared to come; forasmuch as the said Parliament otherwise had been without any Expedition in Dis∣cord dissolved, and so our earnest business had likely been, which God prohibit, in Ru∣ine; And the said pretenced Statute We promised then to be Sealed.

It seemed to the said Earls, Barons, and other Wise Men, that sithence the said Statute did not of our Free Will proceed, the same should be void, and ought not to have the Name nor strength of a Statute.

And therefore by their Counsel and Assent, We have Decreed the said Statute to be void, and the same, inasmuch as it proceeded of Deed, We have brought to be annulled: Willing nevertheless, that the Articles contained in the said pretenced Statute, which by other of Our Statutes, or of Our Progenitors, Kings of England, have been approved, shall according to the form of the said Statute in every point, as convenient is, be observed. And the same We do only to the Conservation and Redintegration of the Rights of Our Crown, as We be bound, and not that We should in any Wise aggrieve or oppress Our Subjects; whom We desire to rule by Lenity and Gentleness. And therefore We do command You, that all these things You do to be openly proclaimed in such places within your Bayliwick, where You shall see ex∣pedient.

Witness my self at Westminster the First day of October, the XV Year of Our Reign.

This is the Famous Revocation, which thô put among the Printed Statutes, was meerly the Result of the Kings Prerogative Royal; and yet in those days Esteemed of sufficient Force, and as so, afterwards confirmed by Act of Parliament, as We shall see two Years hence.

CHAPTER the NINETEENTH.

The CONTENTS.

I. King Philip of France wins the Emperour to his side. II. The Emperours Letters of Revocation to King Edward. III. King Edwards answer thereto. IV. The sudden Death of the Duke of Bretagne without Issue: With the several Pretences of the Earl of Montford, and Charles of Blois to that Dukedom. V. Earl Montford seises his Fathers Treasure, calls a. Parliament, and goes forth with an Army to conquer his Inheritance. VI. He goes into England, does Homage to King Edward, as true King of France for that Dukedom, and implores his Protection. VII. On Charles of Blois his Complaint to King Philip, Earl Montford is Summon'd to appear in the Chamber of France: He comes to Paris, but being in doubt, gets secretly away a∣gain. VIII. The Dukedom adjudged to the Lord Charles of Blois. IX. King Phi∣lip promises unto him his Assistance, and confiscates the Earldom of Montford; which King Edward requites by giving the Earldom of Richmond unto the said Earl. X. Charles of Blois descends into Bretagne, besieges Nantes, and takes the Earl of Montford, who is sent Prisoner to Paris. XI. The Countess of Montford prepares to renew the War. XII. King Edward keeps his Christmas at Melros-Abbey, and the Earl of Darby at Roxborough; whither certain Scotch Knights come to exercise Feats of Arms. XIII. Queen Philippa deliver'd of her Fifth Son, called Edmund of Langley: His Christening solemnized with a Feast and Turneament: Which is falsly said to have been for love of the Countess of Salisbury. XIV. A small Digression concerning Francis Petrarch the Italian Poet. XV. The Lord Douglas besieges Strive∣ling, and takes it. King Edward goes against Scotland with a Royal Army: The Scotch Lords offer Conditions to obtain a Truce, which are accepted. XVI. King David of Scotland returns home again, raises an Army, and enters England, lays Siege to Newcastle, but leaves it again. XVII. The Captain of Newcastle rides post with the News to King Edward, who prepares for Resistance. XVIII. King David takes and destroys the City of Durham. XIX. He lays Siege to the Castle of Werke, the Story of King Edwards Amours with the Countess of Salisbury exploded. XX. The Captain of the Castle passes thrô the Scotch Host in the Night, to hasten King Ed∣ward to his Relief: On Knowledge whereof the King of Scotland Retires. XXI. King Edward comes before the Castle of Werke, and the next Day follows the Scots. XXII. A Truce taken between the two Kings, with the several Reasons inducing them thereto: The Earls of Murray and Salisbury acquitted their Ransoms.

I. ALL this while, thô the Truce between France and England had more than Two Years to continue, King Philip knowing, that Truces are but Op∣portunities for Wise Enemies to improve to their Advantage, like a Poli∣tick and Wary Prince, thought good to take this time to recruit himself, and to provide more strongly against a War; which the Competition for a Crown seem'd to Entayl to future Ages. And first, after King Edward's own Method, he desired to Establish himself with the Accession of some Powerfull Friends: The Flemings he could by no means expect to prevail with, while Jacob van Arteveld bore any Authority a∣mong them; and the Earl of Hainalt was too much incensed to be wrought upon; and the Duke of Brabant, and other Lords of the Empire were still hamper'd in the Triple League made at Villenort; Nor indeed did it seem feasable to gain any great foot∣ing in the Empire; till the Emperour himself might be brought over. The Emperours Friendship therefore seem'd, as more considerable, so upon many Accounts more at∣tainable. Lewis the Emperour had now to Wife the Lady Margaret, Eldest Daugh∣ter to Jane of Valois, King Philips Sister: Besides he knew him extream desirous to be Reconciled, to the Church, if he might obtain Absolution from the Pope on no Disho∣nourable Conditions; and King Philip had at that time the Popes Keys under his Girdle; the Court of Rome being at Avignon in France. The Emperour therefore he now se∣cretly and effectually plyes by the Popes Letters, and his own Ambassadors, offering him

both Temporal and Spiritual Advantages, great Gifts and Pensions, together with a Frank and easie Absolution from his long-continued Excommunication. These things took with him so well; that he presently sent unto King Edward these his Letters of Re∣vocation.

II.

a 16.1 Lewis by the Grace of God, Emperour of the Romans, always Augustus, to Edward King of England, his Beloved Brother, Greeting and unfeigned Love. Al∣thô innumerable and arduous Affairs do lie upon our shoulders, and We are variously and perpetually encumbred about them; yet notwithstanding, when the Discord a∣risen between You and Philip King of France, our Beloved Cosin, which (unless it be appeased) may for the future bring forth both to You and to your People hea∣vy Losses, both of many Mens Lives and Fortunes, doth represent it self unto our Eyes, it more especially torments our Mind, and moves Us to apply all our Dili∣gence, Care and Labour to take it up. Wherefore We give You to understand, that the foresaid Philip, at our Request, hath given unto Us by his Letters, Autho∣rity and Power, to moderate between You and Him about this Discord stirred up be∣tween You, in order to the obtaining of a Peace. Which Peace (duly considering the whole State of You and your Allies) we believe to be very expedient for You and your Kingdom: And therefore perswade your Friendly Charity, and earnestly exhort You to give also Your Consent thereto: So that We may thereby bring You and Him to an Agreement, and establish between You a firm Peace; whereunto with a ready Mind We will apply Our selves, and take pains in vigorously prosecuting the same. Wherein if You will consent to our Advice, and as We hope, acquiesce there∣in, may it please You by your Letters to give unto Us. the foresaid Power of Treat∣ing about an Agreement, and of Ordaining a Truce for a Year or two more. Nei∣ther let it move You, that between Us and Philip King of France, a Friendship is made and contracted: For since You took a Truce and certain Limits, wherein to treat of an Agreement between You and the said King of France, without our Know∣ledge, Will and Assent; We also by the Advice of our Princes, who know the Tyes, Bonds and Covenants betwixt Us (to whom also it seem'd, that saving our Honour We might do the same) have contracted an Agreement and Friendship with the said King of France; and therefore for the Causes aforenoted, do revoke and call back the Lieutenantship, assigned unto You by our Letters. Nevertheless giving you for certain to understand, that We shall in our Treaties make such Brotherly Provision for You; that if You will acquiesce in our Counsels, your Cause (by means of our Counsel) shall be brought to a good Issue. About which Matters further to inform your Charity of our Intention, We have sent unto your Brotherhood a Religious Person, Frier b 16.2 Everhard, Reader of the Order of Friers Hermits of St. Augustine, and Chaplain in Ordinary of our Court: Whom about the Premises. We desire to be speedily dispatched unto Us again. Dated at Frankford the 14 Day of June, in the 27 Year of our Reign, and the 14 of our Empire.

III. King Edward made no more of all this, knowing the unconstancy of that Prince, but only return'd him this respectfull and rational Answer.

To the most Renowned Prince, the Lord Lewis, by the Grace of God, Roman Emperour, always Augustus, Edward by the same Grace, King of France and England, and Lord of Ireland, Greeting and perpetual Happiness. We have reverently received the Letters of your Highness, containing among other things, that upon your Re∣quest, Philip of Valois hath by his Letters given unto You Power to treat of an A∣greement between Us and Him; and that if it would please Us to give unto You Power therefore, You would willingly endeavour Your utmost, toward the bringing about the said Agreement; And that the Friendship between You and Philip should not move Us; For since without your Knowledge and Assent we took a Truce and Limits, wherein to treat of Peace between Us and the said Philip; You also have contracted the said Friendship with him by the Advice of your Princes, to whom it seem'd, that saving your Honour, You might do so much; and have also revoked the Lieutenantship by You granted unto Us. Certainly the Zeal which You have to make the said Agreement We very much commend. c 16.3 And truly it would be very agreeable and acceptable to Us, if at the Instance of so great an Umpire a de∣sirable Peace may be obtained. But forasmuch as We know our Right and Title to the Realm of France to be clear enough; We purpose not by our Letters of Commission to any one, to leave it under doubtfull Arbitrement. But when We seriously consider and revolve, how your Highness, upon mature Deliberation, be∣holding our manifest Right, and the obstinate Pertinacy and Violence of the said

Philip, did of your Grace make a League with Us against the said Philip, admitting Us out of the Exuberance of your Love, as a particular Child of Adoption, to speak by your leave, We cannot sufficiently admire; That your Invincible Highness, being constituted of God, for the d 16.4 Praise of them that do well, and for the Punishment of Evil-doers, hath made a League against Us with the said Philip, our injurious and notorious Enemy. And as to that which You say, that without your Know∣ledge and Assent, We took a Truce with the said Philip, in Order to a Treaty about a Peace, the Circumstances of the Fact being rationally weighed, it ought not to move You; For while We besieged the City of Tournay, it was requisit we should follow their Counsels, who then gave us their Aid and Society; and the near Ap∣proach of Winter, and the Distance of place would not permitt Us to advise with your Highness about the Premises. Nay, if you remember, your Grant unto Us was otherwise, namely, that if a fit Opportunity was offer'd, We might without your Advice or Knowledge hold a Treaty of Peace; but so, as that without your Con∣sent We should by no means make a final Peace with the said Philip; which We never purposed to do, till we should have had thereupon your Counsel and Assent. But it was Our desire in all things to bear Our selves, as we ought toward You, ac∣cording to our Abilities, hoping that the Fulness of your Brotherly Kindness would more lovingly have supported Us for a time. It is also thought by some, that the Revocation of the said Lieutenantship was prematurely made: Whereas according to your Promise herein given unto Us by your Imperial Letters, it ought not to have been made, untill we had obtained the Kingdom of France, or the greater Part there∣of. We desire your Excellence duly to weigh the Premises, and to do farther what shall seem most requisit: Because, by the Grace of God, We intend after our Abilities to gratifie both You and Yours, according to the measure of your Benevolence be∣stowed upon Us. The Almighty grant unto your Highness as much Felicity, as your Heart can wish. Dated at London the 18 of July, in the 2^d Year of our Reign of France, and of England the 15.

IV. Now for a while we might expect to have liberty, wholly to divert to Acti∣ons of Peace, the Truce being prolonged with France for two Years more, and that with Scotland not yet expiring, till the Feast of St. John Baptist next ensuing. But King Edwards Destiny, which mark'd him out for Action, or rather the evil Genius of France, was even now working to break the Truce, and to set open the Gates of War again.

The Occasion was given first in Bretagne: For e 16.5 after the Truce had been confirmed and sealed before the City of Tournay, and every Man was gone his way, the Lord John Dreux, then Duke of Bretagne, who had been there on the French Kings side, in as gallant an Equipage as any other Prince whatsoever, upon his Return homewards, fell suddenly sick of a mortal Disease, and died in little Bretagne, and was buried at f 16.6 Ploermell in the Diocess of Nantes. He had been thrice married, first to Isabell, Daughter of Charles Earl of Valois and Alanson, and Sister to King Philip of Valois; secondly to Blanch, Daughter of the King of Castille; and lastly to Margaret Daugh∣ter of Edward Earl of Savoy; but yet died without any Issue: From whence a last∣ing War was entailed upon his Country; which occasionally also involved the Realms of France and England. This same Duke g 16.7 had two younger Brethren, the one by the Fathers side onely of a second Venter, named John, Earl of Montfort, who was then living; the other named Guy, Earl of Pentebria, his Brother both by Father and Mo∣ther side, was dead indeed, but had left one Daughter behind him named Jane, which her Uncle the late Duke had before his Death married to the young Lord Charles Castillion, Eldest Son to Guy Earl of Blois, by another Sister of King Philip of France. Upon which Marriage the said King promised, after the Decease of her Uncle Duke John, to uphold and maintain the said Charles, her Husband in the Dukedom of Bre∣tagne. For the late Duke always suspected vehemently, that his Half-brother Mon∣ford would struggle for the Inheritance after his Death, against the Daughter of his own Brother Guy, to whom he reckon'd it more justly belonged. That she might therefore find an able Friend upon Occasion to abett her Quarrel, he thus wisely to his thinking, match'd her with a Son of King Philips Sister. And accordingly King Philip, however partial he was in King Edwards Cause, who claim'd the Crown of France by a Title derived from a Woman, yet without any Scruple undertook to defend the Title of his Nephew Charles to this Dukedom, as we shall shew at large anon.

V. However John Earl of Monford had this Advantage, that he h 16.8 first heard of

the Duke his Brothers Death; and thereupon resolving not to dally in a matter of such Consequence, he rode immediately to Nantes, the chief City in Bretagne; where, upon his fair Address to the Burgesses, and those of the Country thereabouts, he was forthwith received as their Chief Lord, and had Homage and Fealty done unto him. Then the Earl and his Lady Margaret, Daughter to i 16.9 Robert late Earl of Flan∣ders, and Sister to Lewis of Cressy the present Earl of Flanders, a Lady of a most Masculine Spirit, determin'd by Advice of their Council, to call a Court of Parliament, and keep a Solemn Feast on such a Day at Nantes; against which time the Earl of Montford sent forth his Summons to all the Nobles and Representatives of the good Towns of Bretagne, to be there to render their Homage and Fealty unto Him, as unto their Soveraign Lord. But in the mean while, before the time of the Feast came; the Earl of Montford went from Nantes with a competent Number of Men of Arms unto Limoges (the Chief Town of Limousin, whereof the Dukes of Bretagne were Vicounts) where he was informed, that the vast Treasures, which his Father Arthur had amassed together, were securely kept. Being come thither he enter'd the City in great Pomp and Splendour, and was honourably received of all the Clergy, Burgesses and Commons; who then and there made Homage, and swore Fealty unto him. Here he handled the Matter so discreetly, that he had all that inestimable Treasure deli∣ver'd up to him, which of a long time before his Father had gather'd and strongly se∣cur'd, with this Injunction left to his Son, that he should not meddle therewith till he should be brought to some Extremity. So having obtained this hitherto untouch'd Prize, he brought it away with him to Nantes, to the Countess his Wife, as the most able Nerves of the War, which he expected.

By this time was the Day of the Solemn Feast come; but no Breton of any great Name or Quality was found to be concern'd at Monfords Summons; onely one valiant and wealthy Lord, named Sr. Henry du Leon, came thither to yield him his Ober∣sance. However the Feast was continued for three Days with much Real Pomp, but Feigned Cheer, because it look'd so ill, that his Cause was so universally discounte∣nanced by the Nobility and Gentry. After the Feast it was resolved, that all the New-found Treasure should be set apart for Wages for Men of War, both Horse and Foot, which the Earl design'd to retain on all Hands; as well to constrain the Re∣bellious, as to maintain the Dutchy against his Adversary.

Being therefore as soon as might be, well furnished with Men of War and Chosen Captains from divers Countries, he resolved to March forth, and either by Love or Force, make himself Lord of all Bretagn. The first Place he design'd to attempt was the strong Castle of Brest, standing upon an Arm of the Sea, the Captain whereof was the Lord Garnier Clisson, a Noble Knight, and one of the Greatest Barons of Bre∣tagne. Earl Monford, all along in his Passage thither, prest the Men of the Country to his Service, none daring to refuse; so that by that time he came thither, his Forces were mightily encreased; Brest and Nantes being distant almost the whole length of Bretagne one from another. Being come to the Castle, he sent the Lord Henry du Leon to summon the Captain to yield up the Place, and to obey the Earl, as his Lord and Duke of Bretagn. The Captains Answer was short,

That he was not inclin'd to do any such Matter, till he should be commanded so to do by the Right Heir of that Dukedom.

So the next day an Assault was given; But within the Castle were 300 Men of Arms besides Others, and all things were well disposed for Defence: Wherefore the Captain full of Courage came to the Barriers with 40 good Men of Arms, and made a very brave Resistance. But so many of the Assailants came thither, that at last the Barriers were won by fine Force, the Defendants being obliged to retire toward the Castle in some Confusion, having lost several of their Company: But the Captain did so much, that he secur'd the Retreat to the rest, as far as the first Gate: When those who kept the Ward thereof, fearing from what they saw, more mischief, in an ill time let down their Portcullis, and shut their Captain out with most of his Company, who fought with him in the Reer with much Resolution and Bravery. Thus they all re∣main'd without, expos'd to eminent Danger; for the Captain would never yield himself upon any Account: The mean while from within they cast out Stones, Timber, Iron∣barrs, with Pots of quick Lime in such quantities, that the Assailants were enforced to draw a little back; at which instant the Portcullis being something raised, the Cap∣tain, and those few left alive with him made shift to get in, thô all grievously woun∣ded. The next Day the Earl caused certain Engines to be raised, vowing, that he would not stir thence till he had reduced them. The third Day he understood for

certain, that the Captain within was dead of his Wounds: Whereupon to encrease their Terror, he commanded the Assault to be renewed, the Ditches to be filled, and the Engines to be raised: All this was done, and the Bickering continued with much Heat and Violence till noon; at which time the Earl declared unto the Besieged by Proclamation;

That if they would yield, and accept of him for their Lord, accor∣ding to their Duty, he would freely pardon them all of their Lives and Goods.

Here∣upon they required Respite; so the Assault ceasing they call'd a Council of War, and presently after yielded on the foresaid Conditions. The Earl presently enter'd with a certain Number, took the Fealty of the Castlewick, and having set over them a Valiant Captain in whom he confided, and order'd the Garrison as he thought best, he return'd to the Camp with great joy at this his prosperous Beginning.

From thence he marched Eastward to the City of k 16.10 Rennes, standing on the River of Vilaine; and still, as he proceeded, he received the Homage of the People, and greatly encreased his Host, by those whom he prest to his Service. Being come be∣fore the place, he pitch'd his Tents, and lodged his Army-round about, and in the Sub∣urbs: The Besieged were fully determin'd to defend themselves to the extremity, and their Captain was one Sr. Henry Penfort, a Man mightily beloved in the City for his Integrity and Valour. Early one Morning this brave Gentleman Sallied out with two Hundred Horse, and strack into the Camp, beating down Pavilions, and murder∣ing and wounding at his Pleasure. The Alarm being given, all those Troops, who in several parts of the Camp were then upon Duty, drew thitherward apace, others ma∣king all haste to follow them. By this the Men of Rennes began to draw off, but so slowly, because as yet they did not see all their Danger; that being presently in a man∣ner surrounded, many were slain, and more taken, among whom was the Captain him∣self. Him they brought Prisoner to the Earl, who understanding, that he was mighti∣ly beloved by all the City, immediately caused him to be presented before the Town; offering to the Burgesses, that if they intended to save their Captains Life, they should deliver up the place to the Earl, otherwise he should be hanged before their Gates. Upon this the Besieged desired time to consider; but different Opinions prolonged the Counsel; for the Commons loved their Captain wonderfully, and had great pity of his hard case, which he had incurr'd for their Sakes: And besides they saw, they were not able to hold out long for want of Provisions; wherefore they were for accepting Con∣ditions of Peace: But the Rich Burgesses who had enough for themselves, and being all of one mind and well-nigh all Related together, by intermingled Affinity, drew a∣part by themselves, and proclaimed; that all, who were of their side, should follow them; so that presently they were about two Thousand. At this the Commons, who were far more in number, began first highly to rate them with bitter words, and immediately proceeded to wound and kill several of them: Till the Burgesses, who now saw their folly, to prevent further mischief, agreed with the Commons to yield up the City. Which was done accordingly, and so the Captains Life was saved, and he received into the Earls Favour, and made of his Privy Council, and Rennes submitted to accept of Earl Montford for her Lord.

l 16.11 When the Commons had presented the Keys of the City to the Earl, and set their Gates wide open, he marched in with a sufficient Number, the rest of his Army being left in the Fields: And having first made Peace between the Burgesses and Commons, he then Created new Provost, Aldermen, Bayliffs, Serjeants, and other Officers, and within the space of three days, set all things in very good Order, shewing himself very gracious to the Inhabitants. After that he raised his Camp, and took the Left hand, marching Southerly, toward the very strongest Castle in all Bretagne, called Henne∣bond, a Sea-port Town, about which the Sea also ran round in great and deep Tren∣ches. When Sr. Henry Penfort perceived the Earls Resolution to go thither, he was mightily concerned for his Brother, Sr. Oliver Penfort, the Captain of that Fortress, whom he ever loved entirely; lest he should miscarry in obstinately defending the place. At last he consider'd on a subtle project, whereby he might both keep his Faith to his New Lord the Earl, and also save his Brother, whether he would, or no. And with this thought he thus spake to the Earl in Council,

My Lord Duke, of an Enemy and a Prisoner, it hath pleased You 〈◊〉〈◊〉 admit me for one of Your Counsellors, and I have given You my Faith and Allegiance to serve You Loyally and truly: Where∣fore I think my self obliged to discover unto You, what I presume will not be unser∣viceable to Your Affairs. I understand, Sir, how you are resolv'd to lay Siege to Hen∣nebond; which I pray God, may fall into Your Power cheaply. But Sir, be assured of a Truth, that both the Town and Castle are of such Strength, that they are in a man∣ner

Impregnable. I rather believe You may lose your time there an whole Year, before You shall be able to take it by force. But Sir, if You will please to repose any Con∣sidence in me, I'll shew You the most likely and easie way how to win it: For where the Lions skin will not do alone, the Fox's must be sow'd unto it; and subtlety and fineness are to be used, when force will not avail. If You will therefore deliver to my Conduct 500 Men of Arms, to be wholly govern'd at my Orders, I will ride with them half a League before Your Host, with the Banner of Bretagne, and my own Arms before me. Whereupon, I nothing doubt, but that my Brother Oliver, who is Governour both of the Town and Castle, when he shall see the Banner of Bretagne, and know, that I am there, will readily open the Gates, and receive me, and all my Company gladly. And if so, I will then take him Prisoner, seising both on Town and Castle in your Name, and will deliver my Brother into Your Hands, unless he will consent to embrace Your Service: But Sir, I must require Your Faith and Pro∣mise, that however You will do no bodily hurt to his Person.

The Earl was won∣derfully pleased with this Device, and sware, that his Brother should by no means suffer the least Personal harm, saying further,

Sr. Henry, if you can bring this about, I shall love you the better for it, whilest I live.

Presently he had his 500 Men al∣lotted him, with whom he rode forth before the Army, and toward the Evening arri∣ved before Hennebond: When the Captain Sr. Oliver Penfort heard, and saw, and knew, that his Brother was there, supposing he came with that force to his Assistance, he immediately open'd the Gates, and received him with all his Men, himself hasting forward joyfully to salute him in the street. When Sr. Henry saw him, he hasted for∣ward to meet him, and taking him suddenly by the Arm, for the first Complement, said,

Brother Oliver, now You are my Prisoner.

How so, cry'd his Brother, amazed? Did I put my Confidence in your Kindness, expecting, you were come to my Assi∣stance in defence of this place, and am I now deceived? Brother, reply'd Sr. Henry, the matter is nothing so: I am come hither to take Possession of this Town and Castle for my Lord, the Earl of Montford, who is now Duke of Bretagne, and fol∣lows us just at our heels: To him I have made fealty and Homage, and the greater part of the Country obeys him, as You also are like to do now. But surely it were better for You to do it of choice, than by compulsion; and You will receive more thanks for your pains, for the Duke is a Gracious Prince, I'll assure you.

Upon these and the like Words, together with the Consideration of his present Condition, Sr. Oliver presently consented; and so the Earl, without one stroke given, or taken, was admitted into Hennebond, where he set a good Garrison. Thence he marched with all his Army to Vannes, another considerable City, which after a small Treaty, upon Fame of his Success, open'd her Gates, and received him for her Soveraign Lord. Here ha∣ving in three days time Established all manner of Officers, and given necessary Orders, he went thence and laid Siege to a strong Castle, called la Roche Bernard, on the o∣ther side the Vilaine, whereof Sr. Oliver Clisson, Cosin German to the Lord Clisson, was Captain: The Siege here lasted ten days; but the place was too strong to be won by force, and neither threats, nor promises could work upon the Governour. Where∣fore the Earl thought fit to rise thence for the present, and go and attempt the Ca∣stle of Auray, about 10 Leagues Westward from la Roche Bernard, and very consi∣derable for its strength and scituation, it standing on an Arm of the Morbihan, be∣tween Vannes and Blavet. The Captain thereof at that time was the Lord Geoffry de Malestroit, who had with him another Valiant Knight, Named, Sr. John de Triguier. The Earl gave them two notable Attacks, which they as worthily sustained; so that when he saw, he might lose more there, than he could hope to win, he thought to try them by fair means, and so gave them a Truce for one Day, at the Request and Advice of the Lord Henry du Leon, who was always near him. This short time Sr. Henry made so good use of; that by his fair Words and Perswasions they were con∣tent to hold the Castle for the Earl John, and to yield him their Homage, as their True and Lawfull Lord. This done, the Earl left them still Captains of the place, and the Country about, and then passed forth to another strong Castle, called Gony en la Forest; which they prepared to Assault. The Captain thereof saw well what great forces the Earl had with him, and how in a manner all the Country fainted before him; so that by the perswasion of Sr. Henry du Leon, with whom the Cap∣tain had kept good Company formerly in the Holy War in Prussia and Granada, and other Foreign Parts, he was at last contented to keep that place for the Earls behoof for the future; to whom he then made his Homage. After this the Earl went to Karhais, whereof at that time a Bishop (who was Uncle to Sr. Henry du Leon) was

Governour: But he by means of his Nephew was brought off to own the Earl for his Lord, till some other should come, who could shew more Right to that Dutchy.

VI. Thus Earl m 16.12 John conquer'd almost whereever he went, and seriously took up∣on him the State and Title of Duke of Bretagne; but by Advice of his Council he was perswaded to have recourse to some Powerfull Protector, that upon occasion might uphold him against the French King, who doubtless would take the Part of his Nephew, Charles of Blois. Having therefore bestow'd his Men about in Garrisons, and provided sufficiently for the Defence of his Country, he took shipping for England, with some of his Chief Lords in his Company, and arrived safe at a Port in Cornwall; where, upon Enquiry, understanding, that King Edward was at Windsor, thither he went, and was very welcome to the King, Queen, and Lords of England. There he declared to the King, and his Council,

How he had taken Possession of the Dutchy of Bretagne, devolved unto him by Right of Succession, upon the Death of his El∣der Brother, the late Duke: But that he feared, lest the Lord Charles of Blois, by help of his Uncle the French King, would at last force him from his Right: Where∣fore, he said, He was come thither to receive and to hold that Dukedom of the King of England, as true King of France, and his Soveraign Lord, by Fealty and Homage, for him and his Heirs for ever: Desiring him to Defend him in his Quar∣rel against the French King, or whosoever else should molest him about that Matter.

King Edward consider'd, that his War with France should be much furthered by the Accession of so great a Prince; and that there was no way more Commodious for him to pass into France, than by Bretagne; especially remembring, that the Germans and Brabandens had done him small, or no service, but had made him spend much Money to little purpose; and that now since the Emperour, whose Letters he had just then received, was also fallen off, there would be little good done for him by any Lords of the Empire: upon these Reasons, He readily condescended to the Earl of Montford's Request, and then, and there received Homage of him, as Duke of Bretagne. Which done, in Presence of all the Lords, as well English, as Bretons, that were there, he promised to Aid, Defend, and Sustain him as his Liegeman, against either the French King, or a∣ny other whatsoever. This Homage and this Promise being interchangeably Sealed, and deliver'd, the King and Queen presented the Earl and his Company with such great Gifts, and so Royally entertain'd them, that they accounted King Edward to be a most Noble Prince, and Worthy to Reign in much Prosperity. After this the Earl took his leave of England, and arrived in short space at an Haven in lower Bretagne, whence he went to Nantes to his Lady; who applauded his League with England, as likely to be of most Advantage to his Affairs. But the Matter was kept very close, and none but his Council knew certainly of it; for he had not been above Eight or Ten Days a∣broad in all, and the Nantois thought he had visited some other Parts of his Dominions that while.

VII. When the Lord n 16.13 Charles Castillion, commonly called Sr. Charles of Blois, who look'd upon himself as true Heir of Bretagne, in Right of his Wife, heard of all the Conquests that the Earl had made in that Country, which he took for his own, he addrest himself to his Uncle King Philip, to complain of these Injuries. The King deliberating what course to take in this Affair, was in the end counselled to summon the Earl of Montford by sufficient Messengers, to make his Personal Appea∣rance at Paris by such a day, there to answer to what should be objected against him, in the Chamber of France. Messengers were accordingly sent, who found him at Nantes keeping of a Solemn Festival: Here he treated them highly, and then having well understood their Errand, answer'd, that he would punctually obey the Kings Commandment. Soon after being prepared for his Journey, he rode from Nantes to∣ward Paris with a Princely Equipage of 400 Horse in his Company. The next day after his Arrival, he rode with this Great Attendance to the Palace Royal: Where the King and the 12 Peers, with other High Lords of France expected his coming, with the Young Lord, Charles of Blois in their Company. The Earl was conducted to the Kings Chamber; being highly regarded, and civilly saluted in his Passage thither by all the Lords, for the Fame of his great Exploits, and the Grandeur of his Per∣son. When he 〈◊〉〈◊〉 before the King, he enclin'd his Body something low and said,

Sir, I am come hither in Obedience to your Command and Pleasure.

The King an∣swer'd,

Earl Montford, for that you have so done I give you thanks: But I won∣der how you durst take upon You the Dukedom of Bretagne, whereunto you have no Right: For there is another nearer than your Self, whom you seek to disinhe∣rit:

And to maintain your unjust Quarrel by Violence, you have been with mine Adversary the King of England; to whom as I am enformed you have done Ho∣mage for the same.

The Duke who thought it impossible, that the King should know this Conveyance of his, reply'd not without some Confusion,

Sir, I beseech your Majesty not to believe any such Matter, for You are not rightly informed, as to that Point: But Sir, as for the Right which You mention, saving your Displea∣sure, You do me wrong to question it. For Sir, I know of none living so near to my Brother deceased as my Self. And if it can be made appear by Right Law and Judgment, that there is any Person nearer than I am; I am not He that should rebell against Reason, or be asham'd to renounce what I had unjustly usurped.

Well Sir (rejoyn'd the King) you say well: But I command you in whatever you hold of me, not to stirr from this City of Paris these Fifteen days; in which space the 12 Peers and Lords of my Realm shall consider impartially on the Matter: And then you shall know where the Right lies. And if you shall presume to do other∣wise, be assured we shall not be Friends.

The Earl having promis'd all should be at his Pleasure, went from the Court home to his Lodgings to Dinner: But having din'd, he mus'd much with himself in his Chamber, and thought he had done too rashly in coming thither, where he should be oblig'd to stand to the Award of such as were byass'd another way. At last being o 16.14 disguised like a Merchant, and only three in his Company, he privately took horse in a clear Night, and leaving the City, got home into Bretagne, before the King or any else, knew what was become of him. Being come to Nantes, he shew'd unto his Countess, what he had done and wherefore; and then by her Advice, he rode about to all the Towns and Fortresses, which he had won, and set over them Vallant and Loyal Captains with sufficient Numbers of Souldiers, Horse and Foot, and gave them large Wages before-hand.

VIII. For some p 16.15 time the Court of France thought, he had been detain'd in his Lodgings by some Indisposition; seeing his Servants constantly about the House, and tending his Affairs, as if present. But they also getting off by degrees, when his De∣parture was fully known, it may be guessed, how deeply King Philip resented this Af∣front. But for all that he kept so much decorum, as to tarry till the 15^th Day came, whereon the Peers were to give their final Judgment concerning the Dukedom of Bretagne. At the time appointed the Case was adjudged clearly in behalf of Sr. Charles of Blois his Lady, Jane, who was Daughter and Heir to Guy, Earl of Pentebria, Bro∣ther German to the Duke last deceased, and therefore was now declared to have more Right than John Earl of Monford, q 16.16 who was Younger Brother to the said Ladies Fa∣ther by a second Venter, namely by Violanta, sole Daughter and Heir of Almaric; Earl of Narbon and Montford. They alledged further, that althô the Earl of Mont∣ford had had the Right, yet now he had forfeited it on two Accounts; First, because he had received the Dutchy of another Lord, than of the French King, of whom only he ought to hold it; and secondly, because he had broken the Kings express Com∣mand, and disobeyed his Arrest in going away: Wherefore neither would they r 16.17 ad∣mit of his Request, which was to accept of his Procuration, whereby he had left One, as his Deputy to manage this Matter in his Behalf. From which Judgment it being manifestly influenced by King Philips Authority, that Prince was much s 16.18 censur'd of inju∣stice by those, who allow'd the Ancient Order and Custom of the Baronages of France and the Salique Law; especially since it was contrary to that very Judgment, by which He himself had been Declared and Crowned King of France: Since if Charles of Blois had the Right to the Dukedom of Bretagne by his Wife, Daughter to the last Dukes Brother German; much more had King Edward of England the Right to the Crown of France by his Mother, sole Daughter and Heiress (after the Death of Lew∣is Hutin, Philip the Long, and Charles the Fair, her Brethren) of Philip the Fair, King of France. But Prejudice is so strange a thing, that it byasses the Minds of the Great and the Wise Men of the World, by representing Falshood and Injustice, under the specious Titles of Fair and Equitable; unless there be present an Awe of Religion, and a Sense of Honour and Conscience to suppress those selfish Conside∣rations.

IX. However, as soon as this Judgment was thus given, King Philip called unto him the Young Lord Charles of Blois and said to him,

Fair Nephew, you have a fair and large Inheritance by Judgment Awarded unto you: Make haste therefore, and go and conquer it against him, that unjustly detaineth it from you; and desire all your Friends to assist you in this your Quarrel. I for my part shall not fail to lend you Gold and Silver enough, and I will also command my Son the Duke of Nor∣mandy,

to go along with you.

Sr. Charles enclin'd himself humbly to the King his Uncle, returning him his most hearty Thanks; and after that he desired his Cousin John Duke of Normandy, his other Uncle Charles of Valois, Earl of Alencon, Eudes the Fourth of that Name, Duke of Burgundy, his Uncle by the Fathers Side, and Bro∣ther-in-Law to King Philip, Peter Duke of Burbon, and the Lord James of Bur∣bon, Don Lewis of Spain, Ralph Earl of Ewe and Constable of France, with the young Earl of Guisnes his Son, the Vicount of Rouën, and the most Part of the Lords that were then at Court; who all said they would gladly go along with him and their Lord the Duke of Normandy. And with this they brake up for that time, and fell straight upon Preparations for this Expedition.

In the mean while King Philip caused the Earldom of Montford to be confiscate and seised into his Hands; because Earl John had made a League with the King of England his Adversary: Wherefore King Edward respecting t 16.19 this his Loss, and wil∣ling to gratifie him with an Equivalent, gave him the Earldom of Richmond in Eng∣land, with the Rights belonging unto it, in like manner, as John Duke of Bretagne, and Earl of Richmond, his Brother had held it; untill such time as he should recover his Earldom of Montford. Teste Rege apud Westminst. 24 Septemb. 1341. So that we may well doubt the Authority of those, who say this Title was given to the Lord Robert of Artois: Thô it may indeed be supposed, that John Dreux, late Duke of Bretagne might, for adhering to France against England, be deprived of that Title; which (if our Historians must be in the right) was thereupon given as they say, to the foresaid Lord Robert (thô he is not found in the Catalogue of the Earls of Rich∣mond) but upon this Occasion, upon an Equivalent consideration, might be taken from him again: For as yet the Lord Robert of Artcis was not deceased, as will ap∣pear hereafter.

X. And now u 16.20 all the forementioned French Lords, who had abetted the Quarrel of Charles of Blois, being ready with their Forces, began to march from Paris and o∣ther Parts, to the place of their general Rendezvous, which was the City of Angers on the Loire. Being all joyn'd together they marched thence to Ancenis, where∣with France is bounded on that side toward Bretagne; and here having refreshed themselves for three Days, they began to enter the Country of Bretagne. As soon as they came into the Campaign they muster'd, and found that they amounted to 5000 Men of Arms, besides the Genouese, which were 3000, and led by three Valiant Knights of Genoa, Sr. Otho de Rue, Sr. Charles Germaulx, and Sr. Galeas de la Baulme, who was Captain of the Crossbows. The Army first went to a strong Ca∣stle standing on an high Mountain, called Chantoceaux, at the very Entry of Bretagne, on the Loire; which was pretty well furnished with Men of War, under the Com∣mand of two Knights of Lorrain, Sr. Giles and Sr. Valeran. This Castle they thought best to reduce, because 'twas not safe to leave so strong a Fortress behind them: Wherefore they invested it round, and made many vigorous Assaults, especially the Genouese, who strove mightily to gain Honour in this their first Service with the Frenchmen: But their great Courage was more hurtfull to themselves than to their Enemies; for the Besieged defended themselves so well, that of a long while they had no harm. But at last the Assailants resolving to try all ways, rather than hazard their Reputation in this their first Enterprise, carried thither so much Timber, Grass-plats and Faggots, that they filled the Ditches therewith, whereby they were able to ap∣proach close to the Walls. The Besieged spared not to welcome them with plenti∣full Showers of Burning Pitch, Quick-lime, Stones, Chalk and Iron-bars: But the Frenchmen had brought with them a strong Engine, in manner of a Penthouse, like the old Roman Testudo, under which the Pioneers might safely mine the Walls. At the very sight whereof, especially when they found they could not break or fire it, the Besieged began to capitulate, and at last yielded up the Castle, on condition to have their Lives and Goods saved. Then the Duke of Normandy, who was General in this Expedition, deliver'd the Fortress to Sr. Charles of Blois as his own; who pre∣sently put therein a good Garrison, to keep open an Entrance for him into Bretagne. Thence they marched along by the Loire, directly towards Nantes; where they heard their Enemy the Earl of Monford was at that time. The Marshalls and Vancurrours of the Army found in their way, within 5 Leagues of Nantes, a good Town called Carquesie, environ'd with Ditches; but there were not many People in the Town, and those but indifferently armed; so that after a fierce Assault the Town was taken, robbed and half burnt, and all within put to the Sword. Thereabout the French Lords lay all that Night, and the next Morning marched for Nantes, where they laid

their Siege, and pitch'd up their Tents and Pavilions; for they expected no short Work of it: And yet the Weather was pretty favourable; for it was about the mid∣dle of October. The Earl of Monford was not at all discouraged, that he was thus besieged; for he doubted not but to make the Place good till Winter, when they would be obliged to raise their Siege, and by the next Spring he question'd not, but to be well provided with Succours from England, by whose Aid, he might give Battle unto the Enemy: But he forgat all this while to consider the wavering Minds of his Peo∣ple: and besides Himself committed one grand Oversight in Disobliging at such a jun∣cture the very Chief of his Captains.

At the beginning of the Siege, the Men x 16.21 of War within the Town, and the In∣habitants went all in Arms to their appointed Defences: A Detachment from the Ar∣my came presently to the Barriers to skirmish, against whom some Souldiers and young Men of the Town went forth; and that time many were slain and hurt on both parts; but the Barriers were maintained: And in this manner the Town and the Army had several skirmishes, not without many Wounds, and much Bloodshed on both sides. One Morning about 200 of the Besieged went forth of the City very early at a Ven∣ture; and they changed to meet with 15 Wagons, laden with Provision, under the Con∣voy of sixty Souldiers, who were going therewith to the Army. The Townsmen set upon them, and easily master'd them, slew several, and took others; but some few made shift to escape to the Camp, where they related the whole Matter. At this, such as were most ready, rose up to Rescue the Prey, which they overtook, near the Barriers of the Town. And here began a fierce skirmish, the Nantois being hard put to it, by reason of the Numbers that flow'd in upon them from the Camp; but how∣ever some of them took the Horses out of the Wagons, upon the first approach of the Enemy, and drove them in at the Gate, that the Frenchmen might not easily drive back the Provision. Hereupon Fresh Men came out of the City to relieve their Com∣panions; so the Fray multiplied, and many were slain and hurt on both sides; for Re∣cruits continually came both from the Camp and City. Wherefore the Lord Henry du Leon, the Earl of Monford's Chief Captain, perceiving that by continuing the Fight in this Manner, he might by Degrees engage the whole City, with the whole Army, without any Advantage of his Walls and other Works, thought best to sound a Re∣treat now, before it grew worse. But then the pursuit was so close upon their heels, that more than 200 of the Burgesses were taken and slain. Wherefore the Earl Mon∣ford, when the business was over, blamed Sr. Henry du Leon very severely, for Retreat∣ing so soon: At which unseasonable Reproof, Sr. Henry, who had hitherto been his Main Support, was infinitely disgusted, and for the future came not to any Coun∣cil of War, as his Manner was: Which made many to wonder, what his Design should be.

Soon * 16.22 after this Mischance, 'tis said, that some of the Chief Burgesses considering, how their substance went daily to wreck both without and within the City, and that already several of their Friends and Children were Prisoners, if no worse, and that them∣selves were in no less Danger, privately agreed together to hold a Treaty with the Lords of France. This Plot was carried on so closely by the connivance at least of Sr. Henry du Leon, that it was concluded, all the Prisoners should be deliver'd, they in Lieu thereof engaging to set open their Gates, that the French Lords might enter, and take the Earl of Monford's Person in the Castle, without doing any harm to the City, the Inhabitants, or their Goods. Some lay all this Contrivance, and the Menagement thereof to Sr. Henry du Leon's Charge, who had been One of the Earls Privy-Coun∣sellors, his Friend, and Chief Captain, till that unhappy Accident, whereby the Earl was provok'd to take him up so roundly. However, according to this Device, so one Morn∣ing early it was effected: The French Lords found easie entrance, went straight to the Castle, brake open the Gates, and there took the Unhappy Earl Prisoner, and led him clear out of the City into their Field, without doing any further harm in the World: This happen'd about the Feast of All-Saints, in the Year of our Lord MCCCXLI.

After this the Lords of France, and Sr. Charles of Blois enter'd the City again with great Triumph, and there all the Burgesses, and others, did Fealty and Homage to the Lord Charles of Blois, as to their Right Sovereign, and True Duke of Bretagne. For three Days they all continued here in great Jollity and Feasting, because of this their unex∣pected Success: After which the Lord Charles was advised to tarry thereabout, till the next Summer, and to set Captains in the places he had won; But most of the other Lords return'd to Paris, with the Earl of Monford their Prisoner.

XI. Now Margaret, the Countess of Monford, who had the Courage of a man, and the heart of a Lion, was in the City of Rennes, at what time her Lord was ta∣ken, and althô she had a due sense of this great Misfortune, yet she bore a good Countenance, Recomforted her Friends and Souldiers, and shewing them her little Son, John, said,

Gentlemen, be not overmuch dismay'd at this mischance of my Lord, the Earl; whom We have unhappily lost; He was but a Mortal Man; and so all our hope ought not to rest on him: But behold this my little Son, who by the Grace of God, shall be his Restorer, and your Benefactor. I have Riches enough, so that you shall want for Nothing; and I doubt not, but to purchase such a Captain to be your Leader, who shall be Wise, Valiant, and Noble.

When she had thus animated her Men in Rennes; then she went about to all the Fortresses, and good Towns that held of her side, and still she carried along with her the little Lord John her Son; and forti∣fy'd all her Garrisons, and spake to them as she had done to those at Rennes, and paid largely, and gave great Gifts, where she thought it Convenient. After all things were settled, she went to the strong Town of Hennebond, where she and her Son tarried all that Winter, and frequently she sent to visit her Garrisons, and paid all Men well and truly their Wages.

The mean while her Lord was a close Prisoner in the Louvre in Paris; without hopes of Escape or Redemption: Thô it will appear that about 3 years after upon certain Condi∣tions (which he kept not) he got his Liberty; but he died so soon after, that it is hardly worth taking notice of, and that I take to be the Reason, why many Historians say no∣thing of it; but rather think he died in Prison.

Thus much, thô great part thereof seems a Digression, was necessary to be said, in or∣der to clear what follows next Year of the Wars of Bretagne, wherein England was con∣cern'd. I shall now take leave to speak something of the Scotch Affairs relating to the end of this, and the beginning of the following Year: Which after a small Digression we shall pursue more closely.

XII. The last Year, We show'd briefly, how the Scots succeeded, during King Ed∣wards absence, he lying at that time before Tournay: So that having at last taken E∣denburgh by Stratagem, they had left nothing of Scotland in the English Hands, but Striveling, Barwick, and Roxborough. Now at King Edwards Return into England, nothing was yet done against them, because they were comprehended in the first Years Truce with France: y 16.23 But the King went about St. Andrews toward Scotland, and kept his Christmas at Melros-Abbey, Henry the Noble Earl of Darby, keeping the same Festival at Roxborough, hard by. To Roxborough came the Lord William Douglas with Three Scotch Knights, to Just with the Earl of Darby and his Knights; which Martial Sport being honourably maintain'd on both sides, the Scots departed for that time; but shortly after, the said Earl of Darby being then at Barwick, twelve Knights of Scotland came thither also for the same purpose; who were presently Match'd by as many English: Of the Scotch Knights two by chance were slain, and one Sr. John Twyford of the English Earls Retinue; all the Rest came off with safety and Ho∣nour on each side. King Edward presently after Christmas Return'd to Langley in Hertfordshire, z 16.24 where at Candlemas he held a Royal Just and Turneament, for the Honour of the young Noblemen of Gascoigne, whom he trained up here in Feats of War: And what Expert Scholars they proved under so great a Tutor, We shall see hereafter in the Wars of France.

XIII. On the a 16.25 fifth Day of June Queen Philippa of England was deliver'd of her Fifth Son, at the Kings Mannor-house of Langley aforesaid, near St. Albans; this Young Prince being in August following Baptized, by Michael Lord Abbot of St. Al∣bans, was called Edmund: He was afterwards by his Father created Earl of Cambridge, and by his Nephew King Richard the Second, Duke of York, from whom King Ed∣ward the IV was Lineally Descended. King Edward, as he always wish'd rather to have Sons, than Daughters, was mightily pleased at the Birth of this Boy; and being now at Leisure from Wars, resolv'd to express his Joy in a most Magnificent and Royal Manner at the time of his Baptism, which was to be about the b 16.26 Midst of August. A∣gainst this time therefore he caused Proclamation to be made in France, Scotland, H••••∣nalt, Brabant, and Flanders; that all Knights and Gentlemen, who would please to come to his Feast, to be at such a time held in the City of London, should have safe Conduct for so many Days, for coming, staying, and going. I will not dissemble, that all this by most Historians is said to have been done for Love of the Countess of Salis∣bury, with whom they make King Edward to be at this time deeply in Love: But this is a most Fabulous and Irrational Tradition, (as we shall shew in due place) and utterly to

be exploded of all Discreet Persons: So that now the c 16.27 Romancers themselves are fain to confess; that at least the Kings Pretence for this Feast was to Honour the Christen∣ing of his Son Edmund. Not to say, that it will appear the next Year, how as yet the King had not received even that supposed wound of Love, of which many Authors make such pleasant Tales. However there were present at this Solemnity many Fair Ladies and Virgins of Prime Quality, all Drest and set off in the Best Manner that could be expected from their Rank and Condition. To this Tourneament, of Foreigners came William the Young Earl of Hainalt, Brother, and the Lord John Beaumont of Hai∣nalt, Uncle, to the Queen of England; Henry Lord Eam of Brabant, and many other Lords and Knights of several Countries: But of the English Nobility, the Greater Part was there; particularly the Lord Henry de Tortocollo Earl of Lancaster, Henry Planta∣genet his Son, Earl of Darby, Humphry Bohun Earl of Hereford and Essex, and his Brother William Earl of Northampton; the Earls of Salisbury, Warwick, Arundel, Glo∣cester and Pembroke, Suffolk and Oxford; the Baron Stafford, and Vicount John Beau∣mont; which latter Froisard Reports to be slain in the Justs; but indeed he d 16.28 died not till the next Year, whereas the Tourneament is e 16.29 rightly placed here: There was also here the Often-mention'd Lord Robert of Artois, called the Earl of Richmond. A∣mong others Sr. Maurice Barkley, Brother to the Lord Berkley, together with his Vali∣ant and Inseparable Friend and Companion Sr. Thomas Bradestan, did so well behave themselves at this Tourneament, that in consideration of their High Prowess, they were f 16.30 now by the King advanced to the Dignity of Bannerets. And as thus the Lords and Knights exercis'd themselves in Martial Feats, so on the other hand the Ladies diverted the whole Assembly with their Songs and Dances; the Solemnity being con∣tinued for 15 Days together. So delightfully did this Warlike King intermix the Pleasures and Pastimes of Love and Peace with the more Laborious Toyls of War; thereby to Encourage his Subjects, and to Relax himself from the Cares of Em∣pire.

XIV. About this time there happen'd some new Commotions in Scotland, whereof I shall presently take Notice, when I shall have made one small Digression; which I hope the Learned will pardon upon the account of its own Worth, thô it hath little or no Relation to Our Matters. The Name of Francis Petrarch the Famous Poet, Hi∣storian, and Philosopher of his Days, cannot, I suppose, be unknown to any one, that hath but heard of Rome and Italy. This Man flourished in this Age, being this ve∣ry Year but g 16.31 37 Years old: He had at Avignon, and especially about fifteen Miles thence in a Pleasant Valley, so improv'd himself in the studies of good Learning, that his Name was now grown considerable, Insomuch that in h 16.32 one Day there were brought unto him, Letters, from two very distant Parts of the World, the One sent from the Senate of Rome, the Other from the Chancellor of the University of Paris, each of them containing an Invitation, that he would come to the Respective Places, and accept from their Hands the Honourable Crown of Lawrel. The Glo∣ry, thô of it self Great, seem'd yet in those Days much Greater; because that An∣cient and Laudable Custom had been for so many Ages discontinued; saving; i 16.33 that in the German Empire, here and there we meet with an Instance or two of Lau∣reate Poets. Petrarch did not at all decline so generous an offer (for he that de∣spises True Glory, is no Friend to Vertue) but however by Advice of his Noble Friends, the two Colonna's, he chose rather to acknowledge this Favour to Rome, once the Imperial City of the World, than to Paris, the Metropolis of one single King∣dom. But withall being resolved not to arrogate an Honour, that should not first be Worthily and unquestionably adjudged unto Him, in his way thither He waits upon Robert King of Jerusalem, Sicily, and Naples, the Great Philosopher of those Days; who understanding the Occasion of his Visit, and who He was, receiv'd him with Princely Humanity, and at last appointed a Time to Discourse him at large. This Discourse thus held between this Learned Prince, and Prince of Learned Men in Poetry, History, and Philosophy, was continued for Three whole Afternoons: By which time King Robert (having also read a good Part of his Heroick Poem, cal∣led Africa) was so fully convinced of Petrarchs. Abilities; that he offer'd there at Naples to confer the Lawrel on him with his own Hands, and desired him also (on promise of a Gracious Acceptance and Bountifull Reward) to Dedicate that his Poem to no other, than Himself. This latter Motion Petrarch with many Thanks readi∣ly embraced: and has, we see, perform'd it accordingly in these and other Verses of that Work—

O Thou, * 16.34 whose Hand Sicania's Scepter sways, Hesperia's Pride, and th' Glory of our Days; By whose Award I hold a Poets Name, And wish'd-for Bayes, and Bayes-attending Fame: Don't Mighty Prince (I humbly pray) refuse To' accept this candid Offering of a Muse, &c.

But as to the Kings Gracious Proffer to Crown him there at Naples, he modestly de∣clared, that it was his Resolution not to accept the Laurel but in the Imperial City of Rome: Whereupon that Noble Prince gave him his Letters Testimonial to the Senate of that City; wherein he largely set forth the Merits of the Man, and from his own Experience declared, that he was well worthy to be publiquely in the most honourable manner presented with a Crown of Laurel. These Letters being produced in the Senate by Ʋrsus Earl of Anguillara, and Jordanus his Colleague, one of the Sons of Ʋrsus, Knight, Senators of Rome, Petrarch was called in and there openly challenged the Laurel. His Claim was allowed, and the Day of his solemn Inaugura∣tion appointed; which was Easter-day, k 16.35 or the VI of the Ides of April in the Year MCCCXLI. And on the same day l 16.36 by the General Consent of the whole City of Rome, he received this Honour in the Capitol by the Hands of Earl Ʋrsus, in the Name of King Robert, and of the City and Senate of Rome, with the loud Acclama∣tions of a frequent Multitude, at which time Earl Ʋrsus declared him a Great Poet, Historian and Philosopher, and Master in each Faculty. After which being carried with a Pompous Attendance to St. Peter's Church, he there consecrated his Laurel Wreath, hanging it up on the Top of the Temple, as a Memorial to Posterity. Cer∣tainly whatever that Man may seem in the Opinion of our more polite and refined Age, whoever considers him in relation to those dark Times, must readily acknow∣ledge this Honour was no way beyond his Merits; and also that the Ignorance of those Days may be in some measure excused; when we consider how ready they were to honour Learning, where they found it. In our Age a Skill in Letters is not so high∣ly regarded, either because it is more common, or because Princes are less bountifull; or the Learned themselves take not the best way to please them, or Envy precludes them a fair Access to the notice of the Government.

XV. But to return to our Discourse of the Scottish Affairs: When the Feast of St. John Baptist drew near (which was the Time limited for, the expiration of the Truce between England and Scotland) Sr. William Douglas secretly gather'd together his Troops, as well of Scots, as of the French Auxiliaries, and the very Day after the Truce was expired, lay down with a competent Army before Striveling. And because he well knew, that King Edward being now at home, it was not probable, he could lie long there with∣out some powerfull Diversion, he used the more Vigour and Fury in all his Attacks, and made his Approaches more resolutely; hoping thereby to carry the Place, before any succour should come. King Edward about the beginning of September, being a∣larm'd at the news of these Motions of Scotland, came to York, having before issued out his Commands to his Lords and Captains to meet him with their several Retinues by such a time at Barwick: And the Commissioners of Array for the North did so well bestir themselves, that shortly after the King was provided with sufficient For∣ces both Horse and Foot, and his Army encreased daily. The Lord Douglas knew well to what all these Preparations tended, and therefore being one of the most daring Captains in the World, and also considering, that now was the best time to stir, when so many Frenchmen, his Friends were by to help him, and the Enemy as yet was far off and unprovided, renewed his Assault ten times more fiercely than before: So that dividing his Army into Four Parts, and keeping one of those four Divisions by turns perpetually upon the Assault, he allowed the Besieged not one moment to rest, where∣by they were at last compell'd to Capitulate, and (because Douglas would allow them no better) to yield on these Conditions; to go away at their Liberty, with Life and Limb, one Suit of Apparel and their Swords only. The Captain of the Castle was that valiant worthy Sr. Richard Limesi, who the Year before had so well defended the Castle of Thine l'Evesque against the Duke of Normandy; but now the incredi∣ble Fury of the Scots, and the great Engines of battery, which Douglas brought thi∣ther, enforced him to accept of these necessary Conditions. King Edward was at m 16.37 Bar∣wick, when the News of this Loss came to him; whereupon he immediately rode back to Newcastle upon Tine, where he lodged, and was fain to tarry more than a Month; still expecting the Provision for his Army, which was to come by Sea. But his Fleet had

been so shatter'd with a furious and lasting Tempest, that a very small Part of it was a∣ble to come thither in any time, and that not till November; the rest being dispersed abroad, some into Holland, others upon the Coasts of Friseland, and not a few quite lost: Whereby the English Army suffer'd great want of Victuals, and all things became excessive Dear, and Winter was pretty well enter'd. It was, no doubt, im∣possible, for any time to hold together so great Forces, which consisted of 40000 Foot, and six thousand Horse, in those Parts; especially since the Scots, had put as well all their Corn and Forage, as their other Moveables into strong Holds: And yet however King Edward was not wholly left by his good Fortune. For Prince Robert Stuart, Sr. William Douglas, and the other Scotch Lords, after the taking of Striveling, had retired into the Forest of Gedeours, not at all ignorant of King Edwards Forces and intent, but wholly unwitting of his Misfortune for lack of Provision: Wherefore they took counsel how to avoid so dreadfull a storm of War, as they saw now ready to fall upon them: Not at all presuming with their small Forces to meet with a Royal Army of so fam'd a Conquerour; and being satisfied in themselves, that they had already performed the Duty of good Subjects to their King and Country, in having for more than seven Years without a King to lead, or protect them, not only maintained what was left, but recover'd most of what was lost, which yet they must expect to lose again, as oft as King Edward should come thus strongly against them. Wherefore they were ready to mutiny against their Lord, King David, who for all this kept private in France, as if he either thought them not worth his Care, or, thô now of Age, durst not undertake their Defence. Upon all which Accounts, they re∣solv'd by any means to divert the War for this time, and so sent to King Edward, a Bishop, an Abbot, and two Knights, to desire a Truce of him for such a time, on such and such Conditions. These Messengers found the King in the beginning of Decem∣ber at Newcastle, where they declared to him and his Council their business, which was to require a Truce for six Moneths, on these Conditions;

That the Scots should the mean while send into France to King David, to protest unto him, that unless He would return home by the Moneth of May, next following, with Power able to meet his Enemies of England in the Field, and to defend his Realm, then all Scot∣land would admit of King Edwards Government, and never after own either David, or any of his Posterity for their King; and that thus to do upon King Davids failure, all the Lords of Scotland had agreed.

Upon good security given, these reasonable Conditions in so bad a juncture were accepted; the Scotch Messengers return'd with a Ratification of the Truce into Scotland, and King Edward having settled Affairs in those Parts, towards London.

XVI. Soon after the Scots agreed to send into France Sr. Robert Vescy; Sr. Simon Fraiser, and two other Knights, to shew their King what they had resolv'd upon, in case he should absent himself any longer from them. * 16.38 They accordingly about the be∣ginning of March, by reason of the Truce, took shipping at Dover, in order to sail in∣to France. The mean while King David, who had now been in that Kingdom upward of seven Years, hearing daily unwelcome News of the Miseries and Ruines of his Coun∣try; at last understood, how his Captains at home had raised up some Light and Life in his Realm, had recover'd almost all Scotland from his Enemies, and had now extort∣ed an half-Years Truce from the King of England; althô as yet the Conditions there∣of had not reach'd his Ears: Whereupon being now about 21 Years of Age, and fi∣red with a generous Indignation against England, as well as a due sense of Honour to∣ward himself, and an hearty Commiseration of his poor Subjects, he determinately re∣solves the Redemption of his People, thô with the hazard of his Life and Crown. This his Resolution he communicates to his Friend King Philip of France, who high∣ly approving thereof, furnishes him with Men, Money, and Vessels, and vehemently in∣flames him to a cruel and perpetual Enmity with England. Whereupon King David, having taken his leave of the French King, went on board with his Queen Joan, King Edwards Sister, and such Company as he had, for Scotland. His Admiral was the Loyal and brave Malcom Flemin of Cummirnald, who had formerly with great Care and Con∣duct convey'd him into France, and above a Year before had resign'd his strong Castle of Dumbriton, to the Custody of the Lord Robert Stuart, Viceroy of Scotland, only to enjoy the Honour of waiting upon his Exil'd Prince in France. King David landed at the Haven of Murray, before any of his Subjects heard any thing of his Arrival: For neither did he himself know of the Deputies about that time sent unto him in∣to France; nor did they know any thing, that their King was then upon his Return home again.

When n 16.39 the Arrival of King David was nois'd abroad in Scotland, his glad Subjects flock'd unto him, as if He had been sent from Heaven to work their Deliverance. At first they brought him with great joy and solemnity to St. John's Town, whither his loving Subjects came unto him from all Parts of the Kingdom to see and welcome him home: Especially his Deputy the Lord Robert Stuart, Sr. William Douglas, Sr. Alex∣ander Ramsey, and other his Great Captains, the Prime of his Nobility; all whom he highly thanked for their constant Valour and Fidelity unto Him. These Lords decla∣red then to their Master what terrible Devastation had been made in his Kingdom by the English, to whose Complaints the young King only answer'd, shaking his Head,

Well, well, my Lords, by the Grace of God, I will be sufficiently revenged for all; or else it shall cost me both my Realm and Life in the Quarrel.

Then he straight sent forth his Summons to all his Subjects, Friends, and Allies, to come unto Him to St. Johnston by such a day to aid Him against his Adversary of England: At the time appointed there came thither the Potent Prince of Orkney, who had married one of King Davids Aunts, with a prodigious Number of Men of War in his Company; and divers Lords, and Knights of Sweeden, Norway, and Denmark, some for Love and some for Wages: So that in all He number'd in his Army no less than 60000 Foot, and 13000 Horse armed after their Manner.

The time o 16.40 of Cessation being therefore now expired, hoping after all his troubles to have as good Success against England, as his Father Robert had, he began to march from St. Johnston with this terrible Army. That day he reach'd Dumfermlin; the next, crossing a little Arm of the Sea, and passing forth beyond Edenburgh, He went over the Tweed, leaving both Roxborough and Barwick (both which held then for Eng∣land) unattempted: For he thought to do a greater Feat before his Return. So thrô the Marches he descended into Northumberland, exercising all manner of Hostili∣ty, and wasting and ravaging all before him, for about 40 Miles in length, till he came to Newcastle upon Tine, which he resolved to besiege, and so sat down with all his Forces before it. The Captain p 16.41 of the Castle was the Lord John Nevill of Horneby, a Person of great Conduct and Bravery, who resolving to give the young King of Scotland a taste of the English Valour, as soon as might be, commanded 200 Lances to make a Sally very early the next Morning. These dashing suddenly with great Fury into the Scotch Host, on that Part where the Earl of Murray was (who as they say, was chief General for the time, the King himself keeping private) took the Earl himself in Bed, drag'd him away naked out of his Tent, and so having slain several of his Men, and wan much Booty, they return'd all safe into the Town with great joy, and deliver'd the Earl of Murray Prisoner to Sr. John Nevill their Cap∣tain. This Earl was a chief Prince of the blood in Scotland, next of Quality to Prince Robert Stuart, and the Earl of Southerland; but for Valour and Conduct he yielded to none: Froisard says, his Arms were Argent, three Oreills gules. This daring en∣terprise having alarum'd the whole Camp, the Scots ran like Madmen to the Barriers of the Town, and began a fierce Assault, which they continued a great while with much pertinacy. But they gain'd little, and lost much; for there were many good men of War within, who defended themselves with much Resolution and Discretion: So that the Scots were at last fain to leave off their Attack, and the hopes of suddenly reveng∣ing their Dishonour in that place. Wherefore that bold and lucky attempt of the Be∣sieged being thus well back'd by a vigorous Defence, was sufficient to perswade King David and his Council, q 16.42 that to dally about Newcastle was Dangerous; and that if they could rest securely in their Camp, yet there they had small likelihood to win either Profit or Honour; the Place it self not being of Import equal to the Reputation of so great an Army: Whereupon about Noon they decamped, and entring into the Bishop∣rick of Durham, burnt and wasted all before them. At last King David came before Dur∣ham, which he presently invested; for he knew well there was great plenty of Goods, and other Rich Booty in that City; because in time of Danger all the Country thereabout was wont to fly thither for Refuge.

XVII. As soon as Sr. John Nevil, the Captain of Newcastle, had seen for certain the Departure of the Scots, he guess'd at their mischievous Designs, and resolv'd, what in him lay to prevent, or at least revenge them: Wherefore lie mounts a very swift Gelding, and coasting wide of the Scots, rode Post night and day, till on the fifth day, he came more than 200 miles to Chertsey in Surrey, where at that time King Ed∣ward lay, to whom he exactly related all he knew of the Scots. The King immedi∣ately sent forth his Commissions, commanding all Men between the age of Sixty and Sixteen, laying aside all Excuses, to draw Northward, and to joyn him at York, to aid

and defend his Realm, which his Enemies the Scots destroy'd. The command was readily obey'd by all the Lords, Knights and Esquires of England, concerned therein, who drew thitherward with as convenient speed as might be. As for the King, he would stay for no Man (such an ardour of Mind and indignation, with a desire of pre∣venting his Peoples ruine, hurri'd him on) but he passed immediately Northward with the Troops of his Guards and those he had ready, leaving the rest to follow him.

XVIII. The mean while the Scots assaulted Durham with all the Fury imaginable, for they were e'ne stark mad for the former Affront they had received at Newcastle; when they lost the Earl of Murray so dishonourably. They rear'd vast Engines to cast Stones with, and other Devices they had, whereby to approach the Walls under the shelter of certain Machines, resembling the Ancient Testudo of the Romans, or the Sy∣naspismus of the Greeks; and withall they had other Engines running upon Wheels, wherein on Lofts as high as the Walls at least there were Crossbows and Others, who kept the Besieged from their Defences. So that after the Assault had been continu∣ally renew'd with all the vigour imaginable, and on the other hand maintain'd with in∣credible Obstinacy for six or seven Days, the Scots r 16.43 enter'd the City per force; at which time King David in revenge of all his Losses for so many years preceding, espe∣cially being urged even beyond his Nature, by the importunate Instigations of his French Auxiliaries then with him, commanded his Captains to put all to Fire and Sword. There were Men, Women and Children, Old and Young, Men of the Church, as Monks, Priests, Canons and Others, Holy and Profane, all without pity or distinction put to Death. Neither Churches, Monasteries nor Shrines, no not that of St. Cuthbert himself (after it had repos'd there for more than 300 Years) could re∣concile the incensed Minds of the Souldiers to pitty; not so much as one Soul was left alive within the Place: so implacable and impartial is the Sword of War, when sharp∣ned by Unchristian Cruelty.

XIX. When King David had left his high Resentments, written at Durham in such bloody Characters; he was advised to draw back with the Prey he had already gotten, as having for this time sufficiently plagu'd the English, and enrich'd himself with Boo∣ty and Honour. This Counsel he obey'd, not thinking it good to expect the King of England, who was preparing to meet him with a Royal Army; wherefore now he made back again for Scotland. But in his Return toward Barwick, he lay one night near a strong Place, belonging at that time to the Earl of Salisbury, called the Castle of Werk, which King Edward had s 16.44 formerly granted unto the said Earl, together with the Mannor thereto belonging, on condition to repair the Fortress and defend it against the Scots. It stands on the Frontiers of Scotland, on this side the River Tweed in the utmost Limits of Northumberland, about 9 Miles from Norham Castle, and 18 from Barwick. It was now well fortified by the care of the Earl of Salisbury, and committed to the Custody of a Valiant Brother of his, t 16.45 Sr. Edward (not as most of our Histo∣rians name him, Sr. William) Montagu: Which Sr. Edward and Dr. u 16.46 Simon Montagu, at this time Bishop of Ely, and a great Benefactor to our University of Cambridge, were both Brethren to the said Earl of Salisbury. Within the Castle was the Countess of Salisbury, whom our Historians call Joan, who was Sister to John Plantagenet, at this time Earl of Kent, and Daughter to Edmund late Earl of Kent, King Edwards Uncle, who had been ruin'd, as we shew'd, by the contrivance of Mortimer. This Lady Joan I shall readily acknowledge to have been esteem'd the greatest Beauty of that Age: Nor was her Discretion or Chastity any whit less notable: But whatever our Histo∣rians talk of King Edward's Amours with her at this time, 'tis certain she was now but little more than Thirteen years old: For by x 16.47 inquisition made in the twenty sixth of this King, she was then found to be hardly twenty four years of Age. Yet it is a∣greed on all Hands, that by the special Favour of King Edward to one William Earl of Salisbury, she was intended to be given unto him for Wife. But it is most certain, that that Earl William who was espoused to this Lady Joan, was Son and Heir to this William; and now also but y 16.48 thirteen years of Age. His Mother the present Coun∣tess of Salisbury, being the Lady Katherine Grandison, a Mother of two Sons and four Daughters, and was not only now living, but surviv'd her Husband the Earl (who died two years after this) ten z 16.49 years, and lies buried at Bisham Abbey in Berkshire of the Earl her Husbands Foundation. But the Lady Joan Plantagenet was indeed some Years after design'd to be married to this Earls Son, a 16.50 thô by reason of a Pre∣contract with the Lord Thomas Holland, upon his complaint to the Pope, she was ad∣judged unto the latter: The former as it seems acquiescing therein, by his after-mar∣riage with another young Lady, namely b 16.51 Elizabeth, one of the Daughters and Co∣heirs

of John Lord Mohun of Dunstor Castle. Whereby it is evident, that this La∣dy Joan Plantagenet could never be rightly called Countess of Salisbury. Nor yet was she Countess of Kent at this time, nor till ten years after, when her Brother John Earl of Kent dying without Issue, left her (then) Husband, the foresaid Lord Hol∣land, Earl of Kent in her Right. After whose Death, she was upon the account of her extraordinary Endowments and Perfections both of Body and Mind, taken to Wife by Edward Prince of Wales, commonly called the Black-Prince. Whereupon Hi∣storians, either mistaking the young Earl for his Father, and so consequently Joan Plantagenet, his intended Wife, for the Lady Katherine his Mother, or not apprehen∣ding, that the Order of the Garter, of which we shall speak in its proper Place, could have any other than an amorous Original (thô we shall shew the contrary) or re∣solving by right or by wrong, to celebrate the Countess of Kent's Beauty and Vertues, have thus confounded Matters, that without this long Digression, we could not perfectly clear the Truth; which now we have sincerely and unanswerably done.

However near this Castle of Werk, wherein at that time was the Countess of Salis∣bury, and her Lords Brother, the Scotch Army c 16.52 lodged that night, but thought not to spend any time in Assaulting the Place, because they were now so laden with Boo∣ty, and the Fortress it self seem'd too inconsiderable to employ so great an Army. Wherefore early next morning they began their March for Scotland; Prince Robert Stu∣art, Heir Apparent of that Crown, being in the Van, the King himself with most of the Booty and Carriages in the Middle, and the Lord William Douglas bringing up the Rear. Sr. Edward Montague, d 16.53 who well saw from the Battlements of the Tower, that the Scots were resolved to leave him in quiet, and that they were so charged with heavy Carriages, with the Plate, and what else they brought from Durham, that their Horses could hardly sustain the burthen, presently mounts fourty Spears, and he himself in the Head of them sallies out of the Castle, and covertly following the Reer of the Scots, overtook them as they were just entring into a Wood, and set on them with such vigour, that he presently slew and hurt of the Scots more than e 16.54 two hundred, and took away from them above sixscore Horses laden with Spoil, which they drove back toward their Castle. The cry and noise that follow'd this Action, came to the hearing of Sr. William Douglas, who had the charge of the Rereguard and was alrea∣dy passed the Forest: But when upon this Alarm he looked back and saw his Men come flying over Mountains and Dales, he was mightily surprized at first, but being quickly informed of the Matter, he commanded his Men to face about, and having sent word thereof to the King and Prince Robert Stuart who led the other two Bat∣talia's, himself without any stop pursued the English even to the foot of the Castle, and mounted the Hill after them with his Sword drawn. But before he came to the Barriers, the English were all entred, together with the Spoil they had recovered, and had closed the Barriers again: However the enraged Douglas falls immediately to the As∣sault with great Fury, and was received with as much Bravery. This Action continued till the whole Army and King David himself were return'd before the Castle; at which time, when the King saw what Massacre they had made of his Men along in the Field, and how weary and wounded they had already rendred the Assailants, without any apparent advantage on his Side, he caused the Assault to cease for that time; but however gave command to encamp about the Castle. Then all men were busied in taking up their Quarters, as the Camp-masters had appointed, and to gather their Dead together for Burial, and to dress their Wounded. Thus they were employ'd the remaining part of that Day till time of rest came: Next morning King David gave command for a fresh and general Assault, and the Besieged stood ready at their Defences. The Countess of Salis∣bury for her part even beyond her Sex, shew'd such a Masculine Spirit, that instead of receiving Courage from others, she added heart to all her Men: She distributed her Gold and Silver largely among her Souldiers, and promised more, and told them King Ed∣ward their Lord would soon come to her Aid; and spake so sweetly, that every Man became as good as two. Wherefore the Assault was sore and cruel, being on both sides maintain'd with great Ardour and Animosity: But the Assailants were exposed to infinite hazards, the Presence of their King making them venture on any thing; while the Besieged fought with all possible Care and Discretion as well as Courage, as being Guardians of Beauty and Vertue, besides the charge of their own Lives, and the Honour of their King and Country, which they were to maintain against a cruel and numerous Enemy. The Scots carried thither Timber, Faggots and other Stuff, intending to fill up the Ditches, whereby their Engines might the better approach

the Walls: But the English shot so fiercely, that after a long and bloody Contest, the Assailants were obliged to retire back, weary and well-beaten, and leaving great Num∣bers of their Companions behind.

Then * 16.55 King David gave Order to guard well the Engines for that Night, being fully resolved the next day to renew the Attack: So all men retired to their Lodgings, but those who were to stand upon Duty. There some lamented the loss of their Friends, others, their own Wounds and Languishing Condition; the whole Camp was out of humor, either griev'd, or vext, or ashamed.

XX. On the other hand f 16.56 Sr. Edward Montagu Governour of the Castle called a Council of War: Where having consider'd, that if the Scots gave them many such Assaults, it was impossible to hold out long; They resolved, that some body must ad∣venture to pass thorough the Scotch Camp, and ride Post to King Edward (who, as they heard from their Prisoners, had been for some time at York, gathering his Forces together) to tell him their Condition. Hereupon Sr. Edward Montagu threw down a Purse of Gold, offering it as a Reward to Him, that would adventure to do so signal a Piece of Service, and withall, his best Gelding to carry him. But it seem'd so despe∣rate an undertaking, that every man look'd about upon his Neighbour, but none durst engage in the Attempt himself. When Sr. Edward saw this he said,

Well, Gentle∣men, however I am sufficiently assured of the Loyalty, and Good-will, that you all bear to my Lady of this Castle; wherefore for her sake, and yours, I'll put my Life in hazard to do this Errand my self: For I have such knowledge of you, that I doubt not, but you will make shift to hold out, till my Return: And I repose such a Considence in the Goodness of Our Soveraign Lord the King, that he will short∣ly send me back unto You, with such Relief, as will please You. And then believe it, his Majesty will so well Reward You, that You shall all remain highly satisfied.

These Words kindly refreshed the Mind of the Noble Countess, and the rest with her: So when Night came, he provided all things for his purpose, as secretly as possible, causing the fleetest Courser that he had to be ready saddled for him. Surely, either the Ladies Vertue, or his Courage, or both, made Heaven propitious to the Enter∣prise; for it rain'd so hard all that Night, that the Scotch Sentinells kept all within un∣der shelter, whereby his Passage was not impeached, and the Assault next Morning could not proceed to any purpose. About Midnight Sr. Edward issued privily out of the Castle, and passed within a while clear thró the Host, unhurt, and unperceived, till being got clear he made forward with full speed. It was now about Day-break, when near half a League from the utmost Limits of the Scotch Camp, he met with two Scots, driving before them two Oxen and a Cow toward the Army; whom upon Examina∣tion, finding out, he set upon them, and wounded them both in several places, for he would not kill them, because he design'd they should tell their King what he was gone about: But the Cattle he slew, that the Scots might have no Benefit of them. Af∣ter which he said to the wounded Scots,

Now go your ways, and tell your King, that I am Edward Montagu, who have this Night broke thrô his Camp, and am now go∣ing to direct the King of England hither with his Army;

and with this he set forward upon the Spur. The News was brought to the King of Scots, wherefore being hin∣dred for a while by the fall of the rain, as soon as he could, he renewed the Assault with all the fury imaginable; but gain'd nothing all the while. Upon this the Lords of his Council, who had seen so many Attacks made to no purpose, but that his Ar∣my was daily diminished and weakned thereby, fearing that the King of England might come suddenly upon them before the Castle could be won, and so they might hazard not only the loss of what they had already gotten, but of the King and Kingdom too, upon these Considerations (I say) the Lords of Scotland agreed all together, and thus one of them deliver'd their Minds to King David,

Sir, hitherto You have Honourably per∣formed Your Enterprise; You have done considerable Damage to the English, your Enemies; you have taken and destroy'd the City of Durham, and in this Country of Northumberland, You have now kept the field 12 days. And certainly, Sir, all things consider'd, it were better to go home in time with Honour, and save what You have already won; then with Your wearied Forces to expect a fresh Enemy, and so hazard the loss of all upon unequal Terms. Your Majesty may more oppor∣tunely return another time, when Your Men have refreshed themselves, and Your E∣nemies are not at hand with such vast Preparations.

The King would not be against the general Opinion of all his Council; but after a while, thô very unwillingly, yield∣ed to follow their Advice. So early the next Morning he passed the Tweed with all his Host, taking the direct way to the Forest of Gedeours among the wild Scots, there to

remain and wait King Edwards Motions, whether he would break up his Army and return, or pierce into Scotland at that time.

XXI. That g 16.57 very day at Noon King Edward came thither with his Army to the same place, where the Scots had lain, and was mightily displeased, that he found them not there: For he came thither in such haste, with hopes to give them Battle, that his Infantry especially was much wearied. However, when he saw how the matter stood, he gave Order to encamp there that Night, and said,

how he intended to go see the Castle, and give a visit to the Noble Lady the Countess of Salisbury:

For (says Froi∣sard) he had not seen her since she was Married, before, which was near upon 14 Years ago, if not more, as may be gather'd from the Age of her Eldest Son, who was fifteen Years old, two Years after this, as appears h 16.58 by Record. Wherefore I shall whol∣ly wave that Popular, but exploded, Story of the Kings Amours with her at this time, and only proceed in a way more conformable to Reason, and undeniable Autho∣rity. When King Edward had unarm'd him self, he took 10 or 12 of his Barons with him, and went to the Castle to salute the Countess, and to see the manner of the Scots Assaults, and the Defence that was made against them. As soon as the Countess heard of the Kings coming, she commanded the Gates to be set open, and came forth to meet him in her most Rich Attire, so that it is not to be doubted, but that the Fame of he•• Courage preparing Mens minds, and the Splendour of her Garb being added to a Per∣son of that Sex, of an high Quality, and not too far gone in Years, she might appear charming enough to give occasion of much merry talk among the Souldiers, who saw her at that time; and did possibly scatter such Reports, as might propagate an er∣roneous Tradition even down to us. When she came before the King, she kneeled up∣on the Earth, and returned her Dutifull Thanks for this his seasonable Succour. The King took her up Graciously with a cheerfull and hearty Aire, and perhaps (as One of that Sex and Quality, who had Honourably acquitted her self in a Danger, brought upon her upon his account) saluted her at the same time. And so taking her by the hand, he walk'd her easily toward the Castle, talking no doubt pleasantly upon the way, as a King not fully 30 Years old might probably do on such an occasion. Who∣so is minded to believe the other account of this Story, where the King is made to fall in love with her, him I refer to i 16.59 Froisard, who discourses it at large and is, I must confess, as to the main, a very credible Historian: Althô in this he is not to be followed by those, who seriously confer circumstances of Names, Times, Places, and Persons.

Here the King had a Noble Dinner provided for him, both he and his Lords sit∣ting down together at the same Table: But the King himself ate but little, whereat his Lords wondred much, for he was wont to bear a cheerfull Countenance; but they judg'd this sadness to proceed not from Love, but from this, that he had missed of the Scots his Enemies. In the k 16.60 Morning however the King arose early, resolving forth∣with to follow after the Scots, and to chase them out of his Realm. Accordingly ha∣ving taken leave of the Lady, he put himself in the head of his Army, and went af∣ter the Scots, till he came to Barwick; from whence afterward he proceeded, till he encamped within four Leagues of the Forest of Gedeours, whereinto King David was entred with all his Forces in confidence of that Impassable Wilderness. For three days together King Edward lay there, to see whether the Scots would come forth and give him Battle: All this while there were divers skirmishes between the two Armies, and several were slain and taken interchangeably on both sides; thô the greater share of the loss fell to the Scots. But Sr. William Douglas was the Man among them that did most harm to the English: His Arms at that time are said to have been Azure, a Chevron Argent, Thô after upon the Encrease of the Honour of that House, the Douglasses, as * 16.61 We said before, took the bloody Heart for their Arms, in memory of Sr. James Douglas the Author of their Nobility, who died in Spain, as he was carrying King Roberts Heart to Jerusalem.

XXII. Now for all these Skirmishes between the Scots and English, during these three days, l 16.62 there were certain Noblemen on both parts, who earnestly labour'd to compose matters between the two Kings: And their Treaty took at last such effect, that a Truce was agreed on for two Years, provided the French King should give his Consent thereto: For King David was so strongly confederated with King Philip, that he could admit of no Peace without his Leave. Which unless he should now grant, then the said Truce was only to endure unto the First day of May following. It was also agreed, that the Earl of Murray should be quitted of his Ransom and Capti∣vity,

if the King of Scots could so far prevail with the French King, as that the Earl of Salisbury, who was already at liberty but upon Parole, should now fully be acquitted of all Obligations. This Truce the King of Scots was by his Council earnestly ad∣vis'd to make, that Scotland might thereby have some Breathing time to recover Strength from all its Miseries, and that the Husbandmen might return to their care of the Fields, which were now almost wholly neglected: And King Edward for his part agreed the sooner, not only because the Season of the Year began to call for a Respit, but because he had Men of War at this time maintained at his charges in France, in Gascogne, in Ponthieu, in Xaintogne, in Bretagne and other Places, besides his other vast Expences. King David soon after by his Ambassadors persuaded King Philip to allow of this A∣greement, and moreover to send a Release to the Earl of Salisbury into England, on sight whereof King Edward immediately return'd the Earl of Murray into his Coun∣try. Only the King of France did by a caution oblige the Earl of Salisbury to pay him m 16.63 3000 l. Sterling to boot, which before he had undertaken to do, for the redemption and Fees of himself, and of the Lord Robert Hufford le Fitz, Son to the Earl of Suffolk. In consderation of all which Charges we find, that a Year after the Earl of Salisbury had his Liberty, his good Master King Edward allow'd him leave to transport n 16.64 240 Sacks of Wooll into Flanders, as part of a Requital of what he had lost and suffer'd for his sake.

CHAPTER the TVVENTIETH.

The CONTENTS.

I. Charles of Blois layes Siege to Rennes in Bretagne. II. The Countess of Monford sends for Succour to King Edward, who orders the Lord Walter Manny to her Aid: But he is detain'd at Sea 40 days. III. The City of Rennes taken by Charles of Blois. IV. He besieges the Countess in Hennebond, with a notable Exploit perfor∣med by her in Person, after which she is forced to ride off to Brest. V. She returns again to Hennebond with a good Succour, whereupon Charles of Blois, leaving half the Army still there under Don Lewis of Spain, goes with the other half and lays Siege to Auray: Sr. Reynald of Dinant's Success against the Garrison of Roster∣nan. VI. Hennebond being just on the point of Yielding, the Lord Walter Manny arrives; the Bishop of Leon falls off from the Countess. VII. The Lord Manny in a sally breaks the Enemies biggest Engine of Battery to pieces, and gives them a brisk Camisade. VIII. Don Lewis rises in despair, and goes to Charles of Blois be∣fore Auray, who sends him to take in Dinant. In his way thither he takes Comper. IX. The Lord Manny having retaken Comper, returns to Hennebond. X. The Men of Dinant having murder'd their Captain, Sr. Reynald of Dinant, yield to Don Lewis, who after that takes and sacks Guerande. XI. Auray taken by Charles of Blois. XII. He takes Vannes and lays Siege to Karhais. XIII. The Lord Manny routs Don Lewis, killing 5700 of his Men; the Don narrowly escaping. XIV. While the Lord Manny attacks Rosternan, the Captain of Favoet takes and carries away two English Knights; whom the Lord Manny pursues and besieges, but hearing of a power∣full Succour approaching, rises and goes homeward, taking Gony en la Forest in the way: The Countess sends to England for a Reinforcement. XV. Karhais yields to Charles of Blois, who thereupon returns before Hennebond. Don Lewis, having ob∣tain'd as a gift the disposal of the two English Knights Prisoners, vows to behead them both in sight of their Friends in Hennebond. XVI. The Lord Manny here∣upon calls a Council of War, and propounds and effects the Rescue of the two Knights. XVII. Hereupon Charles of Blois raises his Siege again, but takes Jugon by a wile. XVIII. A Truce taken between the Lord Charles and the Countess, which latter comes to England with her Son; where she is honourably received of the King. XIX. The Earl of Salisbury conquering the Isle of Man, is by the King of England crown∣ed King thereof: Pope Benedict the Twelfth dying, is succeeded by Clement the Sixth.

I. WE have before given an Account of the Occasion and Beginning of the Wars in Bretagne; how John Earl of Montford was taken at Nantes and deliver'd up, as Prisoner to King Philip, who commit∣ted him to the Louvre, and that all that Winter the Lord Charles of Blois remained about Nantes, intending to renew the War in the Opening of the Year. Now therefore having remov'd out of the way the Matters of Scotland, we shall return again to Bretagne, where shortly we shall find England engag'd in a War. Early a 16.65 in the Spring of this Year MCCCXLII, all the French Lords, who had the Year before assisted the Lord Charles of Blois, returned unto him to the City of Nantes with a great Power of Armed Men. Among them it was in a Council of War agreed, that the City of Rennes upon the River of Vilaine should be first attempted, as being a place of great Importance, and the Seat of Parliament for the whole Pro∣vince. The Countess of Montford who foresaw no less, had already well provided for that City, having made a most loyal and couragious Gentleman of Bretagne, na∣med Sr. William Cadudal Captain thereof. However the Lords of France laid their Siege to Rennes, but were so well received by the Captain, that they lost much more than they could win: Yet still they continued there, resolving one way or other to be Ma∣sters of the Place,

II. Upon the first News of their Return into Bretagne, the Countess of Montford sent the Lord Emery Clysson into England, to desire Succour of King Edward; proffe∣ring her only Son and Heir in Marriage with one of the Kings Daughters, who there∣upon should be Dutchess of Bretagne. King Edward upon this Lords Arrival was at London, holding a great Feast, for it was Easter, whereupon most of his Chief Barons and Knights were about him. When the Lord Clysson had punctually related his whole Errand, the King granted his Request in contemplation of the Alliance already made, and to be made between England and Bretagne. Whereupon he commanded the Noble Lord Walter Manny, to take with him as many Men of War as Sr. Emery thought necessa∣ry, besides 5000 Select Archers at least, and with all speed to cross the Seas for Bre∣tagne in order to aid the Countess. Sr. Walter Manny prepared with all Expedition, and when all things were ready, took the Sea with these Lords of England and of Bre∣tagne in his company; the Lords of Bretagne were Sr. Emery of Clysson, the two Bre∣thren of Lyndale, Sr. Lewis and Sr. John, Sr. Alan Sirefond, Sr. John Hayes of Bra∣bant; and of England the Lord John b 16.66 Bardolph, the Lord Miles Stapleton, the Lord John Darcy senior, Sr. John Butler and Sr. Matthew Trelauny; being in all c 16.67 620 Men of Arms and 6000 Archers with others: For we find d 16.68 that Hugh Audley Earl of Glocester, was also there as a Volunteer under the Lord Manny, with a Troop of an 100 Men of Arms, himself accounted for one, whereof there were befides one Banne∣ret, twenty Knights and seventy eight Esquires; and these were joyned with another Troop of an 100 Archers on Horseback: Here was also the Lord William Bohun Earl of Northampton, who e 16.69 had Commission to receive Fealty and Homage from the Bretons, on the behalf of King Edward, as King of France. But thô these Succours took the Sea early enough, it was almost too late before they came to the Coun∣tess, for they were detained at Sea more than fourty Days by Tempests and bad Weather.

III. The mean while the Lord Charles of Blois, who had layn some while before Rennes, gave such Trouble to them within, that the Citizens would gladly have Ar∣ticled; but Sr. William Cadudal their Captain, would by no means hear of any Agree∣ment. The Besieged however, when they saw that all this while there came no Succour from England, nor from the Countess, as they had been promised, and that they had already endured much Trouble, urged the Captain again more importunately to think of yielding while there was time of Mercy; but he absolutely refused, saying, he was strong enough to hold out, but if not, had rather die than turn Traytor. When they saw his Resolution, they kept their own counsel secret; and being resolved to save themselves (thô without doing him any harm, for they lov'd his Person for his va∣lour, Bounty and Loyalty) they once by a wile train'd him from his Attendants, and seising his Person cast him into Prison. Then they presently agreed with Sr. Charles of Blois to yield up the Town the next Day, on condition, that the Captain and all those who would still hold on the Countesses side, might have free leave with their Horse and Arms to depart whither they would; and the rest should make Homage unto him. Accordingly in the beginning of May, the City was yielded up, and the Lord Charles received there, as Duke of Bretagne; to whom all the Burgesses made their Homage and sware Fealty. But Sr. William Cadudal could not be wrought upon

to own him, or his cause; wherefore according to the Articles he had leave to de∣part; which he did with all those of his Mind, and went straight to the strong Town of Hennebond, where he found the Countess; who as yet had heard no News of Sr. Eme∣ry Clisson and his Fellows.

IV. Rennes being thus taken, the Lord Charles of Blois was s 16.70 advised to go and lay his Siege to Hennebond, where the Head of the War, the Countess and her Son were. For (said the Lords, his Friends)

now the Earl himself, your Adversary, is in Prison; if We might get the Countess and her Son into Our Hands, the whole War would be at an end.

This Advice, if it had been taken before they went to Rennes, had in all likelihood succeeded, as they wish'd: For even now We shall find the Place to be almost reduc'd, by that time the slow Succours came from England.

When the Countess understood that the French were come to Besiege her, she im∣mediately commanded an Alarum to be given with the Watch-Bell, for all Men to go to their Defences. And she had now with her in the Town a Competent Garrison, well furnish'd with Provision, Ammunition, and Good Captains, as the Bishop of Leon, Uncle to the Lord Henry du Leon, who was Revolted, Sr. Pierce of Triguier, the Lord of Lan∣dernear, Sr. William Cadndal, Sr. Henry Pennefort, and Sr. Oliver his Brother, the Go∣vernour of Guingand, and many other Valiant Gentlemen.

When Sr. Charles came thither with his Army, he encamped within a quarter of a Mile of the Town: But some of his lusty young Knights, and Esquires would not rest till they had try'd what Defence their Enemies could make. So to the Barriers to skirmish they went; and others, as bold went forth to meet them: The Dispute was continued very hot between them for a while; but at last the Frenchmen and Genouese being overpower'd, were forced to retire with considerable loss. The next day Sr. Charles perfected his Siege round both the Town and Castle, except where the Castle opens to the Sea; (for he had no Navy) and then took Advice to give a fierce Assault at the Barriers, which continued till Noon: At which time the Assailants were compelled to draw back, themselves all weary, and having lost many of their Men. When the Lords of France saw their people retire thus, they were no less ashamed, than displeased; insomuch, that they all ran thitherward with the remainder of their Forces, and made the others turn their Faces again, and together with them renew the As∣sault. This was a most vigorous and general Onset, and Honourably performed; but the Besieged still defended themselves most resolutely. The Virago Countess was her self Armed Cap à pied, and rode about on a large strong Courser from street to street, desiring and commanding all Men to make good their Defence: The very Women and Maidens she order'd to cut their Garments shorter, and to carry Stones and Pots of quick Lime to the Walls, to throw down upon the Enemy. And she her self to set an Ex∣ample of Hardiness to her Sex, perform'd that day such an Exploit, as few Ages can equal; but all Writers joyntly attest. g 16.71 When she had thus set all hands to Work, she mounted the Highest Tower to see how the Frenchmen were disposed without: And there she saw how all the Army was engaged at the Assault, and had left the Camp unguarded. Hereupon she descended, took again her Courser, all Armed, as she had been, and Selecting 300 Horsemen went with them to another Gate, which was not Assaulted. Here she issued forth with all her Company, and taking a Course dashed into the French Camp, cutting down, and setting fire to their Tents and Pavi∣lions: There was no resistance made against her, for she met with no body in the Camp, but Boys and Pages, who ran all away with great outcries. When the Lords of France looked back, and heard this confusion, and saw their Tents on fire, they left the Assault, and return'd to the Field, crying Treason. When the Countess saw them Returning, she gather'd her Men together, and perceiving that without great Danger she could not recover the Town again, took another way, and made toward the Castle of Brest, which was above 22 French Miles from thence.

But soon after, the Lord Lewis of Spain, who being Marshal of the Host, was re∣turning that way toward the Camp, when he beheld such a Company of his Enemies marching off, followed after them with a competent Number of his best Horse, and pursued the Countess so close, that he slew and hurt several of her Men, who could not keep up with her: But however, she and the greater part of her Peo∣ple rode so well, that they gained Brest, where they were all received with great joy.

V. The next day the Lords of France, having thus lost most of their Tents and Provisions, resolved to lodge nearer the Town in Bowers made of Trees: But they

were mightily surprised, when they heard how the Countess her self had headed that daring Exploit. However the Besieged were extreamly concern'd for their Lady; for of five days together they heard no tidings of Her, nor could any way tell, what was become of Her. The mean while the Countess took such Care of her Affairs, that she had gather'd together no less than 500 Men of Arms, besides those whom she brought with her to Brest: And having so done on the Fifth day from her coming thi∣ther, she left the Town with all this Warlike Company, and rode forward without noise, till about Sunrise she came along by one side of the Enemies Camp, to the very Gate, whence she had before made that daring Sally, which immediately upon know∣ledge of her Person, was opened unto her: And so both She and all her Company enter'd Triumphantly with a great noise of Trumpets and Clarious; whereby the French Army was roused. They admired much at this Rejoycing of the Besieged, and made haste to give them a fresh Alarum; as those within did to defend themselves. For this seasonable Return of the Countess with so good a Succour, brought such mighty as∣surance to the Town, that now they made a most notable defence, thô their Ene∣mies held them hard at Work all that Morning: At Noon the Assault ceased, the French having by far the Worst of it, as well now, as at other times. Hereupon it was determin'd in a Council of War, that the Lord Charles of Blois, and Guy Earl of Blois his Father, the Duke of Bourbon, and the Marshall of France Sr. Robert Bertrand, should go with most of their Troops, and lay Siege to the strong Castle of Auray upon the Morbihan, which is said to have been built by the Famous Breton, King Arthur. And that the Lord Henry du Leon, Don Lewis of Spain, and the Vicount of Roue••, with all the Spaniards, and part of the Genouese should tarry still before Hennebond, and block it up; for they despaired of taking it by Assault. But however they sent to Rennes for 12 great Engines, wherewith they might cast huge Stones into the Town and Castle Night and Day. Thus the French Host was divided, the One part lying before Hennebond, and the Other before Auray. This Fortress of Auray was now well fortified and supply'd with 200 choice Souldiers, and Provision sufficient, and the Countess of Monford had lately sent them from Hennebond two Valiant and Loyal Captains, Sr. Henry Pennefort, and Sr. Oliver his Brother. About four Leagues from this Castle was the strong City of Vannes, which still held for the Countess, by whom the Lord Geoffry of Malestroit was made Captain of the Place. Not very far off was the good Town of Guingand, the Governour whereof, the Lord of Dinant, was now in Hennebond with the Countess; but he had left the Town well provided both of a Captain, and what else was necessary, his Wife and Children being in the Town of Dinant, whereof Sr. Reynald of Dinant his Son was Captain. Between Guingand and Vannes stood a strong Castle belonging to Sr. Charles of Blois, called Rosternan, well Garrison'd with Souldiers of Burgundy, whose Captains were Sr. Gerard of Morlaix, and Sr. Peter de Portbeufe. These two wasted all the Country about them, and prov'd a great Nuisance to both the foresaid Towns; so that neither Merchandise, nor Provi∣sion could be sent to either of them without Danger of being intercepted and lost. For one day they would ride toward Vannes, and another toward Guingand, and still, when one Captain went forth, the other kept the Castle. One day among the rest, it hap∣pen'd, that Sr. Reynald of Dinant had laid an Ambush for these Prolers, at which very time Sr. Gerard of Morlaix their Chief Captain, being ridden forth, had taken 15 Mer∣chants with all their Goods and Commodities, and was now driving them to his Castle of Rosternan. But in the way he fell into Sr. Reynald's Ambuscade, who took Sr. Gerard, and Twenty five of his Men Prisoners, rescued the Merchants and all their Goods, and return'd safe to Dinant: Whereby the Young Man deservedly got much Commendation.

VI. All this while h 16.72 Sr. Charles of Blois gain'd no great Advantage at Auray. But Don i 16.73 Lewis of Spain, Nephew to King Alphonso the XI, who continu'd the Siege before Hennebond, had so broken and shatter'd the Walls of the Town with his En∣gines, that the Besieged began to doubt extreamly. One day among others, the Pi∣shop of Leon having had some Communication in the Camp with Sr. Henry du Le••s his Nephew, after much arguing (for the Bishop was sent forth to obtain some short re∣spite) it was at last agreed, that the Bishop should endeavour to perswade them within to yield up the Town and Castle to Sr. Charles of Blois; and Sr. Henry du Leon on the other side, engag'd to obtain of the Lord Charles a full freedom and liberty for them all, that they should receive no Damage either in Body, or Goods. Upon this con∣clusion the Bishop enter'd the Town again; immediately whereupon the Countess, who suspected his Errand (after she had heard of his conference with Sr. Henry) beg'd earnestly

of the Lords and Knights, who were with her in Council,

that for the love of God, they would all take heart, and hold out a little longer:

For she said, she was confi∣dent, that within three days the Succours from England would arrive. But yet the Bi∣shop spake so effectually, and gave so many Reasons for what he said, that all their Minds were mightily perplexed, and they remain'd in doubt all that Night. The next Morning they met in Council again: And at last they began to agree about yielding, and had accordingly then done it, had Sr. Henry been near with his Forces to enter and take possession. Then the Countess ran to a Window in great Agony, and look'd down along the Sea from the Castle with her heart aking, while her Lords were left de∣bating of these unpleasant matters. Of a sudden she leap'd for joy, and cry'd out aloud,

I see, I see the Succours of England coming! There's the Cross of St George! God has heard our Prayers: He has heard Us!

Then all the Lords, and others, ran to the Window, and to the Walls, and up to the High Tower, whence they beheld a Fleet of Ships, Great and Small, freshly deck'd, making up to the Port. They pre∣sently knew it to be the English Fleet, as indeed it was, and had been detain'd above 40 days at Sea by ill-weather; but now happily came in the very Golden Opportunity to save the Countess and the Town.

Now k 16.74 when the Governour of Guingand, Sr. Pierce of Triguier, Galeran Lord of Landerneau, and other Knights of Bretagne saw these Succours coming, they said to the Bishop,

Sir you may e'n leave off this pious Harangue about Peace, for we are not at present disposed to follow your Doctrine.

Then said the Bishop,

if so Gen∣tlemen, we must e'n part Stakes: For I will go to that Side which hath most Right.

Having so said, he went out of Town and defi'd the Countess and all her Abettors, and being brought to Sr. Henry du Leon, shew'd him how Matters stood. Sr. Hen∣ry was wonderfully displeas'd, and gave Command, that the very greatest of the En∣gines which were rais'd against the Castle, should be pli'd Day and Night without ceasing: And so he led his Uncle the Bishop to Don Lewis of Spain, who in the Name of Sr. Charles of Blois received him kindly, as well for the Accession of so considerable a Person, as for Sr. Henry his Nephew's sake.

VII. The mean while the Countess of Montford made ready Halls and Chambers to entertain the Lords and Captains of England that were coming, and she sent out the Chief of her Court to welcome them in the Haven upon their Landing. When they were landed she her self went forth to meet them, and shew'd all along great Respect to the Captains and feasted them highly, and gave them hearty Thanks, and lodged all the Knights and Others at their Ease in the Castle and the Town. The next day she made them a very noble Dinner in the Castle (now all the night before, and all that morning, the great Engines cast mighty Stones against the Castle) wherefore after Dinner the Lord Walter Manny, who was General of all the English Forces, enquired of the condition of the Town, and of the Army without, and having heard a full Account of all, he said,

Surely Gentlemen, I have a desire to sally out and break down this Great Engine that stands so near us, if any man will follow me.

Then Sr. Pierce of Triguier and the Lord of Landerneau said, they would not fail to follow him in this his first Adventure. So they immediately arm'd themselves, and went out privily at a certain Postern with 300 Archers, and about 40 Men of Arms. The Archers shot so thick altogether, that those who kept the Engine fled away, and the Men of Arms who came after the Archers, pursu'd and slew many of those that fled, and then with Axes they beat down the Engine to the ground and brake it all to pieces. Nor content herewith they ran in among the Tents and Lodgings that stood nearest, setting Fire in divers Places, and killing and wound∣ing till the whole Army began to stirr. Then they put themselves in good Order and withdrew fair and softly, they of the Host running after them like Mad-men. Here∣upon Sr. Walter-Manny said aloud,

Let me never be beloved of my Lady, if I re∣fuse to take a Turn with one or two of these Pursuers!

And therewithall he couched his Spear and faced about to his Enemies; so did the two Brethren of Landale, Sr. Hayes of Brabant, Sr. Pierce of Triguier and the Lord of Landerneau, with the o∣ther Knights of Bretagne and of England that were there. Then might have been seen a fierce Medley indeed, Spears shivering to pieces, Horses falling down and Men revers'd upon the Earth: But those from the Camp encreasing upon the Others con∣tinually, it behoved the English by little and little to endeavour to recover the Town. In this bonourable Retreat it was a gallant fight to behold, how here a Prisoner was taken, and immediately rescued again; here a Knight was unhorsed and forthwith re∣mounted upon his Enemies Beast. The Lord Walter Manny shew'd himself both a

Wise Captain and a valiant Knight: For all the while he fought couragiously in the Reer of his Men, as he retired discreetly to the Ditches: Where the Archers being planted on each Flank, he made a stand with his choice Captains about him, till he saw all the rest in safety. By which time almost all the Men of Arms within the Town sallied forth with great clamour to rescue their Friends; and about 3000 Archers more came out and ranged themselves on each side the Dike in order to receive the Enemy: But they for their part prudently retired, finding it a vain Attempt to force them upon such Disadvantage; and the English returned all safe and victorious into the Fortress. At which time the Countess, who from the high Tower had seen all this brave Skirmish, descended and came forth of the Castle with a glad cheer, and in the Street she met and kissed Sr. Walter Manny and his Captains one after an∣other, twice or thrice (as Froisard says) like a valiant Lady.

VIII. This bold and lucky Enterprise of the English Generals took off all hope from the Enemy of Prevailing; wherefore the l 16.75 next day Don Lewis of Spain called a Council of War, and the Vicount of Rouën, the Bishop of Leon, Sr. Henry du Leon and Sr. Otho du Rue Master of the Genouëse, to know their Advice in this Jun∣cture. They remembred how long they had lain already to little purpose before the strong Town of Hennebond; they saw how mightily the Enemy was reinforced with these Men of Arms and Archers of England; so that they were ready even to have bid them Battle at their Gates: Their biggest Engine was broke, many of their Men slain and wounded; their Army weaker, the Enemy much stronger: So that on all these considerations they thought it but lost time to wait for any good Success there; and thereupon concluded to raise their Siege the next day, and to draw to the Castle of Auray; where still Sr. Charles of Blois lay at Siege with the other half of the Ar∣my. As they had agreed the next day they began their March for Auray, whereat those of the Town made great Outcries and Shoutings after them, and some adven∣tur'd to follow them in the Reer, but they were soon beat back again, nor did they gain the Town without loss. When Don Lewis of Spain came to the Lord Charles of Blois, he gave his Reasons why he rais'd his Siege from before Hennebond; which were allowed. But Sr. Charles being of himself strong enough to maintain the Siege before Auray, he sent Don Lewis to Dinant, a Town not otherwise fortified than by Pales, the Water of the River Rance and a Marish Ground. The Spanish Lea∣der in his way thither, came to a Castle called m 16.76 Comper, the Captain where∣of was a valiant Knight of Normandy named Sr. Anthony Manson, who had a pret∣ty considerable Garrison under him. This Place Don Lewis resolved to attack, and gave them a fierce Assault; which held till Midnight (for it was begun but in the E∣vening) the Defendants still making their part good. The next Morning the Assault was renewed, and (the Ditches being then found not to be of any great Depth) the Assailants approached by Wading, and made a great Breach in the Wall, whereat they entred by Force and slew all the Garrison, but only the Knight their Captain, whom they took Prisoner. When Don Lewis had set here a new Garrison of 60 cho∣sen Men under a good Captain, he went forward and lay down before Dinant.

IX. Now when first Don Lewis had sat down before Comper, immediately one was dispatch'd away with News to the Countess of Montford; who thereupon said to the Lord Walter Manny,

That if he could relieve that Place, it would be as satisfacto∣ry to her, as honourable to himself.

Sr. Walter agreed, and the next Morning be∣gan his March towards Comper with most of the Forces of Hennebond: About Noon he came to the Castle, wherein now was a Garrison of Spaniards and French, for it had been won the Day before. Sr. Walter was vext when he saw that Don Lewis himself was not there; for he came with a resolution to give him Battle: However he said to his Men,

Gentlemen, I am not in the mind to stirr hence, till I know who are in the Castle and how they came there.

So the Assault was begun, and the French and Spaniards within stood stifly to their Defence: But the English Archers held them so short, that (the Ditch being now also gaged with Spears and found passable) the Men of Arms came easily to the Walls; and presently finding the Breach, at which the French had entred before; they also entred the Castle the same way and slew all they found there, but ten whom they took to Mercy. The Lord Manny would not leave any Garrison there, for he saw well the Place was not tenable; wherefore ha∣ving set it on fire, he returned with his English and Bretons to the Countess to Hen∣nebond: for he durst not go too far from that Fortress having almost drained the Gar∣rison.

X. In the mean time Don Lewis lay at Siege before Dinant, wherein was Captain

the young Sr. Reynald of Dinant, Son to the Lord of Guingand, who had so well acquitted himself against Sr. Gerard of Morlaix, as we shewed a little before. He va∣lued nothing the Threats of Don Lewis, but always gave him his hands full of work when he came to assault them. But Don n 16.77 Lewis within a little while had got to∣gether several Boats and little Barks: so that now he could attack the Place both by Land and Water at once. Wherefore when the Burgesses of the Town saw their condition, they resolved to yield, and begun to perswade Sr. Reynald their Cap∣tain thereto; but he disdaining their Motion, protested he would never endure to be so basely disloyal: Wherefore these Barbarous Wretches laid hands upon the noble∣hearted young Gentleman, and most inhumanly murder'd him in the open Market∣place. When thus Don Lewis had gain'd the Town, he released Sr. Gerard of Mor∣lais (whom he found there a Prisoner) and made both him and his Friend Sr. Pierce Portbeuf Captains thereof, with a sufficient Garrison under them. From thence Don Lewis marched back again till he came to a great Town on the Sea side, between the Vilaine and the Loire, called Guerande: Where he found several Merchants Ships, which had been come laden with Wine from Poictou and Rochel. The Wine was all sold off, but the Payment was not very good: For Don Lewis seised on all the Ves∣sels and what he found therein, and having mann'd them, assaulted the Town the next day both by Sea and Land. The Besieged could: not make good their Defence both these ways at one time; wherefore the Place was carried by Force, the Town robb'd, all the Souls therein both Men, Women and Children put to the Sword without Mercy; and Five Churches were violated and set on Fire. Which last fact so highly displeased Don Lewis, that he commanded 24 of those who had done it, to be forth∣with hanged for their pains. In this Place there was found much Treasure and Ri∣ches, so that every Man was master of more than he could bear away, wherefore they were fain to pick and choose the most valuable things, and leave the rest against their Wills behind them. For it was a Town of great Traffick and Merchandise.

XI. After this cruel Execution done at Guerande, Don Lewis enter'd into the Ships, which he had found there with Sr. Otho du Rue, and a good Number of Genouëse and Spaniards, resolving to coast along by the Sea side in hopes to find some Pur∣chase. But the Vicount of Rouën, the Bishop of Leon, and Sr. Henry du Leon his Ne∣phew, with all the rest of that Army, return'd back to the Lord Charles of Blois, who lay still before Auray. There they found many Lords and Knights of France, as the Lord Lewis of Poictiers, the Earl of Valence, the Earl of Auxerre, the Earl of Por∣cien, the Earl of Joigny, the Earl of Boulogne and several Others, whom King Philip had newly sent thither to reinforce the Lord Charles against the English; besides not a few, who of their own Good will came to serve him.

Untill this time the Castle of Auray held out very well: But now there began to rage such a Famine among them within, that they fed upon whatsoever they could meet with, having for seven days before dieted upon their Horses: And yet even this Plague which tameth all other Creatures, could not make these Warriers yield: Because the Lord Charles would not grant them Honourable conditions; but deman∣ded them to yield absolutely to his Pleasure.

However one dark Night these valiant Men, seeing they could do no better, went all silently out of the Castle on Foot, and as God would have it, escaped quite thrô the Host, except some few of the Weakest; who being left behind, were per∣ceived and slain. But the two Loyal Brothers, Sr. Henry Pennefort and Sr. Oliver, by means of a little Wood hard by, got off clearly with most of their Men, and came to the Countess to Hennebond, but about 4 French Miles from Auray.

XII. Thus after ten Weeks Siege Sr. Charles of Blois hardly at last gain'd the strong Castle of Auray, which he supplied with a good Garrison and Provision, and so went and laid Siege to the Great City of Vannes. The Captain of Vannes was the Lord Geoffry of Malestroit, a Loyal and valiant Gentleman, who resolved to defend the Place to the last. The Day after Vannes was besieged, a part of the Garrison of Plo∣ermel, which being little more than 7 French Miles from thence, held for the Coun∣tess, rode forth early in the Morning to the Camp of Charles of Blois, where falling suddenly on, they slew, and wounded and terrified many: But having no expert Lea∣der, they engaged themselves too far, and so were well-nigh enclosed unawares, before they could get back: So that they lost many of their Company, and the rest were chased almost to the Gates of Ploermel. When the Bloisians were returned from this Chase, the Lord Charles commanded a general Assault upon Vannes: Whereup∣on within a while the Barriers were won by Force: So that there was held a Bloody

Contest at the Gates of the City, which lasted till Night: At what time a Truce was by the Besieged required, and granted for all the day following. The next day the Burgesses of the City, mauger all that the Lord Geoffry could do or say, conclu∣ded to yield up the Place to Sr. Charles; but however, during the time of the Treaty, the Captain seeing how things would go, got privately out of the Town, and with a few of his own Mind came safe to Hennebond. The Lord Charles enter'd the Town peace∣ably, and had the Homages of all the Inhabitants yielded to him; and so having tarried there five days to set things in Order, he went thence and sat down before Karhais, upon the River Aufene.

XIII. The mean while o 16.78 Don Lewis of Spain, who with his Troops had taken Ship at the Port of Gnerande, which he had so cruelly destroy'd, sailed forth, till he came into Bretagne Bretonant to the Haven of Quimperlay, near Quimpercorentin. Here he landed, and burnt, and wasted all the Country about, and gat a vast quantity of Riches and spoil; which having sent on board, himself proceeded on farther, ravaging about in those parts. Sr. Walter Manny, and Sr. Emery Clisson heard at Hennebond of all these proceedings; wherefore calling a Council of War, they resolv'd to sail in quest of Don Lewis: And so they set forth to Sea with 3000 Archers, and a competent Number of Men of Arms; till at last they arrived at the Haven of Quimperlay, where they found Don Lewis his Navy: Which immediately they boarded, and took with ease, putting all to the sword they found therein. But they admired at the vast Riches and Prey, which the Spaniards had heap'd together, not as we may guess, with a Design to leave them thus for the English. However, Sr. Walter Manny was not satisfied with all this, unless he might dispute his Right thereto with the Owners them∣selves. He therefore leaves his own Vessels, and those he had won to the Protection of 300 Archers, and with the Rest of his Forces, takes Land and Marches up into the Country in quest of Don Lewis, being ranged in three distinct Battails, distant about half a Mile from each other, that the Enemy might not escape them. And thus (Com∣mand being given to fire all Towns which had owned Charles of Blois) they went on, driving the Country before them. When Don Lewis heard of these new Intruders, he drew all his Men together, and endeavour'd with all speed to recover his Ships, which as yet he knew not to be in his Enemies Power. Upon his Return, he encoun∣tred with One of the three English Battails, and finding he could not well avoid them, he resolv'd to engage with them; so he order'd his Men, and made several new Knights (among whom was his Nephew, Don Alphonso, a young hopefull Gentleman) and pre∣sently gave the English a brisk Onset. In all likelihood He had soon prevail'd over this Brigade; but by the Cry and Noise of the Country people, who had sufficient cause to hate the Spaniard, the other two Battalions of the English were in good time di∣rected thither. Then the Archers of England shot so fiercely; that neither the Spa∣niards, nor Genouese could any longer keep their Array. So they were all beaten down, discomfited and slain: For after the Flight was once begun, the Country Peo∣ple fell in with Prongs, Staves, and Stones, and slew all they met, without Mercy. Of 6000 there escapednscarce 300: Don Lewis himself (thô not without several wounds) hardly with a few being able to reach the Haven: But his Nephew, Don Alphonso was slain. When Don Lewis came to the Ships, he could find no entrance for the Archers of England, who kept him off with their shot; But at last, with much difficulty he made shift to get into a little swift Barge; wherein with some few of his Company he fail'd away, as fast as he could.

XIV. Sr. Walter Manny upon his Return, hearing of the Escape of Don Lewis, took the best and nimblest Vessel he had, which he made the Admiral, and follow'd hard in the chace of him, the whole Navy failing after. But the Spaniard had got such a Start before him and fled so fast, that they could not overtake him, till he had taken Land at the Haven of Redon in the River of Vilaine. Don Lewis and his Com∣pany ••ad entred the Town, but durst not tarry there; for the English were then just ready to land at the same Place, and had immediately been upon their Backs, had not the Spaniard got for Himself and his Men such Horses as came first to hand: Where∣with he escaped to the City of Rennes, which was but about ten French Miles off. However some of his Company who were not well horsed, fell into the hands of the English, who pursued them some part of the Way: And then Sr. Walter Manny re∣turn'd back to Redon, where He and his Men lay all that night. The next Day he went on Board again, intending for Hennebond, where the Countess was still: But being driven by contrary Winds he was fain to land about three Leagues from Di∣nant, where having sent his Navy back to Hennebond with a sufficient Convoy, he

took such Horses as he could get, many whereof had no Saddles or Bridles, and so came at last to the Castle of Rosternan. Then Sr. Walter Manny spake to his Fol∣lowers,

Gentlemen, if our Company were not so over-toil'd already, I would make one Attempt upon this Place gladly.

The other Captains repli'd,

Sir, begin when you please; we shall not fail you thô we die for't.

And so saying, they began the Assault: But Sr. Gerard of Morlaix, who being lately sent thither from Dinant, was Captain there now, made so good a Defence, that in the Assault many English Men were grievously Wounded, the chief whereof were Sr. John Butler, and Sr. Mat∣thew Trelauny, two Valiant Knights; who presently thereupon were carried aside into a Fair Meadow hard by, to have their Wounds dressed, and look'd to: The mean while the Assault was carried on with more Fury than before.

Now p 16.79 this Sr. Gerard of Morlaix had a Brother, named Reginald of Morlaix, who was Captain of a little Fortress hard by, named le Favoet: When he heard of the Danger his Brother Gerard was in; taking 40 Spears along with him, he resolv'd to go out to his Assistance. As he rode toward Rosternan, he came by the side of a Wood thrô that same Meadow, where he found the foresaid two Knights, and others, English and Bretons, all Wounded, together with those that attended them. Those that were hurt, he easily made his Prisoners, and led them all back with him to Fa∣voet; all Wounded, as they were: The rest fled directly to Rosternan to Sr. Wal∣ter Manny, and told him what had befell them. Upon this News, He caused the As∣sault to cease, and with all his Forces in great haste followed those that had carried away the Prisoners towards Favoet. They were all got into the Castle before Sr. Wal∣ter could come up to them; but however, as weary as he and his Men were, they be∣gan to Assault this Place also. But because the Fortress was well Defended, and it began to be late, they presently gave over for that time; resolving, when they should have the day before them, to make another Tryal the next Morning. Sr. Gerard of Morlaix knew in what jeopardy his Brother was, and to requite his last Kindness, of which he had had Intelligence, took this Course to deliver him. That Night he mounted his Horse, and rode all alone to Dinant, which he reach'd a little before Day; and there made Declaration of all the Matter to his Old Friend and Compa∣nion, Sr. Pierce Portbeufe, Captain of the Town. Sr. Pierce, when it was day, As∣sembled all the Burgesses of the Town in the Common-Hall, and there Sr. Gerard of Morlaix, with the others Assistance, so perswaded them, that they all agreed to send Succours to Favoet, and so one with another they made up a Body of 6000 Men. The mean while Sr. Walter Manny, just as he was going to renew the Assault, was in∣formed of all this by an Espy; whereupon he call'd a Council of War, by whom it was concluded,

that if Sr. Charles of Blois should come upon them on one side, as those of Dinant were ready to do on the other, they hazarded all upon one Stake: Wherefore they judg'd it best to leave their Friends in Prison, till some better op∣portunity, and with all speed to make now directly for Hennebond.

In their Return, they came to a Castle, called Gony en la Forest, which had been deliver'd up to the Lord Charles of Blois, but fifteen days before. Sr. Walter taking Indignation at the Treathery of those Men, who had yielded up so Strong a Place, said aloud,

that he would go no farther, as weary as He was, till he had attack'd that Castle, and try'd the Demeanour of those within, and whether they had as much Courage, as they had shew'd falshood.

So a fierce Assault began, nor were the Besieged back∣ward to Defend themselves: Sr. Walter encouraged his Men, and was always him∣self among the foremost: The Archers play'd so thick with their shot, that none hardly durst appear at the Battlements: Wherefore within a while the Ditch in one place was filled with Faggots, Turfs, Bushes, Wood, and other solid Matter; so that the Pioneers might approach the Walls; whom the Archers Defended so well, that they presently made a Considerable Breach: Then the Men of Arms entred, and slew all they found therein; and having lodged there that Night, the next Day they all return'd to Hennebond.

When the q 16.80 Countess of Montford heard of their coming, she went forth and met them, and (as Froisard says) kissed the Lords, and made them great Cheer, entertain∣ing them all at a Noble Dinner in her Castle: But now, when it was known that Van∣nes also was newly taken, and Karhais Besieged by the Lord Charles, and that his Power daily encreased by his Succours from France, the Countess and the Lord Walter Manny agreed to send certain Messengers to the King of England, to inform him of the wonderfull Success of Sr. Charles, and that without more Powerfull Forces, than hitherto he had sent, he would be like to bear down all before him: These Messengers ar∣riving safe in Cornwall, rode unto Windsor to the King.

XV. All this while the Lord Charles of Blois, who lay before Karhais, had so closely prest the Town with his frequent Assaults and terrible Engines of Battery, that at last they thought best to yield themselves unto him, and to own him for their Lord and Soveraign. Having therefore received the Town, he tarried there fifteen days, in making new Officers and giving necessary Orders for the Defence of the Place. And this done, thô he well knew the strength of Hennebond, he resolved to lay Siege thereto again, because that was the only Important Place almost which he had not reduced, and there lay the Head of the War, the Countess and her Son. So thither he went with all his Forces and lay down before the Town: The Fourth day after the Siege began, Don Lewis of Spain came again unto him, after he had been detain'd in the City of Rennes six Weeks together, by the Wounds he received in the Fields of Quimperlay; which not till now were perfectly healed. He was extreamly wel∣come to Sr. Charles of Blois; for he was a Prince of great Courage and Conduct, and very considerable among the Men of War. Besides the Accession of so notable a Per∣son, the French Army that lay before the Town encreased daily at a wonderfull rate: For many Lords and Knights of France, who had designed to go into Spain to assist King Alphonso and the Christians against the King of Granada, as in their Passage thrô Poictou they heard of these Wars in Bretagne, stop'd in their intended Journey, and drew thither to the Part of the Lord Charles of Blois. And now had the French rea∣red against the Town fifteen or sixteen vast Engines of Battery: But the Besieged valued them not, for they had before by means of soft Woolpacks, and the like In∣ventions provided against them: sometimes the Townsmen would in contempt mock the Frenchmen from the Walls, crying out in Derision,

Go, go, Messieurs, and gather together your valiant Troops that lie idle in the fields of Quimperlay.

This Sar∣casme was a Corrosive and a Stab to the Soul of Don Lewis of Spain, who lost that Battle and his Nephew Alphonso therein, and hardly escap'd away, wounded himself.

Wherefore one day r 16.81 he came to the Tent of the Lord Charles of Blois, and by way of Friendship, and in lieu of all the Service he ever had or should do for him, desired only one Boon in the presence of several great Lords of France. Sr. Charles, besides the Respect he bore to his Quality, had ever found him a constant and usefull Friend, and so frankly promised to grant him whatever he should demand.

Sir, said Don Lewis, then I require that you would instantly send Order for the two English Knights who are Prisoners in Favoet, that is to say, Sr. John Butler and Sr. Mat∣thew Trelauny to be brought hither, and to be given to me, to do with them as I shall think good. This Sir is the only Boon that I desire of You: They have cha∣ced, discomfited and hurt me, and slain my Nephew Alphonso, with many Hundreds of my Men. I know no better way to be revenged of these Englishmen, who have done me all this Mischief, than if I strike off the Heads of these two Knights before the Town in the sight of their Company.

The Lord Charles who was a most ac∣complish'd Gentleman, was amaz'd at this ungenerous Procedure, and made this An∣swer.

Certainly s 16.82 my Lord Lewis, the Prisoners I yield unto you with a very good will, since you have desired them of me. But doubtless it would be a dishonoura∣ble Action, to put to Death two such valiant Knights as these in cold Blood; and it will give Occasion to our Enemies to deal in the same manner with us, if we shall fall into their Hands: Which, since War is so uncertain, we know not when we may. If they have affronted you, provoked you, wounded you, slain your Ne∣phew, they were your Enemies, they did it in open Field; you could expect no o∣therwise; nay youl'd have done the same to them. Now revenge all this in Gods Name, I allow it; but do it in an honourable way; let not two Innocent Men, whose hands are ti'd, be a Sacrifice to the Anger of the Noble Don Lewis. Dear Cosin, I desire you of all love to be better advis'd, and ask of me any other thing, that I may not be asham'd to grant you.

Don Lewis, who was nothing at all mov'd with these Words, repli'd sullenly,

Sir, if you will not keep your Word with me, be assured, that I shall forsake both your Company and Cause, and never after either serve or love You again while I live.

When Sr. Charles saw him so peremptory, and that nothing could perswade him to alter his Mind, he sent to Favoet for the two English Knights, who were brought the next Morning early to his Tent. Then the Lord Charles renew'd his Requests in their behalf to the angry Don Lewis, but for all that could be said, he was inexorable, and sware by God and St. Jago, they should both loose their Heads after dinner in sight of the Town.

XVI. But it pleased God that all this Discourse, and the Resolution taken about these poor Gentlemen was presently brought to the Lord Walter Manny, with the

exact time when they were to suffer. Sr. Walter being mightily concern'd, calls a Council of War to consider of the matter. Some said one thing and some another; but none could see any Remedy in the case: For the Lord Charles his Forces were not to be fought with in plain Field by those of the Town. At last the Gallant Lord Manny stood up and said,

Gentlemen, it would certainly redound much to our Ho∣nour, if we could deliver yonder two Knights from Destruction. And if we should but endeavour to save them, thô we fell short of our Purpose, yet King Edward our Master would give us many Thanks, and so would all Persons of Honour, that should afterwards hear of the Case: For they will say, that however we did our Devoir to save the Lives of our Companions in Arms. Methinks therefore a Man that dare look Death in the face, should not scruple to venture his life for the Safety of two such valiant Captains, his Friends and Countrymen. Now this is my Advice, that we divide our whole Power into two Parts, the one to pass out at the Great Gate immediately and to range themselves along on the Dike, thereby to provoke the Army (as I believe every Man of them will) to draw that way: The other Party in the mean time to try another Experiment. You my Lord, Emery Clisson, shall be Captain of the First Company, and shall take with you Six thousand good tall Archers, and Three hundred Men of Arms; and I the mean while with an hundred Men of Arms and 500 Archers on Horseback, will sally privily out at the Postern, and taking a Course will dash into their Camp, among the Lodgings behind, which I verily think to find as good as unguarded. Here I have such Men with me, as will shew me the Tent of Charles of Blois, where I am sure to find the two Knights Prisoners, and then let me alone to bring them off. This Project took immediately, and so they prepared to put it in Execution.

About Dinner-time the Lord Emery Clysson set open the chief Gate which look'd to∣ward the Enemy, and marched out with all his Company, some whereof struck sud∣denly in upon the Skirts of the Host, and slew and hurt divers. The whole Army was alarm'd at this unexpected boldness of the Besieged, and made all the haste possi∣ble to chace them back again into the Town. They for their parts retired fair and softly to their main Battle, not ceasing to skirmish all the way: The mean while Sr. Emery drew forth his Men along upon the Dike without the Barriers, and placed the Archers ready on both sides the way to receive the Enemy. The Noise and Cry of Men and Martial Instruments was so great, that all the whole Army drew thitherward, expecting a full decision by Battle; only their Pages and Valets being left in the Camp. At that very time Sr. Walter Manny with his 600 Men sallied out privily at the Postern Gate, and fetching a Compass behind the Camp, entred the Lodgings of the French Lords; where they met with no Resistance; for all were at the Skirmish. Sr. Walter (being directed) went straight to the Lord Charles of Blois his Tent, where he found the two Knights Prisoners, Sr. John Butler and Sr. Matthew Trelauny, with their Faces cover'd and their Hands ti'd behind them: For all the Servants left about them were run away. Sr. Walter unbound them himself, and made them leap upon two good Horses brought thither for that purpose, gave them each a Sword in their Hands, and immediately without doing any harm, return'd the same way he came and enter'd Hennebond with all his Company; where he was received of the Countess with great joy.

All this while the Battle waxed hot near the Great Gate, till the Valets who fled from before Sr. Walter, brought word how the Prisoners were rescued. When Don Lewis heard this Report, he thought the Lord Charles had put a Trick upon him, and ask'd in great fury which way they were gone, that made the Rescue; they told him toward Hennebond. Then he left the Shirmish in great Displeasure, and with his Troops retreated to the Camp; at which time also Sr. Charles sounded a general Retreat: For he found himself cheated, and that there was no good to be done. As the French∣men retired, the Lord of Landerneau and the Governour of Guingand pursued after them so eagerly, that they were both taken Prisoners, and carried to the Lord Charles his Tent, where they were so beset with Threats and Promises, that they presently ac∣knowledged him Duke of Bretagne, and rendred him their Homage and Fealty. Thus for the Recovery of two Friends the Countess lost two other, but however by this A∣ction she gain'd such a Reputation from her Enemies, that they reckon'd her at that time Invincible.

XVII. For three days after this brisk Exploit, at a Council of War in the Lord Charles his Tent it was consider'd,

That Hennebond was not to be forced; that by these Wars the Country had been so wasted and robbed by both Parties, that there

was hardly any Forage or Provision to be got, that Winter also was near at hand; for it was now t 16.83 between the Feast of Remigius and All Saints: Wherefore they agreed to raise their Siege for that time; only it was advis'd, that the Lord Charles should take care to reinforce all his Fortresses which he had won, with Provision, Soldiers and Captains; that so they might the next Year find their Affairs in no worse Posture than now they left them: And for the better security of their Men in Winter Quar∣ters, it was order'd, that if any desired a Truce till Whitsuntide, it should not be refused.

This was the Result of what was agreed in this Council before H••nn••bond in the Moneth of October MCCCXLII.

Whereupon u 16.84 they brake up the Siege, and except only such of the Lords as the Lord Charles of Blois retain'd with him to advise him in his Affairs, all the Captains with their Forces went to their several Homes, or the Quarters assigned them: The Army breaking up at the strong Town of Karhais, where some time after the Lord Charles of Blois remained.

Now during his Stay at Karhais, a certain rich Merchant, being a wealthy and pow∣erfull Burgess of Jugon (a Town standing on the River Arguenon, about 7 Leagues from St. Brieu and 5 from Dinant) was taken up by the Marshall Sr. Robert Beau∣manoir and brought to his Lord Sr. Charles. This Merchant by Commission from the Countess of Montford, had the chief Rule of the Town of Jugon, and was greatly al∣so beloved and respected by the Inhabitants thereof. Him Sr. Charles put in fear of his Life, and pretended to be unwilling to accept of any Ransom whatsoever: So that what thrô Fear and other Arts us'd upon him, he began to listen to a Proposal of Be∣traying the Town. At last it was agreed, that as he who kept the Keys of the Town, he should on such a Night leave open such a certain Gate: For the Accom∣plishment whereof he left his Son in Hostage; and Sr. Charles on his Part promised to give him in Requital of that Service five hundred Pounds of yearly Revenue.

This Agreement was performed on the Alderman's Part; and on the Night ap∣pointed Sr. Charles enter'd the Town at such a Gate with considerable Forces: But the Watchman of the Castle perceiv'd them and gave the Alarm crying out Treason, Treason. At this the Inhabitants began to run to their Arms; but seeing all lost they fled to the Castle for security by Heaps, and to set a good Face upon the Matter, the Alder∣man who was author of the Plot, fled along with them. In the morning Sr. Charles of Blois sent such a number of his Men to search and plunder the Houses, and he him∣self with the rest came before the Castle; and thô he saw and knew the great Strength thereof, yet considering how thronged it was now with new Comers, whereby their Provisions would be mightily wasted, he said aloud,

That he would not stir thence till he had it at his Devotion.

The mean while Sr. Gerard of Rochfort, who was Captain of the Castle, perceiving evidently, and upon strict Examination finding, that this Burgess the Governour of the Town had betrayed all, presently took him and hang'd him for an Example over the Walls; after which considering that his Provision would not serve above ten Days, and that the Lord Charles had made a vow not to depart till he had one way or other reduced the Place, he Capitulated to yield on Con∣dition, that the Goods and Lives of all within should be saved, which was granted. The Lord Charles took them all to his Homage, and left the Castle to the Government of the same Captain, Sr. Gerard of Rochefort, whose Loyalty he approved even thô lately contrary to him: Thus both Town and Castle of Jugon were put in a good posture of Defence, only the Master was changed.

XVIII. But now by the Mediation of many sober Men on both Parties, a Truce was at last concluded between the Lord Charles of Blois and the Countess of Mont∣ford, and consented to by all their Aiders and Assisters, to endure to the Fifteenth of May then next ensuing: Whereupon (the King of England having before sent for the Countess of Montford) as soon as this Truce was ratified; She together with her young Son John, took the Sea and went for England, under the Conduct of the Earl of Northampton, about the Middle of December and arrived in safety at Plimouth, whence She was honourably convey'd to the King, who received her graciously, and for a long while after took Care of her Son here in England. For her sake King Edward renewed those publique Rejoycings, which were usual in his Days, with his accustomed Magni∣ficence. All the Christmass Holydays there were daily Tournaments, Running at the Ring, Dancings, Balls, Splendid Collations and Princely Banquets; so that the Coun∣tess look'd upon the Court of England as another Paradise. And here for many Years her Son was exercised in those honourable Methods of Education, which fitted him for the Character he was afterwards to bear, and enabled him to purchase the Glorious Sir∣name of Valiant.

XIX. This Year the Renowned Earl of Salisbury is said to have Conquer'd the Isle of Man; in consideration whereof, and because x 16.85 his Father was Married to one of the Sisters of Orry, King of Man (descended from Orry Son to the King of Denmark) he y 16.86 was now by King Edward, his Gracious Master, Crowned King of the said Island: which was in like manner enjoy'd by his Son, till he sold it to the Lord Scroop in King Richard the Seconds days; thô it is certain, z 16.87 that he bore the Title of Lord of the said Isle unto the Day of his Death.

On the a 16.88 25 of April this Year, Pope Benedict the XII died at Avignion, after he had sat 7 Years, 4 Moneths, and six Days. Clement the VI succeeded him, a Man of great Learning, but (as 'tis said) very Prodigal, especially of what was not his own: For he took up by way of Provision, as well throughout England, as elsewhere, most of the best Spiritual Preferments; which he b 16.89 conferr'd on his Cardinals, and others; till he forced King Edward flatly to oppose this his Tyrannous Usurpation, as We shall see hereafter.

CHAPTER the TWENTY FIRST.

The CONTENTS.

I. King Edward prepares on all hands against the next Campagne; but chiefly embra∣ces the Countess of Montford's Interest; to whose Aid he commands the Lord Ro∣bert of Artois in all haste to address himself: But not finding the Scots sure, he re∣solves forthwith to bring them down. II. He enjoyns his Clergy by Proclamation to make Publique Prayers for the Success of his Arms. III. A Truce for two Years ta∣ken between the English and Scots, to which the French King gives his Consent. IV. The Lord Robert of Artois, Admiral of the English Fleet, Engages with Don Lewis of Spain, Charles of Blois his Admiral; but a Tempest parts them. V. The Lord Robert of Artois Landing in Bretagne, lays Siege to Vannes, and takes it by Stratagem. VI. The English lay Siege to Rennes. VII. The Bloisian Lords come suddenly before Vannes, and retake it by Storm. VIII. The Lord Robert of Artois dies in England of his Wounds received at Vannes; King Edward vows to revenge his Death. IX. A Parliament; wherein Edward, the Kings Eldest Son is created Prince of Wales. X. The Commons in Parliament complain of the Popes Provi∣sions, and Reservations of Benefices in England; whereupon by the Kings leave, the two Houses send an Address to the Pope, with the Event. XI. The Popes Letter to the King about the Premises. XII. Another of the Popes Letters to the same pur∣pose directed to his Council. XIII. King Edwards notable Answer unto the Pope in behalf of the Liberties of the Church of England; with his Proceedings there∣upon. XIV. The King goes in Person into Bretagne, and lays Siege to Vannes, with Charles of Blois's Preparations to resist him; and King Edwards march against him; whereupon he Besieges him in Nants: And at the same time takes in Dinant, Ploermel, Malestroit, and other Towns. XV. The Lord Clisson, and the Lord Hen∣ry du Leon taken by the English before Vannes: Don Lewis of Spain distresses the Kings Navy; which being Succoured, for the more security is removed, part to Brest, and part to Hennebond. XVI. John Duke of Normandy comes into Bretagne with an Army against King Edward. XVII. The two Armies confront without offering Battle on either side; by the Mediation of the Pope, a Truce agreed on, and a time limited for a further Treaty; King Edward returns into England. XVIII. The Treaty fully Ratifi'd; whereupon some English Lords go to the Holy War. XIX. The Year concludes with the Death of King Robert of Sicily, of King Philip of Na∣varre, and others: The Foundation of Trinity-Hall, of Pembroke-Hall, and Gonvill and Gaius College in Cambridge.

I. NOw while King Edward was keeping his Christmas with great Solemnity, and entertaining the Fair Countess of Montford, and the Lords of Bre∣tagne, he a 16.90 received sundry Letters of great Importance from several places. From Gascogne and Bayonne his Captains desired a supply of Men to secure the Frontiers: From Flanders Jacob van Arteveld sent him Letters, import∣ing,

how He hop'd shortly to bring it about, * 16.91 that his Eldest Son, Edward Duke of Cornwall, should marry the Daughter of the Earl of Flanders, (for him and his Son they intended to expell) and so should be Lord and Duke of Flanders; with ma∣ny other Politick Devices, which I pass over, because they never took effect. From Scotland at the same time, King Bailiol, who was Governour of Barwick for King Ed∣ward, the Lord Ros of Hamlake, and the Lord Henry Piercy of Northumberland, sent also their Letters, signifying to the King, that the Scots did not hold the Peace o∣ver punctually; but that they made great Trainings, and Muster'd many Souldiers; to what intent, as they knew not, his Majesty might easily guess. Besides all this, his several Captains in Ponthieu, Xaintogne, Rochel, and Bourdelois, sent him Word, how the French made vast Preparations for the ensuing Campaigne, and that therefore the Truce made at Arras, being well-nigh expired, it would become his Majesties Wis∣dom to look about him. And so He did, and answer'd all these Letters distinctly, promising to provide a timely Remedy for all their Doubts: But in especial manner, notwithstanding all these Avocations, he was b 16.92 resolv'd to embrace the Interests of the Countess of Montford, who was then at London with her Son in the Queens Company. Wherefore he commanded his Cousin the Lord Robert of Artois with such a Number of Archers, and so many Men of Arms to undertake this Expedition. He also c 16.93 sent the Lord Thomas Holland, and Sr. John Darvel to Bayonne with 200 Men of Arms, and 400 Archers, to defend the Frontiers there. But as for the Scots, thô the King intended to War upon them in Person, till they themselves required a Peace in the most submissive manner, yet his Lords perswaded him, rather at this time to send unto them in order to Treat for a Truce between the two Realms for two or three Years: For they said,

how it was great Wisdom in a Prince, that hath War in se∣veral places at One time, to make a Truce with One, to pacifie the Other by mild Words, and on the Third to employ his Power,

By these and the like Perswasions, he was content to send d 16.94 Richard Bury Lord Bishop of Durham, Ralph Lord Nevill of Raby, the Lord John Striveling, and others, to Treat about the Premises. But King David, either because He thought this Offer was extorted by some great Ne∣cessity, or for that he was really so obliged to King Philip, return'd answer, that he neither could, nor would strike up a Peace with England, without the Consent of the King of France: That this was one of the Articles in the last Truce, and must be for ever, that nothing of Agreement could be lasting between England and Scotland, with∣out the Allowance of the King of France. King Edward was so nettled at so brisk a Reply from a Prince, whom he had drove out of his Kingdom, that in great Indignation, he vow'd openly;

That now therefore he would for a while intend to no other bu∣siness, but the War with Scotland only; till he had reduced that Kingdom to such Destruction, as should be remembred, while the World endur'd.

And immediately he gave out his Commands for all his Men of War to meet him at Barwick by Easter, except such only, who were appointed for the Wars in Bretagne.

II, Nor did this Heroick Prince trust alone in the Arm of Flesh; but truly consi∣dering, that God Almighty was the sole Disposer of the Success of all Mans endea∣vours, he now issues forth his pious Commands to all the Clergy of England, that with one Voice they would incessantly storm Heaven, and by their importunate Prayers extort a Blessing upon his Arms. Behold a Copy of his Letters,

EDWARD e 17.1 by the Grace of God, King of England, and France, and Lord of Ireland,

to the Reverend his Archbishops, and Bishops, &c. Greeting in the Lord.

The King of Heaven is Terrible in his Judgements, and in Wisdom inscrutable: Who justly correcteth the Sons, whom He loveth, and often shews unto his People that offend, hard things, by humbling Sinners for their Iniquities; that so returning unto him, they may seek his Holy Name with fear. We therefore, duly consider∣ing, with what hazards of War and Adversities, both We and the People under Us, either for our sins, or for theirs, or rather, both for ours and theirs, have been of a long while, and still are exceedingly molested, and very much damnifi'd, and exhausted thereby of our Treasure; and further, weighing the Dangerous inconveniences, that still in all likelihood hang over the heads of Us, and of our People, unless Divine Pro∣vidence shall more graciously respect Us from on High: In the midst of such Diffi∣culties and Troubles, while We behold our own Weakness, in all our Actions We have our recourse to the Divine Omnipotence, trusting, that the Just Judge, the True God, will kindly respect the Truth and Justice of our Cause, and will humble our Adversary. And so in confidence of his Heavenly Compassion, attempting an Ar∣duous Affair, We have ordained our Passage towards the parts of France with a strong

and well-armed Power; and another Army We have order'd to be conducted toward the parts of Scotland; that so, by the Grace of God, We may prevent the Dangers threatned unto Us, and prepare unto our Liege Subjects, after those Storms of Trouble they have suffer'd, the Halcyon-days of Peace and Quiet.

Seeing therefore You are constituted of God, on the behalf of Men, to offer up Gifts and Sacrifices for sin, attend, We pray You, to the foresaid Dangers, not of Us only, but of our People, pouring forth to the most High, Prayers for our happy Suc∣cess, supplying the place of Moses; that by the lifting up of your Hands, We and Our Armies may prevail against the Enemy: And that by the Multitude of Interces∣sors, an Augmentation of Grace may be afforded Us; do You cause thrô all our Ci∣ties, and Towns in your respective Dioceses, Prayers, and Processions to be made, and other parts of Pious Attonement to be meekly performed; that the God of Mer∣cies would vouchsafe to extend the Hand of his Benediction over Us, and our Ar∣mies, and so direct our Actions according to his Good Pleasure, that they may redound to his Praise, to our own Comfort, and to the Quiet and Advantage of Our Liege-Subjects.

Dated, &c. In the Year of Our Reign of England, the f 17.2 17, and of France the 4.

III. And having thus begun with Heaven, King Edward, as he had appointed with his Men of War, kept his g 17.3 Easter at Barwick, and for three Weeks held a great Court there; for all the Chief Lords and Knights of the Land were then about him. But the Divine Goodness was yet willing to defer the further punishment of Scotland: For in the mean time there were found certain Pious Men, who labour'd so earnestly on both sides, that at last a Truce was agreed on to endure for two Years; to which also the French King, for the sake of the Common good of that harassed Kingdom, consented. Thus were these two Tempests of War for that time scattered, without breaking upon one another; saving, that during the time of the Treaty, some few skirmishes passed between the two Armies; and we find, h 17.4 that in one of them, which happen'd at Barwick, the Lord Ralph Nevill of Raby was taken Prisoner, and carried to Dunbar, whence soon after he was redeemed. Only we must not omit, that be∣fore King Edwards Arrival at Barwick, the Scots willing to be beforehand with him, had laid Siege to the strong i 17.5 Castle of Loughmaban, which King Edward had commit∣ted to the Custody of William Bohun Earl of Northampton, but he upon his late going into Bretagne, had left it to the Defence and Care of Sr. Walter Selby, a Valiant Knight. The King hearing of this Siege, sent thither presently the Earl of Darby, the Earls of k 17.6 Gloucester and Northampton (who both return'd out of Bretagne with the Countess) and the Earl of Warwick, and the Lord Robert Hufford Junior, Eldest Son to the Earl of Suffolk with a considerable Body to relieve the Castle. But the Valour of the aforesaid Sr. Walter Selby, with the Assistance of John Kirkeby, Bishop of Carlile, and Thomas Son and Heir to the Lord Anthony Lucy, had raised the Siege and beat away the Scots before they came. And soon after the King, as we shew'd, co∣ming to Barwick with all his Forces, the foresaid Truce for two Years was taken.

IV. The mean l 17.7 while the Lord Robert of Artois busied himself in Preparations for his Expedition into Bretagne: But however, he was not able to take the Sea, till about the beginning of May, in the middle of which Moneth the Truce taken between the Lord Charles of Blois, and the Countess of Montford was to expire. The Lord Charles was not ignorant of the Assistance, which the King of England had promised to send into Bretagne along with the Countess; and therefore against their coming, he had set forth under the Command of Don Lewis of Spain, and the Captains of Genoa, a Fleet of 32 Sail with a 1000 Men of Arms, and 3000 Genouese, besides others, who hover'd about the Isle of Garnsey to intercept the English. The Lord Robert of Artois was now upon the Sea with the Countess of Montford (who had left her young Son John for his better security in England) and these Persons of Quality, name∣ly, William Montague, King of Man, and Earl of Salisbury, John Vere Earl of Ox∣ford, Robert Hufford Earl of Suffolk, Lawrence Hastings Earl of Pembroke, the Lord Ralph Stafford, the Lord Hugh Spencer (Grandchild to the unfortunate Hugh le De∣spencer the Elder, who was Earl of Winchester, in the Days of King Edward the Se∣cond) the Lord Robert Bourchier, the Lord John Tibetot, or Tiptot, the Lord Roger Northwood, and others: All whom Don Lewis of Spain met with before the Isle of Garnsey. When first the English Mariners espi'd the Fleet of Don Lewis consisting of Spaniards, Genouese, French, and Bretons, they warn'd all the Lords and Captains of their Danger. They all commanded their Trumpets immediately to be sounded, and

reared up their Banners and Standards, with their several Arms and Devices, together with St. George's Banner, the Red Cross of England; and so betook themselves to their Arms in their appointed Order, the Archers being planted on the Decks; and then as the Wind served, they went forward Couragiously.

The English consisted of 46 vessels Great and Small, the Spaniards making but 32, as we said before, but among the latter were nine Spanish Carricks high-built and greater than any one of the English, besides three huge Galeons, wherein were the three Admirals, Don Lewis of Spain, the Lord Charles of Germaulx, and Sr. Otho de Rue. At the joyning of the two Fleets, there was a fierce Medly between the Crossbows of Genoua and the English Archers: But when the Men of Arms began to board one another, then the Face of the Battle look'd terrible indeed. m 17.8 The Countess of Mont∣ford her self was that day inferiour to none of the Lords of either side, she had the Heart of a Lion, and in her Hand a sharp Sword, wherewith she laid about her to the pleasure of her Friends, the terrour of her Enemies, and the Wonder of all. The Spa∣niards and Genouese from their great Carricks cast down bars of Iron, Timber and the like, which much offended the English Archers; but however they stood with their Arrows ready nook'd, to take off what ever Head appear'd. This Engagement must of necessity have been very bloody to either side, for it was carried on with much Fury and Bravery of both Parts; but the God of Battles order'd it otherwise: For the Fight having begun about Evensong, a Night came upon them so dark and dis∣mal, that they were all forced as it were by Consent to give over; for they could discern nothing to any purpose. Hereupon they withdrew from each other, and cast Anchor at some distance, but still kept to their Arms; for they thought to renew the Fight again early the next Morning. But about Midnight there arose such a Storm, as seem'd to threaten a Mixture of Heaven and Earth together, and the Elements fought with as great animosity as lately the two Fleets had joyn'd. At this horrible Tem∣pest all their warlike Ardour was quash'd, and the boldest Heart among them wish'd for nothing more than Land: For the Ships dashed so roughly together, they feared that they would split in ten thousand Pieces. The Lords of England enquired of the Mariners what course they had best to take in this Extremity, and they advis'd to make up to Land, because their vessels were not able to ride out so great a Tempest, and there was no danger that their small Ships should be struck upon the Shoar; where∣fore they drew up their Anchors and bare but a quarter Sail, and so at last without much loss they came safe to Land. But the Spaniards and Genouese on the other side hal'd up their Anchors and took the main Sea; for their Ships were better able to ride out, but they could not hope to touch the Land without inevitable Ruine. Upon their Departure they met with four English Vessels, which being laden with Provision, had been scatter'd from the Fleet; these they took and tow'd after them. But still the Storm encreased so outragiously, that in less than a Day, they were driven more than an 100 Leagues from the Place where the Battle was fought. All that Night and the next Day till Noon the Storm lasted without ceasing one jot, to their great danger and no little dammage; for they lost two good Ships with the Men and all that was therein. The third Day about Prime the Sea was calm, and then upon enquiry of the Mariners Don Lewis was informed, how the next landing place was in the Kingdom of Navarre, and that they had been carried from Bretagne more than sixcore Leagues. There then they cast Anchor, and when the Tide came the Wind stood fair for Ro∣chell: So they coasted Bayonne, but would not come near it, because the English were Lords there: In their way toward Rochell they met with 4 Ships of Bayonne coming from Flanders; these they boarded, took them presently, slew all they found there∣in, and held on their course towards the Garonne and Rochel, in order to recover Bre∣tagne. Thus strangely was the Decision of this Engagement prevented by a Tem∣pest, so that it could not be known which Side had the better: For they both were par∣ted against their Wills.

V. The English when the Storm was over, landed in Bretagne near the City of Vannes, whereupon having unladed all their Horse, Armour and Provision, they con∣cluded to send away their Navy to Hennebond, and presently to go and lay Siege to Vannes. The Captains, who were there for the Lord Charles of Blois, were the Lord Henry du Leon, the Lord Oliver Clisson, the Lord of Tumine and the Lord Guy of Lo∣heaire: Who upon the Approach of the English, like Men of Honour seriously appli'd themselves to make good the Place; and at every Gate they set a Knight with ten Men of Arms and 20 Crossbows, and for all the other Defences, both in the Town and Castle, they provided very carefully and wisely.

The Lord Robert of Artois had at this Siege, beside those whom he had sent to Hennebond with the Navy, a 1000 Men of Arms and 3000 Archers, not reckoning the Foot. He wasted all the Country about, and burnt and destroy'd as far as Di∣nant on the other side of Bretagne, and unto Gony en la Forest: So that none durst abide in the plain Country. Every day there were several Assaults and Skirmishes at the Barriers of Vannes, but as yet no great matter was gained.

The mean while Don Lewis having recover'd of the Tempest, passed by Rochell and Poictou, and came up beyond the Mouth of the Loire and landed at Guerande in Bre∣tagne, where he first heard that Vannes was besieged by the English: Of which he pre∣sently sent word to the Lord Charles of Blois.

The Countess of Montford would not return with the Fleet to Hennebond; she had rather in the open Fields adventure her self in the Company of her English Friends before Vannes. But yet she sent word of all to the Lord Walter Manny, who was her chief Captain in Hennebond, and bad him act as should seem best to his Wisdom. Sr. Walter having had this account of Affairs from those who return'd with the Fleet, de∣liver'd the Keeping of the Town to Sr. Willaim Cadudal and Sr. Gerard of Rochefort (who had now left his Command of Jugon, and return'd to the Service of his first Mistress the Countess) and took with him the Lord of Triguier and an 100 Men of Arms and 200 Archers, whom he led to the Siege of Vannes. Upon his Arrival there was a great Assault made at three Places at once, during which time the Archers so well observ'd the Walls, that the Defendants had much ado to make good their Stations. It was a fierce Assault indeed and lasted a whole Day, so at Nights approach it ceased, the English withdrawing to their Camp; as those of the Town did to rest; many of them being wounded and all extreamly wearied. Wherefore they unarmed them∣selves, and only setting the usual Guards upon Duty, intended to ease themselves for that Night. On the contrary, the English kept on their Armour still, except their Head-pieces, and so drank and refreshed themselves: All this was done by the Coun∣sel of the Lord Robert of Artois, who order'd now again three Battalia's as before; two whereof were appointed to renew the Assault at the Gates, and the Third to keep aloof till they had continued the Assault for some time: And when in all likelihood it might be supposed, that the chief Strength of the Town should be drawn to the Gates, then this Battalion in great privacy with Ladders, Ropes and Hooks of Iron should scale the Town in the Weakest place. As it is n 17.9 said of Wolves, that going in great num∣bers to assail a flock of Sheep by Night; they set some one or two of their Compa∣ny on the Wind-side of the Fold afar off, who by their Scent and Howling give a false Alarm and so draw off the Dogs and Shepherds towards the pursuit of them: While the other securely enter the Fold on another side and destroy the whole Flock. This being resolv'd on, about Midnight the Lord Robert of Artois return'd with the first Battle, and gave a fierce Assault at one of the Gates; and the Earl of Salisbury with the second Battle did the like at another. And because it was dark, and to strike the greater Terrour into the Besieged, the English made many great Fires, the light whereof shone over all the City, so that they within thought their Houses had been on fire, and crying Treason, rose presently out of their Beds and ran toward the Light without either Order or Command; and those who were up flew straight to their Arms and repaired to their Defences. While the whole Town was thus engaged at the two Gates, the Earl of Oxford and the Lord Walter Manny approached silently with the third Battalion to the Walls, where no Defence being made, without any Difficulty they mounted up with the Scaling-ladders and entred the Town. The Frenchmen and Bretons had no heed of them, they were so busied in other Places, till they saw them in Martial Array in their very Streets. Then every Man fled away to save himself, the Captains not having time enough to gain the Castle, took their Horses in a great Hurry, and with much ado getting out at a privy Postern escaped. Happy was he who made the same Advantage of that Postern: For all that ever were seen by the English were slain or taken; the Castle was immediately summon'd and yielded, the Town overrun and rob'd; and the Countess and the Lord Robert of Artois entred the City with great joy at their happy Success.

VI. Thus was the strong City of Vannes taken by Stratagem; but the Triumph of the Conquerours was not of long Continuance: For when their Strength was divided, it was again recovered with no mean interest. Five Days o 17.10 after this Victory, the Countess of Montford and the Lord Walter Manny with many other Knights of Eng∣land and Bretagne returned to Hennebond: Soon after that the Earls of Salisbury, Pem∣broke, Oxford and Suffolk went from Vannes with a 1000 Men of Arms and 3000

Archers, and laid Siege to the City of Rennes, from whence the Lord Charles of Blois had been gone but four Days before; thô he had left the Place well furnished with Captains and Men of War; and had also refreshed Don Lewis his Navy, and set him again to keep the Sea; so that this Year they did much Harm upon the Coasts of Eng∣land, and none could pass without their Danger between Bretagne and England.

VII. This Winning of the City of Vannes amazed all the whole Country; for 'twas thought the Place being so strong, and the Captains such Choice Men both for Skill and Courage; that if they had been as True as they should have been, the Town was so well provided of Men of War, and Artillery, that it might have held out much lon∣ger against any Forces whatsoever. Sr. Henry du Leon, and Sr. Oliver Clisson were in∣finitely troubled and asham'd at these Reports; and their Enemies and Enviers made them yet more concerned; for they cry'd shame on them, and laid direct Treason to their Charge. Wherefore what thrô shame and indignation, and what thrô hope of Success, they both privately resolved to make one vigorous Effort; if by any means they might recover the Town, and thereby reestablish their tottering Credit. At last they got together such a Number of Knights and Esquires, Men of Arms, and others; that on an appointed Day, there met before the City of Vannes more than 12000 Men, the Chief whereof, beside themselves, was the Lord Robert Beaumanoir Marshal of Bretagne, under the Lord Charles of Blois. When the Lord Robert of Artois saw, how of a sudden he was closely besieged on all sides, he was not at all negligent to do what became his Wisdom and Courage; but he was something surpris'd to be taken at such a time, when most of his best Friends were absent with the Earl of Salisbury, who lay then before Rennes, but knew nothing of this matter, it had been carried on so privately. When the Besiegers had made good their Approaches, and rightly fitted themselves, they immediately fell on the Assault, which they maintain'd with incredible Fury and Resolution: For they feared, lest the Earl of Salisbury should be informed of this their undertaking, before they had effected their Design. The Lords Henryds Leon, and Sr. Oliver Clisson gave the greatest Encouragement, and set the best Ex∣ample; so that never any Attack was carried on with more Ardour, nor obtain'd bet∣ter Success: For there were so many places to be Mann'd, and so few hands to per∣form, that at last they wan the Barriers, not long after the Gates, and so they entred the City by force; the English being now in their turn put to the chace, many hurt and taken, and more slain. The Lord Robert of Artois escaped very narrowly thrô a Postern, thô grievously wounded, and with him the Lord Stafford, who both got to the Countess to Hennebond. The Lord Hugh Spencer was taken by the Lord Hen∣ry du Leon, but so grievously wounded, as Froisard says, that he died within three Days after. Thô this is a mistake; for this Baron Spencer died not till p 17.11 six Years after, as appears from the Records; only indeed a Brother of his, Sr. Ed∣ward Spencer, we find to have departed this Life about this time: But neither will I affirm, that he was the Man; for his Death is set a little more forward.

VIII. Thus q 17.12 was the City of Vannes retaken and fortified, and repaired with all Expedition imaginable for fear of a Relapse; so that within a short space, it was much better provided to endure a Siege, than ever before. The Lord Robert of Artois tarried a while at Hennebond, to seek remedy for his Wounds; but neither did the Air agree with him, nor the Physick: For he found but little good there. So he was advis'd to return into England, where he might get more skilfull Chirurgeons: But in his voyage the Sea and the Weather us'd him so unkindly, that his sores fester'd, insomuch that being brought to London, he there died soon after. Surely thô his High Spirit, not being able to brook an injury from one, whom He had in a manner raised to a Crown, had urged him to open Enmity with his own Country, yet for his Valour, Conduct, and Loyalty to King Edward, he ought not to be deprived of his due Com∣mendations; especially since his fault against his Country may seem to have been expi∣ated by his violent Death; but the Worth of the Man may appear to have been considerable, since his fall was bemoan'd as a Publique Loss over all England, and King Edward himself being present at his Funeral in St. Pauls Cathedral, perform'd his Obsequies as solemnly as if he had been his own Cosin, Henry Plantagenet, the most Noble and Valiant Earl of Darby. Nor that only, but he made a vow, that he would severely revenge his Death,

and to that purpose would go himself in Person into Bretagne, and bring the Country into such heavy desolation, that it should not be recover'd of fourty Years.

He that could resolve to do so much for his sake after Death, cannot but be supposed to have had an high esteem for his Per∣son, when living: Althô I do not find, that he had any Monument raised for him

over the place of his Burial. Perhaps King Edward thought, as the late Noble Mon∣tross wrote for his Martyr'd Prince, that it was more fitting

To sing his Obsequies with Trumpets Sounds, And write his Epitaph in Blood and Wounds.

However the Kingdom of France did not gain much by his Fall; for her evil Genius soon after rais'd up another Native of her own, who prov'd as great a Firebrand of the War a∣gainst Her.

IX. But we must not omit a Memorable Parliament, which King Edward held this Year at his Palace of Westminster; die Lunae post Quindenam Paschae, that is, on * 17.13 the 28 Day of April; during the Sessions whereof, viz. on the 12 of May, being a Mon∣day, King Edward created r 17.14 his Eldest Son, Edward, who was now in the Thirteenth Year of his Age, Prince of Wales, investing him with a Coronet, a Gold Ring, and a silver Rod: And that he might be enabled to maintain a Port according to his Style and Dignity (besides his former Titles and Profits annexed thereto) he added several other Lands, which are all particularly enumerated in a Writ directed to Wil∣liam Emelden, ordering him to deliver them unto this Prince, or his Attorney, to∣gether with this Dignity. Further, the King granted him all Debts and Arrears of Foreign Rents due to himself for what cause soever, in North and South-Wales, to the time of his being created Prince of Wales; as also all Victuals, Arms, Horses, Oxen, Cows, and other things in and upon all the Castles and Lands which he held by the Kings Grant. At the same time the King Knighted several young Noblemen, particularly s 17.15 John Beauchamp younger Brother to Thomas Earl of Warwick, to whom he then gave an allowance of twenty pounds per annum, toward his better support in the Kings Service.

Now it was Enacted, t 17.16 that the Statute made at Westminster 15 of Edward 3. (which the King had soon after revoked, as we have shewn) should accordingly be ut∣terly Repealed, and lose the Name of a Statute; as contrary to the Laws, and the Kings Prerogative. But forasmuch as the Articles there made, were Reasonable; it was Enacted, that such Articles, and others agreed on in this Parliament, should be made into a Statute by Advice of the u 17.17 Justices.

X. In this Parliament it is Recorded, x 17.18 That the Commons of England made great Complaint of the Provisions, and Reservations coming from the Court of Rome: Where∣by the Pope took up beforehand the future vacancies of Ecclesiastical Dignities for A∣liens, and such as had nothing to do within this Realm. They remonstrated to the King the Manifold Inconveniences ensuing thereby; as the Decay of Hospitality, the transporting of the Treasure of the Realm to the Maintenance of the Kings Mortal Enemies; the Discovering of the Secrets of the Kingdom, and the utter discourage∣ment, disabling, and impoverishing of Scholars, Natives of the Land. Among other instances, they also shewed how the Pope had secretly granted unto two New Car∣dinals sundry Livings within the Realm of England, and particularly to the Cardinal of Perigort above ten Thousand Marks, Yearly Collections. Whereupon they hum∣bly require the King and his Lords to find a Remedy for these Intolerable Encroach∣ments; for that they neither could, nor would any longer bear those heavy Oppressions; or else they desired, that his Majesty and the Lords would help them forceably to expel the Papal Power out of this Realm.

The King in Consideration of the Premises, willeth, that the Lords and Commons among themselves, consult of the most Decent and fitting way, promising his consent to any reasonable Remedy. Hereupon the King, Lords, and Commons, presently sent for an Act made at Carlile in the y 17.19 25 Year of Edward the First, upon the like Complaint: Which utterly forbad to bring, or attempt to bring any thing into this Realm, which should tend to the Diminution of the Kings Prerogative, or the Pre∣judice of his Lords and Commons. And so at this time the Famous Act of Provi∣sion was made, prohibiting the bringing in of any Bull, or the like Trinkets from the Court of Rome, or the using, allowing, or enjoying of any such Bull, Process, or any other Instrument obtained from thence, as there at large doth appear. This Act how∣ever, z 17.20 as One observes, could not be agreed to by the Bishops, and the rest of the Cler∣gy, but they rather seem'd resolv'd to protest against it, till the King peremptorily com∣manded them to surcease such Presumption.

However the Lords Temporal only, and the Commons by themselves, wrote a Let∣ter to his Holiness, the Purport whereof followeth, a 17.21 from the Original French.

To the most Holy Father in God, the Lord Clement, by Divine Providence, of the Holy Roman and Catholick Church the Chief Bishop; his Humble and Devout Children the Princes, Dukes, Earls, Barons, Knights, Citizens, Burgesses, and all the Commonalty of the Realm of England, assembled in Parliament at Westminster on the 28 Day of April last past, Devout Kissings of his Holy Feet. MOST HOLY FATHER, the Pious Discretion, Prudence and Equity which seem, and ought in∣deed to be in You (who are so Holy and so High a Prelate, Head of the Holy Church, by whom the Catholick Church and People of God should, as by the Sun∣beams be enlightned) do give us good Hope, that the just Petitions hereunder by us declared, to the honour of Jesus Christ; of his Holy Church and of your Holi∣ness also, shall be of You gratiously consider'd; and that all Errours and Injustice shall be quite removed, instead whereof fruitfull Amendment and necessary Remedies (thrô the Grace of the Holy Spirit, which You in so eminent a Degree have received) may be by You gratiously ordained and applied.

Wherefore (most Holy Father) after great Deliberation, We all with one Assent come unto your Holiness, shewing and declaring, that the most Noble Kings of Eng∣land, Progenitors to his Majesty that now is, as also our Ancestors and our Selves too (according to the Grace of the Holy Ghost to them and to us given) every one of his own Devotion have established, founded and endowed within the Realm of England Cathedrals and other Churches, Colleges, Abbeys, Priories, and divers other Religious Houses: And to the Prelates and Governours of the same have gi∣ven and granted Lands, Possessions; Patrimonies, Franchises, Advowsons and Patro∣nages of Dignities, Revenues, Offices, Churches, with many and divers other Ad∣vantages and Emoluments: Whereby the Service of God and the Faith of Christ might be honoured and had in Reverence, Hospitals and Alms-houses, with all other Edifices, Churches and Colleges might be honestly kept and maintain'd, and Devout Prayers in the same Places made for the Souls of the Founders; and the Poor also of the several Parishes conveniently aided and nourished: Of all which such only were to have the Cure, who were able to take Confessions, and were otherwise meet in their own Mother Tongue of England effectually to teach and inform their Flock.

And forasmuch (most Holy Father) as You cannot well attain the knowledge of divers such Errours and Abuses, as are crept in among us; nor yet be able to under∣stand the Conditions and Customes of Places, being your self so far distant, unless your Holiness be of others duly informed and instructed: We therefore having full and perfect Notice and Intelligence of all the Errours and Abuses of the said Places with∣in the said Realm, have thought fit to signifie the same unto your Holiness, namely, That divers Reservations, Provisions, and Collations by your Apostolick Predecessors of the Church of Rome, and by You also in Your time (most Holy Father) have been granted (and now more largely than heretofore) unto divers Persons, as well Stran∣gers and of other Nations, as unto some, who are our professed Enemies, and who have little or no Ʋnderstanding at all of our Language, and of the Conditions and Customs of those, of whom they have the Government and Cure: Whereby a great number of Souls are in peril, many of the Parishioners in Danger, the Service of God neg∣lected, the Alms and Devotion of all Men diminished, the Hospitals brought to Decay, the Churches with their Appurtenances ruin'd and dilapidated; Charity wax∣eth cold; the good and honest Natives of our own Country unadvanced; the Charge and Cure of Souls unregarded, the pious Zeal of the People restrained, many Poor Scholars of our own unpreferred, and the Treasure of the Realm exported, against the Mind and Intention of the Founders.

All which Errours, Abuses and Slanders (most Holy Father) We neither can not ought any longer to suffer or endure: Wherefore we most humbly require Your Ho∣liness, that the Slanders, Abuses and Errours, which we have declared unto You may of your great Prudence be throughly consider'd; and that it may please You, that such Reservations, Provisions and Collations may be utterly repealed; that the same from henceforth be no more used among us; and that such Order and Remedy be forth∣with taken therein, that the said Benefices, Edifices, Offices and Rights with their Appurtenances, may by our Countrymen to the Honour of God be supplied, occu∣pied and governed. And that it may further please Your Holiness, by your Letters to signifie unto us without Delay, or further protracting of Time, what your Plea∣sure is touching this our lawfull Request and Demand; that we may diligently do our Devoir herein for the Remedy, Correction and Amendment of those Enormities above specified. In witness whereof unto these Letters Patents We have set to our

Hands and Seals;

Given in full Parliament at Westminster the 18 Day of May, Anno Domini 1343.

These Letters were dispatch'd away b 18.1 to the Pope by Sr. John Shoreditch Knight, a Man of great Gravity and deep Knowledge in the Law: Who co∣ming to Avignion, and being conducted into the Pope's Privy Chamber, where his Ho∣liness then sat among his Cardinals, humbly presented these Letters from the Three Estates of England assembled together in Parliament. The Letters being once read, the Knight made Answer to what the Pope thought fit to object against them; and particularly he instanced in the Deanry of York, which his Holiness had lately taken up for one of the Kings Enemies: Whereat the Pope with some Emotion reply'd, —

Well, well, it is not unknown to Us who made and endited these Letters, and We are sensible, how you are not the Author: But there is one, who endeavours to pinch us narrowly, whom we shall find a way to bring down: For we understand these Affairs well enough; and will not suffer them to be too nicely handled by o∣thers. He added, that there was a Knight of England, who accustomed himself to speak derogatory to the Church of Rome, wherewith he could not but be highly offended; especially since he saw his Honour invaded with Impunity.

In conclusion he promised to answer the Letters of the Lords and Commons of England, in reference to the Contents thereof. Whereat the Cardinals rose up and departed in great seem∣ing Displeasure, and the Knight having taken his leave, left the Court, and without longer tarrying went for Bourdeaux in Guienne about other of the Kings Business: Ei∣ther because he was so commanded, or least otherwise on some Pretence or other he might have been detained there against his Will. The Pope never theless soon after sent an Answer, directed to the King, in Behalf of those Cardinals, for whom he had before made Provisions, which now the King by vertue of his Prerogative Royal had depri∣ved them of. The Tenour whereof followeth c 18.2.

XI.

CLEMENT the Bishop, Servant of the Servants of God, to his most Dear Son in Christ, the Lord Edward the Illustrious King of England, Greeting and Apostolical Benediction. Lately after the Creation of new Cardinals of the Holy Roman Church, having before taken a provident and mature Deliberation, We judg'd it highly re∣quisite, both for the Honour of God and of his Holy Church, and also for the pub∣lick Utility, that those Cardinals, who partake with Us of our Labours and Bur∣thens in dispatching those great Affairs, which from all Parts, as to their proper Cha∣nel, flow into the Apostolick See, should also have agreeably, wherewithall to supply their Necessities, according to the Dignity of their State and Condition.

Whereupon having consider'd of the most proper and lawfull Ways and Means, whereby the said Provision might with less burthen to the Churches and their Clergy, be made; We gave out of Ecclesiastical Benefices, then vacant in sundry Realms of Christendom, and also of such as should from that time be vacant, unto each of the said new Cardinals for their Support, our Special Grants, unto such a certain Summ, and under certain Forms and Limitations, so distinguished, as We judged might be pro∣portionable to the several Provinces.

Now since unto two Cardinals born in the Dukedom of Aquitain, to wit, our be∣loved Sons, d 19.1 Ademare of the Title of St. Anastasia, and Gerard of the Title of St. Sabina, Priests, We have made the like Grants of Benefices within your King∣dom and Territories (most Dear Son) contained in Form for them and other the said Cardinals, with great Deliberation ordained, and they for the obtaining the said Grants have sent their Proctors and Ecclesiastick Messengers, being Persons of Wis∣dom and Learning unto the Parts of your Kingdom of England; the said Proctors and Messengers when being enter'd the said Kingdom, they began there to pursue the Business of their said Lords, were not only hinder'd in their said Business by the Kings Subjects and Officers, but also confined, and after that in very Disgracefull manner ejected the said Kingdom, as We have too well understood by the too-unwelcome Relations thereof.

Truly (most Beloved Son) if the Premises, which about the said Proctors We have premised, are founded upon real Truth, considering the sincere Devotion which You are known to bear towards the Lord, and toward the Holy Roman Church your Mothe•• as the Kings of England, your Progenitors of Famous Memory in their Days have born, We cannot easily believe that they proceeded from your Know∣ledge. But this is certain, that not only in your said Kingdom and Territories, but in a manner in all Kingdoms and Countries as well near as remote, whereever the Catholick Faith flourishes, We have made the like Grant to other new Car∣dinals: Where notwithstanding, except the said Rebellious Denial, which if it be true,

We mention with grief of Heart, We have hitherto heard of no manner of Refusal. For We thought and still do think it sufficiently advantageous for your Royal Ho∣nour and Interest, that Cardinals (especially such, who are naturally affected to your Royal Honour and Interest) should obtain Ecclesiastical Benefices in your Kingdom and Territories: Because thereby they may be induced more freely and frequently to promote your Princely Advantage.

And we wish to God, that those, who are fed with the Crums of the said Roman Church, and by her have been exalted to Honours and Preferments, were not too probably suspected (not without a Note of most Detestable ingratitude, and to their own peril) to have procured the foresaid impediments unto Her! Whereby they have to the great hazard of their Souls rendred themselves liable to Excommunication, and other Punishments and Sentences promulged against such Persons by the Canons: Which respect the happy Encrease of the Health, Fame and Honour of your Maje∣sty, towards which if with Loyal Endeavours these Men had attended, they would not, by doing the contrary, so eagerly hunt after their own filthy Lucre, under the pre∣tence of their Prince's Service.

Finally We entreat your Royal Excellence, and most earnestly exhort You in the Lord, that diligently within your Princely Breast considering the Premises, and what else shall occurr to your Royal Wisdom, You would graciously order those things, which were done against the said Proctors and Others, authorized by the said Cardi∣nal Ademare, who are reported to have been afterwards taken and confin'd, to be decently amended and revoked; and that your Royal Majesty would cause the said Proctors, being upheld by the Royal Favour, in the Prosecution of the said Affairs in the same Kingdom, to rejoyce with full Security for the Reverence of God, and of Us, and of the said See, not lending your Royal Ears to those things which may bring any Offence to God, Dishonour to the said Church, or harm to your Imperial Ho∣nour, Safety and Dignity: That so you may render the Lord always propitious unto You, and the foresaid See still more ready to serve your Occasions: We desire You would again write unto Us, most Beloved Son, what your Royal Wisdom shall think fit to ordain in these Matters.

Dated at Villeneuve in the Dioecese of Avignion, the v. of the Kalends of September, in the second Year of our Pontificate.

XII. This Letter to the King of England, was accompanied by another of the same Date, directed to his Council, which being no where extant, but in e 19.2 Adam Muri∣mouth, whose Authentick and Ancient MS. was kindly communicated unto me by the Learned and Reverend Linguist and Philologist, Dr. John Covel Dean of York, I also thought fit to set it down faithfully translated from the Original.

CLEMENT the Bishop, Servant of the Servants of God, to his Beloved Sons, the Counsellours of his most Dear Son in Christ, Edward the Illustrious King of Eng∣land, Greeting and Apostolick Benediction: A Displeasing and most ungratefull Ru∣mour hath in these Days reported unto Us, how that when our Dear Sons Ademare, of the Title of St. Anastasia, and Gerard of the Title of Sabina, Priests Cardinals, did send their Proctors to the Parts of the Kingdom of England, in order to pursue the Grants lately by Us granted unto them (as unto other new Cardinals in divers parts of the World) of Ecclesiastical Benefices, being in the Parts of the said Kingdom of England; the said Proctors, thô both Learned, and also Ecclesiastical Persons, were not only hindred in the Pursuance of the said Affairs; but also by the procu∣rance of some, who have been fed with the Crums of the said Roman Church, and by her have been exalted to Honours and Preferments, as it is probably supposed: (whereby as well they as others, who procured or perpetrated the same, have to their great Danger rendred themselves liable to Excommunication, and other Pu∣nishments and Sentences, promulged against such Persons by the Canons) have been ignominiously taken, and then expelled the said Kingdom; certain other Proctors of the foresaid Cardinal Ademare, being afterwards taken and detained Prisoners.

But since We cannot by any means believe, that the Premises, which (if Truth agrees with the Relation) would redound to the Offence of the Divine Majesty, the Discredit of the Roman Church, and the exceeding Reproach of the said Cardinals, could proceed from the Knowledge of our most Dear Son in Christ, Edward the Il∣lustrious King of England, considering his Devotion, which he beareth to God and the Holy Roman Church, his Mother; as neither can We by any means imagine, that He, to whom We write also about this Matter, would endure such things as are contrary to his Honour, Safety, and Dignity: We therefore entreat Your Wisdom, and in the Lord more earnestly exhort You; That You, whose Office is to direct

the Actions and Affairs of the said King by the way of Honesty, Righteousness, and Justice, the Contrary whereof, if it should happen, which God forbid, would be im∣puted to You; do ••rudently, speedily, and discreetly take Care, that whatsoever Matters in this part have undecently, and unjustly proceeded, be revoked and a∣mended: Knowing, that in divers other parts of Christendom, as well near, as re∣mote, wherein We have made the like Grants, to other New Cardinals, We have not heard of any notable impediment given unto them, or unto their Proctors, which therefore they have sent to those parts long since.

Given at Villeneuve in the Diocese of Avignon f 20.1 V. Kal. Septemb. in the second Year of our Pontificate.

XIII. To these Letters of the Pope, the King immediately return'd this Famous E∣pistle in behalf of the Liberties of the Church of England, g 20.2

To the most Holy Fa∣ther in God, the Lord Clement, by Divine Providence of the Holy Roman Catho∣lick Church, the Chief Bishop: EDWARD by the Grace of God, King of France, and of England, and Lord of Ireland, Devout Kissings of his Holy Feet. When We se∣riously consider the Goodness of the Apostolick See, which is wont to be most so∣licitous concerning the Encrease of Devotion in Christs Flock, and the Welfare of their Souls, not seeking that which is its own, but rather those things which are Christs, We have a very probable hope, that Your Wisdom, being now worthily placed in the Watch-tower of the Apostolick Eminence, will graciously take Care to reform those things, which detract from the Honour of the Church, and the De∣votion of the People; and threaten inevitable Danger to the Souls and Goods of Man∣kind. We nothing doubt; but that it is now publiquely known, how from the ve∣ry first rise of Christianity in our Kingdom of England, our Progenitors, the Kings of England, and the Lords, and other Subjects of the said Realm, have for the augmen∣tation of Divine Worship, built Churches, enriched them with ample Possessions, and endowed them with large Privileges, placing fit Ministers therein, who have (nor without Success) Preached the Catholick Faith to the People in their Mother Tongues: By whose Care and Diligence the Vineyard of the Lord of Sabaoth hath wonderfully prospered both in Culture and Fruit. But now, which is to be lamented, the slips of this very Vine are degenerated into a Wild-vine, and the Boar out of the Wood doth waste it, and the h 21.1 Wild-Beast of the Field doth devour it: While by the Im∣positions and Provisions of the Apostolick See (which now grow more insupportable than ever) its own proper Goods, against the Pious intent and appointment of the Donors, are held in the Hands of the Unworthy, and especially of Foreigners; and its Dignities, and Chief Benefices are confer'd upon Strangers, who for the most part are Persons, at least, suspected unto Us; and who neither reside on the said Benefi∣ces, nor know the Face, nor understand the voice of the Flock committed unto them; but wholly neglecting the Cure of Souls, like Hirelings, only seek their own Profit and Temporal Advantage: And so the Worship of Christ is empaired, the Cure of Souls neglected, Hospitality withdrawn, the Rights of the Churches lost, the Hou∣ses of the Clergy dilapidated, the Devotion of the People extinguished, the Clergy of the said Kingdom, who are Men of great Learning and Honest Conversation, and are both able and willing effectually to perform the Work of Ministers, and would also be very fit for our, and the Publique Service; forsake their Studies, because the Hope of a Reasonable Preferment is thus taken away: Which things, We know, can be no ways acceptable to the Divine Pleasure; but will most certainly prove a Mighty Prejudice, and unspeakable Calamity both to Us, and Our Subjects, unless We take more sound and speedy Care in this Matter. For the Right of Patronage, which We and Our Subjects have in these Benefices, is thereby infringed: Our Court, in which only Cases concerning the Right of Patronage to the said Benefices, ought to be discussed, is deluded; and so the Rights of our very Crown are both shame∣fully, and to our great Detriment, invaded; the Treasure of our Kingdom exported to Foreigners, not to say, to our Enemies, perhaps with this subtle Intent; that thus the Priesthood of the Kingdom being depressed, and its Wealth exhausted, the Realm it self may be rendred more weak against the Storms of Adversity: All which Incommodities, together with others, which follow from the Premises, were lately made manifest unto Us in our Parliament, by the Community of the said Realm, together with their Unanimous and Earnest Petition subjoyned; that We would speedily prevent the foresaid Mischiefs, which seem utterly insupportable to our said Community.

We therefore by this their Representation plainly beholding the Depression of the Church of England, and the Disherison of our Crown, with all the foresaid Evils,

which if longer dissembled, would probably very much encrease, do now refer them unto You, who are the Successour of the Prince of the Apostles, who received Com∣mand from Christ to Feed, and not to Sheer the Lords Sheep, and to confirm, and not depress his Brethren; heartily requesting, that duly weighing and considering the Premises; how of Right, Magistrates are to be created from among the People, and that according to the saying of the Prophet, They shall make Vinedressers of the People from the same place: Which We read to have been the Practise of the bles∣sed Apostles, when they set over the Converted Heathen, Persons, who had know∣ledge of their tongues: And also remembring that Exuberance of Devotion, where∣with our Royal Family, and the Clergy, and People of our said Kingdom, have hi∣therto continued in the Obedience of the said See, wherefore Your Paternal Affe∣ction ought not to heap Burthens and Grievances upon them; but rather, as a Fa∣ther, who lays up for his Children, to alleviate the Weight of the said Impositions and Provisions, and Burthens, which thus arise from the Apostolick See: Permit∣ting further, that Patrons may not lose their Right of Patronage, and that the Ca∣thedral, and other Churches of the said Kingdom, may have their free Elections, and the Effects thereof: Which Churches our said Progenitors have long since, up∣on each of their Vacations, freely of their Royal Prerogative, confer'd on fit Per∣sons; and afterward, at the Request and instance of the said See, have under certain Forms and Conditions granted, that the Elections should be made in the said Churches, by the Chapters of the same; which Grant was also on due deliberation confirmed by the Apostolick See.

But yet now against the Form of the Concession and Confirmation of the said Chur∣ches, the said See, by these her Reservations and Provisions, doth take away the said Elections, from the said Chapters, and from Us also our Right and Prerogative, which according to the Form of the said Concession, belong unto Us in this part: wherefore by the Law of our said Kingdom, since the Conditions of our Grant are not observed, the Concession it self is revolved unto Us again, and the whole state of the Matter reverts to its Original.

Upon the Premises therefore We pray, that your Goodness would vouchsafe to the Honour of God, and the salvation of Souls, and also to take away the foresaid Scandals and Prejudices, to provide a speedy and wholsome Remedy; that We and our Subjects, who desire, as We ought, to Revere your most Holy Person, and the Holy Roman Church (these Intolerable Evils being once removed) may rest in the sweetness of your Fatherly Love, and that our Devotion may flourish again, be∣ing refreshed by the Clemency of your Pious Moderation extended unto Us: The most High preserve You in the Government of his Church many and happy Days.

Given at Westminster the 26 of September, in the 4 Year of Our Reign of France, and of Engalnd the 17.

This Letter is said to have been of such force, i 21.2 that neither the Pope, nor his Cardinals, could tell reasonably how to answer it for that time; wherefore they were obliged to comply therewith. King Edward, notwith∣standing what Odoricus Rainaldus says, by Advice of his Parliament k 21.3 proceeded to prohibit these Collations and Provisions in his Realm on pain of Imprisonment and Death it self: Wherefore the Pope seeing him proceed with so High an hand, thought fit somewhat to dissemble the Matter, for fear of exasperating too far; till at last by de∣grees his Compliance gain'd, what by severity could not be expected. However now We find that King Edward in the beginning of the next Year set forth his Royal Pro∣hibition against the Popes Provisors, bearing date 20 of January, in the Year of his Reign of England the 18, and of France the 5. But this being extant in Adam Mu∣rimouth's Ancient M. S. We shall refer the Curious thither, having already (as We fear) dwelt too long on this Matter. And thus, as my Author says, had the King persevered accordingly, he had utterly taken away all manner of Provisions; but in such a noise of War, as followed, he thought it safer now and then to yield somewhat to so * 21.4 powerfull a Father; than to stand at open Defiance with him. And now to the Wars of Bretagne, wherein We shall find the King Personally Engaged about this time.

XIV. King Edward according to the Vow he had made, to take a severe Revenge for the Death of his Dear Friend, the Lord Robert of Artois, was within little more then a Moneth after his Death, with a great Army ready to take the Sea at Sandwich. On the l 21.5 Fourth of October He went on board in a Ship called the George, and landed at a Port not far from Vannes, at the very place where the Lord Robert of Artois had landed after his Fight at Sea with Don Lewis. The Kings Preparations m 21.6 were so great,

that he was three Days in landing all his Warlike Provision, and so on the Fourth Day he marched straight to Vannes, which he intended to Besiege, having before sent to view it, the Lord Walter Manny, who came to wait on him from the Countess then at Hennebond; the Lord John Striveling, and the Lord William Fitz-Warine le Frere, who upon their return encouraged him to attempt the Place. But they knew not, how the City was now in an Extraordinary manner provided with all things necessary, and many good Souldiers were there under the Command of the former Captains, the Lord Oliver Clisson, and the Lord Henry du Leon, n 21.7 to whom were added the Lord of Lomine, and the Lord of Loeheair, with another Valiant Gentleman, who had now left his Mistress the Countess for the Lord Charles of Blois, and his name was Sr. Geoffry de Malestroit.

King Edward having invested the Place, o 21.8 gave them a very brave and vigorous At∣tack, which endured half a day; but yet little good was done thereby; the City was in such good Case at this time. The Countess of Montford hearing that King Edward was come into Bretagne, and lay now before Vannes, went from Hennebond accompa∣nied with the Lord Walter Manny (who lately was return'd unto her from the King) and divers other Knights and Esquires, to see his Majesty, and his Lords, and to dis∣course about her Matters of Necessity and Weight, as well as to bid them welcome into her Country: In which visit having spent four Days, she then took her leave, and returned back to Hennebond with all her Company, excepting the Lord Walter Manny, and two or three Lords more, of England and Bretagne. And all this while, ever since a little after the first taking of Vannes by the Lord Robert of Artois, the Earls of Sa∣lisbury, Oxford, Pembroke, and Suffolk lay at Siege before Rennes.

Wherefore the Lord Charles of Blois, when beside those great Forces that came from England before, he understood also, how King Edward was come now after them himself with another great Army, sends word thereof unto his Uncle, Philip King of France; declaring, that he must be inevitably ruin'd, without a very speedy, and very con∣siderable supply: Whereupon King Philip commanded his Eldest Son, John Duke of Nor∣mandy to address himself effectually to Succour his Kinsman.

The mean while King Edward finding the strength of the City of Vannes, and be∣ing informed, that so great an Army as his, could not be supply'd in that place, by reason the Country round about was so greatly wasted and harassed, that it was dif∣ficult to get any Forage for Man or Beast; upon these accounts he resolved to divide his Army: And first the Earl of Arundel, the Lord Walter Manny, the Lord Staf∣ford, the Lord of Triguier, and Sr. Gerard of Rochefort, with 600 Men of Arms, and 6000 Archers were to carry on the Siege before Vannes, and to ravage, and feed on the Country all about: He himself with the Residue of the Army resolv'd to go unto Rennes, to see how the Siege went on there; and so he did, being highly welcomed by the Lords that lay before that place.

When King Edward had been before Rennes about five Days, he heard how Sr. Charles of Blois made great Preparations to raise a sufficient Army at Nantes: Where∣fore leaving those whom he had found at Rennes (except the Earl of Oxford) to car∣ry on the Siege there still, he marched forth to Nantes, with a Resolution to give Battle unto the Lord Charles, or to hold him Besieged within the City. He could not here furnish his Siege quite round, because of the Extent of the place, and of the River of Loire, that ran besides it: Wherefore he pitch'd his Tents on a little Moun∣tain without the Town, and set his Men in Battle Array thereby, hoping so to pro∣voke the Valorous young Lord Charles, to come forth and accept of a decisive Battle. But having stood thus from Morning till High Noon, and found not the least offer of a Sally from the Town, he sent his Van-Currours to skirmish at the Barriers, and to set the Suburbs on fire; which being done accordingly, he withdrew his Men into their Entrenchments.

While thus King Edward lay before Nantes, the Earl of p 21.9 Northampton Marshal of his Host rode forth every day, ravaging and fetching in Prey out of the Country round about, and taking of Castles, Towns, and Fortresses, as Pont de Launay, and others: Wherefore now the Lord Charles of Blois repeated his Letters every Day to the French King, laying open the great Necessity he stood in, and requesting Succour with all speed. The Duke of Normandy, having before received Orders from the King his Fa∣ther; was at that time at the City of Angiers, near the Borders of Bretagne, where he made his Rendezvous, and was now again call'd upon by his Father to make all Ex∣pedition possible.

King Edward this mean while had given many Assaults to the City of Nantes, but

was not able to gain any great Advantage, nor could by any means oblige the Lord Charles of Blois to make a Sally: Wherefore being displeased, that he lay so long and lost so many Men to so little purpose; he again divides his Army, resolving him self to go before Dinant, leaving still 600 Men of Arms and 2000 Archers to main∣tain the Siege before Nantes, and to ravage the Country round-about. With these he left the Earl of Oxford, the Lord Henry Piercy, the Lord William Ros of Hamlake, the Lord John Moubray, the Lord John Delaware, the Lord Reginald Cobham, the Lord John Lisle and Others; to whom Froisard adds the Lord Henry Vicount Beau∣mont: But the q 21.10 Elder Henry who bore this Title, had been now Dead above two Years before; and his Son and Heir John died also a little before this, leaving behind him his Son Henry the Younger, who was at that time but two Years of Age, and whom we shew'd to have been born in Flanders: So that this Mistake of that Ancient Histori∣an is to be excus'd, as well as this short Digression of ours, which was made only to witness our Diligence, and not in the least design to expose an Author, from whom I have borrowed so much my self.

These Lords being left before Nantes, King Edward himself r 21.11 went and laid Siege to the strong Town of Dinant, between Rennes and St. Malo, upon the River of Rance; having in his way thither taken the strong Towns of s 21.12 Ploermel and Malestroit: So that now at one time he held Siege before three strong Cities, as Vannes, Rennes and Nantes, besides one good Town called Dinant in Bretagne. The Captain of Dinant at that time was Sr. Pierce Portbeufe, a valiant and worthy Gentleman, who for a while maintained the Place maugre all the fierce Attacks of the English; so that he worthily gain'd the Reputation of a Noble Knight. But after four Days, King Edward having got together a competent number of Boats and Barges, filled them with Archers and Others, commanding them to row up to the Pales, wherewith the Town was enclosed toward the Water, only; having on that side no other Walls or Fortifications. This piece of Service the Archers performed so well, that none of the Inhabitants durst look over the Pales at their Defence, so that while the Archers shot thus, certain Men of Armes in the Boats, who were appointed for that purpose, hewed down the Pales with their Axes, and so enter'd on that part by Force. The Inhabitants upon this fled to the Market-place with those of the Garrison, but not with much Discretion: For there∣upon those few, who enter'd by the Pales, marched up to the Chief Gate and set it o∣pen for the King to enter. Thus all was lost in a Trice, the Besieged put to the Sword, except their Captain Sr. Pierce Portbeufe, who was taken to Mercy, the Town utterly sack'd and plunder'd of all its Riches; for it was very considerable in Merchandise: Soon after which the King return'd to the Siege before Vannes, leaving the Town of Dinant waste and Desolate.

XV. Now the mean t 21.13 while, that King Edward was thus busied about Dinant and other Parts of Bretagne, his Captains, whom he had left before Vannes, gave many gallant Assaults to that City, and especially at the Barriers and the chief Gate. One Day in particular there was a very warm Attack made, and many proper Feats of Arms done on both Sides: So that at last the Besieged boldly set open their Gates and came to the Barriers, because they saw there the Banners of the Earl of Warwick, and of Arundel, of the Lord Stafford and the Lord Manny, whereupon they hop'd for some Advantage, seeing the chief Lords of the Host adventur'd themselves rashly, as they thought, being so far from the Camp. Wherefore the Lord Clisson and Sr. Henry du Leon came forth couragiously to the Barriers, and there began a very notable Skirmish with the Enemies: In the end the English, hoping to allure them to come forth of their Barriers, or really unwilling to stand longer at such Disadvantage, retired back in much seeming Confusion. Then the fond Desire of Glory blinded the Eyes of the two va∣liant Lords of Bretagne, for having appointed six other Knights to keep the Gates, they open'd the Barriers and sallied forth upon the Lords of England, who retired back on purpose, now and then making a faint Offer of Resisting. But when they had train'd them far enough, they all together made a stop, faced about and gave so vige∣rous a Shock to their Pursuers; that seeing themselves deceived, they now began to take their turn of Retiring; but immediately they were charged home, and many of them hurt, slain and taken: Which when the Besieged observed, fearing to loose all, they closed the Barriers in so unlucky a time, that the Lord Clisson and the Lord Henry du Leon were shut out, and so both taken Prisoners, u 21.14 together with Alard du Leon, Brother to the Lord Henry, and 5 other Persons of Quality, and 30 Men of Arms, Knights and Esquires. On the other x 21.15 side the Lord Ralph Stafford had pursued so far, that he at the same time was shut in among his Enemies between the Gate and

the Barriers, and so was taken Prisoner, with several of his Company, some few being slain. Upon this the Bretons retired into the City, and the English to their Camp: But there were no more Sallies after that.

It would be but superfluous to busie our Pen about what was done before Rennes or Nantes, since, as we shall shew by and by, those Sieges were both raised before they came to any Effect, by the Kings own Command, upon his expecting a General Battle with the Duke of Normandy. But we shall take occasion to mention one thing y 21.16 con∣cerning Don Lewis of Spain, Sr. Charles of Germaulx, and Sr. Otho de Rue, the three Admirals of Charles of Blois, who were at this time upon the Sea with 8 Galeons, 13 good Barks, and 30 other Ships of Genoua and Spain, and kept the Coasts between Eng∣land and Bretagne, doing much harm to those who brought Provision to the Army before Vannes. Once among the rest they adventur'd on the Kings Navy, lying at Anchor in a little Port beside Vannes; at which time they slew many of those who kept the Ships, and had done much more Mischief, if a good Detachment from the Besiegers had not been sent thither in all haste to their Assistance: However by that time they came to the Port, Don Lewis had taken four Ships laden with Provision, and had sunk three other Vessels with all that was therein. Upon which loss King Edward was advised to send Part of his Navy to Brest, and the other Part to Henne∣bond; which was done, and the Sieges still continued before the Cities of Vannes, Nantes and Rennes.

XVI. And now 'tis time to look out and see what Succour the Duke of Norman∣dy hath raised for his Cousin Charles of Blois. z 21.17 He well enough knew, what the King of England had done in Bretagne, what Towns he had taken, and what he had besie∣ged, and made all the haste he could to stop his Proceedings. So now at last all things being ready, he began his March from the City of Angiers, and took the High-way to Nantes, being conducted by the two Marshals of France, the Lord Charles Mon∣morency, and the Lord of St. Venant. His Army consisted of more than 3000 Men of Arms, Knights and Esquires, and above 30000 others; the chief Captains whereof were Charles of Valois Earl of Alenson, the Duke of Normandy his Uncle, Guy Ca∣stilion Earl of Blois, Father to the Lord Charles of Blois, his Cousin, the Duke of Bourbon, the Earl of Ponthieu, the Earl of Boulogne, the Earl of Vendosme, the Earl of Dampmartin, the Lord of Craon, the Lord of Coucy, the Lord of Suilly, the Lord of Fresnes, the Lord of Roye, and many other Lords, Knights and Esquires of Normandy, Auvergne, Berry, Limosin, Poictou, Xantogne and Anjou.

First of all Tidings came to the Earl of Oxford, and the rest of the English Captains, who lay before Nantes, that the Duke of Normandy was coming directly upon them with 40000 Men of War: Whereupon they presently dispatch'd away Word to the King their Master, who lay then before Vannes. King Edward having studied a little upon the Matter, presently told his Lords, that he thought it would be best to raise two of his Sieges, this before Vannes and the other before Rennes, and so go and joyn his other Forces lying before Nantes, and then to meet the Frenchmen. But his Coun∣cil were of another Opinion, and made it appear in this manner:

Sir, your Majesty is now in a good sure place, nor only so, but near to your Navy, the greater Part whereof lies at Hennebond: Wherefore it seems better, that You command those who lie before Nantes, to quit the Siege and come hither to You; and those who lie at the Siege of Rennes may tarry still there, for they are not so far off, but they can come hither at any time upon your Command: But surely the Commodity of the Place, wherein you are now encamped, ought not easily to be quitted.

This Counsel taking, the Siege was raised from before Nantes, and the English Lords came back to the King before Vannes: Within a day or two of their Departure, the Duke of Normandy a 21.18 came with all his Host to Nantes, where he was extreamly welcom to the Lord Charles of Blois; and Himself with his Lords and chief Captains lodged in the City; but their Men were quartered about in the Country; for both the City and Suburbs were unable to hold them, and besides the Suburbs had been lately burnt by the English.

While the Duke of Normandy lay thus at Nantes, The Earl of Salisbury and the o∣ther Lords of England who were still before Rennes, made one Day above the rest a fierce and terrible Assault upon the City, which endured with all possible Animosity for all that Day; and yet, thô they had also dives Engines and Instruments to batter and shake the Walls, they gain'd no Advantage, but lost many Men in the Assault. Those that so well defended this Place were (besides the Bishop of Rennes) the Lord of Ancenis, the Lord of Pontrieux, Sr. John de Malestroit, Sr. Owen Charnells,

and a young Breton named Bertram de Clequin, who afterwards became the most consi∣derable Captain of his Days, and was in time Constable of France; of whose notable Exploits this Work will not be silent. Nor let any Man wonder, that these Cities of Vannes, Rennes and Nantes should hold out so stifly now against the Forces of King Ed∣ward, when as we shall find them all to have changed their Lord more than once within the space of two Years: For when Bretagne only fought against Bretagne, the People were divided, some enclining to one side and some to the other, and easily al∣tering their Minds again: But now they look'd upon the English as a common Ene∣my, and beside the Lord Charles was better provided at this time than formerly. How∣ever the Earl of Salisbury continued his Siege before Rennes for all this, and daily wa∣sted and ravaged the Country round about.

Now when the Duke of Normandy, who had well consider'd of the Business he had in hand, was certainly informed how Rennes was in little or no danger, but that Vannes was in much hazard of being lost, it was so mightily prest by the King of England, thi∣ther he resolv'd first to bend his Course, and either by Battle or otherwise to raise the Siege. The two Marshals of the Host, the Lord Charles of Monmorency and the Lord of St. Venant led the Van, the Duke himself was in the Main Body, and the Lord Geoffry Charny, with the Earl of Guisnes, brought up the Reer. In this Order they came before Vannes, and lay over against the King of England in a fair Meadow be∣tween the Rivers of Claye and Vilaine, and made a great and deep Ditch round a∣bout their Host: but the Marshals and Van-currours of each Army met often and skir∣mished together.

XVII. King Edward upon the news of their Approach had sent for the Earls of Sa∣lisbury and Pembroke to break up their Siege from before Rennes, and come strait to the Camp to him, which they did; for he expected to have Battle with the French∣men at this time without fail. His Forces, both English and Bretons, made up but a∣bout b 21.19 2500 Men of Arms, and 6000 Archers, and about 6000 Others on Foot, beside those who were left to keep the Navy, and Others in Garrisons, and with the Countess at Hennebond. But these few were all select Men under good Leaders, strongly entrench'd in their Camp: So that the French could not without Disadvan∣tage to themselves oblige them to a Battle, thô they on the other hand were four times their Number at least, together with the Reinforcement of the Lord Charles of Blois from Nantes, and all well appointed for the War.

Thus these two Armies lay fronting one another for several Days, without any Acti∣on further than some light Skirmishes: For the French, as was shew'd, could not force the English to a Battle, nor durst they attempt them in their Camp; and King Edward thought it not Wisdom to leave his Defences and attack the Enemy at such odds, to so great a Disadvantage as he knew the Aggressor must needs submit himself unto; especially since he must then leave so strong a City at his back to second the Enemy: Nor yet did he give any more Assaults to the Place, because of keeping his Men fresh and entire, against the time a Battle should be offer'd, which then he resolv'd to ac∣cept. Wherefore different Considerations deterring both Armies from Engaging, the Winter began to incommode them not a little; when it pleased God to incline the Heart of Pope Clement the VI. to labour earnestly for a Peace between them. He had now sent thither two Cardinals c 21.20 Peter of Palestrina or Praeneste, and Annibald of Tusculum, who rode daily between both Parties: But as yet neither of them would accept of any equal Conditions. For the French thought to keep the King there in manner of a Siege, till he should even be forced to come forth and give them Battle to his great Disadvantage; and the King expected, that at last they must adventure to force him, considering he was inferiour in Number, and more conveniently encamp'd for the Weather than they. Yet to say Truth, both Armies endur'd their Inconve∣niences; the French found much vexation with Wet and Cold, for it rain'd upon them Night and Day, whereby many of their Horses died, and at last they were obliged to dislodge and remove into the plain Fields; their Tents were so full of Water in the Mea∣dow. And the English, thô they were more dry and warm, durst not go a Foraging, but in very considerable Bodies, for fear of the French who infested the Country; and Don Lewis of Spain so narrowly watched the Sea-coasts with his Fleet, that lit∣tle Provision could be brought to the Kings Army but with great Danger. These difficulties prepared the Minds of both Princes, and rendred them more susceptible of the Cardinals Offers: Wherefore they were at last both brought to allow of a Peace for Bretagne, and because the Cardinals urged that Point also; to appoint a Time for a Treaty of a final Accommodation between England and France: But only here the

King protested, that he would never allow the Pope any Power to determin of his Quarrel, but added,

That unless a Treaty might be had both honourable to Himself, and profitable for his Allies, he would never consent to have the same brought before the Pope, nor then neither, but only as before d 21.21 an indifferent Friend and no Judge; otherwise he would pursue his Quarrel.

However at last these Holy Men labour'd so effectually, that they obtain'd a Truce between England and France, and their Al∣lies to hold for three Years, during which time, the whole Controversie then depend∣ing should be weigh'd and impartially consider'd, and some equal Method of Peace devised by the Pope ( * 21.22 not as a Judge) but only as a Friend to the common Peace of Christendom.

This Truce being sworn to by King Edward of England in his own Name, and by the Duke of Normandy, in the Name of the King of France his Father, a Time was appointed in January following to treat more fully thereof at Malestroit in Bre∣tagne, where the Plenipotentiaries of either King were then to meet. And so for that time both Armies brake up, and King Edward having first made an Exchange between the Lord Ralph Stafford of England, and the Lord Oliver Clisson of Bretagne, went with his other Prisoner, the Lord Henry du Leon to Hennebond, where shortly after he took Shipping for England, with the said Lord Henry, and seven other Noble Bretons his Prisoners.

Upon his Return it is said, that for five Weeks together he was tossed about with Tempests upon the Sea, as we observ'd it to happen usually unto him; so that he ex∣pected no less than inevitable Death. Being at e 21.23 last cast upon the Coasts of Spain, King Alphonso's Fleet, that lay cruising about those Parts, made up to him, but be∣holding the Banner Royal of England, they humbled themselves to Him and begg'd his Pardon: For however Don Lewis of Spain of his own head assisted Charles of Blois, there was Friendship between the two Crowns at that time. The f 21.24 Dutchess of Bretagne with much ado got safe to Land in Devonshire, Sr. Peter Vele and his Son Henry Vele, and Sr. John Reyner were cast away, together with their Ships and all therein; the King himself after much difficulty landed at Weymouth, and came safe to London to the Queen soon after; where he set forth a Proclamation to give publick No∣tice of the g 21.25 Truce late taken in Bretagne.

XVIII. In the mean time the h 21.26 Commissioners on both Sides met in the Priory of St. Mary Magdalene in Malestroit, a Town of Bretagne, where by the Mediation of the Cardinals aforesaid, these Points following were fully ratifi'd, agreed, sign'd, seal'd and sworn to, viz.

1.

Imprimis, That certain Nobles of the Blood of both the Kings of England and of France, with others, having full Power and Instructions to ordain, confirm and ra∣tifie a Peace, shall be sent to the Court of Rome, there to treat about all and singu∣lar the Controversies and Dissentions, then impending between the said Kings, by the Mediation of our Lord the Pope, and of the said Nobles of either Party: And the Parties shall say and propose their Reasons before our Lord the Pope, but not as to any final Determination of the Controversie, or Pronouncing of Sentence, but only in order to make a firmer Treaty and Peace.

2.

Item, That the foresaid Nobles, who shall be sent to the Court of Rome, shall be in the said Court before the Feast of St. John Baptist next ensuing, and that the foresaid Negotiations with the Divine Assistance concurring, and the Popes earnest Diligence, be fully dispatched and agreed on, with the Assent of the said Nobles, before the Nativity of our Lord, that Term by no means being prolonged: Saving, that if our Lord the Pope be hindred, or shall not be able to reform the Peace be∣tween the said Kings, however the Truce [lately taken and sworn before Vannes shall remain firm to the Term hereunder appointed, and be kept inviolably by all. And to the end the foresaid Negotiation shall take fuller Effect, let the Truce be granted unto the Feast of St. Michael next ensuing, and from the said Feast to the full End of Three Years next to come after, between the foresaid Kings of England and of France, and also the King of Scotland, the Earl of Hainalt, the Dukes of Brabant and of Gueldre, the Marquess of Juliers, the Lord John of Hainalt, and the Nation of Flanders, and all their Adherents, in all their Lands, from the time of the Date of this present Truce, during all the Time abovesaid.

3.

Item, that the King of Scotland, the Earl of Hainalt, and other Noblemen, Allies of the said Kings, shall send their Envoys to the said Court, with full power of Assenting and Confirming, according to the Treaty, to be had before our Lord the Pope, in what belongs unto them, against the foresaid Feast of St. John Bap∣tist;

saving, that if any of the said Noblemen, Allies of the said Kings, shall neglect to send their Envoys (as is Premised) to the Court of Rome, the said Negotiation shall by no means be deferred upon that account.

4.

Item, The foresaid Truce shall be kept in Bretagn between the said Kings, and their Adherents, even thô both Parties claim a Right to that Dukedom: But that du∣ring the Truce, the City of Vannes shall be detained in the Hands of the Cardinals, in the Name of our Lord the Pope; and the Truce ended, they may do what they please with the said City.

5.

Item, The Cardinals shall diligently do their parts toward the Absolution of the Flemings, by taking off the Interdiction, which they had (again) incurred, and shall curiously study and labour, that a good and rational way be found out therefore. The Earl of Flanders, as Lord without an Umpire, and as Umpire without a Superior, du∣ring the Truce, shall remain in Flanders, yet so, as that it be done with the Assent of the People of Flanders.

6.

Item, If any in Gascoigne, or elsewhere, during the Truce, do raise War against their Neighbours, or Enemies of either Party; the said Kings shall by no means, either by themselves, or others, directly or indirectly interest themselves; nor shall the Truce be broken for this. But the said Kings shall diligently apply their endeavours with∣out fraud, that the Subjects of the one Party, during the Truce, shall not any way move War against the Subjects of the Other, either in Gascoigne or Bretagne; and that the Subjects of the One, during the Truce, shall not be permitted to make League, or Friendship with the other Party; and that during the Truce, nothing be either given or promised for the raising or maintaining of War directly or in∣directly: But that this Truce be firmly kept of all, as well by Land, as by Sea: And that in Gascoigne, and in Flanders, the Truce shall be Proclaimed within fifteen Days after the Date hereof; and in England and Scotland, within 40 Days after.

7.

Item, That all Prisoners of either part, who have been taken from between the Sunday before the Feast of St. Vincent last past, unto this present Day, shall be Released, their Goods taken, restored, and themselves as Reason requires, set free.

8.

Item, That no Damages or Invasions, during the Truce, shall be made between the Parties, in prejudice or despight of the Truce.

9.

Item, That the said Kings and their Allies, during the Truce, shall remain in the same Possession and Seisin, as they have at this Day, in all those Goods, Lands, and Possessions which they hold, or have any way acquired.

10.

Item, That they shall go from one Country to another, as well Merchants with their Merchandise, as any other Subjects, either by Land, or by Water, only paying their usual Customs, freely and securely, as they were wont to go and come in the time of the Predecessors of the said Kings: Except such as are banished the said Realms for other causes, than for the Wars of the said Kings. But the Barons of Gascoign, and others banished out of the said Dukedom, are contained in the said Truce, and may come and go, during the Truce so often remembred: Only the Banished and Fugitives of the Country of Flanders, who have been on the part of the King of France, shall not, during the Truce, return into Flanders.

11.

Item, The said Truce shall contain and comprise Spain, Catalaunia, Ge∣noua, Provence, the Bishop and Chapter of Cambray, the Castles of Cambresis, the Lord of Albret, the Vicount of Fronsac, the Lord of Tricouleon, the Lord John de Vernon, and the Lord of Roye.

12. To all which Articles and Agreements, the Lord Otho Duke of Burgundy, the Lord Peter Duke of Bourbon, with the Earls of Boulogne, Auxerre, Sancerre, Joigny, and Porcien, the Lords Milo de Nogheres, and Ingelram de Coucy, upon the Soul of the Lord Philip King of France, and the Lord Henry de Lancaster Earl of Darby, the Lord William Bohun Earl of Northampton, the Lord William Montagu Earl of Salis∣bury, Ralph Lord Stafford, Bartholomew Lord Burwash, Nicolas Lord Cantilupe, Regi∣nald Lord Cobham, Walter Lord Manny, Maurice Lord Barkley, and Doctor John Huf∣ford Archdeacon of Ely, on the Soul of the Lord Edward King of England (accord∣ing to a Commission by the said Kings to them made) have taken their Corporal Oath, by laying their Hands upon the Holy Gospel. Given in the Priory of St. Mary Mag∣dalene, in Malestroit, of the Order of St. Benedict, in the Dioecese of Nates, 19 January, 1343.

Thus the Articles of the Truce being solemnly confirmed by the Oaths of the Lords abovemention'd, the Cardinals caused a Charter thereof to be drawn up in the form

aforesaid, to which all the said Persons set to their Hands and Seals, on the Day and Year above written, in the presence of the Cardinals themselves, and many great Lords, Knights, and Gentlemen of either Nation. And thus We end the Transactions of this Year, relating to the Wars of Bretagne, and shall therewith conclude this Chap∣ter also, when We have after our usual Custom added two or three Occurrences, which could not be properly ranged in any other place, or method.

This Truce thus taken i 21.27 many great Lords and valiant Knights of England, France, and Bretagne took their journey with all haste into Spain, to help King Alphonso a∣gainst the Saracens of Granada; among whom are reckon'd the Noble Lord k 21.28 Henry Earl of Darby, William Earl of Salisbury, Sr. Maurice Son to the Lord Thomas Berk∣ley, with a goodly Band of young Gentlemen Voluntiers: They found King Alphon∣so at the Siege of Algezira, before which he had now layn a long time; and here a∣mong others, the Earl of Darby and his English Troops, who had fought twice with the Pagans (who came to relieve the place) to their great Honour, behav'd them∣selves so well, together with the other Christian Worthies; that now at length after a Siege of three Years, the City was yielded up to the King of Spain; and Jutzeph King of Granada who had held the place against him, became l 21.29 thenceforth his Vas∣sal, and paid him a Yearly Tribute of 12000 Florens. The Pope l 21.30 hearing of the taking of this City, made it an Episcopal Seat, and subjected the Bishop thereof, as a Suf∣fragan to the Metropolitan Church of Hispalis, or Sevil.

But the two English Earls went not only this tiem in Quality of Champions of Christ, but also of m 21.31 Ambassadors from the King, their Master, to treat with Alphon∣so King of Castille, for the composing of certain differences betwixt the Subjects of that King, and the Subjects of King Edward; especially Mariners and Citizens of Bayonne. All which Matters both of War and Peace, being happily by them performed, they shortly after return'd home with great Glory.

On the n 21.32 28, or as others say, on the * 21.33 20 of January, this Year 1343, that most Noble and Learned Prince Robert, King of Sicily, Naples, and Jerusalem, departed this Life, after he had Reigned 33 Years, 4 Moneths, and 24 Days. He was, as Maz∣zella, Collenutius, and other Neopolitan Writers testifie, a Wise and Learned King, and much Renowned for his Skill in Astrology, as We have more then once intimated. He made Honourable Wars with Henry the VII, Emperour of Germany, and Father to John of Luxemburgh King of Bohemia; also with Frederick King of Sicily; and lastly in Tuscany, in behalf of the Florentines, where in the Famous overthrow of Montacatino (in a Battle fought between the Guelphs and the Gibellines) he lost Philip Prince of Tarentum, and Peter Earl of Gravina his Brothers. He sent his Son Charles, firna∣med Sans-Terre, against Frederick King of Sicily; and went himself against Castruccio Castricani, the Head of the Gibellines, at what time the Dominion of Florence was given unto Charles Sans-Terre. He was a Religious Prince, and a Lover of Learned Men, as who could best judge of them; whereof We shall produce but two instances; the One, That Marvellous stately Church, and other things, which he builded in Na∣ples; and the Second, may be the Great Familiarity which he constantly held with those bright Lights of Tuscany, Petrarch, and Boccace. Our Stories do mention a Son of his slain at Southampton, when that Town was fired by the French; but I find no other Son, that he had except Charles Sans-Terre, whom being Famous for his Prowess and Valour, I dare not avouch to have died then. However he left his Kingdom to Joan, the sole Daughter of his Son Charles aforesaid, who o 21.34 being enslaved with the Love of her own Cousin Lewis Prince of Tarentum, and not satisfied with the cold embraces of her Husband Andrew, Son to the King of Hungary, caused him to be hanged in a silken Sash out of her Chamber Window. But his Father Charles Hum∣bert in Revenge hereof did so much interrupt her unlawfull Pleasures; that ever after she lived in no less disquiet, than Disgrace; till at last she also was caused to be hanged by Charles of Durazzo, who succeeeded her in the Kingdom: As may be seen at large in the Histories of Italy and Naples.

On the 16 of September this same Year, p 21.35 Philip King of Navarre Deceased, whose Son Charles, by the French firnamed the Wicked, succeeded to the Crown, being then under Age, and in the Tuition of his Mother, Queen Joan of France. He was a Prince of extraordinary parrs of Mind and of Body, of exquisite Beauty, Courage, and Ad∣dress; but his Inconstant Nature, his unseasonable Ambition, and his inveterate Envy to the House of France, to which he was so nearly ally'd, rendred him low and vile in the Eyes of all Men.

Walsingham q 21.36 reports a strange and almost (but that it is attested with such Circum∣stances)

incredible Story of an Accident that happen'd about this time in the North∣parts of England, to a certain Young Man of the Lord t 21.37 William Baron of Greystokes Family. As this Young Man (says my Author) was riding thrô Corn-fields, and beheld the Corn waving like the Sea (growing thereby perhaps giddy) he thought, he saw a cer∣tain Ruddy-complexion'd little Pygmy-fellow to raise his Head by degrees above the Corn, till the more he consider'd him, still the more he seem'd to encrease in Stature; who coming towards the Young Man took hold of his Bridle, and whether he would, or no, led him into the corn, to a place, where it seem'd to him, there sat a most Beautifull Lacy among many young Damsels, like her self. This Lady commanded him presently to be taken from off his Horse, and to be torn and mangled over all his Body, and af∣ter all to be slead. Whereupon she her self, as he thought, having dissected his Scull in the middle, took out his Brains, and then clos'd up the empty Scull again. This done, she order'd him to be set again upon his Horse, and so let him go: Immedi∣ately upon which, being wholly void and destitute of understanding, he began to fall mad, and to make furious gestures, as it appeared, when he came to the next Town. Hereupon a certain young Damsel, who also belonged to his Lords Family, and had loved him most tenderly, came to him with some Assistants, and took care of him, and lest he should do any Mischief to himself, or those who tended him, caused him to be lock'd in Fetters. This Maid carried him to many Holy places beyond Sea, for the recovery of his Wits; but having found no Remedy there, she at last returned with him into England, and still he complain'd of being haunted by the little Red fellow, who at first appeared unto him: At whose presence, thô bound with three or four Chains, he would always break them. Having remain'd in this condition for six Years, he was then at the Shrine of St. John of Beverley in Yorkshire, made whole a∣gain in this manner. Being fallen into a gentle slumber, it seem'd to him, that ano∣ther most Beautifull Lady did again open his Scull and restore his Brains, (which had been taken away by the former Lady) to their right place. Accordingly upon his wa∣king, being perfectly recover'd of his senses, he Married the foresaid Damsel, who had so lovingly taken Care of him in his Madness; of whom in time he begat 15 Sons. After which his Wife dying, he went into Holy Orders, and was made Priest, and promoted to the Church of Thorp-Basset in Yorkshire. But while one day he was ce∣lebrating Mass with Great Devotion, and as the Custom was, elevated the Host for the People to behold; the foresaid Red Fellow appear'd unto him again, saying,

From henceforth let him whom You hold in your Hand be your Keeper: For he knows better how to keep you than I do.

As I give no credit, so neither do I desire to gain any, to this Story; But I must needs Remark, that with a strong Consonancy thereto, Ariosto the Italian Poet. acccording to the Tradition of the Church, hath made St. John the President, and Healer of Mad∣men. And s 21.38 Mezeray tells us of a certain Plague of Frenzy, which was called St. John's Dance.

This Year died t 21.39 Dr. Anthony Beck Bishop of Norwich, being, as was supposed, poison'd by his own servants, for his boisterous and turbulent Humour; for his severi∣ty to the Monks of his Church, and for his Appealing to the Court of Rome in oppo∣sition to John Stratford Archbishop of Canterbury: Who by a strange mistake in God∣win u 21.40 is called Robert Winchelsey; when he himself in the Title of Canterbury ac∣knowledges John Stratford Archbishop of that See, and no where mentions the other after the sixth Year of Edward the Second. In his stead William Bateman x 21.41 Doctor of the Civil Law, and a Cambridge Man of Corpus Christi College, Born at Norwich, and Archdeacon of the same Church, was now elected Bishop by the general Consent of the whole Convent. He is acknowledged the Founder of Trinity-Hall in Cam∣bridge, and to have given certain Lands to the Maintenance thereof: Which College is now Worthily Governed by the Worshipfull Sr. Thomas Exton Knight, Doctor of the Laws; a Man in our Days Renowned for his Loyalty, Wisdom, and Generosity. He also Founded the Hall of the Annunciation of our Lady, and gave one of the U∣niversity Chests. Nor content to have done good himself, he perswaded one Gon∣well, or Gonvill, to Found another Hall in the same University, which many Years after, being much enlarged at the Cost and Charges of a Learned Physician, named John Key, or Caius, is now called Gonvill and Caius's College, in Respect of both the Founders: And the Master hereof at this time is the Learned and Worshipfull Robert Brady Dr. in Physick, and a stout Asserter of the Rights of English Monarchy in the worst of times: Wherefore, together with the foremention'd Sr. Thomas Exton, our Loyal Uni∣versity hath more than once chose him for her Burgess in Parliament.

This Year also the Lady Mary de Valence, Daughter of Guy de Chastillon, Earl of St. Paul, Kinswoman to King Edward, and Third Wife of Emery de Valence Earl of Pembroke, being y 21.42 desirous to advance Learning, Founded a College in Cambridge, called by her Title, Pembroke-Hall, Endowing it with Large Possessions: From which Princely Seminary many notable Lights of Learning and Piety have continually been brought forth; and many more are daily expected; it being at present under the Care and Custody of the Reverend Nathaniel Coga, Doctor in Divinity, a Person of great Loyalty, Judgement, and Candour.

CHAPTER the TWENTY SECOND.

The CONTENTS.

I. Ʋpon the Popes pressing the two Kings to hasten the Treaty of Peace, they send their several Agents to Avignon: Some Heads of their several Pleas; but nothing done. II. King Edwards Resolute Answer to a Nip of the Popes: The Pope wri∣ting about the Matter of Provisions gains ground. III. King Edward begins his Round-Table at Windsor, with the Description, Antiquity, and Gradual Encrease of that Castle. King Philip in Emulation hereof, sets up also a Round-Table at Paris. IV. The Round-Table of Windsor being the Seminary of the Order of the Garter (which was Instituted Five Years after) the said Order is here enquired in∣to, its Original, as vulgarly given, exploded, and One far more Ancient and My∣stical, Asserted. V. The time of this First Round-Table of King Edwards, with the Manner of its Solemnity: The Death of William Montagu Earl of Salisbury, occasion'd thereby, with an account of his Worth, Pedigree, and Issue. VI. King Edwards Buildings at Windsor, and his Institution of the most Noble Order of the Garter, with the Names of the First XXVI Founders. VII. A short View of the Honour of this most Noble Order, and how many Foreign Princes, &c. have been thereof. VIII. Word brought to King Edward, how King Philip of France had put to Death several Lords of Bretagne, his Friends. IX. King Philips cruelty to the Messengers of this News; and King Edwards Raillery on his Tax upon Salt. X. King Edward sends a Defiance to King Philip. XI. But is Alarum'd from all Parts to look to himself: The Pope makes Don Lewis of Spain, Prince of the Fortunate Isles. XII. King Edward sends Forces into Gascogne, Bretagne, and to the Fron∣tiers of Scotland. XIII. And sends a Remonstrance to the Pope, with the Popes Endeavours to pacifie him, and the Sum of a Parliament at Westminster. XIV. The Earl of Darby Lands in Gascogne: His Actions. XV. His Triumphant Return to Bourdeaux. He takes King Philips Lieutenant before Auberoche. XVI. Queen Philippa of England deliver'd of a Daughter: John Earl of Montford acquitted his Prison: Oliver Lord Ingham, Senescal of Bourdeaux dies: His Issue.

I. NOW it is to be remembred, that whereas in the Articles of the Truce, * 21.43 it was agreed; that each Party should send their Commissioners to the Court of Rome, in order to hold a Treaty of Peace, before the Feast of St. John Baptist or the 24 of June following; King Edward upon more mature Deliberation and Advice wrote unto the Pope, a 21.44 desiring the Term to be prolonged unto the Nativity of the Blessed Virgin, or the 8 of September: That in the mean while the Earl of Montford, who in the beginning of the Wars of Bretagne had been taken Prisoner at Nantes might be restored to his Liberty; and that King David of Scotland might be admonished to keep the Truce Religiously. But whatever King Edwards Meaning hereby was, the Pope being jealous that he had his thoughts upon War, b 21.45 wrote earnestly unto him in the beginning of this Year, taking occasion from the late Winning of Smyrna from the Turks by the Christians, to exhort him to turn his victorious Arms against the Enemies of Christendom, where he should find such mat∣ter for his Sword, as would crown his Name with Immortal Honour: And that he would seriously resolve on Peace with France, in order to distress the Pagans. Dat. Avin. Kal. Februarii, An^o. Pontificatûs nostri III. To the same purpose also he wrote

to the French King; who according to the First Agreement made in the late Truce, sent his Ambassadors to the Court of Rome at Avignion, where they were punctually met by King Edwards Commissioners; c 21.46 who were Hugh le Despenser or Spencer, Lord of Glamorgan, Ralph Lord Stafford, William de Norwich Dean of Lincoln, Sr. Willi∣am Trussel, and Andrew Hufford a Civilian. Their Commission bearing Date 20 Maii, gave them Authority to treat in Presence of the Pope, not as a Judge, but private Per∣son and Friend to both Parties, with the Agents of his Cousin the Lord Philip de Va∣lois, upon the King's Right to the Crown of France; as also upon whatsoever Domi∣nions, Dignities, Honours, Lands, Possessions, Places and Rights appertained to Him, concerning which any Controversie had risen between them, or was like to arise. And d 21.47 on the 19 of August following another Commission issued forth, containing the same Powers, to Henry of Lancaster Earl of Darby, Thomas de Beauchamp Earl of Warwick, Robert de Ʋfford Earl of Suffolk, Hugh le Despenser Lord of Glamorgan, Ralph de Ne∣vil, Bartholomew de Burghersh, John le Grey de Ruthyn, Reginald de Cobham, and Thomas de Bradestan, Barons of the Realm, William de Norwich, Dean of Lincoln, John de Hufford Archdeacon of Ely, Robert Herward Archdeacon of Taunton, and Andrew de Hufford Professor of the Civil Law, or to any 12, 11, 10, 9, 8, 7, 6, 5, 4, or 3 of them; who were to treat before his Holiness, of the King their Master's Right to the Crown of France; not as before a Judge, but only as a Private Person and Com∣mon Friend, not in Form or Judicial Manner of Proceeding. Here again was the Kings Right stated by the English before the Pope and several Cardinals, with all the Arguments, e 21.48 which may be seen at large in the M.S. of the Reverend and Learned Dean of St. Paul's, at the Title, De jure & titulo Regis Angliae ad Coronam & Regnum Franciae: Primò factum praesupponitur & sequuntur Rationes & Argumenta pro utri∣que Parte. It begins thus, Philippus Filius sancti Lodovici, Rex Francorum genuit Philippum dictum Pulchrum, & Carolum de Valois: Eidem Philippo, filio sancti Lo∣dovici successit in Regno Philippus Pulcher ipsius Primogenitus, qui decessit relictu tri∣bus Filtis, videlicet Lodovico, Philippo & Carolo, & unâ Filiâ, videlicet Dominâ Isa∣bellâ, Reginâ Angliae; quae vivente Patre suo peperit Dominum Edvardum, tunc Re∣gem Angliae, &c. And so it goes on, propounding Arguments, and solving Objections of all sorts, by the Laws of the Tables, by Reason, by Example and Scripture; but be∣cause most of these things have been touched before, we shall only instance a little in the Objection of his Homage done to the King of France, and in the Famous Questi∣on of the Salique Law, which latter was yet little on either Side insisted on in those days: Nec Homagium, quod fecit Rex Angliae Possessori Regni Franciae, sibi nocebit, quia prastitit Homagium, ut Dux Aquitaniae; ergo si veniat alio jure, ut proximier Masculus in gradu, & non ut Dux; sibi non nocebit: Quia dicitur in Textu, ei, qui alio jure venit, quàm eo quod amisit, non nocet id, quod perdidit; sed prodest id, quod habet, &c. Praetereà praestitit Homagium, ut Ducatum integrum consequeretur; & non obtinuit, quod speravit, ergò non nocet sibi Homagium: Quia si Patroni filius petat Le∣gatum relictum in testamento liberti, excluditur, &c. Sed si non obtinuerit Legatum, quod speravit, petitio Legati sibi non praejudicat. Praetereà, indubiò non videtur quis juri suo tacitè renunciare, ubi scit jus suum ubique durare, &c. Sed hìc scit Rex Angliae sus suum ubique durare; quare non videtur indubiò Regno Franciae renunciare: Sed & Rex Angliae scit Jus suum ubique durare, quod apparet, quùm de Jure suo protestabatur, quae protestatio conservat Jus protestantis, &c. Praetereà dictus Philippus Possessor Regni Franciae admisit Homagium ut Rex Franciae de facto, qui Titulum in Regno non habu∣it, Rege Angliae existente in proximiori Gradu; ergò admissio Homagii non valuit, cùm ea, quae geruntur in Personâ illius, qui Titulum non habuit nec habet, nec valent, nec praejudicant, &c. Praetereâ, tunc quando praestitit Homagium, in minori aetate erat con∣stitutus, &c. As to the other Point, the English Agents pleaded, that not only the Dukedoms of Normandy and Aquitain, with the Counties of Maine and Anjou, were by Lineal Descent belonging unto the King their Master, but that now also the whole Realm of France was his in Right of his Mother, Daughter and now Heir of King Philip the Fair; for thô the King doth not directly oppose their Salique Law, as clai∣ming not for his Mother, but for himself as her Heir; yet neither doth he want Ar∣guments to invalidate the Authority of that Custom; for as to the Words, —In ter∣ram Salicam Mulieres nè succedant, he can prove against the French Glossers; that the Realm of France was not to be understood thereby, and that Pharamond was not, as they pretend, the Author of this Law: For that the Land Salique is in Germany be∣tween the Rivers Elbe and Sala, not far from Kuninghofen; and that when Charles the Great, who began his Reign 343 Years after the Death of Pharamond had over∣come

the Saxons, he left there a Colony of Frenchmen; who either in detestation of the dishonest Manners of the German Women, or rather because a Masculine Govern∣ment was more necessary for Souldiers, made a Law, that Females should not succeed to any Inheritance within that Land, which is now called Misnia or Meissen by the Ger∣mans, a Province in the Upper Saxony. And further, that this which now they call a Law, was but a wicked and Usurpations Custom first of all introduced by f 21.49 Clotaire the First, to the Exclusion of his Nieces Chrotherge and Chrotesinda, Daughters of his Elder Brother Childebert the First: And further, that even this supposed Law had not al∣ways been observed in France it self, which was proved by several Instances. As that King Pepin the Father of Charles the Great, who deposed King Childeric the Third, and last of the Merovean Race, claimed the Crown of France of Pope Zachary as Heir General, being descended of Blithildis, Daughter of King Clotaire the First: Fur∣ther, that Hugh Capet, who upon the Death of Lewis V. usurped the Crown, which was challenged by Charles Duke of Lorraine, the sole Heir Male of the Line of Charles the Great; to make his Title good, pretended to come of the Lady Lindgardis Daugh∣ter of King Charles II. sirnamed the Bald, who was Son of Lewis Debonnaire the Em∣perour, and Grandson to Charles the Great. Also that Lewis the IX (who was Ca∣nonized but g 21.50 45 Years before, and hath been since called St. Lewis) because he de∣scended in a direct Line from the Usurper Hugh Capet, could never be throughly sa∣tisfied in his Conscience, how he might justly keep and enjoy the Crown of France, till he was well informed, and at last fully perswaded, that Queen Isabell, or Elizabeth his Grandmother, Daughter to Baldwin of Hainalt, was lineally descended from the Lady Ermingardis, Daughter and Heir to the foresaid Charles Duke of Lorrain, by which Marriage the Blood and Line of Charles the Great was again united and resto∣red to the Crown of France: So that it is manifest as day to those who are not wil∣fully blinded with Prejudice, that the Title of King Pepin, the Claim of Hugh Capet, the Right of St. Lewis, and consequently of the Royal House of France to that day, were derived and conveyed from the Heir Female: Thô now under pretence of such a Law they would debarr the King of England of his Right and Lawfull Inheritance. Nor was Scripture forgot to be quoted in an Assembly, where such Eminent Persons of the Clergy of both Nations, besides the Head of the Church himself, were present; especially that fully decisive h 21.51 Text so often upon this Occasion used, wherein God himself de∣clares,

That when a Man dies without a So••, the Inheritance should descend to the Daughter: If a Man die and have no Son, ye shall cause his Inheritance to pass unto his Daughter.

Which was made a standing Law by God himself in the Case of the Daughters of Zelophehad. Much to this purpose was urged in King Edwards Behalf by the English Commissioners, but the French alledged many things to the Contrary, as the express Words of the Salique Law, which they attributed to Pharamond, and make to belong to the whole Realm of France, and therefore it is matter of Fact, that never any Woman was admitted to the Crown of that Kingdom: And if no Female have any Right in her self, much less can she transfer to another; for nemo dat quod non habet; also that he was a Stranger, and so not to be admitted to the Government of that Realm, which once before refused Charles Duke of Lorraine aforesaid upon that very Account, thô he was unquestionably the next Heir: They further urged the Judgment of the Twelve Peers of France, who agreed the Crown to be King Philips Right; also King Philips present Possession, and long and peaceable Enjoyment, and even King Edwards own Acknowledgment, when he rendred Homage to him, as to the true and lawfull King of France. Thus on both sides Arguments were bandied with equal Facility; the Judgment of the Law, and the Opinion of the Doctors quoted, the Niceties of Distinctions explained, and the Strength of Objections foiled; as may be seen at large in the foresaid MS. of Dr. Stillingfleet, which Authentick Work was at the Command of King Henry V, upon his renewing the Claim to the Crown of France, col∣lected and compiled by the venerable Father, Thomas Beckington Dr. of Law and Dean of the Arches, and afterwards Bishop of Bath and Wells. So nothing could be said on either side, but an Answer was ready for it; and to conclude this matter, nothing as to a final Peace could be agreed, but only the Triennial Truce to endure as before, without violation.

II At this Treaty it is said, that the Pope, thinking to terrifie King Edward, spake to some of his Agents to this purpose; i 21.52

That Lewis of Bavaria, who had be∣fore Excommunicate, having now entirely submitted himself unto the Arbitration of the Apostolick See, had therefore merited at his Hands the Benefit of Absolution: And that now he had justly and graciously restored unto him the Empire, which be∣fore he had unjustly usurped.

Which when King Edward heard, being as full of

Courage as Indignation, he said aloud,

If the Emperour also shall agree and combine with Philip of Valois; I am ready to fight with them both in Defence of my Right.

That the Pope might say thus much in terrorem, or as a piece of Bravery, I will not deny; and that Lewis of Bavaria made more then one Offer of Submitting himself to the Popes Discretion, is k 21.53 most apparent. But it is not so evident, by what I can find in Rainaldus his Collections; that he was ever wholly Restored and Absol∣ved; thô not a few Authors averr so much.

However at this time it appears, that the Pope, having received by the Hands of Dr. Andrew Hufford another Letter from King Edward concerning the matter of Provi∣sions, return'd him his Answer thereto, l 21.54 wherein among other things he shews,

That the Ordinance of Parliament, which was made in Opposition to Reservations and the like, was too rash and contrary to the Holy Constitutions; and that the Dignity of the Primacy of the Roman Church was not to be question'd; and that by endeavour∣ing to respect, and honour and advance it, he would engage the Grace of God unto himself: But that otherwise he for his part should find himself obliged no longer to dissemble those Affronts done to Holy Church, but to apply a Remedy according to his Duty.

Dat. Avin. v. Id. Jul. Anno Pontif. 3. And on the m 21.55 Kalends of Octo∣ber following he sent Nicholas Archbishop of Ravenna, and Peter Bishop of Astorga, his Nuntio's into England, with Power to call a Synod of the English Prelates, in order to remove all Innovations against the Apostolick See: And by repeated Letters he ex∣horted King Edward to revoke what he had done against the Liberties of the Church: He also excited the two Queens, Isabella the Kings Mother, and Philippa his Consort, Henry Earl of Darby, and the Chief Peers of the Realm, to move the King to re∣store Matters to their Pristine State. John Archbishop of Canterbury was suspected by the Pope to have been the Occasion of all this Controversie, who when he attempted to wash away this Opinion with many plausible Excuses, was required by the Pope to clear himself by his Actions, and to induce the King to rescind what had been done: And William de la Zouch Archbishop of York, Richard Bury Bishop of Durham, and several other Prelates, were urged to use their utmost endeavour in this Affair. But whether upon this I cannot tell, however the Pope from henceforward gat ground in what he aim'd at, thô not without a Check now and then from the King.

III. Althô I am sensible, that this Great English Monarch did not institute the Fa∣mous Order of the Garter till Five years after this Time, or the 23 Year of his Reign, yet because now he began the Order of the Round Table at Windsor, which gave oc∣casion to that of the Garter, I shall in this place once for all take leave to say something concerning so solemn and Royal a Subject.

The Castle of Windsor, n 21.56 Scituate at the East point of the County of Berkshire, being Anciently called Windleshore, from the Windings of the shore thereabouts, is by some o 21.57 reported to have been built by the Famous King Arthur of Britain; thô sure∣ly the present Name is of p 21.58 Saxon Original. It is q 21.59 certain, that King William the Conquerour; being greatly enamoured of the pleasant scituation of the Place, which appeared exceeding Commodious, because it lay so near the Thames, the Wood so fit for Game, and the Country yielding other Opportunities both proper and con∣venient for the Pleasure and Exercise of Kings, and therefore a place very fit for his Reception; made an Exchange with Edwin, then Abbot of Westminster, and his Monks (for King r 21.60 Edward the Confessor had made a Donation of Windleshore, and all its appurtenances to the Monastery of St. Peters at Westminster) of certain Lands in Essex, and elsewhere in lieu thereof: And so Windsor revolved to the Crown a∣gain; where ever since it hath remained. The Conquerour being thus Lawfully pos∣sest of Windsor, forthwith built a Fair Castle upon the Hill, containing half a Hide, or Carucate of Land, being parcell of the Mannor of Clure. After him King Henry the First, reedified the said Castle, beautifying it with many goodly Buildings, and as it were to experience the Pleasure thereof, in the s 21.61 Eight Year of his Reign, having over∣come his Enemies, kept his Easter there with great Triumph and Glory; as also two * 21.62 Years after he summon'd thither all his Nobility, where he held his Whitsuntide with Princely State and Magnificence.

This t 21.63 Castle from an high Hill, which riseth with an easie and gentle Assent, yields a most delightfull prospect round about, for from the Front it overlooks a fruit∣full Vale, which lying out far and wide, is adorned with Corn-fields, flourishes with delightfull Meadows, is flanked on each side with pleasant Groves, and water'd with the Calm and Wealthy Streams of the Royal River of Thames: Which hasting with a nimble, but smooth speed from Oxford, runs along on the Edge of Barkshire, as if

resolving to visit this Capitol of our English Kings. Behind the Castle several Hills shoot up, which being neither too rough, nor over high, are so bedecked with fre∣quent Woods, as if Nature had even dedicated them to the game of Hunting.

Within this place was our King Edward born, (whence he was commonly called Edward of Windsor, as his Father was of Caernarvon) whereby the Affection he bore thereto, became so great, that he seem'd to prefer it by much to all his Royal Palaces and Mansions. For this Year first he began to hold a Round-Table therein (of which by and by) and after that he Instituted the Honourable Order of the Garter here; and e∣ven until the Fourty Eighth of his Reign (thô not without some intermission by Reason of his many Wars) continued to augment and adorn it with most Magni∣ficent Buildings and Fortifications, making it also the perpetual Seat of the foresaid most Noble Order: So that even in his Days it became a very Famous and Illustrious Structure. But since that in Memory of so Renowned a Conquerour, and in respect to the Commodious Scituation of the Place, as also for the greater Honour of the foresaid most Glorious Order, succeeding Kings, as Edward IV, Henry VII, and Hen∣ry VIII, the Queens Mary and Elizabeth, King James I, and King Charles I, have enlarged its Buildings, Beautified its Prospect, supply'd it with Water, deriv'd from Blackmore Park into a Fountain of Curious Workmanship, and made it more fresh and gay with constant Repairs, pleasant Terrases, and other Ornaments: After all whom the late King Charles II, out of a particular Respect to this Illustrious Place, and in I∣mitation of all these his Royal Progenitors, laid out vast Sums of Money upon its Re∣pair, and furnished it with a Curious and Gallant Magazine of Arms, so well order'd and kept; that it both Entices and Rewards the Curiosity of every Traveller that comes that way. And thô the Seat be chiefly design'd for pleasure, yet is it never∣theless, beside the strength it receives from the foremention'd Arsenal, fortify'd with deep Grafts and high Towers, which command all its Avenues.

It is Scituate some twenty Miles from London upon the Banks of the Thames, that furnishes it with Waters, which embellish its Gardens with Fruitfull Currents: Its cir∣cumference and extent is now so considerable, that it may seem to vie with some Cities. In short, the Air is pure and serene, the Architecture regular, and well con∣trived, all its Apartments Royally furnished, its Gardens and Walks full of Diversion, its Parks of Game; and all things Worthy the Presence of the most Fortunate of Mankind.

The Scituation of this Place, with its most Royal Fabrick, thô Poetically, is truly de∣scribed by Sr. John Denham's ingenious * 21.64 Muse after this Manner:

Windsor the next (where Mars and Venus dwells, Beauty with Strength) above the Valley swells Into mine Eyes, and doth it self Present With such an easie and unforc'd Ascent; That no stupendious Precipice denies Access; no Horror turns away our Eyes: But such a Rise, as doth at once invite A Pleasure and a Reverence from our sight. Thy Mighty Master's Emblem! In whose Face Sat Meekness heightned with Majestick Grace: Such seems thy Gentle Height, made only Proud To be the Basis of that Pompous load; Than which a Nobler weight no Mountain bears, But Atlas only, that supports the Spheres.

In this Place King Edward at this time u 21.65 began to Erect a certain House, called the Round-Table, the Semidiameter of whose Floor, viz. from the Center to the Circum∣ference, contained one 100 Foot, so that the Diameter being 200, the whole Cir∣cumference comes to 600 Foot, and about three quarters more: For the Circumfe∣rence exceeds the Diameter in like proportion, as 22 bears to seven. Towards the fi∣nishing of this Noble Work, the King allowed an 100 l. Sterling to be expended Weekly; thô afterwards by reason of his Wars, he retrenched that allowance to 20 l. per Week. But here it will not be amiss to speak something of the Original, Use, and Meaning of these Round-Tables: And surely, thô Arthur the Famous King of Britain, is generally held to have been the Author of this Invention; yet, as we observed before in the Second Year of this History, We find by Athenaeus, that it was Customary for the Knights of Gaul to sit at Round-Tables, to avoid Contention a∣bout

Priority. This Custom was renewed by King Arthur, who from among x 21.66 all those both Brittish and Foreign Worthies, who came to his Court, as to a Seminary of Military Discipline, to give Evidence of their Skill in the Exercise of Arms, selected certain of the most Noble and Expert Knights, to the Number of 25, besides himself, (thô some say but 24) whom he united under him, into a Fellowship, or Order, who sitting in their Chapters at a Round-Table, were called Knights of the Round-Table. The Place where the Founder first Instituted this Order, was, as y 21.67 Froisard witnesses, Windsor, thô not then called by that Name, but by a Brittish Title, Kaerguent. And yet other Places were upon occasion allowed for the Assembly of the Society, as z 21.68 Winchester in Hantshire, Cambelot in Somersetshire, and Caer-leon in Monmouthshire: To one of these every Whitsuntide, these Knights made their repair, where they held their Chapters, and gave a due Relation of all their Actions and Adventures, still attributing the Praise of all to God, and the Virgin Mary.

We find these Round-Tables to have been renewed long after him a 21.69 by King Stephen, and Richard the First, called for his couragious Soul Coeur du Leon, or Lyon-Heart, and We have also intimated before, how in the Days of Edward the First, the Lord Roger Mortimer, Lord of Wigmore (but not Earl of March, as both Sr. William Dugdale, and Esquire Ashmole inadvertently call him) held the Celebration of a Round-Table with Tilting and Tourneaments; which consisted of an 100 Knights, and as many Fair Ladies of the Highest Quality. And now King Edward the Third, in like Manner, designing b 21.70 to recover the Memory of King Arthur, and to restore the Honour of the Round-Table; that he might inflame the Minds of his own Lords with Military Glo∣ry, and invite also to his side the bravest Sons of Valour from Foreign Parts, resolved to hold a Solemn Justs at Windsor, and caused this his Resolution to be c 21.71 Proclaimed, not only in his own Dominions, but also in Scotland, France, Burgundy, Hainalt, Flan∣ders, Brabant, and the Empire; offering by his Heralds to all Knights and Esquires, that would come to the said Feast, his Royal Conduct for fifteen Days before, and for as many after the Solemnity: Which was to begin at Windsor on St. George's Day, or the 23 of April, as Froisard says, then next ensuing: But We shall prove hereafter, that the appointed time was the 19 of January, 1344, the full Institution of the Order, of which that Saint was made the Patron, not being till five Years after. And in the Proclamation it was signified, that King Edward himself would be there with the Chiefest of his Nobility, Knights, and Esquires, and the Queen also to be accompanied with 300 of the Fairest Ladies and Virgins in their Richest Attire, all of Noble and Honourable Families. According to this Proclamation there came at the time appointed many Worthy and Valiant Knights from all the Parts aforesaid, except France only; For there King Philip gave a strict command to the Contrary, and in hopes to render this High Design of his Adversary of England less effectual, He d 21.72 also at the same time set up a Round-Table at Paris; to which many Knights came from Bohemia, Luxemburgh, Germany, and Italy. And at the same time also he gave e 21.73 free leave to any of his Subjects, to fell down Timber for making of Ships, and encreasing his Navy: Whereby no little Dammage was afterwards done to the Sea-Coasts of England. But however, as for the Round-Table he Erected, it proved of no great Advantage to him; for King Edward here gain'd the Point of him most noto∣riously by adding to his Round-Table a peculiar Device of the Blew-Garter: With which he Honoured his Order. For thô the whole Design was not as now consumma∣ted, more time being Requisite to settle so substantial a Society, together with all its Laws, Ordinances, and other Circumstances, yet because at least the Design was now formed, and this Years meeting did certainly give Occasion for the Foundation of that most Noble Order, which in the f 21.74 23 l. of this King recei∣ved its full Establishment, I shall, to clear my self once for all of this Subject, take leave in this place to discourse of the In∣stitution and Original of the Knights of the Garter.

IV. It has been a Common and current Opinion; that Joan Plantagenet, called by some Countess of Salisbury, by chance letting fall her Garter in a Dance, the Amo∣rous King snatching it up for the sake of the Beautifull Owner, contrived thus to make it Honourable to all Ages: but this we have already shew'd to want Authority, when We overthrew the very occasion of it, by proving, that King Edward was not in love with this Lady; to which We now add, that even Froisard, who makes him to have been in love with her, yet when he comes to the Order of the Blew-Garter, takes no Notice, that it

was ever intended as an Honour or remembrance of this, or any other Ladies Garter. Polydor Virgil, a Man of indifferent Reputation, being the First that ever mention'd such a thing, brings it yet but as founded upon Fama Vulgi, Publique Rumor only. Be∣sides, of all those that hold this Opinion, there are different judgements as to the Name, and Person of the Lady; some calling her Joan, some Alice, some Katherine; others making her Countess of Salisbury, and others again saying, 'twas Queen Philippa her self, who once departing from the Kings presence to her own Apartment, he soon af∣ter following, happen'd to espy a Blew-Garter on the ground, which his Attendants slightly passing by, the King, who knew the Owner, commanded it to be taken up and given to him; at the Receipt whereof he said,

You make but small account of this Garter, but within a little while the very best of You shall be glad to Reve∣rence the like:

And that the Motto of the Garter, HONI SOIT, QUI MAL Y PENSE, was the Queens Answer, when the King asked what she thought, Men would conjecture of her, upon dropping her Garter in such a Manner. This M^r Ashmole g 21.75 quotes (thrô lapse of Memory) as from Du Chesne, who yet h 21.76 in the place alledged has no such matter; but only speaks of the Countess of Salisbury, whose Garter he says, when the Lords seeing the King take up, smiled, he said in French, as aforesaid, which signifies, Let him be ashamed, that thinks any Evil.

Now thô all must acknowledge our King Edward to have been the first Founder of this Order of the Garter; yet some have sought higher for the Original, even up to the time of King Richard the First, who began his Reign, Anno Domini MCLXXXIX.

This valiant Prince say they, i 21.77 after he had Conquer'd the Isle and Kingdom of Cy∣prus, and lay now before Acon or Ptolemais, a famous City of Phoenicia on the Bor∣ders of Palestine, held then by the Sarazens; being much wearied with the Tedious∣ness of the Siege, at last thrô some secret Impulse, at the intercession and mediation of St. George (as he imagin'd) was inspired with fresh Courage, and bethought him∣self of this Device, to tie about the Left Legs of a select Number of Knights a Lea∣thern Thong or Garter (for no better were then at hand) whereby being put in mind of the Glory, that should accrue to them in vanquishing their Enemies, together with an Assurance of proportionable Rewards if they succeeded, they might be roused up to behave themselves gallantly, and with more vigour in those Christian Wars. Which Fact of his was done in Imitation of the Ancient Romans, among whom were various Crowns invented, for the honour and encouragement of those, who had, or should do well in the Service of their Country. Some of the Names of which Knights, as many as I have met with, for Antiquity sake I shall here remember: Sr. k 21.78 Michael Carrington, King Richard's Standard-Bearer, from whom Sr. Francis Smith Lord Carrington is de∣scended: Sr. John l 21.79 St. John, Sr. Frederick m 21.80 Tilney, who received the Order of Knighthood at Acon or Ptolemais aforesaid, Sr. William Waterville, Sr. Rob. Sackville, Sr. Richard n 21.81 Cam∣ville, who leaving his Fellow Sr. Robert Turneham in the Government of Cyprus, without the Kings Leave waited upon him at the Siege of Acon, but died there. These and some other valiant Knights being thus encouraged, were soon after by their Emulous Valour, chief Instruments of Winning that Great City from the Pagans: Whereupon King Richard, after his Return home from the Wars and his Imprisonment in Germany, determin'd with himself to institute and settle this most Noble Order of St. George and the Garter, by the Patronage of which Saint, and the Emblem of which Badge, the English Nation had atchieved such Honour. As for King Arthur, thô the Original of the Round Table in this Nation is by many attributed unto him, yet none, as I can find do carry up the least Notion of the Garter so far: Wherefore the Summ of all that hath hitherto been deliver'd upon this Subject is, that althô King Edward III must be allowed to have been the First Founder of this Order of the Garter; yet some say, that King Richard gave the First Occasion in this Manner, as we have related; others as to one Part of the Ceremony at least go higher, and make King Arthur the Founder of the Knights of St. George and the Round Table. But higher than this hath no one sought, as to the Original and Antiquity of the Blew Garter: Now as I allow not that vain Report, that Garter being King Edward's Watchword in some Great Battle where∣in he succeeded, was the first Occasion of Instituting this Order; because in the Bat∣tle of Crescy, the King himself stood by only, as a Spectator of his Sons valour, as we shall see; and all his other Great Battles were either too long before the Institution, or too long after; so neither on the other hand doth it seem to me, that either a Ladies Garter or that Leathern Thong could be a sufficient Motive (especially consi∣dering what we have heretofore said as to that Point) to so solemn a Matter. Nor that

King Arthur (whom in part our Edward follow'd) could without some Mystery dedi∣cate his Order to St. George. After much study, once by chance I met with some Hints, which seem'd to me to bear a near reference to this matter; and if so, will make its Original much more Ancient, than perhaps any other Knightly Order in the World could ever boast of.

It is well known to those, who have read any thing of the ancient Heathen Lear∣ning, o 21.82 that among the Samothracians (who inhabit an Island of the Aegaean Sea, near unto Thrace, and retaining unto this day the Name of Samandrachi) it was a Custom to initiate certain Great and Honourable Personages, whether Natives or Strangers, in∣to the Ceremonies of the Cabiri or Potent Gods, whose Names were Axierus Axio∣cersa, and Axiocersus: These it was piacular for any, but those who had been initiated, so much as to name. The manner of the Initiation was to tie a Blew or Purple Fillet, or Bordure about the Body underneath the Paps: The profit and Effect of these Ce∣remonies, was to be perpetually secur'd against the most turbulent Tempests of the Sea; and therefore Casmilus, that is Mercury, was added to those other Gods; because the skill of Astronomy, over which Mercury presides, is necessary for Sailers. And thus we read, p 21.83 that when the Argonauts were in great peril by a Tempest, Orpheus the Thra∣cian Priest, who also was an Heroe of the Royal Blood, initiated himself after this man∣ner to the Samothracian Gods, in the Name of all the Princes and Knights, his Fellow. Adventurers. Whereupon the Winds ceasing and the Seas lying still, at which time also two bright Stars appear'd upon the Heads of the Sons of Tyndarus, the Heroes all wondred, as believing themselves deliver'd by the Power of those Gods, to whose protection Orpheus had committed the Vessel and all therein: Whence even among the Grecians it became a Custom to invoke the Samothracian Cabiri, and to use their Ce∣remonies in Storms and Tempests. Nay, we read, that q 21.84 Agamemnon, and Achilies, and Ʋlysses (and afterwards * 21.85 Philip, the Father of Alexander the Great) were all initia∣ted in Samothracia, only Ʋlysses would needs make use of a q 21.86 white Fillet, instead of one of Purple. Upon which presumptuous Transgression of the Ancient Usage he afterwards sell into those distresses and Miseries at Sea, which the King of Poets describes at large in his Odysseia. Caelius r 21.87 Rhodiginus also affirms, that when the Grecians, being commanded after the saking of Troy to go on board in boisterous Weather, murmured against their Leaders, as fearing to be destroyed by Tempests, Agamemnon by shewing this Purple Cincture a∣bout his Belly under his Coat of Male, quieted their Sedition: And that by this means even Ʋlysses himself escaped finally perishing at Sea. Nor is Homer himself silent in this Matter; for upon the great peril wherein Ʋlysses was at Sea, he makes Leucothea a Samo∣thracian Goddess also, and together with her Son s 21.88 Palaemon, Patroness of Ships at Sea, to deliver the distressed Heroe a Blue Garter or Fillet with these Words,

Behold this Sacred Azure Fillet here: * 21.89 Bind this beneath thy Paps, and never fear To drown or suffer harm, thô Storms appear.

Now all this being thus premised, we first suppose the Opinion of t 21.90 a late Writer very probable, who in his Book called Antiqua Britannia Illustrata, proves the old Brittains or Welch Natives of this Land to have been a Colony of Phoenicians, both for their Manners, Laws and Ceremonies, as also for other strong Arguments, which he there produces. Now if the Intelligent Reader will but take the pains to consider all this, and withall how many Heathen Customs have been brought into Christianity with some little Change, as we could frequently instance; but that we know the Lear∣ned readily grant the same, we may easily imagin, that King Arthur, who was crowned in the Year of our Lord DXVI, when it may be supposed, that the Memory of their Pagan-Fathers Traditions was not wholly worn out, and from him King Edward, might by Changing their Patrons from Heathen to Christian u 21.91 Saints, and the Carnal intent of the Ceremony to a Spiritual, retain, or renew this ancient and significative Insti∣tution of the Samothracian Rites, wherein now the World is emblematized by the tem∣pestuous Ocean, by the Blew-Garter, Heavenly Mindedness or Unity of Faith, and Con∣cord or Amity, because it is but one, and knit close together with a Buckle of pure Gold about the Leg. And as for St. George, he might very well be made the Patron of this Order, as who was Martyr'd x 21.92 above 200 Years before, and was already in those days of high Renown over all the Christian World: Especially since the Chri∣stians attributed unto him the same Protection of sea-faring Men, as the old Phaenici∣ans did to their Cabiri; which will evidently appear from these two following Passages,

the one of an old Saxon MS. and the other of an old English MS. Legend in Verse, both which I shall here make bold to produce in a Language something more intelligi∣ble, because the very Words are to be seen in their Primitive Obscurity in the Learned Seldens Titles of Honour, y 21.93

And St. George (upon the Point of his Martyrdom in the Days of Dioclesian the Emperour) prayed to the Lord and said, Jesu Christ re∣ceive my Soul! And I beseech thee, that whosoever shall commemorate me on Earth, all Fraud, Peril, Hunger and Sickness be far from his House; and that whosoever shall in any danger ON THE SEA, or elsewhere make use of my Name, Thou wilt be mercifull unto him. Then came a Voice from Heaven, say∣ing, Come thou Blessed, and whosoever shall in any Danger or Place, call on my Name thrô Thee, him will I hear.

The same Sense is thus expressed in the other z 21.94 MS. in Meeter,

His Hands he held up on High, adown he set his knee, Lord, he said, Jesu Christ, this only thing might I see; Grant me, if it is thy Will; that whoso in fair manere, Holds well my Day in a 21.95 Aperil, for my Love on Earth here; That there never fall in his House no Harm in all the Year; Nor great Sickness, nor Famine strong, that thereof there be no fear. And WHOSO IN PERIL OF SEA, thrô me shall make his Boon, Or in other Cases Perillous, heal him thereof full soon. Then heard he a Voice from Heaven, that to him said, I wis, Come forth to me, my Blessed Child, thy Boon heared is: Then his Head was off y-smitten, &c.

Some small Account of this ancient Original I gave about ten or eleven Years since to that Learned Antiquary, Esquire Ashmole in the Lodgings of my worthy Friend and Master Dr. Goad, then at Merchant-Taylors School in London, who seem'd not a lit∣tle pleas'd at the probable Authentick Occasion of this most Noble Order. But I leave the Judgment of all to the Candid Reader, being content with those Reasons, that in∣duced me to make these Conjectures, as I readily allow others to follow what may seem more Rational to them.

V. And having thus at least endeavour'd to find out hidden Truth from among the gross Rubbish of Antiquity, we shall now proceed. When this Mighty Prince had for∣med in his Head this most Honourable Design, and had begun to hold his Round Ta∣ble at Windsor, upon b 21.96 New-years Day this Year (1344.) He issued out his Royal Letters of Protection, as we shew'd before, for the safe Coming and Return of Foreign Knights, their Servants and what belonged unto them, who being desirous to try their Valour, should come to those solemn Justs, by him intended to be held at Wind∣sor, on the c 21.97 Monday next after the Feast of St. Hilary next ensuing (which happen'd then to be on the * 21.98 19 Day of January.) And these Letters of safe Conduct continu∣ed in Force till the Octaves of the Purification of the Blessed Virgin Mary, being in the 18 Year of his Reign.

The Time appointed being come, the King provided a Royal Supper to open the So∣lemnity, and then first Ordained, that this Festival should be annually held there at Whitsuntide. The next Day and during all this splendid Convention from before Candle∣mas unto Lent, the Lords of England and of other Lands exercised themselves in all kind of Knightly Feats of Arms, as Justs and Tourneaments, and Running at the Ring: The Queen and her Ladies, that they might with more Convenience behold this Specta∣cle, were orderly seated upon a firm Balustrade or Scaffold with Rails before it, run∣ning all round the Lists. And certainly their extraordinary Beauties, set so advanta∣geously forth with excessive Finery and Riches of Apparel, did prove a Sight as full of pleasant Encouragement to the Combatants, as the fierce Bucklings of Men and Horses, gallantly armed, was a delightfull Terrour to the Feminine Beholders.

During these Martial sports, William Montagu, the Great Earl of Salisbury, King of the Isle of Man, and Marshal of England, thrô his immoderate Courage and La∣bour for 3 or 4 Days together, was at last so bruised and wearied with those boisterous Encounters, that falling d 21.99 into a Feavour thereby, he died within 8 Days after, in the e 21.100 43^d. Year of his Age, on the 30 of January, being then a Fryday, to the in∣finite regret of the King, and all the Court, as well Strangers, as English; and was afterwards Honourably buried in the White-Fryers at London. This Mans Father, named William Lord Montagu, f 21.101 Son of Simon Lord Montagu, and being descended of

Drû, or Drogo, who was branched from the Lines of the Ancient Kings of Man, did Marry Aufric Daughter of Fergus, and Widow of Olaus King of Man; or as o∣thers report, she was g 21.102 Sister of Orry King of Man, who was descended from Orry, Son to the King of Denmark: Which Lady, discerning her Brother and all his Blood to be overcome, and ruin'd by Alexander King of Scots, fled into England with the Charter of that Isle, and being there Honourably received of King Edward I, was by him given in Marriage to William Lord Montagu aforesaid, who in her Right, by Aid of the said King Edward I, recover'd the said Isle, till at length he mortgag'd it for seven Years to Anthony Beck, Bishop of Durham; from whom it should seem to have been taken by the Scots: Till this Earl William, as we shew'd before, reconquer'd it from the Scots, and was by King Edward III made King of the said Isle, as was also his Son after him, till the 16 of Richard II, when he sold the Crown thereof to Wil∣liam Lord Scroop, as some say, thô 'tis certain, that even h 21.103 to his Death he retain'd the Title of Lord thereof; as appears by his Will, bearing Date at Christ-Church-Twynham 20 April, Anno 1397 (20 Richardi 2) where he calls himself Earl of Salis∣bury, and Lord of the Isles of Man and Wight: Within 6 Weeks after the Date whereof he departed this Life. But now at the Death of his Father, the first Earl, he was found to be but 15 Years old and an half, thô in time, he became no less re∣nowned, than his Father, and was One of those 25 whom King Edward chose toge∣ther with himself, Founders of the Order of the Garter. But of his Heroick Father, who died at this time, i 21.104 Walsingham takes his leave in these Words,

This Year, says he, departed this Life, the Lord William Montagu Earl of Salisbury, King of Man, and Marshal of England, of whose Valorous Acts worthily to write, would be a Work of great Commendation.

And thus died this Valiant Worthy in the strength of his Age, full of Glory, and even by those Martial Exercises, which he ever principally affected: But the Solemnity notwithstanding was continued to its appointed End; and all the while, as the Men of War thus spent the Days in Sports more agreeable to their Robust Nature; so were a great part of the Nights devoted to Publique Balls, Masquerades, and Dancings with the Ladies, which attended the Queen thither. And perhaps this gave occa∣sion to some, who could not penetrate into the true Original of the Garter, to conje∣cture, th••t at some of these Balls, either the Queens, or the Countess of Salisbury's Gar∣ter slipping off, might afford the First hint of this Devise.

VI. Immediately after these First Martial Exercises were over (to the end better ac∣commodation might be had for the Knights that should afterwards come thither) the King caused k 21.105 Carpenters, Masons, and Carriages to be imprest for the Erecting the foresaid Building of the Round-Table in the Castle; four Years after by his Letters l 21.106 Patents, bearing Teste at Westminster on the VI Day of August An ^o. Regni 22. he new Founded the Ancient Chappel of Windsor to the Honour and Praise of the Om∣nipotent God, of the Glorious Virgin Mary, of St. George the Martyr, and of St. Ed∣ward the Confessour, and ordained that to the Eight Canons of King Henry the First, there should be added One Custos, fifteen Canons more, twenty four Alms Knights, together with other Ministers, all under the Command of the said Custos; and these to be maintained out of the Revenues, wherewith this Chappel was, and should be en∣dowed. And thus what as to the College, Chappel, and Castle, We find him the most part of his Reign after this, Augmenting, Building, Repairing, and En∣dowing this Darling Seat of his, as may be seen more m 21.107 particularly in the IV Chapter and the first Section of Esquire Ashmole's elaborate History of the Garter.

From this Seminary of the Round-Table begun thus, as We have seen, five Years after he reared that Illustrious and Solemn Order of the Garter, n 21.108 consisting of 26 Knights in all, whereof himself was Sovereign and Chief: All whose Habits in token of Fellowship, Amity and Concord, were alike; and first the Collars, each consisted of 26 Garters, every one enclosing a Rose, united with the Buckle, each Garter inter∣changeably divided with a Knot, all Emblems of Amity; saving that at the end of the Middle Garter before, hangs down the great George, representing an Armed Knight on a barbed Horse, tilting at a Dragon, who is thrown on his Back. Then the Caps, Mantle, Surcoat, and Hood, are all alike, saving, that the Number of Garters, Embroider'd on the Surcoat, varies according to the different Degrees of the Knights Companions. And lastly the Garter, the Chief Ensign of the Order, being of blew Velvet, is richly Embroider'd with these Letters and Stops of Gold, HONI. SOIT. QUI. MAL. Y. PENSE. all Garnished with Diamonds and other precious Stones: The Buckle and Pendant whereof are all of pure Gold, as also the Plate next the

Hinge, whereon the Sovereign's Picture to the Breast is Curiously cut in flat-stich, Crown'd with a Laurel, and vested in the Military Habit of the First Roman Emperours: As also on the back side of the Tab or Pendant, is engraven a George on Horseback, as before. There is also a lesser George, enclosed in Diamonds, and appointed to be worn pendant, first on a Golden Chain, and since that, on a Blew-Ruband, upon more or∣dinary occasions. We must yet confess, that all this Splendour was not at first, (e∣very thing usually gathering growth by Degrees) for it appears, that the Material of the first Founders Mantle was only most o 21.109 fine Woollen-Cloth, Blew-Colour; and it is not unlikely, as Mr. Ashmole well observes, that the Founder made choice of Cloth for the Robes of the Order (rather than any other Richer Stuff) to the end he might thereby give a Reputation to that our homebred, and Native Commodity. Albeit, we find in the Statutes of Institution, a Permission for the Proxies of Foreign Princes, to bring over with them Mantles of p 21.110 Silk or Velvet, at their coming to receive the Possession of their Principals Stalls; either because other Countries were better furnished with such Commodities, than with our English Cloth, or that it might rather stand with the liking or esteem of foreign Princes, as accounting Silk or Velvet the more Honourable Material. Some also have deliver'd, that at the first Institution the Habit consisted only of the Garter, Mantle, Surcoat, and Hood, and that the George and Collar were afterwards added by Henry VIII. It is certain, that at the Original there was more simplicity in all; the Materials both of Surcoat, Hood, and Mantle, were at first all the same, and of the same Colour, all garnished, or powder'd all over with little Garters, embroider'd with Silk and Gold Plate, in each whereof was neat∣ly wrought the Motto, Honi soit qui mal y pense. Besides the Buckles and Pendants to these small Garters were Silver Gilt: And it is Recorded, that of these Embroider'd Garters, there were laid upon the first Surcoat and Hood made for the Founder, no less than an Hundred Sixty Eight. The left Shoulder of each of the Mantles, from the very Institution, hath been adorned with one Large, Fair Garter, containing the Motto, Honi soit qui mal y pense; which were distinguished from the other lesser Garters, by the Name of Garters gross. Within this Great Garter were embroider'd the Arms of St. George, namely Argent a Cross Gules; which of old was wrought upon Sattin, with Gold, Silver, and Silk; but in succeeding times more cost was bestow'd upon this Sa∣lutary Ensign; the Embroidery being curiously wrought upon Velvet, with Damask, Gold and sundry sorts of Purls, Plates, Venice-twists, and Silks, and the Letters of the Motto, and Borders of the Garter, composed of fine Oriental Pearl. To which, lastly, King Charles the First added the Rays, or Glory, as 'tis commonly called, darting out thrô the Garter from all parts of the Sacred Cross, till without the Gar∣ter, it self also terminates Cross-wise. But leaving the minuter Prosecution of these things, with all the particular Mutations, Statutes, and Circumstances thereto belong∣ing, to that Learned and Authentick Work of Esquire Ashmole's, wherein he has most accurately and fully handled all things relating to this Order, I shall only add, what yet remains of our Subject;

1. That King EDWARD himself first took this Habit in the Chappel of St. George from the hands of William Edington Bishop of Winchester (which Bishop by Statute is al∣ways Prelate of the Order) and then he proceeded to give the same Habit to the other 25 Knights Companions, as in Order they follow;

2. His Eldest Son, Edward, Prince of Wales, now but in the 14, then in the 19 Year of his Age.

3. His Noble and Valiant Cousin, Henry, at that time Earl of Lancaster, and af∣terwards Duke of the same Title.

4. Thomas Beauchamp, the thrice Noble and Valiant Earl of Warwick.

5. John q 21.111 de Greilly, Captal of Buch, which is a great Lordship in Aquitain, the Governour whereof is stiled Cap∣tal, and the Country it self is called le Captalat de Buch, or Busch; the chief Town whereof, called la Teste de Buch, is about seven Leagues Westward of Bourdeaux: This Gen∣tleman was a Mighty Man of Valour, and most firm of all o∣thers to the English side; so that after many Renowned Ex∣ploits, whereof this History will not be silent, being at last taken Prisoner by the French, he chose rather to die in Prison, than to swear never more to bear Arms for England.

6. The next Knight in Order was Ralph Lord Stafford, Earl of Stafford.

7. William Montagu, the hopefull young Earl of Salisbury.

8. Roger Lord Mortimer, Grandson to Roger Earl of March, who five Years after obtain'd a Revocation of the Judgement against his Grandfather, and thereupon was restored in Blood, and to the Earldom of March, and to all his said Grandfathers Lands, Honours, and Possessions: Being for his Valour and Worth highly meriting to be inserted into this most Noble Order.

9. After him was invested the Couragious Knight John Lord Lisle.

10. Then Bartholomew Lord Burghersh, alias Burwash, Junior, at that time but twenty Years old; but every way Worthy of this Honour.

11. John Lord Beauchamp, younger Brother to Thomas Earl of Warwick; a Noble Martialist of that Age.

12. John Lord Mohun of Dunstor, a Constant Attendant of the Black-Prince in all his Wars.

13. Hugh Lord Courtney, Son to Hugh Courtney Earl of Devonshire.

14. Thomas Lord Holland of Holland in Lancashire, who about the time of this his Creation, or the 23^d. of King Edward, was Married to the Beauty of England, Joan Si∣ster to the Earl of Kent.

15. John Lord Grey of Codonore in Derbyshire.

16. Sr. Richard Fitz-Simon, whose Services in War rais'd him to this Honourable Title.

17. Sr. Miles Stapleton, a Man of Great Nobility, and Integrity, and Expert in Mar∣tial Affairs.

18. Sr. Thomas Wale, a Knight of great Vertue and Worthiness; but one, who thô by his early Valour he merited so High a Rank, yet by his too early Death, which hap∣pen'd within three Years after the Institution, left his Stall void the First of all these Founders.

19. Sr. Hugh Wrottesly of Wrottesly, in the County of Stafford Knight, from whom in a direct Line is Sr. Walter Wrottesly of Wrottesly in the foresaid County Baronet, now r 21.112 living descended.

20. Sr. Nele Loring, a Knight of great Valour and Nobility; and whom we have shewn to have been first Knighted for his signal Courage in the Naval Fight at Sluce.

21. The Lord John Chandos, a most Illustrious Hero, of whose Generosity and Valour to write sufficiently, would require a large Volume.

22. The Lord James Audley, a most Adventurous and Fortunate Commander, and Cousin to Nicolas Audley, Earl of Gloucester.

23. Sr. Otho Holland, Brother to the Lord Thomas Holland aforesaid.

24. Sr. Henry Eam of Brabant, commonly by Historians called Sr. Henry of Flanders; a Valiant and Loyal Servant to King Edward.

25. Sr. Sanchio Dambreticourt, a Valiant Knight of Heinalt, now Naturaliz'd in England.

26. Sr. Walter Pavely, who was Famous for his Exploits in several Warlike Ex∣peditions.

These were the Names, and this the Order, of the First Knights of the Garter, whom the thrice Noble King Edward chose to be his Companions and Fellows, in this Honourable Society: All Men of most signal Valour and Conduct, of High Birth and untainted Loyalty; So Generous and Heroick, that they might all seem Worthy to be Kings; and their Perseverance in Vertue to the last, as it partly declares the sharp Judgement the King used in their Election; so it shews of what Power and Efficacy that Honourable Tye was, and what Obligations to Vertuous Behaviour it laid upon them. But methinks it may justly be Wonder'd, how it came to pass, that this Great Honour being confer'd on so few, those other Worthy Barons, who deserv'd it no less, being laid aside, should notwithstanding never shew the least disgust at the Matter. For certainly the Noble and Heroick Lord Walter Manny, the Valiant and Daring Lord Re∣ginald Cobham, Richard Fitz-Alan, the Great Earl of Arundel, Robert Hufford Earl of Suffolk, Lawrence Hastings Earl of Pembroke, William Clinton Earl of Huntingdon, Humphry Bohun Earl of Hereford and Essex, and his Warlike Brother, William Bohun Earl of Northampton, the Lord Ralph Basset of Sapcote, the Lord Roger Delaware and many more for Birth, Wisdom, Loyalty, Wealth, Vertue, or Valour, were well Wor∣thy of the Highest Honours. But this Prudent Prince would not make his Institution cheap, by communicating it to many; nor have any of his Successors to this Day ex∣ceeded the Number of 26. The mean while 'tis highly probable, that the other Lords thought it more Noble to grow emulous, who of them should be most Worthy to

ascend the first vacant Place, and we find by Degrees, that most of them did, as the Stalls fell void, attain to that Dignity; as the two Earls of Essex and Northampton, the Earls of Arundel and Suffolk, the Lord Walter Manny, and Reginald Lord Cobham, and others; but the Rest either died, or were decrepit, and past Action almost, before their turns came, and so found no Room at all.

VII. The Order being thus well-stockt at the beginning, has since that obtain'd such an High Esteem thrô all the Christian World; that divers s 21.113 Emperours, Kings, and Sovereign Princes, have reputed it among their greatest Honours, to be chosen and admitted thereunto; insomuch as some of them have with Impatience Courted the Ho∣nour of Election. And we find remaining upon this Registry of True Glory, no less than Eight Emperours of Germany, Five French Kings, Five Kings of Denmark, Three Kings of Spain, Two Kings of Scotland, before the Realms were happily United Five Kings of Portugal, Two Kings of Sweedland, One King of Poland, One King of Bo∣hemia, One King of Aragon, Two Kings of Castille, Two Kings of Naples, Two Arch-Dukes, One Duke of Guelderland, One Duke of Holland, Two Dukes of Bur∣gundy, Two Dukes of Brunswicke, One Duke of Milain, Two Dukes of Ʋrbin, One Duke of Ferrara, One Duke of Savoy, Two Dukes of Holstein, One Duke of Saxo∣ny, and One Duke of Wertemberg, Seven Count Palatines of the Rhyne, Four Princes of Orange, One Marquess of Brandenberg, all Strangers; besides many other Worthies, and Persons of the Highest Rank and Vertue, both at home and abroad, to the Num∣ber of well near 500, since the First Institution: All whose Names, together with the Escutcheons of their Arms are still remaining Engraven on Square Plates of Mettal af∣fixed to their several Stalls in the most Beautifull Chappel of St. George, and every Knights Banner is set up over his Head, during his Natural Life. So that We may justly conclude with our Learned Selden; that it exceeds in Majesty, Honour, and Fanie, all Chevalrous Orders in the World.

VIII. No less Designs, than these, busied the Active Mind of this Illustrious Mo∣narch, when he met with any Respit from War; which now is hasting on apace: For while by the Device of his Round Table He was thus laying a Foundation for this Royal and Heroick Institution; King Philip of France, who already had begun to counter∣mine him with another Table of his Erecting at Paris, and was extreamly offended with whatever King Edward went about, began to be jealous of certain of his Lords and o∣thers, who hitherto had served him faithfully; as if they secretly for all that favour'd King Edwards cause. Whether that was True, or no, whereof they were suspected, is no where made appear; but however King t 21.114 Philip, under pretence of a Solemn Tour∣neament, which he then held at Paris in imitation of King Edwards at Windsor, as we shew'd; train'd thither the Lord Oliver Clisson, with ten or twelve other Lords of Bretagne in company of the Lord Charles of Blois, and there the most Loyal and Va∣liant Lord Clisson was suddenly by the jealous Kings Order apprehended, and clapt up in Prison, no Man being able to imagine for what reason; unless, that because King Edward had chose rather to release him by Exchange for the Lord Stafford, he was therefore suspected to be a secret Friend to the English. And notwithstanding, that he had so gallantly recover'd Vannes from the English, and at the same time had rid King Philip of the Lord Robert of Artois, one of his most mortal Enemies, nowwith∣out any Process or hearing, he was adjudged to be drawn thrô the City to the Place of Execution; where u 21.115 he lost his Head; and after that, his Body was hanged in Chains upon a Gibbet, and his Head sent to Nantes in Bretagne; where it was advanced up∣on a Pole over the Gates of the City, To the great x 21.116 Astonishment of all Men and the infinite Regret and Indignation of the Nobility; whose Blood, till now, was not used to be shed; but in Battle for that Cruel Princes quarrel. This Lord Clisson left behind him a young Son, named Oliver, as his Father was; him his Relations, upon this Disaster, took up presently, and carry'd unto the Countess of Montford, where he was bred up with her young Son John, who was just about the same Age with him. Soon after there died in the same manner, and for as little matter, Sr. John, and Sr. Godfry de Malestroit, the Father and Son, two Valiant and Worthy Bretons also, Sr. John de Montauban, Sr. William Bruce, Sr. John Cablet, and Sr. John du Plessis Knights, and John Malestroit, Nephew to the foresaid Sr. John the Elder, Esquire, as also Ro∣bert Bruce, John and David de Sennes, Esquires. Shortly after there were also Executed in Paris, or as some say, y 21.117 starved to Death, three Valiant Knights of Normandy, Sr. William Bacon, Sr. Richard Percy, and Sr. Rouland de la Rochetessone, all whose Heads were sent to Carentan, a Chief City in Normandy, which after∣wards proved the utter Ruine of that Place; as we shall shew. Sr. Godfry of Hare∣court

himself, who was Lord of St. Saviour le Vicount, and Brother of the Lord Lewis Earl of Harcourt, had been served in no better manner; but that he wisely kept aloof; nor would he by any means obey King Philips Summons, but at last despairing of any tolerable security in those parts, he came over into England to King Edward; who re∣ceived him gladly, and made good use both of his Valour and Counsel in the following War, whereof he became a second Firebrand, as the Lord Robert of Artois had been before him. And King Philip after his old manner to enflame the business the more, proceeded against him with an High Hand, and openly proscribed him as a Traytor, and Enemy to the Crown of France; but King Edward on the other hand, being then again at Enmity with Philip, called him Cousin, allowed him an Honourable Maintenance, and made him one of the Marshals of his Host: But this happen'd after the Death of the Lord Clisson z 21.118 almost a Year. Thus King Philip, when he should ra∣ther have endeavoured of Enemies to make Friends, by his rash severity, and want of Princely connivence, and temporizing a little, rendred even many of his own Subjects E∣nemies unto him.

IX. Of the first part of this Tragedy, King Edward had News immediately; for while a 21.119 at Windsor he was busied in preparing his Round-Table, of which we have spoken; Mr. Henry b 21.120 Malestroit, a Deacon in Holy Orders, Master of the Requests to King Philip, and younger Brother to Sr. Godfry of Malestroit, whom the said King had un∣justly put to Death, came over to England in deep displeasure; and told the King, complaining unto him most lamentably,

of the Death of his Father, Brother, and Cousin, and how cruelly, and without all Reason King Philip had Executed several other Lords, Knights, and Esquires, and especially the noble Lord Clisson, who had so faithfully and valiantly served against the English; only because he had a jealousie, that they were secretly King Edwards Friends: Wherefore he exhorted him earnestly, that since the French King had thereby broken the Truce, he would renew the War against him, and Revenge the Blood of those his Innocent Friends.

How King Edward resented this News, We shall shew, when we have first dispatch'd what concerns this Messenge••, Mr. Henry Malestroit: To him the King presently assigned a place of good Authori∣ty in the City of Vannes, in Bretagne, which was then held of England; but shortly after when the Truce was broken, was deliver'd up to the French by the two Cardi∣nals, who were Guaranties of the Truce. There this poor Gentleman being found was sent away Prisoner to Paris; where he was soon after put in a Tumbrell, or Dung-Cart, to which he was fastned with Chains of Iron, and so convey'd bare-headed with great noise and outcries of the People, from the Castle down thrô the High-street of Paris, till he came to the Bishops Palace; where they deliver'd him up to the Bishop; and he by vertue of a Commission purchas'd by King Philip from the Pope, then and there degraded and deprived of all Degrees, and holy Orders, the said Master Henry, and so deliver'd him back again to the Secular Power. Then he was judged to stand in the Pillory at such an hour, for three Days together in the most Publique place of the City; but he was so cruelly pelted with rotten eggs, apples, and other filth and ordure of the City; that on the third Day he was found dead, and afterwards had no better burial, than a Dog.

King Philip not content with these severities to cool the affections of his Grandees, at the same time (beside those notable Subsidies, which his Subjects of France had freely granted him to the maintenance of his Wars) c 21.121 levied strange and unheard of Taxes, and which was worse settled a Gabelle upon Salt, for which cause our Edward by way of Raillery called him the Author of the Salique Law. This Impost, which makes the Sun and Water to be sold, was the Invention of the Jews, Mortal Enemies to the Christian Name, as the word Gabelle denotes, which comes from the d 21.122 Hebrew.

X. But to return; when King Edward had received the News which Mr. Henry Male∣stroit brought him, how the Lord Clisson and others had lost their Lives for his Sake, he took deep e 21.123 Indignation at this Inveterate Malice of the French King's, and was once in mind to have served the Lord Henry du Leon, who was now his Prisoner, in the same manner. But his Cousin the Generous Earl of Darby, shew'd to him and his Council such Reasons as alter'd his furious Intention, and something calm'd his Passion,

Sir said he, thô King Philip being stung with mortal Jealousie, hath rashly done so base an Action, as unjustly to put to Death such valiant and worthy Knights: Yet for Gods sake, let not the bright Splendour of your Name be sullied with any such black and shamefull Deed. And to say the Truth, your Prisoner Sr. Henry, as he was no way accessary to his Masters Fault, so methinks ought not to find any harder Usage for the same; but rather to be put to a reasonable Ransom, as a Man of Honour taken in the Wars.

Hereupon the King, who always was inclinable to hear Reason, became something more pacified, and sent for the Lord Henry du Leon to come before him, at which time he spake thus unto him, shaking his Head for anger:

Ah! Sr. Henry, Sr. Hen∣ry! Mine Adversary, Philip de Valois hath shew'd in a most cruel manner his extream Tyranny, unjustly to put to death such Worthy Knights: Wherewith I am infinite∣ly displeased (althô I never held any Correspondence with any of them) because I question not but he did it in despight of Us. And therefore, if I would contend with him in Malice, I could now serve you in like manner; for you have done to Me and mine more displeasure in Bretagne than any other. But this I will pass by and (let Philip do his worst) to our Power we shall preserve our Reputation, and not care to imitate him in his ignoble and unprincely Actions. Wherefore for my Cousin of Darby's sake, who hath entreated me in your Behalf, I am content to deliver you for a small Ransom, on Condition you will do as I shall require you.

The Knight an∣swer'd, making a low Reverence,

Sir, I shall readily do what you shall please to com∣mand me.

Then the King proceeded,

I know well you are one of the most sub∣stantial Knights in Bretagne, and (if I would be strict with you) that you are well able to pay me thirty or fourty thousand f 21.124 Scutes: But if you will engage upon your Honour to go to mine Adversary, Philip de Valois, and to shew him from me, that since he hath so cruelly and unjustly put to Death such valiant Knights in Spight of Me, I say and will prove, that he hath broken the Truce taken between Me and Him; wherefore also I renounce it utterly on my Part, and from this Day forward mortally defie him: This Message if you will truly perform, your Ransom shall be but 10000 Scutes which you shall truly pay, and send to Bruges within 15 days af∣ter you have crost the Seas. And moreover you shall say to all Knights and Esquires of those Parts, that for all this they forbear not to come to our Feast at Windsor, for they shall be welcome to Us, and enjoy the benefit of our safe Conduct as We have declared.

Sir replied the Knight, to the best of my Power I shall perform your Commands; and God reward your Majesty for the Great Clemency You are pleas'd to shew unto me: And I heartily thank my Noble Lord of Darby for his Good word in my Behalf.

So Sr. Henry du Leon took his leave of the King, and within a few days went on Board at Southhampton, with intent to go to Harfleur in Normandy, and so to Paris to deliver King Edwards Defiance: But a storm took him in such a manner, that being forced among other things to sling all his horses overboard, he was beside so tossed and harassed, that he never after recovered his Health; thô at last he gain'd land at Crotoy in Picardy, at the mouth of the River Somme. From thence both he and all his Company were fain to foot it to Abbeville, about five French miles journey, where they gat Horses: But Sr. Henry was so sick, that he was fain to be carried in a Litter to Paris, where he did his Message to King Philip very punctually; but as he was returning homeward into Bretagne, he died by the way at the City of Angiers, just upon the Borders of his own Country: A very noble and valiant but unfortunate Gentleman, who never had any rest or comfort after he had betray'd his Master, John of Montford, in the City of Nantes, as we have related.

XI. In this very season, before the Solemnity at Windsor was over, King g 21.125 Edward heard News from Gascoigne by the Lord De le Sparre, the Lord of Chaumont, and the Lord of Mucidan, who were sent into England by the Lord De la Brett, aliàs de Albreth, the Lord of Pamiers, the Lord of Montferant, the Lord of Duras, the Lord of Craon, and the Lord John Greilly with Others, who held of the King of England, to shew unto him the State of the Countreys thereabout. And other Messengers also at the same time came from Bayonne and Bourdeaux to the same purpose. All these were highly entertained by the King, to whom they distinctly shew'd the weak Con∣dition of his Country of Guienne and Gascoigne, and especially of his good Cities of Bourdeaux and Bayonne; wherefore they desired him to send thither such Commanders, and such Forces as might be able to keep the Field against the French, who were al∣ready preparing for the next Campagne; and both secretly attempted to debauch the Loyalty of his Friends, and other ways also to run counter to the express Form of the Truce. And moreover a little before, Pope h 21.126 Clement the VI. had in the Publique Consistory created Don Lewis of Spain, Prince of the Fortunate Islands, he being then Earl of Cleremont, and one of the French Ambassadors: Upon which Occasion his Ho∣liness took this Text, i 21.127 "I will make Thee a Prince over a Great Nation. These Isles are the same with the Canaries, which are seven Islands of Africa in the Atlantick Sea, and which as k 21.128 one says, would have proved a gift worthy of Acceptance, had his Ho∣liness also given a peaceable and quiet Possession thereof. But the Inhabitants were Ma∣hometans,

and must first be conquer'd, before they would accept of a Spanish Prince; wherefore the English l 21.129 Ambassadors who were then at Avignon, and understanding hereof concluded, that his Holiness had design'd him to be Prince of Great Britain, as which was one of the most Happy and Fortunate Islands in the World; not to say, that among the m 21.130 Ancients it was so accounted indeed. When they saw that Don Lewis began thereupon to raise Men of War, in his own and the Pope's Name over all France, Spain and Italy, they no longer doubted, but that all these Preparations were design'd against England, wherefore they secretly left Avignon, and made all speed home they could, where they related these Matters to the King their Master, which yet ought to be imputed rather to their Zeal, than their so gross Ignorance of Topography, n 21.131 as some suppose. And Du Chesne himself confesses, that all this was really intended against King Edward, thô being a Frenchman he qualifies the Matter, saying, it was only in order to resist the New War, which was lately threatned by the Mouth of Sr. Hen∣ry du Leon. But then I cannot see what need there should be of all this Dissimulati∣on, unless these Preparations were begun before that Defiance, and so consequently could not but give just matter of Jealousie to England. However upon these frequent A∣larms, King Edward resolv'd not to be taken napping, but to provide for the Defence of his own Land, and to keep the War on foot in Bretagne, Gascoigne, and where else there should be occasion.

XII. First therefore o 21.132 by his Letters Patents he constitutes his Noble Cousin Henry Plantagenet Earl of Darby, and Richard Fitz-Alan Earl of Arundel, his Lieutenants in the Dukedom of Aquitain, and the Countries adjoyning, with power to govern and defend those Territories, to demand and receive the Possession of the Castles, Places and Rights, unjustly detained from him, and to receive such as should return to their Obedience, to the Grace and Favour of the King, as also the Homage and Fidelity, from whomsoever in those Parts due; and generally to do all things for the Defence and Recovery of the King's Rights, and the good Government of those Countries and his Subjects, with Command to all Archbishops, Bishops and other Officers both Spiti∣tual and Temporal, to yield Obedience to these Earls in his Name.

And whereas the King upon false Suggestions had been deceived in many of his Grants and Donations in that Dukedom; by other Letters Patents, he now gave Pow∣er to the Earl of Darby to seise into his Hands all the Castles, Lands, Liberties and Profits, formerly granted by him; and those that should appear to have been obtained upon untrue Suggestions, to retain without Restitution, but if otherwise, to restore en∣tirely. The Earls had also a like Commission, extending to those Grants, which were made by his Father King Edward II. upon the same Pretences, as well as by himself. Be∣sides this they had a General Commission, to treat and conclude with all Persons of whatsoever State or Condition, Kingdome or Nation, for the Settling of Alliances and mutual Assistance between the King and them; to retain Men for the Kings Service, and to agree about Fees, Wages and Rewards to be paid unto them.

By other Commissions they had Power to treat and conclude with Alphonso, King of Castille and Leon (there stiled Alphonsus Rex Castiliae & Legionis, Algezira, T••∣leti, Galloeciae, Seviliae, Cordubae, Murciae, Giennii, & Algarbiae, Comes Molinae) or his Deputies, upon all differences arising between their Subjects, especially Mariners and Citizens of Bayonne, amicably to compose them; as also about a perpetual League of Friendship between them, their Friends and Subjects, and to afford each other their mu∣tual Assistance, with Power to make Substitutes in their stead.

The like Commissions they had with the same Powers to treat with Don Alphonso sirnamed the Brave, King of Portugal, and Don Pedro King of Aragon, both Neigh∣bours also to France, on the side of Navarre and the Pyrenaean Mountains. All which Commissions bare Date 24 March 18 Edw. 3.

About this time also the King p 21.133 order'd a Noble and Valiant Knight of England, named Sr. Thomas Dagworth, who was afterwards a Baron of the Realm, to go into Bretagne with an 100 Men of Arms and 200 Archers to reinforce the Countess of Montford; for he doubted not, but King Philip would renew the War there too, because of the Defiance lately sent him by Sr. Henry du Leon.

The Young q 21.134 Earl of Salisbury and Others to the number of 600 Men of Arms, and 2000 Archers, he sent under the Leading of Edward Bailiol to look to the Motions of the Scots, and to guard the Marches beyond the Trent. And thus did this vigilant young Monarch send forth his Men of War into divers Parts, according to the exigence of Affairs, as he either found or foresaw a Storm, and he deliver'd to all the Captains Gold and Silver sufficient to pay their Wages, and to retain Souldiers.

XIII. But yet at the same time, that he was thus taking up Arms, to let the Christian World know, that he did not without great Provocations thus again go a∣bout to disturb the Peace of Christendom, he sent r 21.135 his Letters to the Pope, shewing how King Philip had despightfully slain, and put to Death Good and Loyal Knights and Gentlemen upon his Account, and for hate of his Person whereby he had notorious∣ly violated the Truce lately taken between them, which as he could not but highly re∣sent, so he was preparing to revenge it: But yet if King Philip would according as Reason requireth, retract for what he had done amiss, and offer Satisfaction for these injuries, he would at the time appointed send other Ambassadors to the Apostolick See, and give them Instructions for making Peace. The Pope having heard thus much, re∣turn'd an Answer to this Purpose,

After having manifested to King Edward in how great Dangers the whole Christian World was tossed, and that this Mortal War thus kindled between France and England did grievously afflict the Church; he then told him that King Philip had granted Letters of safe Conduct, as the English Ambassa∣dors had required; and as to the Death of the Lords, Esquires and Others, King Phi∣lip had wrote unto him, that they for their enormous Crimes, Murders and Rapines, had been justly put to Death by him, not thereby to break the Truce, but by the fear of their Punishment to terrifie others from the Breach thereof; and that he had added, how the King of England's Garrisons had attempted many things against the Truce. Then he begg'd the King, to let him know his Secret Resolutions, for that he would never divulge them, but use his utmost to make a final Peace, which was so profitable and advantagious to the Expedition against the Turks. And he assured him, that hitherto he had defer'd to dispence with the Canon-Law, for the Marriage be∣tween his Eldest Son and the Duke of Brabant's Daughter, in hopes that by that Bond of Affinity tied in France a sure Peace would ensue, &c.

Thus the Pope neglected not to heal these Wounds of Bleeding Christendom, but King Edward was too much exaspe∣rated by his Adversary to stop now, since nothing of Satisfaction was offer'd, but only frivolous and false Excuses. Wherefore in order to enable himself the better to carry on this War, he now held his High Court of Parliament at Westminster on the 7 Day of June, being the s 21.136 Monday next after the Octaves of Holy Trinity. On which day in presence of the King, certain of the Lords and Commons being then assembled in St. Edwards Chamber, otherwise called the Painted Chamber, and the Lord Chancellor at the Kings Command declared, how sundry things of the last Parliament were left to be done at this. And that the Archbishop of Canterbury, had against the time of the said Parliament called a Convocation of his Clergy: At which Parliament and Convocation sundry of all Estates were absent, &c. Whereat the King did no less muse than he was thereat offended. Wherefore he charged the Archbishop for his part to punish the Defaults of the Clergy, and he would do the like touching the Parliament.

Hereupon Proclamation was made, that none should wear Armour or Weapons in or about London and Westminster, during the Session of the Parliament.

Receivours of Petitions for England, Gascogne, Wales, Ireland, Bretagne, Scotland, and the Foreign Isles and other Places beyond the Seas: Sr. Thomas Drayton appointed Clark of the Parliament, and this is all was done that Day, being Monday.

On the Tuesday the Names of the Lords of the Parliament were examined before the King, that such as made default in being absent might abide the Kings Order.

On Tursday after, the Chancellour in full Parliament, in Presence of the King, and of his Son the Prince of Wales, declared the Cause of the same Parliament, viz. The Articles of the Truce, and the Breaches of the same by the French King, which were there particularly instanced. Whereupon the Three Estates were willed to advise upon the Premises, and to shew their Opinion of them by Monday next ensuing. The same Monday they had their time enlarged untill Wednesday in the Week of St. John, be∣ing the 23 of June, on which day every of the Lords and Commons by themselves with one Assent, required the King to end the same War, either by Battle or Honou∣rable Peace. And if the King shall attempt War eftsoons, that he do not stay the same at the Letters or Requests of the Pope, or of any whomsoever, but to end the same by Dint of Sword.

Whereunto the King agreed; but forasmuch as the same could not be atchieved without Aid, the Clergy of Canterbury granted unto the King a Desme Triennial: And the Commons granted unto him Two Fifteenths of Counties, and Two Desmes of Ci∣ties and of Towns; on Condition, that the same be leavied in such manner as the last was; that the Commons Petitions be Granted, and that the same may be imployed up∣on the Wars with the Assent of the Lords: That the Prince and Sr. Edward Bailiol

may lie on the North-Marches: And because the King should pass over the Seas in Person to end this Quarrel, they further grant unto the King a Third Fifteenth.

Then after the Petitions of the Commons and Clergy, with their Answers; the Commons by their Petition recite the Act of Provision made in the last Parliament, and because no Penalty was provided therefore, request; that such as incurr the breach of the same, by receipt, procuring, or Counsel in stay of any temporal judgement, shall lie in perpetual Prison, or be forejudged the Land: And that all Justices of Assi∣ses, Goal-Delivery, and Oyer and Terminer may determine the same: And that the Act of Provision may continue for ever. That if any Archbishop or other Person, Religieux, or other, do not present within four Moneths some able Clerk to any Dig∣nity, whereof any Person hath obtained from the Court of Rome any Provision, but surcease the same; that then the King may present some able Clerk himself. That 〈◊〉〈◊〉 any Bishop Elect shall refuse to take such t 21.137 Bishop, other than by such, then such Clerk shall not enter, nor enjoy his Temporalities without the Kings special Licence. That the King shall dispose of all such Benefices and Dignities of such Aliens his Enemies, as remain in such Countries of his Enemies; and employ the Profits thereof to the De∣fence of the Realm. That Commissions be sent into all the Kings Ports, to apprehend all such Persons, as shall bring in any such Instrument from the Court of Rome; and to bring them forthwith before the Council to answer thereto. That the Deanery of York, which is recoverable by Judgement in the Kings Court, may be bestowed upon some A∣ble Man within the Realm, who will maintain the same against him, who holdeth the same by Provision from the Court of Rome, being the Common Enemy to the King, and to the Realm, and that the Main Profits may be employed upon the Defence of the Realm.

To all which Petitions Answer was made in form following; It is agreed by the King, Earls, Barons, Justices, and other Wise Men of the Realm; that the Petitions afores••••d be made in sufficient form of Law.

According to the Petitions aforesaid, certain Processes made against Sr. William de la Pole, and Reginald at Conduit out of the Exchequer, are revoked as Erroneous: And that they shall be charged anew to accompt for Moneys received for the Kings Wooll, notwithstanding any Letter of Acquittance to them made. The which Accord was sent to the King, to know his Pleasure therein.

The Petitions of the Clerks of the Chancery; that whereas the Lord Chancellor, or Lord Keeper for the time being, ought to have the Cognisance of all Pleas of Tres∣passes, done by the said Clerks, or other Servants, where the Chancery shall remain: Yet notwithstanding, the Sheriffs of London had attached one Gilbert de Chrishull, a Clerk of the said Chancery in London, at the Suit of one Killingbury, a Draper, upon a Bill of Trespass: Which Gilbert brought a Supersedeas of Priviledge to the said She∣riffs; which they would not allow, but drew him to find sureties: The Clerks pray Re∣medy therefore and maintenance of their Liberties.

The Parliament doth confirm their Liberties, and reciting the Contempt for negle∣cting the Process, conclude; that Writs be sent to the Mayor of London, to attach the Sheriffs, and others, who were Parties, and Maintainers of the Quarrel, by their Bo∣dies, to appear before the King in Chancery at a certain day, to answer, as well to the Contempt of the Process, as to the Breach of the Liberty, and Damage of the Party.

At the Petition of the Commons of Nottingham, it is enacted; that as well the Goal of Nottingham, which the King hath granted to Sr. John Brocas, during his Life, as all o∣ther Goals in the like Case, should be annexed to the Sheriffwick of every County, ac∣cording to an Act made An ^o. 14. Ed. 3.

That no man within Cities, or Towns, or elsewhere, do carry Maces of silver, but only the Kings Serjeants; but that they carry Maces of Copper only and of no other Mettal.

It was answer'd, the same should be so; excepting, that the Serjeants of the City of London, may carry their Maces of silver within the Liberties of London, before the Mayor, in the presence of the King.

It is to be observed, that of the Oaths of Justices, and of the Clerks of the Chancery, expressed in the u 21.138 Printed Statutes, there is no mention made in the Record. And this is the Sum of this Sessions of Parliament; the rest being to be had in the Statute Books of this Year.

XIV. And now the x 21.139 Earls of Darby and Arundel, with the Earls of Pembroke and Oxford, the Lord Ralph Stafford, the Lord Walter Manny, Sr. Frank van Hall, an Al∣main Lord of great Valour and Fidelity to the English, Sr. Henry Eam of Brabant, St. Richard Fitz-Simon, Sr. Hugh Hastings, Sr. Stephen Tombey, Sr. Richard Haydon, Sr.

John Norwich, Sr. Richard Radcliff, Sr. Robert Oxenden, and others, to the Number of 500 Knights and Esquires, and 2000 Archers, were ready to pass the Seas. The King upon taking leave of his Cousin the Earl of Darby, said unto him,

Take with you Gold and Silver enough, and bestow it freely among those that do well; for in so doing, You will win their hearts, which is beyond all Worldly Treasure.

The Earl took shipping at Southampton, and on the 6 of June Landed at Bayonne, a good and strong City of Gascogne, that held of King Edward. There he tarried seven Days, and on the Eighth marched to Bourdeaux, having largely encreased his Forces: At this Ci∣ty he was received with Solemn Procession; and here also he tarried a while, being lodged in the Stately Abbey of St. Andrew.

At this time there was a Valiant French Lord, called Gaston Earl of Laille, Depu∣ty for the French King in Guienne, who excepting the loss he suffer'd at Bourdeaux by the Lord Oliver Ingham, of which we * 21.140 spake, had hitherto kept footing in that Country very well, having taken divers Towns and Castles from the English. He was endued with Absolute Power, as the Kings Lieutenant, that he might be render'd more able to reduce and defend those parts: Wherefore understanding now of the Earl of Darby's arrival at Bourdeaux, he sent for the Earls of Cominges and of Perigord, the Vicount of Carmain, the Earl of Valentinois, the Lord of Mirande, and the Lord of Du∣ras; for the Viscount of Villemur, for the Lord De la Bard, the Lord of Picornet, the Viscount of Chastillon, the Lord of y 21.141 Chasteauneufe, the Lord of Lescun, the Abbot of St. Salvin, and all other Lords thereabout, that held for France; of whom the Earl of Laille, demanded,

what they thought as to the coming of the Earl of Darby? They answer'd, how they thought themselves strong enough to defend the Passage at Berge∣rac.

This answer satisfied the Earl, and thereupon he sent for Men from all Parts, to reinforce his Troops, and so went and kept the suburbs of Bergerac, which were strong and of large extent, and enclosed with the River of Dordogne.

The z 21.142 Earl of Darby had been now at Bourdeaux about 15 Days, when hearing what Provision was made to resist him at Bergerac, he resolved first of all to march thither∣ward. The Marshals of the Host were Sr. Walter Manny, and Sr. Frank van Hall, who rode the first Morning three Leagues to a Castle of their own, called Monlieu, where they tarried the Remainder of that Day, and all that night. The next Morn∣ing early the Marshals Forerunners rode up to the very Barriers of Bergerac, and ha∣ving there well view'd the Demeanor of the French, return'd and told the Lord Man∣ny, that they found nothing formidable in what they had seen. That Morning the English dined betimes, because they design'd the residue of the Day for Action; and as they sat at dinner, Sr. Walter Manny applying himself to the Earl of Darby, said mertily,

My Lord, if We were good Men of Arms, We should drink this evening with the French Lords in the Suburbs or City of Bergerac.

The Earl reply'd,

it shall not be my fault if we fail, I'll assure you.

When the Captains heard that, they said to one another, "Let us haste to Arms, for we are now for Bergerac; and accord∣ingly every Man was Armed, and on Horseback, and the Captains ranged them in Or∣der of Battle, without any other command given. When the Earl of Darby saw the great Ardour and Alacrity of his Souldiers, he took great Pleasure thereat, and said a∣loud, "Let us then ride on to our Enemies in the Name of God and St. George. Thus they rode forth with their Banners displayed in the heat of the Day, till they came before Bergerac to the Barriers, which were not easie to be won, because part of the great and rapid River of Dordogne runs about them. But sometimes the rash∣ness of Men themselves contributes more to their own Ruine, than either the Force or Malice of their Enemies: For when these Frenchmen saw the English come so forward to assail them in less Numbers than they had expected, they issued out against them in very good Order, saying among themselves, how they should soon be driven back a∣gain with a Vengeance. But they did not consider, that most of their Foot were Coun∣try Bores, and poor-spirited Peasants, of small Courage, and less Skill, undisciplin'd, and but ill-armed; Who when now they saw the English approaching them undauntedly, and felt, and saw how fiercely the Archers shot among them, and beheld the dreadfull appearance of shining steel, glittering Banners, and Standards waving in the wind, to which they had been but little accustomed, they presently turned their Backs and fell foul among their own Men of Arms; the English at the same time with a terrible shout falling in upon them, and beating them down on every side. As for the French Men of Arms, they could neither move forward for the Confusion of them that fled, nor back∣ward for others of their own Footmen, who were behind, and recoyled now without any Array. The Archers of England were on each Wing, and shot so thick together

on the Flank of the Enemy, that neither was there any safety on that part; and the mean while the Men of Arms in very good Order, made a terrible havock among the confused Ranks of the Frenchmen. So that with wonderfull loss, and in much disor∣der, they were utterly beaten back into the Suburbs of Bergerac; but so unfortunate∣ly, that the first Bridge and Barrs were won by fine force, for the English fell in with them pell mell; and there upon the Causey were many Knights beaten down, slain, and wounded, and not a few taken Prisoners of them, who hoped in that narrow Passage to beat the English back. Among others the Lord of Mirepoix was slain un∣der the Banner of Sr. Walter Manny, who pursuing the matter, was the first that en∣ter'd the Suburbs. When the Lord of Laille saw the Faux-bourg enter'd, and that his Men were broken, disorder'd, and in utter confusion, then he thought it high time to Retreat into the City, and save himself, and as many as he might: So in haste he passed the second Bridge; thô not without much difficulty; for before the Bridge there was a fierce Skirmish, the Lords and Knights on both sides fighting there Hand to Hand; and still the Lord Manny advanced himself with singular Courage among the thickest and the foremost, that he was in great Danger of being taken, or slain: But his In∣comparable Valour, and the terrour that possest the French, together with his good For∣tune, preserved him to more Honourable Actions. There the Lord of Chasteauneufe, the Lord of Chastillon, the Lord of Bouquentine, and the Lord of Lescun, and many o∣ther Persons of the greatest Rank and Valour were taken, others slain, and the rest with much adoe were brought off into the Town; when presently they let down the•• Portcullis, closed their Gates, and so mounted the Walls to defend them. This Bick∣ering was not ended, till late in the Evening, when the English being very weary and tired with the heat of the Day, and of the Action, drew back into the Suburbs which they had entirely won. And here they found such plenty of Wine, and other Provision, as was sufficient to serve their whole Army for two Moneths.

The next Morning the Earl of Darby sounded his Trumpets, order'd his Battails, approached the Town, and began a terrible Assault, which lasted till Noon: When see∣ing nothing was to be got that way (for the place was strong and well defended) the Assault ceased, and the Lords of England went to Council. There they determin'd to Assault the Town by Water; for they found, that on that side, it was only closed with Pales, whereupon the Earl of Darby sent to the Navy at Bourdeaux for Ships; and had accordingly 60 Ships and Barges brought to him. The next Day in the E∣vening, they order'd their Land Battails, and the Morning following by Sun-rise, the Navy was ready under the Command of Ralph Lord Stafford, to begin the Assault by Water. The English Men of Arms adventur'd themselves boldly under the Protection of the Archers, and came to the great Barrs before the Pales, which they presently began to hew down with Axes; and then the Townsmen sent to the Earl of Laille and his Captains, desiting them well to consider their Condition, for they were all in Dan∣ger to be lost.

And that if the Town was once enter'd by force; their Lives were all forfeited: Wherefore they conceiv'd it better to yield to the Earl of Darby, than to put all to the hazard by remaining obstinate too long.

Well, said the Earl of Laille, let us then go where this great Danger is: For we will not yield up this Place so tamely;

and saying so, with a choice Company of Men of Arms, and 200 Crossbows of Genoua, he went to defend the Pales. The English Archers shot so close together, that none could appear at the Defence of the Pales, without imminent Dan∣ger; but the Genonese Crossbows, who were all fenced with Targets against their shot, held them hard at Work all that Day; so that many were hurt on both sides. But at last in the very close of the Day, the English resolving to overcome all Difficulties, contended so Couragiously, that they brake down a great Pane of the Pales; at which the Besieged retiring back desired to come to a Treaty. Whereupon because it was late, a Truce was granted for the Remainder of that Day, and the Night following, on Condition, that the Men of Bergerac should not fortifie, or mend up their Pales in the mean time. So either Party withdrew, but the French Lords went together to con∣sult, what was best to do in this exigence: And the Result was, that about Midnight they trussed up bag and baggage, and secretly left the Town, taking the way to Is Reole, a strong Town upon the Garonne, about 11 French Miles from Bergerac. The next Morning early the English came again in their Barks and Boats, under the Com∣mand of the Lord Ralph Stafford, before the Pales of the Town, where they had bro∣ken down that large Pane the Day before. Here they found certain of the greatest Burgesses in a Suppliant Manner, who desired of the Lord Stafford, and the other English Captains, that they would intreat the Earl of Darby of his wonted Goodness to receive

them to Mercy, granting them their Lives and Goods; and that from thenceforward they would be good Subjects to the King of England. The Earls of Oxford and Pem∣broke promised to do their best for them, and so leaving the Lord Stafford there still with his Vessels, went to the Earl of Darby, and shew'd him the Request of the Burgesses. Then said the Earl of Darby,

He that desireth Mercy, ought to have it: Bid them open their Gates immediately, and they shall suffer no harm from Me or Mine.

The two Earls returned, and related what the Earl of Darby had said, whereupon the Bur∣gesses Assembled all the Inhabitants, rang their Bells, open'd wide their Gates, and went forth Men and Women in Procession, and humbly met the Earl of Darby, presenting him the Keys of the Town, and so they went back with him into the Chief Church, where they sware unto him Faith and Homage, in the Name of the King of England, by Vertue of a Commission which as we shew'd before, he had for that purpose.

That same day a 21.143 the Earl of Laille being escaped with all his remaining Forces from Bergerac to Reole, resolv'd to separate his Company, because he was not able as then to keep the Field against the Earl of Darby, and to send some into one Fortress and some into another, to hold Frontier War against the English. The Seneschall of Tho∣louse, and the Viscount of Villemur went to Auberoche, Sr. Bertram du Plessis to Peli∣grue, the Lord of Montbrandon to Mandurant, the Lord Philip of Dijon to Montagret, a chief Town belonging to the Earl of Laille, and Sr. Arnold of Dijon to Montgise, Sr. Robert of Malmore to the great Town of Beaumont en Laillois, which was part of the Earl of Laille's Possession, and Sr. Charles of Poictiers to Pennes in Agenois. Thus were these Knights dispersed into several Garrisons, but the Earl of Laille himself re∣mained still in Reole, and repaired the Castle and strengthned the Fortifications, and ga∣ther'd store of Provisions, as one that expected a sudden Siege.

Now when the Earl of Darby had tarried at Bergerac the space of two days to set∣tle Affairs there, he demanded of the Seneschal of Bourdeaux Sr. Oliver Ingham, what way was best for him to take further; for he said, he would not loose the Summer without Action. The Seneschal told him, he thought it best to march toward Peri∣gord, and into High Gascogne. Accordingly-the Earl of Darby began his March that way, having left a Valiant and Loyal Knight, named Sr. John St. John his Captain in Bergerac: The first Place the Earl met with in his March was the Castle of la Linde upon the Dordogne, Captain whereof was the b 21.144 Viguier of Tholouse; and this the Earl thought not reasonable to leave behind him, wherefore he gave Order to attack it; but the first Attempt proved wholly fruitless. But the next day the Souldiers brought thither Faggots, Timber, Turf and other Stuff, wherewith they filled the Ditches; So that now they might come close to digg at the Walls, or to scale them. Things be∣ing in this Readiness, Sr. Frank van Hall exhorted the Besieged to yield in time, for if they continued obstinate a little longer, it would be too late: For the Earl was alrea∣dy not a little incensed against them, because they thus protracted his other Designs. Hereupon after Respite demanded and given for Consultation, they yielded on Condi∣tion of receiving no Corporal Dammage, but to go whither they would, bearing nothing with them. So they were all permitted to go away to Monsac, and the Earl left in their Place 30 Archers, and a few Others under the Command of an English Esquire called Timothy Lyon.

Thence He rode to a Town called le Lac, but he was met with in the way by the Townsmen, who brought him their Keys, and made their Homage to him in the Name of the King his Master. Having settled Affairs here, he passed on to Mandurant, which he took by Assault, and when he had regulated Matters there also, he proceeded and came before the Castle of Mongise, which also he carried by Force, and only spar'd the Captain Sr. Arnold of Dijon, whom he sent away Prisoner to Bourdeaux. Thence he rode to Punache, and the Castle de la Lewe, which he wan successively, but tarried at the latter three days. On the Fourth he went to Forsaithe, which he got easily, as al∣so the Tower of Pondaire, where he found but small Opposition. Thence he proceeded to the Great Town of Beaumont en Laillois, part of the Earl of Laille's Inheritance, which Place held out against all his Assaults very well for three days, but at last that also followed the Fate of the rest, and most of the Defendants were put to the Sword. Having furnished this Town with new Captains and Men of War, the Earl passed on to Montagret, the chief Town belonging to the Earl of Laille, whereof the Lord Phi∣lip of Dijon was Captain. The first Day the Bars of the Town were won by reason of the thick Shot of the Archers, whereby they were not suffer'd to keep at their De∣fences. The next Morning the Assault was renew'd in many places at once, and carri∣ed on so furiously, that the Defendants knew not which way to turn themselves;

wherefore in all haste they desired Peace. Upon this the Earl of Darby sent unto them an Herald to proffer them one Days Respit, wherein they might make an Agreement: which being gladly accepted, the Earl himself, being accompanied with the Lord Man∣ny and the Lord Stafford, went to the Bars to speak with them. The Earl first would have them yield absolutely, but upon earnest Suit, at last he allow'd to take them in∣to his Protection, they swearing perpetual Fidelity to the King of England, and to give him Twelve of their chief Burgesses as Hostages, to remain in the City of Bour∣deaux. Thus was Montagret taken, and the Lords and Knights of France departed under safe Conduct, and went to the Earl of Laille at Reole.

After this Success the Earl of Darby went to c 21.145 Bonu, which after a vigorous Assault, thô not without some Loss, he took and set therein a Garrison of his own: Thence he passed forward into the Country of Perigord, and thô he was advis'd to go forward to Bourdeilles, he resolved first to attempt the City of Perigeux. The Earl of that Name was then in the City, and the Lord Roger of Perigort his Uncle, and the Lord of Du∣ras, with Sixscore Knights and Esquires of the Country, besides other Men of Arms and common Soldiers. The Earl of Darby having diligently view'd the Scituation and Strength of the Place, concluded at last not to hazard the Lives of his Men before a Town so well provided, and of no absolute Importance. Wherefore he went and encamped about two Leagues off by a little River, with intent next day to attack the Castle of Peligrue. But about Midnight there issued out of Perigeux 200 Spears, who before Dawn came suddenly into the English Camp, where they slew and hurt many, and disturbed the whole Host; and some of them going in to the Earl of Oxford's Tent, thô they found him putting on his Arms, attacked him so sharply, that they took him Prisoner, with three more Knights his Servants. And by that seeing it high time to retire, they drew back and with great speed made homeward, but they were so hotly pursued; that had not their Gates been kept open for them they had all been either slain or taken. How∣ever being with much ado got all safe in at the Bars, they alighted and defended the Pass, and came to Handy-stroaks with the English; so that they had no dammage for all that daring Enterprise. The English not being able therefore to do any good here return'd to their Camp before Peligrue, where they tarried six days continually assaul∣ting the Castle, thô to little purpose. All this while the Earl of Darby, who desired at any rate to redeem the Earl of Oxford and the three Knights with him, offer'd by his Messengers to the Earl of Perigord, to make an Exchange of Prisoners with him. So that at last the English Earl and the three Knights were deliver'd for the Vicount of Bouquentine, the Vicount of Chastillon, the Lord of Lescun, and the Lord of Chasteau∣neufe, who had all been taken in the Suburbs of Bergerac as we shewed before, with this Condition moreover (for the Earl of Oxford countervail'd all these Disadvanta∣ges) that the Lands of Perigort being on their Side obliged to make no War upon the English for three Years, only the Lords and Knights of those Parts might take which Side they pleased, the English during that Space should make no War nor Deso∣lation in that Country. By this Agreement the Earl of Darby was obliged presently to rise from before Peligrue, for that was belonging to the Earldom of Perigord, and so he marched on to Auberoche, a very beautifull and strong Castle, not above 5 French Leagues from Perigeux, but yet belonging to the Archbishop of Tholouse. Here the English began to measure out their Ground, to mark out their Lodgings and to set up their Tents, as if they intended to hold a long Siege there; and having invested the Town sent Word by their Heralds,

That it behoved them to think of Yielding in time, for if they should be taken by Force, they were all but Dead men without Mercy.

This peremptory Message and this dreadfull Appearance so terrified them within, especially since they knew the Earl of Laille durst not keep the Field, and they could hope for no Succour but from him; that forthwith they submitted and swore Fide∣lity to the King of England.

The Earl of Darby took Possession of the Place, and after a Day or two, having left the Lord Frank van Hall, Sr. Alan Finefroid and Sr. John Lendal, with a convenient Garrison to maintain the Town, he drew back designing for Bourdeaux, within 9 French Leagues whereof he met with a good Town called Libourne, which he thought so ill a Neighbour, that he declar'd, "He would not stirr thence, till he had it in his Power. The Inhabitants hearing his Resolution took Advice, so that all things consider'd, they concluded to yield, and make their Homage, and swear themselves Subjects to the Crown of England. Here the Earl tarried three Days, and having left a Garrison in the Place under the Command of the Earl of Pembroke, the Lord Stafford, Sr. Stephen Tombey, and Sr. Alexander Hussey, he himself with the Earl of Oxford, the Lord Walter Manny and the rest rode straight to Bourdeaux.

XV. He was d 21.146 received with great Triumph, and met on his way in solemn Pro∣cession by the Clergy and People of that City; where they offer'd Themselves, their Lives and Fortunes to his Dispose: And thô Winter was far off (for it was but a∣bout the End of July) yet because he judged it vain to take more strong Holds, un∣less he should Man them well against the French, and that his Forces were already so diminished, that he could not spare any more of his Men into Garrisons, without ma∣king himself too weak to keep the Field; on these Considerations he concluded to stirr no more abroad that Year, but to stand by and look to what he had already won, be∣ing always in a readiness to assert what the Enemy should once offer to recover. At Bourdeaux therefore he tarried and feasted, and took his pleasure with the Chief Bur∣gesses and Ladies of the City; thô all the while he had a vigilant Eye over what he had won, and kept Spies abroad thrô all the Country; his Design being shortly to pass o∣ver into England to augment his Forces (which as we said, were much diminished by Furnishing so many Garrisons) that he might pursue the War more vigorously at the opening of the next Campaigne.

Now the Earl of Laille, who was yet at Reole, when he had understood, that the Earl of Darby lay still at Bourdeaux without any Appearance of taking the Field again that Year, wrote immediately to the Earl of Perigord, the Viscount of Carmain, the Earls of Cominges and Bouquentine and the rest of the Lords of Gascogne who held of France, that they should all secretly assemble their Forces, and meet him by such a day before Auberoche: For he resolved to attempt that Place. His Command was o∣bey'd, for he was Viceroy for King Philip in those Parts of Gascogne; and Auberoche was formally besieged. The Lords and Knights of England were not in the least aware of any such Matter, till they saw themselves actually Invested, and the Siege laid round, so that none could pass out or in without being in danger of the Enemy. The Frenchmen brought with them Four great Engines from Tholouse, with which they cast mighty Stones against the Castle Day and Night, resolving to make no other Assault, but thus to beat down the Walls and Towers about their ears, or to make them yield absolute∣ly to their Discretion: By which means they had within six Days batter'd down the Roofs of their Lodgings at such a Rate, that the Besieged durst not repose themselves but in low Vaults, or Cellars under ground. The Earl of Darby had knowledge that Auberoche was besieged; but he knew not that his Friends were so ill handled by this severe way of Battery: For as for Assaults he doubted not, but they were well able to hold out a considerable time against greater Forces, than the Enemy now had. How∣ever as became a wise and carefull General, he had his Spies abroad continually, by whom he received due Information of Matters as they fell. When Sr. Frank van Hall, Sr. Alan Finefroyd and Sr. John Lendal, who were the Captains of Auberoche, saw in what a Condition they were, and that unless the Earl of Darby should come to their Rescue, they must yield at Discretion, or be beaten to pieces with Engines, or all rush out desperately against more than ten times their Number, they demanded among their Servants and Valets, if any one of them would for a good Reward undertake to con∣vey a Letter to the Earl of Darby at Bourdeaux. Immediately one of them stept forth and said, that he would venture to carry it, not so much for the lucre of Reward, as the hope he had to serve those Gallant Men his Masters in such an imminent Danger. In the Dark night this Valet took the Letter, sealed with the Seal of the Lord Frank van Hall which was e 21.147 Gules, a Golden Dragon Crown'd, with his Wings Expanded, and his Dexter Paw raised, a Spread Eagle Sable in a Shield Gules upon his Breast, the Whole surrounded with an Azure Bordure, intermixt with a Lion and Flower du Lis Or, mutually succeeding one another. This Seal with those of the other English Knights was affixed to the Letter, with which this Daring Fellow, being let down into the Ditch adventur'd, since there was no other Remedy to pass thrô the Host. He was met by the first Watch and escaped them well enough, for he spake good Gas∣cogne and named a Lord of the Army, to whom he said he belonged: But yet after this he was taken among the Tents, and so brought into the Heart of the Camp, where being narrowly searched the Letters were found about him: So he was kept safe till the Morning, at which time the whole Matter was declared to the French Lords assembled in Council. The Earl of Laille, and those that sat with him having read the Letters, and thereby understood; that the Besieged were not able to hold out much longer, were very well pleased with their Discovery. Then they hung the Letter about the Valets Neck, and put the poor Fellow into one of their Battering Engines, and so caused him to be shot into the Town. The Valet fell down stone Dead in the Streets, at which Dismal sight, as well as their Disappointment, the Befieged were cast into a great

Consternation. And at that very instant the Earl of Perigord, and Sr. Roger his Un∣cle, Sr. Charles of Poictiers, the Viscount of Carmain, and the Lord Duras, being on Horseback, rode about the Walls of the Town as near as they durst, and scoffingly cry'd out to them within,

Gentlemen, pray ask your Messenger, where he found the Earl of Darby, since he went out but last Night to carry Letters to him and is come back again unto you already. To this Jeer Sr. Frank van Hall replied saying, Mes∣sieurs, thô now we are here Besieged, we shall Sally out well enough, when it shall please God and the Earl of Darby. And I would to God the Earl did but know, in what Condition we are, for if he did but know it, the Proudest of you All durst not tarry here. And if you dare send him Word thereof, one of the Chief of Us shall in requital of that Kindness yield himself a Prisoner unto you, to be ransomed accor∣ding to his Quality.

The French said,

Nay, nay, Sirs, the Earl of Darby shall have perfect Intelligence of all these Matters, when with our Engines we shall have beaten down the Castle to the ground, and you shall be buried in these Ruines, or yield your selves up simply to save your Lives only. Certainly, said the Couragious Sr. Frank van Hall, that we shall never doe: We will all rather die here, or upon heaps of Frenchmen, than make so ignoble a Bargain.

Therewith the French returned to their Camp, and the three English Knights continued in great trouble, for the Stones that fell in the Town made such a terrible Noise, as if it had been Thunder falling from Heaven.

Now for all this insulting of the French Lords, the whole Story f 21.148 of the Messengers being taken with the Letters, and the great Distress of the English in Auberoche was brought presently to the Earl of Darby's Ears by a spie that had been in the French Camp. Whereupon immediately he sent to the Earl of Pembroke (who having been remanded from Liburne was now at Bergerac, as being a Place of more Consequence) to come back and meet him at Liburne with his Forces the next Day, or that Night; if he could: He sent also to the Lord Stafford, and Sr. Stephen Tombey, who were still at Liburne, to be ready there against his coming: And that Night the Earl him∣self, with the Earl of Oxford, the Lord Walter Manny, and the rest that were with him, went from Bourdeaux towards Auberoche: They rode so secretly, and with such Guides, that knew all the by-ways, that they came unperceived to Liburne before Morning: Where they tarried a day for the Earl of Pembroke; of whom they could hear no News all that while. However, when the Earl of Darby saw that he came not at the time appointed, nor that yet there was any appearance of his coming, thrô the ardent desire he had of saving his Friends in Auberoche, he notwithstanding resol∣ved to march forward. There were now with the Earl of Darby, the Earl of Oxford, the Lord Robert Ferrers of Chartley, the Lord Walter Manny, the Lord Hugh Hi∣stings, who was g 21.149 of kin to Laurence Hastings Earl of Pembroke; Sr. Stephen Tomber, and others, all who went from Liburne in the dark of the Evening, taking the direct way to Auberoche; so that early the next Morning they were within two little Leagues of the Place. Then h 21.150 being all entred into a Wood, they alighted and tyed the•• Horses to Pasture, still waiting with much impatience for the Earl of Pembroke, till it was high Noon. Then he not yet appearing, they knew not what Course to take, for in all they made but 300 Spears, and six Hundred Archers, and the French before Auberoche, they knew to be between i 21.151 ten and twelve Thousand Men. Yet they thought it a great Dishonour, as well as loss, to suffer such Valiant Men to perish for want of Succour: while thus they were in serious debate on the Matter, the Gallant Lord Wal∣ter Manny at last said,

Gentlemen, let us all leap on our Horses with a good Cou∣rage, and let us Coast privately under the Covert of this Wood, till we come 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that side of the Wood, which joyns to their Host, and then when we are near, let us set spurs to our Horses, and cry St. George, a Darby; we shall find them all at Supper, unawares, and unprepared to resist; and you shall see them upon our ap∣proach, fall into such Confusion, that they shall never be able to recover any Order.

To this brave Resolution all the Lords and Knights agreed, whereupon every Man took his Horse, and having order'd all their Servants and Pages to tarry there with the Baggage, till they heard other News, they all rode forth silently, and in good Order along by the Wood, till they came to a little River, named haulte Vezere, in a Valley, near the French Host. Being pass'd over, they displayed their Banners and Penons, and dashing their Horses, came in a Front into the French Camp among the Gascogners, who were nothing aware of this sudden Attack from behind; for they were then going to Supper, and some ready set at their meat. The English cryed a Darby, a Darby! and

overthrew Tents and Pavilions, and slew, and hurt great Numbers, bearing down all be∣fore them: For the Frenchmen knew not which way to turn, they were so surprised, and had so short a time, and so various Resolutions to take. Those that went out in∣to the Field to range themselves in some Order, were warmly received by the Archers on Horseback, who rode about scouring the Field, and whereever they espied any extraordi∣nary Concourse of Men gathering together, thither they rode up, and dissolved them by their thick flights of Arrows: The mean while the Men of Arms easily beat down those whom they found unranged, and disorder'd in the Camp. The Earl of Laille himself, being first grievously wounded, was taken Prisoner in his own Tent, and the Earl of Perigord, and Sr. Roger his Uncle in theirs: The Lord Duras was slain, Sr. Charles of Poictiers, and the Earl of Valentinois his Brother, were taken, with ma∣ny more of their Captains; and thus this Camp was broken and discomfited, every Man flying where he best could, to avoid being taken or slain: But for all this the one half of the Frenchmen remain'd, as yet entire and undisturbed; for now the Earl of Cominges, the Vicount of Carmain, the Viscount of Villemur, the Lord of Bouquen∣tine, the Lord de la Bard, the Lord of Tarbe, and others, who were encamped with a Moiety of the Army on the other side the Town, and had timely notice of the Ene∣mies approach, were risen and drawn out into the Fields in good Order of Battle, with their Banners displayed. The k 21.152 English, who by this time had fully vanquished all the rest, spur'd on now with generous Indignation, to see so Glorious a Victory ready to be snatch'd out of their hands, being rallied and in good Order, with a Division of Archers on each Wing, strack in furiously among them, thô they were still more than treble their Numbers; the Trumpets loudly sounding a Charge on both sides. This Battle was well fought indeed, and here a Victory was not to be obtained by the English without great Courage and Industry: Many Noble Feats of Arms were done on both sides, in taking and rescuing again; the English Lords were ever in the heat of the Bat∣tle, Matters being now brought to the utmost push, encouraging their Men by their Words and Actions. At which instant the Besieged also being Alarum'd by this un∣usual Noise, and the sound of the Trumpets, blowing a Charge, observing also (thô it was almost Dark Night, and the New-Moon was not above a Day old, some English Banners from their High Tower) Armed themselves immediately, and with all their Forces sallied out, and came upon the Backs of the French, making a terrible Noise and Clamour. These Men rushing among the thickest of the Enemies, brought good and timely Comfort to their Friends, who had been fighting all this while, and to be brief, turned the hitherto doubtfull Scales of Victory wholly to their own side. For the New-Comers, being extreamly irritated with their late sufferings, handled them that fell into their hands with more Cruelty, and fought with a full Resolution, either then to end the Siege, or their Lives. Above 7000 of the enemy in all were slain, and many taken Prisoners, among the latter whereof, were Nine Earls and Viscounts, of Lords and Knights 200, and of Esquires, and other Souldiers, so many, that every English∣man had two or three Prisoners: The Rest were saved by the Nights approach. This Battle was thus struck on St. Laurence Eve, or the Ninth of August, being a Monday, in the Year of our Lord MCCCXLIV.

The English dealt very kindly with their Prisoners, and let many of them go upon their Oath and Promise to return with Money for their Ransomes, or to render up their Bodies by such a Day at Bergerac, or Bourdeaux. The Fight ended, they all en∣tred into Auberoche, and there the Earl of Darby gave a Supper to the most part of the Earls and Viscounts Prisoners, and to many of the Knights and Esquires; part whereof without doubt was of their own Provisions, now taken in their Camp. At the same time the Pious Leader gave Order, that Publique and Private l 21.153 Thanksgiving should be return'd to God, because by his Good Hand of Providence m 21.154 a Thousand of them had overcome twelve Thousand of the Enemy; and had seasonably relieved the Town of Auberoche, and saved their Friends within, who in all likelyhood would have been lost within two or three Days more. The next Day by Sun-rise there came thi∣ther the long-expected Earl of Pembroke with 300 Men of Arms, and 4000 Archers in his Company; who when he saw that all was done already to his hand; said with some Displeasure to the Earl of Darby,

Surely, Cousin, You have not dealt kindly with me, to fight the Enemy before my coming: For since You sent for me, You might have been sure I would not fail to come to You,

Dear Cousin, said the Courteous Commander, We desired with all our hearts, that You should have sha∣red with Us in the Action of last Night: But You was not only too slow for our Expectation, and the Urgency of Affairs the other Night, when We waited

for Your coming at Liburne; but yesterday also, when We tarried for You in the Wood, till it was far gone in the Afternoon: Wherefore despairing of Your co∣ming in any time, We were obliged to put our Lives in our hands; and venture to attack the Enemy. For if We had stayed there longer, We justly feared some French spies would have discovered Us: And then they would have had as much Advantage over Us, as now We, by the Grace of God, have had over them. Where∣fore, pray Cousin, be satisfied, and help to guard Us back to Bourdeaux; for of our selves We are not strong enough to ride openly thrô the Country.

After this, the Earl of Darby set Sr. Alexander Chaumont, a Valiant and Loyal Knight of Gas∣cogne over the Town with a good Garrison, and having tarried all that Day, and the next Night in Auberoche, in which time the Enemies Engines were brought into the Town, and their Camp spoiled, He departed betimes the next Morning with the Earl of Pembroke, S. Frank van Hall and his own Forces for Bourdeaux. The Inhabitants of this City knew not how to express their Joy, nor with what Acclamations to re∣ceive and welcome the Earl of Darby, and the Lord Walter Manny; and more than n 21.155 twelve Hundred Prisoners, Lords, Knights, and Esquires with him. As for the Earl of Darby, when he saw the Chief Force of the Enemy in those Parts to be broken by this Blow, he soon after dispos'd of his Men into Winter Quarters, and return'd himself into England to provide more effectually against the next Campaigne.

The Earl of o 21.156 Oxford also, having first been in Bretagne, took the Sea about the Feast of the Blessed Virgin, and by Tempest was cast upon the Coasts of Connaught in Ireland: Where he and his Company suffer'd much Misery from those Barbarous Peo∣ple there, who pillaged them of all they had: So that with much difficulty they esca∣ped alive out of their hands, and afterwards came safe into England.

XVI. About this time was Queen Philippa of England brought to Bed of a Fair Daughter named Mary, who was afterwards married to John Montford, who in time ob∣tain'd the firname of Valiant, and having conquer'd his Enemies, became Duke of Bre∣tagne. His Father John of Montford, of whose Taking at Nantes we spake before, was by vertue of the late Truce at Malestroit, most p 21.157 certainly deliver'd out of Prison this Year, on Condition that he should not depart from Court: But this notwithstan∣ding he made his Escape, and put himself in the Head of his Troops in Bretagne, ha∣ving obtained succour from England, as we shall shew hereafter: But because in the September following he died, his Release from Imprisonment was not taken notice of by some Authors.

This Year there died at Bourdeaux the valiant Lord q 21.158 Oliver Ingham Seneschall of the said City, in the Fifty Ninth Year of his Age, without Issue Male: Wherefore his younger Daughter Joan, Wife to the Lord Roger le Strange of Knokyn, and Mary his Grandaughter (by Elizabeth his eldest Daughter, and her Husband Sr. John Cur∣son) became his Heirs.

CHAPTER the TWENTY THIRD.

The CONTENTS.

I. King Edward demands of the Pope Satisfaction on the French Kings Part, or declares that he will renounce the Truce. II. The Earl of Northampton commission'd to de∣fie the French King, &c. III. King Edward's Manifesto touching the Dissolution of the Truce. IV. He sends Henry Earl of Darby into Aquitain. V. A particular Account of his Actions there during the Campaign. VI. The Lord Manny finds his Fathers Bones in the City of Reole. VII. The strong Castle of Reole yielded, the Town being taken before. VIII. The Earl of Darby proceeds in Taking of Towns and Castles. IX. He wins Mirapont, Tonneins, Damasan and Augoulesme, where he makes the Lord John Norwich Governour, and so returns to Bourdeaux.

I. BEfore this Expedition of the Earl of Darby's into Gascogne, we shew'd, how the Pope endeavour'd to compose Matters with King Edward, to whom we do not find that the King return'd any Answer, till after the Earls Arrival at Bourdeaux; when he made a solemn Complaint to him, bearing Date the a 21.159 Fourth of August, which he sent by John Hufford Dean of Lincoln, Sr. Hugh

Nevil and Nicolas de Flisco, willing them to demand a Reformation, and Security for the Observance of the said Truce untill the Expiration of the Term appointed, and sworn by each of the Kings Deputies: And in case that should not be done (as it was not expected) then they to surrender the Copy of the Truce into the Pope's Hands, and to defie Philip of Valois as the Kings Enemy. Yet notwithstanding, these Amicable and Christian-like Desires of the King of England met with nothing but Flams and Dilatory Answers: For on the 20 of October following, Dr. William Bateman Bishop of Norwich, John Hufford Dean of Lincoln, and John Thoresby one of the Canons of Lincoln, Sr. Hugh Nevil and Sr. Ralph Spigurnel Knights, together with the foresaid Nicolas de Flisco were Commissionated to declare before the Pope, in what Particu∣lars the Truce had been broken, and instantly to demand Reparations.

II. But after all this, little Satisfaction being offer'd, * 21.160 and none at all given to the King, his Majesty seeing the Truce manifestly and openly violated, and that the Pope and his Legates were too evidently Partial on the French Side, gave Commission to William Bohun Earl of Northampton, bearing Date the 24 b 21.161 of April, to defie Philip of Valois, as a Violator of the Truce, an unjust Usurper of his Inheritance of the Realm of France, and his Capital Enemy. Which Defiance being made, he was order'd to go with John Earl of Montford into Bretagne, as the King of England's Lieutenant General, to defend that Dutchy against the Lord Charles of Blois, being empowred to receive the Fealty and Homage of those People in the Kings Name, which was due un∣to him as True King of France; a like Power having c 21.162 three Years before been given him in the same Parts. And shortly after the King set forth a Manifesto, bearing Date the d 21.163 14 of June, touching the Dissolution of the Truce, wherein the Causes were declared at large; being in Substance the same with those Letters, which he had sent to the Pope and Four Cardinals, bearing Date e 21.164 26 of May, the Month preceding the Date of this Defiance, a Copy whereof followeth, agreeing with the other, which is to be seen in the Original Latine, both in Adam Murimouth's M.S. and also in Dr. Stillingfleets, aforemention'd.

III.f 21.165

EDWARD, by the Grace of God, King of England and France, and Lord of Ireland, to all and singular to whom these Presents shall come, Greeting. We doubt not, but it is now publiquely known, how that after the Decease of Charles of Fa∣mous Memory, King of France, and Brother to the most Serene Lady Isabella Queen of England, our Mother, the Crown of the said Kingdom being incommutably de∣volved unto Us, as unto the next Heir Male of the said King, then being alive; the Lord Philip of Valois, who is but Son to the Uncle of the said King, and so related unto him in a more remote Degree of Consanguinity, did in the time of our Minority by Force, and contrary to God and Justice usurp the said Kingdom, and still doth usurp and detain it: Invading moreover, and spoiling our Lands in our Dukedom of Aqui∣tain, and Confederating against Us with our Rebellious Enemies the Scots; and o∣therwise to the utmost of his Power, labouring and endeavouring to procure the Ru∣ine and Subversion of Us and of Ours both by Land and Sea. And thô we to pre∣vent the inestimable Dangers, which it is probably feared may happen by a Commotion of War between Us and Him, have offer'd to the said Philip divers Friendly Me∣thods of Peace, not without a great Diminution of our own Rights, that so we might, as we desire, pursue the War of Christ, in the Holy Expedition beyond Sea, against the Blasphemers of the Christian Name, which alass! is too much neglected to the no small Ignominy of Christendom; he by his Fox-craft driving us off with Incertainties, would in effect yield nothing unto Us, but still by feigned Treaties, hath abundantly heaped Injuries upon Injuries. Wherefore not willing to neglect the Gift of God, who in the Devolution of the said Kingdom hath shewed unto Us his marvellous Kindness; but desiring as it is fitting, in hope of the Divine Assistance, and a Confi∣dence of our Righteous Cause, to take pains about the Recovering and Maintaining of our Hereditary Rights (since by peaceable Ways we could not prevail) Necessi∣ty so requiring we descended with an Armed Power into Bretagne, to reform the Inju∣ries done, and to prevent those, that otherwise by him would be done unto Us; and also to the Obtaining of our Hereditary Rights: Being willing to set forth powerfully to the Succour of those that adhered unto Us, rather than to expect at home the Dan∣gers threatned unto Us. And while thus we were occupied in our Wars, there re∣paired unto Us the Reverend Fathers, Peter Bishop of Palestrina, and Annibald Bishop of Tusculan, Cardinals, Nuntio's of the most Holy Father in Christ Pope Clement VI, and of the Apostolick See, desiring us in the Name of the said Lord the Pope, to admit of a Truce with the foresaid Lord Philip for a time, during which space there

might be a Treaty held before the Lord, the Chief Bishop, concerning a final Peace, and adding, that the said Lord the Pope did believe to find out a way, whereby a Peace might very well be reformed: And in hope of an Agreeable Peace to be made by his Holy Mediation, and especially for Reverence of the said Lord the Pope, and the said See, We consented to the said Truce. And moreover We took care to send Commissioners endued with sufficient Power, to his Holinesses Presence; and accor∣dingly there was a Truce taken between Us and the said Lord Philip; so that a was to be observed every where within the Dominions of both Parties, especially within the Dukedom of Aquitain, between Us and the said Philip, and our Ache∣rents and his, even thô they should pretend to have a Right in the said Dukedom of Aquitain; and that all Coadjutors and Allies of the Parties should remain in such a Possession of Things and Goods, as they had in the time of making the Truce, and under other Forms and Conditions more fully expressed in the same. And when thrô a smiling hope of Peace, in Confidence of the said Truce, returning into Eng∣land, having sent a few of our Servants into Bretagne for the Governance of those Parts, and of our Coadjutors there, we had designed to send our Commissioners to the Presence of the said Lord the Pope, in order to a Treaty of Peace, there came unto Us certain News not a little stinging our Mind, namely of the Death of certain No∣blemen our Adherents, who were taken in Bretagne, and by the special Command of the said Philip, contrary to the Form of the said Truce, shamefully and tyran∣nously put to Death at Paris: And also of the great Slaughter and Devastation of our Liege People and Places in Bretagne, Gascogne and elsewhere; and of his subtle and secret Treaties held with our Allies and Subjects, whom so he endeavoured to take off from Us and to Bind unto himself; and of other his Injuries not easily to be numbred, and of his Offences against the said Truce, on the Part of the said Phi∣lip done and attempted both by Land and by Sea; whereby the said Truce on the Part of the said Philip is notoriously known to be dissolved: And althô the Truce be∣ing thrô Fault of the said Philip thus broken, we might, as even yet lawfully we may, have justly resumed War against him forthwith: Yet notwithstanding to avoid the ill Effects of War, being desirous first to prove, if by any Amicable way we might ob∣tain a Reparation as to the Premises, more than once we sent sundry our Ambassa∣dors to the Presence of the Lord the Pope, as well to treat of the Peace aforesaid, as to require Reformation of the said Abuses, attempted and done within the Limits ap∣pointed for the said Treaty, for that Purpose also frequently prolonging the said Term, reserving always unto our selves a Liberty of Resuming the War, by Default of the said Philip sought out against Us. And truly the Terms appointed for the Treaty are now past, and no Reasonable way of Peace hath yet been opened unto Us, or our said Ambassadors: Nor hath the said Philip in the least taken care to reform the said Abuses, althô he hath been thereto required and admonished by the Letters of the said Lord the Pope, as the said Lord the Pope by his Letters unto Us hath written; but there are always multiplied against Us Tyrannies, Conspiracies and Alliances to our Subver∣sion, by the said Philip, who subtily practises against the Form of the said Truce: Not to say any thing of the excessive Enormities of the Pope's Legate, lately sent into Bretagne for the Conservation of the said Truce, who more earnestly rais'd the contention which he ought to have allayed; not approving himself a Conservator of the Truce, but rather a Party against Us and Ours: Concerning which the said Lord the Pope, (by his leave) did apply no Remedy; althô (as was fitting) he was thereto required. Wherefore We ought to be excused before God and his Holiness, if when We can receive no other Remedy, We endeavour to repell the Violence and Injury done unto Us: Especially since We have a most just Cause, and which is most notorious to the world. And therefore esteeming the foresaid Truce to be, as indeed it is, dissol∣ved and broken (from the Causes aforesaid, which we know, and in place and time will-prove to be True) by the foresaid Philip and his Adherents, especially those who in the said Dukedom of Bretagne pretend to have Right, and that We are free and acquitted of the Observance thereof: Him the said Philip, as a Violator of the said Truce, and our Enemy and Deadly Persecutor, and an Unjust Usurper of our Kingdom of France, and a Rash Invader of our other Rights, justly (Necessi∣ty so requiring) We defie, protesting, that We will not attempt any thing to the Offence (which God forbid) of his Holiness, or of the Apostolick See, which by all means We desire to revere as we ought, nor to the injury of any One; but only with due Moderation to pursue our Rights, and to defend Our Selves and our Rights: For it is always our Intention amicably to admit of a Reasonable Peace when We may obtain it.

But these things, g 22.1 which We do unwillingly, and for want of a Remedy, We thought good to signifie to the said Lord, the Pope, and the foresaid Cardinals, by whose Mediation We Consented to the said Truce, to be by them as Persons in∣different to either Party, insinuated to those, who might have another Perswasion of our Actions: And lest Nimble Fame by her hasty Relations should cause You to think amiss of Us, that We may settle the Minds of our Friends, We have thought fit to unfold the Naked Truth unto You, recommending unto You all our Inno∣cence, and the Justice of our Cause.

Dat. at Westminster the 14 Day of June, In the Year of our Reign of England the XIX, and of our Reign of France VI.

IV. After having thus Published his Intentions, the King seriously h 22.2 sets himself to provide for the War, and to equip a Royal Army, wherewith to enter France in Per∣son the following Year: But in the mean time he provided, that what was on the last Year in Gascogne, should now be well maintain'd; and therefore i 22.3 before the Date of this Manifesto, he renew'd his k 22.4 Commission to the Valiant Lord Henry Plantage∣net Earl of Darby, empowering him to Treat and Conclude with all Persons of what∣soever State, or Condition, Kingdom, or Nation, for settling firm Alliances, and mu∣tual Assistance between the King and them; as also to retain Men for the Kings Ser∣vice, and to agree about their Fees, Wages, and other Rewards: And in consideration of his late great Successes, and his Extraordinary Abilities for the War, within a few l 22.5 Days after he constituted him his sole Lieutenant and Captain in the Dutchy of A∣quitain, and the Parts adjacent, with Power to do and Execute all things belong∣ing to that Character: And he issued out his Royal Proclamation to all Archbishops, and other Prelates, Earls, Barons, Viscounts, Governours of Fortresses, and o∣ther Officers, commanding them all to yield Obedience to him, as unto the Kings Lieutenant.

V. On the m 22.6 11 of June, the Earl having shipt most of his Horse at Southampton, and being himself ready to depart, Command was sent to the Sheriff of London, to make Proclamation; That all Men of Arms, Archers, and others, who were to go with him, should with all possible speed repair to Southampton. Being on board, he had a fair Wind, and without any let or stay Landed at Bayonne in Gascogne, whence he went to Bourdeaux; and having for Encouragement sake made 50 New Knights, immedi∣ately after his n 22.7 Arrival he took the Field, with a great Number of Men of Arms, and Archers, with a Resolution to lay Siege to la Reole upon the Garonne, about 9 Leagues from Bourdeaux. The first Day he rode from Bourdeaux to Bergerac, where he met with the Earl of Pembroke, who was ready to joyn him: Having tarried there three Days, they all began to March, being in Number a 1000 Men of Arms, and 2200 Archers on Horseback, besides others. Thus they rode forth, till they came to o 22.8 St. Basil, a Castle of considerable strength, which they laid Siege to: But the Garrison, considering, that the greatest part of the Lords, Knights, and Captains of their side, were either slain, or in Prison; and seeing no likelyhood of any timely Succour from any other Part, concluded to deliver up the Place, and so yielded them∣selves, and swore Fealty to the King of England. Matters being duly settled here, the Earl Marched forward, taking the way to the strong. Castle of Aiguillon in Agen∣nois: But meeting in his march with a Fort called Rochemillone, thô he knew it was furnished with Souldiers, and Artillery, yet he commanded it to be Assaulted: Which was done with much Bravery. But the Defendants cast forth huge Stones, Barrs of Iron, Pots of quick Lime, and other offensive Matter, whereby many of the most forward and venturous were grievously annoyed: The Earl of Darby seeing this, sounded a Retreat for that time, and resolved to use another Method. The next day he compelled the Bores of the Country to bring thither great quantities of Bushes, Fag∣gots, Dung, Straw, and Earth; with which a great part of the Ditch was so well filled; that they might approach close to the Walls: Then he caused 200 Men of the Coun∣try to go before, having great Pick-Axes in their hands, and strong Targets over their Heads, lockt together in manner of a Penthouse, like the old Roman Testudo: These were followed by 300 choice Archers, who, while the other undermin'd the Wall, shot so fiercely, and so close together, that hardly any Man could appear at his De∣fence, but he was taken off. Yet the French held out obstinately, thô this manner of Attack was carried on thus most part of the Day; till at last the Miners made so great a Breach thrô the Wall, that ten Men might enter a breast. This unexpected Misfortune quite brake the Courages of the Defendants, so that immediately every Man began to look out for himself; some flying into the Church, and some few stealing away by a back Gate: But that Passage being soon secur'd; most of the Garrison

was put to the Sword, except those, whom being fled to the Church, the Earl of Darby pardon'd for that Respect, and because they implor'd his Mercy. Both the Town and Castle were immediately taken and plunder'd, but nothing destroy'd; for the Earl intended to Repair the breach, and to leave a Garrison there; which he did under the Command of Richard Mills, and Robert Scott, Esquires. Thence he pro∣ceeded and laid Siege to the Town of Monsegur, the Captain whereof was Sr. Hugh Bâtefoile, a Man of great Courage, Experience, and Honour: Who being summon'd, rejected all Conditions of Peace, and said, he was ready either to maintain the place or to die in the Action. Wherefore the Earl of Darby being resolv'd not to have his Successes scandal'd with a foile here, sent for Engines of Battery to Bourdeaux, and to Bergerac wherewith he cast Mighty Stones against the Town, which brake down Walls, Roofs of Chambers, and Houses. Now when the nimble Course of his Vi∣ctories had received a Check here for 15 Days, he resolv'd a General Assault, but first after his usual Method, sent again to the Inhabitants, to warn them,

that if they were taken by force, they must all expect nothing but Death; but if they would own the King of England for their Lord, he would then both Pardon, and take them for his Friends.

The Townsmen would very gladly have accepted these Conditions: But as yet they had no Power so to do, wherefore they went in a Body to speak with their Captain, as it were by way of asking Advice, to learn what his Resolution might be. He answer'd them in a few words bravely,

Gentlemen, look to your Defences in your several Stations, as I shall in mine: I tell you, we are able to keep this Town half a Year, if there be occasion.

Hereupon they went away very well content, as to outward appearance; but at Night, when he little thought of it, they seised him suddenly, and clap'd him in Prison, vowing never to let him out; unless he would consent to yield, and make their Peace with the Earl of Darby. Whereupon, he swearing to do his endeavour, they let him out, and so he went to the Town Barrs, and made a sign to speak with some body, whereat the Lord Manny coming up to him, he said,

Sr. Walter Manny, You need not think it strange, that at your first coming, We shut our Gates against You; for We have all sworn Allegiance to the Fren•••• King: Thô I see well there is no sufficient Captain in his behalf, that comes forth to stop You in your Career: So that I doubt, You are like to proceed further. But Sir, as for my self and those of this Garrison, I desire of You, that We may be permitted to re∣main as We are upon this Composition; that neither of Us offer, or do any the least hurt to other for the space of one Moneth; that if within that time the French King, or the Duke of Normandy come in Person into this Country so strong, as to fight with You, then We to be quit of our Covenant; but if neither the One, nor the Other appear on our behalf, then We all to put our selves entirely under the Obe∣dience of the King of England.

Sr. Walter Manny went straight to the Earl of Dar∣by to know his Pleasure in this Matter; the Earl because he would not linger there, was content, on Condition, that those within should make no new Repairs, or Fortifi∣cations, during the term, and also, that if any of his Men wanted Victuals, or ought else, they might have it of them for Money. This was all agreed, and 12 of their Richest Burgesses sent as Hostages to Bordeaux; they also refreshed the English with Victuals, but would not let a Man enter. Matters thus settled here, the Earl pro∣ceeded, wasting and spoiling all the Country; which was Pleasant and Fruitfull; and so at last came and sat down before the strong Castle of Aiguillon: Where he had scarce appeared, but the Captain of the Castle came and yielded all up unto him, only conditioning for Life and Goods.

All the Country thereabouts was amazed at this easie Bargain; for it was reputed One of the strongest Castles in all the World, and it stood most Advantagiously scituated between the Lot and the Garonne, two great Rivers, able to bear Ships of Burthen. The Earl of Darby newly Repair'd what was out of Order in the Castle, and left within it the Lord John Moubray with an 120 lusty Souldiers to defend it. But the Captain, who had thus basely yielded so Noble a Fortress, without one stroke giving, or taking, failed not of the Reward his Cowardise deserved: For being come to Tholouse about 20 common French Miles from Aiguillon, they apprehended him, condemned him of Treason, and hung him up immediately. The Earl of Darby the mean while went and lay before Segart, which ha∣ving taken by Assault, and put all within to the Sword, he marched thence to the Town of Reole, standing on the Garonne.

This was p 22.9 a great and strong Place, wherefore the Earl of Darby invested it quite Round, and made Bastions near the High-ways, and other Avenues, to hinder Provision from coming into the Town; and almost every Day he alarum'd them with his Attacks

But still the Besieged held out; so that while the Earl lay here, the Moneth being now expired, wherein they of Monsegur had Covenanted, unless they were Defended by a Royal Army, to yield themselves, and embrace the Service of the King of Eng∣land, he sent thither, requiring them according to Composition, to make Performance. They all readily agreed, and that Hardy Loyal Captain, Sr. Hugh Batefoile himself, not thinking Him fit to Reign over France, who in all that while either durst not, or would not, or could not Protect his Subjects, own'd Edward of England for his Sove∣reign, and he, and all his Men enter'd into his Service on certain Wages. Now the Earl of Darby had layn before Reole more than 9 Weeks, in which time he had made two vast Belfroys, or Bastilles of Massy timber, with three Stages, or Floors, each of the Belfroys running on four huge Wheels, bound about with thick Hoops of Iron; and the sides, and other parts, that any way respected the Town, were cover'd with Raw Hides, thick laid, to defend the Engines from fire and shot. In every one of these Stages were placed an 100 Archers, and between the two Bastilles, there were two Hundred Men with Pick-Axes and Mattocks. From these six Stages six Hundred Ar∣chers shot so fiercely all together, that no Man could appear at his Defence without a sufficient Punishment: So that the Belfroys being brought upon Wheels by the strength of Men over a part of the Ditch, which was purposely made plain and level by the Faggots, Earth and Stones cast upon them; the 200 Pioneers ply'd their Work so well under the Protection of these Engines, that they made a considerable Breach thrô the Walls of the Town. Hereupon the Burgesses came to one of the Gates, and de∣sired parly: The Earl of Darby sent thither the Lord Walter Manny, and the Lord Ralph Stafford to hear their Proposals; which were, "that they would accept the King of England for their Lord, so they might suffer no harm either in their Bodies or Goods. Sr. Agoust de les Baux, a Native of Provence, who was Chief Commander within, when he saw they were resolv'd to yield up the Town, retired into the Castle with all his Men, and while the Townsmen were busie about the Treaty, he convey'd into the Castle great quantities of Wine and other Provisions; and then closing the Gates, said, "he was not minded to yield as yet. This mean while the two English Lords aforesaid, went back, and told the Earl of Darby, that the Town would yield upon security of Life and Goods: Then the Earl sent to know, if the Castle would do the like; but word was brought, they intended the Contrary. After a little musing said the Earl,

Well, go, take them of the Town to Mercy, for by the Town We shall win the Castle.

Then the said Lords took the Town to Mercy, on Condi∣tion, they should all go forth into the Field, and present the Keys of the Town to the Earl of Darby, saying,

Sir, from this time forward We acknowledge our selves Sub∣jects, and will ever be obedient to the King of England. This they did, and sware further, that they would never give any Assistance to those within the Castle, but rather offend them to the best of their Power, till they were reduced.

After this, the Earl having proclaim'd, that none should presume to do any the least harm to the Town or Inhabitants of Reole, made his entry into the Place, and immediately began to invest the Castle round about, as much as he might; and then raised his Engines, which cast against the Walls Day and Night, but to little purpose, they were so thick and strongly cemented of most hard stone, molten-lead and morter. It is thought that this Castle of old time had been wrought by the hands of the Saracens, who made their Works so strong, that the later Buildings were no way comparable to them. Wherefore the Earl, seeing, that with his Engines he could do no good, called un∣to him the Captains of his Pioneers, and gave them Command to make a great Mine under the Walls; which yet was not expected to be done under many Days.

VI. Now q 22.10 during this Siege, and while the Mine was carrying on, the Lord Wal∣ter Manny remembred, that his Father, who had been heretofore Assassined in his Re∣turn from a Pilgrimage to St. James of Compostella, was buried, as he had heard in his Youth, in Reole, or thereabout. Wherefore now being desirous to find where his Bones lay, he enquired about the Town, offering an 100 Crowns to any Man, that could shew him his Tomb. Within a while there came an old Man of the Town to Sr. Wal∣ter, who said,

Sir, I believe I can bring You to the very Place, where my Lord, your Father was buried.

Sr. Walter told him, if his Words proved true, he would keep his Promise with him, and something more.

The Lord Manny's Father is reported to have been slain upon this Occasion. Al∣most 24 Years before this, there was a Gascogner of the House of Mirepoix, Bishop of Cambray, in whose Days happen'd a Solemn Tournament before the City of Gam∣bray, in which on both Sides there were no less than 500 Knights. It was the Fortune

of the Lord of Manny an Hainalder, Sr. Walter's Father, to just with a certain Knight of Gascogne, who was near of Kin to the said Bishop. But the young Gascogner was so roughly handled by him, that he lived but a few Days after: Wherefore the Lord Manny incurr'd the heavy Indignation of the Bishop and all his Kindred. But two or three Years after some Pious Men by their great Diligence labour'd to compose Matters, and to make a Reconciliation between the Lord Manny and his Enemies. So that the Bishop and his Relations either did, or at least pretended to pardon all, and a Friendship was made, only the Lord of Manny was enjoyned by way of Penance to go on Pilgrimage to St. James of Compostella. In his going thither he passed by Reole, where he then found Charles of Valois Father to King Philip that now reigned, laying his Siege to that Town, which then, together with all Guien and Gascogne belonged to King Edward II of England. Having ended his Pilgrimage, and returning the same way, he gave a Visit to the said Earl Charles in the Town of Reole, which by that time r 22.11 was upon Com∣position yielded up to him by Edmund Earl of Kent. He was entertain'd at Supper that Night by the said Charles Earl of Valois, but going home late to his Lodgings, he was set upon, as was thought, by some of the Kindred of that Gascogner, whose Death he had occasion'd, and there barbarously murder'd. The Authors of the Murther could no ways be clearly proved, thô the said Bishops Kindred were generally suspect∣ed: But they were as then so high, and the Truth was so dark, especially the Lord of Manny having no Friend there to pursue his Quarrel, that the matter was hush'd, and by de∣grees quite put up. However the Earl of Valois caused him to be decently interred within a little Chappel in the Field, then without the Town; but afterwards the Lord Charles having won the Place, enlarged the Walls, and so took in that Chappel also into its Compass. Thus was Sr. Walter's Father slain, and the Old Man remembred all very well, as one who then belonged to Charles of Valois, and was at his Burial. Sr. Walter therefore followed this old Man, and went with him into the Chappel aforesaid, where he shew'd him a little plain Stone of Marble, which his Servants had laid over him, and said, "Sir, most certainly my Lord your Father lies buried under this Stone. Then the Lord Manny drew near to view the Tomb, and there he found a Latin In∣scription, which imported that the Lord of Manny's Body lay there. He could not forbear Weeping to find this poor Remembrance of his Dear Father, whom he could scarce remember to have seen alive; for he was but young at his Death: The old Man he rewarded as he had promised, and two Days after took up his Fathers Bones, and putting them in a rich Coffer, sent them to Valenciennes in his native Country of Har∣nalt, and there caused them to be deposited in the Church of the Fryars, and his Ob∣sequies to be kept Annually with great Solemnity, which for many Years after were com∣memorated:

VII. All this s 22.12 while the Earl of Darby held his Siege before the strong Castle of Reole, and now when it had held out near 11 Weeks, the Miners were at last come under the Base Court, but under the Dungeon they could not get by any means, for it stood on an hard Rock. Sr. Agoust de les Baux the Captain of the Castle, per∣ceived how he was undermined, and told his Officers their Danger. Then they said,

Sir, the Peril is common to us all, and we fear now inevitable, unless you in your great Wisdom contrive a Remedy. You are our Chief, whom as hitherto we have o∣bey'd, so now will we follow your Determination. But surely we have so long and so worthily held out already, that if we could now come to any good Composition, no man could blame us for Yielding at last. Try if you can get the Earl of Darby to grant us our Lives and Goods, and so to accept the Castle.

Upon this the Captain went down from the High Tower, and looking out at a little Window, made a sign, that he desired to speak with some Body. Being demanded what he would have, he answer'd, how he would gladly speak with the Earl of Darby or the Lord Walter Man∣ny. The Earl hearing hereof, took along with him the Lord Manny and the Lord Stafford, saying,

Come, let us go to the Fortress, and know, what the Captain has to say now.

So they all rode to the Castle, and when Sr. Agoust de les Baux saw them he took off his Cap, and saluting them all three in their Order, said,

My Lord of Darby, I must confess the French King sent me hither, to defend and keep this Town and Castle to my Power: And you know very well, how I have acquitted my self hitherto in this my Charge, and still would if I might: But a Man cannot always stay where he is best pleased. Therefore my Noble Lord of Darby, if it may so please you, I and my Company, upon security for our Lives and Goods, are now wil∣ling to depart, and to resign the Fortress into your Hands.

Nay said the Earl of Darby, Sr. Agoust, you are not like to leave us so: You must needs know that we

have so undermin'd you, that we may have you when we will; for the Walls of your Castle only stand upon Props of Wood: If therefore you will yield upon Dis∣cretion, we will receive you to Mercy.

Why truly Sir (reply'd Sr. Agoust) if we should do so, I verily believe, there is so much Honour and Generosity in your Princely Person, that you would not but deal courteously with us, as you would desire the French King to deal with any of your Knights, whom he should take at the like Advantage. For Godsake Sir, blemish not your Honour for a poor Sort of Souldiers, that are here within, who with much pain and peril have hardly won a small Liveli∣hood, and whom I have brought hither out of Provence, and Savoy, and the Dau∣phine. For Sir, be assured, that if we thought the least of us should not come to Mercy as well as the Greatest, we should sell our Lives so dearly, that all the World should speak of Us. Sir, we heartily desire you to bear us some Company of Arms, and to use us like Souldiers, and we shall pray for You.

At this the Earl and the two Lords drew aside together to commune upon the Captains Words: They saw all was true he had said and consider'd, that he was a Stranger, and they also knew they could never undermine the Dungeon, wherefore they agreed to take them to Mercy, but to let them bear nothing away but their Horses and Armour. Then the Earl turning again to Sr. Agoust said,

Sir, we would gladly shew our selves friendly Companions in Arms to all Strangers, wherefore I am content, that you and all your Company march out with your Lives assured; so that you will bear nothing away but your Arms.

So be it then,

said Sr. Agoust, if it can be no better, and saying so went back to his Men, and related how he had sped. Then they all put on their Harness, and took their Horses, whereof they had but six remaining, and came forth of the Castle: Some bought Horses of the English, for which they gave Bills of Return, which were truly paid; the rest follow'd on Foot, and so they all went to Tholouse.

VIII. When the Earl of Darby t 22.13 had taken his Pleasure in the Castle of Reole a day or two, having set Men at work about the Repairs of what had been broken, and filled up the Mine with Stones, Cement and Earth, he left an English Knight his Captain of the Town and Castle, and so rode forth to Monpesat, whither many of the Country had fled with their Goods, in confidence of the Strength of the Place: but the Castle was not greatly furnished with Men of War; wherefore it was soon ta∣ken by Assault and Scalade, thô several English Archers were lost in the Attack, and an English Gentleman, who bore the Lord Staffords Banner, named Sr. Richard Pen∣fort. This Place the Earl committed to the Custody of one of his own Esquires cal∣led Thomas Lancaster, and left with him 20 Archers. Then he went before Mauron, which he assaulted long and vigorously, but was not able to carry it; however he lodged there for that Night. The next day as they held a Council of War, a Knight of Gascogne, named Sr. Alexander of Chaumont (who being the last Year left Captain of Auberoche, had now leave to joyn the English Forces) said thus to the Earl of Darby,

Sir, I desire you would make a Shew, as if you rais'd your Siege and march'd off to some other Part, only leaving a few Men still before the Town: I know the Na∣ture of those within so well, that I durst engage they will make a Sally upon those, whom they shall see lagging thus behind: Then let your Men fly wisely while they Chace, but we will lie under the Olives in Ambuscado, and when they have pursued till they are past our Ambush, some of us shall hold them in Play, while others re∣turn toward the Town, which they shall find open.

This Counsel the Earl approved, and having in the Declining of the Day, order'd the Earl of Oxford with an 100 se∣lect Horse only to stay behind; all well informed how to behave themselves, began to march away with the rest of his Army, Bagg and Baggage. And half a League off Sr. Walter Manny was planted with a great Ambush in a Vale among the Olives and Vines, and the Earl rode on a great way before with his Banners aloft. When those of Mau∣ron saw in what manner the Earl departed, as it were hastily, leaving those Men be∣hind him, and that the English Army was too far off to give them any timely Assi∣stance, they said one to another,

Let us now at length sally out and fight with these Loiterers, that lag thus indiscreetly behind their Master: We shall soon discomfit them every Man, and get thereby no small Honour and Advantage.

To this Reso∣lution they all quickly agreed, and being ready mounted and armed, 400 of them made a sally. The Earl of Oxford, who desired as much, first retired back in some seeming Disorder: But when he saw them begin the Chace in good earnest, he and his Men also, as in fear, set upon the Spur, but yet so as to leave the Enemy Hopes to overtake them soon. Thus the one Party fled in Jest and the other pursued in Ear∣nest, till all were past the Ambush: At that instant the Earl of Oxford turns back in

great sury upon the Enemy, and the Lord Walter Manny rushes out from among the Vines upon their Backs, crying out a Manny, a Manny! While another part of the Ambush took the Way straight to the Town, where they found the Barrs and Gates left open against the Return of their Friends: For it was now dark and none could discern, but that these New-comers were their old Companions; till they saw them seise the Gates and the Bridge, and so make themselves Masters of the Town. Those who had made the Sally, were all either slain, or taken every man of them; for they were, as we shew'd, enclosed both before and behind. Wherefore the Town yielded with great humility to the Earl of Darby, who of his great Grace and Clemency took them to Mercy, and spared their Houses from Fire and Plunder. All that Lordship the Earl gave to Sr. Alexander of Chaumont, by whose Advice the Town was won; where∣upon Sr. Alexander set his Brother Sr. Anthony of Chaumont as Captain there, with a sufficient number of Archers and Men of Arms; he himself choosing still to follow the Earl in this his Expedition. The next Place they came to was Ville Franche in Age∣nois, which together with the Castle was taken by Assault, and here the Earl made an Esquire of his, named Thomas Cook, Captain, whom thereupon he Knighted. Thus the Earl of Darby without any Resistance overran the Country, and conquer'd Towns and Castles, and wan much Spoil and great Riches, all which like a Noble Prince, he distribu∣ted among his Men.

IX. From hence he rode to u 22.14 Mirapont in his way toward Bourdeaux; (for all this while the Currours of his Army never went near St. Mary-Port) which having held out three Days, yielded on the Fourth, and this Place he committed to the Care of a Valiant Esquire of his, John Bristow. Thence he sent out a Detachment, which took in a little enclosed Town, called Tonneins, standing on the River Garonne; and after that a strong Castle, named Damasan, a little lower on the other side the said River; which was furnished with a convenient Garrison. Then the Earl went up higher into Angoulemois, and sat down with all his Forces before the great City of Angou∣lesme, saying, he would not stir thence, till he had it at his Pleasure. But the Citi∣zens being terrify'd with his Successes, made a Composition with him, to send 24 of their Chief Burgesses their Hostages to Bourdeaux: That he should give them Re∣spit for a Moneth: Within which time, if the French King send a sufficient Captain to keep the Field against him; then they to have their Hostages restored, and to be acquitted of all Obligation: But if no such Forces appear, then they without any more adoe, to submit to the Government of the King of England. Upon this Composition the Earl rode to Blaye in Saintogne, wherein were two Valiant and Hardy Captains, Sr. Guischard, alias Sr. Richard Dangle, (afterwards for the English, and in time one of the Knights of the Honourable Order of the Garter) and the other was Sr. Wil∣liam of Rochechouart, of no less Courage and Loyalty. These Knights answer'd the Earls Summons, "That they would yield to no Man living: Wherefore he laid to them a strong and close Siege, and in the mean time sent out a Detachment to Mortagne in Saintogne by the Sea-side, whereof was Captain a Noble and Hardy Knight, named the Lord of Bouciquault: Who Defended the Place so well, that the Earl's Men de∣spair'd to take it. Wherefore after some loss, they wheel'd off to Mirembeau, and af∣ter that, as far as Aunay, both which also they found too tough for them, and so re∣turn'd to the Camp before Blaye. Here no Day passed without some notable feat of Arms performed; and now first did Sr. Richard Dangle begin to bear some kind incli∣nation to the English Nation; but here he held out gallantly: So that by this time the Moneth being compleat, the Earl of Darby remembring his Agreement with the City of Angoulesme, sent thither his two Marshals, to whom the Citizens sware Al∣legiance in behalf of the King of England, their Master. Whereupon their Hostages were restored, the City indemnified, and the Earl at their Requests sent unto them for their Captain Sr. John Norwich, a Valiant and Politick Commander, and a x 22.15 Baron of England, thô y 22.16 Froisard took him to be but an Esquire. And now Winter being far enter'd, the Earl seeing the stout Resistance at Blaye, and the small Importance of the Place, resolv'd to spare his Men for better Service, and to raise his Siege, till a more commodious season: So he dislodged, and repassing the River Garonne, went back to Bourdeaux, where he distributed his Men into Winter Quarters. Now if any shall ob∣ject, that it seems incredible, that all this while the King of France should lie still; let such forbear their Censure, till the beginning of the next Year, where they will find, that he sent a great Man against him; but one, who thought not fit to act at that time, till he was considerably Reinforced, as we shall see in due place.

CHAPTER the TVVENTY FOURTH.

The CONTENTS.

I. Henry the Old Earl of Lancaster dies, &c. II. Jacob van Arteveld having plotted to exclude the Earl of Flanders and his Posterity, and to set up in his stead King Ed∣wards Eldest Son, proposes the Matter to the Representatives of that Country in Pre∣sence of the King. III. They abominate the Motion secretly, but get off for the pre∣sent. IV. King Edward allows Jacob van Arteveld a Guard, and pardons Sr. John Maltravers senior. V. Jacob van Arteveld murther'd at Gaunt by the Commons. VI. King Edward being angry therefore with the Flemings, is appeas'd by their Am∣bassadors. VII. The Earl of Hainalt slain in Friseland. VIII. His Ʋncle, John Lord Beaumont, fetch'd over by the French King from King Edward's Service: In whose room the Lord Godfry of Harcourt revolts from France to England. IX. John Earl of Montford being at liberty, and assisted by England, prevailes in Bretagne, but in the midst of his Victories dies. X. The Earl of Northampton combats Charles of Blois hand to hand, and routs his Army at Morlaix: After which he wins Roche D'Arien; and so returns for England. XI. An Army of 30000 Scots discomfi∣ted by the English, whereon ensues a Truce. XII. The Death of one Lord and two Bishops.

I. DUring the last Campaign, of which we spake in the preceding Chapter, word was brought over into Guienne to the Earl of Darby, a 22.17 how the Good Old Earl of Lancaster his Father, was departed this Life, and had left him with his Blessing, and a Greater Title, a Fair Inheritance. He was Younger Brother (and upon his Death without Issue) next Heir to Thomas Earl of Lancaster, eldest Son to Prince Edmund Plantagenet sirnamed Crouchback, who was Second Son to King Henry III. and Younger Brother to King Edward the First. His Stile ran thus, Henry Earl of Lancaster, Leicester, Darby and Provence, Lord of Mon∣mouth and Steward of England: His true Sirname was Plantagenet, but his usual, Torcol or de Torto Collo, because his Neck stood something awry: Which Title is thrô mistake by b 22.18 Patronage of John Wickliffe: Whereas his Sons Sirname was Grismond; and Wickliffe's Friend John of Gaunt. He had married the Lady c 22.19 Maud, sole Daughter and Heiress of Sr. Patrick de Cadurcis or Chaworth, a Baron of the Realm: By whom he had this valiant Son Henry Earl of Darby, up∣on his Death Earl, and afterwards created Duke, of Lancaster; and six Daughters, Blanch Lady Wake, Isabell Prioress of Ambresbury, Maud Countess of Ʋlster, Joan Lady Mou∣bray of Axholme, Eleanor Countess of Arundel, and Mary Lady Piercy. He died at Leicester and was buried in the Monastery of Canons there, King Edward, with his Queen Consort and the Queen Mother, and almost all the Bishops and Barons of the Realm being present at his Funeral: Where his Son afterwards erected to his Memory a Fair Tomb on the Northside of the High Altar in the Collegiate Church of our La∣dy, called the New-Warke. But there is no Coronet on his Head.

II. About this time there happen'd a memorable Revolution in Flanders, which may teach us how uncertain Popular Favour is, and how suddain the Fall of those Great Ones proves, who are not fixed on a sure Foundation. We have frequently had occa∣sion to speak of Jacob van Arteveld of Gaunt, who had long govern'd all Flanders with a more absolute Sway, than ever the Earls themselves had done. This Man, whe∣ther thrô hopes of raising his Family to future Time, or whether out of Inclination, or of meer Policy to secure his own Greatness by the Aid of England, was all along a fast Friend to King Edward; and had again as much respect and favour from that Prince, as his Heart could desire. He now d 22.20 in Confidence of his boundless Authority among the Commons of the Country, grew so presumptuous, as some while before this to en∣tertain a Resolution of Disinheriting his Natural Lord Lewis Earl of Flanders, and to put the Government thereof into the Hands of King Edward of England: On Conditi∣on that He the said King, should endow his Eldest Son the Prince of Wales therewith,

and make a Dukedom of the Earldom of Flanders. These things being thus private∣ly agreed on beforehand, about the Feast of St. John Baptist, King Edward having e 22.21 left his Son Prince Lionel of Antwerp, his Lieutenant at Home during his Absence, took Shipping at Sandwich and came before Scluse with a great Navy, the Young Prince, Edward his eldest Son, being with him, and Thomas Beauchamp Earl of Warwick, Tho∣mas Lord Ʋghtred, John Lord Seagrave, John Lord Leiburn and many Others at∣tending Him. The King lay at Anchor in the Haven of Scluse, and there kept House on Board, whither his Friends, the Chief. Men of Flanders came to visit him. One Day the Flemish Burgesses being invited into the Kings Ship called the Catherine, after a f 22.22 most Magnificent Collation bestowed on them by the King, Jacob van Arteveld rose up and made a most plausible Oration,

extolling the King of England's great Power either to protect his Friends, or to punish his Enemies; he set forth also the notable Good-will, which he had all along bore to his Allies and Subjects of Lower Germany: That the Young Prince of Wales his Son, did no way come short of his Fathers Steps, but rather promised, if God gave life, to reach the very Height of all his Vertues: That their own Lord Lewis, unmindfull of the Welfare of his People, had confederated with King Philip their Mortal Enemy; and had himself made War against them, and done unto them many great Inconveniences and Dammages. Where∣fore if they judged it fit to requite their Haters with Neglect, and to pay unto their Lovers and Protectors Friendship and Service, He must needs advise them either to make the Earl of Flanders pay his Homage unto King Edward, to whom as to the Rightfull King of France it was only due; or if thrô his Stubborn Obstinacy they could not prevail with him herein, then wholly to cast off the hatefull Yoke of a Tyrannous and an Unkind Lord, and submit to the pleasant and honourable Go∣vernment of King Edward and his Son, who would advance the Earldom of Flanders into a Dukedom, and make them flourish above all other People in Trade and Pro∣sperity.

III. When the Burgesses had all heard what secret Poison lurked in the Breast of this subtle Orator, in their Hearts they utterly abominated his Perfidious Treason, and firmly resolved never to be Guilty of so black and base a Deed, as to disinherit and depose their own Natural Lord, and his Young Son Lewis from their proper Right and Ti∣tle. But however to get off handsomly, and make fair weather for the present, after a little private Conference they gave this Answer to the King.

Sir said they, there is proposed unto us a Matter of no small Importance, which may some Ages after very nearly concern the whole Country of Flanders and our Heirs for ever, as well as our Selves. And thô surely, we know no Person in the World at this time, whose Pro∣motion, and encrease of Wealth and Honour We so heartily desire, as We do your Majesties: Yet this Business we dare not of our selves determine, unless the Commo∣nalty of Flanders yield their Consent thereto. Wherefore Sir, for the present we crave leave to return every Man to his own City, and there we shall confer with the Generality of every Town and Corporation; and as the Major Part shall agree, we shall act most willingly. Within a Month at farthest we will all return hither again, and bring your Majesty, we doubt not, such an Answer as shall be agreeable.

IV. The King and Jacob van Arteveld urged them much to make a more speedy Return, but they could obtain no other Reply at that time; wherefore they were all dismist to their own several Homes: But Jacob tarried still with the King, bearing him all along in hand, that he would not fail to bring this Purpose to good Effect. But King Edward who was not apt to be blinded with Prosperity, and had a more piercing Judgment in publick Affairs, doubted much, not only lest this Business should miscar∣ry, but his Friend also incurr some Danger thereby. Wherefore at parting he gave him great Caution in the Management of that Affair, and allow'd him g 22.23 also for a Guard 500 Welchmen under the Command of Sr. John Maltravers senior, and Sr. William Sturry. Sr. John Maltravers was indeed a Baron of the Realm, and the same Person we mention'd to have been concerned, together with Sr. Thomas Gournay in the barbi∣rous Murther of King Edward the Second; wherefore also, as we shew'd, he fled upon that Act, and was three Years after condemned in Parliament to be put to Death wherever, he should be found, with the price of 500 Marks for his Head, or a 1000 for any one, that should bring him in alive. For fifteen Years after he had lived in great Penitence, and very privately in and about Flanders, and either finding some hopes from the Kings Mercy, or being not so guilty as he was represented, or in Confidence of having merited something by his late Services (for he had lost h 22.24 all his Goods, and suffer'd much hardship upon the Kings Account in Flanders) he came now voluntarily

to the King and rendred himself into his Hands: Whereupon, especially since he had never undergone a legal Trial, he was respited now, and by the King set over these Welchmen, and six years after fully pardoned: But to return.

This Guard, some i 22.25 say, that Jacob van Arteveld desired himself for the better se∣curity of his Person; because he said, that one Gerard Dennis, who was Dean of the Weavers, and a very seditious fellow, did maliciously plot his Ruine: And no doubt, but by this time he had Enemies enow, as we shall quickly find.

V. Now the k 22.26 Burgesses of Gaunt, that came from Scluse, had declared to the Peo∣ple, with no great Advantage, how Jacob van Arteveld went about to depose and ex∣clude their Natural Lord, and his Heirs from their true Right and Title, and to intro∣duce an Alien to rule over them; at which News the Commons began generally to mur∣mure against him (for that Design of his did no way suit with their Desires) and they said,

That althô there had past some unkindness between the Earl and them; yet by the Grace of God, no such Disloyalty should ever be found in them, as to disinhe∣rit and exclude their own Natural Lord, and his Issue, to endow a Stranger with his Right.

We may well think, that Gerard Dennis, and others, who either favour'd the Earl. or maligned Jacob van Arteveld, did not overslip this opportunity; but used all their Art and Diligence to embroile matters further. They lay'd whatever had hap∣pen'd amiss, during his Government, all to his Fault, but chiefly scattered about the Town such Reports, as these;

that Jacob van Arteveld had gather'd in the whole Revenues of Flanders for seven Years together, of all which he had never yet given any account, but had spent it upon himself in Housekeeping, and otherwise, as he pleased. And that having secretly Convey'd vast Sums of Money into England, he intended, when he had quite Ruin'd his Country, to make his Retreat thither, and laugh at them.

These and the like malicious and false Reports, set the Minds of the Gantois on Fire. But while these seeds of Displeasure were thus by his Enemies sow∣ing against him in Gaunt, this Popular Man, had wholly brought over the Men of Bru∣ges and Ipres, to his Opinion: Whereby he became so blinded with Confidence, that without half his Guard of Welchmen, he came one Morning before Dinner to Gaunt, with his usual unconcernedness and security. The Commons had warning of his co∣ming beforehand, and so he found some Numbers of them met in the Streets, where he was to pass; not as they used to do, to bid him Welcome, but to attend his Down∣fall. When they saw him, instead of making their usual Honours, they turned aside and began to run three Heads under one Hood, and to murmure and whisper among themselves saying one to another,

See, yonder comes our great Master, who will dis∣pose of all Flanders at his Pleasure: But this is no longer to be endured.

Jacob could not but observe a Wonderfull Alteration, as he rode thrô the Streets; but when he saw those, whom he knew to be his Friends, to shake their Heads, and look heavi∣ly, and then turning their Backs to go into their Houses silently; he began to distrust, that there was no good meant unto him. Wherefore being come to his House, he or∣der'd to shut up his Doors, Gates, and Windows; which was scarce done, but the street was full of Men, who consisted chiesly of the smaller Trades, and the more Rascally sort of People: Such being always the first for any Mischief or Sedition. These pre∣sently Assaulted Jacob's House with all their Fury; and had made quick work, but that the Welchmen gave them some diversion; for they barricado'd all the Avenues of the House, and shot among the mixt Multitude, and threw down upon them huge Weights of Massy Stone and Timber; wherewith they slew and l 22.27 hurt many. But when Jacob saw, he could not possibly hold out long, and that by this time near upon three parts of the whole Town was gather'd against him, he thought once more to try, what his tongue, that never yet had failed him, could do in this exigence. So a Parly being demanded and obtain'd, he came bare-headed to an high-Window, and said with great Modesty,

Ah! Ye good People, how comes it to pass, that you are thus strangely stirr'd up against me? Wherein have I ever displeas'd You? Do but de∣clare it unto me, and I will endeavour to correct mine Errour, thô with the utmost hazard of my Life, which I never yet accounted Dear, in respect of your Advan∣tage. As he was going on, those that heard him, answer'd, as it were with one voice, We will have an Account given us of the vast Treasures of Flanders, which you have squander'd away and dispos'd of at your pleasure, without the least title of reason. Jacob answer'd, Certainly, my Friends, of the treasure of Flanders, I never convert∣ed any thing to my own private use; and if it will please you to retire peaceably to your several homes, and come again to morrow in the Morning, I shall give you so good and just an account of what has been in my hands, that will make you all

well satisfied of my truth in your Service.

Then they all cry'd out with more fury,

Nay, nay, we will have an account made immediately; you must not think to escape us so. For we are very sure, you have convey'd away great Riches into Eng∣land, without acquainting us therewith: And therefore You shall die.

When Ja∣cob heard that Word, he clasp'd his hands together woefully, and said, all weeping,

Sirs, such as I am, You your selves have made me, and You have all sworn to me before now, that You would protect me against all Persons whatsoever; and yet now You talk of slaying me without Reason. You may do it, if You are so resolved, for I am but one Man among You all: But for Gods Sake, and your own souls sake, be better advised, and remember the time past, and consider the great Favours and Courtesies, that I have shewn to You and yours. Methinks you intend to give me but a bad Reward for all the Goodness, that I have used toward You, and your Town hitherto: You know very well, that Merchandise was almost Ruin'd through∣out this whole Country, till I prov'd the occasion of reviving it again; and that I have govern'd You in great Peace and Prosperity; for during my Government a∣mong You, You have had all things at your desire, as Corn, Riches, and all sorts of Merchandise.

Then they all cry'd with one voice,

Come down and be hang'd, and don't Preach to Us at such a Distance, but give Us an account of the vast Trea∣sure of Flanders, which You have had so long in your hands: For it is not the part of a just Officer to receive the Goods of his Lord, or of his Country, without ma∣king account.

When Jacob saw that nothing would prevail with them, he drew in his Head, and shut the Window, thinking, if he might, to steal out on the back∣side, and to escape away on his Horse, or however, to get into the Church adjoyning, there to take Sanctuary, till this Fury of the Rabble should be abated. But by this time, his House was so broken up, that near upon four Hundred Persons were enter'd in, one of whom, named Thomas Dennis, gave him his Deaths wound; thô others say, that a certain Cobler, whose Father Jacob van Arteveld had formerly caused to be slain, followed him so close, as he was fleeing into a Stable, where his Horses stood, that overtaking him, he clove his head in sunder with an Ax; so that he fell down stark dead upon the ground.

Thus Jacob van Arteveld, who by his Popular Air, his Policy, and Wisdom, had arrived to the most absolute Government of all Flanders, was by a sudden turn of For∣tune miserably slain on a m 22.28 Sunday in the afternoon, being the * 22.29 17 of July. There accompanied him in his Death ten other Principal Persons of his Council (among whom were a Brother and a Nephew of his) besides, as many of the Welchmen, as made Re∣sistance, to the Number of 70 in all; the Rest being spared in respect to the King their Master, got away safe unto him again, as he lay at Scluse, waiting for other kind of News, than what these Men brought him.

VI. As n 22.30 for Lewis Earl of Flanders, who was then at Dendermonde, a City of that part of Flanders, which belong'd to the Empire, he was very well pleas'd, when he heard of the Death of this his old Enemy: And yet for all that, he durst not put any entire Confidence in the Flemings, nor venture as yet to go to Gaunt. But when King Edward heard of it, he was infinitely displeas'd at the loss of so serviceable a Friend, and immediately departed from Scluse, and took the Sea again, grievously threatning the Gauntois, and the whole Country of Flanders, and vowing that his Death should be dearly Revenged: But for that time he returned into England. The People of Flanders expected no less; for now, when the Murther was known abroad among all the good Towns of that Country, they seriously began to consider, how ill King Edward would in all likelyhood resent this Matter; wherefore in time they de∣termin'd to go and excuse themselves before him; especially the Burgesses of Bruges, Ipres, Cassel, Courtray, Oudenarde, Antwerp, and Franker: And it was high time for them so to do, for the Parliament of England had o 22.31 already made their humble ad∣dress to the King to break the Peace with Flanders. Presently therefore they sent after the King into England, to request his safe Conduct, that they might come ac∣cording to their Duty, to make their excuse: And this the King at last yielded to, his first fit of Passion being blown over. So that about Michaelmas certain Burgesses of the best Quality came from all the Towns of Flanders, except Gaunt only; for as yet the King would not permit any of them to see his Face: The Rest were introduced be∣fore the King, then at Westminster; where they humbly excused themselves of being any way accessory to the Death of Jacob van Arteveld, and sware solemnly,

that they knew nothing of the Matter, till it was done; and that if they had, he was the Man, whom to the best of their Powers they would have defended; and

that they were extreamly concerned for his Death; for he had governed their Coun∣try very Wisely, and to their great Advantage. They added further, that the Gaun∣tois themselves, who had done this barbarous Act, should make satisfaction therefore: And they told the King and his Council, that althô this Man was Dead, yet the King of England was not a jot fallen in the Love and Fidelity of the Good People of Flan∣ders; as he should find in all things, except what pertained to the Inheritance of Flanders, which they said, the Flemings were resolved by no means to presume to give away from the Right Heirs.

They said also to the King,

Sir, You have a Fair and Noble Progeny, both Sons and Daughters, and as for the Prince of Wales, your Eldest Son, he cannot choose but be a great Prince, without the accession of Flanders. But then Sir, You have a Young Daughter, and We have a Young Lord, the Earl's Son, who is the Heir Apparent of Flanders, and he is now in our Cu∣stody. So that if it please You to make a Match between a Daughter of Yours, and this Lord, the Earldom of Flanders will be for ever after in the hands of your Posterity.

From these words of theirs we are to observe a Mistake of p 22.32 Mezeray's, who tells us, how they offer'd King Edward a Daughter of their Earls to be Married to his Son the Prince of Wales; when as we can find no Daughter that Lewis had, nor could such a Marriage have signifi'd any thing to the Prince of England, when there was a Son also living, who was to inherit Flanders; and besides, before this Offer, a greater Match had been q 22.33 this Year proposed between the Prince of Wales, and a Daughter of Alphonso the Brave, King of Portugal. The Flemings also added at the same time, how r 22.34 they doubted not to perswade the Earl, their Lord, to do Homage unto the King of England, till when they promised not to receive him. These and the like Protestations somewhat pacified the Kings displeasure; so that soon after the League between England and Flanders was renewed, and the Death of Jacob van Ar∣teveld was quite forgotten: Thô he left a Young Son Philip behind him, who af∣ter King Edwards Death, became as Great in Flanders, as ever his Father had been, and by involving those People in new Combustions occasion'd a severe Revenge of his Fathers Blood, by the Lives of many thousands of the Flemings: As may be seen in the Stories of Flanders, and particularly in the second Volume of Froisards History.

However the Earl of Flanders would by no means consent to make his Homage to the King of England; but remain'd still firm to the French Interest and Title; where∣by his Troubles continued, till the next Year he lost his Life, fighting against the English, in the Famous Battle of Cressy; to which we are now hasting.

VII. About this time s 22.35 Prince William, the Young Earl of Hainalt, Holland, Zea∣land, and Friseland, King Edwards Brother in Law, having also met with some Re∣bellion among his Subjects both of Holland and Friseland, resolved to reduce them both to a sense of their Duty; and first he went and laid Siege to Ʋtrecht in Holland, where one Robert van Arckell was Governour against him; after a long Siege he wan the Place, and took his Pleasure of his Enemies; making t 22.36 five Hundred of the Principal Citizens come forth bare headed, and bare footed, and beg his Pardon; And shortly after in the Moneth of * 22.37 September, he went from Dort in Holland with a great Fleet of Valiant Souldiers, gather'd from Hainalt, Flanders, Brabant, Holland, Guelderland, and Juliers, to take Revenge of his Rebells of Friseland: For he claim∣ed to be Lord thereof, and it was indeed his by Right; if the Frisons had not been of Barbarous and Unreasonable Principles. But here at last it was his ill Fortune to be met by the Frisons in a narrow passage, near Staveren, where being unknown he was presently slain; before any of his Friends could come up to his Assistance. He was a Prince of high Merit, and a most Famous Souldier, whereof for the short time he lived, u 22.38 he gave many good Testimonies in his Wars against the Saracens and Moors in the Kingdom of Granada, and against the French in the behalf of his Brother in Law, the King of England; also in his Victories in Lithuania, and Livonia, and against the Russian Infidels; where he loaded himself with Honour, and his Men with spoil and booty: Lastly in his Conquest of Ʋtrecht and his frequent Victories over the Frisons; till this unhappy encounter, wherein he lost his Life. He died without Issue, where∣upon he was succeeded by his Eldest Sister, Margaret the Empress, whose Son William of Bavaria, was Earl after her Decease: Which William Married the Lady Mathil∣da, Daughter to Henry Plantagenet, now Earl, but then Duke of Lancaster, by whom yet he had no Issue. There was slain at the same time with this Young Valo∣rous Earl of Hainalt, his Sisters Son, William x 22.39 Marquess of Juliers, and Earl of Cam∣bridge, a Lord of great Power and Valour, and while he lived, a sure Friend both to him and King Edward. His Uncle, Sr. John of Hainalt; Lord of Beaumont, was

y 22.40 not in Friseland at the time of this woefull chance, but soon after coming thither, when he was told of the Death of his Nephew, he rag'd like a Man distracted, and would immediately have taken the Field against the Frisons: But he was hinder'd by his servants, and especially Sr. Robert Gluves, who was his Armour-bearer, and by a Dutifull Violence forced him into his Ship against his Will. So he return'd into Hol∣land with a small Company, and came to St. Geertruydenberg, where he found the Young Lady his Niece, late Wife to the said Earl, named Joan, the Duke of Bra∣bant's Eldest Daughter; who being informed of this heavy loss, went and lived dis∣consolate in the Land of Binche, about three Leagues Eastward of Mons, z 22.41 which had been assign'd her for her Dowry. The Government of Hainalt was menag'd by the Lord John, till the Empress Margaret, his Niece, came thither to take Possession in her own Person.

VIII. After this News was spread abroad in France, King Philip, whom it became to be vigilant about this own Advantage, began to think, how he might bring over the Lord John of Hainalt to his Side, now the Earl was dead, with whom, since his Inva∣sion of his Lands, he could never have hopes of Reconciliation: But the Lord John's Resentments (he knew) were not so deep; wherefore he spake to Guy Earl of Blois (who had married the Lord John's Daughter and had by her three Sons, Lewis, John and Guy, besides the Lord Charles, whom he had by a former Venter) to use his Interest with him, to bring him over to the French Side, and he himself also by his Royal Letters assured unto him greater Revenues in France than he had in England, which he pro∣mised to assign unto him in Lands, where he should think best himself. But to all these Arguments the Noble Lord was wholly Deaf; for he consider'd that he had spent all the slower of his Youth in the King of Englands Service, and ever found great Favour and Love from him; wherefore now he had no mind to leave him. When the Earl of Blois saw there was no sixing on him this way, he resolved to try another, and first to win the Lord of Saginelles, his Chief Companion and Counsellour, and so by his means to work further upon the Lord of Beaumont. This Man being soon gain'd, as one that had no such Obligation to England, it was agreed between him and the Earl of Bl••is, to make the Lord John believe, that King Edward would no longer pay him his usual Pension, but had absolutely refus'd upon Demand, to pay it to his Use as he had been wont. This Device took, for the Lord John without enquiring into the Bottom of it, was so displeas'd at this supposed Unkindness, that he forthwith renounced his Service and Good-will, which hitherto he had born to King Edward. The French King hear∣ing hereof, sent immediately sufficient Deputies to him, and chose him of his Council, and retained him in his Service for War at certain Wages, assigning him moreover in France, as much Land or more than he had in England.

But to require the Loss of these four Friends of King Edward's, Earl William, his Un∣cle John, the Marquess of Juliers, and Jacob van Arteveld, about a 22.42 this very time came over to his Side the Couragious and Politick Lord Godfry of Harcourt, Lord of St. Sa∣viour le Vicount, and Brother to John Earl of Harcourt. He had been once as Dear to King Philip of France, as any Lord of his whole Realm; but on b 22.43 Occasion of a Quarrel between his Brother and Sr. Robert Bertram Marshal of France (which was hugely fomented by Partakers on both Sides) he so greatly displeased King Philip, that if he could have got him into his Power, 'twas concluded he had found no better usage than the Lord Clysson had done before. But he having timely Notice from his Friends, withdrew into Brabant to the Duke his Cousin, by whom, when all his Lands were seised on by King Philip, he was advised to go into England and proffer his Ser∣vice to the King there. He did so and was welcome to the King, who received him with large Demonstrations of Good-will, and made much use of him in his following Wars: And this Displeasure of his cost the Realm of France dearly, especially the Dukedom of Normandy; for there the sad Effects thereof were seen an hundred years after.

IX. In the Close of the foregoing Year it may be remembred, c 22.44 how we spake of the Deliverance of John Earl of Montford, who claim'd the Dukedom of Bretagne, from Prison: And that by Vertue of the Truce King Philip was obliged in a manner to give him his Liberty, but it was done with this Proviso; that he d 22.45 should not go into Bretagne, nor make the least offer to intermeddle with the Affairs of that Country. Notwithstanding this Tye of his Promise, Earl Montford took the first Opportunity to make his Escape into England, as he did about e 22.46 Easter, there to require Aid from King Edward to recover his Right. And accordingly we find, that this Summer, about the Feast of St. John Baptist, King Edward sent over with him a considerable Power under the

Command of William Bohun Earl of Northampton. With whom f 22.47 were John Vere Earl of Oxford, Hugh Lord Spencer, Richard Lord Talbot and Dr. William Killesby, each of them retaining many Men of Arms and Archers. With these Forces Earl Montford g 22.48 wan and sack'd Dinant, and laid Siege to Quimperlay; but being suddenly taken with a Calenture or burning Feaver, he died about the end of September at Quimpercorentin, lea∣ving the Management of his Pretensions to the Conduct of his Virago-Lady, and his young Son John who many years after, having slain Charles of Blois in Battle, obtained together with the Dukedom the honourable Sirname of Valiant. One h 22.49 reports, that this Earl died distracted, many Devils appearing at his Departure; and that at the time of his Death such a multitude of Ravens settled upon the House wherein he lay, that 'twas thought the whole Kingdom of France could not have yielded such a Number. As for his being distracted, I shall not stand to question that, since in a Burning Feaver many a Good Man may suffer a Delirium; and God forbid that we should always judge hard∣ly thereupon: But for this horrid Apparition it seems to me not so credible; nor could I ever find any great Evil of this Earl, except that now he broke his Word with King Philip, who yet was his Enemy, and extorted it unreasonably and violently from him: Nor if I had known him to have been a Notorious Sinner, durst I ever give the more faith to this Story. I reverence the Judgments of God, and think it not fit for Sinners as we are, to pry too sawcily into his Counsels concerning our Brethren, perhaps no worse than our selves. But this I well know, that either Superstitious or Prejudiced Persons may enhance common Accidents into Prodigies; or invent what they please against those, for whom they have no Charity. After his Death however the greater Part of Bre∣tagne was for some time in the hands of Charles of Blois, for now l 22.50 most of the Eng∣lish Souldiers return'd into Gascogne to serve the Earl of Darby: Except Sr. Tho∣mas Dagworth, and those, who before were sent to the Assistance of the Countess of Montford.

But however the English brake not up their Army thus till Winter, for the Earl of Northampton hearing, that the Lord Charles of Blois, presuming on the Death of John of Montford, was come to Morlaix with a great Power, intending to overrun the Country, went forward with all his Forces to meet him. In the Champaign Ground near k 22.51 Morlaix, the two Armies of the Lord Charles of Blois, and William Bohun Earl of Northampton, joyned Battle together with Equal Courage and Bravery. And at this time it is said, that the two Generals, both the French Lord and the Eng∣lish Earl met together by consent in single Combat, where they fought so long at Handy-stroaks in the Field, that it would have pos'd an equal Judge to have deter∣min'd who had the better: For three times that day being both wearied, they with∣drew to take Breath, and as often both return'd to renew the Combat, which was fought with Spear and Shield, Sword and Target, after the manner of that Age. Only at last the most Noble and Valiant Lord Charles seeing his Men begin to fly, was obli∣ged also to set Spurs to his Horse and forsake the Field, leaving the Victory to the Eng∣lish, who yet paid dearly for it, having lost almost as many in the Fight as the Ene∣my. But when the Chace began, then the Lord Charles his Men were beaten down on every side; and the Success of this Day grew more important, in that thereby the Earl of Northampton had no more Enemy to obstruct his Progress at that time; where∣fore presently l 22.52 he went and lay before a strong Fortress of Bretagne, called la Roche D'Arien, about ten French Miles Northward of Morlaix, which he took by Assault; thô after his Departure it was retaken by the other Party, till the Lord Thomas Dag∣worth took it again from them; as two years hence we shall shew.

When the Earl of Northampton and the other Lords of England with him, had thus settled Affairs for the present in Bretagne, and had disposed of what Places they had won to the Custody of good Captains, with sufficient Garrisons; Winter being now well enter'd, they all came over into England to the King: And the Truce, which the Deceased Earl had broken, was again punctually observed.

XI. This Year the Scots by the Instigation of the French King, enter'd England by Westmorland, and passing over the River Ʋlles, burnt Penreth and m 22.53 Carleton, and many other little Towns and Villages thereabouts: But John Kirkeby Bishop of Caer∣lile, with the Lord Thomas Lucy of Cockermouth, and Sr. Robert Ogle, having collected a small Body of Choice Men, went about their Host surrounding them in the Night, and so terrified them with perpetual Alarms, and Noises of Trumpets, Clarions and Horns; that the Scots could neither take Rest for Fear, nor send out their Foragers to seek Provision. And now the Lords Piercy and Nevil on the other Part, and the Men

of Lancashire on a Third, had appointed, together with the Bishop and those of Caer∣lile to fall upon the Scots all together, who would then be in a manner quite en∣closed by the English: When Sr. Alexander Straghan, being compelled of Ne∣cessity to go on Foraging for the Army, and going forth for that purpose with some of the most Select Troops of all the Scottish Host, was luckily encoun∣tred by the Bishop of n 22.54 Carlile, the Lord Lucy, and Sr. Robert Ogle; which lat∣ter happening upon Sr. Alexander himself, fiercely spurred up his Horse against him, and ran him quite thrô the Body with his Spear, himself also at the same time receiving thrô his Shield a Wound on the Left side, but not Mortal. In this Rencounter the Martial Bishop also being Cast from his Horse, was in dan∣ger of being made a Prisoner; but having Valiantly recover'd his Saddle, he brought such Courage to his Men, that most of the Scots of that Brigade, were either slain, or taken. Whereupon the Rest, being also informed of the two o∣ther Bodies of English, that were coming upon them (besides this loss) want∣ing both Victuals and Rest for their Bodies, sled away, having indeed purchas'd the Name of Truce-breakers, but gain'd little Praise for their Valour. One o 22.55 says, that for want of Victuals they were compell'd to fight, upon Disadvantage; where the Bishop of Caerlile gave them a memorable Overthrow: But I can find no such matter, unless the loss under Sr. Alexander Straghan, may be so accounted. For what became of Sr. William Douglas? Had he been entirely beaten, he could ne∣ver have escaped either being slain or taken; and he was too eminent not to be ta∣ken Notice of, both by Scotch and English Writers, had either of those things hap∣pen'd unto him: And we find him alive after this; wherefore we rather chose to relate, as we have done.

This loss however dispos'd King David of Scotland to admit of a Truce, which p 22.56 presently ensued hereupon; and the Lord Thomas Lucy, with the Bishop aforesaid, and others, were by King Edward joyned in Commission to see the same duly observed: The said Lord Lucy, being likewise constituted Sheriff of Cumberland, and Governour of the Castle at Caerlile.

XII. And now we shall close this Year after our usual Method, when we have re∣membred the Names of some Grandees, that departed this Life about this time: The first was the Lord q 22.57 Adam Welles, a Valiant and Noble Gentleman, who dying at the Age of one and fourty, left behind him John his Son and Heir, then but Ele∣ven Years of Age; who afterwards behav'd himself with Great Honour in the French Wars.

On the r 22.58 24 of April there departed this Life at Aukland, the Renowned Dr. Ri∣chard Aungervile (commonly called of Bury) Bishop of Durham; of whose Wisdom, and other Vertues we have more than once spoken in these Papers: He died in the 58 Year of his Age, and lies buried in the South angle of his own Church. We have already seen, how great part of this Mans Life was taken up in publique Employ∣ments, for the Service of his Royal Pupil, King Edward: But this is memorable of him; that what spare time he found from these Weighty Affairs, he either spent in s 22.59 Prayer, or Conference with his Chaplains, or else in study, with which he was extream∣ly delighted. He wrote many things, whereof some yet remain, and in one of them entitled 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which Conradus t 22.60 Gesner commends highly, he saith of himself,

* 22.61 that he was powerfully hurried away with a certain Ravishing Love of Books.

And indeed his study was so well furnished; that it was thought he had more Books, than all the Bishops in England beside. He was also wonderfully taken with the Conversation and Acquaintance of Learned Men; and many Letters passed between him and Fran∣cis Petrarch, and others, Famous for Learning in that Age. He had still in his House many Chaplains, all Notable Scholars, the Chief whereof were Thomas Bradwardin, King Edwards Confessor, and afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury, Dr. Richard Fitz. Ralph, afterwards Archbishop of Armagh, Dr. Walter Burly, Tutor to the Prince of Wales, Dr. John Mauduit, Dr. Robert Holcot, Dr. Richard Killington, Dr. Richard Wentworth, who in time became Bishop of London, and Dr. Walter Seagrave, whom Bishop Godwin calls Bishop of Chichester, thô himself neither in that Title, nor in any other, takes notice of any such Man. It was this Bishop of Durhams Custom in Din∣ner and Supper time, to hear some one or two Paragraphs out of some Choice Book read to him, the Matter whereof he would afterwards discourse with his Chap∣lains, as leisure from other business would permit. He was of a very Charitable

and Bountifull Disposition, u 22.62 giving a Weekly allowance of Eight Quarters of Wheat, made up into Bread, for the Relief of the Poor; besides the Offals and Fragments from his Table. He would constantly, when he rode between Dur∣ham and Newcastle, give away Eight Pounds Sterling in Almes, in his riding from Durham to Stockton Five Pounds, from Durham to Aukland Five Markes, from Durham to Middleham Five Pounds, and so proportionably in other journeys. Ma∣ny other Monuments of his Charity, Wisdom, Piety, and Learning, he left be∣hind him, which have endear'd his Name to all Posterity. He was succeeded by Dr. Thomas Hatfield, the King's Secretary; of whose Election this x 22.63 Story is Re∣ported: That King Edward being by all means desirous to prefer him to the Bi∣shoprick, and perhaps, doubting the Convent would not choose him, was content, rather then miss of his Purpose, even against his own late Resolution, to Request of the Pope, that he would give it him; thereby opening a new Passage for him to Reenter into Possession of his late Cancell'd Usurpation. The Pope therefore glad of this Opportunity, without any Regard had to the Merit of the Man, im∣mediately comply'd with the King's Desire. And when some Cardinals made Ex∣ceptions, saying, that he was not only a meer Lay-man, but one of Light Car∣riage, and no way Worthy of that Sacred Dignity: 'Tis true, said the Pope; but

if now the King of England had Requested me in behalf of an Ass, he should have succeeded.

And yet y 22.64 this Man built Durham College in Oxford, and pur∣chased certain Lands unto the same, for the Maintenance of such Monks of Dur∣ham, as should be sent thither to study: Which College having many Years af∣ter received a new Foundation from Sr. Thomas Pope of Tyttenhanger in Hertford∣shire Knight, was by him called, as it is to this Day, Trinity-College. This Tho∣mas Hatfield, built also Durham Palace in London, for the Reception of himself, and Successours, at their Repair thither: And was a Principal Benefactour, if not the Founder of the Friery at Northallerton in Yorkshire; and having sat in the See 36 Year; died a Good Old Man in the Year of our Lord MCCCLXXXVI.

In this Year on the Eighteenth of July, died the Famous (or rather infa∣mous) Adam Orleton, of whom We have spoken, where We Related the Tray∣terous and Horrid Murther, committed upon the Sacred Person of King Edward the Second. We there shew'd, how far he was concerned in that Heinous Act; but by his subtil Evasions, he so well Handled the Matter, that he not only e∣scaped Temporal Punishment, but within two Moneths after, by Means of his Pa∣troness the Queen Mother, was Prefer'd to the Bishoprick of Worcester: Six Years after (thô now King Edward could not endure him) at the z 22.65 Request of the French King, he was Translated by the Pope to Winchester: Whereat King Edward was so displeas'd, that he seised his Temporalities for a while. And We find him the Year following a 22.66 obliged to make use of all his Cunning and Sophi∣stry, b 22.67 to Answer an Appellation, that then came out against him, thô not in the King's Name, and proved him Guilty of Felony, &c. Consisting of these Articles, 1.

That he Commanded and caused most Sacrilegiously, Violent Hands to be laid on the King's Chancellour, Robert Baldock Bishop of Norwich, &c. I∣tem, that in the City of Oxford, in the Moneth of November, he falsly and ma∣liciously Preached and Taught, and more than once Asserted; that the Lord Ed∣ward of Famous Memory was a Tyrant, &c. Item, that by his false and subtil Insinuations and Assertions, he struck such a fear into the Lady, the Queen Mo∣ther, then at Wallingford, that she durst not go to her Husband, the foresaid King; by occasion whereof, the use of Matrimony, both as to the Procreation of Children, and as to the Faith and Sacrament thereof, was render'd ineffe∣ctual.

All which, with more, he Answer'd for that time very plausibly, suppres∣sing the most Dangerous Articles, and eluding and evading the Rest, and at last concludes his appellant guilty of Perjury, in offering to swear to the Truth of what he falsly laid to his Charge. By these Means, and by the Aid of the Clergy, who c 22.68 once before took him with their Pastoral Crosiers in their Hands from the King's Tribunal, when he was to be try'd for Treason, he escaped Punishment in this World (except that for d 22.69 many Years before his Death he was stricken stark blind) thô We can hardly think, that without an unfeigned and thorough Repentance, of which this his Apology gives Us little hope, he could avoid those Tor∣ments, which are prepared in the other World for Murderers and Traytors. Nay, e 22.70 some say, that Horrour of Mind at his Death gave him as great Torture, as if

the burning-Iron, which sear'd his Conscience, had been thrust into his Bowels. Which expression is no doubt allusive to the manner, whereby King Edward the Seconds Death was effected thrô his Means and Contrivance. However here now we fix him, as an Example to deter Men of such Principles, from the Consideration of the Evil Me∣mory they are like to leave behind them.

He was succeeded by Dr. William Edingdon, who was very Dear to King Ed∣ward, and (the Knights of the Garter being created in his time) became the first Pre∣late of that most Noble Order.

The End of the First Book.

Notes

• * 1.1

  AN. DOM. 1312.
• a 1.2

  Frois. c. 3. fol. 2.
• b 1.3

  Sandford p. 158.
• c 1.4

  Ashmole p. 644.
• d 1.5

  Claus. 6. Ed. 2. m. 22. Dorso. Lit. Dom. B.A.
• e 1.6

  H. Knighton p. 2533. n. 10.
• f 1.7

  Walsingh. hist. p. 77.
• g 1.8

  Victorellus p. 839. ad hunc annum.
• h 1.9

  Claus. 6. Ed. 2.
• i 1.10

  Ibid. & Ash∣mole p. 644.
• k 1.11

  Walsingh. ibid.
• l 1.12

  Speed p. 556.
• m 1.13

  Pat. 6. Ed 2.
• n 1.14

  Pat. ibid. Par. 2. m. 5. & Ashmole ibid.
• o 1.15

  Pitsaus de Il∣lustr. Angl. script. p. 517.
• p 1.16

  Godwin Catal. Bishops p. 661.
• q 1.17

  Philipot's Ca∣tal. Chancellers and Treasurers p. 32.
• r 1.18

  Speed p. 564. Holinshead p. 869. Catal. Ho∣nor. p. 315. by Tho. Milles.
• s 1.19

  Ashmole p. 644.
• t 1.20

  Pat. 19. Ed. 2. p. 1. m. 25. Ash∣mole ibid.
• u 1.21

  Claus. 19. Ed. 2. m. 28. Dorse.
• * 1.22

  AN. DOM. 1325.
• x 1.23

  Walsing. h••st. p 105. H••••••ns∣head p 881.
• y 1.24

  Sandford p. 158.
• z 1.25

  Speed p. 564. Ashmole p. 644.
• a 1.26

  Walsingh. hist. p. 106. S^r The. de la Mere p. 8. l. 41.
• b 1.27

  Ashmole p. 644
• c 1.28

  Lit. Dom. D.
• d 1.29

  Dugd. Warw. p. 165. a.
• e 1.30

  Walsingh. hist. p. 105. Speed p. 565. Claus. 1. Ed. 3. p. 1. m. 28.
• f 1.31

  Sandford p. 158. H. Knigh∣ten p. 2550. Pat. 1. Ed. 3. p. 2. n. 13.
• g 1.32

  Sandford p. 109. Catal. Ho∣no. p. 575. Dagd. 1. Vol. p. 145. & 147.
• h 1.33

  Ashmole calls him William by mistake. vid. Godw. Catal. Bps. &c.
• * 1.34

  Pe••es Thom. Goldsmith ex Graii Hospitio.
• * 1.35

  AN. DOM. 1327. An. Regni I.
• i 1.36

  H. Knighton p. 2556. Leland Collect. 1. vol. p. 685. S^r Rich. Baker.
• k 1.37

  Walsing. hist. p. 109.
• l 1.38

  Sandford p. 109.
• m 1.39

  Walsingh. hist. p. 108. & hypod. p. 110.
• n 1.40

  Buchan. p. 240. see Hect. B••••t. f. 291. An. Dom. 1286.
• o 1.41

  Dugd. 1. V. l. p. 451.
• q 1.42

  Fabian p. 167
• r 1.43

  Rich. S••uth∣well.
• s 1.44

  Grafton p. 173.
• t 1.45

  Holinshead Hist. Sect. p. 225
• u 1.46

  Frois. c. 15. Grafton p. 218.
• x 1.47

  S^r Tho. de la More Ed. 2. p. 2. Holingshead hist. Scotl. p. 217. Hector and Bu∣chan.
• y 1.48

  H••linshead hist. Scot. p. 224. Ashmole p. 645. ex Claus. 1. Ed. 3. p. 1. m. 2. D••rs.
• z 1.49

  Hector p. 307 b. n. 60.
• a 1.50

  Bachan. p. 273
• b 1.51

  Frois. c. 17.
• c 1.52

  Ashmole p. 645.
• d 1.53

  Dugd. Baron. 1 Vol. 565. a.
• e 1.54

  H. Knighton p. 2551.
• f 1.55

  Frois. c. 16. Grafton p. 219.
• g 1.56

  Frois. ibid.
• h 1.57

  Knighton p. 2551.
• i 1.58

  Frois. c. 16. & M.S. Vet. Angl. in Bibl. C. C. C. Cantabr. c. 213.
• k 1.59

  Knighton p. 2551.
• l 1.60

  Stow p. 228. & M.S. Vet. Angl. in Bibl. C. C. C. ibid.
• m 1.61

  Knighton p. 2551.
• n 1.62

  Frois. c. 16. fol. 7, 8.
• o 1.63

  Frois. c. 16 & 17.
• p 1.64

  Caxton.
• q 1.65

  Dugd. Bar. 2 Vol. p. 93.
• r 1.66

  Id. 1 Vol. p. 184.
• s 1.67

  Id. ibid. p. 145.
• t 1.68

  Id. p. 633.
• u 1.69

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 26.
• x 1.70

  Id. 1 Vol. p. 81. quem vid. ad singula haec no∣mina.
• y 1.71

  Frois c. 17.
• z 1.72

  Ferrar. in Or∣thea.
• a 1.73

  Holinshead Hist. Scotl. p. 225
• b 1.74

  Hector & Ba∣chan.
• c 1.75

  Frois. c. 17 f. 8.
• d 1.76

  Frois. c. 18. fol. 8.
• e 1.77

  Frois. c. 16 fol 7. b.
• f 1.78

  R. Burtons Engl. M••narchs p. 104.
• g 1.79

  Frois. c. 18. fol. 8.
• h 1.80

  Buchan. p. 275
• i 1.81

  Buchan. p. 274.
• k 1.82

  Holinshead hist. Scotl. p. 225.
• l 1.83

  Frois. ibid.
• m 1.84

  Holinshead hist. Scotl. p. 225
• n 1.85

  Hector p. 308. & Frois. ibid.
• o 1.86

  Frois. c. 18. fol. 9. b.
• p 1.87

  Hector p. 308.
• q 1.88

  Frois. c. 18. &c.
• r 1.89

  Frois. ibid.
• s 1.90

  Frois. c. 18. fol. 10.
• t 1.91

  Walsingh. hist. p. 108.
• u 1.92

  Knighton p. 2551.
• x 1.93

  Tinemouth Aur. hist. fol. 229.
• y 1.94

  Knighton p. 2551. & M. S. Vet. Angl. in Bibl. C. C. C. c. 214.
• z 1.95

  Knighton p. 2552.
• a 1.96

  Frois. c. 18. fol. 10.
• b 1.97

  Hector p. 308
• c 1.98

  Hector p. 308
• d 1.99

  Buchan. p. 276
• e 1.100

  Herodot. l. 7. Justin. l. 2. Oro∣sius l. 2. c. 9.
• f 1.101

  Knighton p. 2552.
• g 1.102

  Id. p. 2627.
• i 1.103

  Tinemouth Aur. Histor. in aedilus Lambeth. f. 229.
• k 1.104

  Tinemouth i∣bid. Knighton p. 2552. n. 10.
• l 1.105

  Ashmele p. 645
• m 1.106

  Buchan. p. 277.
• n 1.107

  Praedones va∣ges Buch.
• o 1.108

  Frois. c. 18. fol. 10. b. Hecter p. 308 lin. 42. Bachan. p. 277.
• p 1.109

  Frois. ibid. & Hector ibid.
• q 1.110

  Harding c. 177. fol. 176.
• r 1.111

  Cotgrave in Marets.
• s 1.112

  Frois. c. 20. fol. 11. b.
• t 1.113

  Walsing. hist. p. 112. n. 30. & MS. C.C.C. Dug. 1. vol. p. 146. b.
• u 1.114

  Knighton p. 2551. n. 40.
• x 1.115

  Id. p. 2552. n. 10.
• y 1.116

  Id. p. 2558. n. 10. ex Rot. 4. Ed. 3. &c.
• z 1.117

  Pelyd. Virg. l. 19. p. 360. n. 10.
• a 1.118

  p. 645.
• b 1.119

  Frois. c. 18. fol. 10.
• c 1.120

  p. 9.
• d 1.121

  Knighton p. 2552. n. 40.
• e 1.122

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 530.
• f 1.123

  Frois. c. 18. fol. 11.
• g 1.124

  Speed ex M.S. p. 562. §. 60. & S^t Tho. de la More p. 7. l. 28.
• h 1.125

  S^r Th. de la More p. 6. l. 44. Speed ibid. §. 59.
• i 1.126

  S^t Tho. de la More p. 6. l. 40. Speed ibid.
• k 1.127

  Ità Philipot's Catal. Chancel. p. 34. Speed p. 562. Bp. God∣win dubitat; sed non negat. Catal. Bps. p. 425.
• l 1.128

  Walsingh. hist. p. 101. For Acts &c. p. 486.
• m 1.129

  Walsingh. hist. p. 107. n. 10. Churchill's Divi Britan. 38. Ho∣linshead Engl. Chren. p. 881.
• n 1.130

  Holinshead ibid.
• o 1.131

  S^r Tho. de la More. vid. Ar∣ticle 9. contra Mortimer. Rot. 4. Ed. 3. &c.
• p 1.132

  Grafton p. 217. & M. S. Vet. Angl. in Bibl. C. C. C. c. 215.
• q 1.133

  Id. p. 213. & M.S. id. ibid.
• r 1.134

  Daniels Hist. p. 218. & Ant. Wood Antiqu. Ox. l. 1. p. 101. & l. 2. p. 103. & Catal. Heno. p. 158. & Fa∣bian p. 185. sic incipiunt,

  Damnum mihi contulit tempore Brumali Fortuna satis aspera vehementis mali! Nullus est tam sapiens, mitis, aut formosus, Tam prudens, Virtutibúsque caeteris famosus, Quin stultus reputabitur, satis & despectus; Si Fortuna prosperos avertat effectus. &c.
• s 1.135

  Fabian ibid. & p. 194. Speed p. 566. Fox Acts &c. p. 486.
• t 1.136

  Speed p. 564. a. §. 4. & M.S. Vet. Angl. in Bibl. C. C. C. c. 213.
• u 1.137

  Sr. Th. de la More.
• x 1.138

  Dugd. Warw. p. 165. a.
• y 1.139

  D. Lit. Dom. Pascha 12. Apr. Labbe.
• z 1.140

  Sr. Th. de la More.
• a 1.141

  Sr. Tho. de la More.
• b 1.142

  Dugd. Warw. p. 165.
• c 1.143

  Sr. The. de la More.
• d 1.144

  Sr. Tho. de la More. The words are old Engl. and are as much as; Set for∣ward Sr. King.
• e 1.145

  Sr. Tho. de la More p. penult. lin. 34. &c.
• f 1.146

  S^r Tho. de la More.
• g 1.147

  S^r Tho. de la More. Edvar∣dum occidere nolite timere bonum est. Quā tamen eandem sententiam contra Johan∣nam Philippi Pulchri uxorem ante haec tem∣pora usurpatam memorat Ga∣guin. l. 7 p. 125. Reginam occi∣dere nolite ti∣mere bonam est:
• h 1.148

  M.S. Vet. Angl. in Bibl. C. C. C. c. 215.
• i 1.149

  S^r Tho. de la More. p. ult. l. 22.
• k 1.150

  Graston p. 218 & M.S. Vet. Ang. in Bibl. C. C. C. in Cantab. c. 215
• l 1.151

  M.S. ibid. c. 215. John Har∣ding c. 177. S^r Tho. de la More & emnes.
• n 1.152

  Speed p. 566. b
• o 1.153

  Antiqu. Oxon. l. 2. p. 103.
• * 1.154

  Daniel p. 218.
• p 1.155

  Antiqu. Oxon. p. 370. Sandford Geneal. Hist. p. 153. & Antiqu. Oxon. l. 1. p. 100 & 101.
• q 1.156

  Dagd. 2 Vol. Bar. p. 155.
• r 1.157

  Speed p. 566. Polyd. Virgil. Baker, &c.
• s 1.158

  Sandford's Geneal. Hist. p. 152, &c.
• t 1.159

  Catal. Honor. p. 158. & Knigh∣ten p. 2531. & Speed p. 560.
• u 1.160

  S^r Tho. de la Mere p. 9. l. 43.
• x 1.161

  Churchill p. 239.
• y 1.162

  Speed p. 564. &c.
• z 1.163

  Speed p. 549. a. § 40.
• a 1.164

  Knighton p. 2552.
• b 1.165

  Walsing. hist. p. 109. n. 20. & Fox Acts and Monuments p. 345.
• c 1.166

  Joh. Tinemouth Aur. hist. p. 229. a. in Bibl. Lam∣beth.
• d 1.167

  Inst. par. 2. f. 20. Mirror c. 5. §. 2 Fleta l. 2. c. 48. Plowd. com. fol. 40. In∣stit. par. 4. f. 253 Rich. Grafton p. 217.
• e 1.168

  Stow's Survey London p. 248. & p. 604.
• * 1.169

  Lit. Dom. CB. Pascha 3 April
• f 1.170

  D'Avila l. 2. ad An. 1561.
• g 1.171

  Buchan. p. 277.
• h 1.172

  Id. Junii. An. 1328.
• i 1.173

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 447.
• k 1.174

  Id. ibid. p. 523.
• l 1.175

  Speed p. 558. §. 33.
• m 1.176

  Wright's Hist. of the An∣tiq. of Rutland∣shire p. 50. &c.
• n 1.177

  Labbe•• Chro∣nologia Technica ad hunc annum.
• * 1.178

  Bp. G••dn. Ca∣tal. ••pp. p. 406.
• o 1.179

  Pits. de illust. Angl. script. An. 1316. Bp. God∣win Catal. p. 443.
• p 1.180

  Godwin Catal. p. 129.
• q 1.181

  Philpot's Ca∣tal. Treas. and Chancel. p. 24. & p. 37.
• r 1.182

  Godwin p 129. Walsingh. hist. p. 78.
• s 1.183

  Pits. p. 419.
• t 1.184

  Godw. p. 130.
• u 1.185

  Godw. p. 130. &c. Th••rnes Chron. p. 2039. n. 30.
• x 1.186

  Thornes Chro. p. 2039. Walsin. hist. p. 109. God∣win p. 131. & Pitsae. p. 429.
• y 1.187

  M.S. vet. Ang. in Bibl. C. C. C. Cantab. c. 214. ad fin.
• z 1.188

  Labb. Chron. Techn. ad hunc ann.
• a 1.189

  Sherburn. en Manilius his Spher. in Catal. Astron. p. 35.
• b 1.190

  Odoric. Rain. Anno Chr. 1327 §. 46. & Joh. Villani l. 10. c. 41.
• a 1.191

  Frois. c. 19.
• * 1.192

  An. Regni II.
• b 1.193

  Ashmoles Gar∣ter p. 669. ex Pat. 1. Ed. 3. p. 3. m. 15. Dat. 8. Octob.
• * 1.194

  AN. DOM. 1328.
• c 1.195

  John Harding c. 178. fol. 177. Stanza 2.3, 4, &c. 182. fol. 184.
• d 1.196

  Sic in illius E∣pitaphio Gaili∣elmi Hannonis sobeles postrema Philippa, Hic reseo quondam Pulchra decore jacet. Stows Survey London p. 505.
• e 1.197

  Ashmole p. 669.
• f 1.198

  Knighton p. 2552.
• g 1.199

  Id. Ibid. & Frois. c. 19. & Fabian p. 195. Lit. Dom. C.B.
• h 1.200

  M.S. Vet. Ang. in Bibl. C.C.C. c. 216.
• i 1.201

  Sandford Ge∣neal. hist. p. 159.
• k 1.202

  Frois. c. 19.
• l 1.203

  Ashmole p. 669
• m 1.204

  M.S. vet. Ang. in Bibl. C.C.C. c. 216.
• n 1.205

  Mezeray ad an. 1328.
• o 1.206

  Antiq. Brit. p. 228. n. 50.
• p 1.207

  Godw. Catal. B shops p. 405.
• * 1.208

  Martin Ed. 3. p. 104. M. S. Record. p. 12. & S^r Rob. Cottons Abridgm. p. 8.
• q 1.209

  Hector p. 309. lin. 60.
• r 1.210

  Knighton p. 2558. n. 10. in Artic.
• s 1.211

  Dugd. Bar. 1 Vol. 273.
• t 1.212

  Harding fol. 232. c. 240. & 241.
• u 1.213

  Walsing. Hist. p. 17. &c. item p. 49. &c.
• x 1.214

  Grafton p. 172. &c. item p. 186. &c.
• y 1.215

  M. S. vet. Ang. in Bibl. C. C. C. c. 217.
• z 1.216

  Joh. Tinemouth aur. H••st. p. 229. ex aed. Lambeth.
• a 1.217

  Fabian p. 196. & M. S. Vet. Angl. in Bibl. C. C. C. Cautabr. c. 217.
• b 1.218

  Fabian p. 196. & M.S. Vet. Angl. in Bibl. C. C. C. c. 213.
• c 1.219

  Frois. c. 21. & 22. & Fabian p. 264, &c.
• d 1.220

  Knighton p. 2553.
• e 1.221

  John Tine∣mouth Aur. hist. ex Aed. Lamb. p. 229.
• f 1.222

  Knighton p. 2553. n. 50.
• g 1.223

  Monastic. Ang. p. 223. a.
• h 1.224

  Dugd. Warw. p. 164. b.
• * 1.225

  Catal. H••n••r. p. 574.
• i 1.226

  Cambden in Hamshire s. 191 & Dugd Warw. p. 154.
• k 1.227

  D••gd. 1 V••l. p. 541. & Catal. H••••••••. ••. p. 574. Thô the year there is said to b•• 1327. by Mistake.
• l 1.228

  M. S Vet. Aug. in Bibl. C. C. C. c. 218.
• m 1.229

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 73.
• n 1.230

  M. S. id. ibid.
• o 1.231

  An non Brad∣ford, legend. quod est in Wil∣teniâ 24. Mill. à Sarisberiâ. Bedsord immane quantum distat.
• p 1.232

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 145. ex Le∣land. Collect. 1 Vol. p. 685.
• q 1.233

  John Tine∣mouth p. 229.
• r 1.234

  M. S. Vel. Ang. in Bibl. C. C. C. c. 216.
• s 1.235

  Dugd. Warn. p. 445. a.
• t 1.236

  Dugd. Bar. 2 Vol. p 50. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• u 1.237

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 51. Claus. 20. Ed. 2. m. 12.
• * 1.238

  Dugd. ibid. p. 50.
• x 1.239

  Monast. Angl. 2 Vol. p. 225.
• y 1.240

  Catal. Honor. p. 574.
• * 1.241

  AN. DOM. 1329. An. Regni III.
• a 1.242

  Frois••c. 24. M. S. Ang. C. C. C. ibid. c. 219.
• b 1.243

  Ex Informa∣tione per R. Ed∣vardi nuntios Papae exhibita in Bened. Tom. 6. post Epist. secr. 302. in Bibl. Vatican. & apud Odoric. Rainald. ad an. 1340. §. 9. vid. hujus Hist. l. 1. c. 14.
• c 1.244

  Frois. c. 24.
• d 1.245

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 232. & Claus. 3. Edw. 3. n. 35
• e 1.246

  Frois. c. 24 fol. 14. a. Martin, p. 105.
• f 1.247

  Mezeray p. 6. par. 2. ••im. 3.
• g 1.248

  Knighton p. 2555. n. 10.
• l 1.249

  Frois. ibid.
• k 1.250

  Frois. c. 24. f••l. 14. b. Da Chesne l. 14. p. 638.
• l 1.251

  Homage Liege is done by the Vassal ung ••t & bare-headed, with joyned Hands laid on the Evangelists, and a Kiss re∣ceived in the ta∣king of his Oath, &c. Vid. Cet∣grace in hoc Titulo.
• m 1.252

  Joh. Tine∣m••uth fol. 229. Walsingh. hist. p. 112.
• n 1.253

  Stow's Survey of London p. 280.
• o 1.254

  Dugd. Bar. 1 Vol. p. 356.
• p 1.255

  Holinshead Engl. Chron. p. 893.
• q 1.256

  Stow's Survey of London p. 280. & Hist. p. 230. & R. Ba∣ker p. 143.
• r 1.257

  Frois. c. 23. fol. 13. a. & Fox Acts & Mon. p. 345.
• s 1.258

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 146.
• t 1.259

  Stow p. 229. ••.
• u 1.260

  M.S. vet. Ang. in Bibl. C. C. C. c. 220.
• x 1.261

  Leland. Cell. 1 Vol. p. 794.
• y 1.262

  Walsing. hist. p. 110. Dugd. Bar. 2 Vol. p. 93.
• * 1.263

  1330. REGNI iv.
• z 1.264

  R.Southwell's Addition, to A∣dam Merimuth. & M.S. vet. Angl. in Bibl. C.C.C. c. 213.
• a 1.265

  M. S. Vet. Ang. in Bibl. C.C.C. c. 220.
• b 1.266

  Leland. Coll. 1 Vol. p. 686. & M.S. Vet. Angl. in Bibl. C.C.C. c. 220. ubi tota hujus rei series accuratissimè describitur.
• c 1.267

  M.S. id. ibid.
• d 1.268

  Joh Harding c. 178. fol. 177. b. §. 8. & 9.
• e 1.269

  Knighton p. 2555. n. 40. Lit. Dom. G.
• f 1.270

  Dudg. Bar. 2 Vol. p. 93. b. l. 3. & M. S. ibid.
• g 1.271

  Walfingh. hist. p. 110.
• h 1.272

  Stow p. 229.
• i 1.273

  Dugd. Worw. p. 699. a. id. Bar. 1 Vol. p. 677. b.
• k 1.274

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 153.
• l 1.275

  Dudg. 1 Vol. 445.
• m 1.276

  Knighton p. 2555. n. 40.
• n 1.277

  Dudg. 2 Vol. p. 93.
• o 1.278

  Nat. Augusti 5^to An. Dem. 1302. Walsing. hist. p. 48.
• p 1.279

  Walsing. hist. p. 101. & emnes
• q 1.280

  Knighton p. 2555. n. 40.
• r 1.281

  Walsin. Hypod. p. 111. n. 40. & Stow p. 229. b.
• s 1.282

  Sandford Ge∣neal. Hist. p. 212 & Dugd. Bar. 2 Vol. p. 94. & Catal. Honor. p. 764. inter se cellatis.
• t 1.283

  Stow p. 230. b. & Polyd. Virg. l. 19. p. 362. Wal∣sing. hist. p. 112. & Knighton p. 2555. & Joh. Tinem. fol. 229.
• u 1.284

  G. Lit. Dom. Pascha 8 April. vid Labb. Chro. Techn.
• x 1.285

  Du Chesne p. 639. &c. ex Monsieur du Tillet, &c.
• y 1.286

  Ibi malè, ut opiner, par leurs Successeurs.
• z 1.287

  P. 37.
• a 1.288

  Knighton p. 2558. n. 60.
• b 1.289

  Sandford's Geneal. Hist. p. 181. Ashmole p. 670.
• c 1.290

  Labbé Chron. Tecbn. ad an. 1330.
• d 1.291

  J••h. Tinemouth ec Aed. Lambeth. p. 229.
• e 1.292

  St. Botolphi Ab. dies Junii 17.
• f 1.293

  Ashmole p. 670. & Sand∣ford Geneal. Hist. p. 181. ex Pat. 5. Ed. 3. p. 1 m. 33.4. Febr.
• g 1.294

  Gisb. Cuperi A∣potheassis Homeri & Inscripp. p. 293.
• h 1.295

  Mezeray Chr. Abbreg. p. 78. vid. Bp. Tay∣lor's Life of the II. Jesus p. 18. ad p. 23. &c. & vid. lib. de Lib. Educ. apud Gell. 12.1.
• i 1.296

  Walsingh. Hist. p. 46. ad An. 1301. & Dugd. Bar. 2 Vol. p. 63.
• k 1.297

  Holinst. Eng. Chron. p. 1002.
• l 1.298

  Ashmole p. 670. & Sand-Geneal. Hist. p. 181. ex Cart. 7. Ed. 3. m. 4. & ex Pat. 7. Ed. 3. p. 1. m, 13.
• m 1.299

  Cart. 11. Ed, 3. n. 55.
• n 1.300

  12 Maii Car. 17. Ed. 3. m. 24. n. 27.
• o 1.301

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 146. Cart. 4. Ed. 3. n. 64.
• p 1.302

  Cart. 4. Ed. 3. n. 71.
• q 1.303

  Mill's Catal. Honer. p. 575.
• r 1.304

  Cart. 4. Ed. 3. n. 67.
• s 1.305

  Stow p. 229. n. 20.
• t 1.306

  Leland. Cellect. 1 Vol. p. 685. & Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 145. & M. S. vet. Angl. in Bibl. C.CC. &c.
• u 1.307

  Draytons Bar. Wars l. 6. Stan. 16. & M. S. id. ibid. 222.
• y 1.308

  Stew ibid.
• z 1.309

  Dugd. Bat. 1 Vol. p. 641.
• a 1.310

  Dugd. Bar. 1 Vol. p. 146.
• b 1.311

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 145. vid. Ie∣land. Collect. 1 Vol. p. 686.
• c 1.312

  M.S. vet. Ang. in Bibl. C. C. C. Cantab. c. 222.
• * 1.313

  Lit. Dom. G.
• d 1.314

  Drayton's Ba∣rons Wars l. 6. Stanz. 46.
• e 1.315

  Speed Map. Nettingh. §. 6.
• f 1.316

  H. Knighton p. 2556.
• g 1.317

  Knighton ibid. & Adam Mari∣m••uth. & M.S. ibid. &c.
• h 1.318

  Drayton's Bar. Wars l. 6. Stanz. 63.
• i 1.319

  Stow p. 229, &c.
• k 1.320

  M. S. ibid. c. 222.
• l 1.321

  Knighton p. 2556.
• m 1.322

  H. Knighton p. 2556. ib. quatre Eveskes, quatre Centes & VI Barons: sed hoc ex priùs fa∣cto corrig••. vid. c. 1. §. 4.
• n 1.323

  Err••rem hìc suspicor vid c. 2. §. 4. p. 40.
• o 1.324

  M. S. Rec. Parl. p. 10. & Knigh∣ton p. 2558. n. 40. & Sr. Rob. Cottons A∣bridgm. of the Records, set out by Mr. Pryn p. 6. &c.
• p 1.325

  Dugd. Bar. 1 Vol. p. 147.
• q 1.326

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 147.
• r 1.327

  Knighton p. 2559. l. 3.
• s 1.328

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 147.
• t 1.329

  Menast. Angl. 2 Vol. p. 224.
• u 1.330

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 146.
• x 1.331

  Du Chesne Histoire d' An∣gleterre p. 637.
• y 1.332

  Dugd. 1 Vol. 147.
• z 1.333

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 641.
• a 1.334

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 146.
• b 1.335

  Mills Catal. Honor. p. 575.
• c 1.336

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 147.
• d 1.337

  Catal. Nobili∣ty by R. B. & Dugd. Bar. 1 Vol. p. 192. b.
• e 1.338

  M.S. R.P. p. 10. §. 2. S. Rob. Cotton p. 6. &c. Stow p. 230. Knighton p. 2558. §. 50.
• f 1.339

  M.S. R.P. ib.
• g 1.340

  Knighton ib.
• h 1.341

  M.S. R.P. ib. §. 5. Sr. R••b. Cotton. &c.
• i 1.342

  M.S. & Sr. Rob. Cottons A∣bridgm. ibid.
• k 1.343

  Speed p. 568. b
• l 1.344

  St••w p. 230.
• m 1.345

  M.S. & Sr. Rob. Cotton ibid.
• n 1.346

  M. S. ibid. § 6. & Sr. Rob. Cot∣ton ibid.
• o 1.347

  §. 7.
• p 1.348

  §. 8.
• q 1.349

  §. 9.
• r 1.350

  Knighton p. 2558. n. 60.
• s 1.351

  M.S. p. 11. §. 10. Sr. Rob. Cotton, &c.
• t 1.352

  §. 11. Parl. Anno 4. Ed. 3. p. 1. M. S. ibid. §. 12. Paten. 5. Ed. 3.
• u 1.353

  §. 13. & Sr. Rob. Cotton.
• x 1.354

  In M.S. Ber∣vervil per inca∣tiam Amanuen∣sis, apud Sr. Rob. Cotton Ber∣veroile, &c.
• y 1.355

  M.S. p. 12. §. 14. & Sr. Rob. Cotton p. 7.
• z 1.356

  An. Reg. 2. Ed. 3.
• a 1.357

  M.S. §. 15. & S^r Rob. Cotton,
• b 1.358

  §. 16. &c.
• c 1.359

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 184.
• d 1.360

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 47.
• e 1.361

  §. 16. p. 12.
• f 1.362

  M. S. ibid. 4.12 § 17. & 18. S^r Rob. Cotton. &c.
• g 1.363

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 356.
• h 1.364

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 357.
• i 1.365

  M.S. p. 13. §. 19.
• k 1.366

  §. 20.
• l 1.367

  §. 24.
• m 1.368

  §. 26.
• n 1.369

  Ant. Weed's Antiqu. Oxon. l. 1. p. 176. b.
• o 1.370

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 144.
• p 1.371

  Holinshead Engl. Chr••n. p. 895. &c.
• q 1.372

  Milton's Hist. Engl. l 6. p. 287 & Antiqu. Bri∣tann. p. 98.
• * 1.373

  AN. DOM. 1330 An. Regni IV.
• a 1.374

  Knighton p. 2559. n. 40.
• b 1.375

  Walsing. Hy∣pod p. 112. n. 10
• c 1.376

  Victerel. p. 871
• d 1.377

  Victerel. p. 879
• e 1.378

  Thorne's Chr. p. 2067. n. 20. ad n. 60.
• f 1.379

  Knighton p. 2559. n. 30. &c.
• g 1.380

  Hector B••et. l. 15. fol. 311. b. n. 70.
• h 1.381

  Buchan. l. 8. p. 279.
• i 1.382

  Frois. c. 20. fol. 11.
• k 1.383

  Frois. c. 17. fol. 8.
• l 1.384

  H••linshead hist. S••ctl. p. 227.
• m 1.385

  Knighton p. 2559. n. 50.
• n 1.386

  p. 4. §. 5.
• o 1.387

  Fabian p. 140. & M. S. vet. Angl. in Bibl. C. C. C. c. 223.
• p 1.388

  Walsing. ••y∣pod. p. 112. n. 20 & Hist. p. 112. & 113.
• q 1.389

  Hector. p. 312. n. 30.
• r 1.390

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 507. a. & St••w p. 230. n. 50.
• s 1.391

  Knighton p. 2560. n. 20, 30, 40. &c.
• t 1.392

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 51. a.
• u 1.393

  Buchan. l. 9. p. 282. An. 1331.
• x 1.394

  Dugd. Bar. 2 Vol. p. 51.
• y 1.395

  Id. ibid. p. 96.
• z 1.396

  Id. 1 Vol. p. 507.
• a 1.397

  Harding c. 178. fol. 178. b
• b 1.398

  Dudg. ibid. p. 541.
• c 1.399

  Knighton p. 2560.
• d 1.400

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 267.
• e 1.401

  Id. ibid. p. 127
• f 1.402

  Knighton p. 2560.
• * 1.403

  AN. DOM. 1331. An. Regni V.
• g 1.404

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 51. a.
• h 1.405

  Tinemouth fol. 229. & Knigh. p. 2560. n. 40. Waisingh. hist. p. 113. n. 10. & Stow p. 230. n. 50. & M.S. praefat.
• i 1.406

  Buchan. l. 9. p. 283.
• k 1.407

  Knighton p. 2560. n. 66. idem Joh. Tine∣mouth fol. 229. & M.S. ve. Ang. in Bibl. C.C.C. c. 223.
• l 1.408

  Bachan. l. 9. p. 283. Hector l. 15. f. 312 n. 40. &c.
• m 1.409

  M.S. 〈…〉〈…〉
• n 1.410

  M.S. pr••••f. ibid. &c.
• o 1.411

  Hector l. 15. f. 313. n. 10.
• p 1.412

  Kn••ghton p. 2560. n. 60. & S••••ed p. ••68.
• q 1.413

  Dagd. Bar. 2. Vol. 112.
• r 1.414

  Hector & Bachan.
• s 1.415

  M.S. pr••fat. c. 223.
• t 1.416

  M.S. id. ibid.
• u 1.417

  Walsing. hist. p. 113. & Knighton p. 2561. n. 2••.
• * 1.418

  Lit. Dom. P.
• x 1.419

  Knighton p. 2561. n. 30.
• y 1.420

  Knighton p 2561. n. 5••.
• z 1.421

  Walsingh. Hy∣pod. p. 112. n. 30
• a 1.422

  Walsing. hist. p. 114. n. 1.
• b 1.423

  Hector B••ct. l. 15. fol. 310. lin. 70. & Bu∣chan. l. 9. p. 281.
• c 1.424

  Buchan. p. 282. ubi moritur 3^o Calend. August. i.e. 30 Jultit Cum Balicli Invasio centigit circa principium Au∣gusti; ut supra dictum.
• d 1.425

  Walsingh. hist. p. 113. n. 40.
• e 1.426

  Knighton p. 2559. n. 60.
• f 1.427

  Holinshead Engl. Chron. p. 840.
• g 1.428

  M.S. p. 14. S^r Rob. Cotton & Statute Bock, &c.
• h 1.429

  Knighton p. 2563.
• i 1.430

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 371.
• k 1.431

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 151. a.
• l 1.432

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 104.
• m 1.433

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p 34. Ashmole p. 693.
• n 1.434

  M. S. p. 14. §. 3. S^r Rob. Cot∣ton's Abridge∣ment. p. 9 §. 3.
• o 1.435

  Ashmole p. 675
• p 1.436

  Ashmole p. 675 & Sandferd p. 184.
• q 1.437

  Odoric. Rai∣nald. Add. t••ad Annal. Barer••i 1331. ••. 29 &c.
• r 1.438

  Holinshead Engl. Chron. p. 880.
• s 1.439

  M. S. p. 15. & 16. & S^r Rob. Cotton p. 10.
• t 1.440

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 147.
• u 1.441

  M.S. p. 14. §. 5. & S^r Rob. Cotton p. 10. §. 5. &c.
• x 1.442

  In my M.S. and Sr. Rob. Cotton too he is here called an Earl, thô the First Percy Earl of Nor∣thumberland was not till the Coronation of King Richard the Second, An. 1377. vid. Mills Catal. He p. 718.
• y 1.443

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 154.
• z 1.444

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 148.
• a 1.445

  Mill's Catal. Hener. p. 683.
• * 1.446

  Lanquets Chre∣ad hunc annum.
• a 1.447

  M. S. Rot. Parl. p. 16. &c. Sr. Rob. Cotten p. 11. &c.
• * 1.448

  AN. DOM. 1332. An. Regni VI.
• b 1.449

  Vid. Gedw••n's Catal. Bp••. Phili∣pet's Catal. Chancellors.
• c 1.450

  Les Dits Countz Bar••••s & Grauntz par eux Mesmes. Ita in Recordo.
• d 1.451

  M. S. p. 17. §. 9. Sr. Rob. Cotton p. 12. §. ••0.
• e 1.452

  Les Grauntz.
• f 1.453

  Polyder. Vir∣gil. &c.
• g 1.454

  Dugd. Bar. 2 Vol. p. 51. a. ex Claus. 4. Ed. 3. m. 12.
• h 1.455

  M.S. p. 18. S^r Rob. Cotton p. 12. §. 3.
• i 1.456

  M. S. p. 18. §. 3.4. S^r Rob. Cotton p. 13. § 3.
• k 1.457

  M. S. ibid. S^r Rob. Cotton ibid. Walsing. hypod. p. 112.
• * 1.458

  In Sr. R. C••••∣ten 'tis remise in M.S. raise
• l 1.459

  Walin••••. ••••st. p. 114 Buchan. l. 13. p. 288.
• m 1.460

  Knighton p. 2562. & Wal∣sing. ibid.
• n 1.461

  2 Febr.
• o 1.462

  〈…〉〈…〉 i.e. 25 De••••emb. Buchan. p. 2 ••••. vid. M.S. Vet. Ang. in ••••bl. C.C.C. c. 223.
• p 1.463

  Buch••n. l. 13. p. 286.
• q 1.464

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 127. a. & b.
• r 1.465

  Hector p. 314.
• s 1.466

  M.S. p. 17. §. 18. Sr. Rob. C••t∣ton p. 12. §. ••.
• t 1.467

  Buchan. l. 13. p. 286.
• u 1.468

  Knighten p. 2562.
• x 1.469

  Dugd. 2 V••l. p. 22. b.
• y 1.470

  Rob. South∣well.
• z 1.471

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 340.
• a 1.472

  Rob. South∣well.
• b 1.473

  Knighton p. 2562. n. 40. sed lege Lancastriam pro illius Lei∣cestriam.
• * 1.474

  AN. DOM. 1332. An. Regni. VI.
• c 1.475

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 761.
• d 1.476

  M. S. vet. Ang. in Bibl. C. C. C. c. 223.
• e 1.477

  Buchan p. 286
• f 1.478

  Knigh on p. 2562. n. 60. & Holinshea. Eng. Chron. p. 895. & Walsingh. hist. p. 114. n. 10.
• g 1.479

  Bucha. p. 286.
• h 1.480

  M.S. 19. §. 6. Sr. Rob. Cotton. p. 13. §. 6.
• i 1.481

  M.S. p. 20. Sr. Rob. Cott. 1. p. 14.
• k 1.482

  Philipet's Ca∣tal. Chanceli. p. 36.
• l 1.483

  M. S. & Sr. Rob. Cotton ibid.
• m 1.484

  Speeds Ed. 2. p. 564. §. 81.
• n 1.485

  Causin's Holy C••art l. 3. part. 1 §. 39. n. 60.
• o 1.486

  Dugd. Bar. 1 Vol. p. 154.
• p 1.487

  Sandford's Geneal. Hist. p. 214. Claus. 6. Ed. 3. m. 31.
• q 1.488

  Knighton p. 2560. & Speed p. 590. b. & Stow p. 231. &c.
• * 1.489

  AN. DOM. 1333. An. Regni VII.
• a 1.490

  Frois. c. 25.
• b 1.491

  Sandford Ge∣neal. Hist. p. 94.
• c 1.492

  Gaguin & Graston p. 229. &c.
• d 1.493

  Graften p. 267.
• e 1.494

  Frois c. 2••.
• f 1.495

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 645.
• g 1.496

  Graften p. 207 Polydor. l. 19. p. 364.
• h 1.497

  Frois. c. 26. & Speed p. 570. §. 37.
• l 1.498

  Ashmole p. 645. ex Rot. Pat. 6. Ed. 3. p. 3. m. 3.14 Dec.
• k 1.499

  Frois. ibid.
• l 1.500

  Vid. John Harding c. 172. and Speed p. 559. § 34.
• m 1.501

  Knighton p. 2562. Walsing. hist. p. 115.
• * 1.502

  it began to sit in the 2^d week in Lent Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 645.
• n 1.503

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 6. 45. Walsing. hist. p. 115. n. 40.
• o 1.504

  Frois. c. 26. f. l. 15. b.
• p 1.505

  Claus. 7. Ed. 3. m. 19. Derse.
• q 1.506

  Frois. c. 26. ibid.
• r 1.507

  Virgil. l. 12. v. 503.
• s 1.508

  Walsingh. bist. p. 114. n. 10.
• t 1.509

  Knighton p. 2562. n. 6••.
• u 1.510

  L. 1. c 5. §. 4. p. 68.
• x 1.511

  Knighton p. 2562. n 40. & 50.
• y 1.512

  Dugd. Bar. 1 Vol. p. 626.
• z 1.513

  Knighton p. 2563. n. 10. & Walsingh. Hist. p. 114. n. 20. & Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 565.
• a 1.514

  Frois. c. 26. fol. 16.
• b 1.515

  Thoroten's Notting. p. 264.
• c 1.516

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 371.
• d 1.517

  Knighton p. 2563. & Holin∣shead Chron. Ire∣land p. 70. ad An. 1333.
• e 1.518

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 167.
• f 1.519

  Walsingh. hist. p. 114. n. 30.
• g 1.520

  Powel's Hist. of Wales p. 147. ex Joh. B••swe••'s Concords of Ar∣mery fol. 80.
• h 1.521

  Ashmole p. 715. & 716. in Kts. 355. 391. 400 417. & Sandford p. 378 In Margin.
• i 1.522

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 408. Vid. Powel's Hist. of Wales, ubi t••ta hujus Famil••ae Genealogia, à p. 142. ad p. 147
• k 1.523

  Buchan. l. 9. p. 287.
• l 1.524

  Frois. c. 26. fol. 16.
• m 1.525

  Walsing. Hist. p. 114. Vid. M.S. Vet. Angl. in Bibl. C. C. C. c. 223.
• n 1.526

  Buchan. l. 9. p. 288. & Hector l. 15. p. 314. n. 60.
• o 1.527

  Gesneri Hist. Quadruped.
• p 1.528

  Hector Boeth. p. 6. n. 70.
• q 1.529

  Holinshead Descript. of Scotland p. 13. c. 7.
• r 1.530

  Lit. Dom., C.
• s 1.531

  Stow p. 231. & Sr. Rich. Baker in Men of Note in K. Edward's time.
• * 1.532

  Vid. l. 1. c. 4. §. 6. p. 64.
• t 1.533

  De Canibus belli societatem gerentibus vid. R. Sheringham de Anglorum O∣rigine c. 1. p. 6.
• u 1.534

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 154.
• x 1.535

  M.S vet. Ang. in Bibl. C. C. C. c. 224. & Knighton p. 2564. n. 10.
• y 1.536

  Knighton l. Prendescit.
• z 1.537

  Conser H. Knighton p. 2563. n. 50.
• a 1.538

  M.S. vet. Ang. in Bibl. C.C.C. c. 224.
• b 1.539

  Hect••r p. 316. n. 10.
• c 1.540

  Knighton p. 2563. n. 50. &c. & Hector p. 316 n. 20. & Bu∣chan. p. 289. & Ashmole p. 645. & Holin∣shead Engl. Chr. p. 896.
• d 1.541

  Walsing. Hist. p. 112. Knigh∣ton p. 2563. Stow p. 231. lin. 50. Fabian p. 199.
• e 1.542

  Thoroton N••t∣tingh. Antiqu. p. 264. & Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 371.
• f 1.543

  Vid. Dudg. Bar. 1 & 2 Vol. sub his Nomini∣bus, Brotherton, Montague, Mau∣ley, &c.
• g 1.544

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 458.
• h 1.545

  Walsing. hist. p. 114. n. 40. & Knighton p. 2559. n. 10 & 20.
• i 1.546

  Id. ibid. n. 29.
• k 1.547

  Walsingh. p. 114. Fabian p. 199. Holinsh. p. 896. & M.S. ibid. &c.
• l 1.548

  Knighton p. 2••64. n. 60.
• m 1.549

  Hector l. 15. p. 316. l. 32. & Bachan. p. 289.
• n 1.550

  Knighton p. 2564.
• o 1.551

  Frois. c. 26. & Grafton p. 228.
• p 1.552

  Hector l. 15. fol. 316. lin. 37.
• q 1.553

  Thoroton Not∣tingh. Antiq. p. 164.
• r 1.554

  Ashm••le Gar∣ter p. 645.
• s 1.555

  Malè ergo Ashmole 13. ibid.
• t 1.556

  Knighton p. 2565. n. 1. &c.
• u 1.557

  Fabian p. 199. & Frois. 33.
• x 1.558

  Dugd. Bar. 2 Vol. p. 34.
• y 1.559

  Favin's The∣atre of Hon. 2 Vol. p. 79. l. 5 c. 3
• z 1.560

  Frois. c. 33.
• a 1.561

  Fabian p. 200
• b 1.562

  Wal••ing. hist. p. 114. n. 40.
• * 1.563

  Fabian p. 200.
• * 1.564

  Grafton p. 229
• c 1.565

  Frois c. 26. fol. 16.
• d 1.566

  Hector f. 316. 40. & Buchan. l. 9. p. 290.
• e 1.567

  Walsing. hist. p. 115. & M.S. vet. Angl. &c.
• f 1.568

  John Cumin Earl of Buqu∣han died with∣out Issue, but Alexander Cu∣min, his brother left three Daughters, his Coheirs, of which this A∣lice the Eldest. Mills Catal. He∣ner. p. 957.
• g 1.569

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 50. b.
• h 1.570

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 326.
• i 1.571

  Dudg. 1 Vol. p. 96.
• k 1.572

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 274.
• l 1.573

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 184.
• m 1.574

  Rot. S••oc. 7. Ed. 3. m. 2.
• n 1.575

  Holinsh. Eng. Chren. p. 896.
• o 1.576

  Gedwins Cata. Bps p. 661.
• p 1.577

  G••d••ins Catal. Bps p. 132. & Therne's Chron. p. 2066.
• q 1.578

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 2.
• * 1.579

  AN. DOM. 1334. An. Regni. VIII.
• a 1.580

  Fabian p. 200. & Grafton p. 229.
• b 1.581

  Holinshead p. 896. B. Dom. Lit. Pasc. 27 Martii.
• c 1.582

  M.S. Rec. Par l. p. 20. 21. §. 1. &c. Sr. Rob. Cotton p. 15 §. 1. &c.
• d 1.583

  Ibid. § 4
• e 1.584

  In Derso e∣jusd. Ret
• f 1.585

  Whits••nday fell on the 15 of May.
• g 1.586

  Walsingh. hist. p. 115. & Holin∣shead p. 896. & Ashmole p. 645.
• h 1.587

  Vid. Selden's Tit. H••n••r. p. 52.
• i 1.588

  Fabian p. 202.
• k 1.589

  Knighton p. 2566. n. 50.
• l 1.590

  Mill's Catal. Hon••r. p. 606.
• m 1.591

  Walsing. Hy∣pod. p. 113. n. 10 & Adam Mu∣••••mouth.
• n 1.592

  Catal. Honor. p. 603. ad p. 6••6
• o 1.593

  Ib. d. p. 610.
• p 1.594

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 81.
• q 1.595

  Dagd. 2 Vol. p. 51.
• r 1.596

  Hector p. 316. 60. & Buchan. l. 9. p. 290.
• s 1.597

  The One was Lord Beau∣mont's Wife's Sister's Hus∣band, the other Sister's Sen. vid. l. 1. c. 6. §. 9.
• t 1.598

  Hecter fol. 316 60. & Buchan p. 290.
• u 1.599

  Dagd. 2 Vol. p. 51.
• x 1.600

  Duchan. l. 9. p. 291.
• y 1.601

  Id. p. 292.
• z 1.602

  Hector l. 19. fol. 317. &c.
• a 1.603

  Walsingh. hy∣pod. p. 113. n. 24
• b 1.604

  Leland C••llect. 1 Vol. p. 797.
• c 1.605

  Pat. 9. Ed. 3. p. 2. m. 22. & Sr. Will. Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 51.
• d 1.606

  Walsingh. hist. p. 116. & Hy∣pod. p. 113. n. 14
• e 1.607

  Walsing. Hy∣pod. p. 113. n. 22.
• f 1.608

  Vector fol. 318 n. 50. &c.
• g 1.609

  Ret. Fin. 8. Ed. 3. m. 2. Dugd. 1. Vol. p. 96.
• h 1.610

  Walsingh. hist. p. 116. n. 20.
• i 1.611

  Walsingh. hist. ibid. n. 5.
• k 1.612

  Knighten p. 2565. n. 33. Stow p. 232. & Walsingh. hist. p. 116. n. 38.
• l 1.613

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 184.
• * 1.614

  AN. DOM. 1335. An. Regni IX.
• a 1.615

  Frois. c. 27. fol. 16. &c.
• b 1.616

  Fabian p. 267.
• c 1.617

  Rob. Barnes & Joh. Baleus de Rom. Pontif. l. 6. p. 375. & Clu∣verii Epit. Hist. p. 570. ex Grae∣cis, &c.
• d 1.618

  Dinothi Ad∣vers. hist. p. 377 & Ciaccn. & Vi∣ctorell. in Vitt. Pontificum 1 Vol. p. 872. & Ad∣dit. ad Abbat. vrsperg. f. 376. Mezeray ad an. 1334.
• e 1.619

  Caria Romana non pascit O. em sine lanâ. vid. Cluver. Epit. Hist. p. 569.
• * 1.620

  An. 1330. n. 40.
• f 1.621

  Vict. rellus James 1 Vol. p. 871. sed Pedro apud Frois. Alphonso Rainald ad Ba∣ron. 1335. n. 39. recte.
• * 1.622

  Victorellus ibid.
• g 1.623

  Rascia vulgò le Rasce pars Regni Hungariae late sumpti, &c.
• h 1.624

  Victorell. p. 880.
• i 1.625

  Lloyds Peet. Diction. tit. Ostia.
• k 1.626

  Frois. ibid.
• l 1.627

  Knighton p. 2567.
• m 1.628

  Victorell. 1 Vol. p. 865. §. c.
• n 1.629

  Victorell. p. 865. ibid.
• o 1.630

  Knighton p. 2567. & Victorell. 1 Vol. p. 865.
• p 1.631

  Pantaleon's Hist. Rer. Gest. Johannitarum, Rhodier. &c. l. 4. p. 100. & Odo∣ric. Raynald. ad Baron. An^o. 1333. §. 11.
• q 1.632

  Frois. ibid.
• r 1.633

  Pantaleon l. 4. p. 100.
• s 1.634

  Gaguin. p. 133. & Fabian p. 199
• t 1.635

  Pantaleon l. 4. p. 100. & Ga∣guin. l. 8. p. 133.
• u 1.636

  Gaguin. ibid. & Pantaleon. ibid. & Holin∣shead p. 897. & Stow p. 232. & Odoric. Raynald. An^o Bened. XII. 3. §. 42.
• x 1.637

  Gaguin. l. 8. p. 134.
• y 1.638

  Odoricus Ray∣naldus Continu∣at. ad Baremum tom. xv. Ad an. Christi 1327. §. 44.
• z 1.639

  L. 9. c. 314.
• a 1.640

  Extant in Arch. Vatican. ex Avenion. de∣lat. sign. n. 10. in Chart. Per∣gam.
• b 1.641

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 638.
• c 1.642

  Vid. quemedo Mill's Catal. Hener. p. 465.
• d 1.643

  Claus. 9. Ed. 3. m. 35. in derso. Mill's Cat. Ho∣nor. p. 465. Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 638. Time's storehouse p. 524.
• c 1.644

  Walsing. Hy∣pod. p. 113. n. 30. & Holinshead 898. & R. Southwell, &c.
• f 1.645

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 51.
• g 1.646

  Knighton p. 2566. &c.
• * 1.647

  Julii 20.
• * 1.648

  Julii 23.
• h 1.649

  Frois. c. 26. f. 16.
• i 1.650

  Martin p. 87. & Fabian p. 148 & Graften p. 192.
• k 1.651

  Frois. c. 26. f. 16. b.
• l 1.652

  Holinshead Engl. Chron. p. 898.
• m 1.653

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 371.
• n 1.654

  Knighton 2567. n 30.
• o 1.655

  Holinshead Engl. Chron. p. 898.
• p 1.656

  Walsingh. hist. p. 116. & Ho∣lingshead p. 898
• q 1.657

  Holingshead Scotland p. 236.
• r 1.658

  Knighton p. 2567.
• s 1.659

  Aug. 1. Ho∣linshead p. 899.
• t 1.660

  Hector B••eth. l. 15. fol. 320. n. 40.
• u 1.661

  Knighton p. 2567.
• x 1.662

  Vid. Odoric. Rainald. ad An. 1335. §. 36
• y 1.663

  Augusti 15.
• z 1.664

  Walsingh. hist. p. 116. & A∣dam Murimouth
• a 1.665

  Ces sont les Choses & le Pointz accor∣dez, &c. Muri∣mouth, &c. Stow p. 232. & Knighton p. 2566. n. 30. &c.
• b 1.666

  Stow, Byphing∣done, quod cor∣rigo autoritate Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 96. ubi legitor Bulinden in Com. Buck.
• c 1.667

  Stow 250 l. sed Knighten CC li. ubi li pro l. à Stow accep∣tim per errorem: cum stat li. pro libris.
• e 1.668

  Knighton p. 2568. n. 10.
• f 1.669

  Holinshead Scotl. p 236. & Ashmole p. 646.
• g 1.670

  Buchan. p. 297 & Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 143.
• h 1.671

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 327.
• i 1.672

  Walsing. Hy∣ped. p. 113. & Holinshead Scot. p. 236. & Bu∣chan. l. 9. p. 295 & Hector Boeth. l. 15. p. 319.
• k 1.673

  Buchan. p. 295
• l 1.674

  Fourden.
• m 1.675

  Wals••n•••• Hy∣ped. p. 113.
• n 1.676

  D••••••. 2 Vol. p. 96. b.
• o 1.677

  Wilingh. h••st. p. 118.
• p 1.678

  Id. ibid. & O∣do••ic. Rainald. cen••in. ad B••e∣nium. An. 1335. n. 58.
• q 1.679

  Pat. 9. Ed. 3. par. 1. & Sand∣ford Genealthist. p. 109. & Speed p. 539. §. 106. & §. 107.
• r 1.680

  S••nds••••d p. 109. & D••••d. 1 Vol. p. 668.
• s 1.681

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 184.
• * 1.682

  AN. DOM. 1336. An. Regni X.
• a 1.683

  Hector l. 15. fol. 320. n. 50. & Holinshead Scotland p. 237 n. 60.
• b 1.684

  H••l••nsnead Engl Chren. p. 902. Dugd. Bar. ad singulo∣rum nomina, &c.
• c 1.685

  Buchan. l. 9. p. 296. & Hect. Beeth. l. 15. fol. 321. n. 10.
• d 1.686

  Walsing. Hist. p. 118 & Dugd. 1 Vol p. 646.
• e 1.687

  Buch p. 297.
• f 1.688

  Maii 9.
• g 1.689

  April 7, 10. ••d. 3. & Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 784.
• h 1.690

  Maii 19.
• i 1.691

  Knighten p. 2568.
• k 1.692

  Walsingh. hist. p. 119. & Adam Murimouth ad An. 1335. &c.
• l 1.693

  Walsingh. hist. p. 117. n. 30.
• m 1.694

  Holinshead. Scotl. p. 236.
• n 1.695

  Ashmele p. 646. & Buchan, p. 296.
• o 1.696

  Adam Muri∣mouth.
• p 1.697

  Ashmole ibid.
• q 1.698

  Knighton p. 2568, n. 30. & p. 2569. n. 10.
• r 1.699

  Vid. Selden's Mare Clausum l. 2. c. 23. p. 376 & Ret. Secc. 10, Ed. 3. Memb. 16. & 27.
• s 1.700

  Knighton p. 2568. n. 40. & Walsing. hist. p. 119. n. 10.
• t 1.701

  Walsing. ibid. n. 20.
• u 1.702

  Walsingh. hist. p. 117. n. 40. Stow p. 233. Ho∣linshead. p. 900. & Fabian p. 214
• x 1.703

  Judge Hales his Origin. of Mankind p. 161
• y 1.704

  Dudg. 2 Vol. p. 146.
• z 1.705

  Knighton p. 2571.
• a 1.706

  Fabian p. 203. Knighton p. 2569. n. 20. & Lanquet f. 237. & Sr. Rich. Ba∣ker p. 143.
• c 1.707

  Walsingh. Hy∣pod. p. 114. n. 1.
• d 1.708

  Frois. c. 28. fol. 17.
• e 1.709

  Frois. ibid. & Walsingh. hist. p. 118. & Ash∣mole p. 646.
• f 1.710

  Walsing. Hy∣pod. p. 114. n. 1.
• g 1.711

  Ashmole p. 677.
• h 1.712

  11 Decemb. Rot. Scot. 10. Ed. 3. m. 3.
• i 1.713

  Frois. c. 28.
• k 1.714

  Od. ric. Rai∣nald. ad An. 1336. § 46.
• l 1.715

  Adam Mari∣mouth.
• * 1.716

  Fabian p. 203. Walsingh. hist. p. 117. n. 20.
• m 1.717

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 109.
• n 1.718

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 110.
• o 1.719

  Keep's Monu∣ment. Westm. p. 66. &c. & Sandford's Ge∣neal. Hist. p. 155 ubi the Figure of it.
• p 1.720

  Hector l. 15. f. 320. n. 40. &c.
• q 1.721

  Knighton p. 2568. n. 30. & Holinsh. Scot. p. 237. n. 50. & Pat. 10. Ed. 3. p. 2. m. 3. & Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 109. &c.
• r 1.722

  Walsingh. hist. p. 117. n. 20.
• s 1.723

  Catal. Honor. p. 947.
• t 1.724

  Sandford's Geneal. Hist. p. 177. & Wal∣singh. Hypod. p. 113. n. 40.
• u 1.725

  Ashmole p. 646. & Fabian p. 203. & 208. & Walsingh. Hypod. p. 114. & Hist. p. 131. n. 30. Gaguin. l. 8. p. 134. Ho∣linshead Engl. Chron. p. 900.
• x 1.726

  Esq Sher∣burne in his Ca∣talogue of A∣stromers at the end of his Ma∣nilius, &c.
• y 1.727

  Walsingh. hist. p. 119. n. 20. & 30. &c.
• a 1.728

  16 Decemb. Pat. 10. Ed. 3. p. 2. m. 6. Ash∣mole p. 646.
• b 1.729

  Rittershusius in Tab. Com. Hollandiae & Selandiae, &c.
• * 1.730

  AN. DOM. 1337. An. Regni. XI.
• c 1.731

  Frois c. 28. fol. 17. b.
• d 1.732

  Lord Mon∣taigne in his Essays l. 2. c. 25.
• e 1.733

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 748. b.
• f 1.734

  Frois. c. 28. f. 17. b.
• g 1.735

  Ashmole p. 647. ex Rot. Aleman. 11 Ed. 3. m. 9, 10, 11.
• h 1.736

  Frois. ibid.
• i 1.737

  Rot. Aleman. 11 Ed. 3. m. 8. 2 Septem. ibid. m. 6. ibid. m. 11.
• k 1.738

  Frois. ibid.
• l 1.739

  Ashmole p. 647.
• m 1.740

  Fabian p. 204
• n 1.741

  English Atlas 4 Vol. p. 239.
• o 1.742

  Holinsh. Engl. Chron. p. 903.
• p 1.743

  Frois. c. 29. fol. 18.
• q 1.744

  Fabian p. 205.
• r 1.745

  Frois. c. 29. fol. 18.
• s 1.746

  Mezeray ad hanc an. p. 14.
• t 1.747

  Ashmole p. 650.
• u 1.748

  Extant apud Od••ric. R••nald. ad An. 1337. §. 7.
• * 1.749

  Knighton p. 2568. n. 50.
• * 1.750

  ••.e. 12 Martii
• x 1.751

  Ashmole p. 671.
• y 1.752

  Dugd. Warw. p. 90.
• z 1.753

  Ashmole ibid.
• a 1.754

  Vid. Dugd. Bar. ad horum singulerum n••∣nana, &c. Knighton p. 2568 n. 60. Adam Muri∣••••uth. Will. Sh••psteed. S^r T••••. de la M••re.
• f 1.755

  Esc. 14. Ed. 3. n. 67. Linc.
• g 1.756

  Mill's Catal. Honor. p. 528.
• * 1.757

  Stow's Survey of Lond. & Hist. p. 233.
• h 1.758

  24. Adam Ma∣rim. & Stow p. 233. Holinsh. p. 900.
• i 1.759

  Godw. Catal. Dpps. p. 268.
• k 1.760

  Weevers Fun. Monum. p. 269.
• l 1.761

  Vid. Statute Book An. xi Ed. 3. p. 77.
• m 1.762

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 72.
• n 1.763

  Id. 1 Vol. p. 371
• o 1.764

  Chron. Job. Clinne. i.e. 14 Octob. E Dom. Lit.
• p 1.765

  Godw. Catal. Bpps. p. 458. & Holinshead Ire∣land p. 71.
• q 1.766

  Ex Bundello Pricrat. Alieni∣genarum An^o. 11. Ed. 3. fisco applicaterum Vid. Clem. Reyneri. Ap••∣stel. Benedicti∣nerum in Appen. Par. 2. p. 71. & Weever's Fun. Monum. p. 328.
• r 1.767

  id. Clem. Reyner. in Ap∣pend. Par. 3. p. 146.
• s 1.768

  Junii 9. obiit; Ʋt apparet ex il∣lius Historiâ in l. dicto Time's Storeh. p. 720. Alii 6 Junii po∣nunt.
• t 1.769

  Vid. Time's Storeh. p. 720. l. 7. c. 30. & Engl. Atlas 4 Vol. p. 153.
• u 1.770

  To enforce the truth of this Relation a lit∣tle, Conradus Gesner hath these Words:

  The Oxen of the Belgian Provinces, especially in Frie∣sland and Holland, are of very great stature: For it hath been found by experience, that one of them hath weigh'd Sixteen Hundred pounds Trey Weight. And when the Earl of H••ochstadt was at Machlin in Friesland, there was presented un∣to him a Fair Large Ox, which being killed, weigh'd above Two Thousand Five Hundred Twenty Eight Pounds [which I reckon to a∣mount to 180 Stone and 8 Pounds.] Where∣fore that succeeding Ages might not mistrust the Truth of so strange a Matter; the said Earl caused the Picture of the said Ox to be set up in his Palace, at his full Proportion, with an In∣scription signifying his Weight, and the Day and Year, when this Ox was deliver'd and killed.

  Conrad. Gesner. Hist. of Foursccted Beasts. p. 70. Engl. folio.
• x 1.771

  Walsing. hist. p. 83.
• y 1.772

  Time's Store∣house p. 720.
• z 1.773

  Time's St••••e∣house ibid.
• a 1.774

  Frois. c. 29.
• b 1.775

  Vid. l. 1. c. 24. §. 7.
• c 1.776

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 185.
• d 1.777

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 646.
• e 1.778

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 531.
• f 1.779

  Dudg. 1 Vol. p. 531.
• g 1.780

  Extant apud Odoric. Raynald. ad An. 1337. §. 12.
• h 1.781

  Frois. c. 30.
• i 1.782

  Fabian p. 205.
• k 1.783

  Frois. c. 30.
• l 1.784

  Fabian p. 205.
• m 1.785

  Frois. c. 30. & Holinshead p. 901. & St••w p. 234. & Wal∣sing. hist. p. 132. n. 1.
• n 1.786

  Ashmole p. 647.
• o 1.787

  Walsingh. hist. p. 118. & Dug. 1 Vol. p. 531. & Knighton p. 2570. n. 30.
• p 1.788

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 138.
• q 1.789

  Frois. c. 30. & Holinsh. p. 901.
• r 1.790

  Dugd. 2 Vol. 67. & Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 784.
• s 1.791

  James Meire.
• t 1.792

  Frois. c. 31. fol. 19.
• u 1.793

  Stow p. 234. Walsing. hist. p. 132. n. 10.
• x 1.794

  Frois. c. 31. f. 19.
• y 1.795

  Frois. ibid.
• z 1.796

  Holinshead p. 901. E. Lit. Dom.
• * 1.797

  Frois. c. 32.
• * 1.798

  Foliet. hist. sen. l. 6.
• a 1.799

  Tom. 3. Epist. secret. 306. & Odoric. Rainald. ad an. 1337. §. 21.
• b 1.800

  Ashm••le p. 647. &c. ex Rot. Alman. 11. Ed. 3. m. 4.
• c 1.801

  3 Octob. Rot. Alman. 11 Ed. 3. n. 10.
• d 1.802

  Ibid. n. 11.
• e 1.803

  7 Octob. ib. n. 13.
• f 1.804

  Ibid. m. 1.
• g 1.805

  Ibid.
• h 1.806

  Claus 11 Ed. 3. p. 2. m 29. in Dorso & Knighton p. 2569. n. 10.
• i 1.807

  Rot. Vascon. 11 Ed. 3. m. 40.
• k 1.808

  Rot. Vasc. 11 Ed. 3. m. 4.
• l 1.809

  6 Jan. ibid.
• m 1.810

  Claus. 11 Ed. 3. p. 2. m. 28. Dors••.
• n 1.811

  Hear the Learned Esquire Ashmole reads—his Brother the Earl of Cornwall, whereas 'tis plain, that the Earl of Cornwall died the Year pre∣ceding, as we have shew'd, and also upon the Death of the Earl of Cornwall, that Earldom was converted afterwards into a Dukedom, and conser'd upon Prince Edward. Nor is it strange that I here am forced not only to read Kent for Cornwall, but Brother, for Fathers Brother's Son, since we find in the Records, that this very King calls Richard the Son of his Eldest Son, Prince Edward, his own Son, as thus— Rex Charissimo Filio suo Richardo Prin∣cipi Walliae, &c. But I believe this Place being thrô Age obscur'd, and so left to Conjecture, was for hast mistaken in that manner.
• * 1.811.1

  Summonitio Parliamenti 51 Ed. 3. old. Sr. Rob. Cot∣toos Abridgment of the Records p. 143.
• o 1.812

  Ashmole p. 649.
• p 1.813

  Victorelius & Ciacon. 1 Vol. p. 862. §. 24. & p. 857. §. 4. Ho∣linshead Engl. Chr. p. 901. &c.
• q 1.814

  Vid. Odoric. Rainald. ad An. 1337. §. 15. ubi Papalis. Commis∣sio his Cardina∣libus facta.
• r 1.815

  Ashmole p. 649.
• s 1.816

  Odoric. Rai∣nald. ad An. 1337. §. 20.
• t 1.817

  Walsing. Hist. p. 146. Edit. Franc. n. 20.
• u 1.818

  Gesta PPae Benedicti XII. apud Besqu. & M.S. Bibl. Va∣tican. sign. n. 3765. in Ben. XII. & Odoric. Rainald. ad hune An. §. 30.
• * 1.819

  AN. DOM. 1338. An. Regni XII.
• a 1.820

  Ashmole p. 649.
• b 1.821

  Holinshead p. 902.
• c 1.822

  Knighton p. 2570.
• d 1.823

  Holinshead ibid.
• e 1.824

  Knighton p. 2570. n. 10. & 20.
• f 1.825

  Odoric. Rai∣nald. ad An. 1337. §. 21.
• g 1.826

  Rot. Alman. 12. Ed. 3. p. 1. m. 36. vid. Pat. de ••••d. in. p. 1. ••. 24.
• h 1.827

  Knighton p. 2570. n. 20.
• i 1.828

  Ashmole p. 649.
• * 1.829

  21 Jun. R••t. Aleman. 12 Ed. 3. p. 1. m. 5.
• k 1.830

  Frois. c. 32.
• * 1.831

  Ashmole p. 649 & Walsing. hist. 119.
• l 1.832

  Avesbury: 300 alti.
• m 1.833

  De his ••mni∣lus vid. Dugd. Bar. ad singulo∣rum nomina & hunc an. Ed. 3.
• n 1.834

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 181. vid. Bp. Godw. Catal. Bpps p. 406.
• o 1.835

  Knighton p. 2571. n. 20. & Joh. Villan. l. 110. c. 83.
• p 1.836

  Ashmole p. 649. ex Rot. Alman. fact. a∣pud Antwerp. (Julii 22.) 12 Ed. 3. m. 7. & 3.
• q 1.837

  Frois. c. 32.
• r 1.838

  Knighton p. 2571. n. 50.
• s 1.839

  Frois ibid.
• t 1.840

  Engl. Atlas 4 Vol. p. 234.
• u 1.841

  Mezeray.
• x 1.842

  Speeds Chron. p. 564. §. 81.
• y 1.843

  Walsingh. Hy∣pod. p. 114 Hist. p. 132. Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 167. Le∣land Coll. 1 Vol. p. 802.
• z 1.844

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 64.
• a 1.845

  Weevers fun. Mon. p. 726.
• b 1.846

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 65.
• c 1.847

  Mill's Catal. H••nor. p. 510.
• d 1.848

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 646. ex Pat. fact. apud Ant∣werp. 12. Ed. 3. p. 3. m 7.
• e 1.849

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 52.
• f 1.850

  Extat apud Odoric. Rainald. ad hunc annum §. 55.
• g 1.851

  Knighton p. 2571. n. 50. & vid. Rebd••rfii Annales de h••c anno.
• h 1.852

  Alii dicunt l••cum fuisse Confluentias, al••i Francofur∣tum.
• i 1.853

  Walsingh. hist. p. 132.
• k 1.854

  Selden's Ti∣tles of Hon. part. 1. c. 3 p. 29.
• l 1.855

  Knighton p. 2571. n. 60.
• m 1.856

  Ashmole p. 649. Frois. l. 1. c. 34. f. 19.
• n 1.857

  Nic••laus Mi∣n••rita M.S. Bib. Vatican. sign. n. 4008. apud O∣doric. Rainald. ad ••••nc annum §. 68.
• o 1.858

  Frois. c. 34.
• p 1.859

  Frois. c. 34. fol. 19.
• q 1.860

  Novemb. 11
• r 1.861

  Knighton p. 2572. n. 30.
• s 1.862

  Ferrarii Lex∣••n Leodium.
• t 1.863

  Frois. ibid.
• u 1.864

  Knighton p. 2572. n. 40.
• x 1.865

  Frois. ibid.
• y 1.866

  Knighton p. 2572. n. 40. & 50.
• z 1.867

  Frois. ibid.
• a 1.868

  Knighton p. 2571. n. 30.
• b 1.869

  Knighton p. 2573. n. 10.
• c 1.870

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 26.
• * 1.871

  AN. DOM. 1339. An. Regni XIII.
• a 1.872

  Ashmole p. 649. 16. Febr. Patentes inter Regem Angl. & diversos Mag∣nates German. de anno 13 Ed. 3. m. 2. & 4.
• b 1.873

  Ashmole p. 649. 1 Julii, Pat. concess. ho∣minth. Angl. & Vasc. 13 Ed. 3. m. 17. & Knigh∣ton p. 2572. n. 60
• c 1.874

  Walsingh. hist. p. 119. Editio∣nis verò France∣furtian••e p. 136. & Adam Muri∣mouth M.S. & partim apud O∣doric. Rainald. ad an. 1339. §. 17, & 18. & M. S. Dr. Stilling∣fleet n. 5. a prin∣cap. ad finem.
• d 2.1

  Here a Clause, of which I can make no good Sense, is left out
• t 2.2

  One Clause (of which I could make no serse) left out.
• s 2.3

  Hic etiam Clau∣sulam emitte e∣âdem ratione ductus.
• g 2.4

  Fidei Athle∣tas.
• h 3.1

  Haec Epistola extat etiam a∣pud. Rai∣nald. ad An. 1338. §. 59. ex Tom. 4. Epist. Secr. 380. tis∣dem verbis, qui∣bus apud Wal∣singh.
• i 3.2

  ••v. apud O∣deric.
• * 3.3

  AN. DOM. 1339. An. Regni XIII.
• a 3.4

  Frois. c. 35.
• b 3.5

  1 Septemb.
• c 3.6

  Frois. ibid.
• d 3.7

  Knighton p. 2574. n. 30. & 40.
• e 3.8

  Frois. c. 36.
• f 3.9

  Scaldis Lat.
• g 3.10

  Knighton p. 2573. n. 60.
• h 3.11

  Knighton ibid.
• l 3.12

  Frois. c. 37.
• k 3.13

  Sandford Ge∣neal. hist. p. 130. l. 2. c. 1.
• l 3.14

  Da Chesne l. 15. p 646.
• m 3.15

  Frois. c. 37. & Knighton p. 2573. n. 20. &c.
• n 3.16

  Fabian p. 206. & Helmstead p. 904.
• o 3.17

  Frois. c. 37. f. 21. Stow p. 235. Holinshead p. 904. Knigh∣ton p. 2573. à n. 1. ad n. 10. Walsing. hist. Edit. Franc. p. 146. n. 5. Fabian p. 206. &c.
• p 3.18

  Speed's Maps in Hantshire f. 13. §. 10.
• q 3.19

  Sr. Rob. Cotton p. 20. §. 16, 17. M.S. p. 27. §. 16. &c.
• r 3.20

  Stow p. 235.
• s 3.21

  Knight. n. p. 2573. n. 40.
• t 3.22

  Stow p. 235.
• u 3.23

  Victorel••us 1 Vol. p. 862. §. 24. & p. 857, §. 4.
• x 3.24

  Froisa. 38.
• y 3.25

  Engl. Atl. 4 Vol. p. 233.
• z 3.26

  Mezeray 2. part. 3 tom. p. 15.
• a 3.27

  Knighton p. 2574.
• b 3.28

  Frois. c. 39.
• c 3.29

  Vid. ad An. Reg. 23.
• d 3.30

  Frois. c. 39.
• * 3.31

  C Dom. Lit.
• e 3.32

  Ashmole p. 650. ex Pat. Concess. hominib. Angl. & Vascon. 13 Ed. 3. m. 12.
• f 3.33

  Ex aptis Ju∣ventutis ejus au∣spiciis circum∣spectionis & ele∣gantiae praesagi∣um concepimus, Lit. Patent. apud Selden. Titles of Honor. p. 644. & Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 576.
• * 3.34

  14 Octob.
• g 3.35

  Walsingh. hist. p. 128. n. 30.
• h 3.36

  Knighton p. 2574. Stow p. 235.
• i 3.37

  Odoric. Rainal. ad hunc an. § 10 ex Tom. 5. Epist. secr. 417.
• k 3.38

  Stow ibid.
• l 3.39

  Frois. c. 40.
• * 3.40

  C. Lit. Dom.
• m 3.41

  Freis. c. 41. f. 23. Da Chesne l. 15. p. 648.
• n 3.42

  Knighton p. 2577. n. 40.
• o 3.43

  Frois. c. 41. ad sin. & du Chesne l. 15. p. 648.
• p 3.44

  Sala apud Du Chesne ibid.
• q 3.45

  Knighton p. 2574. n. 50. & 60.
• r 3.46

  Walsingh. hist. p. 128. n. 30. & 40. & Knighton p. 2574 n. 60. & 2575. n. 1. ad n. 10.
• s 3.47

  Fr••••is. c. 42.
• t 3.48

  Frois. ibid. & Du Chesne p. 649.
• u 3.49

  Freis. ib. c. 42. Mezeray p. 15. Du Chesne p 649. Asumcle p. 650. P. Amyl. p. 275. c. & ex∣teri serè cinnes.
• x 3.50

  Knighton p. 2575. n. 10.
• y 3.51

  Walsingh. hist. p. 128. & Knighton ibid.
• z 3.52

  Frois. c. 42.
• a 3.53

  Knighton p. 2575. n. 50.
• b 3.54

  Ashmole p. 650 ex Pat. inter Regem & di∣verses Magnat. German. 15 No∣vemb. 13 Ed. 3. m. 3.
• c 3.55

  Walsingh. hist. p. 132.
• d 3.56

  Ret. Aleman. 12 Ed. 3. p. 1. m. 17. vid. Ashmcle p. 675. & Sand∣ford p. 184.
• e 3.57

  16 Febr. Pa∣tentes inter Re∣gem & diversos Magnates Ger∣man. de anno 13 Ed. 3. m. 2.
• f 3.58

  Walsingh. hist. p. 133.
• g 3.59

  Ashmole p. 675. & 676.
• * 4.1

  Walsingh. hist. p. 129. Censimi∣les Liter•• Regi Franciae dire∣ctae, exstant apud Odoric. Rainald. ad an. §. 1339. 14.
• * 5.1

  Walsingh. hist. p. 130.
• * 5.2

  C. Lit. Dom.
• h 5.3

  M.S. Rot. Parl. p. 23. & Sr. Rob. Cotton p. 17. §. 1, 2, 3. &c.
• i 5.4

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 531.
• k 5.5

  Alii legunt Coyne.
• * 5.6

  M.S. Wake, male.
• l 5.7

  Rot. Parl. M. S. ibid. p. 25. S^r Rob. Cotton p. 19.
• m 5.8

  Philipet's Ca∣tal. p. 33.
• n 5.9

  Jan. 20.
• * 5.10

  AN. DOM. 1340. An. Regni XIV.
• * 5.11

  Dom. Lit. B. A.
• o 5.12

  Jan. 24.
• p 5.13

  i.e. 6 Martii nam Pascha hoc an^o. 16. A∣pril.
• q 5.14

  i.e. 26 Martii.
• r 5.15

  It•• cerrigo pro Welbro••k in M. S. & Sr. R. Cotton.
• s 5.16

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 541.
• a 5.17

  Frois. c. 43.
• b 5.18

  Ashmole p. 650. Fox p. 340. Sandford p. 160
• d 5.19

  Joh. Villani l. 11. c. 108. Odoric. Rainald. ad hunc annum §. 3. Hocsem. l. 2. c. 25.
• e 5.20

  Speed p. 572.
• f 5.21

  Speed p. 572.
• g 5.22

  St•••• p. 236.
• h 5.23

  Sandford p. 157. an Not. vid. eund. ibid. in Notis p. 270.
• i 5.24

  Od••r••••u•• Ray∣nald. ad hunc annum §. 9. ex∣tat apud Bene∣dict. Tom. 6. E∣pist. secr. 302. & M.S. Dr. Stil∣lingfleet, s•••• in∣cipiens, Ut San∣ctitati Domini nostri Summi Pontifi••is, &c.
• k 5.25

  The Original more full, de∣bait & debet,
• l 5.26

  Hic in M.S. Dr. Stilling-sleet multa ad∣duntur e•• Pan∣dect. &c. ad Jus Regis stabilien∣d••on allegata: tum qu••e sequun∣tar hic.
• m 5.27

  The Original more full, fore & else.
• n 5.28

  Knighton p. 2576. and St••w p. 236.
• o 5.29

  Frois. c. 43.
• * 5.30

  Walsingh. hist. p. 133. and Stow p. 236.
• q 5.31

  Sandford Ge∣neal. Hist. p. 248
• r 5.32

  Mill's Catal. Nobility p. 613.
• s 5.33

  Rot. Franc. 14 Ed. 3. m. 1. and Ashmole p. 651.
• * 5.34

  AN. DOM. 1340. An. Regni Angliae XIV. Franciae I.
• t 5.35

  Speed p. 572. a.
• u 6.1

  Fox Acts and Monum. p. 346.
• x 6.2

  Claus. 14. Ed. 3. p. 1. m. 42. derso.
• y 6.3

  21 Febr. ibid. m. 33. in derso.
• z 6.4

  29 Martii.
• a 6.5

  Vid. hujus si∣gilli Imaginem Sandford p. 124
• * 6.6

  M.S. Dr. Stil∣lingfleet p. 1. & apud Odoric. Rainald ad An. 1340. § 4. ex Tom. 6. Epist. Secret. 255. in Vatican.
• c 7.1

  Success••ne M. S. Successionem Odoric.
• d 7.2

  Ascribentes in M.S. quod male legitur ar∣bitrantes apud Oder. Rainald.
• e 7.3

  Ad desens••••∣n••m M.S. recte, Odoric. a•• de∣fensionem ••••l••.
• f 7.4

  Od••rit. R••i∣nald. ad ••••nd•••• A••. §. 8. ••••∣••em. 6. Epist. Sec••. 25••.
• a 7.5

  Frois. c. 46. fol. 26.
• b 7.6

  Walsingh hist. p. 133. Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 104. & Odoric. Rainald. ad An. 1339. n. 15.
• c 7.7

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 48.
• d 7.8

  Knighton p. 2575. n. 60.
• e 7.9

  Stow p. 236.
• f 7.10

  Knighton p. 2573. n. 50.
• g 7.11

  Frois. c. 44. &c. 50. Astincle p. 651.
• h 7.12

  Qu. Videme. i.e. Viced••••was.
• i 7.13

  Frois. c. 44.
• k 7.14

  C. 13. §. 3. p. 135.
• l 7.15

  Frois. ibid.
• m 7.16

  Frois. c. 110.
• n 7.17

  Id. c. 49.
• o 7.18

  Frois. c. 44.
• p 7.19

  C. 10. §. 6. p. 114.
• q 7.20

  Vid. c. 11. §. 5. p. 125.
• r 7.21

  Frois. c. 45.
• s 7.22

  Hu••us cap. §. 3. p. 164.
• t 7.23

  Frois. c. 46. fol. 26.
• u 7.24

  Neque Multi∣tudo ne{que} Prin∣ceps Pepuli sunt excommunican∣di. August. in Glossa ad Mat∣th••. c. 13.
• x 7.25

  Charles Al∣l••yne in C••efty 〈◊〉〈◊〉 p. 7.
• y 7.26

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 48. b.
• z 7.27

  〈…〉〈…〉 4 Vol. p. 244.
• a 7.28

  Walsingh 〈◊〉〈◊〉. p. 133. St••n 236
• b 7.29

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 64•• b.
• c 7.30

  St•••• p. 236.
• d 7.31

  Walsingh. hist. p. 134.
• * 7.32

  P••sch. 16 A∣pril Dom. Lit. B. A.
• c 7.33

  Frois. c. 47.
• s 7.34

  Ibid.
• g 7.35

  Frois. c. 47. fol. 28.
• h 7.36

  Frois. c. 48.
• i 7.37

  Fro••s. c. 19.
• k 7.38

  Mezeray p. 16.
• l 7.39

  Fabian p. 269.
• m 7.40

  Fabian ibid.
• n 7.41

  Frois. c. 49. fol. 29.
• o 7.42

  Fabi•••• p. 269
• a 7.43

  M.S. R••••. Parl. p. 29. &c. Sr. R.b. Cotton p. 22. & Holinshead Eng. Chron. p. 907.
• b 7.44

  Knighton p. 2576. a••. 30. ad n. 60.
• b 7.45

  vid. Sta∣tute Book 1 Vol. p. 78, &c.
• c 7.46

  Statute Book 1 Vol. p. 82. c. 1.
• d 7.47

  Vid. Statute Book 1 Vol. p. 82
• e 7.48

  App••ser M.S.
• f 7.49

  M.S. & Sr. R. Cotton ibid. & Dagd. 2 Vol. p 113.
• g 7.50

  Cambden Brit.
• h 7.51

  M. S. ibid. & S^r Rob. Cotton &c.
• i 7.52

  Pouder.
• k 7.53

  M. S. p. 32. § 41. 14 Ed. 3.
• l 7.54

  Malè ibi Greygrave vid. Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 675.
• m 7.55

  Hujus Operis l. 1. c. 5. §. 3. p. 67.
• n 7.56

  Dudg. 1 Vol. p. 127.
• o 7.57

  M. S. ibid. & Sr. Rob. Cotton. &c. Ʋbi tamen 40 Archers. sed 60 apud Dugd.
• p 7.58

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 127.
• q 7.59

  M. S. ibid. §. 46. & S^r R••••. Cotton. &c.
• r 7.60

  M. S. & Sr. Rob. ibid.
• s 7.61

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 65.
• t 7.62

  M.S. & Sr. Rob. ibid.
• u 7.63

  §. 44.
• x 7.64

  Godwin Catal. Bps of York 42 & 43. p. 599. Ob••••t 5^th April.
• y 7.65

  M.S. & Sr. Rob. ibid.
• z 7.66

  L. 1. c. 1. § 6. p. 12.
• a 7.67

  M.S. &c. ibid.
• b 7.68

  Stow p. 237.
• c 7.69

  Walsingh. hist. p. 134.
• d 7.70

  Knighton p. 2577. n. 10.
• e 7.71

  Fox Acts and Monum. p. 347.
• f 7.72

  Frois. c. 50. Ashmole p. 651.
• g 7.73

  Fox ibid.
• h 7.74

  Pilip••t••s Ca∣tal. Chancellors p. 39.
• i 7.75

  Walsingh. hist. p. 134.
• k 7.76

  St••w p. 237.
• l 7.77

  Ashmole p. 651.
• m 7.78

  B.A. Dom. Lit.
• n 7.79

  Knighton p. 2577. n 50.
• o 7.80

  Frois. c. 50.
• p 7.81

  Adam Muri∣mouth.
• * 7.82

  Knighton p. 2577. n. 50. & 60.
• q 7.83

  Knighton p. 2578. & Stow p. 237.
• r 7.84

  Adam Muri∣mouth.
• * 7.85

  Engl. A••l. 4 Vol. p. 243.
• s 7.86

  Frois. c. 50.
• t 7.87

  Adam Muri∣mouth.
• u 7.88

  Frois. ibid. fol. 30.
• x 7.89

  Da Chesne l. 15. fol. 651.
• y 7.90

  Fabian. p. 211.
• z 7.91

  Da Chesne l. 15. p. 651. b.
• a 7.92

  Frois. c. 50. f. 30. a.
• b 7.93

  Dugd. 2. Vol. p. 70.
• c 7.94

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 382.
• d 7.95

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 564. & p. 569
• e 7.96

  Adam Muri∣mouth, &c.
• f 7.97

  Adam M••ri∣mouth, &c.
• g 7.98

  Knighton p. 2578. & Stow p. 237.
• h 7.99

  Victorell. p. 883. Speed p. 573.
• i 7.100

  So••thwell.
• k 7.101

  Stow p. 237. & Holinshead. Speed, &c.
• l 7.102

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 134.
• * 7.103

  Knighton p. 2578. n. 10.
• m 7.104

  Frois. c. ••0. f. 30.
• n 7.105

  Esq Ashmole p. 700. vid. Common. Ter. Trin. 15. Ed. 3. m. 3. derso.
• o 7.106

  Frois. ibid.
• p 7.107

  Engl. Atlas 4 Vol. p. 243.
• q 8.1

  Fox Acts and Monum. p. 347.
• r 8.2

  Walsingh. hist. p. 134. n. 30. Fox Acts and Mon. p. 347. Sr. Rich. Baker, &c.
• s 8.3

  Fabian p. 392.
• t 8.4

  Frois. c. 50. f. 30.
• u 8.5

  Mezeray. 2 part 3 tom. 16 pag.
• x 8.6

  L. 1. c. 13. §. 9. p. 146.
• y 8.7

  Odoric. Ray∣nald. ad an. 1339. §. 39.
• z 8.8

  Mezeray 2 par. 3 t••m. p. 31.
• a 8.9

  Labb•• Chron. Techn. ad hunc ann.
• a 8.10

  Fabian p. 212.
• b 8.11

  Du Chesne p. 651.
• c 8.12

  Favine l. 4. c. 3. p. 6.
• d 8.13

  Gaguin l. 8. p. 137.
• e 8.14

  22 Julii.
• f 8.15

  Frois. c. 53. fol. 30. b. & 31. a. & Du Chesne.
• g 8.16

  Fabian p. 212.
• h 8.17

  Gievana. Vil∣lan. l. 11. c. 111. p. 769.
• i 8.18

  Walsingh. hist. p. 135. & Edit. Franes. p. 149. n. 21.
• k 8.19

  Adam Muri∣mouth.
• l 9.1

  Id. Adam M••∣rimouth & Wal∣singh. lote citato & Fabian p. 212 & F••x Acts & Monum. p. 348. & Sandford p. 161. & Du Chesne p. 651. Mezeray p. 16. &c.
• m 9.2

  Haec verba vi∣dentur alludere ad illud DIEU E•• MON DROIT. i.e. God and my Right: which words are still under the Arms of the Kings of England, &c.
• n 9.3

  Sandford p. 161. Fox 27 Julii. Fab. 15 Julii. Alii di∣em non ass••gn••nt.
• o 10.1

  Mezeray 2 Par. 3 T••m. p. 16.
• * 10.2

  Du Chesne p. 651. D. & p. 652. A. St Rich. Baker, &c.
• p 10.3

  Frois. c. 53.
• q 10.4

  Du Serres & Speed p. 573.
• r 10.5

  Frois. c. 54.
• s 10.6

  Walsingh. hist. p. 136 n. 20.
• t 10.7

  Villani & Me∣zeray 2 Par. 3 Tem. p. 17.
• u 10.8

  Frois. c. 56. Du Chesne p. 652. B.
• x 10.9

  Mezeray p. 2••.
• y 10.10

  Du Chesne p. 652. b.
• z 10.11

  Fabian p. 21.••
• a 10.12

  Mezeray p. 17
• b 10.13

  Walsing•• hist. p. 135. n. 1••.
• c 10.14

  Fabian ibid.
• d 10.15

  Frois. c. 57.
• e 10.16

  Fabian p. 215.
• * 10.17

  Frois. c. 57. Du Chesne p. 652. D.
• * 10.18

  Frois. & Du Chesne ibid.
• h 10.19

  Frois. & ••u Ches••e ibid. vid. c. 15. § 7. p. 168.
• i 10.20

  Salra Latin.
• k 10.21

  Du Chesne p. 653.
• l 10.22

  Frois. c. 59. f. 33.
• m 10.23

  Frois. c. 54.
• n 10.24

  Ferrar. in ••••t. Fan••m St. A∣mand••.
• o 10.25

  Frois. c. 60.
• p 10.26

  Frois. c. 6••. fol. 33. b.
• q 10.27

  Walsingh. hist. p. 136 n 20. & Hypod. p. 115. Fox p. 348.
• r 10.28

  Frois. c. 61.
• s 10.29

  M.S. Record. Parl. p. 36. & S^r Rob. Cotton p. 27. &c.
• t 10.30

  Godwin Catal. Bps. p. 268.
• u 10.31

  Hector p. 322 n. 75.
• x 10.32

  I. 1. c. 16. §. 1. p. 180.
• y 10.33

  Buchan. p. 297. l. 9. & Holin∣shead Scotl. p. 238. & Hector Beeth. p. 322.
• z 10.34

  Holinshead p. 239.
• a 10.35

  Hector p. 322.
• b 10.36

  Holinshead S••ctl. p. 238.
• c 10.37

  Frois. c. 55. f. 31. b. &c.
• d 10.38

  Vid. l. 1. c. 15. §. 10. p. 174.
• e 10.39

  Hector p. 322. n. 20. & B••chan. l. 9. p. 298.
• f 10.40

  Frois. c. 55.
• g 10.41

  Frois. c. 379. fol. 257.
• h 10.42

  Vid. l. 1. c. 17. §. 1. p. 187.
• i 10.43

  Frois. c. 62.
• k 10.44

  Vid. Peter de Leier's Treatise of Spectres. c. 6. p. 56. b. & 57. a. &c. 11. p. 110. &c.
• l 10.45

  Holinshead p. 911.
• * 10.46

  Du Chesne p. 651. &c.
• m 10.47

  Sr. Rich. Ba∣ker p. 130.
• n 10.48

  Villan. l. 11. c. 110. p. 769.
• o 10.49

  G••ov••n V••ll••∣ni••. 11. c. 111. p. 770. & Me∣zeray 2 Part. 3 Tom. p. 17.
• p 10.50

  Frois. c. 63. fol. 35.
• q 10.51

  Fox Monum. p. 348. b. n. 60.
• r 10.52

  Odoric. Rai∣nald. ad An. 1340 §. 29.
• s 10.53

  Frois. c. 63.
• t 10.54

  Warner's Al∣bion's England l. 3. c. 16. p. 73.
• u 10.55

  Frois. c. 63.
• x 10.56

  Freis. c. 63. fol. 35.
• y 10.57

  Knighton p. 2578. n. 44. Atouz ceur que cestez presentez lettrez verrent cue cieront, Jean par la Grace, &c.
• z 10.58

  Knighton p. ibid. & Fox Acts and Mon. p. 348 Du Chesne. p. 653. c.
• a 10.59

  This is omit∣ted in Fos, who also varies not a little from the Original French, both here and else∣where, &c.
• b 10.60

  Here the old French a little imperfect.
• c 10.61

  Frois. c. 63. fol. 35.
• * 10.62

  B. A. Dom. Lit.
• d 10.63

  Holinshead Engl. Chron. p. 912.
• e 10.64

  Freis. c. 63. fol. 35.
• f 10.65

  Frois. ibid.
• g 10.66

  Frois. ibid.
• h 10.67

  Odoric. Ray∣nald. An. 1340. §. 33. ad §. 37.
• i 10.68

  Extat apud Benedict. Tom. 2. Ep secr. 114. in Bib. Vatican. & Odoric. Ray∣nald, ibid.
• k 10.69

  Extant apud Odoric. Rainald. ad hunc annum §. 38.
• l 10.70

  Gaguin. p. 139.
• m 10.71

  Frois. c. 63. ibid.
• n 10.72

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 48 b. Wais••••. hist. p. 135. n. 10.
• o 10.73

  Leland. Collect. 1 Vol. p. 805. Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 646.
• * 10.74

  S^r Roh. Cottens M.S. p. 44. §. 43. Godwins Gatal. Bps. p. 136. &c.
• p 10.75

  Godw. Catal. Bps. Linc. p. 304 Stow p. 238.
• q 10.76

  Walsingh. hist. p. 150.
• r 10.77

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 35.
• s 10.78

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 35.
• t 10.79

  Godw. Catal. Bps. p. 303.
• u 10.80

  Godwin ibid. p. 304.
• x 10.81

  Godw. p. 303.
• y 10.82

  Philipot's Ca∣tal. Ch••ncel. &c.
• z 10.83

  Godw. p. 304.
• a 10.84

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 639.
• * 10.85

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 52.
• b 10.86

  Pat. 1. Ed. 3. p. 1. m. 22.
• c 10.87

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 658.
• d 10.88

  Stow's Survey Lond. p. 249.
• e 10.89

  C••••••••n. & Vi∣ctorell. de PP. Reman. p. 884. & p. 887.
• f 10.90

  Jos. Teixera de Orig. Reg. Port.
• g 10.91

  Joh. Mariana l. 16 c. 7.
• h 10.92

  Vasaus Hist. Hisp. Genebr. l. 4 Chronog. vid. Od••ric. Raynal. ad hunc annum §. 40. usque ad §. 56.
• i 10.93

  Ita Literae Pontis. gratula∣toriae ad Al∣phonsum nemi∣nant.
• k 10.94

  Victorell. ib.
• l 10.95

  Odoric. Ray∣nald. ad ann. 1340. §. 55.
• m 10.96

  Walsingh. hist. p. 135.
• a 10.97

  Holingshead Engl. Chron. p. 912. b.
• b 10.98

  Stow p. 237.
• c 10.99

  Grafton p. 247. & Fabian p. 216.
• d 10.100

  30 Novem.
• e 10.101

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 127.
• f 10.102

  Philipot's Ca∣tal. Chancell. & Treas. p. 34.
• g 10.103

  Holinshead Engl. Chron. p. 912.
• h 10.104

  Philipot's ibid. p. 34. & 38.
• i 10.105

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 146. b.
• k 10.106

  Holinshead ibid. p. 913.
• l 10.107

  Walsingh. hist. p. 135. n. 25.
• m 10.108

  Antiq. Brit. p. 223. &c.
• n 10.109

  Ecclesiasticus c. 48. v. 12.
• o 10.110

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 159. ex Wal∣singbam.
• p 11.1

  Walsingh. hist. p. 136 Fox Acts and Men. p. 350.
• q 12.1

  Anno Domini 1243; Papat. initt. An. 1254. ••••••it.
• r 12.2

  Walsingh. hist. p. 142. n. 4.
• s 12.3

  Antiq. Brit. p. 224. Walsing. hist. p. 142. Fox Acts and M••∣num. p. 349.
• t 13.1

  Et aliis, quod habe•• l. Antiqu. Brit. emittit Walsingh.
• u 13.2

  Isai. 36. v. 6.
• x 13.3

  Vid. l. 1. c. 16. §. 1. p. 177.
• y 13.4

  C. 28. v. 10. & 13.
• z 13.5

  The forego∣ing part of this Clause is omit∣ted by Antiq. Brit. & Wal∣singh. only Mr. Fo••'s Copy hath it.
• a 13.6

  L. Antiqu. Bri∣tan. habet Eccle∣sia; sed Wal∣singham Reg∣num, praeplacet Ecclesia; ex iis, quae pluries re∣petuntur.
• b 13.7

  Antiqu. Brit. p. 227. &c.
• c 14.1

  Innocent l. Pa∣pa Rom. fl••ruit circa An. Chr. 404.
• d 14.2

  1 Cor. c. 2. v. 15.
• e 14.3

  Wisd. of So∣lomon c. 6. v. 1. & 3.
• * 14.4

  Claudian. Regis ad exem∣plum t••tus com∣ponitur ••rbis.
• f 14.5

  2 Corin. c. 5. v. 10.
• g 14.6

  Ecclus c. 11. v. 5.
• * 14.7

  Currenti ce∣dende Furori.
• h 14.8

  Wisd. c. 16. v. 4.
• * 14.9

  The Archbi∣shops Answer to the first Ar∣ticle.
• i 14.10

  Vid. l. 1. c. 2. §. 2. p. 28.
• k 14.11

  Genes. 32. v. 10.
• * 14.12

  To the 2^d Ar∣ticle.
• l 14.13

  Joh. c. 8. v. 32.
• m 14.14

  Lat. Ʋltra posse viri, Non vult Deus ulla requiri.
• n 14.15

  John c. 3. v. 20.
• * 14.16

  To the 4 Ar∣ticle.
• o 14.17

  Matth. c. 19. v. 29.
• p 14.18

  James c. 1. v. 5.
• * 14.19

  To the 5 Ar∣ticle.
• * 14.20

  To the 6 Ar∣ticle.
• q 14.21

  John 10. v. 11
• r 14.22

  Luke c. 18. v. 19.
• s 14.23

  Luke c. 17. v. 10.
• t 14.24

  Si culpent alii, Te me laudare necesse est.
• * 14.25

  To the 7 Ar∣ticle.
• u 14.26

  Job c. 6. v. 2.
• x 14.27

  Prov. c. 18. v. 15.
• y 15.1

  1 Tim. c. 2. v. 1.
• z 15.2

  Psalm 128. v. 3.
• a 15.3

  Rom. c. 2. v. 1.
• b 15.4

  Jer. c. 9. v. 5.
• c 15.5

  Antiqu. Brit. p. 235. n. 55.
• d 15.6

  Pascha 8 A∣pril. Lit. Dom. G.
• e 15.7

  M. S. Rot. Parl. p. 40. &c. Exact A∣bridgement by S^r Rob. Cotton p. 31.
• f 15.8

  Antiqu. Brit. p. 235. n. 56.
• g 15.9

  M. S. ibid. §. 6. & Sr. Rob. Cottons Exact Abridgement.
• h 15.10

  Antiqu. Brit. p. 236. Godwins Cat Bps p. 136.
• i 15.11

  Antiqu. Brit. & Godw. ut su∣pra.
• k 15.12

  M. S. Ret. Parl. p. 41. §. 8. Sr. R. Cot∣ton p. 31. ibid.
• l 15.13

  M.S. Id. p. 45. §. 48. & Sr. Rob. Cotton.
• m 15.14

  M. S. Id. p. 42. &c.
• n 15.15

  Statute Book 15 Ed. 3. p. 85.
• o 15.16

  Ed. 3.17. n. 23. Revocation of a Statute.
• a 16.1

  Walsingh. hist. p. 146. n. 30. & Fox Acts and Monum. p. 351. & Stow p. 238. & Od••ric. Rai∣nald. ad hunc ann••m §. 12. &c.
• b 16.2

  Herwart.
• c 16.3

  Here a Clause added by Fox, which I find not in Walsing∣ham's Original.
• d 16.4

  1 Pet. 2.14.
• e 16.5

  Frois. c. 63. fol. 35.
• f 16.6

  Catal. Honor. p. 606.
• g 16.7

  Frois. ibid. & Catal. Honor.
• h 16.8

  Frois. ibid.
• i 16.9

  Mezeray p. 19.
• k 16.10

  Frois. c. 66.
• l 16.11

  Freis. c. 67.
• m 16.12

  Frois. c. 68.
• n 16.13

  Prois. c. 69.
• o 16.14

  Mezeray p. 18.
• p 16.15

  Prois. c. 70.
• q 16.16

  Catal. Honer. p. 6••4.
• r 16.17

  Mezeray p. 18.
• s 16.18

  Giov. Villani l. 11. c. 142.
• t 16.19

  Catal. Hener. p. 608. ex Re∣cord. Ed. 3.15.
• u 16.20

  Frois. c. 71.
• x 16.21

  Frois. c. 71.
• * 16.22

  Frois. c. 72.
• y 16.23

  Knighton p. 2580.
• z 16.24

  Stow p. 238.
• a 16.25

  Walsingh. hist. p. 149. Sandford p. 357. Dagd. 2 Vol. p. 154.
• b 16.26

  Frois. c. 89.
• c 16.27

  Ferrand Spence's Coun∣tess of Salsbu∣ry p. 45.
• d 16.28

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 52.
• e 16.29

  Id. 1 Vol. p. 576.
• f 16.30

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 356.
• g 16.31

  Natus enim A. D. 1304. vid. Hier. Squarza∣faehum in Vitâ Petrarche.
• h 16.32

  Id. ibid
• i 16.33

  Selden's Tit. Hen. 2 Part. c. 1. p. 406.
• * 16.34

  Tu quoque Trinacrii Moderator maxime Regni Hesperiaeque Decus, atque Aevi Gloria nostri, Judice quo merui, vatumque in Sede sedere, Optatásque diu lauros, titulúmque Poetae: (Te precor) oblatum tranquillo pectore munus Hospitio dignare tuo, &c. Petrarch. Africae l. 1.
• k 16.35

  G. Lit. Dom. Pasch. 8 April.
• l 16.36

  Victorellus p. 886. ad hunc ann. in Vitt. Pentif. & Squarzafic.
• m 16.37

  Frois. c. 73. Du Chesne p. 654.
• * 16.38

  1342. An. Regni Angliae XVI. Franciae III.
• n 16.39

  Frois. c. 74.
• o 16.40

  Buchan. says K. David re∣turn'd not till July, thô he makes the time limiting the Truce to be May: And yet that he came before the De∣puties had been with him: Preposterous.
• p 16.41

  Frois. c. 74. f. 39.
• q 16.42

  Frois. c. 75.
• r 16.43

  Frois. c. 75. & Du Chesne p. 655. Martin p. 111.
• s 16.44

  Pat. 4. Ed 3. p. 1. n. 21. Esc. 18. Ed. 3. n. 51.
• t 16.45

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 653.
• u 16.46

  Dugd. ibid. & Godwins Catal. Bps p. 268.
• x 16.47

  Esc. 26. Ed. 3. n. 54.
• y 16.48

  Dudg. 1 Vol. p. 647.
• z 16.49

  Ashmole's Garter p. 180. ex Esc. 28. Ed. 3 n. 19.
• a 16.50

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 74. ex libro Islip dicto f. 178
• b 16.51

  Catal. Honor. p. 1044.
• c 16.52

  Frois. c. 76.
• d 16.53

  Frois. ibid. & Du Ch s••e p. 655. B.
• e 16.54

  Frois. ibid. & Du Chisue p. 655. B.
• * 16.55

  Frois. c. 76.
• f 16.56

  Frois. ibid. & Du Chesne.
• g 16.57

  Frois. c. 77. & Du Chesne.
• h 16.58

  Fsc. 18. Ed 3. n. 51.
• i 16.59

  Frois. c. 77.
• k 16.60

  Frois. ibid.
• * 16.61

  Vid. c. 4. §. 2. p. 57.
• l 16.62

  Frois. c. 78. & Du Chesne.
• m 16.63

  Leland C••ll. 1 Vol. p. 803. & 805. Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 646. & 2 Vol. p. 48.
• n 16.64

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 646.
• a 16.65

  Frois. c. 79.
• b 16.66

  Didg. 1 Vol. p. 682.
• c 16.67

  Knighton p. 1581. n. 10.
• d 16.68

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 751.
• e 16.69

  Id. ibid. p. 185.
• s 16.70

  Frois. c. 80. fol. 41. l.
• g 16.71

  Frois. c. 80. Du Chesne p. 6; 6. Mezeray 2. part. tom. 3. p. 19. &c.
• h 16.72

  Frois. c. 80. fol. 42.
• i 16.73

  Hecame from Prince Ferdi∣nande, Eldest Son to Alphon∣so X, King of Castille and Le∣en, and from the Daughter of St. Iewis King of France: Whose Sons were put by the Crown by their Uncle Al∣phenso, that row Keigned. Odo∣ric. Raynald. ad an. 1344 §. 47.
• k 16.74

  Frois. c. 81.
• l 16.75

  Frois. c. 82. fol. 42. b.
• m 16.76

  Sic corrigo Froisard Con∣quest: Nam in∣ter Auray & Dinant nen re∣peritur Con∣quest, sed im∣mane quantum ab utrisque ecci∣dentem versus distat: Vt ex Tab. Geogr.
• n 16.77

  Freis. c. 83. fol. 43.
• o 16.78

  Frois. c. 84. fol. 43. b.
• p 16.79

  Frois. c. 85. fol. 44.
• q 16.80

  Frois. c. 86.
• r 16.81

  Frois. c. 87.
• s 16.82

  Frois. c. 87. fol. 46. & 47.
• t 16.83

  October.
• u 16.84

  Frois. c. 88. fol. 47.
• x 16.85

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 644.
• y 16.86

  Id. ibid. p. 646.
• z 16.87

  Id. ibid. p. 648.
• a 16.88

  Labbe Chronol. Tech. ad hunc an∣nu••, & Odoric. Rainald. ad hunc an. §. 1.
• b 16.89

  Vid. Walsingh. hist. p. 149.
• a 16.90

  Frois. c. 89.
• * 16.91

  AN. DOM. 1343. An. Regni Angliae XVII. Franciae
• b 16.92

  Frois. c. 90. fol. 46.
• c 16.93

  Frois. ibid. & Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 74.
• d 16.94

  Dugd. 2. Vol. p. 143. a. & Frois. ibid.
• e 17.1

  Walsingh. hist. p. 147. n. 10. Speed p. 574. §. 68.
• f 17.2

  Apud Wal∣singh. dat. Angl. 16. Fran 3. hoc est sub fine prae∣cedentis anni.
• g 17.3

  Frois. c. 90. fol. 46.
• h 17.4

  Dudg. 1 Vol. p. 294.
• i 17.5

  Walsing. hist. p. 150.
• k 17.6

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 751.
• l 17.7

  Frois. c. 90. & 91. f. 46. a & b.
• m 17.8

  Frois. ibid.
• n 17.9

  L••••cester's C••n. Wealto•• p. 160.
• o 17.10

  Frois. c. 93. f. 47.
• p 17.11

  D••dg. 1 Vol. p. 395.
• q 17.12

  Frois. c. 93. fol. 47. b.
• * 17.13

  E. Lit. Dom. Pascha 13. A∣pril.
• r 17.14

  Ashincle's Gar∣ter p. 671. & Adam Mari∣mouth & M. S. vet. Angl. in Bibl. C.C.C. c. 226. ad hunc an. &c.
• s 17.15

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 231.
• t 17.16

  M.S. Rot. Parl. p. 50. §. 23. & Sr. Rob. Cotton. p. 38. §. 23.
• u 17.17

  i. e. of the Kings Bench and Common Pleas.
• x 17.18

  17. Ed. 3. n. 59 in Dorso. Vid. M.S. Rot. Parl. p. 54. & Sr. Rob. Cotton's Abridgement p. 41. & Fox Acts & Mon. p. 388. &c.
• y 17.19

  So in M.S. Rot. Parl. & S^r Rob. Cotton: But Fox says the 34. and yet p••ts it to the Year of our Lord 1307. which was the 35. and last of Ed. 1. I rather believe it should be 35. Ed. 1.
• z 17.20

  Holinshead Engl. Chron. p. 921.
• a 17.21

  Adam Muri∣mouth & Fox Acts & Mon. p. 352. & Holin∣shead Engl. Chron. p. 921.
• b 18.1

  Holinshead ibid. p. 922. Sandfords Ge∣neal. Hist. p. 164. Walsingh. hist. p. 150. n. 20 & hypod. p. 116. Adam Muri∣mouth. M.S.
• c 18.2

  Antiquitates Britannicae p. 237 n. 50. Walsingh. hist. p. 152 n. 10. A∣dam Murimuth &c.
• d 19.1

  Victorellus de Vit. Pontif. p. 894, 895. con∣cerdat cum Hi∣stericis n••stris.
• e 19.2

  Adam Mu∣rimouth ad An. Ed. 3.17.
• f 20.1

  i. e. 28 Aug.
• g 20.2

  Adam Mari∣mouth & Antio. Brit. p. 238. & Walsingh. hist. p. 150. & 2 M.S. ex Vatican apud Odoric. Ray∣nald. ad hunc annum §. 90.
• h 21.1

  Ita Hebra••ice: singularis fera Latinè. i.e. Qua∣driennis aper 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Grae••è, sanglier Gallicè; singu∣lar, English: vid. Wase on Gratius p. 69.
• i 21.2

  Walsing. & Brit. Antiq. in titulo hujus E∣pistolx.
• k 21.3

  Holinshead Engl. Chron. p. 922.
• * 21.4

  Lat. tam irri∣t••b. lem patron.
• l 21.5

  Ashmole p. 653.
• m 21.6

  Frois. c. 93.
• n 21.7

  Knighton p. 2582. n. 40.
• o 21.8

  Frois. c. 94.
• p 21.9

  Knighton p. 2582. n. 50.
• q 21.10

  Dugd. 2. Vol. p. 52. a & b.
• r 21.11

  Frois. c. 94. f. 48. &c. 96. &c.
• s 21.12

  Knighton p. 2582. n. 60.
• t 21.13

  Frois. c. 95.
• u 21.14

  Knighton p. 2581. n. 30. & 40.
• x 21.15

  Frois. c. 95.
• y 21.16

  Frois. c. 96.
• z 21.17

  Frois. c. 97.
• a 21.18

  Frois. c. 98. fol. 49.
• b 21.19

  Frois. c. 98.
• c 21.20

  Rot. Parl. 17. Ed. 3. n. 8. vid. Claus. de ced. an. p. 1.25. Der∣sc. & Victorell. p. 892. & Oder••c. Rainald. ad hunc 〈◊〉〈◊〉. §. 24.
• d 21.21

  M. S. p. 48. & §. 8 & Sr. Rcb. Cotten p. 37. §. 8. & Ashmele p. 653. &
• * 21.22

  Ga∣guin l. 8. p. 139.
• e 21.23

  Knighton p. 2583. n. 10. &c.
• f 21.24

  Holinshead Engl. Chron. p. 920.
• g 21.25

  Ashmele p. 653.
• h 21.26

  Walsing. hist. p. 147. n. 40. & Holinsh. Engl. Chron. p. 920.
• i 21.27

  Hecsemius in Alphonso c. 28.
• k 21.28

  Knighton p. 2583. n. 20. & Hocsem. ibid. ubi pro Darby legit Arbidi & pro Salisbury, Soluz beri, sa∣tis imperitè.
• l 21.29

  1 Walsing. hist. p. 154. n. 20. & Odoric. Rai∣n••ld. ad an. 1344. §. 51. ad §. 53.
• l 21.30

  1 Walsing. hist. p. 154. n. 20. & Odoric. Rai∣n••ld. ad an. 1344. §. 51. ad §. 53.
• m 21.31

  R••t. Fran. 17. Ed. 3. m. 12. ex Dudg. 1 Vol. p. 784.
• n 21.32

  Mezeray p. 21.
• * 21.33

  Scipio Mazzel∣la's Hist. of Na∣ples. p. 157.
• o 21.34

  Giovanni Vil∣lani l. 12. c. 50. & 51.
• p 21.35

  Mezeray p. 21.
• q 21.36

  Hist. p. 153. n. 30. &c.
• t 21.37

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 741.
• s 21.38

  Adan. 1373.
• t 21.39

  Walsingh hist. p. 154. n. 10.
• u 21.40

  Catal. Bps p. 425.
• x 21.41

  Godw. Catal. Bps p. 426.
• y 21.42

  Mill's Catal. of Nobility p. 1096
• * 21.43

  AN. DOM. 1344. An. Regni Angliae XVIII. Franciae V.
• a 21.44

  Oderi••. Rai∣nald. ad an. 1343. §. 24.
• b 21.45

  Tem. 3. Secr. Epist. 718. ex∣tat etiam in M.S. Arch. Vat. de rebus trans∣marin. p. 63. & Odoric. Raynald. ad an. 1344. § 4.
• c 21.46

  Ashmole's Gar∣ter p. 653. Wal∣singh. hist. p. 153 Holinshead p. 921.
• d 21.47

  Ashmole ibid.
• e 21.48

  § Dr. Stil∣lingfleet's M. S. n. 8.
• f 21.49

  Mezeray Eng. fol. p. 27. vid. de his omnibus Franciae Histo∣rias & Mich. Draytons Bat∣tle of Agin∣court Stanza 19 & 20. p. 5.
• g 21.50

  Vid. Libbe Chron. Techn. ad ann. 1327.
• h 21.51

  Numbers c. 27. v. 8.
• i 21.52

  Fox Acts and Mon. p. 502. ex Chron. Alban. & Walsing. hist. p. 154.
• k 21.53

  Vid. Odoric. Rain. ad an. 1344. §. 10. &c. ubi illius Literx ad Papam & Card.
• l 21.54

  Odoric Rain. ad bunc annum §. 55. usque ad 60.
• m 21.55

  Odoric. Rain. ibid.
• n 21.56

  Ashoncle p. 127.
• o 21.57

  Frois. l. 1. c. 100
• p 21.58

  Wyndle∣shora.
• q 21.59

  Ash••ale p. 127. & Speed Maps Bark∣shire, §. 8.
• r 21.60

  M••n••st. Angl. Tom. 1. p. 61.
• s 21.61

  Hen. Huntingd. l. 7. p. 379 n. 40. France f. 1601.
• * 21.62

  Id. ibid. n. 50.
• t 21.63

  Cambden. in Atrel••••.
• * 21.64

  In Cooper's Hill.
• u 21.65

  Walsing. Hy∣pod. p. 117.
• x 21.66

  Ashmole p. 95.
• y 21.67

  Frois. l. 1. c. 100.
• z 21.68

  Vid. Selden's notes on Poly-Olbion Song IV.
• a 21.69

  Ashmole f. 96.
• b 21.70

  Ʋt Arturi memoriam resri∣caret. Vincent. Lupani de Ma∣gistratib. Fran∣cor••m l. 1.
• c 21.71

  Frois. c. 100.
• d 21.72

  Walsing. Hy∣pod. p. 117. Da∣niels hist. p. 223 Steed, &c.
• e 21.73

  Fox Acts & Monum. ad an. 1344. ex Wal∣singh. Hypod. p. 117. ad hunc an.
• f 21.74

  Ità expressè Statuta ipsius Fundatoris, Ad honorem Omnipotentis Dei, Sanctae Mariae Virginis gloriosae, 7amp; Sancti Georgii Martyris, Dominus noster supremus Edvardus post Conquestum Tertius Rex Angliae, an∣no Regni sui 23^tio Ordinavit, Stabilivit, & Funda∣vit, quandam Sccietatem, sive Ordinem Militarem, in∣fra Castrum suum de Windesore, in bunc modum, &c. Idem affirmatur in Copiâ Hattoniana, in Statutis per Henricum V. refermatis, ut & in Statutis per Henri∣cum VIII. Latinis apud Ashmole in Appendice, An∣glicis in M. S. penes. me Vid. Ashmole's Garter p. 187.
• g 21.75

  Ashmole Gar∣ter p. 180.
• h 21.76

  Da Chesne Histoire Genera∣le D'Angle∣terre, D'Es∣cosse, & D'Ire∣land p. 670.
• i 21.77

  Black-Book Preface p. 13.
• k 21.78

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 470.
• l 21.79

  Weevers Fun. Mon. 318. & 319.
• m 21.80

  Id. p. 818.
• n 21.81

  Dudg. 1 Vol. p. 627. & 662.
• o 21.82

  Natal. Comes l. 5. c. 5. p. 447. ex Scholiast. A∣pollonii Rhod. ad l. 1. p. 93. &c.
• p 21.83

  Natal. Comes ibids & p. 607.
• q 21.84

  Natal. Comes p. 445.
• * 21.85

  Plutarch in vol. Alexandri M. p. 665.
• q 21.86

  Natal. Comes p. 445.
• r 21.87

  Cael. Rhod. An∣tiq. Lect. l. 16. c. 20.
• s 21.88

  Orpheus Hym. in Palxm.
• * 21.89

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Hom. Odyss. 1. v. 345, &c.
• t 21.90

  Aylett Summes ex Bocharto haec rettulit in l. Antiq. Brit. Illu∣strat. Quanquam Herodotus & ex eo Dr. Stil∣lingst. in Orig. Sacr. Cabiros non Phoenici∣bus, sed Pelaf∣gis tribuunt.
• u 21.91

  K. Arthur us'd St. George v. Harding c. 72
• x 21.92

  D. Georgius Martyr. coronat. An. Dom. 290. An. Dieclesiani Imperatoris 6^o. Selden's Titles of Hon. p. 795. e•• Baron. Collat. cum Labbxo ad hunc annum.
• y 21.93

  Saxon M.S. apud Selden Ti∣tles of Honour p. 812.
• z 21.94

  Apud Selden ibid. p. 813.
• a 21.95

  April 23^d St. George's Day.
• b 21.96

  Ashmole p. 186 b. c.
• c 21.97

  Pat. 17. Ed. 3. p. 2. m. 2.
• * 21.98

  Dom. Lit. D.C.
• d 21.99

  Holinsh. Engl. Chron. p. 924.
• e 21.100

  Vid. Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 640. ubi Anno 13. Ed. 2. aged 18. & vid. Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 647. Ashmole 690.
• f 21.101

  Mills Catal. Honor. p. 1041.
• g 21.102

  Dugd 1 Vol. p. 633.
• h 21.103

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 648.
• i 21.104

  Hypod. p. 117. ad. n. 1344.
• k 21.105

  Pat. 18. Ed. 3. p. 1. m. 39. Der∣so.
• l 21.106

  Extant apud Ashmole Ap∣pendix, N.
• m 21.107

  Ashmole p. 128. & p. 129.
• n 21.108

  V. Ashmole's Garter, ubi & harum rerum descriptiones & imagines fusiùs & eb coulos ha∣bentur.
• o 21.109

  As••••le p. 2••9. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Rotul. 〈…〉〈…〉 & 23. 〈…〉〈…〉 m. 8. peace Re∣mem. Regis 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Sca••••ar. ••.
• p 21.110

  F d. 3. Stat••t. Art. 20. vid. Hen. v. Stat. Art. 20. in Appen∣dic. ad As••••mie.
• q 21.111

  Here Mr. Ashmole is stagger'd, because 〈◊〉〈◊〉 he finds it on Record, that John de Greilty, Son. of Peter, was Captal of Buch, from the 5 to the 29 of King Edward the III; as indeed he was from the 5 to the 50. Yet notwithstanding upon the Original Plate of his Name, set up in the Chappel at W••nd∣sor, it is engraven Piers Capitow de la B••uch, as if his Name also was Peter: When as it is evident, that these Plates were not set up at the Foundation; but many Years after, perhaps after King Edward's Death; as may be made manifest to any strict en∣quirer: And his F••ther being of the Name of Peter might cause a mistake at least in the Engraver: From whence afterward Authority grew also even to other writings. Nay, I shall hereafter prove, that as great a Mistake as this was engraven upon Queen Philippa's Tomb; thô done in King Edwards Life.
• r 21.112

  Ashmole ità An ^o. Domini 1672.
• s 21.113

  Ashmole p. 189.
• t 21.114

  Frois. c 99. & Mezer••y p. 21.
• u 21.115

  Fabian p. 272.
• x 21.116

  Mezeray p. 21.
• y 21.117

  Frois. c. 99.
• z 21.118

  Frois. c. 114.
• a 21.119

  Frois. c. 101.
• b 21.120

  Fabian. p. 273.
• c 21.121

  Mezeray ad an. 1344. Fa∣bian p. 271.
• d 21.122

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 termi∣navit.
• e 21.123

  Frois. c. 101. & Mezeray ad hunc aunum.
• f 21.124

  A Scute is 6 s. 8 d. Sterling.
• g 21.125

  Frois. c. 102.
• h 21.126

  Odoric. Rai∣nald. ad hunc ann. §. 39. ad §. 50. &c.
• i 21.127

  Walsingh. hist. p. 155.
• k 21.128

  Walsing. ibid.
• l 21.129

  Du Chesne p. 660. ex R. A∣vesbury. &c.
• m 21.130

  T••etzes in Ly••••phr.
• n 21.131

  Dr. Hakewills Ap••l••g••. &c. l. 3. c. 3. p. 280.
• o 21.132

  Ashmele p. 679. ex R••t. Vasc. 18. Ed. 3. m. 9. & Knigh∣ton p. 2583. n. 60.
• p 21.133

  Frois. c. 102. fol. 50.
• q 21.134

  Frois. ibid. & Knighton p. 2584. n. 3••.
• r 21.135

  Odor. c. Rai∣nald. ad 〈◊〉〈◊〉 annu••. §. 61. & 62.
• s 21.136

  M.S. P••t. P••••. p. 56 18 Ed. ••. §. 1. Sr. R••b. Cottens Abridg∣ment p. 44, &c. v. Statute B••cks.
• t 21.137

  Ità M.S. sed Brother, in Sr. Rob. Cotten.
• u 21.138

  A.••. 1••. Ed. 3 p. ••8.
• x 21.139

  Frois. c. 102.
• * 21.140

  C. 15. §. 1. p. 163.
• y 21.141

  Ita Du Chesne.
• z 21.142

  Frois. c. 103. fol. 50. b.
• a 21.143

  Frois. c. 104. & Du Chesne p. 661. Ashanole p. 680. Holin∣shead, &c.
• b 21.144

  It signifies an ordinary Judge of a Town.
• c 21.145

  Ita Frois. & Ashmole p. 680. sed. Bounal a∣pud Du Chesne.
• d 21.146

  Frois. c. 106. fol. 52.
• e 21.147

  Ashmcles Gar∣ter p. 709. Plate 50.
• f 21.148

  Frois. c. 107. fol. 52. b.
• g 21.149

  Dudg. 1 Vol. p. 578.
• h 21.150

  Frois. c. 107. fol. 53. a.
• i 21.151

  Frois. ibid.
• k 21.152

  Frois. c. 107.
• l 21.153

  Frois. c. 107.
• m 21.154

  Frois. & Me∣zeray p. 23.
• n 21.155

  Ita lego apud Frois. ne altàs sibi non censen∣tiat, qui suprà dicit omnes An∣glos armates ul∣tra duos ant tres Captivos habu∣isse, &c.
• o 21.156

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 193. ex Ch••••. Fr. Joh. Clinne, M.S. in Bodlei. Bibl. f. 99. Tom. 4. p. 70.
• p 21.157

  Mezeray ad huncan. Fabian p. 270. &c.
• q 21.158

  Dugd. 2. Vol. p. 104.
• a 21.159

  4 Aug. Rot. Franc. 18 Ed. 3. m. 3. & Ash∣mele p. 654.
• * 21.160

  AN. DOM. 1345. An. Regni Angliae XIX. Franciae VI.
• b 21.161

  As••m••le p. 654 ex R••t. Franc. 19 Ed. 3. m. 4. p. 1.
• c 21.162

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 185. ex R••••. Fr. 16 Ed. 3. n. 25.
• d 21.163

  Ash••cle p. 654
• e 21.164

  Rot. Rem. 19. Ed. 3. m 2. n. 4.
• f 21.165

  F•••• Acts and M••n. An. 1345. Adam M••••i∣mo••th M.S. Dr. Covel & M.S. Dr. Stilling∣••••eet, qu ••as cum Foxo 〈◊〉〈◊〉, ••••itus fa••es ••ut peritia videb•• tur defidera••••.
• g 22.1

  The Letter to the Pope differs from this in the con∣clusion. vid. M.S. Dr. Stil∣lingfleet. n. 7.
• h 22.2

  Ashmole p. 654.
• i 22.3

  Ashm••le p. 680.
• k 22.4

  Maii 10. ex Ret. Vas••. 19. Ed. 3.
• l 22.5

  15 Maii Rot. Vasc. 19. Ed. 3. m. 6. & Rot. Franc. 19. Ed. 3. m. 6.
• m 22.6

  Claus. 19. Ed. 3. p. 1. m. 12.
• n 22.7

  These things being taken from the Re∣cords, We must pardon Froisard who thought he winter'd at Bourdeaux and took the Field in May.
• o 22.8

  Frois. c. 108. & Du Chesne p. 662. & Ashm••le p. 680.
• p 22.9

  Pros. c. 109.
• q 22.10

  Frois. c. 110. fol. 54.
• r 22.11

  Giovan. Villan. l. 9. c. 169.
• s 22.12

  Frois. c. 111.
• t 22.13

  Frois c. 112.
• u 22.14

  Frois. c. 113.
• x 22.15

  Dugd. 2 V••l. p. 90.
• y 22.16

  Frois c. 118. fol. 57.
• a 22.17

  Knighton p. 2585. n. 30.
• b 22.18

  Sandford Ge∣neal Hist p. 112 & p. 113.
• c 22.19

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 783. Mill's Catal. Ho∣nor. p. 323. Sandford's Ge∣neal. Hist. p. 110, &c.
• d 22.20

  Frois. c. 115. & Giov. Villa∣ni l. 12. c. 46. p. 854.
• e 22.21

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 167.
• f 22.22

  Mezeray p. 23 ad hunc ann.
• g 22.23

  Holinshead Engl. Chron. p. 926.
• h 22.24

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 101. & 102.
• i 22.25

  Holinshead ibid. p. 926.
• k 22.26

  Frois. c. 115.
• l 22.27

  Gievan. V••llan. p. ••55.
• m 22.28

  Holinshead p. 927.
• * 22.29

  B. Dom. Lit. Labbè ad hunc an.
• n 22.30

  Frois. c. 115.
• o 22.31

  Sr. Winston Churchill's Di∣vi Britan. p. 24.
• p 22.32

  Mez. p. 24.
• q 22.33

  Sandford p. 184. ex Pat. 19. Ed. 3 p. 3. m. 11.
• r 22.34

  Holinshead p. 927.
• s 22.35

  Frois. c. 116. vid. Engl. Atl. 4 Vol. p. 155.
• t 22.36

  Eng. Atl. ibid.
• * 22.37

  Giov. Villant p. 862. l. 12. c. 53.
• u 22.38

  T••••e's stcre∣house p. 721.
• x 22.39

  Giov. Villani p. 862. &c.
• y 22.40

  Frois. c. 116.
• z 22.41

  Vid. c. 10. §. 6. p. 114.
• a 22.42

  Frois. c. 114.
• b 22.43

  Fabian p 271.
• c 22.44

  c. 22. §. 1••. p. 312.
• d 22.45

  ••••bian p. 270.
• e 22.46

  Knighton p. 25••5.
• f 22.47

  Stow p. 239.
• g 22.48

  Mezeray p. 23.
• h 22.49

  Gaguin l. 8. p. 140.
• l 22.50

  Fabian p. 219.
• k 22.51

  Lel. Collect. 1 Vol. p. 805. & Stow p. 239, &c.
• l 22.52

  Leland. ibid. & Dudg. 1 Vol. p. 185. & Fabian p. 220. & p. 276
• m 22.53

  Carletonum pro Carleolum, apud Walsingh. hist. p. 156. Nam Carleolum non folum erat satis validum, sed e∣tiam ab hec la∣tere nimis di∣stans. Quod qui Walsingh. secu∣ti sunt, parùm prespiciebant: Ne{que} ulla de Carleolo com∣busto per hos dies apud antiques mentio, &c.
• n 22.54

  Walsingh hist. p. 156. Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 262. & Stow p. 241.
• o 22.55

  Godw. Catal. B••s p. 678.
• p 22.56

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 565. ex Rot. Scot. 19. Ed. 3. m. 4. &c.
• q 22.57

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 11.
• r 22.58

  Godw. Catal. Bp••p. 662.
• s 22.59

  ••odw. Cattal. Bps p. 661.
• t 22.60

  Conr. Gesner. in ••••blieth. Ʋn∣vers. p. 582.
• * 22.61

  F••tatico que∣darn librer un••∣m••re potenter se abreptum. vid. Godwin ibid.
• u 22.62

  Godw. Catal. Bps p. 662. & Stows Survey of London p. 75.
• x 22.63

  Walsing. Hy∣pod. p. 118.
• y 22.64

  Godw. Catal. Bps p. 663.
• z 22.65

  Godw. Catal. Bps p. 233.
• a 22.66

  An^o. 1334.
• b 22.67

  Vid. Apologi∣am Adae Orle∣ton, &c. apud Hister. Angl. Script••r. Antig. p. 2763. Edit. London An^o. 1652.
• c 22.68

  Holinshead Engl. Chron. p. 874. ad ••n. 1324.
• d 22.69

  Walsing. hist. p. 155. n. 50. & Godw. Gatal. Bps p. 233.
• e 22.70

  Sr. Winston Churchill's Drvi Britan. p. 239.