A defence of the Catholicke faith contained in the booke of the most mightie, and most gracious King Iames the first, King of Great Britaine, France and Ireland, defender of the faith. Against the answere of N. Coeffeteau, Doctor of Diuinitie, and vicar generall of the Dominican preaching friars. Written in French, by Pierre Du Moulin, minister of the word of God in the church of Paris. Translated into English according to his first coppie, by himselfe reuiewed and corrected.

OF THE VSVR∣PATION OF POPES Ouer KINGS.

THE FIRST BOOKE.

CHAP. I. The occasion that moued IAMES the first, King of great Britaine to write his booke, with the iudgement on COEFFETEAV his booke.

IT happeneth often, that the Lightning falling vpon a man without hurting the flesh, breaketh the bones, because they onely in the body do make resistance to it; and herein the light∣ning, which GOD sends from aboue imitates the nature of him that

sendeth it, who bruseth the proude, and such as with∣stand him; but taketh mercy on the humble, which bow vnder his iudgments, and tremble at his word. But the fulminations of the Bishop of Rome, are of a contrary nature, for they hurt none but such as feare them, nor breake none but such as bow vnder them; but he that sets them light, is neyther enda∣maged by them, nor breaketh his sleep for them, but they fall like the Thunder-bolt into the Sea; nay they rather drawe from God a blessing vpon the heads of those, that are thus threatned, according to that of Dauid: Though they curse, yet wilt thou blesse.

The happy raigne of the late Queene ELIZA∣BETH will furnish vs, with a faire example thereof, who notwithstanding the excommuniations of Pope Pius the fift, by whom England was interdi∣cted, she long time enioyed a Peace without any disturbance or interruption; and a prosperity al∣most beyond example. And finally, when it plea∣sed God to take her to peace, and to gather her to his rest: many supposed, that the end of her life, would be a beginning of troubles, and confusions in England; and thereupon the opinions and feares were diuers, according to the diuersitie of mens de∣sires. For the English that were of the Romane Church attentiue and heedy to all occasions, had conceiued hope of some great chaunge, whether it were that they were led into their hope vpon false grounds, or that after the death of a soueraine Prince better things are euer expected from the succeffor; or whether that such as are discontented are euer

desirous of a change; so it was that in this Crisis of humours, the spirits of the English waued and floa∣ted betwixt hope and feare, till by the happy arriuall of IAMES the first, the lawfull Successor; all things were appeased and cleared; euen as by the rising of the Sunne mists and fogges are dispersed and scat∣tered.

He in the sweetnesse and fairenesse of his owne nature, enclined to giue content vnto all his sub∣iects with free liberty of conscience: But this his in clination was ouer-ruled by necessity, when his wisedome entred into consideration, that the mat∣ter now in question was not onely Religion, but the peace of his estate, and the security of his crowne, for that it was a thing dangerous to permit publike Assemblies of such persons, as had taken Oath to o∣thers then himselfe; who hold that the Pope may pull downe Kings from their Thrones, and dispense with subiects for the oath of their alleageāce. More∣ouer he called to his remembrance the kings his pre∣decessors, whom the Popes had reduced to extream seruitude, so farre as to make England parte of the Popes Demaines; and in Fee to the Church of Rome; and further to make it pay impost, and to cause the King to goe beneath his Legats, and to giue vp the Crowne into their handes. These are considerations that one cannot square or apply to those of the Reformed Religion, which liue vnder a Soueraigne of a contrary profession; for they take oath to no other, but to their Soueraigne Prince. They cast their eyes vpon no Forrainer, they main∣taine

that it belongs not to the subiect out of the Religion of the Prince, to frame occasions of diso∣bedience, making piety the match and kindler of re∣bellion. We are ready to expose our liues for the defence of our King against whomsoeuer, though he be of our owne Religion; and whosoeuer should doe otherwise should not defend Religion, but giue way to his owne ambitions, and should draw a great scandall vpon the truth of the Gospell.

Notwithstanding his Maiestie hath vsed his sub∣iects of the Romane Church in such sorte, that ex∣cepting the liberty of publique exercise, he desired to haue them in like and equall condition with o∣thers, being vnwilling to haue them disturbed for matter of conscience, knowing well, that Religion is not by force but by perswasion to take impressi∣on; and that in this case men will rather follow then be drawne, and that persecutions begin when Arguments are at an end.

Notwithstanding this gentle proceeding, those of the Church of Rome now fallen from great hopes, which they had imagined, turned their despaire in∣to choller and indignation; and thereupon plotted an enterprise, that should haue enfoulded the King, the Queene, their children, his Maiesties Councell and the Parliament, in one and the same destructi∣on; the plot was to make a Mine vnder the house of Parliament, and so to send the King and his royal family, with the chiefe of his Countrey to heauen by a new found way.

Hatred is an ingenious Mistris of inuention, for

neyther ancient nor moderne Histories can parallel this with any example: The Prince of the world re∣serued to our times, which are the very sinke of for∣mer ages, something more exquisitely cruell and horrible, then euer before hath beene mentioned. In the meane time, through all their houses, there was a certaine forme of prayer prescribed by the Priests and Iesuites, for the happy successe of this enterprise; to whom the complices did mutually binde themselues by oath, sworne vpon the holy Sacrament, both for secrecie and perseuerance in the designe. The Mine was already finished, and the Gun-powder laid ready, and nothing wanting but the execution; when God, who (as he is himselfe a King) so consequently he is the protector of Kings, whom he hath established; miraculously discouered this treason; the conspiratours being taken, suffered according vnto law, and amongst others two Ie∣suites Garnet and Ouldcorne; who are now inserted into a catalogue of Martyrs, imprinted at Rome, which is the Spring-head and Forge of all such en∣terprises.

Lesse cause would haue sufficed an impatient King to haue exterminated all their complices, and to haue let loose the raines of his iust anger, but hee with a rare example of clemency, suffered punish∣ment to passe no further, then to the principall de∣linquents, inuenting and framing to himselfe Cau∣ses and Reasons how he might pardon: he conside∣red that Superstition might alter, and stirre vp the mildest spirits, and was desirous by pardoning the

wicked, to make them become good; and though he could not find cause in them why to pardon, he foūd it in himselfe; for though they no way deserued mercy, yet he shewed himself worthy of his great∣nesse, in doing good to those of so euill demerite.

He considered that God, whom hee represents; sendeth raine vpon the Bryers and Thistles, as well as on fruit Trees, and makes the Sunne to rise alike to the good and to the euill; or else it may be that his clemency was accompanied and assisted with a neglect of his enemies; esteeming many of them not worthy of his wrath.

But for the better preuenting of such conspira∣cies in future times, the Parliament, together with the King, framed a forme of Oath, to be admini∣stred to all his Maiesties subiects, which is to this effect: That they acknowledge IAMES the first, King of great Britaine for their lawfull King, and that the Pope cannot by any right whatsoeuer depose him from his Kingdomes, nor discharge his subiects of their obe∣dience to him, nor giue them licence to beare Armes a∣gainst him: Also that notwithstanding any Declaration or Sentence of Excōmunication made or granted, or to be made or granted against the said King & his Succes∣sors, they wil beare faith and true alleageance to him, his heyrs & Successors, & him and thē wil defend to the vt∣termost of their power against all attempts & conspira∣cies whatsoeuer: And that they wil reueale al treasons and trayterous Conspiracies, which they shall know or heare of, against him or any of them. And that they do abhor, detest, and abiure this damnable position, that Princes

which be excommunicated by the Pope, may be deposed or murdered by their subiects: And that they beleeue, and in conscience are resclued, that the Pope hath no power to absolue them of this Oath, or any part thereof. And re∣nounce all pardons and dispensations to the contrary. And that without any Equiuocation, mentall Euasion, or secret Reseruation whatsoeuer, they doe sincerely acknow∣ledge and sweare all these things, and doe make this ac∣knowledgement heartely, willingly, and truely. So helpe them God.

This Oath being offered to those of the Romish Church, diuers of them tooke it without difficulty; and amongst the rest Blackwell the Arch-Priest, who then was, and still remaines in England.

These things, being come to the knowledge of the Bishop of Rome, Paul the fift, that raignes at this present, he dispatches presently for England, a breue, or as they terme it, letters Apostolique bearing date the two & twentieth of September 1606. by which he declares. That this Oath cannot be taken with good conscience, exhorting them rather to vndergoe all cruell torments whatsoeuer, yea Death it selfe, rather then to offend the Maiestie of God by such an Oath; and to imi∣tate the constancy and fortitude of the other English Martyrs, willing them to haue their loynes girt about with verity, and to haue the Brest-plate of righteousnes and to take the shield of faith: That God that hath be∣gunne this good worke, might finish it in them, who wil not leaue them Orphants, &c. And finally willeth them exactly to put in practise, that which is commaunded in the Letters of Clement the eight his Predecessor,

written to M^r. George Black well the Arch-priest of En∣gland: by which Letters all Princes of any Religion contrary to their owne, are excluded from the king∣dome of England.

These Letters being come into England, were not receiued by those of the Romish Church, with such respect as the Pope expected; for many iudg∣ed them ridiculous, as exhorting them to suffer Mar∣tyrdome for ill doing, since none can be a Martyr, but for hauing done well: As also for that they de∣clare, that this Oath is contrary to the Catholique faith, without telling why or wherefore; as likewise for that the exhortations of holy Scripture to shun vice, and to perseuere in the profession of the Gos∣pell, and to resist the Diuell, are in this Papall breue drawne to a contrary sense, to kindle sedition, and to incite subiects to disobedience. And aboue all, for that these Letters, ingaging the subiects to reuolt, doe necessarily plucke vpon them persecution and the iust anger of their natural Prince, who being vn∣willing to require any caution of them in any thing contrary to their beliefe, demaundeth no more of them but fidelity and ciuill obedience.

For these considerations some part of the Priests and Friers of England said, that these Letters of the Pope were shufled in by their Aduersaries, and for∣ged by the Heretiques (for so they of their goodnes are pleased to tearme vs) to kindle the anger of the King against them, which was already prouoked by the plot of the Powder-mine, which onely fell out to ruine the vndertakers. By reason whereof, the

same Pope being aduertised, that through these doubts, whether they were true or fained, the Au∣thority of his Letters were infringed; hee writ o∣thers more expresly, bearing date the three and twentieth of August, 1607. In which he seemeth to wonder that they any way suspect the truth of the Apostolique letters, that vnder that pretence they might exempt themselues from his commaunds; and therefore declareth vnto them that those let∣ters were written not onely vpon his proper mo∣tion, and of his certaine knowledge, but also after long and weighty deliberation, and therfore again inioyneth them fully to obserue them, for such is his will and pleasure.

To these letters (giuing the Alarums to rebelli∣on) for their greater confirmation, were added the letters of Cardinall Bellarmine to George Blackewell the Arch-Priest. In which after he had put him in minde of their auncient acquaintance, hee greatly blameth him for taking the Oath, the which vnder colour of modifications hath no other aime or drift, but to transferre the authority of the Pope, the head of the Church, to a Successor of HENRY the eight, & by the examples of his Predecessors he exhorreth him constantly to defend the primacy of the Pope, whom he calleth the head of the faith.

But he sheweth neyther what wordes or clauses in this Oath are contrary to the faith of the Romish Church, nor wherefore this Arch-Priest should ra∣ther chuse to die, then to obliege himselfe by Oath, to be loyall to his King in things meerly ciuill, and

which no way meddle with the Primacy of the Pope: and yet this is the onely thing, whereof que∣stion is made, and whereof proose is expected. These letters, both of the Pope and Cardinall, be∣ing fallen into the handes of his Maiestie might wel haue kindled the anger of a very patient Prince and haue armed and stirred him vp against those with whom these Papall letters were of more po∣wer, then eyther their faith to their King, or their o∣bedience to God. For what Prince can permit in his Kingdome subiects that acknowledge him not, or that to retaine their fidelity to the Pope, thinke themselues bound to disloyalty towards their King.

And yet notwithstanding his Maiestie herein contained himselfe, and would not; that his mercy shold be surpassed, by their wickednes, so far that he hath rather chuse to take in hand the pen, then the sword, and hath studied to instruct those, whom he might iustly haue destroyed, desiring more to con∣uince them by reason, then to ouercome them by force Maluit sanguinem suffundere, quam effundere.

What would not hee doe for his faithfull sub∣iects, that lets himselfe downe so low to his ene∣mies? that laies aside the quality of a Iudge, to be∣come an Aduocate: but he whom God hath lifted vp to a Soueraigne greatnesse, neuer exalteth him∣selfe higher then by humility.

This King then to refute these Papal Letters, and to iustifie what he had done, made a booke, entitu∣led, An Apologie for the Oath of Alleageance, but not

setting his name thereunto, for it was nothing to him vnder what title the truth appeared; so that his enemies might come to the knowledge of their fault. This was no combat of the ability of wit, but a meere manifestation of his innocency: But the stile of a King is hardly disguised, for Kings be∣ing in more eleuated places, receiue nearer at hand the inspirations from heauen. Their conceptions are as much aboue the vulgar, as their conditions, this onely thought, that they are GODS Lieute∣nants, and that they exercise his iudgements, quic∣kens their spirits with an extraordinary life and vi∣gour: besides if it so happen that their youth hath beene dressed and ordered by study, and their iudg∣ments polished by experience, as it hath happened to the King of great BRITAINE, why should any body wonder, if their their spirits flye a pitch aboue ordinary?

This Royall Apologie hauing then bin knowne (as a Lyon by his clawes) stirred vp certaine En∣glish-men, and Italians to write against it, who (as this King elegantly saide) haue cast lots vpon his booke, for that they could not part it, for the rea∣sons thereof are vnseparably weaued together, but they not being able to bite his worke, barke at his person with an incredible impudence, so far some of them, as to equall themselues with so great a Prince; and to compare him to Iulian the Apo∣state. Such are the flowers of their diuellish Rhe∣thorique; wherewith their writings are adorned, on whom the Apostle S. Peter in his second Epistle,

giueth this iudgement, calling them brute beasts, led with sensuality; that despise gouernment, which are presumptuous, and stand in their owne con∣ceit, and feare not to speake euil of them which are in dignity; whereas the Angels which are greater both in power and might, gaue not rayling iudge∣ment against them before the Lord. Then if it be ill done to speake ill of a Pagan Prince, such as in those times all Monarches were; how much more of a Christian King; and if Angels forbore ill spea∣king of Princes, how much more would it beseeme men, and most of all their owne subiects?

But no more then the Moone is turned out of her course by the barking of Dogges, that looke vp to her; no more was the tranquility of his Maie∣sties spirit, by these outragious iniuries disturbed, nor his resolution diuerted from doing good to those which bore him hatred. It is a poore and meane thing to tread vpon wormes. There is no glory in ouercomming such people, of whom he is sufficiently reuenged, by the griefe, and displeasure which they sustain in seeing that God hath blessed him, and highly exalted him. He would therefore haue contemned their sleighting of him, & would haue abstained from refuting their calumnies by a second writing, had it not beene in regard, not of them but of his people, and of his neighbours, and aboue all of the glory of God; for God hauing honoured him with the true knowledge of him, his Maiestie would not permit that the enemies, as well of the Gospel, as of his Crowne, should find in

his persō any subiect or colour to defame the true religion: He is then by an admirable example con∣stituted the aduocate of Gods cause, & by a second booke, made in forme of a Preface to his former, hath fully and throughly iustified himselfe. In which booke he discouereth the flights and backe∣turnings of his enemies, representing the vniustnes of their proceedings. He likewise maketh con∣fession of his Religion conformable to the holy Scriptures, and with a happy boldnes figures, and depaints the Bishoppe of Rome and his Sea with liuely colours, borrowed from the Apocalips, and the Apostle S. Paul.

Neuer was Table drawne with a more exact hand, or in liuelyer colours. Such is the Torrent of his eloquence, such is the weight of his reasons, such is the linking together of his discourse, such the variety of his learning, and such his Maiesty in all thinges, as hee may best iudge of it, who shall compare them with that puft-vp weakenesse of the Popes letters, and with the writing of his Aduersa∣ries. Oh happy eloquence, which being armed with power, is become the hand-maide of Gods word; the sourse and spring whereof, falling from high, are like to the waters of Silo, which water the City of our God. Hee doth truely exalt his Scepter, which layeth it downe at the foote of the Crosse, and that placeth his height and greatnesse beneath the reproch of the Sonne of God, he san∣ctifieth his house, making his Cabinet a Temple for Diuinity, and a retrayt for holy Meditations.

Then as in ancient times, the earth was more fruit∣full, when it was laboured by Kings, as though she had taken pride to beare a crowned Plough, and to be tilled with a Triumphall Coulter. So it is to be hoped that Religion and Piety will abundantly en∣crease, since Kings are become labourers in the Haruest.

This latter booke then being come to succour and helpe the first, did diuersly stirre mens spirits, some with ioy, some with feare, some with hate, but all generally with admiration. The booke being little, it was giuen out we should haue it an∣swered within three dayes, and sure their good will was not wanting, but they found it a harder mat∣ter then so, and that they were faine to take more time. For it was eight moneths after it was pub∣lished, before the first Answeres came forth; and what kinde of Answeres they were, God he kno∣weth.

One Coeffeteau was the first that like an Infant perdu of the Romish army, aduanced himselfe. This Seraphicall Doctor, of the order of the Iacobins, or preaching Fryers, one of the most remarkeable a∣mongst the Sorbonists, is of late through his com∣panions negligence become the defender of the cause. And he now after eight moneths being in labour, hath brought forth a booke, which is not like to liue, because of the vntimely birth; and in∣deede it had beene already extinct and dead, had not the greatnesse of him against whom he writes kept it aliue; wherein he shewed a point of skill to

addresse himselfe against a person so illustrious, that he might receiue some lustre from his reflection. But those that desire to make themselues knowne by the greatnesse of their Aduersaries, are alwaies such as haue little in themselues, why the world should take note of them. This Doctor in his booke, handleth the King of great Britaine, as a Nurce doth her nurce-childe, who after shee hath dandled it, beates it, mingling curstnesse and flatte∣ry: For in humble termes hee wrongeth him, and giueth him respectfull lyes, flatters him with iniu∣ries, accuseth him to speake vpon trust, and that he busieth himselfe with quirkes and subtleties, and sayes that he makes S. Paul an Interpreter of the A∣pocalips.

This is the forme of his writing: as for the mat∣ter and substance of his booke, I finde, that he hath ill measured his owne strength, and that with the weakenesse and meanenesse of his skill, he hath made the strength of his Maiesties reasons more manifest. Gyants are not to be ouerthrown with a breath, neyther is a Lion to be fought against with a Festue. Other kind of forces are necessary to make resistance to so exquisite a doctrine, that is euer a∣bundantly sustained by the truth. And indeede he clearely confesseth his weakenesse in this, that hee neuer cyteth the Text of the Kings booke, but on∣ly reporteth the sense thereof disguised and weake∣ned, that he may giue himselfe greater scope and liberty, forming to himself Chimera's, which he im∣pugneth with other Chimera's of his owne, as will

sufficiently appeare, by the examination of his booke, to which we now will enter. God herein enlighten vs, since that which wee say is for his truth, which is the light of our soules.

CHAP. II. Certaine Remonstrances of COEFFETEAV his iudgement, touching the Treasons and attempts vp∣pon the life of the King of England.

ARISTOTLE in the second booke of his Rhetoriques, saith, that the Countrey people vse to haue their speeches very full of sentences, but folly is more sufferable then vnseaso∣nable wisedome: Coeffeteau beginneth his booke much after such fashion; making to the King of great Britaine many sententious Remonstrances, interlaced and mingled with threats and commen∣dations. But whilst he representeth to Kings their duties, he goeth beyond his owne, for S. Ierome for∣bids Monkes to be teachers, saying in his booke a∣gainst Vigilantius: Monachus non docentissed plangen tis habet officium, wishing Monks rather to bewaile and be sorrowfull for their owne faults, then to re∣prehend those of other men. But chiefly his Re∣monstrances are ill employed to a King, that is better read in the Bible then he is in his Missall; and that hath carefully put in practise the com∣maundement of God in the seuenteenth of Deute∣ronomy;

where hee commaunds Kings to read the booke of the law all the dayes of their liues. The exhortation that Luther often vsed by his Letters to Pope Leo the tenth, to renounce the papacy, and to liue of his owne, and to come and doe as he did, had more grace with it, then this of Coeffeteau; for it is more probable of the two, that the Pope was the likelier to haue followed Luthers coun∣sell.

This Doctor hauing thus employed the seuen first pages of his book in these exhortations, which haue no other fault, but that they are ill applyed, comes to those motiues, which estrange and keepe the King of England from the Romane Religion; supposing the conspiracies that haue beene against his person, to be the causes of it, thereupon prote∣steth; that the Romane Church no way approueth such attempts, but condemnes them as parricides, and wish∣eth to Princes secure gouernement, victorious armes, obedient people, and faithfull Councell: And after ad∣deth, That for these considerations the head of the Church (which is the Pope) cannot disaproue the courses that your Maiestie holaeth; to secure your authority and person, against the miserable enterprizes, so that they bee not repugnant to that Religion which he is bound to desend.

To this I say, Coeffeteau hath beene very ill enfor∣med, for the conspiracies against the King of Eng∣lands life, haue not with-held or kept him from Po∣pery; since euen from his Infancy he hath made o∣pen profession of the true Religion, and before

this conspiracy had published the confession of his faith conformable to that which we professe.

And whereas he condemnes such attempts, as are made vpon the liues of Kings, we greatly com∣mend him for it; and thereby suppose that he no way approued the enterprize of Iames Clement, who was domesticke with him and his compani∣on: From thence I likewise gather, that when the Iesuite Mariana in the sixt Chapter of his booke De Regno, prayseth the Act of Iames Clement, saying that he was perswaded, and enduced thereunto by Diuines, with whom hee had conferr'd: I gather that Coeffeteau was none of those Diuines, and that when this Parricide Saint, and Coeffeteau went a begging together, hee made him not acquainted with his secret. And further it is no small vertue in this Doctor, that he feareth not in so iust a cause to condemne many Iesuites, who were complices or instigators of this last conspiracy, and haue been executed for it. Nay more, it sheweth a magnani∣mity in Coeffeteau, that hee dares so couragiously oppose himselfe to the Pope and Bellarmine, who (by their letters before mentioned) incite the Eng∣lish to rebellion, which could neuer take effect so long as the Kings life should be in safety. By the same meanes he likewise condemneth the Authors of the Legend of S. Iames Clement, which wee haue seene with our eyes, but not without much won∣der and admiration. The successe of things haue grudged him this honor; and men haue beene no∣thing fauourable and propitious to this Saint, o∣therwise

doubtlesse hee had before this beene put into paradice. It is likewise a cause of iust ioy vn∣to vs, to see that a Doctor of the Sorbons dare ap∣proue the sentence of the Court of Parliament a∣gainst Iohn Chastell, though the Pope of late hath newly censured it; By which it dooth also follow that he doth not thinke it well done, that Garnet and Ouldcorne Iesuites, and parties in the gunpow∣der treason, are at Rome inserted in a roll of Mar∣tyres. Whosoeuer prayseth and approueth an acte already done, will questionlesse counsel and aduise the doing of it; for that which is wicked in the vn∣dertaking, cannot be good in the execution: But the Pope in his breue before mentioned, calleth the punishment of Treason and rebellion by the name of Martyrdom, which is a dangerous speech, & able to make Kings tremble, when the people shall be taught by Murders and Treasons to seeke the Crowne of Martyrdome, An abhominable and detestable doctrine: can there be any so colde and frozen zeale, that will not hereby be warmed, and moued to a iust anger, that this so sacred name of Martyr, so much reuerenced in the Church, should in such sort be prostituted, that whereas the holy Scripture calleth them Martyrs, which suffer for the testimony of the Gospell; now a dayes those which haue their handes stayned and soyled with the blood of Kings should be honoured with that Title? It is not the suffering but the cause that ma∣keth a Martyr; otherwise the diuell might likewise haue his Martyrs, but such paines are crymes, and

are not onely vnworthy of praise, but are likewise vnworthy of pardon, and such pains and torments, as are againe to be punished with future torments. Is it then fit that the holy squadron of Martyrs, where S. Stephen marcheth first, and S. Iames neare vnto him, and after them the rest of the Apostles; followed by so many of the faithfull, who haue bin prodigall of their bloods, but careful and thriftie of the glory of God: Is it fit amongst them to finde Incendiaries and Parricides with fire and sword in hand; not like vnto S. Paul and S. Lawrence, that is to say, not representing their punishments, but as testimonies of their crymes, not to signifie the death by which they died, but to declare the man∣ner how they murdered? Vnhappy age, that styleth villaines with title of vertue: and that by the cor∣rupting of words and names, depraueth the things themselues, and so by a new kinde of Grammer in∣troducteth a new kinde of Diuinity. But God be praised, that he hath not permitted the Pope by his skill and arte, to plant this perswasion generally in the hearts of the people, but that euen amongst our aduersaries themselues, there are very many that no way approue this seditious and bloody do∣ctrine: Amongst which number I would willing∣ly place the Doctor Coeffeteau, because of his prote∣stations, were it not that he allayes them with such modifications and restrictions, as giues vs cause to doubt of them: And which testifie that those Kings, with whose liues and Crownes he would not haue medled, are onely such Kings as are obedient to

the Bishop of Rome, for he saith, That the Church of Rome wisheth to Princes an assured Empire, victorious Armes, and an obedient people. Now it is most cer∣taine that the Pope desireth not, that those Kings which condemne him should bee victorious, or that their people should remain in their obedience, since he deposeth them from their Thrones, and dispenseth to their subiects the Oath of their Allea∣geance. And a little while after he saith, that hee speaketh of such estates, wherein the Church (mea∣ning the Church of Rome) subsisteth, which is as much to say, that where it cannot subsist, there hee approueth this rebellion and murther, which he more clearely sheweth after Fol. 6. pag. 1. where af∣ter these wordes: That the Pope cannot disapproue the courses that you hold to secure your Authority and person: he addeth, So that they be not offensiue to that Religion which he is bound to defend. So that hereof it followeth, that if the Romane Religion doe re∣ceiue any offence in England: Then the Pope doth no longer approue the courses, that the King hol∣deth for his conseruation. But he giueth after more certaine proofes of his intention, the which wee will remarke in their due places. Besides we doubt not, but a prudent person knoweth how to fashion himselfe to the times, and to reserue his bloody propositions for fitter occasions. And many times enterprizes are onely blamed because they are not succesfull, and vices are turned to vertue by hap∣py euents. Multa sunt, quae non nisi peracta Laundan∣tur. And the iudgements of those, whose malice

is accompanied with doubt and feare, are framed according to the successe. But in respect of our friendship, I am rather enclined to thinke well of him, and to free him of this suspition.

I will therefore conclude this Chapter with an obseruation, which I thinke not fit to be omitted; and it is, that in the time of S. Paul Nero was then Emperour, which Monster God eyther for the scorne of men, or for their punishment had placed in the Empire; who by his example declared to what height, absolute and exquisite wickednesse, assisted with Soueraigne power could ascend; who likewise was the first that stirred vp persecuti∣on amongst the Christians. Had the Christians e∣uer greater cause to rebell? Or serued they euer vn∣der a more vnworthy Master? Now I would de∣maund of my Masters the Papists, if S. Paul should haue made a Myne vnder his house, or vnder co∣lour of salutations should haue strucken him to the heart with a Poniard, or had beene taken in any of these enterprizes, and so put to death for them; whether had he beene a Martyr, or whether had his death beene acceptable, or tended to the edificati∣on of the Church? But because this is a question full of difficulties, it is fit we should leaue it vndeci∣ded, and that we expect some resolution from the Doctors, or some decision from his Holinesse.

After this Coeffeteau Fol. 6. speaketh by the way, of the Popes power ouer the temporality of Kings, and promiseth afterwards to speake more at large. Wee therefore to auoyde the repetition of things

twice, will set aside that subiect till he commeth to the place where hee fully handleth it. And now let vs heare what he saith of the dignity of Cardi∣nals, Fol. 8.

CHAP. III. Of Cardinals.

FOrasmuch as Bellarmine vnder the name of Tortus compareth the dignity of Car∣dinals to the Maiestie of Kings, That is to say, the Cardinals Cappe with the Regall Crowne, the charge of a seruant of the ser∣uant of seruants to the dignity of the ruler of Nati∣ons: The King of great Britaine speaketh thus in his Apology: I was neuer the man, I confesse, that could thinke a Cardinall a meete match for a King, e∣specially hauing many hundreth thousands of my sub∣iects of as good birth as he. As for his Church-digni∣ty, his Cardinalship I meane, I know not how to ranke or value it, eyther by the warrant of God his word, or by the Ordinance of Emperours or Kings, it being in∣deed onely a new Papall erection tolerated by the slee∣ping Conniuence of our predecessors (I meane still by the plurall of Kings.)

To this Coeffeteau maketh a milde replie, intreat∣ing his Maiesty to iudge more fauourably of the intentions of so modest and learned a person as Bellarmine is, beseeching him to remember that Caluine acknowledged that the Cardinals flourish∣ed

in the time of S. Gregory, which is one thousand yeares since; and that euen in the Councell of Rome, vnder Siluester the first, there is mention made of the seuen Deacon Cardinals, as of no new Institution then: And addeth, that their charge was to instruct the people, and to minister the Sa∣craments. And since, they hauing gotten vnto themselues the election of the Pope; and being al∣wayes neere about him, their glory is growne and increased, by which the Church hath receiued much ease and furtherance: the head of the Church hauing alwayes about his person, his Councell in affaires of greatest importance. Hee like∣wise saith, that Kings reuerence them; but they are so farre from making themselues equall with Kings, that Princes finde none that beare them∣selues with more respect towards them, then these great ones doe. And so he endeth his amplificati∣on with the praise of the Cardinal of Perron.

Now to begin with these which he opposeth vnto vs: I doe acknowledge, that these two Car∣dinals, carried along with the current of the time and course of affaires, haue by their wils and abili∣ties much helped the defence of errour, they haue imployed their vessels of golde and siluer, which they brought out of Egypt, to the making of the golden Calfe: and Coeffeteau hath little in his wri∣tings that he hath not filtched from them. But I know that they disagree in many things, and that the Cardinall of Perron loueth his King too well to assent with Bellarmine, that the Pope may either

directly or indirectly depriue him of his Crowne, or dispence to French-men the obedience they owe him.

As for the thing it selfe, that is, the antiquity, charge and modesty of Cardinals, it requireth a longer discourse. Men dispute of the originall of Cardinals, as they doe of the head and sourse of the riuer Nilus. The greatest antiquity that Coef∣feteau is able to produce, is the testimony of the Romane Councell, held (if we may giue credite to the impression) vnder Siluester the first since the Counsell of Nice. But it is easie for vs to conuince this of falshood, being forged by some shallow braine that wanted learning to lie with skill and dexterity. This Counsell is found in the first Tome of the Counsels reduced into twenty Chap∣ters, whereof the first saith, that in this Counsell there were 139. Bishoppes, aswell of the City of Rome, as of other places neare about it, which is well knowne to be impossible: In the last Chap∣ter Siluester prohibiteth the Emperour and Kings to be Iudges of the Bishop of Rome. Now it is strange how this should be, since at that time, there were no Kings in all Christendome; there he like∣wise saith that Constantine, and his mother Helena, subscribed to this Counsel, but Constantine was ne∣uer at Rome vnder Siluester, since the Counsell of Nice▪ and women neuer subscribed to the Coun∣sels at all. He further addeth, Actum in Traianas thermas, as though this Counsell had beene faine to hide it selfe in the Stoaues: In the same place

Constantine is called Donnus Constantinus in stead of Dominus; but in those times the Latine tongue was not become so strangely corrupted, besides, amongst the Romanes this very word Dominus was then odious, as attributed to tyrants. And last∣ly he saith, that this Counsell was held Constantino Augusto tertio (hee meant to haue said) tertiùm, & Prisco consulibus: which is a most apparant vntruth; for we finde in the Chronicles of Cassiodorus, and in the Fasti of Onuphrius and Annian Marcellinus all the Consulships of Constantine, but it cannot be found that eyther Priscus or any of the family of Augustus were companions with Constantine in Consulshippe; and further, in the page before this Counsell, Siluester writeth to the Counsell of Nice, and deteth his letters from the seuenth time of Constantines being Consull. And yet see this goodly Counsell which was held since, and yet beareth date from his third Consulshippe. It is likewise to be proued that both Siluester and Hele∣na were long afore this deceased.

These vntruths are very easie to be discerned, and any ordinary iudgement will discouer them, but to Coeffeteau, who hath no great skill in any good learning, any proofes will serue his turne; It had beene very fitting, that so royall a worke might haue had a learned aduersary, was there not in Fraunce some more able and sufficient man, that might haue seduced with a better grace? or could haue found better pretences and colours to haue opposed the truth? Certainly it is much to the dis∣grace

grace of our nation. But these are briefly his proofes of the antiquity of Cardinals.

Cóeffeteau doth further add, that Caluine acknow∣ledgeth that Cardinals did flourish in the time of Gregory the first, which was sixe hundred yeares af∣ter Christ: and this is likewise another vntruth; Caluine saith indeede that there was then the Title and name of Cardinal, but not the charge, and that in that age this word CARDINALL, signified nothing lesse then what it doth now a dayes, and the substance being chaunged, the word hath still continued; euen as we see in the Apothecaries box, though the oyntment be gone the inscripion re∣mayneth: Also Caluine speaketh not of their flou∣rishing but of their being: Gregory indeed in the e∣leauenth Epistle of his fift booke, speaketh of a Cardinall Deacon: And likewise in the foure and twentieth Epistle of his eleuenth booke, he speak∣eth of a Cardinall Priest, which is as much to say as principall: in the same sense and nature as we say the Cardinall windes, or Cardinall vertues, which signifie onely the cheefe and principall. But of any Cardinall Bishops, neyther he nor any of his time, nor long after made any kinde of mention. A Cardinall Priest then had no other signification, then the Parson or Vicar of a Parish hath now; neyther was this title onely vsed in Rome, but in all other great Archiepiscopall Citties, as namely in Millane, where Sigonius towards the end of his seuenth booke, saith, that there were then two and twenty Cardinals: but there being then in one

Parish diuers Priests, he that was the first and chiefe was called principall or Cardinall, for they signifi∣ed both one thing; as Pandulphus Pisanus, and af∣ter him Onuphrius teacheth vs. For Bellarmine in his first booke de Clericis Chap. 16 is mistaken, where he saith, that in the fourth booke of Gregories Epi∣stles Chap. 88. there are subscriptions of diuers Car∣dinall Priests, bearing the same title, which is alto∣gether vntrue; for there is no mention made of Cardinals, and by Priests of the same title is meant simply in that place, Priests of the same Church or Parish: He likewise there alleadgeth the Counsell of Rome false and counterfeited. And hee also speaketh of Cardinall Bishops, which were neyther in the time of Gregory, nor long after: so that in few lines he committeth three grosse errours: This then standeth thus; that the Cardinall Priests were no more but the principall Priests of euery Parish: and of this there remayneth to this day some shewes and traces, for that euery Cardinall Bishop or Priest, beareth the title of some Church or Parish of the citie of Rome, which doth more plainly appeare by the forme of the reception of new Cardinals, as it is set down in the first book of the holy ceremonies. Section the 8. chap. 12. where the Pope after he hath put a ringe on the finger of the new Cardinall that kneeleth before him, sayeth vnto him, To the honour of God, and of the holy Apo∣stles Peter and Paul, and of such or such a Saint; wee commit vnto you the Church of S. Sabina, or of S. Chri∣sogonus, &c. that is, he committeth to him one of

the Parishes of Rome, which is nothing but a bare formality, and wordes without substance; for after this ceremony, this new Cardinall returneth home (it may be) into Fraunce or Sapine, without euer setting his foote againe into the Church, of which he beares the title: And from thence it grew, that for a long time, there was in Rome but eight and twenty Cardinall Priests, according to the number of the auncient Parishes in Rome, which was seuen Churches vnder euery one of the foure principall and Patriarchall Churches of Rome: as for the fift, that is the Church of Lateran, where the Pope made his residence, that was aboue the other foure.

This number of eight and twenty Cardinall Pa∣rishes (that is to say) Parsons of Parishes continu∣ed in Rome, vntill the time of Honorius the second, father of the Cordeliers, in the yeare 1125. as Onu∣phrius sheweth; since which time, the number hath encreased or lessened, according to the plea∣sures of the Popes, who were at that time in the height of their glory; And the dignity of the Bi∣shoppes of Millaine and Rauenna being decayed, (which before were held equall with the Bishop of Rome:) Since that there hath beene little speech, but onely of the Cardinals of Rome. As touch∣ing Deacons, the custome of the City of Rome was to haue onely seuen; following the example of the sixt Chapter of the Actes of the Apostles, whose charge was to keepe and distribute the almes, and to carry the Eucharist in the Church to

the faithfull, and to remoue the holy table, and to cause those which were not yet fully instructed in the Christian Religion, to goe out of the Church before the communion, and to read the Gospell, &c. S. Laurence that suffered Martyrdome vnder Decius in the yeare 252. was one of those seuen Deacons, as Prudentius testifieth.

Hic vnus ex septem viris, Qui stant ad aram proximi, Leuita sublimis gradu, &c.

Likewise in the time of S. Cyprian there were but seuen, as appeareth by the Epistle hee wrote to Cornelius in the sixt booke of Eusebius, chap. 42. which agreeth with the twelfth Canon of the Counsell of Neocaesaria. Now when the Church was growne to be in peace and quiet, peace bring¦ing plentie, and plenty pride: these Deacons be∣came proude and insolent; of which S. Augustine complaineth, in his booke of questions of the olde and new Testament, saying, That one called Falcidi∣us, lead by folly, and following the arrogancy and vaun∣ting of the Citie of Rome, would equal the Romane Dea∣cons with other Priests: and a little after saith, that The Deacons of the Church of Rome seeme to be a little too impudent. Pride was then in blooming, but it is now full eared, which sheweth that Haruest is at hand.

In the succeeding ages the number of Christi∣ans

being greatly increased, it is to be presumed the number of Deacons increased likewise; a∣mongst whom those which were the cheefest, were called by the name of Cardinall Deacons, which is as much to say, as principall.

It is not to be omitted, that the election of the Bishoppes of Rome was long after this made by the voyces of the common people and Clergy: the first mention of any Pope that was elected by Car∣dinals, that I can finde in Platina, is in the life of Ni∣cholas the second in the yeare 1059. And yet a little after he ioyneth with them, both the layetie and Clergy. Onuphrius saith that Gregory the seuenth called Hildebrand, in the yeare 1072. and yet Platina affirmeth that he was e∣lected, not onely by the Cardinals, but also by the whole Clergie in the presence of the people: So that the custome which reserueth to Cardinals onely, the elections of the Popes, is of a new con∣stitution: as likewise those goodly vses they now haue to shut the Cardinals into the conclaue, to put their meate in at a hole, to serue their drinke in cleare bottles, and their bread cut into little mor∣sels, to make them dyne euery one alone by them∣selues prohibiting them to serue one another, di∣minishing euery day their allowance: and when the name of a new elected Cardinall is declared out at the window to the people, to runne home to his house and robbe and spoyle it; as likewise that custome by which the elected Pope giueth to

whom he list his place and Cardinals hatte, as Pope Iulius the third did in the year 1505. who bestowed his place vpon a little boy called Innocentius, who kept him an Ape. But chiefely that corruption by which euery Cardinall selleth his suffrage, re∣ceiuing from Princes great pensions to giue their voyces with one of their faction. Now after this bargaine and sale, we must yet beleeue that such a purchast Pope cannot erre in faith.

By what which is already faid, it appeareth that the Cardinals now a dayes haue no more resem∣blance of those of former times, then the Pope hath of S. Peter, or the Masse of the Lords supper: first, the auncient Cardinals were Pastors or Deacons of the Parishes of Rome, to teach and to administer the Sacraments; but the Cardinals now neyther teach nor haue any cure of soules: se∣condly, then the Cardinalship was a function, now it is a dignitie: thirdly, then a Cardinall was not made but vpon the death of some other, because that the Parish might not remaine without a Pa∣stor. But now the Pope createth when he pleaseth, and as many as he pleaseth; by which it hath hap∣pened, that the Pope being carelesse thereof, the number hath beene so strangely diminished, that when Vrban the fourth was elected, there were on∣ly two Cardinals; so contrary to this, Leo the tenth created eight and thirty in one day: fourth∣ly, Then the Romane Cardinals were onely in the City of Rome, whereas now they are euery where else, and rule the Counsels of diuers Kings. It is

likewise to be presumed, that in auncient time ele∣ction was made of Cardinall Priests of the Inhabi∣tants of Rome, and such as were of most sufficiency; but now the Cardinalshippe is bestowed vpon Infants, and Princes children that are altogether vnlearned, as likewise vpon others, at the request and intreaty of Kings, in recompence of their ser∣uices. Then the title of Cardinall Priests did not lift him vp higher then his fellowes, but onely in some kinde of precedency in order, as Onuphrius saith: Nihil dignitatis aut praeeminentiae illis dabat antiquitus esse Cardinales. But now the Cardinals looke downe from a greater height vpon the rest of the Clergy, who are very many degrees beneath their greatnesse. There was in those times no speech of Cardinall Bishops; and if any Cardinall Priest of one of the Parishes of Rome became a Bi∣shop of any City of Italy, he reteyned no longer the name of Cardinall, no more then a Parson that is made Bishop now, reteyneth the name of Parson still; but it were now to goe backewards, and to stoope very low, for a Cardinall to become a Bi∣shop, and leaue his Cardinalship. Then hee that was made Cardinall was tyed to one certaine Church or Parish, but now it is cleane otherwise, for by the contrary he that is now created Cardi∣nall, is loosed and discharged from the Church that was his cure, as appeareth by the forme of the no∣mination of the new Cardinals, contayned in the the first booke of the holy Ceremonies; in which the Pope speaketh thus: By the authority of God

the Father Almighty, and of the holy Apostle S. Paul and S. Peter, and likewise by our owne, wee discharge and free Iames Bishop of such a place, of the bond by which he was tyed to his Church or cure, and admit him Carainall Priest: Also by the promotion of a Cardinall, all his Benefices are held voyde, if he obtaine not a new graunt of them from his Holi∣nesse. In those dayes likewise there was no such thing knowne, as to receiue a ringe, and a red hat at the Popes handes after they had kissed his feete, nor the new tricke of opening and shutting their mouthes, nor of carrying of foure red hats at the end of a staffe before the Pope in solemne proces∣sion, as saying like to the Doctor, whereof it is spo∣ken in Saint Luke, Chap. 4. ver. 6. All this power will I giue to thee euery whit, and the glory of them, for that is deliuered vnto me, and to whomsoeuer I will giue it. Aunciently the duety of the Cardinall Deacons was to carry the Table, on which they celebrated the Lords Supper: but since their office hath been to carry the Pope vpon their shoulders. For which Innocent the third in the first booke of the mysteries of the Masse, giueth this reason: sayth he, It belon∣geth to the Leuites to carry the Arke of the Couenant, which is often in the Scriptures called Euerla∣sting.

All that then which was in the time of Gregorie being compared with that which now is, hath no manner of resemblance of it, but euen as when wanton verses are grauen in the barke of a young tree, the letters grow together with the tree:

Crescent illae crescetis amores.

Euen so, that which was amisse in these Cardi∣nals during the weakenesse and minority of the Sea of Rome, since they were glewed and fastened to this Sea, they haue growne vp together with it: And as it happeneth that in a body generally swolne, some parte is more troubled with the swelling then others. So this part of the body of the Romane Church is swolne more then the rest, and a prodigious deflux is come vnto it.

The which will be more apparant, when I shall haue examined the truth of that which Coeffeteau sayth, affirming that Cardinals are most respectfull to Princes, and that they desire not to goe vpon e∣uen termes with them: I speake not to touch any that are liuing; but as it may well be, that a man may dislike of his Cloake because it is too gorge∣ous, so it is likewise possible that many of those which haue beene aduanced to this degree, doe thinke that there is too great pompe and glittering in this habite: we will therfore speake onely of the rules and general customes of the Roman Church, which questionlesse doe equall Cardinals with Kings; for marke the titles which Pope Pius the second giueth them in the sixt Chapter of the eight Section of the first booke of the holy Cere∣monies: Being called to the Apostolique Colledge you shall be our Counsellors, and with me shall iudge the world; you shall sit about the Throne as the Successors

of the Apostles you shall be Senators of the Citie like vn∣to Kings, being the true kings of the world, on which the doore of the militant Church must turne. But it is not much to equall them with Kings; for they are often preferred before them, they are not tyed to holde the bridle or the stirrope of the Pope when he getteth to horse-backe, neyther are they bound when the Pope is carried by men, to giue the assistance of their shoulders as Kings and Em∣perours are. In the publique actions and solemni∣ties at Rome, Kings are vnder the Cardinals: as for example, In that Papall feast which is made after the Coronation of the Pope, described in the first booke of Ceremonies, Section the third, there is set downe the order that is to be held at the table: The first Cardinall Bishop sitteth highest on the right hand of the table. If there be any King there, he sitteth beneath the Cardinall: And if there bee diuers Cardinals and diuers Kings there, then they intermingle them: placing a Cardinall, then a King, and then another Cardinall, and so another King; as for the sonnes and brothers of Kings, they eyther serue the Pope at table, or else sit amongst the meaner sort of Deacon Cardinals; but the el∣dest sonne of a King hath place next after the first Cardinall Priest, so that all the Cardinall Bishops and the first Cardinall Priest, are all before him. And when the Pope washeth his hands, al the lai∣etie of what degree soeuer kneele downe, but all the Prelates stand: and not to seeke for examples further off, it is not vnknowne to the King of Eng∣land

that Cardinall Wolsey contested with HEN∣RY the eight. And we shall hereafter heare what authority Pandulphus and Otho, Cardinals and Le∣gates tooke to themselues in England, so farre as to take place of the King himselfe: and if any Cardi∣nall now a dayes beareth himselfe with fitting re∣spect vnto his King, this is to be attributed to his particular wisedome and discretion, but not vnto the orders and Constitution of the Church of Rome.

The Colledge of Cardinals succeeded the Se∣nate of Rome, being made in imitation of it; and we haue seene thereupon that the Pope calleth them the Senators of the City. Also they haue their right of consecration and Canonization, as aunci∣ently the Senate of Rome had: the habite indeede is differing, for the Senators had somewhat a long Mantle, called Latus Clauus, which was a Mantle bordered with large flowers of purple and scarlet; but the Cardinals haue taken a habite all of scar∣let, such as the Romane Pontifices, and the Priests of Iupiter, Mars, and Quirinus were wont to weare; of whom Caecilius in the Dialogue of Minutius Foe∣lix speaketh, complayning that the Christians Sa∣cerdotum honor••s & purpuras despiciant ipsi seminu∣di, doe despise the dignity and purple of Priests, they being themselues halfe naked, like to that which Ouid saith in his fourth booke de Fastis.

Illic purpurea canus cum veste sacerdos.

For which cause I cannot but much wonder,

that the Popes, who haue so artificially, and with such dexterity established themselues, haue not with the same aduise and prudency, taken a habite of some other colour, for feare least it might bee thought, that in him and his Cardinals, the Pro∣phesie of the Apocalips were accomplished, Chap. 17. ver. 3. So he carried me away in the spirite into the Wildernesse, and I saw a woman sit vpon a scarlet colou∣red beast, full of names of blaspemy, hauing seuen heads and tenne hornes, and the woman was arayed in purple and scarlet, and decked with gold, &c. which prophe∣sie had bin the obscurer, were it not that it is sayd in the ninth ver. The seuen heads are seuen Mountains on which the woman sitteth: and in the last verse, The woman which thou sawest is that great Citie, which raigneth ouer the Kings of the earth. The Pope Paul the second, was the first that gaue scarlet to the Cardinals, as well for themselues, as for their Mules, to the end that this prophesie which agree∣eth in generall with the Sea of Rome, might like∣wise appertaine particularly to euery one of the pillars of the said Sea, which is, to be set vpon a scarlet coloured beast.

CHAP. IIII. Of the Iesuites.

THE Iesuites now follow in their rancke, who by this their vnaccusto∣med title haue taught vs, that Iesus and Christ are two diuers things, since that now a dayes it is one thing to be a Iesuite, and another to be a Christian.

The King of great Britaine saith in his Apology, that the principall of the Iesuites were dealers in this treason, wherof some fled, others, as Garnet and Ould∣corne were apprehended and executed.

Hereupon M^r. Coeffeteau with a good grace ex∣horteth the King of great Britaine, to haue a good opinion of these fathers, and saith, that the Iesuites would giue their liues for his conseruation; af∣firming that they are vniustly calumniated, and for their full iustification, alleadgeth the testimony of the French King, who since hee hath come to the true knowledge and vnderstanding of them, hath called and receiued them about his person. And as for such as haue attempted against his Maiesties life; he saith, that if they did amisse (yet not confes∣sing that they did so) all their society should not be lyable to the reproach of their offence.

This Discourse being thus sweetned, doubtles cannot but much please the King of great Britaine; for now he may hereafter sleepe in security, since the Iesuites are become his so sure friends, as to be

ready to die for his conseruation; neyther is it a small point of charity to hasten a Prince, and send him the sooner to Paradice. The Patron of their order (which was a Spanish Captain) gaue it them in their Institutions, to be faithfull and true hearted towards Fraunce and England: and doubtlesse the generall of their order (which should alwayes be a Spaniard) nourisheth them in that good ••nclina∣tion: and men doe them wrong, that say, they en∣terprise any thing against Kings, that are excom∣municated by the Pope, since it is a Tenent a∣mongst them, that after such excommunication, they are no longer Kings; as also, they doe them wronge, that say, they incroach vpon the tempo∣rall, since what they haue, by their hauing of it be∣commeth spirituall: And by this it is likewise to be presumed, that when the Court of Parliament by pronounced sentence of all the chambers there assembled, declared them to be Heretiques, pertur∣bers of the Kingdome, and corrupters of youth: it is to be presumed, that this was done by the aduise and plotte of the Ministers of Geneua, as likewise those Iesuites which haue beene executed in England, are not to be blamed, since they were ledde and carried to these attempts by a Catholike zeale; and that at Rome, where Saints are made, they haue beene matriculated into a roule of Mar∣tyrs: And indeede Iohn Castell in his examination (whereof the original is yet to be seene) confesseth, that he was put into a Chamber of Meditations all full of pictures of Diuels, into which they shut

the greatest sinners, there making them to become wilde & fierce with fasting and darkenesse: And so hauing cracked & turned their brains, imprint and fix in them these desperate resolutions. But now we hope that they being made gētle & milde by peace & prosperity, wil imploy these chambers for gram∣mer Meditations: and for this I do not thinke that the other Iesuites doe approue that which the Ie∣suitea Mariana the Spaniard writeth in his booke, De Rege & institutione Regis, in the 6. Chap. where he greatly commendeth the paricide of Iames Cle∣ment, & sayth, that he was incyted therunto by theb Deuines: & the same Iesuite (as it were correcting of himselfe)c saith, that he (in his meat or drinke) al∣loweth not the poysoning of a Tyrant (for so he sti∣leth al Princes that the Pope approues not) but wi∣sheth that this be done by the impoysoning of his garmēt or chaire by some violent poyson; neyther is that of the Iesuited Emanuel Sâ in his Aphorismes of Confessions in verbo Clericus, by the aduise of the rest of his fellowes, where he saith, that the rebellion of a Clergie man against his King, cannot be treason in that he is not subiect to the King, which agreeth with that which is written by the Iesuite Saunders in his second booke of his visible Monarchie, whereof the King of great Britaine in his first booke cyteth many passages. Now whereas the Iesuites of France did make a booke, intituled The defence of

the truth against the pleading of Anthony Arnold: In which they maintaine at large, that the Pope may as Iudge, depriue Princes of their temporalties. This is wholly to be imputed to the times; for then it was fit to speake in that manner; but now they reserue those Maximes for fitter seasons: Diuinity is to be applyed as occasions serue; and wee are now in an age, that if wee would know how wee were to teach and moue the people, we must first looke into the A••minake, and accommodate our selues to the affaires of the Common wealth; and therefore it is to be hoped that such passages of Bellarmine that do make the liues and Crownes of Kings subiect to the Pope, will be mended in the next Edition. And as for the troubles and sediti∣ons which these Fathers haue stirred in Polonia, which hath cost Demetrius his life: and as for the causes which haue moned the Venetians to banish them out of their estate: this a thing wholly to be imputed to the Climate, or to the strange humors of the Country, which is farre differing from Fraunce. All this being considered, it is to be ho∣ped that the King of great Britaine following the counsell of Doctor Coeffeteau will take them to be neare about his person.

The other Reasons which are brought to recom∣mend them, seeme not to me of any great weight: It is said that they carefully instruct youth: if it be so, how commeth it to passe, that since they haue vndertaken to teach, learning is so much decayed? I would willingly that one could shew mee in

Fraunce any of their Disciples, that were of exact and exquisite learning: or whom haue they in their society that may bee compared with those that were the Schollers of Turnebus or of Cuias? Who are yet (as many of them as are left) the very lights and ornaments of the Court; where is now the V∣niuersitie of Paris, which had wont to haue in it thirty thousand schollers? but hath declined to∣wards barbarisme euer since this kinde of people haue vndertaken to teach by their abridgements and Epitomies; the which haue beene framed and composed by a rable of Pedants that teach all by rote, in stead of drawing their instructions from the Fountaines of the Greeke, and in stead of••et∣ling their iudgements by the course of auncient Philosophy. And as for humane learning, Scaliger, Casaubon, Passerate, Lipsius, and diuers like vnto them, were they brought vp in their schooles? Or indeede whom haue they brought vp comparable to them?

But Coeffeteau saith, that the most Christian King is serued by them, dealeth well with them, and taketh them neere vnto his person: our condi∣tion is too low, and our vnderstanding too weake, to search out the Counsels of so great a King, whom God hath endued with an incomparable wisedome: but yet I thinke that this serues not to iustifie them; for who can tell whether his Maiesty doth this onely to put in practise that rule of the Gospell, which is, To doe well to those that hate vs? Or whether he endeauoureth by his goodnes,

to master and ouercome their wickednesse, and so by that meanes to binde them to fidelity? Or who can tell whether his Maiestie herein imitateth the example of God, who imployeth the wicked spirits for such causes, and to such purposes, as are best knowne to his diuine wisedome? Or who know∣eth whether in this, he doth like Vlisses, who for a∣uoyding of tempests, would keepe the winds with him shut vp in a leather bagge. This great King whose paines and industry procureth our generall repose, whose vigilancy makes vs to sleepe secure∣ly, who bereaueth himselfe of himselfe, and bestow∣eth himselfe on the publique, and who maketh peace to flourish vnder the shaddow of his victo∣ries: Long may hee enioy that quiet and repose which he hath broght, euen to those that hate him. Let his Counsels be euer blessed with happy suc∣cesse, his life with safety, his subiects with fidelity, his Crowne with glory, and his Kingdome with prosperity.

CHAP. V. Of the power of the Pope ouer the temporalities of Kings; and that he cannot take from Kings their Crownes, nor free subiects from the Oath of fidelity. And thereupon the reasons of Bellarmine are exa∣mined.

THe King of great Britaine in his A∣pology complayneth of two Breues or letters Apostolique of Clement the eight, sent into England a little be∣fore the death of the late Queene E∣LIZABETH, which were produced at the arrain∣ment of Garnet the Iesuite; by which the said Pope excludeth him from the succession of the King∣dome, by a generall debarring of all such as were not of the Romane Religion. This thing being so notoriously vniust, and so publique, yet notwith∣standing Coeffeteau saith, that there hath beene a wrong interpretation made of this Popes intenti∣ons; and that it hath beene some particular mens drift, to put it into his Maiesties head, that he went about to hinder his establishment in the King∣dome. These are insurious speeches, to say that the King of great Britaine hath beene circumuented, and that men haue only made him beleeue things; but that he hath not seene any such Breues, but speaketh this onely vpon trust.

There likewise, turning to the side of Kings a∣gainst the consent of the whole Romish Church, he speaks thus: It is a thing without doubt, that if the

Pope would inuade Kingdoms, and giue them in prey to whom he pleaseth, deuesting the right possessors of them, he well deserueth that Princes should stand stiffe against his viosence, and should ioyntly runne vpon him as vpon a robber and spoiler of their inheritances. And a litle after, The Popes pretend nothing ouer the tempo¦ralties of Kings, & are contented only to make their au∣thority appear ouer the crimes of men, which he bindeth or looseth without stretching of it, tyranically to dispose of their possessions, otherwise then such as are fallen vnto him: what causes here moued Coeffeteau thus to fauour Kings, and to pare the Popes nayles so neare, I will not enquire: But I well know that in other times and in other places, he would for these wordes haue beene sent to the Inquisition. For he opposeth himselfe against all the actions of Popes, and the iudgement of the whole Romish Church. The examples fallen out in England shall be most pertinent to this purpose, and such as shall repre∣sent vnto his Maiestie of England how farre the Pope had set footing vpon the temporalties of his predecessors, and how much dishonoured their Crowne. Mathew Paris a Monke of the order of S. Bennet at S. Albans in England, and a diligent Historian, witnesseth that in the yeare 1170. HEN∣RY the second being reconciled to THOMAS BECKET Archbishop of Canterbury, he twice helde the bridle whiles the said Archbishop got to horse; what submission then should he haue yeeld∣ed to the Pope himselfe, seeing that one of his Pre∣lates and the King subiects would mit that his

King and Master should make him so seruile a sub∣mission? The same Authour testifieth, that the a∣foresaid HENRY was scourged by way of pe∣nance, vpon his bare flesh by a company of Monks, some of which gaue him three stripes, others fiue. The Pope not content therewith, amerced him to keepe two hundred souldiers in pay, for the warres of Palestina, and to suffer that his subiects, of what quality or condition soeuer might thenceforward euoke their suites out of his Courts and appeale to Rome. Of which punishment Michauel in the first booke of his storie of Florence, dedicated to Pope Clement the seuenth, speaketh in this manner: Le quali coscfurono da Enrico accettate, & sattomessesi a quel giudico vn tanto Rè che hoggi vn huomo priuato sivergognarebbe a sottomettersi: which things Hen∣ry yeelded vnto, and he so great a King submitted himselfe to that censure, which a priuate man now a dayes would be ashamed to vndergoe. And fur∣ther addeth, that the Citizens of Rome scornefully vsed and curbed that very Pope, who did thus do∣mineere in England, and would not suffer him to dwell in their Citie; and thereupon he taketh vp this exclamation, tanto le cose che patono sono piu dis∣coste che d'appresso temute, that things did appeare more to be feared farre off then neere at hand.

After this HENRY succeeded RICHARD whom the Pope sent into the Leuant; and he be∣ing dead, his brother IOHN came to the Crowne. This IOHN complayned that the Pope drew more money out of England then out of any Countrey

on this side of the Aples; and because hee therein withstood Pope Innocent the third (who couered his tyranny vnder a title of The liberties of the Church:) he was by the said Pope in the yeare 1212 declared to be fallen from the Crowne, and his Kingdome giuen in perpetual title to Philippus Au∣gustus the French King, and his successors, with condition that he should conquer him; graunting him thereupon remission of all his sinnes, and cau∣sing the Croisade to be preached against the sayde King IOHN of England: by meanes whereof he was brought into that perplexity, that he was con∣strayned to vndergo all the conditions which Pan∣dulphus the Popes Legate imposed vpon him; as namely, that King IOHN to obtaine remission of his sinnes, should render vp his Crowne into the Legates handes, and should giue vp his Kingdomes of England & Ireland to the Pope; that he should yeelde faith and homage to the Pope, as holding his said Kingdoms in fee from the Church, as parts of the Popes Demaines, and of the patrimony of S. Peter; and in acknowledgement hereof, hee should pay yearely to the Pope a thousand Markes in money, to be payd at two seuerall times; besides the Peter-pence which were paide by the pole. All which was executed accordingly, and the homage solemnly and formally done: the King himselfe tendered the money in all submission, which the Legate❀ trod vnder his feete in token to Lordly dominion; following the custome which the Pope began then to put in practise ouer the Emperours

of Germany, to wit, that they should be bound to come and take the Crowne at his handes, and after three lowly curtesies on the knee, and kissing of the Popes feete, the Emperour was to lay downe at the Popes feete sitting in his Throne, a masse of golde, thanking his Holinesse humbly vpon his knee, as it is at large set downe in their holy Ceremonies, Lib 1. Sect. 5. cap. 3. The like is reported by Polydore Vir∣gill in the fifteenth booke of his Storie, and by Blondus, Decad. 2. lib. 6.

Howbeit the abouesaid King IOHN bare this yoake very impatiently; His Barons also hated him for hauing enthralled his Kingdome, and Eng∣land was so farre exhausted by cruel exactions that the said King IOHN out of extreame dispaire re∣solued to cast himselfe and his Kingdome into the hands of the Mahumetans: and to that effect hee sent Ambassadors to Morocco in Barbary to Ami∣ral Murmelin King of Barbary and of Granada, to make him offer of his Kingdome; but the Barba∣rian would not accept it. Whereupon the Pope made his yoake more greeuous vpon the King and his land, the Oath of subiection was renued and ingrossed in writing, the instruments, which before were onely sealed on waxe were now sealed on golde, and in stead of one thousand Markes, the King was condemned to pay twelue thousand Markes. Since that time the Popes haue called the Kings of England their vassals, and England their Demaines. Vpon which consideration, Ann. 1216 the Pope sent letters of inhibition to Philip Augu∣stus

and Lewes his sonne being then at Lyons to forbid them to passe ouer into England: but Phi∣lip answered the Popes Nuncio in these terms: Eng∣land neyther is nor euer shall be the patrimony of S. Peter. A King cannot giue his Kingdome without the consent of his Barons: And thereupon all the French Nobility cryed out, that they would fight to the death in that quarrell.

IOHN being dead, his sonne and successor HENRY the third did homage to the Pope, and payed the accustomed tribute. Shortly after the Pope sent into England a new Legate, one Otho a Cardinall; before whom the King bowed himselfe so••low, as to touch the Legates knees with his head; which Cardinall behaued himselfe more like a King then a Legate. This Cardinall being desi∣rous to haue entred into Scotland, the King would not receiue him, saying, that he had neuer seene Le∣gate in his Kingdome, neyther had he neede of them. But in England he was his owne caruer, cutting and paring away at his pleasure, euen so farre as that he presumed to sit at table in the Chaire of State aboue the king, as hee did at a feast which king Henry the third made at Westminster, as Matth. Paris witnesseth: which Authour also, Ann. 1241. speaking of his Legates returne, saith, that ac∣cording to the account then made, he carried away more money with him, then he left in all the king∣dome besides, hauing rifled and spoyled it like a Vine, brouzed and troden downe by wilde Boares: yea all the Historians of England doe

complaine of the pillages and exactions of Rome, which sucked the Englishmen to the very blood. And as I vnderstand, Cardinall Bellarmine hath lately made a booke against the king of England, wherein he maintayneth that the Pope is direct Lord of England and Ireland; and that these king∣domes are the Churches fee Farmes, and the King the Popes vassall or feudatary: Things which I thought good to represent at large, to the end that his Maiesty of England may know and acknow∣ledge, how much the Crowne which God hath giuen him, is beholding to the purity of the Gos∣pell; the preaching whereof hath broken that yoake, and hath made libertie to spring forth toge∣ther with the truth, dissipating at once both super∣stition and tyranny. Iesus Christ saith, Ioh. 8. You shall know the truth, and the truth shall make you free: which saying may after a sort bee applyed to this purpose: for there our Lord speaketh of the serui∣tude of sinne, and here we speake of the slauery vn∣der the man of sinne: there our Lord speaketh of the freedome and deliuerance from the bondage of the father of lies, here we speake of being enfran∣chized from the thraldome of the sonne of perditi∣on; and indeede that temporall seruitude of the Crowne of England, came from the spirituall bon∣dage of the conscience. For the Popes laid this subiection vpon men, as a meanes and condition of obtayning remission of sinnes. Then England enioyed the happy golden age, in which euery man for his money might enter into Paradise: but Iesus

Christ ouerthrew this bancke of money-changers set vp in the Temple, and detecting the abuses, sheered asunder those inuisible chains of Custome and Opinion, which held mens soules ensnared in and vniust seruitude. Certainely then the doctrine of the Gospell is the setling and establishment of Thrones, and that which exalteth & raiseth Kings, seeing that it doth: not subiect their Crownes to a∣ny man liuing, and further stoppeth vp all wayes and accesse to rebellion and disloyaltie.

Now out of that which aboue hath beene said, it is euident that Coeffeteau (telling the king of great Britaine that the Pope doth neyther expose king∣domes as a prey, nor pretend any thing vpon the temporalties of kings) thought the king a stranger at his owne home, and one that knew not his Ge∣nealogie nor the story of his owne house; or else deemed him blinde, and bereft of sense, when hee complayneth in his Apologie, that Bellarm. wri∣ting against him, dooth importunately inculcate this position, that the Pope may depose kings, in that he may excommunicate them. It must needes be then (if we beleeue Coeffeteau) that the king of great Britainecy ther did not read, or else vnder∣stood not the booke of his Aduersary.

If we would seeke out examples of the like cases besides these of England, we might fill a iust vo∣lume. How many Germane Emperours haue beene degraded from their Empire, by excommu∣nications and Papall fulminations, and their Impe∣riall Diadem giuen in prey to him that could catch

it? Did not Pope Iulius the second, Anno 1511. take from king Iohn of Nauarre his kingdome, and giue it to Ferdinand king of Castile? Did not Pope A∣lexander the sixt, Anno 1492. diuide the Indies be∣tweene the Portugals and the Spaniards, allotting the west Indies to the Spaniards, and the East to the Portugals: whereat Atabalippa the poore king of Peru asked who the Pope was, that gaue that which did not belong vnto him. To omit the con∣fusions and hurly-burlies of later times, which of fresh memory haue blasted and singed our kings with the lightnings of excommunications, and al∣most burnt them to powder, and haue made the people to rise in rebellion against their soueraigne Prince, the soares doe yet bleede, neyther is the wound yet soundly cured.

Now if experience be not strong enough to enforce the certainty of Papall vsurpations ouer kings; let vs heare the Popes themselues speake; and let vs learne what their intent is, rather from their owne mouthes then from the fearefull and doubtfull termes of this Iacobin. Clement the fift being in the Councell of Vienna, speaketh thus: We aswell by that Superiority which wee haue ouer the Empire, as by the power whereunto we succeed the Em∣pire being vacant, &c. As it is contayned in the Cle∣mentine Pastoralis. And in the Chapter Fundamen∣ta de Electione in 6 Pope Nicholas the third, sayth that Constantine hath graunted to the Bishoppes of Rome both the one and the other Monarchy. And in the Chapter Venerabilem de Electione, Innocent

the third maintayneth, that it is in him to aduance to the Empire whom he pleaseth, and that it was the Apostolique Sea that translated the Empire from the Greekes to the Germanes. And that we may spare to produce the clauses of Sixtus Quintus his Bull, Anno 1585. (which was the first thunder∣clap that caused all the confusions in these later times) and which speake more arrogantly and in∣solently then all this that hath beene said: Let vs appeale to Cardinall Bellarmine for Iudge. These are his wordes: The Pope can change Kingdomes; he can take them from one and giue them to another, as a Soueraigne spirituall Prince, when it shall be necessary for the saluation of soules. Of which necessity he will haue the Pope also to be Iudge. Consonant whereto one Alexander Pesantius, a Doctor of the Citie of Rome, hath written a booke of the immu¦nities of Ecclesiasticall persons, and of the power of the Pope, dedicated to the now-Pope Paul the fift, where he saith, p. 45. The Soueraine Bishop hath by Diuine right a most full power ouer all the earth, as well in causes Ecclesiasticall as Ciuill; adding in the margent, Papa iure diuino est directe Dominus orbis: The Pope by diuine right is directly Lord of the world. Yea within these few dayes there haue beene cer∣taine Theses printed and defended at Naples: in which were figured the Turkes Turbanes, the Im∣periall and Regall Crownes, and the Coronet of the Dukes of Venice to hang in labels from the Popes Miter, and wherein the Pope is styled Vice-God, Monarch of the Christian world, and defender of

the PAPALL OMNIPOTENCY: where the Pope hath accepted the bargaine which our Sauior refused at the Diuels hands, Mat 4.9. Which was, to become Monarch ouer all the Kingdomes of the earth. Thus is the Church become an Hierar∣chie, and the spirituall kingdome conuerted into a temporall Monarchy. In witnesse whereof the Popes triple Crowne is called by no other name then Il regno, the Kingdome. And the last Lateran Councell calleth the Pope in the first Session, Prince of the whole world; in the third Session, Priest and King: and in the ninth and tenth Session his charge is called His Holinesse Empire. Who will now make any doubt, but that Coeffeteau pleadeth the Popes cause vpon good warrant, and approba∣tion? And he goeth about to teach them more modesty in speach, then they are willing to learne, vnlesse that perhaps to tumble downe a Prince from the height of his Empire with flashes of light∣ning, or to skimme away the whole wealth of his Countrey, be not to be termed a touching of their temporalties: And indeede there is some reason for that, for temporall goods when they come into his Holinesse handes, they become spirituall, accor∣ding to the stile which this witty age vseth, who by a Bishops spiritualties vnderstandeth the rents and reuenues of his Bishoppricke. The misery of Prin∣ces in this case is, that if the Pope for their sinnes impose this penance vpon them, to lay down their Crownes, and to giue place to another, yet this Pe∣nance once done, is neuer followed with Absolu∣tion:

for he that seizeth vpon their place by a right of conueniency, doth neuer quit or forgoe it but by force. There be steppes and degrees indeede to clymbe vp to a kingdome, but there is no other discent then a headlong downe-fall. It is a thing seldome seene, that a Prince should suruiue his king¦dome, or that he should saue life or liberty after he is diuested of Maiesty. And that which is more, Coeffeteau hauing taken from the Pope the power of disposing of the temporalties of Kings, pag. 13. Doth he not in the next leaf following restore it to him againe, in these wordes? If Kings depart from their Duty, and in stead of defending the faith, seeke to ruine it, then it is in the Popes power to reclaime them, being in errour, and to bring forth his iust censures, to the end to turne away the mischiefe which threatneth Religion. Now these censures are, the degrading of the Prince, the absoluing his subiects from their Oath of Alleageance, and interdicting his King∣dome. And to shew that hee ought to proceede forcibly, and by way of fact, Coeffeteau addeth, That the Pope ought to oppose himselfe herein euen to the perill of his life: And if we will exactly weigh the wordes of this Doctrine, fol. 7. we shall easily finde, that where he saith that the Pope doth not pretend any thing ouer the temporalties of Princes, hee meaneth all the while Romish Catholicke Princes, who obey the Pope, that is to say, that if they bee not such as are now a dayes called Catholicks, the Pope may depriue them of their Kingdomes.

True it is that he reporteth vpon vs by way of

recrimination, That those Princes who haue sha∣ken off the yoake of the spirituall power of the Church, (that is of the Pope) see themselues exposed to the ri∣gour of their Ministers, whom by way of honor he calleth Tyrans. I looked all the while when hee would produce examples of Ministers, who had eyther degraded or murthered their Kings, or who had beene trumpets of rebellion or fire-brands of sedition, or who had skummed a Countrey of their money, or punished sinnes by the purse: Or who after the example of Innocent the third, haue giuen to those who haue armed themselues at their commaundement, a degree of honour in Paradise aboue others, who haue nothing for their reward, but bare life euerlasting. But of all this he could al∣leadge no one example. For vnto vs agreeth that commendation which Tertullian giueth to the Christians, we neuer were, saith he, of the league and conspiracy of Albinius, Niger, or Cassius, but those rather who sware by the life and Genius of the Emperour. The faithfull Pastors hauing strip∣ped themselues of all this tyrannicall pride, haue only reserued to themselues the censuring of mens manners, by publicke and priuate reprehensions, and in case men stand out and rebell against the word of God, after many rebukes they haue reser∣ued onely the power of excluding them out of the Church as Pagans and Publicans, vntill such time as by true humiliation they haue made their repentance to appeare. These sentences of binde∣ing and loosing in the mouth of the Pastors are in∣locutorie

Decrees which God doth ratifie in hea∣uen, till that himselfe in the last day pronounce the Definitiue sentence. They be the keyes which de∣pend vpon the word of God, and are annexed to the Gospell. Keyes which open the Kingdome of heauen, that is, open to the penitent sinner, an en∣trance into the Church, which in an hundred pla∣ces in the Gospell is called the Kingdome of hea∣uen. Keyes which the Pope hath not at all, seeing he hath not that whereupon they depend, to wit, the true benefites of Iesus Christ, contayned in the Gospell: and if he had them, yet can they not serue his turne, seeing he hath changed the lockes, and hath made other gates to enter into the kingdome of God.

Being then sufficiently cleared in this point, touching the Popes pretences, and Coeffeteaus in∣tention, it were nor amisse, a little to heare their reasons. Euery man knoweth, that in the yeare 1301. Pope Boniface the eight wrote very arrogant letters to Philip the faire, contayning these words: I will that thou know, that thou art subiect to me in temporall things, they that maintaine the contrary, we hold them madmen: we know also how this vigilant and couragious King handled the Pope. This Pope hath made an authenticke Bull, which is amongst the extrauagants, and beginneth with V nam San∣ctam: wherein he reproueth the Popes Souerain∣ty both ouer the Spiritualty and Temporalty by certaine passages of Scripture, brought in by such an extrauagant by as, that we should thinke it ridi∣culous,

were it not the Pope that speaketh it, who hath all law in the Chest of his breast, as himselfe saith, cap. Licet. De Constitutionibus in 6.

These then be his Texts and Quotations: I be∣seech the Reader to lend his attention.

1. The Apostles said to Iesus Christ, Here are two Swordes, and Iesus Christ did not answere, that is too much; but that is enough: Therefore the Pope hath the Spirituall and the Temporall Sword.

2. Iesus Christ said to S. Peter, Put vp thy sword into thy sheath.

3. S. Paul, Rom. 13. sayth, that there is no power but is ordained of God. It must needes then be that the Temporall sword be subiect to the spiri∣tuall.

4. God sending the Prophet Ieremy to preach and prophesie to diuers people and nations, saith vnto him, cap. 1. I haue set thee this day ouer people and Nations. This is a prophesie (if wee beleeue this Bontface) which giueth to the Pope power ouer the Temporalty of Kings.

5 S. Paul, 1 Cor. 2.15. speaking of all the faith∣full (whom he calleth spirituall, to oppose them to the Carnall man, of whom he speaketh in the for∣mer verse) he saith, that the spiritual man iudgeth and discerneth all things, and he is not iudged of any. This spirituall man is the Pope, the soueraigne Iudge, and who cannot be iudged.

6. Iesus Christ said to S. Peter, Whatsoeuer thou shalt binde in earth, shall be bound in heauen. There∣fore

the Pope is cheefe ouer the Temporaltie.

7. He addeth, that to acknowledge two So∣ueraigne powers is to be a Manichee.

8. That there can be but one beginning, and one cheefe Soueraigne, because Moses saith in the beginning of Genesis, not, In the beginnings, but in the Beginning God created the heauen and the earth.

By all these Scientificall Demonstrations, hee proueth that the Pope is cheefe ouer the Tempo∣raltie as well as ouer the Spiritualty; and thereup∣pon admiring himselfe in his own plumes, he con∣cludeth by a new Article of faith: We declare, affirm, define and pronounce, that it is altogether necessary to saluation to be subiect to the Bishop of Rome.

I would refute each of these reasons, were it not that I am perswaded, that the Pope did but mocke when he thus spake, and had no meaning to be be∣leeued. For surely Shamgars goade, or Gedeons bot∣tels may as well prooue the Popes Empire ouer Kings as any of the former places. And indeede Bellarmine, who commendeth this Bull in generall as holy and good, hath beene ashamed to produce these goodly reasons in speciall and by retaile, it is confutation enough for them onely to haue pro∣posed them. For to dispute by Scripture against them, were to vnsheath the sword of the Gospell against a filthy dung-hil. Such reasons be fit to be proposed but with the sword in hand; for they are not receiued farther then he that proposeth them is feared. And to very good purpose the King doth

here apply the Fable, that when the Lyon would haue the Asses eares to be hornes, the other beasts were bound to beleeue it. So these fooleries must passe for verities, because his Holinesse will haue it so.

Such a like May-game do we find in Bellarmine, and in all their late Diuines, who willing to cloake this their foule fact, haue inuented new termes to expresse the same thing. They say that the Pope, as Pope, hath not this power ouer the Temporalty directly but indirectly, and so farre forth as it is auaileable for the spirituall good. But a King dispoyled of his Throne cannot take a few distinctions for a suffici∣ent payment; for what is it to him whether he be deposed directly or indirectly, seeing that he loo∣seth his Kingdome, be it in what sort soeuer: it is as if a man should comfort one vpon the scaffold, going to his execution, telling him, thou shalt not be beheaded with a sword, but with a Fauchin. And indeed who doth not see that this distinction is but a meere contradiction? For that which is in it selfe euill, being done by a direct course, cannot be done iustly by an indirect course. If a subiect be forbidden to wrong his Prince directly, shall it be lawfull for him to hurt him indirectly? Surely that which I ought not to take away directly, I may not filtch away indirectly and by wrongfull dealing, seeing that the thing can no wayes belong to mee in what sort soeuer. Furthermore Bellarmine by this distinction hath no meaning to contradict the Popes, whom we haue produced, who speake of

Kings as of their subiects, and terme themselues Soueraignes in temporall affaires, so that this com∣meth all to one.

It bootes not to dispute of the excellency of the spirituall power aboue the Ciuil, by comparing (as did Innocent the third) the Pope to the Sunne, and the Emperour to the Moone; for albeit this were so, yet doth not the excellency of one thing aboue another necessarily import that one must therefore gouerne another: for if I say that the faculty of Di∣uinity is more noble and more excellent, then the care and custody of the Kings Treasure, must it needes therefore follow that Diuines and Clergy men must sway the Kings Exchequer? And as litle to the purpose is it to alleadge that the tempo∣rall power is subiect to the spirituall; for the que∣stion is not whether it be simply subiect vnto it, but whether it be subiect to it in temporall things, and with what punishments the Pastor of the Church may punish the Magistrate when he for∣getteth his duety, to wit, whether by depriuing him of his estates or by fingering his purse; this is the point of the question which Bellarmine was to proue and not to suppose. For what authority so∣euer God hath giuen to faithfull Pastors ouer the Magistrates as they are Christians, yet doe they not let for all that to be subiect to the Magistrates as they are Citizens, and make a part of the Com∣mon-wealth. A king that is sicke, is for the time subiect to the gouernement of his Physitians, and yet they neuertheles remaine his subiects. As then

the Temporall gouernement doth not impose spi∣rituall punishments, so the spirituall gouernement cannot impose temporall punishments, vnlesse it be sometimes by miracle, as S. Peter did vpon A∣nanias and Sapphira; for ordinary power he hath none to doe it, neyther doth the word of God giue him any.

Now if the Pope by vertue of his keyes (of which he so much boasteth) could dispossesse a King of his Kingdome for any fault, whether it be true or pretended, it should thence follow, that he hath a greater power ouer Kings then oner priuate and particular men, from whom he cannot by way of Penance plucke away their lands or houses to giue them to their neighbours: for if it were so, the Pope should be the direct Lord of all the lands and pos∣sessions of Christendome. And seeing it is gene∣rally confessed, that the Heathen Emperours were not subiect to the Bishops in temporall matters; can it stand with reason that Princes by being be∣come Christians, should become lesse Soueraignes then they were before, and that the faith of Iesus Christ should diminish their Empire?

I am not ignorant that the Prince ought so to administer temporall things, that the spirituall ad∣ministration be not thereby impeached I know also that if Princes offend God, it belongeth to the Pastors not to be silent, but to oppose themselues against that euil, by al those wayes & means which God hath permitted, which are courses ful of all re∣spect and farre from any rebellion and sedition.

The faithfull Pastor that shall least of all flatter the Magistrate in his vices, is the man that shall care∣fully retaine the people in their obedience towards the Magistrate, and shall keepe that golden meane which is betweene flattery and sedition. As he must not be a dumbe dogge, so must he not be a furious beast that had neede to be tyed vp.

And to the end that you may know, that these two kindes of subiection doe not iustle or shoulder each other as incompatible; I say that the Princes and the Pastors in a State, are as the will and vn∣derstanding in the soule of a man. The will com∣mandeth the vnderstanding with an absolute com∣maund, which the Greekes call 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Lord-like, inioyning it to study or to learne this or that thing. But the vnderstanding on the other side leadeth on the will by suggestion without com∣maund; the one is done by authority the other by perswasion. So Princes command Pastors, Pastors sollicite and intreate Princes: The respect which Princes owe vnto them is not to their persons, but to their charge and calling, and to the word or message which they bring, for they be not the can∣dle it selfe, but onely the Candlesticke on which it is set, sent, as our Sauiour saith of S. Iohn, not to be the light, but to beare witnesse of the light: How∣beit this comparison taken from the vnderstanding and the will doth halt in more then one point; for the will cannot constraine the vnderstanding, but Princes may compell Pastors to obey their lawes, and to punish them corporally when they doe a∣misse.

Againe the vnderstanding is to guide the will in al things, but the Prince in an infinite of bu∣sinesse may do well enough without the helpe and counsell of his Clergy, especially in affaires that are temporall and meerely ciuill. Againe the will doth neuer teach the vnderstanding; for it consist∣eth wholly in motion and action; but many Prin∣ces haue reformed their Pastors, and brought them back to their dueties; as did Constantine who in the Councell of Nice stifeled and smothered vp all quarrels among the Bishops by casting their diffa∣matorie libels into the fire: as did Dauid, who ere∣cted new orders in the Temple: and as did Salomon who deposed Abiathar from the Priesthood, being attainted of conspiracy against him. And likewise Ezechias and Ichosaphat, who clensed the Temple and set vp the purity of Gods seruice againe. In this sense, a Synodall Epistle written to Lewes the Courteous, calleth him Rectorem Ecclesiae, gouernor of the Church. And Lewes his young sonne being at Pauia, tooke an account of the liues of the Bi∣shops, and of their diligence in their charge, as Si∣gonius witnesseth in the yeare 855. The same Au∣thour saith in his seuenth booke that Adrian con∣ferred vpon Charlemaigne the honour of gouerne∣ing the Church, and of choosing the Bishoppe of Rome; not that he might change the doctrine of the Church at his pleasure, but only to hold a strait hand for the execution of the things which were enioyned by the word of God.

But Bellarmine addeth for a second reason, That

if the Church (that is to say the Pope) had not the power to dispose of temporall things it could neuer at∣taine to perfection, but should want necessary power to arriue at her intended end: For, saith he, wicked Prin∣ces might without feare of punishment intertaine here∣tickes to the ouerthrow of Religion. This is a reason without reason, and full of impiety, for it accuseth the Church which was in the Apostles times of imperfection; which then had no power at all o∣uer the Temporalty, all things being then in the handes of Infidels. Add hereunto, that Kings might vse the same reason, and say, that their power could not be perfect vnlesse they had the meanes to dis∣pose of spirituall things, for that otherwise wicked Bishops might without feare of punishment be vi∣tious, mutinous, Necromancers and firebrands of sedition against Princes: of all which enormities the Sea of the Bishop of Rome can alone furnish a multitude of examples; yea, after Baronius, Coeffe∣teau himselfe doth confesse, that many monsters haue sitten vpon that seate▪ The Churches per∣fection doth not consist in a strength, able by force to defend it selfe, but in the purity of prescribing the wholsome meanes of saluation. No otherwise then the perfection of Philosophy dooth not con∣sist in hauing a strong house, or a good sword able to represse those that should hinder her from being taught and professed; but rather in the certainty, perspicuity and sufficiency of her Demonstrations. God who hath neuer suffered that his Church should be extinguished by false teachers which in∣fect

the soules, will not permit that it shall be abo∣lished by wicked Princes which offer violence to the bodies; for whatsoeuer necessity any man can alleadge why he should plucke the Crowne from a lawfull Princes head, yet can there be no necessity of doing any thing contrary to the will of God; as there is no necessity that doth binde a man to bee disloyall, there can be no dispensing with the law of God. God sayth by the mouth of his Apostle, That euery person ought to be subiect to superior powers for there is no power but of God: Where it is cleare that he speaketh of Princes and temporall Lords, because he addeth, that they beare the sword, as be∣ing the Ministers of God, ordeyned for iustice: And a little after he commaundeth to pay them tribute and customes. Now at the time when the Apostle spake this, neyther the Bishoppe of Rome nor any other did eyther carry the sword or receiue any tribute. Who is he then that can dispense with so precise a commaundement? Or what thing can be more necessary then to obey God? And note moreouer, that if the Pope be the Iudge of this case of necessity, for which Princes ought to be dispossest, it will bee easie for him at any time to say, that it is necessary that this or that King be de∣graded, to the end to make himselfe by that means King of Kings and disposer of their Crownes.

Howbeit let vs a little weigh and consider what this necessity may be, which carrieth on the Pope to plucke from a King his Scepter, and to giue his Crowne to another. Bellarmine alleadgeth but

one, to wit, if it be necessary to saluation. As in case a King be an Hereticke, an Infidell, or a perse∣cutor of the Church, or a fauourer and vpholder of errour. But he would faine hide and conceale from vs that the Pope doth aswell intrude himselfe to dispossesse Kings that are of his Religion, and no way in fault. So in the Decrees of the Romish Church in the 15. Cause, Quaest. 6. in the Canon which beginneth Alius, the Pope speaketh in this manner: Zachary the Bishop of Rome hath deposed the French King, not so much for his iniquities, as for that he is not fit for, nor capable of so great a power, and hath set vp Pippin the faher of Charles Emperour in his place, and hath discharged all the French-men from their Oath of fidelity. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Iulius the second could not accuse Lewes the twelfth, nor Iohn King of Nauarre of heresie: nor yet Sixtus the fift the late king Hen∣ry the third, who notwithstanding were by the Popes thundering Bulles declared to haue beene fallen from their kingdomes.

I freely indeede confesse, that in an Electiue kingdome, when question is made of choosing a new king, they to whom that charge belongeth, ought in no wise to chuse a king that is an Infidell or an Idolater. But it is one thing to speake of a king who is chosen by his subiects; and another, of a king who is a lawfull inheritour, and who is beholding to his birth for his Crowne, and to whom, ouer and aboue, his subiects haue taken the Oath of Alleageance. And therefore the Ar∣gument which Bellarmine draweth from the one

to the other, to proue that Subiects are at no hand to endure a king that is an Heretick or an Infidel, doth not follow vpon good consequence. It a∣uayleth not to say that the danger is like both in the one and the other; for it may so fall out that two things may be alike dangerous, whereof the one may be bad, and the other not: as for example, for a man to receiue in his body the shot of an har∣quebuse from one that did aime to hit him, & from another that did it by chance is alike dangerous, but not alike wicked. And indeede euen in humane pollicy, and without any relation to the comman∣dements of God, it is not expedient that subiects should shake off the yoake of their Prince which is of a different Religion: for this were the next way to estrange Princes and Monarches from Christi∣an Religion, and to make them to haue it in detesta∣tion, as that which counselleth and perswadeth to rebellion, and maketh piety the cause of mutiny. Moreouer the question here is not of the danger, but of the duety, nor yet what may arriue, but what ought to be done; we must not do euill that good may come of it. Many things are lawfull which are not expedient, but there is nothing expedient which is not lawfull When we haue done what we ought to doe, then God will doe what pleaseth him; and he will doe nothing but for the good of his Church, which he cherisheth as the apple of his eye: he hath bought it too deare, that he should be of the minde to destroy it. Now if this rule of the Cardinall be necessary: that it is not permitted

to Christians to suffer a King that is an Hereticke or an Infidell: Saint Paul was very much mistaken in giuing commaundement to obey Nero an Infi∣dell and a persecutor, and the Christians then did not as they ought to haue done, in that they did not stabbe him, or make a myne of powder vnder his house: Bellarmine answereth, that they might iustly haue done it, but that they wanted forces, that is to say, that if they had been able, they would certainly haue done it, but that they feared to pro∣uoke this Emperor against them, & to haue drawn persecution against the Christians. O blessed Apo∣stle, how fitly to the purpose dost thou stop this e∣uasion, & furnishest vs with an answer that cutteth off all difficultie? for he saith, That we must be subiect to Princes not only for wrath, but euen for conscience sake. He wil that we obey Princes, not only for feare of incurring thier displeasure, but also to satisfie the conscience and our duety towards God. And S. Peter in like manner, in his first Epistle and second Chapter, Submit your selues to all manner ordinance of man for the Lords sake, whether it be to the King as to the Superiour, &c. This then is to be done, not on∣ly to stoope and yeelde to the present necessity, but also for Gods sake. And to say truth, could not S. Peter at whose word Ananias and Saphyra gaue vp the ghost, and S. Paul, who in reasoning with E∣lymas the Sorcerer strooke him with blindenesse; could not they, I say, by the same power haue cru∣shed this monster Nero, or haue throne him from the height of the Capitoll.

But what wil they say if we produce ages, wher∣in Orthodox Christians were the stronger party, and yet did they abstaine from the life or Crowne of the Emperour. Constantius was an Arrian, a∣gainst whom Liberius Bishoppe of Rome did not cast forth his lightnings, neyther did hee attempt to dispossesse him, but vpon the Emperours com∣maund hee went into banishment. After his de∣cease Iulian the Apostata mightily laboured to re∣store Paganisme, at what time almost the whole Empire was Christian; and that which is more, his Armies were composed of Christian souldiers, as Ruffinus witnesseth in the first booke of his Sto∣ry, cap. 1. Theodoret, lib 4. cap. 1. Socrates, lib. 3. cap. 19. And indeed when the Armies after his death con∣ferred the Empire vpon Iouinian a christian Prince, they cryed with one voyce, We are Christians. What could there be more easie then to haue thrust this Apostata from the Empire? And if God hath gi∣uen to the Bishop of Rome this power to degrade Monarches, why was he then wanting to this his duety when there was such a pressing necessity, and so great a facility to haue done it? There liued at that time Gregory Nazianzen, the ornament of his age, who in his first Oration against Iulian, saith, that the Christians at that time had no other remedy a∣gainst the persecutors, saue onely their teares. But if our Popes now a dayes had then liued, and might haue beene beleeued, they would easily haue fur∣nished other meanes. S. Austin vpon the 124. Psal. speaking of the obedience that the Christians yeel∣ded

to this Iulian, They made a difference (saith he) betweene the Lord eternall and the Lord temporall, and yet they were subiect to their temporall Lord, because of the Lord eternall. Such a like example we haue in the Emperour Valens an Arrian, and a persecutor, whose officers and people were for the most part faithfull beleeuers, but their Religion neuer brake out into rebellion: The Emperour Valentinian the yonger was infected with Arrianisme, as we see by the 33. Epistle of S. Ambrose, where Valentinian sen∣deth his Colonels and Captaines to dispossesse the Orthodox Christians of the Temple in the Ci∣ty of Milan, & to put in the Arrians. Ambrose & the Christian people withstood him, but with mode∣sty, saying, Rogamus Auguste, non pugnamus. Non ti∣memus, sed rogamus. Whereat Valentinian was so much offended, that he called S. Ambrose‡ tyrant. At the same time one Maximus a Catholick Prince rebelled against Valentinian, and made him to for∣sake Italy, taking in hand the defence of the true faith against an Emperour that was an Hereticke. What did the Christians then? Did S. Ambrose or the Bishop of Rome commaund the people to o∣bey Maximus, and to rebell against Valentinian? Nothing lesse: nay rather Valentinian by the helpe of Theodosius and the Orthodoxes, was re-establi∣shed in his authority, which greatly serued to set him in the right way. To be short, we finde in the auncient Church many Bishops banished and cha∣stised by Emperours, but neuer any Emperour dis∣possessed of his Empire by the Bishoppe of Rome.

So then Cardinall Bellarmine doth accuse the aun∣cient Bishops of Rome, for that during the oppres∣sion of the Church, they vsed not those means and remedies which they had in their hands, in that they drew onely the spirituall sword, whereas our new Popes skirmish with both hands, and flourish both swords, besides all other dexterities.

Yea futher if the auncient Bishoppes of Rome were in doubt to prouoke the Emperors, for feare of being cause of much slaughter and confusion; why did not this feare with-hold the late Popes from thundring against the Emperours Fredericke Barbarossa and Henry the fourth? Why did they draw on those horrible confusions which filled the west Empire with blood, sacked many townes, and caused threescore maine battels to bee fought?

It is then a manifest corruption of the Scripture, when in the same place he produceth the Epistle of S. Paul, saying to the Corinthians, 1. Cor. 6. that ra∣ther then they shold go to law before vngodly men or Infidels, they should erect those who were of least estimation in the Church, Iudges amongst them: Then he addeth, Is it so, that there is not a wise man amongst you, not one that can iudge betweene his brethren? From this Text Bellarmine maketh this collection, that the Corinthians might esta∣blish new Iudges. This is to take the Scriptures cleane contrary to the meaning of them. For first S. Paul doth not speake of deposing Magistrates; secondly, he doth not speake of erecting new ordi∣nary Offices in the Common-wealth, but to chuse

out from among the faithfull some persons, to compose their differences by arbitrement & peac∣able meanes, rather then to draw blame vpon the Church by bringing their suits and quarrels before Infidels. This is the exposition that Theodoret and Chrysostome giue vpon this place, and Lyranus and Thomas vpon this Epistle. Now if the Cardinall maintaine, that S. Paul doth speake of forsaking the ordinary Iudges, to institute new in their places, let him produce some examples hereof; let him shew vs the practise of it. There he is silent, and for good cause; for who maketh any doubt but that the Christians, if they should haue set vp ordinary Iudges in place of Imperiall Officers, should haue beene held culpable of Leze-maiesty.

The danger which he pretendeth to be intole∣rating an heretical King, cannot beare skale against the commaundement of God. Adde hereunto, that this reason is but weake in the mouth of a Ie∣suite, who holdeth that a Pope, be he neuer so wic∣ked and a destroyer of the Church, cannot be de∣posed no not by a general Councell; and yet there is greater apparant danger in this, then in the for∣mer.

That which Bellarmine addeth, seemeth to haue beene written by him being asleepe, and is nothing else but a quippe to make men laugh. He proueth that a faithfull people may free themselues from the yoake of a Prince that is an Infidell, that is to say, may rebell against him, and that by the exam∣ple of the beleeuing wife, which by the iudgement

of the Apostle, 1. Cor. 7. is not bound to abide with an husband that is an Infidell, when hee will not dwell with her. Whereunto I answere, first that Similitudes are no proofes: Secondly, this Simili∣tude being rightly taken doth not hurt vs: for as a beleeuing wife is not bound to follow her husband when he forsaketh her, and wil no longer co-habite with her; so I will freely confesse, that subiects are not bound to acknowledge a King, that abando∣neth his subiects, and will no longer be King ouer them, but renounceth his Realme: and this is all that may be drawne from this Comparison. Third∣ly, this Similitude is aduantageous vnto vs; for if we admit the Comparison betweene the conditi∣on of a wife and of subiects, then will it definitiuely determine our Controuersie, and make vs gain the cause. For as while an husband that is an Infidell will abide with his beleeuing wife, she may not for∣sake him, nor shake off her yoake: so while a King that is an Infidell will retayne his soueraignty ouer beleeuing subiects, they may not abandone him nor rebell against him. The wordes of the Apostle are directly to this purpose: If any woman haue an vnbeleeuing husband, and he consent to dwell with her, let her not forsake him.

All that which Bellarmine addeth, is nothing else, but as his manner is, suppositions without proofes. We graunt him that Princes who against their promise, doe warre against the true fayth, de∣serue to be depriued of their Kingdome; but wee denye that this power of depriuing them is in the

Pope. VVe must reserue that iudgement to God, seeing it is he that hath established them, and that (as Tertullian sayth) they are inferiour to GOD alone.

As touching these wordes spoken to S. PETER; Feed my sheepe, to omit for the present that which S. AVSTIN sayth in his booke of the Christian combate; that Iesus Christ, saying to S. Peter, Feede my lambes, spake the same to the rest; as all the aunci∣ents with one accord doe say, that the power of binding and loosing was giuen to the Apostles, and to the whole Church in the person of S. Peter, to omit this, because I will treat of it in his proper place: I onely say, that albeit this had beene spoken to the Pope, yet might he not for all that chastise Princes with depriuation of their estates, or by rai∣sing a commotion among his subiects, or by impo∣sing fines and amercements vpon his countreyes. This is to enterprete the word Feede, too licenti∣ously, we had neede of new Grammer for this new Diuinity: for the word Feede, which in times past signified to teach and to guide, dooth now a dayes signifie to blast whole kingdomes with the light∣ning of excommunications, to ouerthrow great Monarches, and to sucke and draw out the very substance of the poore people. Beare with our simplicity herein; for so great an abuse in wordes maketh vs to feare a greater in the matter it selfe. To speake barbarously were an euill somewhat tol∣lerable, were it not that Barbarismes doe some∣tymes passe into Heresies, and incongruities in

wordes into incongruity in fayth. Thus the Bishop of Rome calleth himselfe the Pylot and Steer-man of S. Peters Shippe, but he imployeth that barke to trafficke his owne gayne, and S. Peters nets to fish for Princes Crownes, and to entramell whole States and Common-weales. His keyes now a dayes serue onely to open Cofers. His power of loosing only to loose the bonds of fidelity, through a mutinous piety, and a factious Religion, which maketh it self Iudge ouer the consciences of kings, w^ch euen hateth their Religion because it hateth their rule & gouernment, and maketh, that to be a good subiect, & to be a good Christian, are things that cannot subsist together.

Bellarmines reasons hauing beene very feeble, the examples which he produceth in the Chapter following are lesse currant. He sayeth that Osias king of Iuda was dryuen out of the Temple by the High Priest, and depryued of his kingdome. The text of Scripture is direct to the contrary. It is said 2. King. 15.2. that Osias began to raigne in the six∣teenth yeare of his age, and hee raigned fifty two yeates: so that he liued threescore and eyght years: whence it appeareth that he was King euen vntill his death. In the fift verse Iotham his son during the time of his fathers separation, because of his lepro∣sie, he is not called King but gouernor of his house. And ver. 7. the beginning of the raigne of Iotham is reckoned only from the death of Osias his father.

The example of Athalia driuen from the King∣dome by Iehoiada the high Priest is as little to the

purpose. For wee speake here of lawfull Princes deposed, and he brings vs an example of a woman th••t vsurped anothers Kingdome by force and tyranny, in which case euery man is allowed to em∣ploy himselfe to expel the vsurper, and to preserue the Kingdome to the lawfull King.

The example of S. Ambose Bishoppe of Millan, who would not receiue the Emperour Theodosius to the communion, by reason of that great slaugh∣ter which his souldiers, at his commaundement, committed at Thessalonica, maketh expresly a∣gainst the Bishop of Rome. For would the Pope now a dayes indure that a Bishoppe of Millan or Colleyne should intrude himselfe to excommuni∣cate Emperours, and to declare them to be fallen from their Empire without his permission? Did Ambrose this by the counsaile or commaundement of the Bishop of Rome? And were it so that Am∣brose had beene, that the Pope now sayth himselfe to be, where will Bellarmine finde that Ambrose did degrade the Emperour, or that he dispensed with his subiects for the Oath of fidelity? Let a man read his three and thirtieth Epistle, and he shall see with how great humilty he submitteth himselfe to an Arrian Emperour, so farre from preaching any reuolt of his subiects from him, that indeede hee willingly offered to dye, and to suffer persecution, if such were the will of the Emperour. As touch∣ing the law which Theodosius imposed vpon him∣selfe by the Counsell of S. Ambrose, which was that from thence forward he would stay the execu∣tion

of any sentence of death vntil the thirtieth day. I cannot see how this can serue to giue vnto the Pope power of deposing Princes; For if Theodosius would not haue followed the counsell of Ambrose; there had beene no harme done. But this good Emperour did of his owne accord yeeld vnto it.

After him followeth Gregory the first; at the end of whose Epistles is found a priuiledge graunted to the Abbey of S. Medard, which hath this clause for the burthen of the Song: If any King, Prelate, Iudge, or secular person what soeuer shall violate the De∣crees of this Apostolicall authority, and of our comman∣dement, be he of what dignity or greatnes soeuer he may be, let him be depriued of his honour. I might say that this is onely an imprecation against Kings, and not a Decree of deposition. But we neede not busie our selues about the sense, seeing that the E∣pistle is false. It is a priuiledge indeed vnto which the name of Gregory is put, to winne the greater credite and authority. The falshood of it appear∣eth first in the Barbarisme of the style; for men did neuer call, neyther at Rome nor in Italy, farmes or possessions by the name of Mansos. It is a word which is found in the Chapter of Charles the great, and of Lewes, which sheweth that this priuiledge was first composed in France, and not written at Rome. Which thing also appeareth in this that he vseth these wordes: Tusiacum & Mortinetum fiscos regios. To call the lands of the Kings Demaines, Fiscos regios is a Barbarisme that may easily befall some French monke; but at Rome this would not

haue beene vnderstood: and you espye the French vaine in these wordes very often repeated, Dominus Medardus, Monsieur S. Medard. Adde hereunto that this priuiledge is absurd and vniust; for it for∣biddes to depose the Abbot of S. Medard howsoe∣uer attainted with crime, vnlesse it be after the Popes pleasure known, and after a Councel assem∣bled, wherein there shall bee found a dousen wit∣nesses, besides the accusers. Now to breake this goodly priueledge is thought to bee a crime, for which a King ought to loose his Kingdome. The cheef poynt is, that the humor of this Gregorie the first, who called himselfe seruant of seruants, doth very much disagree with these so arrogant terms; & which cut after the stile of an earthly Monarch. For writing to Mauricius the Emperor in his third booke and sixt Epistle: But I the vnworthy seruant of your goodnesse. And a little after, Now I speaking these things to you my Lords, what am I but dust and a very worme? And the King of great Britayne hath wisely obserued in his first booke, that the Empe∣rour Mauricius had commaunded this Gregory to publish a law, which Gregory himselfe condemned as vniust; and yet to obey his Master, he published it. I, sayth he, as one subiect to your commaundement, haue sent these same lawes into diuers Countries; and because they do not agree with God Almighty, I haue by these my letters signified it to my Lords and Masters. How well this Gregory knew to keepe his rancke, and could not finde the way to draw this temporal sword, which yet stucke fast in the scabbard. For an

vpshot of falshoods; so at the end of this goodly priuiledge the subscriptions of the Bishops of A∣lexandria and Carthage, who neuer knew the Ab∣bey of S. Medard, especially the Bishop of Alexan∣dria, who neuer saw Gregory, and who beside that signeth his name very low among the thronge of ordinary witnesses, albeit he neuer thought him∣selfe inferiour in any thing to the Bishop of Rome. After all signeth King Theodoret as inferiour to all the Bishops.

After this Gregory, wee are brought downe to Gregory the second, the great puller downe of Ima∣ges. If we may beleeue Cedrenus and Zonaras great adorers of Images: this Gregory went about to hin∣der the Italians from paying their tributes to Leo Isauricus, who had demolished Images. But Platina who hath most carefully searched out the story of Popes, witnesseth the contrary, and sayth in the life of this Gregory, that vpon order giuen from the Emperour for the breaking downe of Images. The people of Italy were so much moued, that it wanted but little, but that they had chosen themselues another Em∣perour: but Gregory employed his authority to hinder that matter. Nay further he neuer for all that, de∣clared Leo fallen from the Empire, he did not trans∣late his Scepter to another, he did not dispense with his subiects for their Oath of Alleageance: And yet the Emperour at that time did onely hold a third part of Italy, which was a very small porti∣on of the Empire; so that his tributes of Italy were vnto him of very little value.

As for Pope Zacharie, when they report in the yeare 750 to haue taken from Childeriche the King∣dome of Fraunce to giue vnto Pipin; and likewise Pope Leo the third, whom men say to haue transla∣ted the Empire of the Greekes to the French by giuing the Empire to Charlemaine. I could con∣uince all this of falshood, and shew that the practise and custome of Popes is to giue vnto some one, that thing which he cannot take from him; Or af∣ter hauing incyted some one to inuade the posses∣sions of his neighbour, to vaunt afterward, and to reproach him; that what he got by rapine he now holdeth by his Holinesse liberality; or as if in the Sacring of the Emperour, because he hath put the Crowne on his head, he should say that he hath giuen him the Empire; as if in the sacring of a King he that hath inaugurated him by performing the Ceremony should bragge that he hath giuen him the Kingdome. By this reason the Bishop of Ostias, who hath had for a long time the right of consecrating the Pope, should haue bin aboue the Popes: and the Bishop of Millan should giue the Kingdome of Italy to the Emperour, because from him he is to receiue a Crowne of Iron: but this be∣longeth to another discourse, neyther is the proofe of it necessary to this purpose. For had these Bi∣shops done much worse then this, yet could not their example serue for a rule, vnlesse it be shewed where and when God gaue them this power. For is it credible that the Bishops of Rome could haue had in their hands this power neare eight hundred

yeares together without enploying it? or that they suffered this temporall sworde to hang rusting on a pinne, without euer making vse of it, vntill that after many ages this Zachary bethought himselfe of putting it to seruice in an action which the Church of Rome it selfe confesseth to bevniust? Seeing that the Canon Alius, before aleadged, sayth, that Childericke was not deposed for any cryme, but because Pipin was more capable of gouernement then he. How many Emperours and Kings vnfit to gouerne were there before this Childericke, whose Crownes the Popes neuer tou∣ched? But this Pope flattered Pipin to the end to be succoured by him against the Lumbards, who kept him in seruitude.

Now to shut vp this whole matter, seeing that the Pope doth challenge to himselfe this power o∣uer Kings, who is it that hath giuen it vnto him? Is it from the vnwritten worde? Is it a custome au∣thorised by the time? or suffered by Princes? or slid it along by the fauour and sleepinesse of an age that liued in darkenesse? Or if God hath giuen him this power, let him produce his Title, let him shew the clauses of this Donation.

2. Againe, If Christ left a Successour or Liefte∣nant here on earth, it is certayne that he can exer∣cise no other charge then that which Iesus Christ did, being in the world. Now he did neuer degrade Kings, nor translate Empyres. Nay how is it like he would haue done that, seeing that he could not be intreated to become a Iudge betweene priuate

men in a Controuersie that was of ciuill nature. He that teacheth vs to yeelde tribute to Caesar is it likely that hee would haue left a Lieftenant that should make Caesar himselfe tributary.

3. If it be so, that S. Peter or any other Apostle had this power ouer Kingdomes: where dooth it appeare that euer he exercised it? And to what end serueth an authority without the execution? Or where did this power of the Bishops ouer the tem∣porality of Kings lie couring all this while, that it should need to be rouzed vp some eleuen hundred yeares after Iesus Christ?

4 Moreouer, It is God that giueth Kings and Princes their power, as Daniel told Nebuchadnezzar though an Infidel. Thou O King art a King of Kings, because the God of heauen hath giuen thee a Kingdome, and power, and strength, and glory. And the Apostle, Rom. 13.1. hath tolde vs that all powers are orday∣ned of God. Now that which God giueth, man cannot take away. Let the Pope take away if it please him, that which himselfe hath giuen: let him take his Cardinals redde hattes, Archbishops pals, if euer he gaue any without money; Let him giue out against them that holde Benefices from him, that their Benefices are deuolted vnto him by lapse, but let him abstaine from the Crowes of Kings, let him not touch the Lords annoynted.

5. Adde hereunto those passages which the King of great Britaine hath learnedly obserued in his Apology, by which he proueth, that God wil∣leth that his pleople yeelde obedience to Kings e∣uen

to Infidels. So in the 27. of Ieremie; Submit your neckes vnder the yoake of the King of Babell, and serue him and his people: and cap. 29. Seeke the peace of the Citie whether I haue carried you, and pray for it; for in her peace you shall haue peace This was farre from mouing them to reuolt. Thus did the Isra∣elites obey Pharaoh: And euen then when the Kings of Iuda were Idolaters, as Ahaz and Ma∣nasse, yet did the High Priests neuer for all that in∣cite the people to Rebellion. The Emperour Nero was a prodigious monster for all kinde of wicked∣nesse, notwithstanding S. Paul would haue men to obey him for conscience sake, and for feare of of∣fending God. But wee now a dayes stand vpon better termes: for if wee ought to obey a Prince that is a Pagan, euen for conscience sake in Ciuill causes; how much more one that is truely a Chri∣stian? And if a Tygre that hath climed to the top of the Empire, how much more a Prince that is wise and mercifull, who preserueth the liues of those that desire his death? And if we may not obey any man that leadeth and commaundeth a mutiny and treason; how much lesse ought we to obey the Pope, whose Empire is founded vpon the ruines of the Gospell, and who being prodigall of the blood of those who are his, draweth persecution vpon them, to the end that they for him may loose goods and life, yea and life eternall?

Now if any man vnwilling to enter this list, shal say that this is a matter of pollicy, and that we prye into matters of State; such a one by his tergiuer∣sation

wil more ouerthrow the Popes power, then if hee had expresly fought against it. For if this power be a point without the compasse of Religi∣on, it followeth thereupon that it is not sounded vpon the word of God: And if God had spoken of it in his worde, it were a point of Religion to be∣leeue it. The Pope then is to blame for making such bragges of his keyes in this case, if it be nothing but a matter of pollicy, and such as hath no sparke of Diuinity in it: which thing Pope Clement the fift, doth couertly confesse in the extrauagant Meruit: where he declareth that he doth not vnderstand that the extrauagant Vnam Sanctam of Boniface the eight, which giueth to the Pope soueraigne power ouer the Temporalties of Kingdomes as well as o∣uer the Spiritualtie, could bring any preiudice to the Kingdome of France, to make it more subiect to the Church of Rome, then before it was, but re∣integrateth the said Kingdome into the same estate that it was before the abouesaid definition of Boni∣face, and that in acknowledgement of the merites of King Philip the faire, albeit hee had somewhat rudely accorded matters with Boniface. Let the Reader weigh and consider this point aduisedly. For in this extrauagant (which Bellarmine dooth ap∣proue and commend) Pope Boniface foundeth his pretensions ouer the Temporalties of Princes, vp∣pon many passages of the word of God. He mea∣neth then that his right is by the lawe of God: where against King Philip hedoth maintaine, that in temporal things he is subiect to no man. Within

a while after Clement the fift passed it so, in fauor of the King, and exempted him from the rigour of this Bull; the Pope then made bolde to dispense with the law of God: or if on the other side it be no∣thing else but an humane positiue law, then Boni∣face dealt very wickedly in seeking to ground it vp∣pon the holy Scripture. But why shall Fraunce a∣lone be exempted from this yoake and other King∣domes shall be enforced to beare it? Could Philips merites dispense with him for obeying the word of God produced by Boniface. These Popes make a Religion of waxe, depending vpon the conditions of the times, and the traine of their affaires, and make it a prop of their Dominion: they stretch it and shorten it like a stirrup leather, fitting not their wils to Religion, but Religion to their will. Now if Philip had bin Master of Rome and absolutecom∣mander in Italy, the Bishops of Rome would haue thrown themselues on their knees before him, as did Pope Adrian in the second Counsell of Nice, 2. Act. and would haue called themselues wormes, dust, and his petty-seruants as did Gregory the first, writing to Mauricius.

CHAP. VI. Of the Clergie and of their Liberties, and Exemption.

CArdinall Bellarmine cap. 28. of his booke De Clericis, sayth, That Clergie men may not at any hand be punished by the politique Iudge, or be drawne before the iudgement seat of the Secular Ma∣gistrate. He saith also that the cheife Bishop hauing deliuered Clerkes from the subiection of Princes, Kings are no longer Superiours ouer Clerkes. In the same place also he maintayneth that the goods as wel of the Clergy as of secular men, are and ought to be exempted from the taxe and tribute of Secular Princes.

Hereunto the King of great Britaine, speaking to the Emperour, to the Kings and Princes of Chri∣stendome, sayth in this manner: And when the grea∣test Monarches amongst you will remember, that almost the third part of your Subiects and of your Territories, is Church-men and Church-liuings; I hope, ye will then consider and weigh, what a feather he puls out of your winges, when he denudeth you of so many Subiects and their possessions, in the Popes fauour: nay, what bryers and thornes are left within the heart of your Domini∣ons, when so populous and potent a party shall haue their birth, education and liuelyhood in your Countries, and yet owe you no Subiection, nor acknowledge you for their SOVERAIGNES? So as where the Church-men of

old were content with their tythe of euery mans goods; the Pope now will haue little lesse then the third part of euery Kings Subiects and Dominions.

To these words, so full of weight and euidence, Coeffeteau answereth very softly and sillily. He saith that Catholicke Kings, do not apprehend any such calamitie, seeing that amongst them Ecclesiasticall Persons liue vnder their Lawes and acknowledge their authority, euen the Pope himselfe beeing aware of it: That in France the Cardinals and By∣shops performe vnto the King, the Oath of Fideli∣ty; cōmendeth the Kings for hauing giuē to Clerks great immunities, notwithstanding which he sayth that they doe not let to be bound to ciuill Lawes.

These wordes are full of timerousnesse and lur∣king ambiguity. [Answere.] Hee saith that Clerkes indeede liue vnder the lawes of Princes, but hee doth not tell vs, that in case of disobedience the King may punish them; for otherwise there is no subiection. He sayth that the Bishops yeeld the Oath of Fideli∣ty, but the question now is not touching fidelity, but touching subiection and obedience. He spea∣keth of immunities granted by Princes, but he doth not tel vs what these immunities be; for this is one (as Bellarm. witnesseth and we will shew hereafter) that Clerks are no longer subiects to Kings, & that the King is no longer their Superiour. Thus can we learne nothing of this Doctor.

So that indeede his Maiesties complaint is so iust, that if we holde our peace threin, the cause wil proclaime it selfe: Euery man knoweth what a

Diminution to the Crowne and greatnesse of Kings, these immunities of Clergy men do bring; all which they couer and rabble vp vnder the Title of the liberty of the Church, vnworthily transpor∣ting this sacred name of Christian liberty, which signifieth in the word of God the deliuerance from the curse and malediction, and from the yoake of sinne, and from the heauy burthen of the ceremo∣nies of the law; to ciuill pretences, and dispensati∣ons with that naturall duety which wee owe vnto our Prince, vnder whom we had the happinesse first to behold the Sunne.

This is a thing that belongeth euen to the law of Nations: and besides that is authorised by the word of God, that euery person be subiect to the Soueraigne Magistrate. But here now see, how in one kingdome, as in Fraunce, there will be found a∣boue three hundred thousand persons, who vnder the title of Clergy-men haue shaken off the yoake of the Princes authority; yea euen children that are entred Nouices into that Body, exempted from all obedience towards their parents:

This body of the Clergie hath its Iudges and officers & their prisons likewise apart. Their causes are not called to be answered before Royall Iud∣ges; but receiue hearing and determination in the great State chamber at Rome called La Zuota or in the consistorie.

There is a third parte of the Lands of this king∣dome in the hands of Clergy men to the great pre∣iudice of our kings. For it often commeth to passe,

that the proprietarie owners and possessors of lands doe sell their inheritances; whence accureth profite to the Prince, by the Kings fine which ari∣seth of euery first part, or first prime, of such fales and other rights belonging to the cheefe Lord; which Rights are lost when once immoueable goods, enter into the possession of the Clergy. The king doth also lose his right of Aubaine, which is an escheate to the king of all such goods, as any stranger dying in Fraunce is possessed of, also the right of confiscation, and in case of desertion when a man doth quit his owne estate. The Clergy be∣ing a body that neuer dyeth, that neuer confisca∣teth, and in which body inheritances dye by Mort∣maine: Vpon whom the secular persons conferre euery day new Donations; but we neuer see the sharing of Ecclesiasticall goods made to the pro∣fite and behoofe of any Lay-man: for goods finde many gates open to enter into the Clergy, but ne∣uer a one to get our from thence, like those foot∣ings of the wilde beasts, which all turned inward towards the Lyons denne, but there appeared no trace of any that euer returned from thence. And hence it commeth to passe, that as in mans body, the thighs and armes grow lesse and lesse by how much the bigger the belly swelleth through ex∣cesse: so in the body of a Common wealth. The Nobility and the Commonalty, who are as the armes and legges of that State, they are brought low by the increase of the Clergy.

To this end also they haue obtained that the

Church shal alwayes be held in non-age and in her minority, that if she shall at any time haue made promise or contract, that may turne to her disad∣uantage, she may vnder that pretence be releeued. And whereas in common course of law, thirtie yeeres are sufficient to keepe possession by way of Prescription: Against the Church of Rome, and a∣gainst the Templaries no Prescription can be of force vnder one hundred yeares; which is in effect as much as that against them there is no Prescripti∣on. The other Churches and Orders haue fortie yeares Prescription.

This ought also moreouer to be added, which is a thing that doth greatly redound to the weake∣ning of the power of kings. And that is, that al Fee-farms and lands of the most noble Tenure, assoone as they enter into the Possession of Ecclesiasticall persons, they become exempted from all charges and payments, as well in regard of their persons as of their goods, being no longer bound to that per∣sonall seruice, which the possessour formerly owed vnto the Prince. Whence it came to passe that our auncient kings were able within lesse circuite of Countrey, to leuie Armies of an hundred thou∣sand men, whereas now a dayes within a farre lar∣ger extent, fewer troupes are gathered, because there is a third part of the lands of Fraunce, which contribute nothing to publique necessities. And yet notwithstanding, naturall reason requireth that they who enioy the fruite and benefite of peace, should contribute toward the warre; that those

that liue at case, should cherish and releeue them that fight for their conseruation. Wherefore then whiles the Nobility and the third State, do oppose themselues to the inuasion of strangers, whiles the King doth fortifie his Frontiere Townes; doth in∣tertaine Garisons, dooth appoint Officers as well for ciuill gouernement as for discipline of warre; why should not Ecclesiasticall persons, who by these meanes doe quietly enioy the fat and best of the Kingdome, why should not they, I say, contri∣bute to the publicke necessity: why should their increase be a deminution to their Princes forces, who watcheth ouer them for their quiet?

Furthermore no man can be ignorant but that this is a thing greatly threatning the dammage and impouerishing of the Kingdome, that a third part of Fraunce should be tributary to a stranger, vnder a title of Annates, Dates, Dispensations, Absoluti∣ons and cases of marriage. Against all which bi∣ting extortion our auncient Kings prouided by the Pragmaticke Sanction; being angryed and agreeued to see the faire pence of the Kingdome to passe o∣uer the Alpes vnder a Religious kinde of pillage, and to enter into the purses of those who made a mocke at our simplicity.

But aboue all, this is that which is most perniti∣ous to Kings and their estates, that so many persons are exempted from iustice, and from the arme of the secular power. For by this meanes if a Clerke doe himselfe vndertake, or doe abet another to at∣tempt against the life of his Prince, if he coyne false

money, set fire on a towne, or entertaine secret in∣telligence with strangers; or if hee infect the com∣mon people by the example of his lewde manners. The Prince for all this cannot lay handes on him without leaue from his Bishop, and hee shall not dare to touch him, vntil he be first degraded, in such sort that the King hath in his kingdome an infinite number of persons, who are Lords of the fairest and best choyce of his Countrey, and who are not his subiects, but do acknowledge another for their Superiour out of the kingdome.

This is verily one of the boldest wiles and the subtilest sleights of the mystery of iniquity, to haue found out a meanes whereby to make a king by sufferance to giue way to another, to establish an estate within his owne estate, and in the end to thanke him for it too: and to thinke himselfe be∣holding to him for the same. Who will then mar∣uell hereupon, if the king of great Britaine whom God hath freed from so heauy a yoake, doe looke with compassion vpon those other kingdomes, who yet do groane vnder this burthen, and as stan∣ding safe on the shoare, giueth aduise and counsell to his brethren whom he seeth weather-beaten with these surges, and carryed away with the cur∣rent of an olde inueterate custome.

Now here I protest againe, as heretofore I haue done, that I doe not speake of the persons, but of the rules and orders of the Church of Rome. I know that in this great body of the Clergy there is a great number that would willingly dye for the

seruice of their king: in whom their Priestly chara∣cter of shauing, hath not made them forget that they are borne subiects. In whose spirits nature hath more force then their habites, and the loue of their Countrey more then the Maximes of Ita∣ly: but they are beholden to their owne good dis∣positions for this, and not to the rules of the Church.

Some to colour this abuse, say that Clerkes are exempted from the power of Princes not by Gods law, but onely by mans positiue law: whereunto I say that first they contradict not onely Bellarmine himselfe, who in his booke of the exemption of Clerkes, hee doth exempt them by Gods diuine Law: but also Pope Boniface the eight, who speak∣eth in this maner in the Title, De Censibus in Sexto: The Churches and Ecclesiasticall persons & their goods, let them be exempt from the exactions of secular per∣sons not onely by mans lawe but also by Gods Diuine law.

Secondly I say that it little importeth Princes vnder what title men take away their dues, seeing that they are eyther way alike riffeled and despoy∣led. And it goeth against the heart of him that hath been robbed to pay himselfe with a distructi∣on, certaine it is that if this be graunted, that the exemptions of Clerkes is founded onely vpon mans lawes: yet if a Prince should goe about to clippe the priuiledges of Church-men, and should continue on, to draw those rights and dues vppon their lands which he had vpon them whiles they

were yet in the hands of secular men; such a Prince I say, shall be neuer a whit the more excused: nay, rather he shall be cursed and banned as blacke as a coale, and shall be ground to powder with hote excommunications, as a persecutor and diminisher of the liberty of the Church. And if any Iesuite should come to suffer death in any such quarrel, he should be put in the Kalendar of Saints and Mar∣tirs, as was Thomas of Canterbury, who suffered on∣ly for this very subiect.

And indeede it is a thing very easie for vs to prooue that Clerkes haue exempted themselues from Taxes and Subsidies and Contributions, and from subiection to the secular sword, not onely without all law, both of God and man, but directly contrary to Gods Diuine law. For S. Paul, Rom. 13. will haue euery soule subiect to the higher powers. He that will exempt Clerkes from this rule, saith by a consequent that they haue no soule. Now if they be subiect, then doe they owe Tribute: for S. Paul addeth, that this subiection consisteth in pay∣ing of tribute: For this cause (sayth he) you pay tri∣bute, because they are the Ministers of God. Wherup∣pon Saint Chrysostome in his Commentary on that place speaketh roundly to the purpose; The Apo∣stle (sayth he) enioyneth this to all, euen to Priests and Solitary Monkes, and not to Seculars onely. And that which is yet more, he addeth, Be thou an Apostle, be thou an Euangelistor a Prophet, or whosoeuer. Whence appeareth that if the Pope be an Apostle (as indeed he calleth his charge an Apostleship) notwithstan∣ding

by S. Pauls rules he should be liable to taxes and rallages, and subiect to the ciuill Magi∣strate.

Now because some perhaps may vse this excep∣tion, That Christian Clerks were forced of necessi∣ty to be subiect to Paynim Princes, to pay them taxe and tribute, to appeare before their Ciuill and Criminal Iudges for feare of drawing (by such their refusall) persecution vpon the whole Church: but vnder a Christian Prince Clerkes ought to be ex∣empt from this subiection. The same Chrysostome addeth in the same Sermon, That if the Epostle esta∣blished this law, at what time Princes were Paynims; How much more then ought this to be vnder beleeuing Princes? Likewise S. Bernard in his two and fortieth Epistle to the Archbishop of Sens: Giue honour to whom honour belongeth: Let euery soule be subiect to the higher powers; if euery soule, then yours also, for who can except you from that which is vniuersall? Si quis tentat excipere conatur decipere. He would daceiue you that would except you. This worthy personage had a sensible feeling of the excessiue abuses which, alleadged in his time, were growne vp in these ex∣emptions. S. Ambrose in his Oration of surrende∣ring vp Churches, saith, If the Emperour demaund Tribute, we doe not refuse it. In the fourth booke of Theodorets Story, cap. 7. Valentinian the elder, wri∣ting to the Bishops of Asia, he saith, That the true Ministers of God are subiect to the lawes of Emperours. And it is in the very same Emperour, who being

ioyned with Valens, made that law, of which S. Ie∣rome speaketh in his Epistle to Nepotian, which did forbid Ecclesiasticall persons to receiue any here∣tages, or to take any thing from women: which law is found in the Code of Theodosius, in the title De Episcopis & Clericis: Whence appeareth that the Emperiall lawes did in those dayes subiect Clerkes to many things; from which the seculars themselues were exempted. Which was not rec∣koned any Tyranny, seeing that S. Ierome sayth in the same place, that he doth not complaine of that law, but rather of the Auarice of the Clergy, who had worthely deserued to be curbed and repressed by that law made. VVhat shall I say more? Pope Vrban and the Romane Decree, in the Cause 23. Quest 8. in the Canon Tributum, speaketh in this manner:❀ The Church payeth her tribute of all her outward goods. Againe, We must pay to Emperours in recognisance of the peace and quiet, in which they ought to maintaine and defend vs. Let a man read the Ca∣non† Quoniam, and the Canon De Capitulis, in the tenth Distinction: and there a man shall see how much the Popes do acknowledge themselues sub∣iect to the Emperours, and bound to obey no o∣ther lawes then the Imperiall, in temporall af∣faires.

In Sigonius his fift booke, Ansbert Archbishop of Pauia crowned Carolus Caluus King of the Ro∣manes, saying vnto him, Wee haue chosen you with ioynt consent, Protector, Lord and King, and we yeelde our selues your subiects with all our bearts.

As touching the punishment of crimes it is found at large in the Code of Theodosius, that a∣bout the yeare 315. Constantine discharged certaine Clerkes from publique functions which they had executed in person, and yet without discharging their possessions. But as well he, as his successours retayned and reserued to themselues the punish∣ment of crimes: For in the twentieth chapter of the first booke of the Story of Theodoret, he sent Eusta∣thius Bishoppe of Antioch into banishment. The Emperour Maximus put certaine Bishops to death; for hauing beene infected with the Herefie of the Gnosticks, contrary to the counsel of S. Mar∣tin who did not approue that cruelty. But S. Mar∣tin doth not reprehend him for hauing set in his foote ouer the Clergy, or for that hee had thrust himselfe in injuriously to the iudgement of their crymes: yea about the yeare 1560 the Emperour Iustinian established a law, by which he permitted Ecclesiasticall persons in ciuill causes to proceede before their owne Bishop: but in criminall mat∣ters his pleasure is, that they should vndergoe the jurisdiction of secular Magistrates: the indulgence of the succeeding Emperors hath exempted them from al secular jurisdiction, contrary to the dignity and security of the Empire, yea and contrary to the rules and examples of the worde of God it selfe.

Vnder the Law the Leuites had no prisons a∣part, nor Iudges apart; they were subiect to the Kings, who sometimes chastised the high Priests

themselues, as Salomon deposed Abiathar from the Priesthood Iesus Christ appeared before the iudge∣ment seat of Pilate, and he giues this testimony that it is giuen him of God, to be Iudge in this cause. S. Paul did not appeale to S Peter, but to Caesar, Act. 23 11. and he doth it by the counsel of the holy Ghost; to the end that men should not thinke, that it was an euasion, which hee followed out of necessity, without approuing it as lawfull. S. Paul himselfe doth subiect euery soule to the powers that beare the sword, and by consequent he dooth subiect them also vnto corporall punishments.

Some perhaps will say; I graunt you that the Clergy haue now a dayes many more exemptions then they haue had in former times. But the Em∣perours and Kings haue giuen them immunities and freedomes which now are irreuocable. I an∣swere, that if Kings haue giuen to Clergy men such immunities, they may take them away from them againe, when they shal see it to be necessary for the preseruation of their State. So, all that men are wont to alleadge out of the auncient Councels, authorising these exemptions, may serue indeede to exhort Clerkes to addresse themselues to their Bishops to compose their differents in Ecclesiasti∣call matters. But now a dayes to exempt Church∣lands from paying taxe and Subsidy; nor to take from the Magistrate the power of punishing any Clerke that is a wicked man, and attaynted of some cryme which is punishable by the law.

Secondly, I say that Clerkes cannot be iudged

by the validity of their owne exemptions, seeing they are made altogether in fauour of them, and to their owne profite. And being Iudges and parties, they will take heed, I trow, of condemning them∣selues.

I say further; for I mayntaine this truth, That Princes cannot free Clergy men from their ciuill subiection and obedience, seeing that God himselfe hath subiected them thereunto. So a father can∣not free his children from that due obedience which they owe vnto him: Neyther can he by any damnable induldence and facility toward his chil∣dren, loose those bands of nature which God moreouer alloweth and authorizeth in his word. That good indeed, or that good turne is iniurious, that byndeth a man to doe ill, or that exempteth him from well doing. And not to speake but of Magistrates only, I say, that God hauing comman∣ded the Israelites to subdue the Cananites and A∣morrhites, and to make them their seruants: They should haue offended God if they had let them goe free and at liberty.

I leaue this also to any mans iudgement, whe∣ther a Prince may take any Donations, by the which both himselfe and his Successors may loose the third part of their Dominion. If any man be an angryed with his money, he may giue it away, and make hauocke of it if he please, but he cannot binde his posterity to the like humour. Neyther can his personall liberalities make vniuerfall Lawes: Espe∣cially when by experien••e it is knowne to be true,

that those persons on whom the good deedes haue beene done, doe waxe the worse by them, and the benefites extended towards them, corrupt in their owne bosomes. For, not to speake of those many∣fold vices which haue thronged in at this gate by troupes, Clergy-men are become very ill acknow∣ledgers of those good deedes which Princes haue conferred on them: For now they maintayne, that these immunities belong vnto them by Gods law, and by Diuine right; and that they holde all this from God and not from man, and that the Pope hauing exempted Clergy-men from the subiecti∣on of Princes, they are no more their subiects, ney∣ther are Princes any longer their superiours. This doctrine is constantly vpheld in Rome, and mayn¦tayned by all the Doctors that are of any marke in that Church. But about all, by the lesuites; diuers of whose testimomes, touching this point, we haue heretofore produced.

Out auncient Kings neuer heard of any such propositions in their dayes. And without doubt that which now-a dayes is called in our law, Le droit de Regale, and L'appell comme d'abus, and like∣wise the Inhibition of the Annates, by the pragma∣tical Sanction (of which there remayneth no more now-a-dayes then the bare name) these are the re∣liques of the auncient power of our Kings, by the which they did dispose of Ecclesiasticall mens goods, as well as of Secular persons. But now-a-dayes after a lamentable manner of speaking, and iniuri ous to our Kings, these things are called Pri∣uiledges

of the Gallicane Church. As if for a man not to be robbed or riffeled, were a priuiledge vnto him. Or as if it were a speciall grace graunted by the Pope, that a man should haue power to be Ma∣ster in his owne house, Non est Priuilegium sed pra∣uilegium. And yet this priuiledge is not obser∣ued.

And hereupon I beseech the Reader to consider how handsomely Cardinall Bellarmine doth carry himselfe in this poynt, who in the eight and twen∣tieth chapter of his booke of Clerkes, to the end to gratifie Princes with something, he will, that Clerkes should conforme themselues, to ciuill lawes in certaine menial small things, as in the buy∣ing of any Merchandize, or not to go abroad in the night without a Lanthorne. But within a short space after, he plucketh backe, all that which before he had giuen, willing them to be subiects indeede, Obligatione non coactiua sed solum directiua: by Obli∣gation of direction, not of coertion. That is to say, that they may be commanded, but not constrai∣ned to yeeld obedience: they shall obey as farre as themselues list: and this is not to be a subiect in any regard. That law is no lawe that onely hath refe∣rence to their discretion for whom it is enacted. A law that wants his annexed punishment, is ridicu∣lous, and should bee called an entreatie, or good counsaile rather then a command. And farther ob∣serue, that the matters wherein he maketh the cler∣gie subiect to the law, are trifles, and things of no moment. But to be vigilant for the safetie of his so∣ueraigne;

or to mayntaine the peace of the Coun∣trey, or to shunne priuate intelligence with forray∣ners, or to be punished for robbing, or rauishing, or for treason, are matters wherein hee doth not subiect them to the power of Kings. So he dazels the eyes of Princes with Schoole-distinctions, of Directiue, and Coactiue, flatly denying the while, that Princes haue superiority ouer their Clergy. And he maytaines that Kingdomes are not held by a Di∣uine right, that is, are not immediately appoynted by God, nor established by Gods ordinance: di∣rectly crossing the Apostle Saint Paul, saying, That there is no power but of God, and the powers that be, are ordained of God. By this meanes taking from subiects all religious regard due to Princes, whom in a wicked disdayne he calles Prophane persons; to∣ward the end of the second Chapter of his booke of the exemption of the Clergy, in these wordes: Is there any that dares auerre, that ••••••rophane man hath any power ouer matters that deser•••• to be stiled Sancta sanctorum, that is, most holy? He giues also this title to Ecclesiasticall goods; so that if the mony of a Kingdome be swept away vnder colour of Indul∣gences: If sinnes be leuyed vpon the Curtyzans of Rome: If any of the common people doe robbe their children to enrich the Fryers, this wealth, and these possessions are the holy of holies, things most holy. O grosse abuse, and open mockery! O enmi∣ty with God himselfe! Thus is our simplicity se∣duced. These then are the men, that to shake off the yoake of Kings, call them Prophane persons.

Kings, who are the annointed of the Lord, Gods i∣mage vpon earth, the noursing fathers of the Church, the Princes of the people of God, of whom the very Angels speake not without reue∣rence. Well may their glory be aduanced, and the kingdome of the sonne of God established in their gouernment; but let all those be cast downe, that scandalize their sacred persons, or exempt them∣selues from their authority.

CHAP. VII. The authoritie of Emperours and Kings ouer the Bi∣shop of Rome, that they haue elected, degraded, and censured them, that Princes haue had authoritie o∣uer their Bishops, and their temporalties: The first beginning of Poperie in England.

WHo so desires to see more proofes drawne out of ancient Histories, by which it is made euident, that the Bi∣shops of Rome acknowledged them∣selues subiects, and vassals of the Emperours, let him read the place of the King of great Brittaines Apologie, where he answers the first Breue of Pau∣lus Quintus, whereunto we may adioyne the words of Pope Adrian writing to the Emperour Constan∣tine sonne to Irene in the letters inserted into the second Councell of Nice. We in the meane time with feruencie of spirit beseeching your Grace, and as if wee were present fall before you on our knees, and prostrate

our selues at your feete, both my selfe and my brethren. In those daies Popes kissed the feet of Emperours. Long before King Theodorick employed Iohn the first, Bishop of Rome in the nature of an Ambassa∣dour to Iustinian the Emperour, and after his re∣turne kept him in prison till he died. Platina in the life of Agapetus the first, saith, that King Theodat sent Agapetus his Ambassadour to Constantinople. Soone after Pope Vigill comming to Constanti∣nople at the Emperours command, he caused him to be whipt, and drawne with a halter about his necke through the Cittie. Oh that they had had the grace in those daies to haue thundred against the Emperour, and by authority of the See Aposto∣lique to haue giuen away the Empire to some o∣ther! as touching the election of Popes, they were commonly chosen by the suffrages of the people and clergie of the cittie of Rome: but this election continued doubtfull till the Kings of Italie, or the Emperours had confirmed them: who did often al∣so establish the Bishops by their owne absolute au∣thority, not regarding the voice of popular as∣semblies. In the yeare 535. Agapet the first was cho∣sen by King Theodate, who elected also Syluerius af∣ter Agapet. Syluerius beeing deposed by Betisarius a captaine, the Emperour Iustinian surrogated Vigill into his place. In the yeare 581. Gregorie the Arch∣deacon was sent to the Emperour Tiberius to make an humble excuse, for that Pelagius was elected without his approbation; the incursions of the Lombards, and the great inundations of waters ha∣uing

cut off their passages. The same Gregorie bee∣ing soone after chosen Pope by the common peo∣ple, wrote humble Letters to the Emperour Mau∣rice, not to confirme his Election, in the yeare 679. Pope Agatho besought the Emperour Constantine to forgiue him the tribute, which the Bishop of Rome did vsually pay for their consecration; as the King of England hath learnedly obserued; being farre from enforcing the Emperours vpon the day of their consecration, to lay downe a summe of money at the Popes feete for tribute in token of their subiection, as the Almaine Emperours were afterwards, constrained to do: Bellarmine, saith, that Constantine the fourth gaue ouer this power of chu¦sing the Popes to Benedict the second, but he ma∣liciously hath omitted, that the Emperour in stead thereof, sent thither his souldiers, which he ordina∣rily kept at Rome: which continualy occasioned Faction and Sedition in their Elections; witnesse the election of Canon the first, and of Sergius the first in the yeares 686. and 688. by which they were driuen to haue recourse to the Exarches, the Em∣perours Lieutenant in Italy.

The title of the Empire of the West, and the Royalty of Italy being fallen into the hands of the French, Charlemaine seazed both the Soueraignty ouer the Citie of Rome, and the power of electing Popes into his owne hands. The forme or nature of this authority is faithfully reported by his Maie∣stie of England, iust as it is inserted into the Romish Decree, in the 69. Distinction, in the Canon Adria∣nus:

Leo the the third yeelding to this authority sought, and offered him some presents to be con∣firmed by him: Soone after Paschall the second send his excuse to Lewes le Deuonaire, because his election was dispatched before his pleasure was knowne. Some alleadge hereupon that Lewes did at that time freely disclaime his authority, and to produce a Declaration to that purpose; but the practise of that time proueth the contrary: for a little after in the yeare 827. Gregory the fourth would not enter vpon his charge, till his election was confirmed by Lewes, as Sigonius and Platina te∣stifie. In whom you shall finde a like example in the life of Benedict the third, which is he, whom Platina and a whole score of other witnesses make to succeede next after Pope Ioane. In the yeare 867. the Ambassadors of Lewes made head against Pope Adrian, because they had not beene called to his election; the people hauing tumultuously for∣ced him to take the Papacy vpon him. The warres of the Normanes came then suddenly vpon them, which set the Emperours about other businesse: and the Sea of Rome began then to grow to that ouerflowing and disorder, that for the full space of two hundred yeares, there was nothing to bee seene but slaughter, theft, adulterie, forcery, and one Pope degrading and thrusting out another: in which time by Coeffeteau's owne confession many Masters sate in the Pontificall chayre; and it is pleasant reading to peruse the Councel of Rhemes held vnder Hugh Capet about that affaire. During

which hurly-burlies, the Church of Rome was in the yeare 898. constrained to sue vnto Berengarius King of Italy, to interpose his authority in the e∣lection of the Popes. And a while after Otho the first, Emperour of Almaine hauing subdued Italie, seazed vpon the same authority, and chose Pope Leo the eigth, and after him Iohn the fourteenth, and after that Benedict the fift, as Sigonius, Platina, and others doe affirme. In the yeare 995. Otho the third keeping the same custome, chose Gregory the fift without any regard to the voyces of the common people. Siluester the second, who (as Platina, Stella, Fasciculus temporum, and sundry others do write) attained the Popedome by bargayning with the Diuell, about the yeare 997. was established by the Emperour Otho the second, who had beene his Scholler. In the yeare 1024. the Earles of Tuscu∣lum, which then were growne mightie, aduanced Iohn the one and twentieth, who was a Lay-man to the Popedome In the yeare 1047. Henry the second deposed Benedict the ninth, Seluester the thirteenth, and Gregory the sixt from the Papacy; who by Platina are called three Monsters; as the King of great Britaine doth truely obserue. The same Em∣perour renewed the Oath vnto the people, that they should not offer to chuse their Bishop with∣out his commaundement. After which Leo the ninth, Nicholas the second, & Honorius the second were elected according to the same rule. Sigonius in the yeare 1064. saith that Hanno the Archbishop gaue Pope Alexander a checke for entring vpon

the Papacy, without the penalty of Henry the Em∣perour, Quam sedem multos iam per annos nemo nisi a rege probatus ausus esset attingere; vnto which seate none (saith he) for these many yeares hath presu∣med to approach without the Kings approbation. The same Hildebrand which was called Gregory the se∣uenth, the scourge of Emperours was confirmed by Henry the fourth in the yeare 1075. who hauing first dared to incite the Almaines and Italians to reuolt from the Emperour, and infinite warres be∣ing kindled thereby vnder this Henry, and his suc∣cessors, it would be ouer-long to reckon vp how many Popes haue beene degraded, and how many Anti-Popes created by the Emperours. By which confusion and warlike broils, continuing for one hundred or six score yeares, the Papacy grew to a farre greater greatnesse then it maintaines at this day: for it is within these two or three hundred yeares fallen wel-neare halfe way from the height and State wherein it stood.

The King of great Britaine hauing alleadged some of these testimonies; M^r. Coeffeteau makes af∣ter his fashion a superficiall answere, and saith, That in the beginning it was not so. And he saith well: for in the beginning the Bishop of Rome medled not with the election of the Emperours: hee did not pull downe Kingdomes: he imposed no Annates, or tyrannous impositions vpon the Clergy: hee intermedled not with temporall affaires, neither did his Ecclesiastical authority extend farther then the Churches and parishes in the Suburbs; that is,

no farther then the Prouost-ship and Iurisdiction of the Citie of Rome: he was not called the Mo∣narch of the world, nor the head of the Vniuersall Church, nor God vpon the earth, nor did he weare a triple Crowne, nor made the Kings to kisse his feet, nor did he vaunt that he could not erre in mat∣ter of faith: but as fast as the Emperours did fall, so fast did the Popes rise: and I assure my selfe, that the Pope would rather renounce his succession of S. Peter, then the Donation of Charlemaine.

Secondly, Coeffeteau saith, That in the first ages the Christian Emperours did not enterprise such matters, no not the Constantines, or Theodosij. Here then wee must learne him some skill in historie. Betweene Constantine the great and Theodosius the first. Va∣lentinian was Emperour, whose royall assent con∣curred in the election of Ambrose Bishop of Mil∣laine, a Prelate more reuerenced at that time then the Bishop of Rome: Ruffinus speakes plainely in his second booke, the eleuenth chapter. The desire of the people being reported to the Emperour, hee gaue commandement that their desire should be accomplished. Socrates hath the same, Lib. 4 cap. 25. The Emperour Theodosius chose Nectarius Bishop of Constanti∣nople: for (as Sozomen. testifieth) he commaunded the Bishop to write downe in a paper their names, whom they thought worthy, reseruing the choyce vnto himselfe: and hauing cast his eye ouer the list of such as were named, among all the rest, hee made choice of Nectarius. Now wee are to vn∣derstand that the Bishop of Constantinople was

not then inferiour to the Bishop of Rome in any respect: Of which we could produce 780. witnes∣ses; to wit, those hundred and fiftie Bishops which were in the first Councel of Constantinople vnder Theodosius; and the sixe hundred and thirty Bishops in the Councell of Calcedon, in which Councels there are expresse Canons to that purpose. The third Canon of the Councell of Constantinople speakes in this tenour,a That the Bishop of Constan∣tines Citie hath prerogatiues of honour next after the Bishop of Rome because it is new Rome. Which Ca∣non attributing to the Bishop of Rome priority of rancke, not in respect of the See, but in regard of the cheife Citie, is expounded at large in the Coun∣cell of Calcedon in these wordes, in the eighteenth Canon:b Our Fathers haue very rightly giuen the preheminence to the See of auncient Rome, because the City was the Seate of the Empire. So the hundred and fifty Bishops of the Councell of Calcedon, beloued of God, moued with the same reasons haue transferred the same preheminence to the seat ofc New-Rome, thinking it reason that the City honoured with the Empire, and with the presence of the Senate, and enioying the same priuiledges as ancient Rome being the Seate of the Em∣pire did, and being after it the next should in matters Ecclesiasticall haue equall aduancement: For then the See of Rome had the precedency without any au∣thority or Iurisdiction aboue the rest, iust as one Counseller of State goes before another, that is e∣quall in Commission with him. This excellent Canon hath beene shamefully falsified in the Ro∣mane

mane Decree, in the Canon Renouantes, the two and twentieth Distinction; where in stead of Etiam in Ecclesiasticis, our Aduersaries haue thrust in Non ••amen in Ecclesiasticis. Hereupon I conclude, that if Theodosius being at Constantinople, had a hand in the election of the Bishop of Constantinople, he might as well meddle with the election of the Bi∣shoppe of Rome, in case hee should be present in Rome. And indeede Coeffeteau confesseth that the Emperour Constantius medled both with the election of Foelix, and with the deposing of Liberius Bishop of Rome: but he saith that he was an Ar∣rian, and that S. Hilarie cal'd him Antichrist: which notwithstanding disables not the authority of this example: for if Liberius had beene then an Arrian, as hee became afterwards, no man could haue thought it strange, that Constantius had expelled him, and aduanced another of the Orthodoxe faith into his roome. S. Hilary blamed him, not be∣cause he medled with the deposing, or election of a Bishop, but because in Liberius he persecuted the truth: which may be as well said of the Kings of the Gothes, fauourers of Arrianisme, which made and vnmade the Bishop of Rome at their pleasure: And it is principally to be considered, that the Em∣perours tooke lesse heede to the choosing of the Roman Bishops as long as they preached the Gos∣pell themselues, and were contented with the of∣fice of being Pastors of the City of Rome, and did not thrust their Ecclesiasticall sicle into the tem∣porall haruest. But assoone as they began to speake

bigge, and to meddle with ciuill affaires, and that when matters were doubtfully ballanced, they were like a great stone in one of the scales, who can wonder if the Emperours b••gan then to looke a∣bout, that none of an aduerse faction were brought in to that See against themselues?

That which Coeffeteau subioyneth, makes no∣thing to the purpose, to wit, That the Emperours of the East continued the vsurpation of the Gothes, out of a base coueteous humour: for it makes not, whether their proceedings were tainted with auarice, or no: some one in the prosecution of his right, may min∣gle his particular vices. Now if this custome be not, then are the Popes, and Councels worthy of blame that haue adiudged them both iust, and ne∣cessary; as Adrian the first, Leo the eigth, and others which vnrequested did voluntarily referre this choyce to the Kings of Italy, and to the Emperors. And indeed Sigonius Anno 963. saith that Leo the eigth was of opinion, that Adrian the first had cause to referre the honour of gouerning the Church, and chusing the Pope vnto Charlemaine, and that when liberty was giuen to the popular Assembly for the election of the Pope, things greweuery day from bad to worse. It is heere more remarkable that Coeffeteau doth a little after contradict himselfe; for after hauing condemned this electiue custome, as as an vniust vsurpation of the Emperours, a little after he saith, that the Empe∣rour did not vsurpe this right, but receaued it from the Pope. If then the Emperours did not vsurpe this

power, he doth vniustly call it vsurpation. And if the Popes gaue this authority, the fault was onely in the Popes. And if it be a Right, as Coeffeteau cals it, it can be neyther wrong, nor iniustice, not vsur∣pation. The feare of the Lombards should haue beene no motiue to the Popes to iniure their own See, to p••ssesse the Emperours of that which ap∣pertained not vnto them.

Touching that which he addes, that Lewes the sonne of Charles disclaymed this right; I haue alrea∣dy disproued it, as vntrue. The Canon Ego Lodoui∣cus, in the 63. Distinction, is of the same touch, and as true as the Donation of Constantine.

It is also vntrue which he saith, that the Popes acknowledged Lewes for a benefactor of this See; and that they should thinke themselues obliged to him, and other Princes, which haue bestowed on them the temporalities which they possesse. For first the Popes would not acknowledge any such obligation to this Lewes, nor to his predecessors, notwithstanding all their gifts vnto them, hauing forged the Donation of Constantine to obliterate the memory of this benefite, and cast an immagi∣nary Conduit-pipe, that might from others of farther distance deriue this bountie vnto them. Be∣sides their abusing and thundring their stormes vp∣pon our Kings, and robbing their Kingdomes is their faire acknowledgement of this good turne; like him that hauing gathered the fruite, and refre∣shed himselfe in the shadow of a tree, doth with his bil-booke lop off the boughs and branches for re∣compence.

Moreouer we denie (notwithstanding any thing Coeffeteau sayth) that the Popes held their temporal possessions of Pipin, or Charles, or of Lewes, or of a∣ny King or Emperour. I am not ignorant that these Princes haue exceeded in their liberalities to the Bishop of Rome, which they haue performed to their hinderance: but they euer did, as Princes vnto subiects, reserue the Soueraignty ouer the Donce.

To examine the matter by auncienter proofes and better, Sigonius in the History of the yeare 687. saith, that the Exarches sent Iudges vnto Rome, to administer iustice vnto the people. Platina hath the fame in the life of Sergius the second, who was the first that chaunged his name after his election, be∣cause he was formerly called Hogs-snout. In the di∣uision betweene the children of Lewes le Debonaire, Lotharius the eldest sonne had for his part the City of Rome, with Italy, &c. Platina in the life of Euge∣nius the second, saith, that† Lotharius comming in∣to Italy, established Magistrates at Rome to iudge the people of the Citie. Aboue all, we haue ex∣presse testimony of Sigonius in the seuenth booke of the History of the Kingdome of Italy: Ann. 973. Then (sayth he) the Bishop of Rome helde the City of Rome and Rauenna, rather by anothers authority then their owne commaund Because these Cities acknow∣ledged the Bishop as a Prince in the Common▪wealth, but did euer looke toward the King as their soueraigne Lord, payde him tribute, and to him yeelded their obedi∣ence. And yet it was a long while after, ere the Em∣perours

came to Rome, to take their Crownes which they held not of the Pope, who had onely a hand in the Ceremony, but of the people of Rome. So that all that which the Pope dooth at this day holde in the nature of a soueraigne Prince, is a meere vsurpation ouer the Empire, and he cannot exhibite his titles, nor shew vs the beginning of his Princely Soueraignty.

Coeffeteau goes on, and condemnes the Emperor Otho for deposing Iohn the thirteenth for his irre∣gular life; and Henry the third for deposing three Popes in a short time, and saith, that in this procee∣ding he shewed a zeale, but no knowledge. Where∣unto I answerre, that this Iohn being maintayned by an Army, and a very potent faction, he could not be expulsed, but by the power of the Emperour: nor is it zeale without knowledge to apply vnto an extreame malady, the onely and most necessary medicine that can possibly the prouided.

Our Doctor doth further adde that Constantine did shew much more Religion, when in the Coun∣cell of Nice he acknowledged, that it belonged not to him to iudge of the faults of Bishops. But these were but words of his gratious respect vnto them, such as the same Prince vsed, when he said, that if he should finde a Clergy-man offending with a woman, he would couer him with his cloake: but before in the sixt Chapter we saw, that the lawes of Constantine did not priuiledge the offences of the Clergy from the ciuill authority; no not the lawes of Iustinian which were made more then two

hundred yeares after. And indeede Theodoret, lib. 1. cap. 19. alleageth an Epistle of Constantine to N••∣comedians, in which speaking generally of all sorts of men, he saith that If any one will rashly and in∣considerately maintaine those pestilent assertions (spea∣king of the Arrians) his audatiousnes shall be instantly curbed by the Emperours execution, who is Gods Mini∣ster. I doe plainely confesse, that they caused them to be very often deposed by a Synode, but yet they ceased not to haue soueraigne authority ouer the Bishops before their deposition, or to haue power of inflicting corporall punishment vpon them: but of this we haue spoken at large before.

Thence doth Coeffeteau proceede to the Exam∣ple of Henry the fourth; which he saith cannot be alleadged, because the times were then trouble∣some: but the example suits very well to our pur∣pose, for that the Popes were the onely instru∣ments of raising those troubles, to exempt them∣selues from the Emperours subiection, and to sub∣iect the Emperours to themselues, euen in seruices more seruile then seuuitude it selfe; stirring vp the sonne to seeke the life and Crowne of Henry his father, who died being depriued of his Imperiall dignity by his sonne, the Popes instrument therein; who vouchsafed not his father so much fauour, as to cause his body to be buried. Fredericke Barbaros∣sa being come soone after into Italy to be Crow∣ned Emperour, the Pope enforced him to hold his stirrope, when he tooke horse. But this Emperour little-skil'd in these seruices, putting himselfe for∣ward

to hold the left in stead of the right stirrop, was adiudged to practise the same submission the day following: and howbeit he performed it very mannerly, yet in conclusion the Pope sought to pull his Crowne from him. And in the same de∣gree of pride did Alexander the third treade vpon the said Frederickes necke, vpon the staires of S. Markes Church in Venice: the History is repor∣ted by many writers, and alleadged by the King of great Britaine, in his confutation of Bellarmine a∣bout the end of the booke: and it is paynted at Ve∣nice in the hall of del Scrutinio & del grand Constig∣lio; the Maps and Tables thereof are reckoned vp and expounded by Girolam Bardi, in a booke ex∣presly written of that argument.

In the sequel of his discourse Coeffeteau fals into that wretchlesse negligence, that he accuseth the King of mistaking the History, not alleadging so much as one passage for his confutation. And sure it is not Platina that doth alone record the de∣position of these three Popes by Henry the fourth; for Stella a Venetian Monke, who hath written the liues of the Popes, hath the same in these wordes; Henricus Caesar habita Synodo Benedictum praedictum & Syluestrum, & hunc Gregorium abdicare se Pontifi∣catu coegit.

His Maiesty of England alleadgeth to the same purpose, the example of Philip le bel K. of France, that wrote with liberty enough vnto Boni∣face the eight, who first inuented the Iubile, in these wordes: Let your great folleship vnderstand,

that in in temporall matters we are not subiect to any man, &c. And he it was that surprised the afore∣said Pope at Anagnia, and committed him to prison at Rome, where for griefe hee died, An. 1303. To the example of Lewes the ninth, King of Fraunce, that established the law called Prag∣matica sanctio, against the pillaging and merchan∣dizing of the Court of Rome; he ioyneth the ex∣ample of Lewes the eleauenth: who being vrged by Pius the second to repeale that Sanction, re∣mitted his Legates to the faculty of the Diuines of Sorbone, who made it good against the Pope: with whom Iohannes Romanus the Kings Aduo∣cate, was ioyned, that opposed them so farre with his conclusions, that the Court appealed to the next Councell; as indeeede they did. The said King saith farther, that the facultie of Sorbone, came to maintaine this point, that if the Pope should offer violence to our King, the French Church had authority to establish a Patriarch, and seuer themselues from the See of Rome. And that Gerson Chaunceller of the Vniuersitie of Paris, was so farre from defending this preten∣ded temporall power of the Popes, that he wrote a booke De auferibilitate Papae ab Ecclesia; that is, Of the possibility of forsaking the Pope, and remoue∣ing him from the Church. How much more did hee beleeue then that the temporall power of Kings might be free from the insulting of Papall authority?

To this doth Coeffeteau make no other answere,

but that these contentions were onely for tempo∣rall matters; and that Philip or Lewes, or the facul∣ty of Sorbonne, or the Kings Aduocate, desired not to preiudice the Popes authority in any regard, as he is head of the Church; so that here, he answeres well to the King of Englands question; whose ayme is onely vnto matters temporall, and to the vsurpation of Popes ouer Monarches. Touching the title of Head of the Church, which is an abuse more intollerable, hee reserues that for an after-discourse. Now if so be, the dissention betweene Philip and the See of Rome continued not many yeares, as Coeffeteau obserueth, it was because the Pope gaue way vnto him: and Benedict the ele∣uenth was very glad to giue Philip absolution, which he graunted of his owne accord, because the other might haue beene well without it.

That we may close vp this point, the King of great Britaine drawes many examples out of Mat∣thew Paris, and out of the Records of his Kingdom to this purpose; as William Gifford whom King Henry the first inuested with his Bishopricke, and Rodulphus whom the same King inuested with the Archbishopricke of Canterbury by his Ring and Crosier-staffe: and Thurstan nominated to the Archbishopricke of Yorke, depriued by the King of his temporalties, for corrupting with bribes the Popes agents in the Councell of Rhemes. The said King alleadgeth many examples of Abbots, Bishops and Deanes in England, that haue eyther against the Popes will, yeelded obedience to their

Soueraignes, or haue beene degraded, censured and imprisoned by their Princes for their disobedience in adhaering to the Popes And which is more considerable, these are late examples, such as haue happened while the Papacy domineered most: How stood the case then, when the Bishoppe of Rome had nothing to doe in England, with mat∣ters eyther temporall or spirituall? The Kingdome of Fraunce doth furnish vs with examples of more pregnancy. The Synode of Fraunce is of speciall note to this purpose, which is to be found in the third Tome of the Councels of the Colleyn Editi∣on, pag. 39. where Carolomanus qualifying himselfe as Duke and Prince of Fraunce vseth this speach, By the aduise of my Clergie, and others of principall e∣steeme of the Realme, We haue ordayned Bishops in the Cities, and haue established Boniface Archbishop ouer them. The Councell of Maurice holden vnder Charlemaine, Anno 813. beginneth thus: Carolo Au∣gusto verae religionis rectori, ac defensori sanctae Dei Ecclesie: and the first Councell of Mayence vnder Lewes le Debonaire: Ludouico verae relligionis sere∣nissimo rectori. And these, I trow, should haue been accounted irreligious Titles now-a-dayes.

And here let it be principally noted, that Coeffe∣teau trusts more to his heeles, then to his hands: for he buckles onely with the first of these examples; and all his answere is, that Anselme Archbishop of Canterbury opposed this course. But to this I re∣ply, that for this opposition he was forged both to forsake England, and quit his Bishopricke. The

contradiction of one of the Popes pensionary Pre∣lates opposing his Soueraigne, is of small moment in this behalfe; for Anselme was accounted the Popes, not the Kings subiect. Nor is it any greater wonder if Mathew Paris, who so often magnifies this King Henry, doe now and then cast some im∣putation vpon him: in as much as he was a super∣stitious Monke, and liued soone after: who in euery passage complaining of the tyrannie and exactions of the Popes, doth yet sometimes restrain himselfe for some idle respects, in which he oftener gropes for the truth, then he doth see or finde it.

We must also obserue, that the principall quar∣rell betweene the King of England and the Pope being for inuesting men with spirituall promoti∣ons, the Pope hath bestowed very glorious Titles on those persons, that suffered for this quarrell: as if he should write Rubarbe, vpon a pot of Rats-bane. So hath he placed this Anselme in the Kalender of Saints, and Confessours; and Thomas of Canter∣bury in the Catalogue of Martyrs, that lost his life, not for the profession of the Gospell, but for a Controuersie of Prebends, and the right of Inue∣stiture.

Coeffeteau doth here adde, That the Kings of Eng∣land in the matter of ordination of Priests haue neuer violated the Discipline of the Church: And I suppose that hee had not vouchsafed the reading of the booke, against which he writes. For the Kings book saith that Henry the first, inuested an Archbishop in his Archbishopricke with his Ringe and Crosier∣staffe,

without the Popes leaue, which is flat repug∣nant to the discipline of the Church of Rome. And besides the now Pope Paul the fift doth pretend that the Venetians in punishing the criminall offences of their Clergy doe derogate from the liberty of the Church. Edward then the first and second by inflicting corporall punishment vpon the Clergy, that would hold a dependancy from the Pope, haue by this reckoning derogated from the liberty of the Church.

To conclude, our Doctor sayth, that Henry the first did in other things submit himselfe to the lawes of the Church; that in the Records of England, most of the monuments speake of yeelding obedience to the See Apostolique: that his Maiestie embraceth a Religion which his Predecessors neuer possessed, but haue euer acknowledged the authority of Rome in all matters de∣pending vpon matter of conscience.

First, I answere, that this is to wander from the question, for heere is nothing questioned but the Popes Supremacy ouer Kings in matters tempo∣rall: Secondly, that barely to affirme, and to con∣firme nothing, especially writing against a King, doth eyther discouer much weakenesse, or argue ouer-much neglect: and indeede his whole alle∣gation is vntrue. Concerning Henry the first, I confesse, that he ascribed too much honour to the Church of Rome; for he liued in a dark & ignorant age, and in the height of the Popes tyranny, to which England of all Countries was most enthral∣led: which cannot bee proued of the times more

auncient. It may well appeare, that the Citie of Rome, being the seat of the Empire, was by conse∣quent the resort of all nations; by which meanes the Church of that citie, how poore and miserable soeuer, might haue aduertisements from all parties, and haue intelligence with all the Churches within the Empire, and consequently which is the Church of great Brittaine; which was originally planted by some of S Iohn. Disciples that came thither out of Asia: whereof we haue this proofe, that euen to the time of August. w^ch was sent into England by Gre∣gogorie the first about the yere 596. the Church of the Iland, did keepe the feast of Easter, according to the custome of Asia, vpon the 14. day of the month, which if it had beene vnder the iurisdiction of the Bishop of Rome, no question but it had abrogated that custome, when Victor, in the yeare 200. did ex∣communicate the Churches which made any pre∣cise obseruation of the 14. day. Helene mother vnto Constantine. was of the Iland, and held no points of Papistrie maintained at this day. Pelagius was also of this Iland, and sauing the points of free will, and originall sinne, dissented not in any opinions from S. Angustine. Now S. Angustine receiued no Popish opinions now defended; as we haue proued in the 20. chapter of my booke of the Eucharist in ano∣ther place, that he died excommunicate from the Church of Rome The first Christian King of great Brittaine that can be remembred, was Lucius, that possessed a part of the Iland in the time of Marcus Aurelius: who, questionlesse had commerce with

the Bishop of Rome, for he had beene at Rome, and held correspondence with the Emperour: but that he should be subiect to the Bishop of Rome, or ac∣knowledge him the head of the Vniuersal Church, admits no manner of proofe. In the yeare of our Lord 530. that Warlike Prince Arthur raigned in great Britaine, of whom being a Christian it doth not appeare, that eyther he depended vpon the Bi∣shops of Rome, or that they intermedled in the ele∣ction, or inuesting of the Britaine Bishops, during the raigne of Arthur, or his Successors. In the yeare 596. soone after that the English Saxons (being Almaines, and at that time Infidels) had inuaded Britaine, then did Gregory the first send Austen into this Iland, a man full of faction, and arrogancy, to plant the Christian faith; although the Christian Religion had beene planted here more then foure hundred yeares before. But by the Christian faith, these men doe now vnderstand the authority of the Pope. This Austen was strongly and stoutly opposed by the Christians of that Countrey, who refused to change their auncient forme of Religi∣on, which they had receiued from such as were Di∣sciples to the Apostles. They had seuen Bishopricks and one Archbishopricke; the seat whereof being first errected at Carleon, was afterward translated to S. Dauids, as it is recorded by Rainulphus Cestrensis, lib. 1. cap. 52. for the Archbishop of London was of a later foundation: besides they had a Colledge of 2100. religious persons at Bangor, who about the yeare 550. when the Order of S. Benet began to

flourish in this Ile, were called by the new name of Monkes: Men that adicting themselues to the stu∣dy of Diuinity, got their liuing by the labour of their handes; not being tyed to the rigorous ob∣seruation of a Vow: whereunto no man by the an∣cient Order of S. Benet is obliged. This Austen then found meanes to insinuate himselfe into the fami∣liar acquaintance of one of the petty Kings of the Countrey, called Ethelfred King of Northumber∣land, who was an enemy to the auncient Christi∣ans of that land, and had inuaded their Countrey, and wasted many Churches: with this Austen then he combined against the Christians, and both to∣gether massacred the poore religious men of Ban∣gor, and flew no lesse then 1200. of them: The same Ethelfred assisted by the petty English Kings to de∣spite the Christians inhabiting the Countrey, re∣moued the Archiepisopall seate from London, and translated it to Canterbury, where ordinarily he made his residence. Now the principall difference betweene the Christians and the Romish faction was about the day of Easter, the single life of Priests, and the Church-musique processions and Letany after the order of Rome: consider further that some of the people were Pelagians, for there was no speech then of transubstantiation, nor of the Popes grand Pardons and indulgences, nor of the Sacrament vnder one kinde, nor of such here∣sies as were hatched in the after ages: Whereof we haue sundry witnesses, as Amandus Zirixensis in his his Chronicle. Beda in the second booke of his

Ecclesiasticall History of England: Mantuan in fa∣stis, and Polydore Virgill: but especially obserue the wordes of Geffery of Monmouth in his eight booke de Britannorum gestis. In the Countrey of the Brit∣tànes Christian Religion flourished, which neuer failed among them from the time of the Apostles. For Austen being arriued there, found seuen Bishoprickes and an Archbishopricke in their Prouince, all furnished with very religious Prelates, and Abbots, men that liued by the labour of their hands.

The King of England produceth also the Sta∣tute of Richard the second King of England, by which all English-men were forbidden to holde, or sue for any Benefice from the Pope, which was in the heigth of the Popes vsurpation: and this as the greatest part of the booke doth Coeffeteau passe by, being content to scratch where he cannot bite.

CHAP. VIII. That they which haue written against the King of great Britaines booke, doe vniustly call him Apostata and Hereticke.

OVR Aduersaries are as open-handed in bestowing titles vpon vs, as they are niggardly in giuing any reason of their doings. Bellarmines booke vnder the name of Tortus, sayth, that the King of great Britaine is no Catholique; but shewes neyther in what sense, nor for what

reason: and as vniustly doth he call him an Aposta∣ta: for an Apostata is one, that hauing followed doth againe doth forsake the true Religion. Now his Maiestie of England hath not forsaken the true Religion, inasmuch as hee still maintaineth the same: and should his Religion be as hereticall, as it is sound and holy, yet could he not be called an A∣postata, because he neuer professed any other Reli∣gion. He that hath alwayes done euill, is not a backeslider from vertue: and no man can forsake that which he neuer had. Now graunt that hee had beene baptized in the Church of Rome, yet it followes not, that he therefore receiued their faith that baptized him; for the Church of Rome con∣ferring any thing vpon him that is good, bindes him not to follow her in that which is euill.

But because it may be presumed, that the Queene his mother being of the Church of Rome, might haue giuen him some impressions of that Religion, his Maiesty therefore meeteth therewith, and testi∣fies, that she adhaered not to the grosser superstiti∣ons of Poperie; and that in the christening of the King her sonne, she charged the Archbishop that baptized him, not to vse any spittle in the Ceremo¦nies, saying, that shee would not haue a rotten and pocky Priest to spit in her childes mouth; that at her entreaty the late Queene ELIZABETH, who was an enemy of Popery, was his God-mother, and christened him by her Ambassadour; that she ne∣uer vrged him by any letters to adhaere to Popery; that euen her last words befor her death, were, that

howbeit she were of a diuers Religion, yet shee would not presse him to change the Religion he professed, vnlesse he found himselfe moued there∣vnto in his conscience: that if he ledde an honest, and a holy life, if he did carefully administer iustice, and did wisely and religiously gouerne the people committed to his care, she made then no question, but he might, and ought to perseuere in his owne Religion. By these Demonstrations doth his Ma∣iesty of England prooue, that this great Princesse had no sinister opinion of our religion.

Hereunto M^r. Coeffeteau sayth, hee will giue cre∣dite for the respect hee beareth vnto the King, al∣though it will with great difficulty bee generally perswaded that some Princes allied vnto his Maie∣stie, could shewe some letters to the contrary. Which is as much to say, that although that which the King sayes be false, yet to doe him a pleasure, he will beleeue it, and so giues him the lye very mannerly; as if he should spit in his face, doing him reuerence: like the Iewes that cryed all haile to our Sauiour, when they buffeted him: His Encounter should haue had some coulerable matter at the least: for what can argue more weakenesse in him, then to mention letters that no man euer saw? Or what strength hath it to weaken the testimony of a King concerning his own mother? For to whom should she haue opened her minde more familiar∣ly then to her sonne? Or what wordes are more serious, or more vndissemblingly spoken, then such as are the last that dying persons doe vtter? For

then doth the hand of necessity pull off the maske from the deepest dissemblers: then is it no time to hide themselues from men, when they must m••ke their appearāce before God. But especially she then speaking to her onely sonne, with whom to haue dissembled, had beene a most iniurious dissimulati∣on, and an vnnaturall skill: which if it bee blamea∣ble in a mother in any part of her life, how much more at the time of her death?

His Maiesty of England being thus cleared from the crime of Apostasie, he dooth likewise acquite himselfe from the imputation of heresie, which is the ordinary wrong they doe him. The word He∣resie signifies a Sect, by which name the Christian Religion was in auncient time traduced: for so the Iewes speake to the Apostle S. Paul in the last of the Acts, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; For as concer∣ning this Sect, or heresie, We know that it is euery where spoken against. And his Maiesty of England may very rightly say with the same Apostle, cap. 24. vers. 4. This I confes, that after the way 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which they call Heresie; I worship the God of my fathers, be∣leeuing all things which are written in the law and the Prophets. After which phrase of speech Tertullian and Cyprian doe call the Christian religion a Sect, or heresie. In this sense therefore are we hereticks and Sectaries; sith that now-a-dayes to acknow∣ledge no other Mediator then Iesus Christ, nor a∣ny expiation but by his blood, or any propitiatorie sacrifice, but his death, nor any satisfaction of Gods iustice but by his obedience, nor any rule to guide

vs to saluation, but his Worde conteyned in the holy Scriptures, is accounted heresie.

But more clearely to purge himselfe of this crime, his Maiesty of England, following the com∣maundent of the Apostle S. Peter, which is, to be al∣wayes ready to yeeld an account of the hope that is in vs, doth set downe at large a confession of his faith agreeable to the holy Scripture, and al vncor∣rupted antiquity. Who shal henceforward be asha∣med to confesse the name of God, or defend the truth of the Gospell, being thus ensampled by a mighty King? but this confession conceiued in choyse, and significant wordes, full of euidence and of power, doth worthily challenge a seuerall Dis∣course. And besides it is that against which Coeffe∣teau doth principally discharge his choller.

THE DEFENCE OF THE CONFESSION Of the Faith, of IAMES the first, King of Great BRITAINE. THE SECOND BOOKE.

ARTICLE I. Touching the Creede.

I Am such a Catho∣licke Christian, as beleeueth the three Creedes, That of the Apostles, that of the Councel of Nice and that of Atha∣nasius, the two latter being Para∣phrases to the former: And I beleeue them in

that sense, as the Auncient Fathers and Coun∣cels that made them did vnderstand them. To which three Creedes all the Ministers of Eng∣land do subscribe at their Ordination. And I al∣so acknowledge for Orthodoxe all those other formes of Creedes, that eyther were deuised by Councels or particular. Fathers, against such Heresies as most raigned in their times.

To this Article Coeffeteau findeth nothing to re∣ply, and holding his peace thereupon, hee iustifieth vs by his silence.

ARTICLE II. Touching the Fathers in generall.

AS for the Fathers, I reuerence them as much and more then the Iesuits doe, and as much as themselues e∣uer craued. For what euer the Fa∣thers for the first fiue hundred yeares did with an vna••ime consent agree upon, to be beleeued as a necessary point of saluation, I eyther will beleeue it also, or at least will be humbly silent, not taking vpon me to condemne the same.

Here againe Coeffeteau is silent, and knoweth not what to reprehend. The Reader may please to call

to minde that the points in which his Maiesty of England doth abstaine to condemne the Fathers, albeit his beleefe is not bound to follow them, are eyther points not necessary to saluation, or opini∣ons in which as well our Church as the Church of Rome doth condemne them. The Auncients for the most part held that the fall of the Diuels came to passe by reason of their cohabitation with wo∣men. This is altogether false and a point little im∣portant to our saluation: They held also for the most part, that the soules shall all be purged by the fire of the last iudgement, in the expectation of which day, the soules as well of the good as of the bad, are shut vp in certaine receptacles. And in this point they are neyther followed by vs nor by our Aduersaries.

ARTICLE III. Touching the Authority of the Fathers in particular.

BVt for euery priuate Fathers opi∣nion, it bindes not my conscience more then Bellarmines; euery on of the Fathers vsually contra∣dicting others, I will therefore in that case fol∣low S. Augustines rule in iudging of their opinions, as I finde them agree with the Scrip∣tures:

what I finde agreeable thereunto I will gladly embrace: what is otherwise I will (with their reuerence) reiect.

Doctor Coeffeteau dooth yet approue of all this for good, seeing he saith nothing to the contrary. He acknowledgeth then that the Fathers often disagree among themselues, and that they doe not alwayes accord with the word of God, neyther must we settle our selues alwayes vpon what some one Father hath taught. And indeed his Maiesty of England saith this with iust reason: for not we alone, but also the Church of Rome doth not al∣low the opinion of Pope Clement the first, who would that mens goods and their wiues should be common among Christians. Neyther doth the Church of Rome approue the opinion of Ignatius who in the Epistle to the Philippians, saith, that to fast on the Saterday or on the Sunday, it is to be a murtherer of Iesus Christ: nor the doctrine of Iu∣stin Martyr, who saith in his Dialogue against Try∣phon, That God in the beginning gaue the Sunne to be adored. Nor the opinion of Athanagoras in his A∣pologie, that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. That se∣cond marriage is but a handsome Kinde exercise of Adulterie. Also the Church of Rome doth not be∣leeue with Origen, that the Diuels shall be saued: Nor with Clemens Alexandrinus in the sixth booke of his Stromata, that the Greeks were saued by their Philosophy. Nor with Arnobius in his second booke, that God is not the Creator of soules: And

that the soules of the wicked are reduced to no∣thing. Nor with Ireneus, that the soules separated from the body haue feete and handes. Iustin was a Chiliast; Tertullian a Montanist; S. Cyprian an A∣nabaptist. Saint Hilary in his tenth booke of the Trinity, mayntaineth in diuers places, that Iesus Christ in his death suffered no paine. And that he did not eate because his body had neede of suste∣nance, but onely by custome. Chrysostome allead∣ged in the Canon, Hac Ratione, in the Cause 31. Question 1. he saith that S. Paul commaunding se∣cond mariages, hath spoken against truth and rea∣son, and that is truely fornication. Saint Austin in his fift booke of his Hypognosticks, and in his Epi∣stles 93. and 106. held that the Eucharist is necessary for young children newly borne, that they may be saued. And in his booke De Dogmatis. Eccles. cap. 11. He saith, that the Angels are Corporeal and in his booke of the Christian combat, cap. 32. he sayth that our bodies after the Resurrection shalbe no longer flesh nor blood, but an heauenly body. Gregory of Nyssa, in his first Sermon of the resurrection, tea∣cheth a prodigious errour; namely, that the soule of Iesus Christ was already in the graue, euen then whiles he celebrated the Eucharist, and that his bo∣dy was already dead. Lactantius in his fourth booke and fourteenth Chapter dooth formally denie the Diuinity of Iesus Christ: and in his seuenth booke and one and twenty chapter, he saith that the soules of men, as well good as bad, In vna communi{que} cu∣stodia detinentur, are detained in one common pri∣son.

Saint Gregory Nazianzen in his Sermon of Baptisme, willeth, that vnlesse it be in case of vrgent necessity, the Baptisme of young children be defer∣red vntill such time as they may be capable to aun∣swere, and to yeeld account of their faith. Himselfe in his Epitaph vpon Basill, doth preferre him before Enoch, and compareth him to Abraham. Saint Ie∣rome in his first booke against Iouinian, often calleth marriage an vnchast state of life, and an ignominy, and that the fruite of it is death; and that a woman that doth marry the second time, ought not to par∣ticipate of the Almes, no nor of the body of the Lord. The Church of Rome doth no longer be∣leeue the Purgatorie of Gregory the first, which hee placeth sometimes in Bathes, sometimes in the winde, sometime in the water. Nor the opinion of Honorius Bishop of Rome, who was a Monothe∣lite: the Epistles whereof are inserted in the fift and sixt generall Councels. For all these good ser∣uants of God were subiect to mistaking, and had their faults and vices like warts in a faire face; to the end that in reading them a man should haue al∣wayes in his hand the Compasse of the holy Scrip∣ture, and the rule of the word of God. And that a man should beleeue that which they haue well said, not because they haue said it, but because it is found in the word of God: if they erre in any thing, Antiquity cannot authorize an errour. There can be no prescription against the truth. And a time there was when these Fathers were no Fathers; and before they wrote, the Christians were ruled by the word of God.

As touching that which the King of great Bri∣taine saith, that they doe contradict one another: the verification of it is easie. For euery man kno∣weth the contentions betweene Chrysostome and E∣piphanius; the Disputes betweene Cyrill and The∣odoret; the sharpe Epistles, and full of gall of Saint Ierome to Saint Austin. And S. Austin speaketh farre otherwise of Free-wil, of Predestination, and of the gift of Perseuerance, then all the Greeke Fathers of his age. He that will haue a cleare mirrour of this their discord, let him compare the Commentaries of S. Austin vpon the Psalmes, with those of Saint Ierome, and he shall scarcely finde them to agree in two verses together.

It is then with very iust reason that Coeffeteau doth graunt this to the King of great Britaine, and doth acknowledge the faults and contradictions of the auncients, whom notwithstanding we ought to loue and honour as great lights in their times, and worthy seruants of God, who hauing combat∣ted Heresies in their life time, doe yet beat downe Popery after their deaths.

For we maintaine, against whosoeuer he be, that in the foure first ages (and yet wee might discend much lower) there shall not be found out any one man who hath had a Religion not so much as ap∣proaching to that of the Romish Church now-a-dayes. And in this challenge I will lay downe my Ministers cloake, ready to be frocked and cladde in a Monks-coule, if I shall finde a man that will satis∣fie me in this point.

And to the end to expresse my selfe more clear∣ly, I say, that betweene vs and our aduersaries, there be two kindes of Controuersies: for some there be vpon which they are wont to produce some pas∣sages for proofes. But eyther they be quotations altogether false, or maimed and curtalled, or of no vse to proue the point in question, or else places ta∣ken contrary to the authours meaning. Yet being a thing ordinary with these Messieus to put the an∣cient Fathers vpon the racke to make them speake in fauour of an vntruth. Such is the question of transubstantiation, of praying for the dead, or Pur∣gatory, and of the Sacrifice of the Masse. But there are other Controuersies no lesse important, and more in number: In which they are cleane desti∣tute of all authority of the auncient Church; and vpon which being interrogated, they answere be∣sides the matter. For changing the question, they endeauour to proue that which is not demaunded of them. See here some examples:

• 1. They cannot shew that any auncient Church did celebrate the eucharist without communicants as it is done ordinarily in the Church of Rome, yea and sometimes also without any assistants.
• 2. They cannot shew that any ancient Church hath excluded that people from the communion of the cuppe or chalice.
• 3. Or that in any ancient Church, the publike ser∣uice was done in a language not vnderstood of the people.
• 4 Or that any ancient Church hath hindered the

• people from reading the holy Scripture. As it is no way permitted in those Countries where the Pope is absolutely obeyed, without speciall priuilege.
• 5. Or that in any ancient Church they haue made Images of God, and representations of the Trinity in stone or in picture.
• 6. Also they cannot proue vnto vs that in any an∣cient Church the people hath beene instructed to pray without vnderstanding that which they say, speaking in a tongue not vnderstood of himselfe that prayeth.
• 7. Or that any ancient Church did yeeld worship or religious seruice to the Images of creatures, kis∣sing them, decking them with robes, kneeling be∣fore them, and presenting them gifts and offe∣rings, &c.
• 8. Or that the ancient Church hath beleeued, that the Virgin Mary is crowned Queene of the hea∣uens, and Lady of the world, as this is painted throughout all their Churches.
• 9. Or that the ancient Church hath giuen to the Saints diuers charges, as to one the commaund e∣uer such a country; to another the cure ouer such a maladie, to a third to be Patron ouer such a trade and mysterie.
• 10. Or that the ancient Church hath beleeued that the Pope can giue and take away Kingdomes. And dispense with subiects for the oath of their allea∣geance. Can canonize Saints, and dispense with Vowes and promises solemnly made to God, &c.
• 11. Or that in the ancient Church the Pope by his

• pardons did distribute supererogatory satisfactions of the Saints, for the remission of paine and punish∣ment of other mens sinnes.
• 12. Or that the Pope did then place his pardons in one Church and not in another; In one Towne and not in another, and that sometimes for an hun∣dred, and two hundred thousand yeares of pardon.
• 13. Or that the auncient Church hath beleeued the Limbe of little children.
• 14. Or that the auncient Church hath adored the host, which the Priest holdeth vp, with the wor∣ship of Latria, which is done to God alone. And to this end the Priest hath caused the Eleuation of the Host to be vsed at the Masse.
• 15. Or that the auncient Church hath held the bookes of Machabees for Canonicall.
• 16. Or that the auncient Church hath beleeued that the Bishop of Rome cannot erre in faith.
• 17. Or that the auncient Church hath beleeued, that Iesus Christ by his death and sufferinges did clearely discharge vs of the paine and punishment of the sinnes that went before baptisme. But as touching the paine of the sinnes committed after baptisme, he hath onely changed it from eternall to temporall, and that it lyeth in vs to satisfie the iu∣stice of God for the same, which is indeede the most important point of all Christian religion.

For he that would descend to smaller things and demaund of Coeffeteau, if in any of the auncients there be mention made of Iubilees, of Agnus Dei, or holy Graines, consecrated Medals, of Cordelier-Friars,

or Iacobins, or Iesuites, and an infinite sort of religions and new deuotions I beleeue he would finde himselfe terribly puzled. In all this as in those other seauenteene points before handled, they re∣ceiue not the Fathers for Iudges. Those auncient Doctors were not yet arriued to any so high point of learning: But these messieurs our masters supply and support their ignorance in these matters. In o∣ther controuersies they admit and receiue the Fa∣thers for Iudges, but with this caution and condi∣tion that themselues may be Iudges of the Fathers. They allow the auncients to be interpreters of the Scriptures; But themselues will be the interpreters of the auncients, to the end to make them speake thinges contrary to the Scriptures.

ARTICLE IIII. Touching the authority of the holy Scriptures.

I Thinke also that no man doubteth but that I settle my faith and be∣leefe vpon the holy Scriptures, ac∣cording to the duty of a Christian.

Hereat Coeffeteau holdeth his peace, and by his si∣lence approueth the confession of the King of En∣gland. For he doth not allow of the blasphemies which his companions disgorge against the sacred bookes of the word of God. He hath not dared to

say with Bellarmine, that the Scripture is but a peece of a Rule, and not the whole entire Rule of faith. And that it was not properly made to bee the Rule of our faith. It may be also that he doth not approue of Bellarmines saying, who in his fourth Chapter of the fourth Booke of the word not written saith, that a man cannot know by the testimony of the Scripture, that there be any bookes of diuine inspi∣ration (albeit the Scripture doth say it) and his rea∣son is, Because we reade aswell in the Alcoran of Maho∣met, that the Alcoran was sent from heauen. It may be also that Coeffeteau hath not dared in this place to vse the tearmes of Doctor Charron in his booke called La troisiesme veritè, where he saith that the Scripture is a Forrest to forrage in, where Atheists lie in ambushments, and that by reading it a man becommeth an Atheist. Thou beleeuest, saith he, be∣cause thou readest so, thou art not then a Christian.

It is cleare then that his Maiesty of England doth yeeld a thousand times more respect to the holy Scriptures then the Church of Rome, or the Coun∣cel of Trent, which ordaineth in the fourth Session, that Traditions be receiued with like affection of pie∣ty and reuerence, with the holy Scripture, equalling mens Traditions with Gods diuine ordinances. For the Pope hath letters of credit. And we must presuppose that besides the new-Testament Iesus Christ hath made a Codicill or little booke which the Pope hath in his priuate custody, whence hee draweth the ordinances that are not contained in the Scripture.

Yet this is but little. For Bellarmine goeth far∣ther and saith that, Sunt quaedam Traditiones maiores quod ad obligationem, quàm quaedam Scripturae. That there are some traditions greater in respect of obliga∣tion, then some partes of Scripture. That is to say, to which we are more bound to adhere. Hauing good hope that in the end we shall see God to become Disciple to the Bishop of Rome.

ART. V. Touching the Canonicall and Apocryphall bookes of Scripture.

BVt euen for the Apocrypha; I hold them in the same account that the Auncients did. They are still prin∣ted and bound with our Bibles, and publikely read in our Churches. I reue∣rence them as the writings of holy and good men: but since they are not found in the Canon, we account them to be secundae lectionis, or ordinis (which is Bellarmines owne distin∣ction) and therefore not sufficient whereupon alone to ground any article of faith, except it be confirmed by some other place of Canonicall Scripture; Concluding this point with Ruffi∣nus

(who is no Nouelist, I hope) that the Apo∣cryphall bookes were by the Fathers permitted to be read; not for confirmation of Doctrine, but only for instruction of the people.

Here Coeffeteau begins to put himselfe into the field, we expected him long agoe. He bringeth on∣ly two testimonies of the auncients, and they are both false, howbeit not through his fault, for the falsification was made by others before him; The first testimony is of S. Austen in his second booke of Christian Doctrine cap. 8. where he maketh an e∣numeration of the Canonical bookes almost agree∣ably to the Councell of Trent. To this testimony hee adioyneth the third Councell of Carthage, which also putteth Iudith, Tobie, the booke of Wise∣dome, Ecclesiasticus, and the Machabees, among the Canonicall bookes. He saith that it is not iust nor fit to alleage the opinions of particulars, where question is of the publike faith testified & auouch∣ed by this Councell.

In saying so little as this he spendeth three leaues, [Answere.] and yet he contradicteth himselfe, and condemneth himselfe of iniustice by alleaging S. Austin who is but one particular. If he say, that S. Austin doth but report that which was the common beleefe? I ans∣were that those particular witnesses whom he reie∣cteth doe report the same also. Againe, it is false that S. Austen doth relate the common beleefe, for a little before he had said, that there are some books among the Canonicall, which were not receiued

for such, of al the Churches. Moreouer, Coeffeteau hereby contradicteth the Church of Rome, who doth not hold the Councels of Carthage for gene∣rall Councels, nor their Canons for the publike beleefe of the vniuersall Church.

• 1. To cleare this matter then, the Reader shall obserue first, that these bookes, to wit, Tobie, Iudith, the booke of Wisdome, Ecclesiasticus, the Machabees, they are not found in the Hebrew tongue, and con∣sequently they are not in the originall of the old Testament, wherein there are but two and twenty bookes.
• 2. Secondly, we ought also to know that the Church of the old Testament neuer acknowledged these bookes, nor receiued into the Church, as wit∣nesseth Iosephus in his first booke against Appion.
• 3. Thirdly, it is also very considerable that Iesus Christ, nor his Apostles, who alleaged vpon euery purpose Texts and passages out of the old Testa∣ment, neuer named any of those bookes, nor neuer drew quotation out of any of them.
• 4. Fourthly, the chiefe and principall is, that in these bookes there be many faults, aswell in the Doctrine as in the Storie, whereof we haue else∣where produced many proofes. But let vs heare the testimony of the auncients.

S. Hierome in his preface vpon the bookes of Sa∣lomon, speaketh of Ecclesiasticus and of the wisdome of Salomon;a As then the Church doth reade indeede, the bookes of Iudith, of Tobie, and the Machabees, but doth not receiue them among the Canonicall Scriptures,

so let it also reade these two volumes for the edification of the people, but not to confirme the faith of the Church. He saith the same in his Prologus Galcatus, and marke by the way, that he saith that it is the beleefe of the Church.

Amongst the workes of S. Cyprian, there is a Treatise (which seemeth rather to be the worke of Ruffinus) touching the exposition of the Creede. There he reckoneth vp the bookes of the old and the new Testament. Then he addeth: * These are then the bookes which the Fathers haue included in the Cannon or Rule, and from which are drawne the proofs of our faith. Notwithstanding we must know that there are other bookes which the auncients haue not called Ca∣nonicall, but Ecclesiasticall bookes, as is the wisdome of Salomon, Ecclesiasticus, Tobie, Iudith, and the bookes of the Machabees▪ Then he addeth. All which they would should be reade in the Church, but that they should not be produced to confirme the authority of the faith.

S. Athanasius in his booke intituled Synopsis, na∣meth al the bookes of the old Testament according to the Hebrew Bible. Then he addeth: Besides these, there are yet other bookes of the old Testament not Ca∣nonicall, which are not read but to the Catechumeni or Nouices, newly taught and catechized, such are the wisdome of Salomon, the wisdome of Iesus, the Sonne of Syrach, Iudith, Tobit, &c.

Melito Bishop of Sardi, as witnesseth Eusebius in his fourth booke of his Hystorie and the fiue and twentith Chapter; Origen in Eusebius sixt booke

and foure and twentieth chapter: S. Hilary in his Preface vpon the Psalter: S. Gregory Nazianzen in his verses of the holy Scripture: Eusebius, lib. 3. of his story, cap. 10. Epiphanius in his booke of mea∣sures: Damascene himselfe, though long after, in his fourth booke of the Orthodoxe faith, cap. 18. And diuers other Fathers make an enumeration of the bookes of the olde Testament: and yet do they not put in neyther Iudith nor Tobite, nor Ecclesiasticus, nor the booke of VVisedome▪ nor the Maccabees; But rather all with one consent and accord say, that there are but two and twenty bookes in the olde Testament, as many as there bee letters in the Hebrew Alphabet.

And yet further to conuince Coeffeteau, let vs heare the very iudgement of him whom they most honour of all the Popes: And this is Gregorie the first, in his twenty sixe booke of morals vpon Iob, cap. 29. where being desirous to alleadge the booke of Maccabees in the fact of Eleazar, he excuseth him∣selfe in these wordes: Of which thing we speake not out of reason, if we produce the testimonies of bookes not Canonicall, but written for the edification of the Church. This ought to suffice to represent what was the heleefe of particular men, who being as∣sembled together are equiualent to a generallity. Howbeit for the more store and the better supply, let vs heare the Councels.

The Councell of Laodicea, which was almost a∣bout the same time, with the first Nicene Coun∣cell, setteth ouer the last Canon, this inscription 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

That is to say, How many bookes there be of the olde Testament that men ought to reade. Then it reckoneth vp the number of them as farre as two and twentie, Genesis, Exodus, Leuiticus, Numbers, Deuteronomie, Ioshua, Iudges, Ruth, Hester, the Kings or Samuel, two bookes; of Kings two bookes; Paralipomena or the Chronicles, Esdras, Psalmes, Prouerbs, Ecclesiastes, Can∣ticles, Iob, the twelue Prophets, Esay, Ieremy Baruch, or the Lamentations and Epistles, Ezechiel, Daniel. But of Tobie or Iudith, or the Maccabees, &c. there is no newes. Aboue all it is a thing to be be noted, that this Councell of Laodicea is confirmed by the sixt generall Councell: at the end of which Coun∣cell, the Fathers assembled together in the Palace, made one hundred and three Canons, in the se∣cond of which it is said, We doe confirme and ratifie the sacred Canons, made by our holy Fathers at Laodicea of Phrygia. And this was now in the yeare of Iesus Christ, 684.

I adde the fourth Councell of Carthage, which in the Tomes of the Latin Councels, which are horribly mangled and falsified, hath beene very ill handled. For we haue not these Councels in La∣tine, but by the meanes of the Church of Rome, who hath deliuered them vnto vs, such as she would her selfe. But she hath not had that power ouer the Greek Coppies, where there is no speech at all of the Maccabees. Reade the Greeke Canons of the Councels, printed at Paris in the yeare 1540. with a Praeface of Iohn du Tillet, and the Canons of

Balsamon, and you shall finde that which I say to be true But Coeffeteau being content to write, as Hun∣ters breake their Fast, that is, tumultuarily and in hast, hath not had this curiosity.

It remaineth to examine the place of S. Austin, of which euery one that hath a quicke smell, will acknowledge the corruption and falsification: First of all, because it is not credible that this holy Perso∣nage would oppose himselfe single to the whole Church of his time, and to all the Doctors that went before him, and namely to the Councell of Carthage, whereat himselfe had beene a present as∣sistant. Secondly, because it is not credible that S. Austin would contradict himselfe: for in the sixe and thirty Chapter of the eighteenth booke of the Citie of God, he speaketh thus: The supputation of these times (since the building vp of the Temple) is not found in the holy Scriptures, which are called Canoni∣call, but in other bookes, among which are the Macca∣bees. Is it possible to say in more plain and expresse termes, that the Maccabees are not holy Scriptures nor Canonicall bookes? But heere wee admire a pretty pleasant folly and stupidity of a taile hand∣somely fastened and sowed on by some Monke: for after all this, they make S. Austin to adde, Which bookes not the Iewes, but the Church boldeth for Cano∣nicall O grosse Imposture! After that hee had sim∣ply set downe that the Maccabees are not holy nor Canonicall Scriptures, would hee say that the Church receiueth them for Canonicall? By the same fraude, this other place of S. Austin which Co∣effeteau

alleadgeth, hath beene falsified. Let vs adde hereunto that S. Austin, cap. 23. of his second booke against Gaudentius, answereth thus vnto Gauden∣tius, who serued himselfe with the example of Ra∣zis, who killed himselfe, whereof mention is made in the second booke of the Maccabees. The Iewes do not hold this booke in the same rancke with the law, the Prophets, and the Psalmes to which Iesus Christ beareth witnesse, is they that beare record of him. But this booke is receiued by the Church, not vnprofitably, if men read it soberly: principally because of the sufferings of certaine Martyrs. Who feeth not that he doth wea∣ken the authority of these bookes, in that Iesus Christ doth giue no testimony vnto them? And if these bookes haue not beene reckoned for holy Scripture, amongst the faithfull of the olde Testa∣ment, I maruell when they became holy Scrip∣ture?

It is also a poynt very considerable, that in this place of S. Austin produced by Coeffeteau, Ecclesi∣asticus is put among the Canonicall bookes; in which booke it is said, cap. 46. Samuel prophesied af∣ter his death, and declared vnto King Saul his death, lifting vp his voyce out of earth. An opinion which S. Austin doth condemne in his booke of Questions on the old Testament, in the 27 Questi∣on, saying, that it is a great indignity to beleeue it, and maintaineth that it was an illusion of Satan, who to deceiue many, faineth to haue good men in his power. And in his booke of the care that men ought to haue of the dead: after hauing spo∣ken

doubtfully, he saith, that men controule the booke of Ecclesiasticus, because it is not in the Ca¦non of the Hebrews. And in his booke of the eight Questions to Dulichius, Quaest. 6. he canuasseth this Question by way of Probleme, leaning notwith∣standing to the opinion, that it was a meere fan∣tasme or vaine apparition. See hereupon the Ca∣non Nec mirum in the Cause 26. Quest 6. where al∣so S Austin is alleadged; maintayning that this was done by enchantment: Whence I conclude, that S. Austin should contradict himselfe, if after ha∣uing refuted the opinion of Ecclesiasticus, he should afterwards put him in the role of the Canonicall bookes.

These falshoods hauing not beene acknowledg∣ed by Cardinall Caietan droue him to finde out an∣other euasion. Be not astonished or troubled, O thou who art but a Nouice in Diuinity, if somtimes thou find eyther in the Councels or in the Doctors, these bookes to be counted among the Canonicall. For they are not Ca∣nonicall to proue the points of faith; Notwithstanding they may be called Canonicall for the edification of the faithfull.

ARTICLE VI. Touching the memory of Saints and of their Feasts and holy dayes.

AS for the Saints departed; I ho∣nour their memory, and in honour of them doe wee in our Church ob∣serue the dayes of so many of them, as the Scripture doth Canonize for Saints; but I am loath to beleeue all the tales of the Le∣gended Saints.

Here Coeffeteau beginneth to skirmish without neede. He complayneth for that the King spea∣keth onely of solemnizing the memory of those Saints of whom mention is made in the Scrip∣ture. He saith that the Church of Smyrna did ce∣lebrate the feast of the Martyrdome of Polycarp. That Basil did recommend the Feasts of S. Iulitta, and of the forty Martyrs. That Gregory Nazian∣zene did solemnize with the other Christians the Feast of S. Cyprian and S. Gregory of Nissa that of the Martyr Theodore: That Cyprian commanded that they should marke out the dayes of the Pas∣sion of the Martyrs, to the end that they migh∣celebrate their memories. That S. Austins twenti∣eth booke against Faustus Manicheus, cap. 21. saith that the Christian people did celebrate the me∣mories of the Martyrs: And yet that S. Polycarpe, S. Iulitta, &c. are no Saints, of whom there is any

mention in the Scripture. Hee addeth notwith∣standing that the Church of England is in that, lesse irreligious then the Caluinists of Fraunce, who haue cut off all sorts of holy-daies of Saints, aswell Apostles as others. As touching the Le∣gends, We are, saith hee, no more credulous of them then you. He saith he doth not receiue mi∣racles, vnlesse they be approued by the publique testimony of the Church: and that euen in the first ages they suggested and foysted in, false actes of Martyrs.

These passages which he alleadgeth are in part false, partly they are of no vse to proue the Questi∣on. Let vs begin with the falshood.

First in alleadging out of Eusebius the example of the Church of Smyrna, who buried the bones of Polycarpe with honour, and celebrated his memory Anniuersarily euery yeare, there is no mention made of his Feast or Holy-day, but onely of a day dedicated to the commemoration of his Martyr∣dome; which thing was done without any precise necessity of making it holy-day.

Secondly, he doth malitiously dissemble the ex∣cellent words which goe before, where the Church of Smyrnaspeaketh in this manner: They are igno∣rant that we neuer leaue Christ, who died for the salua∣tion of them of the world, who are to be saued, and that we can yeelde seruice to none other but to him: For him we adore as the sonne of God, but we loue the Martyrs as his Disciples and imitators. Wordes which shew to what end, and in what manner the Smyrnians ho∣noured the memory of Polycarpe.

So is it also falfe that S. Basill recommendeth the Feasts of S. Iulitta and the forty Martyrs, for in those two Homilies there is no speech at all of Feasts.

But the falfest peece that hee produceth is the Oration of Gregory Nyssene in praise of the Martyr Theodore, which was ridiculously framed by some Greeke Monke, in the time that the Scythians, o∣therwise called the Huns and Tartars ouer-ran Ga∣latia, Cappadocia, and Armenia; which In Rhodes began in the yeare 520 as both Cedrenus and Zona∣ras teach. For about the ende of this Oration the Authour entreateth this Martyr to defend his Countrey against he incursions of the Scythians: of which there was neuer word spoken in the time of Gregory Nyssene: for they fell out about one hundred and twenty yeares after. The whole story also of this Martyr is euedently fabulous. The Authour saith that he was of Iobs Country, and consequently an Arabian, whereas Theodorus is a Greeke name. Within a little while after, contradi∣cting himselfe, he saith that he suffered at Amasia, a Cittie of Cappadocia, and that the place of his death was also his Countrey. He saith that he was a Souldier in the Romane bandes: But at that time (to wit, vnder Dioclesian and Maximinian) the Ro∣manes did not entertaine the Arabians in seruice. Moreouer the Story of his Martyrdome is plainely fabulous. Being interrogated and examined by his Paynim Iudges, with all gentlenesse and mildenes, he answered at the first day with iniurious spee∣ches, comparing the Godddesse whom they serued

to an hare, or to a sow. All this notwithstanding the Iudges sent him away, and gaue him time to be∣thinke himselfe aduisedly; he in stead of retracting any thing, set fire on the great Temple of the mo∣ther of the Gods: and being called for, againe by the Iudges, confessed the fact: thereupon the Iudges flatter him euen so far, as to promise to this simple souldier (which was a ridiculous thing) to make him Bishoppe. But this Theodore burst out a laughing for a long time together, mocking for that the Emperours tooke vpon them the title and purple of Bishops. The Angels singe melodious∣ly with him in prison, and lighten all the Towne ouer with Torches. But he that knoweth how vn∣der Dioclesian they burnt whole Christian Townes without any forme of processe; and that this mon∣ster made a butchery, a slaughter and channell-house of the whole Empire, will acknowledge the falshood of this Story, which hath beene forged by some worshipper of Images and Reliques about the time of the second Councell of Nice.

I put not in among his falsifications, that Coeffe∣teau hath put in the margent the eighteenth Orati∣on of Nazianzene for the fifteenth: hee that bor∣roweth his Allegations, and writeth vpon trust, is easily deceiued.

Now to his falshoods let vs adde the vnprofita∣blenesse of his impertinent quotations, which sure∣ly doe not touch the Question: For if the Church of Smyrna did celebrate the feast of Polycarpe, or the Church of Caesaria that of S. Iulitta: what is

that to England, who did no more then, then now∣adayes it doth celebrate those Feasts, no more then doe the Churches of Spaine or of Fraunce? And why should England be more bound there∣vnto now at this day?

Secondly, to what purpose is it, to speake of the Feasts of the auncient Christians, and of the solem∣nity of the Martyrs; to establish the Feasts of the Church of Rome, which are cleane different, and haue no community with them. See here the dif∣ferences.

• 1 This commemoration of the Martyrs in the auncient Church, was done in the Church-yards and vpon the Tombes: Vpon which the Christi∣ans did often celebrate the Eucharist, and then fell to banquet vpon the same Tombes, where of∣tentimes the Christians committed many a∣buses and excesses, euen so farre as to drinke drunke, and to bury their reason vpon those Sepul∣chres, as witnesseth the Authour of the booke of Double Martyrdome, attributed to S. Cyprian; and S. Austin in his first booke of the manners of the Ca∣tholicke Church, cap. 34. And against Faustus Ma∣nicheus, in his twentieth booke, chap. 1. where name∣ly he saith, that he was constrained to tolerate this custome. The Church of Rome hath left this a∣buse of the auncient Feasts.
• 2 The commemoration of the Martyrs was done in times past, in euery Church according to the ordinance and appointment of the Bishoppes and Pastors of the place, without attending the

• commandement or aduise of the Bishop of Rome thereupon, who at that time did not Canonize Saints. For now-adayes to be held a Saint, a man must haue the Pope to bee fauourable vnto him, and his cause must be pleaded in the Consistorie: If it be iudged that he ought to be acknowledged for a Saint, then his Holinesse doth ordaine a Feast or Holy-day to this new Saint.
• 3 Then this solemnity carried with it an An∣niuersary commemoration, but did not bring with it any necessity of keeping Holy-day; whereas now-adayes there be many Saints Feasts which they keepe Holy-day with more scruple, and are celebrated with more solemnity, then the Sunday it selfe.
• 4 Againe, then these dayes of commemorati∣on of Martyrs were few in number, in stead that now there is scarcely any day in the Calender which doth not carry the name of some Saint. And there is such a number of Feasts to be kept holy, that many poore people crie out, they are famished. They make them deuout whether they will or noe, for they be kept and hindered by this superstition from working to get bread for their children, ha∣uing their handes bound with a scrupulous sloth∣fulnesse, and a forced idlenesse.
• 5 Then also men were ignorant of so many new-made holy-dayes, as the feast of the concepti∣on of the Virgine Mary, which S. Bernard saith to haue beene instituted against reason, and the aunci∣ent Tradition: the Feast of the Assumption: the

• Feast of S Peters Chaire: the Gods feast, otherwise called Corpus Christi day; to giue him content∣ment. For seeing that euery Saint had his Feast, it was iust and reasonable that God should haue his also.
• 6 Then they sung no Masses in honour of the Saint, whose Feast they celebrated. And these Masses carry now a dayes the name of the Saint. There is the Masse of S. Geneuiefue: the Masse of S. Roth: the Masse of S. Anthony, &c. Amongst which Masses, we see in the same rancke, the Masse of the Holy Ghost, to testifie that the rest are not of that stampe.
• 7 Then they did not diuersifie the furniture and preparation for their Masses, in singing great or lesser Masses according, to the greatnesse of the Feast. Men were ignorant also of the distinction of high and low Masses; Drie Masses, and running Masses. Masses in white or in greene. There is no∣thing so pie-bald and new-fangled. The Apostles vnderstood nothing in a manner in all this.
• 8 Also in those times, men knew not what it was to ground Feasts vpon an Allusion of Silla∣bles. As now adayes the Feast of the Mat-makers which they call Nattices, is the day of the Natiuity of our Lady: the Feast of Fel-mongers is, Magdalen tyde, La Magdalaine, because they make L'amas de Laine an heape of wooll: the Feast of Cooke-rosters is the Assumption of our Lady, because assum is La∣tine for rosted: The Feast of the Tylers or Slatters is Ascension day, because they ascende and climbe the

• tops of houses. So in the Physicke Alga aduersus querquerum, as Apuleius speaketh; You must giue Sea∣weede or Sea-ore to one that is in a shiuering colde fit of the Ague: Or to giue to a man that is hard bound a bunch of Keyes because there is nothing more o∣pening. Oh what a good time haue my Masters the Prelates had, and how haue they dallied with Reli∣gion at their idle howers?
• 9 But I would willingly know, how it com∣meth to passe, that those auncient Patriarkes; such excellent personages, Abraham, Moses, Dauid, Da¦niel; to whom there will not any be found compa∣rable, of all that haue liued within these fifteene hundred yeares; how they notwithstanding all this, haue no Feasts in the Church of Rome: that no man prayeth in particular to Moses, nor Samuel, &c. that no Temple beareth their name: that it would indeede seeme a thing ridiculous to say S. Moses, or S. Daniel, or S. Iosaphat, seeing that for a man but to beare the name of Isaac, or Daniel, or A∣braham, is enough to make a man to be suspected, as a marke of Heresie.

If a man demaund whence commeth this great multitude of Feasts? I say that auarice hath hat∣ched them, and that ambition hath bred them vp: for the more Festiuall holy-dayes that there be, the more often men goe to the offering, and the par∣dons are more frequent: when artisans and tradse∣men shut vp their shoppes, then the Priests open theirs. The Prelates also are herein much honored, for it is a great honour to these great Masters, that

at their commaundement the trafficke ceaseth, the shops are shut vp: the Sessions of the Iustices and of the Priuy Councell are by them broken vp. And therefore when they are among themselues, they gaude and mocke at the simplicity of the people. For indeede they liue vpon their blindenes.

Let them then set vp the auncient simplicity a∣gaine; let them restore to the Churches the liberty of gouerning themselues heerein according to the exigence of the time and place, and we will not condemne their Feasts. For indeede we doe not condemne this celebration of the memory of Mar∣tyrs and of Saints. We like well the custome of the English Churches, who haue certaine dayes af∣fected and applyed to the commemoration of the Apostles: for they are done without imposing ne∣cessity of keeping strict Holy-dayes, and without opinion of merite, without commandement of the Pope, and without condemning the French Chur∣ches, who hitherto haue feared to assigne any Feasts to any man, because that liuing in a Coun∣trey where superstitions doe swarme, their people would easily be drawne into abuse, and attainted with that running and ouer-spreading contagion which is to attribute that to the creature, which belongeth to the Creator: Meane while we let not to celebrate in our Churches the memory of the Saints and Martyrs, but without any set day. And we hold this rule for inuariable, that God hauing said in his law, in expresse termes: Sixe dayes shalt thou labour, he opposeth himselfe against God, who

saith, Thou shalt not worke sixe dayes, but thou shalt keepe holy those Feasts on the weeke dayes which I com∣maund thee. Now if in the old Testament there be found any solemnities or Feasts, besides the Sab∣both day, they are very few in number, and orday∣ned by God himselfe, who as he can giue the rules, so also can he giue the exceptions: Or if there be any feast found, that was instituted by men: you shall neuer be able to prooue, that it was held vn∣lawfull to trauell vpon that day.

There should yet remaine to speake somewhat of Legends; but I see that Coeffeteau is ashamed of them, and would cast the blame vpon some parti∣culars. Legends neuerthelesse, which haue beene for a long time, & yet are both in Italy and Spaine the subiect of Sermons; yea very Fraunce is not exempt. And those very miracles of which Coef∣feteau is ashamed, are those which we see painted on the walles, and in the hangings of the Church: As at Paris in the Cloyster of S. Geruase, an Asse worshippeth and adoreth the Hoste: neere thereto adioyning, the Bees build a Chappell of waxe, for an Hoste which they found in the fieldes. In the Temple of S. Paul, behinde the Quire, on the left hand, after the miracles of S. Roche painted, promise is made vnto the people, that they shall be healed of the swelling of the plague, by adoring his preti∣ous body: at S. Benedict or S. Benets Cloyster wee see the said Saint tumbling himselfe starke naked amongst thornes, and stopping the dogges with the signe of the Crosse. In the forefront of the

Church, called Des Billettes, an Hoste being pricked and stabbed by a Iew, bleedeth with great droppes, and being cast into a seething Caldron, became a man in his visible greatnesse, that is to say, Iesus Christ boyling in a Caldron. An infinite compa∣ny of such things are so publick, that Coeffeteau can∣not condemne them, without opposing himselfe to the whole Church of Rome; Fictions that were built vp by the fauour of the night, whiles they put the holy Scripture, the onely light of our soules vnder a bushell. And indeede very lately there haue beene composed two great Tomes of the Chronicles of S. Frauncis, which challenge all the Legends, and giue place to none of them for lies. Insomuch that S. Dominicke, Coeffeteaus Patron, will henceforward be nothing in comparison of S. Frauncis.

ARTICLE VII. Touching the Virgin Mary.

AND first for the blessed Virgin Mary, I yeelde her that which the Angell Gabriel pronounced of her, and that which in her Canticle she prophesied of her selfe: that is, That she¶ is blessed amongst women, and, That all gene∣rations shall call her blessed. I reuerence her as

the Mother of Christ, whom of our Sauiour tooke his flesh, and so the mother of God, since the Diuinity and Humanity of Christ are in∣seperable. And I freely confesse, that she is in glory, both aboue Angels and men, her owne Sonne (that is both God and man) onely excep∣ted. But I dare not mocke her, and blaspheme against God, calling her not onely Diua but Dea, and praying her to commaund and con∣troule her Sonne, who is her God and her Saui∣our. Nor yet can J thinke, that she hath no o∣ther thing to doe in heauen, then to heare euery idle mans suite, and bufie her selfe in their er∣rands; whiles requesting, whiles commanding her sonne, whiles comming downe to kisse and make loue with Priests, and whiles disputing and brawling with Diuels. In heauen she is in eternall glory and ioy, neuer to be interrupted with any worldly businesse: and there I leaue her with her blessed Sonne, our Sauiour and hers in eternall felicity.

Here Coeffeteau playeth the sugitiue, and that little which he murmureth in flying, are partely falsehoods, partely disguisings of the beliefe of his Church. He graunteth to the King that she ought not to be called Goddesse, and reiecteth with him,

a thousand ridiculous things, and the false honours which superstition hath inuented. Now I cannot diuine, what Religion it is that giueth to the holy Virgin ridiculous or excessiue honours, saue onely the Romane Religion. It is onely the Romane re∣ligion that calleth her Queene of heauen, the gate of Paradise, hauing rule and dominion ouer the world, they are the Titles which are giuen to her in the prayer that Sixtus the fourth, hath willed to be said before the Image of our Ladie of Loretto, with graunt of eleauen thousand yeares pardon: I my selfe haue seene in the great Miss••lles of Paris before the late Popes new plastered them ouer, these Sapphicke verses barborously elegant.

O fellix puer pera Nostra pians scelera Iure matris impera Redemptori.

It is also in the Church of Rome, that through∣out all the Churches, the Virgin Mary is painted, lifted vp and assumed into heauen in body, and so∣lemnly crowned Queene of heauen, and of all the world, without being able to produce any witnes of worth for the same. Seeing there is none that euer came backe from heauen that had said that he had seene it to be so; And God saith nothing of it in his word, neither doth the Auncient Church speake of it.

It is the Church of Rome also which maketh the Virgin Mary much more inclined to procure our good, then Iesus Christ; euen so farre, as that shee

must appease the wrath and indignation of her sonne against vs, as they sing vpon the Feast of Al∣hallowes, or Al-Saints.

Christe redemptor gentium Conserua tuos famulos Beatae semper Virginis Placatus sanctis precibus.

And so Pope Innocent the third speaketh in the Hymne of Christ and the Virgin, to which hee ad∣deth great indulgences.

Precor te regina caeli Me habeto excusatum Apud Christum tuum gnatum Cuius iram pertimesco Et furorem expauesco.

This Church of Rome who in her houres, Rosa∣ries, and Letaines calleth the Holy Virgin, Mother of mercie, Gate of Heauen, our Saluation, She that hath bruised the head of the Serpent, as also Genesis 3.15. this propertie of bruising the Serpents head, which is there giuen to the seede of the Woman, in the vulgar translation is attributed to the Woman by a wicked falsification.

In a word, for the toppe of all abuses, there are in the Church of Rome two Psalters of our Ladie, one of which is called Saint Bonauenture Psalter, which is nothing else but the one hundred and fifty Psalmes of Dauid, in which they haue taken away the name of God▪ and in it's roome haue put the name of Mary, which hauing beene printed an in∣fiuite number of times in Latine, hath since beene

translated into French and printed at Paris,a with priuilede and approbation, of the Sorbonne. The other Psalter is digested into fifteene Demaunds, with like approbation of the Doctrines: In which the Virgin Mary is called, the first cause of our sal∣uatiō, the finder out of grace, that turneth away the indignation of Iesus Christ by vncouering her paps vnto him, The Rose by whose smell the dead are raised vp, who by the faire Lillies of her face, made the King of Heauen in loue with her, who at the last day shall moderate the sentence of the Iudge, euen so far haue they proceeded, as to place her before Iesus Christ in these wordes. Glory be to you, O Virgin, and to Iesus Christ, &c. It would doe well to report the wole booke.

Moreouer euery one knoweth how in Italy they speake with much more respect of La madoma, then of God; whom they call by a terme full of mis-re∣gard, Messer Domene Dio, Of whom also Gabriel Biel a famous Doctor saith in his exposition of the Ca∣non of the Masse, That God hath diuided his King∣dome at halfes, with the Virgin Mary, hauing reserued Iustice to himselfe, and left mercy vnto her.

Now these things are not drawne out of any obscure authours, but out of their owne Missalles Letonies, and publicke prayers, out of the writings of their Popes, and Psalters publickly allowed; to the end that Coeffeteau may know, that in condem∣ning these things, hee warreth against the whole Church of Rome, and commeth no longer with a cold dissimulation to disguise his owne priuate be∣leefe.

Which shall serue for an answere to that place of Cyril w^ch he alleadgeth, where the virgin Mary is cal¦led the singular ornamēt of the world. A lampe that neuer goeth out, the Crown of Virginitie, &c. For in all this, there is not any one of these titles wicked (such as are those which we haue before represen∣ted) no nor the title which Coeffeteau giueth her, cal∣ling her the Spouse of the Father, which is a title, which the Scripture giueth to the whole Church, & not to the Virgin Mary. It is not for vs in things of so high nature out of iollity to forge new terms, w^ch are to the weake occasion of error or of stumbling.

The passage which hee alleadgeth out of Saint Cyprian is altogether disguised and clipped, and is nothing to the purpose. Saint Cyprian speaketh to the faithfull who assayled with contagion, had seene their Fathers, their bretheren, their children, die before them, and enter into Paradise before them, He saith then vnto them, our Fathers, Mothers bretheren, and Children waite for vs in great number, and a great troupe doth desire vs, being assured of their owne, immortality, but in care of our Father. To what purpose is this to defend the seruiceand titles which they yeeld to the Virgin Mary. To what purpose is the generall mention of the Saints deceased, seeing that he speaketh onely of them who haue knowne vs in this life And though he should speake of all the Saints, what doth this make against vs, who haue neuer denyed but that the Saints doe desire our saluation, and pray for the Church in Generall al∣though they doe not know the necessities, nor the prayers of particular persons.

This falsehood of Coeeffeteaus is followed with a∣nother of the interpreter of Ireneus, who speaketh thus. Euen as Eue was seduced to turne away from God, so Mary was counsailed to obey God, to the end that the Virgin Mary might become aduocate for the Virgin Eue. The very reading doth make the place to be suspected, so litle comelinesse hath it and lesse sence. It was in the Greeke, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 vt fieret consolatrix, that is to say, to the end that Ma∣ry might be the comforter of Eue. For God hauing condemned Eue, gaue her this seed of the Woman, which is the Virgine Mary for a consolation. The word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which in S. Iohn ca. 14.26 signifieth a comforter, is also vs ed by Saint Iohn, 1. Iohn. 2.1. to fignifie an aduocate. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 we haue an aduocate with the Father. The same Ambiguitie de∣ceiued Tertullian Cap. 9. of his Booke against Praxe∣as, where he thus rendreth the wordes of Iesus Christ, Ioh. 14.16. I will pray vnto the Father and hee shall giue you another aduocate. The same fault is found in the booke of Nouation of the Trinity cap. 28.29.

After these, come other two false peeces, namely the Liturgies of S. Basil and of Chrysostome, which all the learned acknowledge to be forged, yea so grossely, that euen in the Liturgie attributed to S. Chrysostome, there is mention made of the Emperor Alexius, who was borne some seuen hundred years after Chrysostome. Moreouer there is prayer made for Nicholas Pope of Rome, which was neuer the custome of the auncient Greeke Church.

Nay further, the fashood is double; for not one∣ly the parcels alleadged are false in themselues, but also it is falsly said by Coeffeteau, that in the Li••urgie of Basil, the Virgin is inuocated, It is one thing to pray vnto her, another to make a commemoration of her.

We will close vp these false passages with a true one, out of S. Epiphanius, in his 79. Heresie, which is the Heresie of the Collyridians. Surely the Virgin was a Virgin worthy to be honoured, but yet she was not giuen vs to be adored: for euen she her selfe adored him who was borne of her according to the flesh, but came downe from heauen out of the bosome of the Father. And therefore the Gospell doth arme vs against this a∣buse, telling vs, that the Lord himselfe said vnto her, What haue I to doe with thee, woman; mine howre is not yet come: To the end that no man should presume more, then he óught vpon the Virgin Mary, nor should attribute to her too much excellency, he calleth her wo∣man; as it were prophecying of the things that should come to passe in the world, by reason of Schismes and Heresies, for fe••re least some out of too much admirati∣on of her, should fall into the dotages of this Heresie. Now hee speaketh of an Herefie which offered a cake to the Virgin Mary, but yet did not yeelde her the fourth part of the honour which the Church of Rome doth vnto her. Most singular is that aboue the rest which he addeth: Let MARY be had in ho∣nour, but let the Father and the Sonne be adored: Let no man adore MARY; I say not a woman, but neyther man himselfe. It is to God that this mystery is duc. The

Angels themselues are not capable of such an honour. And it is worth the noting, that he girdeth at this Title of the Queene of Heauen; and I beseech the Reader to obserue it: Let Ieremy (saith he) represse those odde house-wiues, that they trouble the world no more, and that they may no longer haue this word in their mouthes, We honour the Queene of heauen. And so S. Ambrose in his third booke of the Holy Ghost And for feare (saith he) least some man would deriue this same to the Virgin MARY, Mary was indeede the Temple of God, but she was not God: And therefore we must adore him alone, who wrought in this Tem∣ple.

Let Coeffeteau then cease to pay vs in this false coyne, and let him not shew vs like a cousening Lapidary his counterfeit Iewels in the darke: was he not affraid to lay open his false dealing in this Theatour? Or did he thinke that he had to do with a King that was blinde and without reading?

The best is, that al this seruice of the Virgin, which they call now adayes Hyperdulia, and which ma∣keth vp a good part of the Romane Religion, hath no foundation in the word of God. Onely our Aduersaries bring in men speaking to this point; but they put their speeches before hand in their mouthes, and make them say that which they ne∣uer beleeued. How commeth it to passe that Saint Iohn, who serued the Virgin Mary as a sonne after the death of Iesus Christ, and the rest of the Apo∣stles, who loued and honoured her, had yet neuer recourse to her intercession: they might haue said

in themselues, we haue in heauen a Lady Aduocate one that is so neere vnto vs, and, who now is Queene of heauen: and yet neuerthelesse if we be∣leeue this people, they were so ill aduised as not to make profite thereof; they did not value nor make vse vnto themselues of this aduantage, neyther haue they councelled vs to addresse our selues vnto her: but what boldenes is this in wormes of the earth, to attribute vnto a creature the Empire of heauen, and of the world, without being instructed what was the will of God therein? As if the breefe flyes or Hornets had taken vpon them to establish some man in the Popedome. Let the word of God then bee heard therevpon; which is the thing that we will doe in the Article which followeth.

ARTICLE VIII. Touching prayers to Saints, and the seruice that is due vnto them.

TS for prayer to Saints; Christ (I am sure) hath commaunded vs to Come all to him that are loaden with sinne, and he will relieue vs: and S. Paul hath forbidden vs to worshippe Angels, or to vse any such voluntary worship, that hath a shew of humility in that it spareth not the flesh. But what warrant we haue to

haue recourse vnto these D••j Penates or Tu¦telares, these Courtiers of God, I know not, I remit that to these philosophicall neotericke Di∣uines. It satisfieth me to pray to God through Christ, as I am commaunded, which I am sure must be the safest way, and I am sure the Safest way is the best way in points of saluation.

Hereupon Coeffeteau confounding the Kings whole discouery, he beginneth by a complaint that his Maiesty calleth Tutelary and familiar Gods those lesser Saints, to whom many of the people do vow themselues in particular, and of whom they set the Images vpon their Cupboords or ouer their Chimneyes. But his Maiesty doth not intend to call the Saints familiars nor Tutelarie Gods: ney∣ther doth he say that in the Church of Rome they call them so, onely he meaneth, that the Church of Rome hath substituted them in place of the Tutela∣rie and domesticall gods, and that hee doth enter∣taine them after the same fashion. For the Pay∣nims had their tutelarie gods ouer euery town, and ouer euery Countrey. Iuno was Lady-gardian of Carthage: Venus of Cyprus and of Paphos: Pallace of the Countrey of Attica: Mars and Quirinus of Rome, &c. so the Church of Rome hath Saints that are Patrons of Cities and Countries: Saint Marke of Venice: S. Geneuiefue of Paris: S. Iames of Spain: S. Dennis of France, &c. and as the Paynims did di∣stribute charges amongst their gods; so in the

Church of Rome euery Saint hath his charge a∣part. The hunters did inuocate Diana, now adaies they haue recourse to S. Eustace, S. Nicholas, who now is called vpon by the Pilots and Sea-faring men, hath taken the place of Castor and Pollux. The good Goddesse Lucina who was assisting to wo∣men that trauelled in childe-birth, hath now giuen place to S. Margaret: for so her Legend saith that the Dragon hauing swallowed her downe she made the signe of the Crosse in his belly, where∣with he burst asunder, and she came forth through the breach, which was a kinde of lying in. S. Christo∣pher with his huge body, hath succeeded Hercules: for so they make him also to carry a clubbe. There wanted yet a Queene of heauen in the place of Iu∣no, and this holy and glorious Virgin hath beene dishonoured with so prophane a title: yea the very habites and furniture of the gods haue beene trans∣ported to the Saints. The Genij or Penates house∣hold gods had a dogge by their side, and so hath S. Roche: The Image of Iames carried a Key, so doth that of S. Peter: Iupiter a man had hornes on his head, such doe they giue to Moses. Isis carried a Timbrell, and S. Gennasius a Violin. Those circles which you see about the head of the Saints in pi∣cture, are those Arches and shaddowes wherewith they couered their gods to fence them from the dust. In like manner are the Officers distributed in Paradise in a goodly order, and with diuersity of furniture and prouision. For his Holines and the Church of Rome haue taken order for it. We are

ashamed to produce these things, whiles they are not ashamed to doe them: and we blush at that of which they haue no shame at all. If we would pro∣long this Discourse, we would easily shew that a good part of these Patrons and Tutelary Saints, are Saints which neuer were, they liue without ha∣uing euer beene borne, and are entred into the Church, without euer entring into the world, the painters are wonted to make characters & pictures in a manner speaking, as when they paint Iustice with a paire of ballances: Time like an olde man winged: The Fryer like a lame god, because the wood doth susteyne him: so the auncients did fi∣gure the faith of a beleeuing man by a woman swollowed vp of Sathan, but who did get forth a∣gaine victoriously, and trample the Diuell vnder her feet. And of this Image they haue made their Saint Margaret: so the Christian was painted as passing ouer a violent land-flood, but hauing Iesus Christ with him, who did burden him indeede, but yet did conduct him. This Image hath produced a new Saint, whom they call S. Christopher. Of the launce which pierced the body of our Lord, they haue made S. Longis because that Lonchi in the vul¦gar pronunciation of the Greeke tongue signifi∣eth a Launce. Men runne with incredible zeale to S. Iames of Compostella in Spaine, where they say that hee preached, and that his bones remaine there: and yet in the meane time it is well knowne that S. Iames was neuer in Spaine: Pope Innocent in the twelfth distinction, in the Canon Quis nesciat

doth stoutly and stiffely maintaine, that there was neuer any Apostle in Spaine; and that neyther in Fraunce nor in Affrica, nor in Spaine any planted Church, saue they whom S. Peter and his successors sent thither. The Story also of his life recyted by Iohn Beleth and Iacobus de Voragine great persona∣ges, saith, that he came into Spaine before he was put to death by Herod, Act. 12. It must needes bee then that he came into Spaine almost about the time that Iesus Christ suffered: for S. Iames surui∣ued Christ, but a while after his death: His body being put on Ship-boord, went of it selfe without Pilot or any guidance into Spaine. Queene Lupa raigning then in Spaine: Now it is well knowne, that at that time there was neyther King nor Queene in Spaine; and that it was wholly subiect to the Romane Empire. The same is to be said of S. Denis the Areopagite, whom men say to haue plan∣ted the Gospell in Fraunce; and hauing suffered Martyrdome vnder the Emperour Domitian as saith Methodius, he carried his head betweene his hands from Mont-Martre, as farre as S. Denis, where he lyeth interred. The reuiuing of learning and good letters hath discouered the falshood of such inuentions. For the most auncient Christi∣an Historian that euer was in Fraunce, is Sulpitius Seuerus, who in the second booke of his story she∣weth, that there were no Martyrdomes in Fraunce vnder Domitian nor a long time after; and that the first Martyrdomes which were seene in Fraunce, were vnder Marcus Aurelius the sonne of Anthony,

that is to say, in the yeare of our Lord 162. three∣score and fiue yeares after the death of Domitian: whosoeuer shall calculate the times, shall find that Denis the Ariopagite was then Iudge in Ariopa∣gus, at the time when S. Paul conuerted him: whence it is to be presumed, that he was at least thirty or fiue and thirty yeare olde: which time if you extend as farre as to the raigne of Marcus Au∣relius, he should haue liued some hundred and fiftie yeares: and also should die by torment before that he was broken by olde age. We could produce others in this point, but this sufficeth to iustifie the King of great Britaine, who though he should haue called the Saints that neuer were Tutelary gods, yet should there not bee iust cause to reprehend him.

After this Caeffeteau comes to the authorities of the Fathers: surely this matter should well deserue some commaundement from God: One Ordi∣nance of God had cut off al difficulty, and had been more of value then a thousand testimonies of men. But Coeffeteau could finde none, for indeede there is none: Being not able then to draw out of the Di∣uine spring, he seekes heere and there for the Ce∣sternes of men. Our aduersaries tell vs that they receiue the Fathers for interpreters of the Scrip∣ture: but the passages are drawne out of phrases of the Fathers, in which they doe not interprete the scripture: but what will become of the matter if these quotations be to no purpose, if indeede they be false? And that is it which we are to shew.

Basill in his oration of the 40. Martyrs, saith in∣deed that some in their necessity had recourse vn∣to them, but he doth nor commaund to doe it as Bellarmine will haue it inb falsifying this place, a man must not maruaile if a people newly crept out of Paganisme did retaine something of their owne Custome and oftentimes, the Bishops, caryed away with the terrent of popular zeale, were constrained to tollerate these abuses. Saint Austine in his twen∣tieth booke against Faustus the Manichee, Chap. 21 confesseth that many dranke drunke ouer the Se∣pulchres of the dead, but withall he addeth it is one thing that we teach, another that we tollerate, it is one thing that which we are commaunded to teach, another thing we are commaunded to correct, and which we are constrained to beare withall, vntill that it bee amended. And in the first booke of the manners of the Ca∣tholicke Church, Chap. 24. I know many (saith hee) who doe adore the Sepulchres and pictures, I know many who drinke most excessiuely ouer the dead. The good Bishops saw these maladies in their flockes, which being desirous to amend, they haue beene often hindred by the sedition of the people, as appeareth by the Counsell of Carthage, where the Bishops of Affrica being desirous to abolish the abuse which was committed at the sepulchres of the Martyrs, they feare to be hindred by the tumult of the rude people. If (say they) men be hindred to doe this by the vprore of the people, at least wise let the multitude be admonished not to assemble in these places. Coeffeteau then had alleadged this to purpose if he had the ge∣nerall

custome of the Church of those times, or some prayer to Saints, made in the publicke seruice instead of producing the misguided deuotion of some particular men.

In the second place he aleadgeth the oration of Gregory Nyssen in the praise of the Martyr Theo∣dore which we haue heretofore evicted of false∣hood.

After this he produceth the oration of Grogory, Nazianzen vpon Saint Basill. And here againe his vnfaithfull dealing appeareth, for hee dessembleth the wordes, going before which serue for a soluti∣on, where Saint Gregory sheweth, that that which he saide to Saint Basill being deceased, is onely by opinion and by coniecture. These are his wordes And now Basill is in the heauens, offering as I thinke sacrifices for vs, and praying for the people, hee spea∣keth as being assured thereof, we know also, that the custome of Orators, who speake in praise of a∣ny man, is to make Rhetoricall appellation to the dead, and to speake to the absent, as to men present. The Bookes of the Paynims are full of these exam∣ples. See how Plinie speaketh to Ciciro; long be∣fore deceased in his seauenth booke and thirtyeth Chapter.

To Gregory, Coeffeteau addeth the Catechisme of Cyrill, which are fal••ely attributed vnto him. Ges∣ner in his Bibliotheca, witnesseth that this booke is found in written hand vnder the name of one Iohn of Ierusalem. Gretzer a Germiane Iesuit, in his booke for Pilgrimages, page. 354. witnesseth the

same. Harding in his Treatise of Accidents without subiect, Section the 6. saith that in his time this booke was not fou••d but manuscript and knowne to a fewe. And the foolery which is found in the 24. Catechise, when he saith, that the wood of the Crosse doth increase and multiply in such fort that the earth is full thereof, sheweth that this booke was written many ages since, doubtlesse by this Iohn of Ierusalem an aduocate for Images who li∣ued in the yeare 767.

Afterwards commeth a place of Saint Austine, It is iniurie to pray for a Martyr, by whose prayers wee on the other side ought to be recommended. This place is found indeed in his 17. Sermon De verbis Aposto∣li; but not in the 80. Tract vpon Iohn, as Coeffeteau alleadgeth it, who spake by other mens report, Now this place is not to the purpose, for hee saith onely that the Saints pray for vs, which thing wee haue neuer denyed: we doe out of Godly conside∣rations presume, that albeit they know not the ne∣cessity of particular men, yet they pray for the Church in generall. But that wee should for this cause inuocate them, or yeeld them any religious seruice, Saint Austine doth not avouch,

Lastly Coeffeteau addeth Saint Ambrose, who in his booke of Widdowes, exhorteth Widdowes to pray to the Angells and Martyrs, whom he calleth beholders of our liues and actions. Here a man may see the humour of our Aduersaries, which is to passe by the vertues of the Fathers, and to set forth nothing but their vices and blemishes, like Flyes

who cast themselues vpon gaules and botches of bodies, rather then vpon the sound parts, The Rea∣der then shall be aduertised that Saint Ambrose was chosen Bishop before he was baptised. Hauing thus cast himselfe, at the first iumpe, into a charge, to the which hee was no way prepared, no man ought to maruaile, if in his beginnings he said som∣things, for which he afterwards corrected himselfe. The booke of Widdowes, is one of his first works, wherein you may see more eloquence then diuini∣ty, and we will no other proofe hereof then that place which saith, that the Martyrs if there remained any sinnes vnto them, they purged them by their bloud. what is there lesse agreeing with the Gospell, then to thinke that any Martyrs haue beene without sinne, and that which is worse that a man may wash away and blot out his sinnes by his owne blood. For the holy scripture doth giue vs no other labor for our sinnes then the blood of Iesus Christ. Apoc: 1.5. To Iesus who hath loued vs, and hath wasted away our sinnes by his blood. And in the 7. Chapter, The Saints do wash their garments in the blood of the lambe, and to the end that no man should deuise any other clensing. Saint Iohn. 1. Epist. 1. saith, that the blood of Iesus Christ doth clense vs from ALL sinne, yea Saint Ambrose himselfe hath not perseuered in this error. But vpon the first Chapter of the Epistle to the Romanes, he disputeth against those who said, that they did as those who goe to the King by his offices and hee calleth it, a miserable excuse, and addeth, Therefore men goe to a King by his Collonells and No∣bles,

because the King is a man, and knoweth not to whom to commit the Common-weale. But to be receiued into grace and fauour with God, we need no spokesman, but onely a deuout Spirit. Himselfe in the oration vpon the death of Theodosius. Thou ONELY O Lord oughtest to be inuocated and prayed vnto.

Let this be noted in generall vpon all the pas∣sages, that the King of great Britaine, demaunded authorities from the first fower ages, But all these allegations are but about the end of the fourth age, we must then helpe Coeffeteaus memorie, and bring him a little higher,

In the first age we haue the Apostles, who did not only not inuocate the Virgin Mary, nor any other of the Saints deceased, But who doe expresly for∣bid vs, to inuocate any other then God alone.

1 S. Paul, Rom. 10. How shall they cal vpon him, in whom they haue not beleeued. He is of opinion then that a man cannot call vpon any, but him in whom he beleeueth. Now we beleeue in God onely. The Creede doth teach vs to beleeue in the Father, and in the sonne, and in the holy Chost, but not to be∣leeue in any creature. And Iesus Christ, Ioh. 14.1. You beleeue in God, beleeue also in me. If any man will here bring forth vnto vs two sortes of Religious worship; he must be pleased to proue them vnto vs by the word of God.

2 The same Apostle, Rom. 14.23. sayth, that whatsoeuer is done without faith is sinne. And cap. 10. he saith, that faith commeth by hearing the word of God. Prayer therefore to Saints being not founded

vpon the word of God, it is without faith, and con∣sequently is sinne.

3 S. Peter, Act. 1. calleth God searcher of the hearts, agreeable to that which Salomon saith, 2. Chr. 6.30 that God ONLY knoweth the hearts of men. If then the Saints know not our hearts, what an a∣buse is it to call vpon them? Must a man cry high? And how shall they know whether thou be an hy∣pocrite or no? If it be so that they see all things in the face of God, as some say, then should they haue an infinite knowledge, and by consequent should be infinite, and should know the day of iudgement, which is vnknowne to them. And their spirit in one onely moment, should apprehend and behold infinite diuersity of things, which is a thing incom∣patible with the nature of the creature, whose life and being, and consequently whose actions are fleeting by acontinuall succession of parts: That is to say, that as the parts of their duration succeede one another: so their thoughts and action succes∣siuely follow one another. They doe not then ap∣prehend infinite things in one moment. Thus is their imaginary looking-glasse broken, wherin no∣thing doth appeare but the temerity of these men, who affirme things that they cannot know; who speake of heauen, and yet haue their nose in the ground, describing what is done there; as if they came but lately from thence. I further adde, that this is greatly to trouble the felicity of the Saints, to make them spectators of mens affaires. An ho∣ly woman that inioyeth the glory of heauen, would

she no feele an extreame greefe, if she beheld from heauen one of her children tormented in Hell, an∣other broken vpon the wheele at the Greue in Pa∣ris, another giuen to Art-magicke, or bowing his knee before an Image, or adoring a God made and set vp by men?

4 The Apostle S. Paul, 1. Tim 2. There is one God, and one Mediator betweene God and men, the man Christ Iesus. In the Greeke it is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: Vni∣cus Deus, vnicus mediator, Seeing that these things are thus coupled together, it is certain that as there is but one God, so is there but one Mediator. It is a coy nicenesse to say, that he is the only Mediator of Redemption, but not of Intercession. But this distinction is not found in the Gospell, and indeede it doth contradict it selfe, for Iesus Christ is not the mediator of intercession, but so farre forth as he is our Redeemer: whence it followeth, that in Iesus Christ to be mediator of redemption and mediator of intercession, is one and the same thing. And that which is more, the same Apostle, Rom. 8. doth teach vs, that euen as touching the intercession, he is our onely mediator: For he saith, Christ is he who died, nay rather who is risen againe, who also is set at the right hand of God, & who maketh request for vs. Now he died onely for vs, he rose onely for our sakes, and onely is set downe at the right hand of God: and he alone then also it is, which maketh request for vs; for the course of the wordes and the drift of the place doth necessarily so require it. And that which is more, by this Distinction they condemne the

Church of Rome, who maketh Saints also to bee mediatours of Redemption, as Bellarmine teacheth in the fourth Chapter of his first booke of Indul∣gences: and indeede the Church of Rome doth holde that their sufferings doe turne to our aduan∣tage: and the Priest in the Masse, doth euery day craue saluation of God, not onely for their prayers, but also for their merites, as if by their good workes they had merited saluation, and the grace of God for vs: Let a man read all the Letanies and pub∣licke prayers of the Church of Rome, and he shall finde that they say, Petre Ora pro nobis, S. Nicholae Ora pro nobis. But to Iesus Christ they neuer say Ora pro nobis, but Miserere nobis, for they strip him of his office of intercessor, leauing him onely the charge of Iudge.

5 Let vs adde the example of the Angell, Apoc. 22. who would not be adored by S. Iohn, saith vnto him, Take heede thou do it not, I am thy fellow seruant, worship God. Now S. Iohn did not thinke this An∣gell was God, for chap. 12.9. S. Iohn saith expresly that it was one of the seuen Angels, who had the seuen vials. Hee knew then before hand that it was an Angell: if the Angell had approued any in∣feriour degree of adoration he would haue said to S. Iohn, thou dost adore me with a worship, which is too high for me. But he doth not receiue any at all but putteth himselfe in the same rancke with S. Iohn, and acknowledgeth himselfe to be his fellow seruant.

6 Some man will say, I am vnworthy to pray

vnto God, and it is good to goe vnto the King by his officers. I answere, that there is not any greater vnworthines, then for a man to bee the enemy of God: and yet Iesus Christ died to saue his ene∣mies: By this same bounty and goodnes then hee will yet more support thine vnworthines, when thou shalt pray vnto him with an acknowledge∣ment of thy myserie. And as touching the Inter∣uention of the officers of the King, I say that hee should be foolishly modest, who should follow that way, when the King himselfe calleth him, and commaundeth him to come directly vnto him. Now God calleth vs with promise to here vs, Psal. 51. Cal vpon me, and I will hear thee. And Iesus Christ his sonne doth inuite vs to come vnto him, saying in the eleuenth of Mathew, Come vnto me all you that are heauy laden, and I will refresh you. Should we feare then to goe directly to God, and to our father, who calleth vs with so much sweetnes?

7 If we be the children of God and brethren of Iesus Christ, neede we any spokes-men to speake for vs to God or to Iesus Christ? This crooked way doth sauour of a seruile humour, and hath no∣thing of a sonne like libertie.

8 Moreouer, seeing that it is God himselfe that doth put into our hearts to pray vnto him, and who doth stirre vp in vs those sighes and groanes of which S. Paul speakes, Rom. 8.25. what neede we any other intercessors to recommend that prayer vnto God which he himselfe hath inspired into vs? Or to make that the voyce of the spirite of GOD

speaking in vs, should be pleasing and acceptable to God?

9 It is also very considerable, how and in what sense S. Iohn in his first Epistle, chap. 2. calleth Iesus Christ our aduocate: for hee is an aduocate who doth not onely pleade for vs, but doth also pay for vs: who not only maketh intercession for sinners, but also of sinners maketh them iust men: Those for whom he maketh intercession he doth sanctifie them also. He is an aduocate whom the Father doth alwayes heare: who did already make inter∣cession for the world, before hee came into the world. Doth it not suffice vs to haue such an ad∣uocate? Or doe the Saints loue vs more then Iesus Christ? seeing that the Saints haue neyther vertue before God, nor charity towards vs, but that which Iesus Christ hath giuen them?

Aboue all, the place of the Apostle, Coloss. 2. is very expresse, which his Maiesty of England doth produce, where S. Paul doth flatly forbid the seruice of Angels: Let no man at his pleasure beare rule ouer you by humblenesse of minde, and worshipping of An∣gels. Coeffeteau aunswereth, that to inuocate the Saints, is no more to turne away from Iesus Christ then when a man doth imploy the liuing. I answer, that a man doth turne away from Iesus Christ di∣uers waies, either in forsaking himselfe flatly, or in turning from his commaundement. It is in this se∣cond kinde, that inuocation of Saints doth decline from Iesus Christ, as we haue shewed. As for li∣uing men, whom we employ to pray for vs; this is

nothing like to the inuocation of Saints deceased: God willeth that the liuing should pray one for an other, but he hath not commaunded to inuocate the dead: and he who recommendeth himselfe to the prayers of the liuing, he doth not for all that ac∣knowledge them to be searchers of the heart: He doth not fall downe on his knees before them; he doth not yeeld them any religious seruice: he doth not bring them offerings, nor light candles before them: hee doth not pray vnto God for saluation through their merites. In a word, there is no com∣parison betweene them.

Coeffeteau addeth, that S. Paul condemneth onely superstition, which adoreth Angels in the quality of lesser gods. This is a meere shift and an euident tergiuersation, and which S. Paul had already pre∣uented in the same place, in saying that this is done by humblenesse of minde, and voluntary deuotion. Now to acknowledge the Angels for Gods, is not for a man to humble himselfe, but to exalt the An∣gels: Humiliation is rather in him, who acknow∣ledging them no other then seruants and messen∣gers of God, doth neuerthelesse humble himselfe beneath them by voluntary deuotion. And wee neede here no more vpon this matter then Theodo∣ret, whom Coeffeteau alleadgeth in his margent a∣gainst himselfe, whose words are these in his Com∣mentaries vpon Colos. 2. They who defended the law, induced men also to serue Angels, saying, the lawe was giuen by their interuention. Now this vice continued along time in Phrygia and Pisidia: Therefore the Sy∣node

node assembled at Laodicea the mother City of Phrygia, forbid them by expresse ordinance to pray vnto An∣gels, and euen at this day we yet see amongst them and their neighbours, the Oratories of S. Michael. Now this did they counsell, vsing humility, and saying, that the God of the whole world is invisible, incōprebensible and vnapproachable: and therefore it was necessary to to make God fauourable vnto vs by the Angels. And that is it which S. Paul hath said in humility, and wor∣shipping of Angels. By these words it appeareth that Theodoret iudged that the Councell of Laodicea did absolutely forbid prayer to Angels. Moreouer that those whom he condemneth did not thinke the Aneglles to be Gods, but that they serued them as ministring spirits, whose seruice God had vsed for the publishing of the law. Now that the church of Rome hath thought that the Canon of the Coū∣cel of Laodicea was against her, it appeareth, for that it being in the Greeke. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The Latine version which is in the Tomes of the Coun••ell hath tur∣ned it, abire & ad angulos idololatriae abominande con∣gregationes facere, hauing put angulos for angelos.

Saint Ierome in the 10. Question to Algasia thin∣keth that Saint Paule in that place speaketh against the superstition of the Iewes, if that be so, he doth not speake against those who did adore the Angels as lesser Gods. For the Iewes since the Captiuity of Babylon haue not held this opinion; And if it were so, so is it notwithstanding that Saint Paule condemning in generall the worship giuen to An∣gels

condemneth by a consequent that which the Church of Rome yeeldeth vnto them.

All that which before hath beene alleaged, should suffice to ouerthrowe the inuocation of Saints, For after the will of God, in vaine doe wee waite for the testimony of men. The word of God is as strong, when it is alone, as when it is accompa∣nyed, the Law of God is not established by cu∣stome, it is full of strength and force, euen from the spring, as tract of time doth not bring it any autho∣rity, so is there prescription of time against it. How beit let vs graunt this to the Malady of time, and to the depraued taste of our age which bringeth the Fathers vpon the Theator with pompe, and hi∣deth the Lampe of the Gospell vnder the bushell.

Tertullian in his Apologetico. chap. 30. speaking of the prayer made vnto God, Wee cannot demaund these things of any other then of him of whom I know I shall obtaine it for so it is he alone which graunteth, and I am he who ought to be heard, to wit, his seruaunt who doe inuocate him alone.

Origen in his 2 booke and second Chapter, vpon the Epistle to the Romanes, If the Saints who being out of their bodies with Christ, doe any thing to imploy themselues for vs, let that remaine among the hidden secrets of God, neither let it be committed to prayer.

The same writing against Celsus in his fift Tome We must addresse all our requests, prayers, supplications, and giuing of thankes to him who is God aboue all, by the liuing word who is also God, &c. that is to say, by Iesus Christ. And a little after, we hold that we ought

nota to call vpon them, who them selues doe inuocate, for that they had rather that we should addresse our prayers to God, whom themselues doe call vpon.

And in the eight Tome,b We ought to pray to none but God alone, and his onely Sonne.

And in the same place,c we ought to make God alone fauourable and mercifull towards vs, who is Lord of all things: We must seeke his fauor by piety, and by the other vertues: but if any man think, that beside him we ought further to seeke the fauours of some others, let him con∣sider, that as the body mouing, the shadow doth stirre with it, in like manner when any man hath God propi∣tious and fauorable vnto him, he hath by a consequent all the Angells and soules and spirits for his friends. Which is so much the more to be considered, be∣cause in that very place he saith, that the Angells haue care of good men, and yet he will not that we inuocate any other but God.

Athanasius and all the Fathers who disputed a∣gainst the Arrians, prooue the diuinity of Iesus Christ by that we ought to inuocate him, and ac∣cuse the Arians of Idolatry, for that they adored & prayed vnto him, whom they thought to haue beene created. Read the Booke of the life of Saint Anthony and the booke of the Incarnation of the word, Therfore saith hed If thou adore the man Christ, because the diuine word dwelleth in him, Adore by like reason the Saints, because of God who dwelleth in them.

The same Athanasius in his fourth Sermon a∣gainst the Arians, Iacob did not inuocate any other but God,e deliuer mee O Lord, said he, from the

my brother Esau, againe, Dauid did not call vpon any other but God to be deliuered. And a little after, it is a thing cleare and plaine that the Patriarke did not ad∣ioyne any other in his prayers with God, but hee which is the word, which he calleth Angel, because it is he alone who doth manifest the Father vnto vs. Which hath also beene practised by the Apostle when he saith, Grace bee vnto you, and peace from God our Father, and from IE∣SVS CHRIST. And a little before he mocketh at him, who prayeth thus, God and his Angell helpe thee. Now a dayes wee heare no other thing then these wordes, to pray vnto God and his mother: a∣gaine, recommend your selfe to God, and Monsieur Saint Rock or Saint Fiacre.

Chrysostome in the Homily of the aduancement of the Gospel.f Thou hast no need of aduocates towards God, nor of much discourse: for albeit thou art alone, and haue no aduocate, and that thou pray vnto God by thy selfe, thou shalt obtaine thy desire: for God doth not heare so willingly when others pray for vs, as when wee pray our selues although we be full of many euills. And he sheweth it by the example of the Woman of Canaan, who was not heard when the Apostles prayed for her, but when she prayed her selfe.

The same in his 16. Homily vpon diuers passa∣ges of Saint Matthew. If thou meane to make sup∣plicatiō to a man, thou askest what he is doing, & he per∣haps falls asleepe in hearing thee, or hath not the lei∣sure, or else some seruant will not daigne to aunswere thee, But towards God there is no neede of all this, but in what part soeuer thou be and thou call vpon him, he hea¦reth

thee. There is no need of a Porter, nor of a media∣tor, nor of a seruant, or Officer, but onely say, haue pitty vpon me. Then he addeth, this Woman saith, I know no good workes in my selfe, I cannot repose confidence vpon my good life: I haue recourse to thy mercy who art the safe harbour for sinners. Tell me woman, how durst thou being a sinner and wicked, approach vnto him? I know saith she, what I will doe. See the wisedome of this woman: she prayeth not Iames, She doth not be∣seech Ioh. she goeth not to Peter, she doth not regard the whole company of the Apostles: she seeketh no Media∣tor, but insteed of all these, shee taketh Patience for her companion, which holdeth the place of her aduocate, and commeth directly to the first fountaine. For this ende came he down from heauen for this end did he take flesh and was made man, to the end that I might speake vn∣to him.

There are found in this Father some passages, wherein he recommendeth the intercession of the Saints, but it is of the liuing Saints, for the scripture in a hundred places doth so call the faithfull. But our aduersaries produce those places for inuocati∣on of the dead: being falsaries in this point as in o∣thers Adde, that we haue neuer denyed, but that the Saints doe intercede for the Church in gene∣ral, but it doth not follow thervpon, that we ought to inuocate them or to serue them, God hauing not commaunded it, yea hauing forbidden it, and they not knowing our hearts, and besides Iesus Christ calling vs vnto himselfe.

Saint Ierome in the Epitaph of Nepotian holdeth

for a thing assured, that he is in the heauenly glory.g We know saith he that our friend Nepotian is with Christ and mingled among the quier of Saints. And neuerthelesse, he holdeth that Nepotian neither vn∣derstood nor saw the things, which were said or done in the earth. For he saith,h Whatsoeuer I shall say vnto him, will seeme dumbe because he heareth it not.i Againe let vs not cease to speake of Nepotian, with whom we can no longer speake. Againe,k happy Nepo∣tian, who neither heareth nor seeth these thinges. Thence it came that many of the auncients did pray those who were about to die, to haue them in∣remembrance, when they should be in Paradise: be∣cause they thought it would be to late to pray vn∣to them after their death.

The same Ieromel vpon Ezechiell, if there be confi¦dence in any, let vs put our confidence in God alone, for cursed is the man who trusteth in man, albeit they bee Saints, albeit they be Prophets.

Agreeable to Origen in the 4. Homilie vpon E∣zechiell towards the end.m To those who put their con∣fidence in Saints, this example may fitly be applyed, cur∣sed is the man who putteth his hope in the Saints.

There is among the workes of Saint Ierome, a commentary vpon the Prouerbs, which whether it be of Beda or of Ierome, it conteineth this sentencen We ought not to inuocate, that is to say, to cal towards vs by prayers any other then God.

Saint Austine in his twenty two tract vpon Saint Iohn.o This is it which thy Sauiour saith vnto thee, thou hast not whether to goe saue onely to me, nei∣ther

cannest thou goe, saue onely by me.

And vpon the Psalme 118.p the prayer which is not made through Iesus Christ, cannot onely not blot out sinne, but it selfe is turned into sinne: and against the Epistle of Parmenian,q if S. Paul were me¦diator, so should the rest of the Apostles be, and by that meanes there should be many Mediatours, and so Saint Paul should haue mistaken himselfe in saying, there is one onely God, and one onely Mediatour. Now it is to be noted, that he doth not speake in that Chapter, but of Mediator of intercession; for he disputeth a∣gainst Parmenian who had called the Bishop Medi∣ator betweene God and men: howbeit Parmenian did not vnderstand that the Bishop was the Redee∣mer of the people. The same Doctor hath made a booke of the care to be had of the dead, wherein he disputeth at large that the dead know not that which is done here beneath, neyther doe they in∣termeddle with the affaires of the liuing: his rea∣sons are, that if that were so, his deare mother Mo∣nica, who had followed him by Sea and by Land, would not haue forsaken him; but would haue stood by him euery night. That Abraham him∣selfe, father of the Israelites, knew not his posterity, which also complayneth thereof in Esay: that God himselfe promised to Iosias for a great blessing, that he should not see the euils denounced against that people, but that he should die before: whereupon he concludeth;r The spirits then of the deceased are in place, where they see not all the things which are done, or which happen vnto men in this life. How then should

they see their graues or their corps, whether they lie cast out and abandoned, or whether they be buried?

And in c. 15.s We must confes that the dead know no∣thing of that which is done here, whilst it is a doing, but that they vnderstand it aftewards from those, who dy∣ing, goe from hence vnto them. Yet doubtlesse not all things, but that which is permitted them to declare vnto those to whom it is granted to haue it in remembrance, and that which is expedient for them to know. They may also learne something of the Angels, who haue in∣tercourse while things are done here below. I make the Reader Iudge, how we can call vpon the Saints de∣parted, if we must stand, till some one of our friends die to report our prayers vnto them, or if it be ne∣cessary that an Angell should goe from hence be∣low, to aduertise them aboue. Obserue also that this good Doctour neuer bethought himselfe of that looking-glasse forged of late: for indeede he neuer tooke his degrees in the faculty of Diui∣nity.

As touching publique seruice, it is certaine that at the celebration of the Eucharist, there was com∣memoration made of the Saints deceased, but with∣out inuocating them, as S. Austin witnesseth in his two and twentieth booke of the Citie of God, chap 10.t At this sacrifice the Martyrs as men of God, who haue ouercome the world in confessing him, are named in their place and in their ranke, but They are not In∣uocated by the Priest, who sacrificeth. And to the same end the third Councell of Carthage in the three and twentieth Canon ordayneth very ex∣presly,

u that when they stand at the Altar, the praier be alwayes addressed to God the Father: not then to the Saints, as they doe now adaies in many Masses.

In his twentieth booke against Faustus the Ma∣nichee:x We honour the Martyrs with the same honour of loue and society, wherewith men honor the holy men of God, which are in this life. True it is that he ac∣knowledgeth, that it is with more assurance, be∣cause they haue surpassed all danger: but he alwaies acknowledgeth that it is one and the same kind of honour. It is not then to inuocate them or to adore them, and it is that seruice which is yeelded to li∣uing men, which he affirmeth to be called Dulia, whence it followeth that it is not a religious wor∣ship. And therfore also in his booke of the true Re∣ligion, c. 55.y Let not the seruice, saith he, of men depar∣ted, be your religion, if they haue liued holily, they are in that state that they craue not these honors. And a little after, We must honour them for imitation, but we must not adore them by any Religion.

The same Authour in his manuall to Laurentius cap. 114.z We ought not to craue from any other, but from God, the good which we hope eyther to doe, or to procure as a Stipend of our good workes.

In his booke of Ecclesiasticall Determinations, cap. 81. He alone knoweth the secrets of the hearts, to whom it is said, Thou alone knowest the hearts of the sonnes of men.

These passages, a few amongst many, shal suffice for this time, against which our aduersaries pro∣duce

some places drawne out of forged bookes, or out of the ill gouerned deuotion of some particu∣lar men contrary to the publicke beleefe. And if there be any examples found of some few who haue prayed Ad memorias Martyrum, before or neere the sepulchres of the Martyrs, our aduersaries per∣swade the ignorant that these prayers were made vnto the Martyrs, in stead that they were made vn∣to God to praise him for the assistance giuen vnto the Martyrs, and to craue of God the like grace.

Aboue all it is considerable, that Coeffeteau doth touch but the half of the question, and wardeth but halfe the blows: for he endeuoreth to proue that we must inuocate the Saints, which is but a litle peece of the abuse. For the Church of Rome doth not stay there, she craueth of God saluation, not onely through the intercession of the Saint, but also through their merites: Which is not to goe to God by the Saints, but contrariwise to lead God to the Saints, and to represent him their merites. This is also to pray vnto God with an indiscretion; which would be accounted impudent in speaking to a King: If any man should aske him a fauour or benefite for the merites of another. And this so vnworthy a prayer is accompanied with a supersti∣tious iesture, when the Priest bowing himself ouer the Altar, saith, We pray thee, O Lord, by the merites of the Saints, whose reliques are here (for euery Altar is a Tombe) and generally of all the Saints, that thou wilt vouchsafe to pardon all my sinnes. Of such a pray∣er Coeffeteau hath not been able to produce any ex∣ample.

No more then of this damnable opinion, which holdeth, that the merites of the Saints doe serue to fill vp the measure of the merites of Iesus Christ; in that being adioyned to the merites of Iesus Christ, and put together into the treasurie of the Church, they are employed by the Pope for the re∣demption and discharge of the punishment of our sinnes: whence also it is that Cardinall Bellarmine saith, that in some sort they are our redeemers. How comes it to passe, that Coeffeteau holdeth his peace hereat, and alleadgeth not any father? and hath forgotten to excuse the Priest, who in his Con∣fiteor which he saith at the entrance of the Masse, confesseth his sinnes to God, to the Virgin Marie, to Michael th'arch-Angell, and to the Saints, but not to Iesus Christ.

ARTICLE IX. Touching Masses without Communicants and without Assistants.

BVt if the Romish Church hath coyned new Articles of faith, ne∣uer heard of in the first 500. years after Christ, I hope I shall neuer be condemned for an Hereticke, for not being a Nouelist. Such are the priuate Masses, where the Priest playeth the part both of the Priest and of the people.

If euer man turned his backe and shamefully fledde, it is Coeffeteau in this place: We expected from him the defence of priuate Masses by the word of God, or at least that he should haue pro∣duced vnto vs the practise of the auncient Church, or some examples of priuate masses in the first fiue hundred yeares after Iesus Christ; seeing that the King of great Britain doth limit him to that terme, but of all this not a word. But rather he turneth aside his Discourse, & casteth himselfe vpon the sa∣crifice of the masse, heaping vp many passages of the Fathers, who cal the Eucharist a sacrifice.

He saith onely that it is not necessary that a sacrifice be of∣fered by many, that in times past the greatest sa∣crifice of the Synagogue was done by the high Priest alone in the holy of holies; that the fathers in many places called the Eucharist a sacrifice. That the essence of the sacrifice doth not depend from the assistants: That the vertue of this Obla∣tion is alwaies one as wel in, as out of solemnities. Add hereunto that the action cannot be priuate, albeit the Priest doe it in particular, seeing that he is a publike person: That S. Austin speaking of a place haunted with wicked spirits, saith, that one of his Priests went thither, & offered the Sacrifice of the body of Christ, which could no otherwise be done, but priuately and without solemnity.

I answere, that Coeffeteau takes much paines to no purpose; for we agree with the Fathers, that the holy supper is a Sacrifice; but yet a Sacrifice Eucharisticall, that is, a giuing of thankes, not pro∣pitiatory

for the redemption of soules, where Christ is really sacrificed; which we shall see here∣after. Yea were it such a sacrifice as our aduersa∣ries would haue it, yet ought it to bee celebrated with the communion of assistants, because God hath so commanded.

1 Christ Iesus saying to the assistants, take, eate, commaundeth them to participate.

2 Againe he addeth, Doe this, that in the cele∣bration thereof we should follow his example.

And the Apostle S. Paul, 1. cor. 10.16. defineth this Sacrament by the Communion, saying, That the bread which we breake is the communion of the bo∣dy of Christ.

4 The Apostle there addeth wordes that strike sure; We are all partakers of one bread: then all ought to participate.

5 Also the word supper, which he vseth in the twentieth verse of the Chapter following, signifies a common supper, and importeth a communion: and we haue elsewhere declared, that all auncient Wri∣ters doe call this Sacrament a supper. Now what can be more absurd, then to inuite people to a sup∣per, to looke on, and eate nothing? Who euer heard tell of a feast, where the inuiter doth eate a∣lone? They reply, that at a Feast people cannot be forced to eate: whereunto I say, that if they should not be compelled, they should at least be entreated to eate: but in priuate Masses there are none inui∣ted, and the Priest is often alone: I say farther, that the guests should be constrained to eate; if God

haue so expresly commanded: and he hath com∣manded to take, eate, and communicate in this ho∣ly supper. It is no wonder then, if the word Supper, be grown odious, and out of vse seeing it serues to discouer the abuse, and that the Etymologie therof is a kinde of commandement.

6 Besides, what resemblance is there between Christ set at the Table with his Apostles, distribu∣ting the bread and the cup to euery of them, and the Priest that not onely eates and drinkes by him∣selfe, but is often alone, and grumbles some few wordes vnheard vpon the Host.

7 More especially it is to bee considered, that the Church of Rome teacheth, that the Eucharist is not onely a sacrifice, but also a Sacrament: whence it followes, that although the Eucharist, as it is a sacrifice, may be performed without Com∣municants, yet as it is the Sacrament of that Com∣munion which wee haue together with Iesus Christ, so is the communion thereof among many required as necessary: which shewes how imperti∣nently Coeffeteau speakes, That it is not necessary that the Sacrifice be offered by many, and that the essence of the Sacrifice dependeth not of the Communicants, and that the vertue of the Sacrifice is still the same, both with the ceremonies and without them: seeing we do not here speake of the Eucharist, as it is a sacrifice, but a Sacrament. If any Sophister make answere, that the essence of the Sacrament consisteth not in the Communion, but in the consecration: my re∣plication is, that it contradicts the Apostle, who

defineth this sacrament by the Communion, as we haue seene, and definitions are the very essence of things. Againe, the communion of one bread, hath an essentiall reference to our Communion with Iesus Christ: which two words are relatiues, wher∣of the former depends vpon the latter. Touching the pretended consecration of the Church of Rome, it cannot be of the essence of the sacrament, for euery sacrament is a holy signe, but this conse∣cration is not a holy signe, because it doth not sig∣nifie any thing, no body vnderstands any thing, or sees any thing. And we haue declared in it place, that the true consecration is done by prayer, and the auncients so beleeued.

8 No••withstanding, let vs graunt that the Communion is not of the essence of the Sacra∣ment, doth it therefore follow that it is not necessa∣ry? Is there not validity in Gods commandement to make it necessary? Is there nothing necessarie besides that which is of the essence of things? then shall not the law or the Gospell be necessary for men, because they are not of the essence of men: and so shal it not be necessary for Coeffeteau to draw his breath, because it is no part of his effence, there can nothing be said more wide from the pur∣pose.

9 Touching that which he addeth, that the cheefe sacrifice of the Synagogue was performed by the High Priest alone within the Holy of Ho∣lies: I doe admire the negligent rashnes of this Doctor, that he dares speake of the Scripture, be∣fore

he read it; for had he read it, he would haue found the contrary; he should haue seene that the blood which the High Priest alone caried into the Sanctum Sanctorū, was the blood of a beast already sacrificed in the Court, vpon the altar of burnt of∣ferings, in the presence of the people; and there was no sacrifice more publique, or more solemnly performed. Is there any such a nouice in the sacred History, that euer thought that Aaron did sacrifice or offer any beast within the place that was most holy? It was then a sprinkling of bloud which he made vpon the Arke, as the conclusion of the pub∣lique sacrifice, and was no sacrifice done in priuate. Read the thirtieth of Exodus and the sixteenth of Leuiticus.

10 Of like stuffe is that which he addeth, that Masses without Communicants or assistants, can∣not be said to be priuate, because the Priest is a pub∣lique person: this is a goodly conceit. So then if a Minister doe pray alone in the Church, his prayer shal be a publique prayer. And should not this Mi∣nister deserue a greene coate, if being alone hee should say, Attend my Masters, when he reprehen∣ded the walles? yet this is that which the Massing Priest in priuate doth; at which priuate Masses be∣ing all alone, he saith, Orate pro me fratres, Brethren pray for me: and which is more, he saith, Accipite & man ducate ex hoc omnes; Take and eate all of this: and yet offers nothing to any body, but eates alone With like abuse doth he say, Vt quot quot ex hac al∣taris participatione sumpserimus, &c. That al we which

by the participation of the Altar, haue receiued: the bo∣die, &c Wherupon the question is asked, to whom the Priest speakes, when he saith, Brethren pray for me. Pope Innocent the third doth answere finely in the second booke of the mysteries of the Masse, chap. 25. It must (saith he) be religiously beleeued, that the Angels doe beare them companie that pray, accor∣ding to the saying of the Prophet, I will sing vnto thee in the presence of the Angels. Which will also serue to resolue other doubts, presuming that when the Priest saith, Take, eate, he doth invite the Angels to eate, for they come with good stomackes. And so of the rest.

At length the place of Austin is brought, which is the onely passage of antiquity that Coeffeteau can finde. This Father, lib. 22. De ciuit. Dei, speaking of a place haunted with euill spirits, saith, that one of his Priests went, and offered a Sacrifice there: wher∣upon Coeffeteau saith, that this could not be done but priuately and without solemnity: but he dares not to affirme, that he had no assistants, or commu∣nicants; which is that which he should, or else the place makes not to the purpose. And indeede we may presume the contrary, forasmuch as S Austin speakes of a great house, and of some great person of quality, that sent not for a Minister of the Church of Carthage to celebrate the holy Sacra∣ment, to leaue him alone without assistants, or communicants: and indeede Bellarmine confesseth the impertinency of this place, lib. 2. de Missa cap. 9. where he acknowledgeth, That there is no expresse

place sound, where the auncrents haue offered the Sa∣crifice, without some Communicants.

The common excuse, and the same which the Councel of Trent vseth in the seuenth Session, is that it comes to passe through the indeuotion of the people: which speech doth both confes, and yet approue the abuse: for the same Councell addeth, The holy Councell doth not forbid those Masses wherein the Priest alone doth communicate sacramentally, as priuate and vnlawfull, but doth approue and commend them: which their practise doth proue; for if it be through the want of deuotion in the people, why doe they not endeauour the remedie? for if there be any question of casting into the boxe, if any bu∣sines fall out concerning tithes, and offerings, they easily finde the meanes to holde the people in the humor of contribution; neither do I finde that the Cardinalls, and Bishops doe communicate of••ener then the people.

For the Priests hinder the people from assisting them, because they say an infinite number of Mas∣ses in priuate, and vpon the sudden; of which they giue no warning. For three sundry persons will one Priest dispatch three Masses, to euery one his own, that each of them may pay for a whole Masse And they that will haue yearely Masses, doe found yearely Pensions: for neuer was any priuate Masse said for him that gaue nothing; they vse not to make God for nothing: Masses are sold for more or lesse according to the prouision that is made; & if one pay for one Masse, is it any reason that ano∣ther

should equally share with him? Yea they buy Masses for the soules of young children dying soone after baptisme, which they hold must needes be in Paradice: for if Masses doe no good to them that are dead, yet they profite those that are aliue: Doubtlesse it is couereousnesse that hath hatched this abuse, and superstition hath fomented it.

These men do againe reply, although but weak¦ly: for (say they) if no Communicants offer them∣selues, must the Sacrifice be therefore discontinu∣ed? Let them heare S.Chrysostome thundring there∣upon in the third Homily vpon the Ephesians: O custome! O presumption! in vaine is Sacrifice daily offered, in vaine doe we stand at the Altar, and none communicate. And a little after, Whosoeuer doth not communicate in these mysteries, is impudent and rash in standing by. And further adde, that they do falsly presume, that the holy supper is a Sacrifice, in that sense which they take the word Sacrifice, as we shal presently see. Now let vs heare the testimonies of the Auncients.

The auncient rule of the Church of the Citie of Rome, which is found in the second Distinction of the consecration vnder the name of Anaclet, in the Canon Peracta, is this, The consecration being en∣ded, let all those communicate, that will not be excluded out of the bounds of the Church: for so haue the Apo∣stles ordained, and the Church of Rome obserueth.

And in the Canon Tribus gradibus, of the same Distinction, Let as many offerings be laid vpon the Table, as will serue for all the people to communicate:

and if any doe remaine, let them not be kept vntill the morrow.

And in the first Distinction of the Consecration in the Canon Hoc quoque, the Pope speakes thus: It is ordained that no Priest presume to celebrate the so∣lemnities of the Masse, if he haue not two others that may answere him, and that the Priest be the third: be∣cause when he saith in the plurall number, The Lord be with you, and that which he saith in secret, pray for me, it is apparantly requisite that answere be made to his salutation.

Iustin Martyr in the second of his Apologie, The Deacons doe disiribute the bread to euery one that is present.

Ignatius in the Epistle to the Philadelphians, One loafe hath beene broken to all. S. Ierome vpon the first to the Corinth. cap. II. The supper of the Lord ought to be common vnto all. The Reader may compare this word, the common Supper, with the priuate Masse.

The Authour of the Constitutions ascribed vn∣to Clement, lib. 2. cap. 61. Let euery one receiue the bodie of the Lord. And so haue all the auncient Liturgies, although they be much falsified: yea and some traces thereof are to be seene in the Masse, where the Priest, though he be alone doth alwaies speake as vnto many communicants.

Gregory the first, Bishop of Rome, in the second booke of his Dialogues, chap. 13. saith, that the Dea∣con according to the custome, crieth, if there be any that doth not communicate, let him depart. And this was sixe hundred yeares after Christ, and we could dis∣scend

lower. But this sufficeth against a man that feares the triall, who being not able to alleadge a∣gainst the King of great Britaine, any syllable of Scripture, no nor any of the Auncients that speake of priuate Masses, doth flie from the matter and de∣sperately runnes into the disputation of the Sacri∣fice of the Masse. We may let him runne, seeing he betakes himselfe to his heeles; yet let vs giue him this aboue his bargaine.

Of the Sacrifice of the Masse.

AS all errours goe hand in hand, and are lin∣ked together, so the opinion of the Sacri∣fice of the Masse, hath drawne priuate Mas∣ses after it: for after it began to be beleeued, that in the Masse the Priest doth really sacrifice Christ Ie∣sus for the price, and ransome of our soules; mans reason witty to deceiue it selfe, hath presumed that this payment cannot but be good, though made in a corner, and that payment may be made for vs without our assistance: for to celebrate the Sacra∣ment of the Communion which we haue together with Iesus Christ, a communion of many is neces∣sarily required: but to offer a payment vnto God, retchlesse ignorance hath held it lesse requisite for many to be assistants: this is the reason why this wound must be searched to the quicke, and this a∣buse carefully discouered; besides, this point trou∣bles vs the more, because to goe to Masse, and be a Romane Catholicke, are taken in one signification.

The Councell of Trent in the two and twenti∣eth Session declareth, that in the Masse Christ is really sacrificed as a true propitiatory sacrifice for the sinnes of the liuing and the dead: by reason whereof, when the Bishop ordereth a Priest, after he hath annointed him in sundry places of his bo∣die, he laieth his handes vpon him, and saith, Receiue power to offer Sacrifice vnto God, and to celebrate Masse both for the liuing and the dead. So hee confirmes him a Sacrificer, to sacrifice Christ Iesus really for a propitiatory sacrifice. And this sacrifiice is cal∣led the Masse, which is celebrated by a Priest clad with aenigmaticall and allegoricall robes, with a thousand feates and gesticulations by tale, and in wordes not intelligible; therefore the people vse to say, Let vs goe heare a Masse, but if one should phrase it thus, as the Apostles doe, Let vs goe breake bread, or, Let vs goe to the Lords Supper, he should be thought eyther to be out of his wits, or to deserue the Inquisition: for in this admirable age the lan∣guage of the Holy Ghost is become eyther ridicu∣lous, or prodigious, or vnseasonable.

Being then armed with the word of God, let vs gently sift out the falshood, that here offers it selfe more then halfe vnmasked, for the errours are pal∣pable.

1 First we demaund of our Masters: who hath authorised the Bishops to establish Sacrificers in the Church of Christ? Here they are silent, and can neuer answere to the purpose; and so the Priests are conuinced to haue no calling, but an imagina∣ry

charge brought into the Church without the commandement of God: as if one should bring in Fidlers or Fencers among the Counsellors of State, to make them sit in the Kings Courts: and place Sacrificers in equall ranke with faithfull Pa∣stors, and Bishops of the flocke.

2 Againe we aske of them, who hath institu∣ted this propitiatory sacrifice of the Masse, where Iesus Christ is really sacrificed? They answere, that Christ hath instituted it. Enquire farther, where, and in what wordes of the Institution of the Eu∣charist, they alleadge these words, Do this in remem∣brance of me: An admirable proofe; Doe this, that is to say, Sacrifice me really vnder the forms of the bread and wine, is a Sacrifice propitiatory for the liuing and the dead. O fruitfull words in consequences, which like ringing bels, may be made speake answerably to euery mans imagination.

3 But let vs take them according to their own words: for they themselues confesse, that by these words, (do this) Christ hath commanded to do that which himselfe did: then must they shew vs, that Christ in this Sacrament offered his body for a sa∣crifice, and there are they grauelled, and put to si∣lence: it is easie to finde what Christ offered to his Disciples, when he said, Take, eate; but it appeares not that he offered any thing vnto God.

4 Neyther did Christ vse any eleuation, a Ce∣remony vsed in Sacrifices, which the Priest obser∣ueth also in the Masse.

5 Also the Apostles performe no adoration: a∣gainst

the nature of euery Sacrifice, which doth ne∣cessarily require adoration in those that offer.

6 Besides, whosoeuer doth offer vnto God, ad∣dresseth himselfe by speech, and otherwise vnto God: but Christ in the whole forme of the institu∣tion of the Eucharist, neyther addresseth himselfe vnto God, nor speakes to any but his Apostles.

7 Yea these wordes, Do this in remembrance of me, doe call our aduersaries to a triall: for if Doe this, signifie Sacrifice me, it then followes, that Doe this in remembrance of me, signifies Sacrifice me in memory of me: which is a sense absurd and incom∣patible: for the memoriall of a thing cannot be the thing it selfe: no man offers a present in remem∣brance of the present; not would sacrifice a Lambe in memory of the Lambe; so doth he not sacrifice Iesus Christ in remembrance of Christ.

8 But will we haue these wordes, Doe this, ex∣pounded? Let vs then learne them of the Apostle, 1. Cor. 11.25.26. Iesus tooke the cup, saying, This cup is the new Testament in my blood, doe this as oft as yee drinke it in remembrance of me; for as often as ye shal eate this bread, and drinke this cup, ye shew the Lords death till that he come. Then to doe this in remem∣brance of Iesus Christ, is to eate the bread and drinke the cup, to shew or celebrate his death.

9 Some thinking here to shew their wits, ar∣gue thus: Euery powring out of blood for the re∣mission of sinnes is a sacrifice: but Christ saith that in the Eucharist his blood is shed for the remission of sinnes: therefore the Eucharist is a sacrifice.

Whereunto I answere, that both the proposi∣tions of this Argumunt are false; yea the second is contrary to the Church of Rome. It is false that the shedding of blood for the remission of sinnes is a sacrifice, vnlesse this blood be offered vnto God for an Oblation, and with the death of the Sacrifice the blood whereof is shed. Now here you see not, that Iesus Christ did offer any thing vnto God, nor that he suffered death in the Eucharist. The second proposition is also false; for it is true that Christ saith in this Sacrament, that his blood is shed, but saith not that it is shed in this Sacrament He speaks of the effusion of his blood vpon the Crosse, which he was to doe immediately after: for Christ doth often speake of his death approaching, as if it were at hand; as in the tenth of Iohn, ver. 17. I lay downe my life, that I may take it vp againe. And a little be∣fore, I giue downe my life for my sheepe. S. Paul saith in like manner, 2. Tim 4 6. For I am now offered, be∣cause he should be sacrificed soone after: Which is confirmed by the Masse it selfe, and by the Latine Translation of the Bible, which the Councell of Trent will haue onely receiued, which saith, Qui pro vobis effunditur, which shall bee shed for you; ex∣presly translating the present tense by the future, to shewe that Christ spake not of an effusion of bloud to be presently made, but to be done soone after. Bellarmine answers, this shedding might be vnderstood in both tenses; but I say it could not be, for Christ here gaue vs not wordes with double visages, nor doth he by one word signifie two effu∣sions

of blood so disagreeable: and beside the Ca∣non of the Masse, and the Romane Bible should have idly translated the present tense by the future, if it might, and should bee taken in the present tense.

And this is the place where the perplexity of the errour appeareth, which hew and interferre, that it selfe is not vnderstood: for our aduersaries say, that vnder the formes the blood of Christ is shed, but yet runnes not out of his veynes: that it is shed and yet stirres not: and howbeit euery ef∣fusion be a motion, yet it is an effusion without ef∣fusion. And which is more, they say this Sacrifice is vnbloody: whence it followes, that there is no ef∣fusion of blood; that is to say, that it is of blood not bloody, as if one should say a heate, not hote, or whitenesse, not white: so they lead vs blindfolded: for there is nothing that a man will not say, that thinkes he speakes vnto beasts; or that will mocke God himselfe.

But especially note, that these Masters say, that the body is also in the cup, yea in euery drop of the cup: so that he which ouerturnes the cup, ouer∣turnes the flesh and the bones: so these Doctors by a new Alchymie distill the body of our Sauior: And that they may puzle plaine people, they say that the blood of Christ is shed vnder the accidents of Wine, which they doe fraudulently call the formes But we enquire not of them vnder what the blood is shed, but whether it be shed or no: for that which is really shed vnder another thing, is not there shed the lesse.

The quality of our redemption, and the onely sa∣crifice of our Redeemer, doe arme vs with inuin∣cible proofes against this strange errour. We de∣mand of these Masters, whether the sacrifice of the Crosse, and the sacrifice of the Masse bee two, or one and the same sacrifice. For feare we should ac∣cuse them of confessing another propitiatory sa∣crifice beside that of the Crosse; they say that the Masse is the same with the sacrifice of the Crosse: but this we may easily disproue, and proue that the sacrifice of the Crosse, and that of the Masse cannot be one sacrifice: our reasons are

1 First the sacrifice of the Masse, and that of the Crosse cannot be one sacrifice, because the de∣finition of one agreeth not with the other: for the sacrifice of the Crosse, is the death of Iesus Christ offered vpon the Crosse for our redemption: but the Masse is not the death of Iesus Christ, &c. and then is not the Masse the sacrifice of the Crosse.

2 The proprieties and circumstances differ: the sacrifice of the Crosse was painfull, this of the Masse is without paine: the sacrifice of the Crosse was bloudy, this is not bloudy: one was visible, the other is inuisible, and none doth see Christ, who they say is offered: the one hath beene offered, and is not reiterable, for Christ died but once: the other is infinitely reiterated, and in infinite places at one time: that was immediately performed by Christ, and this is done by the ministery of a Priest.

3 So doe they also much differ in vertue and efficacy; for the death of Christ which he once suf∣fered,

was sufficient to redeeme the whole world from eternall damnation: but the Sacrifice of the Masse is prized at a very low rate, for there must be a greate number of them to redeeme one poore soule out of Purgatory: they are sold in the Coun∣trey for sixe blanckes, but at Paris they cost more. The first of the nine dayes after the Popes death, there are two hundred Masses said for his soule, and vpon each of the eight daies following there is one Masse said, to deliuer his pontificall soule out of Purgatory: yea for fiue hundred yeares together there are Masses sung for some deceased persons that haue enriched some Monastery; yea scarce fifty thousand Masses are sufficient for one soule.

4 To be short, seeing the sacrifice of the Crosse is nothing but the death of Iesus Christ, no man will beleeue, that the Masse wherein Christ dyeth not, is the same sacrifice with his death.

5 Hereunto can wee haue no answere from them to the purpose: for they onely say, that it is the same host, both in the Masse, and vpon the Crosse, to wit, the body of Iesus Christ, and there∣fore that it is the same sacrifice.

I answere, that put the case, that in the Masse Christ be really sacrificed, as well as on the Crosse, yet doth it not follow that it were the same sacri∣fice: it should indeede be the same thing sacrificed, but not the same sacrifice. For a sacrifice, to speake properly, is not the thing sacrificed, but the action of offering: and the very Etymologie of the word Sacrifice importeth the doing, or action; which

Bellarmine confesseth, Lib. 1. de Missa, cap. 2. where hauing set downe the definition of a Sacrifice, hee saith that by Sacrifice he vnderstands the action of sacrificing, and not the thing sacrificed.

6 Obserue farther, that although the death of Iesus Christ, and the Masse should bee the same sa∣crifice in kinde, and that one definition agreed to eyther, yet should they not be the same action in number: for it is wel known, that there are in num∣ber many Masses: and indeede two Masses do cost more then one; for were there not many Masses in number, it were very absurd to number them, as they doe that sell them: againe, one action done, cannot be the same in number, with one that is not done: one blow giuen yeasterday, cannot be the same in number, with that which shall be giuen to morrow: else should a thing to come be past, that is, should be, and should not be. If then Masses doe differ in number among themselues, why shall they not differ in number from the death of Christ? Seeing that between the death of Iesus Christ, and the Masse there is more difference then betweene two Masses, how diuers soeuer in shew? The mat∣ter being thus plaine, these Doctors will not denie, that the Sacrifice of the Crosse and the Masse, doe differ in number that is, that there is as much diffe∣rence betweene the Masse, and the sacrifice of the Crosse, as between Philip and Alexander: And then it is not the same sacrifice, for Philip and Alexander are not the same man.

7 Whereupon the Reader may obserue, how

these men are entangled: they say that the Masse is the reiteration of the Sacrifice of the Crosse; not conceiuing that they do thereby acknowledge that the Masse is not the same thing with the Eucha∣rist, which Christ celebrated with his Disciples; for that was not the reiteration of the sacrifice of the Crosse, because that was not yet offered: and they are onely actions past, which are reiterated.

8 Yea the sacrifice of the Crosse being fini∣shed, whosoeuer afterwards would reiterate the same, should of necessity reiterate the death of Iesus Christ, and crucifie him againe: for the sacrifice of the Crosse, and the death of Christ are one, and the same thing.

9 Now were it that proofes of Scripture were of authority among vs, this difference were soone decided. The Apostle, Heb. 10.14. sayth, that Christ with one offering hath consecrated for euer them that are sanctified. Lo then one oblation, and the vertue thereof for euer. And to exclude all re-itera∣tion, he saith in the tenth verse, That we are sanctified by the offring of the body of Iesus Christ ONCE made: and more plainely doth he exclude this re-iteration about the end of the ninth Chapter. As it is (saith he) appointed vnto men to die once, and after that com∣meth the iudgement: so Christ beeing offered once, shall appeare the second time without sinne vnto them that looke for him, vnto saluation. So that according to the iudgement of the Apostle, the offering of Christ can be no more re-iterated then the death of men: nay he saith, that after the death of men, no∣thing

is looked for but the iudgement, so after the offering once made by Iesus Christ, nothing is ex∣pected but his second comming.

10 Which doth also preuent the euasion of our aduersaries, which say, that the sacrifice of Iesus Christ cannot indeede be re iterated with bloud, but that it may and ought to be re-iterated without bloud: for this cannot agree with the Apostles comparison, seeing the death of a man kil'd bloudi∣ly cannot be re-iterated without bloud, as it may be semblably affirmed of the bloudy sacrifice of our Sauiour.

11 Againe, this re-iteration without bloud of a bloudy sacrifice should haue his grounde in the holy Scripture; but our aduersaries doe thence al∣leadge neyther commaundement, nor example.

12 And it is to be maruelled, that the two third partes of the Epistle to the Hebrewes being spent in speaking of the Sacrifice, and the Priest-hood of the New Testament, and of his prerogatiues aboue the sacrifices of the law; yet in the whole Epistle is there not one word found, eyther of this vnbloudy sacrifice, nor of the sacrificing Iesus Christ vnder the formes of breade and wine. Surely then, or not at all, was it fit to treate thereof. The Apostle discoursing so largely of the Sacrifice of the new Testament, should he haue forgotten the matter wherein it only consisteth, if we credite these men? should he haue omitted the most essentiall point, and principally necessary to his purpose?

13 But where is the iudgement of these great

suble Doctors, that perceiued not, that in saying that a bloudy sacrifice might be re-iterated without bloud, they doe contradict themselues? Who would not laugh if I should say, that a race might be runne ouer againe, without mouing out of the place, or that Coeffeteau doth repeate his speech while he holdeth his peace, or that he warmes him∣selfe againe whiles he freezeth? And yet this is it which these Masters say, who will haue a bloudy sacrifice re-iterated without bloud, a bloudy action done againe vnbloudily; and that it is the same action: if one beleeue them, he doth not beleeue, for they say, and vnsay, and I assure my selfe that they beleeue not themselues.

14 The same Apostle, chap. 9. ver. 22 (and this place is very considerable) after he hath spoken of sacrifices and purifications, concludes with this ge∣nerall Maxime, without shedding of blood there is no remission of sinnes. If then the Masse be an vnblou∣dy sacrifice, it procures no remission of sinnes: for the Apost to shew that he speaks not only of Iewish sacrifices that are abolished, but also of the present time, speakes in the present tense, saying, Without shedding of blood there is no remission of sinnes: And in truth, the sacrifices of the law were not propiti∣atory, if they were not bloudy, to giue vs to vnder∣stand, that the Sacrifice of Iesus Christ must bee with bloud, and that an vnbloudy sacrifice is not the sacrifice of Iesus Christ. So that then it follows that the Masse is not the sacrifice of Iesus Christ, and that the auncient sacrifices were not figures of

the Masse, as our aduersaries will haue them: for the shedding of bloud cannot be the figure of an action without effusion of bloud. Now if vnder the new Testament an vnbloudy sacrifice may be pro∣pitiatory, who sees not, that for the same respects the sacrifices without blood vnder the law might haue bin propitiatory, and had more relation vnto the Masse.

15 Hereunto adde the confession of Cardinall Bellarmine, lib. 1. de Missa, cap. 2. In euery sacrifice (saith he) properly so called, there is required some sen∣sible thing that may be offered: but in the Masse, that which they pretend to offer, to wit, the body of Ie∣sus Christ, is not sensible, neyther doth any see, or perceiue it: for to say that it is visible, vnder the formes of bread which couer it, is to say, that it is visible, because the formes hide it, and hinder the sight: this is to say, that they see it, because they see it not; howsoeuer Bellarmine boast of seeing it, for hee hath no other eyes then common people haue.

The same Cardinall in the seuen and twentieth Chapter of the same booke, saith, That a true and re∣all Sacrifice requireth a reall death, or destruction of the thing sacrificed. Now in the Masse the thing which they say is sacrificed, to wit Iesus Christ, doth not really dye, nor is destroyed: therefore the Masse is no true and reall Sacrifice. To this they reply, and it is Bellarmines euasion, that the naturall essence of Iesus Christ is not destroyed in the Masse, but his sacramentall being. First then (say we) seeing that

the essentiall being of Iesus Christ is not destroyed in the Masse, it followes that the naturall essence of Iesus Christ is not offered in the Masse; and then is it another sacrifice then that of the Crosse, where he offered his essentiall being: Secondly, For it is certaine, that that is the destruction of Christs na∣turall being, which is the price of our redemption; and then if the Masse doe offer and sacrifice ano∣ther essence of Christ, then doth it not offer the price of our redemption: Thirdly, Besides, this Sa∣cramentall essence is a meere Chimera; for one man can haue but one being, because it is the being that makes him to be one man: Fourthly, And seeing the Sacrament by the definition of the Church of Rome, doth signifie a holy signe, then a Sacramental being must signifie a being significatiue, which is o∣pen mockerie: Fiftly, Yea this Sacramentall being of Iesus Christ, which is said to be in the Masse, can∣not be significatiue, or representatiue; for whatso∣euer representeth any thing ought to be visible, but this Sacramentall being is altogether inuisible: Sixtly, And that which representeth a thing ought to resemble it, but this sacramental being is contra∣ry to the naturall being: for the natural being giues vnto Christ longitude, latitude, situation of partes, power of mouing, seeing, speaking and breathing; but contratiwise the Sacramentall being depriues him of all these.

16 I would willingly know if this speech of Bel∣larmines be allowed also by their other Doctors, namely, that By vertue of these wordes, hoc est corpus

meum, the bodie of Christ begins to be vpon the altar without the soule, and without blood. And that by the vertue of these wordes, Hic est sanguis: This is the bloud, that the bloud begins to be alone, and diuided from the body vpon the Altar. For if this be so, the Masse doth sacrifice a dead body, but a liuing and passiue body was offered vpon the Crosse: there∣fore is it not one, and the same sacrifice.

17 Our aduersaries being thus vrged, and ex∣tremely perplexed, at length they are forced to yeeld: and as the Stagge being tyred, doth some∣times yeelde himselfe to the Hunters; so they vna∣ble to resist so euident a truth, they fairely come o∣uer to our side, which is a point whereof I pray the Reader to consider. Our aduersaries say, that the sacrifice of the Crosse, and the sacrifice of the Masse are one sacrifice, and that the sacrifice of the Crosse is re-iterated in the Masse; but the truth is so strong, and the euidence thereof so plaine to the contrary, that oftentimes it slips from them, and they giue sentence against themselues: For the Councell of Trent, Ses. 22. cap. 1. saith, that Christ hath left vnto his Church a sacrifice, by which the bloudy sacrifice which he was to make vpon the Crosse was represented, and the memory thereof perpetuated. The same Councell addeth, that the sacrifice of the Crosse, and the vertue thereof is ap∣plyed vnto vs by this sacrifice. And this doe we beleeue, and many of ours haue beene burned for so saying. And indeed if the Eucharist be the commemoration and application of the Sacrifice

of the Crosse, it is then certaine that it is not the same sacrifice, with that of the Crosse, and that it cannot be a sacrifice propitiatory. First, for the commemoration of a thing is not the thing it selfe: the commemoration of a battell is not a battell: the commemoration of a sacrifice is not the same sacrifice: Secondly, In like manner, the applicati∣on of a thing is not the thing it selfe; the applicati∣on of a fashion is not the fashion, the application of a Plaister is not the Playster, the application of the propitiatory sacrifice of Iesus Christ, is not the propitiatory sacrifice of Iesus Christ.

Thidly, Which is most true in matter of pay∣ment (for the Sacrifice of Christ is the payment & ransome for our soules) being cleare that the com∣memoration of a payment is not the payment: to remember a payment, it needes not to begin it a∣gaine; and the Priest doth but mocke with God, if he thinke eyther to pay him, or redeeme vs by a commemoration: Fourthly, if the sacrifice propi∣tiatory of Iesus Christ be applyed in the Masse, then certainly it is not re-iterated, for a thing is not re∣iterated by the application thereof: a medicine is not re-iterated by applying it: to re-iterate a wri∣ting, or a sacrifice to apply it, this needes purgation more then refutation.

Let them learne then to speake things in con∣gruity: for they must of necessity eyther say that the Masse is neyther application nor commemorati∣on of the Sacrifice of the Crosse: or if in that point they be vnremoueable, let them confesse that it is

not the Sacrifice of Christ, nor a sacrifice pro∣pitiatory: Fiftly and finally, if they will needes haue that the death of Christ is applied vnto vs by sacrificing, they must shew out of the Scrip∣ture, that God will haue it so applyed: We finde in the Scripture that Iesus Christ is applyed vnto vs and that wee haue communion with him by bap∣tisme, by breaking of bread, by the word, and by faith; but of application by sacrificing, not a word.

All which already said, is more then sufficient to discouer the abuse, and conuince the falshood. If they will yet haue any ouer-measure, to make the strangenesse of their errour more plaine: Then if the Masse be truely and properly a Sacrifice, wher∣in Christ Iesus is sacrificed for a Sacrifice propitia∣tory for our redemption, they must of necessity tell vs in what action this Sacrifice consisteth: and that they shewe vs in the institution of the Eucharist which is comprized in the Gospell, what were the actions by which Iesus was sacrificed. Cardinall Bellarmine after hee hath beene a long while tor∣mented about the matter, in the last chapter of the first booke of the Masse, in the end he fals vpon the opinion of Thomas, who sayth, that the sacrifice consisteth in these three things: in the breaking, blessing, and eating of the bread. But he attributes the principall essence of the Sacrifice to the bles∣sing, or consecration, which is worthy the exami∣nation.

Touching the fraction, or the action of breaking

the host, it is not onely not of the essence of the sacrifice, but also it cannot be an action necessarily in the sacrifice: 1. for if by chaunce the Priest let fall the whole host into the Chalice, he swallows downe both the hoste and wine together, without any breaking of it; and yet such a Masse looseth not the name of a sacrifice: 2. Besides, if the breaking were an action of the Sacrifice, it should follow, that that which were broken in the Eucha∣rist, were sacrificed. Now the holy Scripture testi∣fies, that Christ Iesus brake bread, and then should Christ haue sacrificed bread; and the bread should be the price of our redemption; which is a grosse impiety. Now that Iesus Christ did breake bread, the Euangelists doe tell vs, Mat. 26.26. Iesus tooke bread, and brake it. Likewise S. Paul 1. Cor. 10. The bread which we breake; And the whole Church, Act. 20.7. The Disciples were gathered together to breake bread: And this doth conformably agree with the Church of Rome, that mayntaineth it to be still bread before the consecration. And by the text of the Gospell it is euident that Christ brake it, before he said, This is my body: Which is the rea∣son why the Romish Prelates haue corrected the Gospell, and will haue the bread to be broken after the wordes pronounced. For whereas they will haue the breaking to be an action of the Sacrifice, they say well, that should they breake the bread af∣ter the words pronounced, as our Sauiour did, they could not say that they doe sacrifice Iesus Christ, and then their sacrifice propitiatory should bee a

sacrifice of bread: thirdly, Therefore can they not finde in the institution of the Eucharist, which is in the Gospell, this fraction which the Priest vseth after the wordes; which they would haue to be an action of a propitiatory sacrifice: neyther can they finde in their Masse that breaking of bread, which Christ vsed. The chiefe point is, that when we de∣sire our Masters to tell vs what it is that the Priest breaketh in the Masse, they are blancke: for tell me M^r. Doctors, doth the Priest breake bread in the Masse? They answere no; for it is no more bread when he breakes it. Doth he breake the Lords bo∣dy? No neyther; for that is impassible, and cannot be broken; it is wholy in euery part, in euery crum of the Hoste: what then? What is there left for him to breake? They say, the accidents of the bread, which soone after they call the formes: that is to say, the length and breadth of the bread, but not the bread: And as Pope Innocent the third sayth, and with him the whole Church of Rome, it is of the length, not of the thing that is long: of the co∣lour, not of the thing coloured. Let vs leaue this monstrous Philosophy, and let vs only bring their doctrine to the scale: They said that which was broken in the Masse is sacrificed. Now the acci∣dents, colours, and dimensions of bread, without bread are broken in the Masse, and consequently, these accidents are sacrificed and offered for our re∣demption. O spirite of slumber that runnes head∣long into impiety! And here obserue the fruite of these subtilities: fiftly, for to say that Christs body

is broken vnder the accidents, and yet continues whole, is all one as to say, that it is broken, and not broken. Againe, we doe not aske of them vnder what it is broken, but onely whether or no it bee broken: for that which is broken vnder another thing, is broken neuerthelesse: sixtly, Which error of theirs is new in the phrase of Scripture, wherein the breaking of bread, is not an action of sacrifice, but a signe of charity, and pledge of vnity. See Esay 58.7. Lament. 4.14. Yea, and S. Paul doth expresly tell vs, that this is the end of breaking bread in the Sacrament, 1. Cor. 10.6. The bread which we breake, is it not the communion of the body of Christ? inasmuch as we which are many, are one bread and one body: for we are all partakers of one bread. It was also the man∣ner of our Sauiour, at his ordinary times of meate, to begin with blessing and breaking of bread, Mar. 6.41. Luc. 24.30.31. And this I beleeue, doth suffici∣ently refute this fraction, which they make an acti∣on of sacrifice.

The consecration which they say is performed by pronouncing these wordes, This is my body, can∣not be said to be eyther an action of sacrifice, or the essence thereof: first, for they hold that the Pope cannot erre; and Pope Innocent the third, in the sixth chapter of the fourth booke of the Mysteries of the Masse, holdeth, that Iesus Christ was not consecrated by these wordes, This is my body, but that he was consecrated before by the power of his Diuinity. And all the auncients do maintaine, that

where declared, by a great number of places.

2 Let vs hereunto adde, that the essence of a sacrifice consisteth in the offering of some oblation vnto God: Now by these wordes, This is my body, which they say are the consecrating wordes, there is not any thing offered vnto God; therefore the consecrating wordes are not of the essence of the sacrifice: And that there is nothing offered vnto God by these wordes, it is plaine: for Christ in speaking them doth not addresse himselfe vnto God, but speakes, and offers that which he holdes to his Apostles, saying, Take, eate, this is my body:

3 And if consecration doe necessarily import sacrificing, then shall it follow that the consecrati∣on of vessels, and of the Temple was a sacrifice.

4 To proceede, it is certaine that in the Masse there can be no consecration because there is no∣thing consecrated: for the bread is not consecra∣ted, because it is no more bread: also Christ is not consecrated, for men cannot consecrate him, but it is he that doth consecrate men vnto God. Some Sophister wil tel you, that the consecration is done vpon the bread; but wil not tell you what it is that is consecrated. Now we doe not aske them where∣upon the consecration is done, but what it is that is consecrated: and there they champe vpon the bit, and know not what to answere.

As great or greater an absurdity is it to say that the Sacrifice consisteth in the eating: 1. For it is a thing vnheard of that to eate, should be to sacri∣fice Iesus Christ for a sacrifice propitiatory: second∣ly

And if eating doe, why should not drinking im∣port the same? thirdly, Againe, to sacrifice is to offer and present, but to eate is to receiue: so that there is asmuch difference between sacrificing and eating, as betweene giuing and taking, betweene offering and receiuing: for to reconcile these things, is to make contrary things to be the same, as if one should say, the right hand is the left, and white is blacke: fourthly, If to eate were to sacrifice Iesus Christ, the lay people celebrating their Passe∣ouer should haue beene sacrificers as well as the Priests: fiftly, We know also that the Israelites did often eate things sacrificed in their priuate houses: as the woman mentioned, Prou. 7. I haue with me sa∣crifices of prosperity, I haue paide my vowes: Whence I gather, that if eating be sacrificing, it must follow that women did sacrifice in their houses: which is contrary to the law, and without example.

The sacrifice of the Masse being built on no foundation, and being an Altar erected against the onely Altar, which is the Crosse of our Sauiour: an Altar newly built vpon the ruines of the Gos∣pell: yea being the crosse of the Crosse of Christ, and an annihilating of his death; it hath not come to passe without the iust iudgement of God, that they themselues haue let fall the price thereof so low; employing it for the healing of Horses, the preseruing of Sheepe, for blasted corne, and for frost-bitten Vines, as a general salue for euery sore. But Christ Iesus instituted the Supper for a me∣moriall of himselfe, and to shew forth his death till

he come. There is also good reason, why so many Masses are required to free one single soule out of Purgatory; and why they make this sacrifice so in∣finitely inferiour in vertue to that of the Crosse: which yet should not be so, if it be the same sacri∣fice, and consequently the same price of a redemp∣tion: neyther doth it serue the turne to say, that the sacrifice of the Crosse is of more efficacy, be∣cause Christ Iesus did immediately offer it, wher∣as this is offered by the mynistery of a Priest: for a payment or ransome, whether I doe immediately pay it my selfe, or send another to carry, or tell the money, is of like validity.

I do also exceedingly wonder, that the Church of Rome establishing in the Eucharist both a Sa∣crament and a Sacrifice, which are made one acti∣on, that yet it makes so great a difference betweene them both in vertue and efficacy, greatly vnder va∣luing the efficacy of the Sacrament, saying, that it serues onely for petty sinnes, which they terme veniall, and of which a mans conscience is already discharged: that is to say, it is a plaster for wounds perfectly healed, a remedy for euils passed, & a dis∣charge of burdens already vnloaded. But touch∣ing the sacrifice of the Masse, the Councel of Trent Session 22. cap. 2. saith, that by this Sacrifice the most hey nous sinnes are remitted: And this Sacrifice is profitably offered for them that are absent, yea for the dead, yea for them that make a mocke of it; for Masses are sung for Infidels and prophane persons: and this sacrifice is of force (say they) Ex opere opera

to, the disposition of the partie for whom the Masse is said, not being necessarily required thereunto. To what end is all this but to debase the power of a Sa∣crament instituted by God, and to enhance the ver∣tue of a sacrifice inuented by man? And because the Sacrament cannot be bestowed vpon the dead, but Masses are solde both for the dead, and for the liuing? And out of what passage of Scripture haue they extracted so nice a difference between the ef∣ficacy of he one and of the other?

But this is sufficient for souldiers that forsake the fielde: for Bellarmine and his associates lighting vpon this subiect, they wander in large impertinent questions, which make nothing to the point in controuersie: they winde vp long Discourses, to proue that the death of Iesus Christ is a sacrifice; a point denyed not by any, & that the Eucharist is a sacrifice, which is true; but it is a sacrifice Euchari∣sticall, that is to say, a giuing of thankes, and as it is called in the Masse, Sacrificium laudis, a Sacrifice of praise. Againe they bring the sacrifice of Melchi∣sedech, and the figure of the Passeouer, and the sacri∣fices of the law, which (they say) prefigured the sa∣crifice of the new Testament: with diuers places of the Prophets, especially that of Malachy, which foretell the sacrifice of the New Testament, with many such like things, wherein howbeit they deli∣uer the truth, yet doe they not helpe themselues thereby, because it is all beside the purpose, and comes not neere the point that is controuerted: for although the Masse were the sacrifice of Mel∣chisedech,

and the sacrifice forespoken of by Mala∣chy, and prefigured by the Passeouer, yet is it not proued thereby that Christ ought to be really sa∣crificed vnder the formes of bread and wine, nor that the sacrifice of the Masse is propitiatory for the redemption of soules. Reade Bellarmine, who hath compiled two great Bookes of the Masse, wherein he is copious in impertinent proofes; but you shall not finde in him any answere to the Ar∣guments which I haue formerly alleadged, which are the very sinewes of the body of this disputation, & the armor of proofe of the holy truth: for none a∣mong them could euer yet satisfie these obiections.

And out of him is it that Coeffeteau hath collected a number of the Fathers, whereof some make a∣gainst him some are vntrue, and others imperti∣nent. It makes against him which hee alleadgeth out of Iustin Martyr against Tryphon, saying, Ma∣lachy speaketh prophetically of the Sacrifices which we offer, namely the bread and wine in the Eucharist. Sure∣ly if this be a sacrifice of bread and wine, then is it no sacrifice propitiatory, wherein Iesus Christ is really sacrificed.

The second place is out of Irenaeus, lib. 4. cap. 32. which Coeffeteau by his shamefull wrangling hath falsified. Irenaeus saith, Christ counselling his Disci∣ples to offer vnto God the first fruites of his creatures, not because he hath any neede of them, but that they might not be vnthankefull, or vnfruitfull, tooke bread among the creatures which are common amongst vs, and gaue thankes, saying, This is my body; and likewise

tooke the cup among the creatures which are common among vs, and said, it was his blood, and hath taught a new offering of the new Testament: which the Church hauing receiued of the Apostles, doth throughout the world offer vnto God, which bestoweth vpon vs the first fruites of his gifts. From this place doth Coeffeteau cut off the three first lines, which say, that this sacri∣fice is an offering of the first fruites of his creatures, that is to say, of bread and wine; and the last line which affirmeth the same; for we shall see hereaf∣ter, that the manner of the auncients was for the people to come, and offer bread and wine, and fruit vpon the Table of the holy Supper, which offering was called the sacrifice of the Eucharist: that is, a giuing of thankes.

Concerning the other places which say, that Ie∣sus Christ is offered and presented, we doe readily embrace them, for it is true in sundry respects: whether they will that he offered himselfe vnto the Communicants, or that they vnderstand that Christ is offered vnto God sacramentally, and in the signe, or for that in the Eucharist we offer vnto God the merite of his death, in that we do beseech him to accept, and receiue the merite of his Sonnes death for our redemption.

The last place which he alleadgeth is out of the Councell of Ephesus, wherin I wish that Coeffeteau had carried himselfe with greater credite: for first, it is false that S. Cyrill doth speake there in the name of the Councell of Ephesus, but it is a peece of a Letter taken out of the Councell of Alexandria:

which is indeed a declaration of the eleuenth curse of Cyrill against Nestorius, as Coeffeteau saith; but he hath concealed the exposition wh••ch Cyrill him∣selfe addeth, Dost thou pronounce that our Sacrament is a humane eating? and dost thou irreligiousty vrge the vnderstanding of those that haue beleeued too grosse imaginations? Dost thou presume to handle with hu∣mane thoughts, things which are onely receiued with a pure and vnsearchable faith?

Now to giue light in this matter to the Stile, and purpose of the Fathers, calling the holy supper a sacrifice; we must obserue that in the first ages af∣ter Christ, the Christians laboured by all meanes to draw the Heathens vnto Christianitie: but the heathen were offended ••t this, that in the Christian Religion they saw neither Altars, nor sacrifices, nor Images, without which they thought there was no Religion: whence the olde prouerbe comes, Vnto the Altars; that is to say, as farre as Religion and conscience: exclusiuely, as if there were no religion without an Altar. Celsus the Pagan reproacheth Christians That they haue neyther Altars, nor Images nor Temples. In the eighth booke of Origen against Celsus: and in the Dialogue of Minutius Faelix, Cae∣cilius the Pagan speakes thus: Whence comes it, that the Christians haue no Altars, nor Temples, nor Ima∣ges to be seene? And in the beginning of the seuenth booke of Arnobius, the Heathen speake thus vnto the Christians; Doe you thinke then that there are no Sacrifices to be made? Whereunto the Christians make answere, Not any. To be then without Altars

and Sacrifices did offend the Heathen, and made Christianity odious.

This is then the reason why they ordina∣rily vsed these wordes of the Table of the Lord, and the holy supper and the Eucharist, whereof there are infinite examples: And yet to remoue offence, and allure the Heathen by little and little, they vsed to call the Table an Altar, and the holy Sacrament by the name of a sacrifice. And this was discreti∣on grounded on reason: for seeing the holy Scrip∣ture doth call our prayers, and almes, and our Re∣ligious seruice by the name of Sacrifices, they haue for the same reason called the holy Supper a Sacri∣fice; wherein we doe not onely offer our selues vnto God, but doe also offer Christ Iesus vnto him, that is, we doe beseech God to accept the sa∣ctifice of his death, for our redemption. And this serued to draw the Iewes, for whose farther con∣tent, the Deacons were called Leuites, and the day of the resurrection of Christ was called the Passeo∣uer. But that which did especially confirme this word Sacrifice, was the custome of the faithfull, which was before the holy Supper, to bring vnto the Table offerings of bread, and wine, and fruites, whereof such a portion was set aside; as might serue for the whole assembly to communicate in the two kindes, and the rest was for the poore: which gifts, and offerings and almes in the old Te∣stament, yea and sometimes in the new, are called sacrifices and oblations. Yet whereas they doe or∣dinarily call the Sacrament, the Eucharist, and the

Sacrifice of the Eucharist, that is to say, a giuing of thankes, they giue sufficient testimony, that they meant not to make a sacrifice propitiatory, or re∣ally to sacrifice Christ Iesus for our redemp∣tion.

Now that the Almes, Gifts and Offerings of the faithfull were called sacrifices and oblations, none can be ignorant, that is any whit versed in the Fa∣thers. The Apostles Canons (howsoeuer suppo∣sititous, yet are auncient) doe in the fourth Canon forbid to offer any thing beside eares of Corne, In∣cense, &c. S. Cyprian, lib. 1 Epist. 9 commaundeth the Clergy, That receiuing offerings of the peoples contri∣butions, they goe not from the Altar, and the sacrifices: And in his Sermon of Almes: Thou a rich woman, who thinkest to celebrate the Lords Supper, that regar∣dest not to bring an offering, that commest to the Supper of the Lord without a sacrifice, that takest a part of the Sacrifice which the poore offereth. So in the one and twentieth Distinction, in the Canon Cleros, taken out of Isidore, Let the Subdeacons themselues receiue the offerings of the Faithfull. Obserue this custome very plainely set downe in Theodoret, in the third booke of his History, chap. 12. and in the fourth booke, chap 19.

The Pastor of the Church hauing before him vpon the Table all the presents in great quantity, made prayer vnto God to accept those Giftes, Pre∣sents and immaculate Sacrifices: that he would accept them as sometimes he did the sacrifices of Abel and of Abraham; that the Angels might carry

them into heauen before God: giftes created by God, blessed and sanctified for euer by Iesus Christ, &c. Wordes which continue to this day in the Canon of the Masse, and which were good and ho∣ly when they were said ouer the Almes and Offe∣rings of the people. But which are now become ridiculous, and vngodly, forasmuch as the Priest doth say them vpon an Host, which he thinketh to be Iesus Christ: for to call Iesus Christ by the name of gifts and offerings, is to speake against the common sense. To pray, that God would accept this sacrifice, as well as that of Abel, is to make the sacrifice of Iesus Christ no better then the sacrifice of a beast. To pray that the Angels may carry Ie∣sus Christ, and present him vnto God, is not to know, that Iesus Christ doth not employ any crea∣ture to be presented vnto his Father: to call Christ by the name of good things, yea of things which God createth, and doth alwayes blesse and sancti∣fie; this is to mocke Iesus Christ, who cannot bee called by the name of good things, that God crea∣teth not, nor alwaies sanctifieth: And yet to offer these things by Iesus Christ, that is to say, to offer Christ by Christ, is to be vtterly voyde of all sense.

Now to know what the Fathers beleeued in this point, we must search the places, where they doe expresly speake thereof. The nineteenth chap∣ter of S. Austines booke of faith, ad Petrum Diaco∣num, handles no other matter, where thus he saith, The Vniuersall Church throughout the world ceaseth

not to offer a Sacrifice of bread and wine in faith, and charity: for in the carnall Sacrifices (of the old Testa∣ment) there was a representation of the flesh of Christ, which he himselfe being without sinne, was to offer for our sinnes, and of the blood which he was to shed for the remission of our sinnes. But in this Sacrifice (of the Eucharist) there is a giuing of thankes and a comme∣moration of the flesh of Christ, which he hath offered for vs, and of the blood which the same God hath shed for vs. Obserue that he saith, that this is a sacrifice of bread and wine, therefore not a sacrifice, where the flesh of Christ is really sacrificed. Aboue all, this word of Wine is full of force: for the bloud of the Lord was neuer called Wine: Againe, he saith that it is a sacrifice of thankesgiuing, and of com∣memoration: but not of propitiation, or redemp∣tion,

The same Father in the three and twentieth E∣pistle to Boniface, saith, When Easter approacheth, we say thus, to morrow, or after is the passion of the Lord: howbeit he suffered so many yeares since, and that this passion was but once: indeede vpon the Saboath we say to day the Lord rose againe, although so many yeares be past since the resurrection. Why is there no body so vaine, is to reproue vs for lying, when we speake thus? But because we name those dayes according to the re∣semblance which they haue with the daies, wherin these things were done? so that this day is called the same day, which is not the same, but resembling the same by the reuolution of time? Was not Christ once sacrificed by himselfe? and yet is he sacrificed vnto the people in a

sacred signe, not onely at euery solemnity of Easter, but also euery day: neyther doth he lie, who being asked makes answere, that he is sacrificed. For if the Sacra∣ments haue not some resemblance with the things whereof they are Sacraments, they should be no Sacra∣ments. Now because of this resemblance they doe most commonly take the names of the thinges them∣selues. This place ought very heedfully to be con∣sidered. He sheweth how Iesus Christ is sacrificed in the Sacrament, and doth illustrate the same by two examples, to wit, that it is all one, as when we say two daies before Easter, to day is the passion of Iesus Christ; and when vpon the Saboath we say, to day is the resurrection of Iesus Christ; not that it is so indeede, but because of the resemblance and commemoration: for that the Sacraments take the names of the things signified.

Agreeable whereunto is the Canon Hoc est, ta∣ken out of S. Austin in the second Distinction of the consecration; the offering of the flesh which is done by the handes of the Priest is called the passion, the death and crucifixion, NOT IN TRVTH, BVT IN A SIGNIFYING MYSTERIE; In like man∣ner as the Sacrament of faith, by which we vnderstand baptisme is the faith.

The same Doctor in the booke of Sentences, gathered by Prosper, alleadged in the same Distin∣ction, saith, that Iesus Christ hath beene sacrificed but once by himselfe, and yet he is continually sacrificed in a holy signe. He is not then sacrificed by himselfe, or in his owne person in the Eucharist. For stronger

confirmation whereof, the auncient Glosses of the Church of Rome, doe adde this marginall note, Christus immolatur, id est eius immolatio representa∣tur, & fit memoria passionis. Christ is sactificed, that is, his sacrifice is represented, and the commemoration of his passion is solemnized

Crysostome in the seuenteenth Homily vpon the Epistle to the Hebrewes, after hee hath said that that which we offer is a figure of the sacrifice, ad∣deth these decyding wordes of that difference; We alwaies offer the same sacrifice, or rather, we make a commemoration of that Sacrifice.

Herein doth it especially appeare that the aun∣cients beleeued not, that the body of Christ was really sacrificed, included vnder the formes, foras∣much as their opinion was, that the sacrifice was sanctified by the offerers; & that it was pure accor∣ding to the purity of the persons that offered. Now Iesus Christ is neyther sanctified nor purified by men. S. Austin against Petilian, lib. 2. cap. 52. Such as euery one is that commeth to commenicate, such is his sacrifice: to the pure all things are pure.

The first that directly handled this question at large, was Lombard, lib. 4. Dist. 12. in the letter G. where he resolues this question by the wordes of S. Austin and S. Ambrose, in these words: If any aske whether that which the Priest doth, he properly called a sacrifice▪ or an offering, or whether Christ be continual∣ly sacrificed, or hath beene sacrificed but once: whereun∣to we may shortly answere, that that which is offered and consecrated by the Priest is called a Sacrifice, and an obla∣tion,

because it is the memory and representation of the true sacrifice, and of the offering made vpon the Altar of the Crosse: Christ died once vpon the Crosse, and hath beene once sacrificed in person, but he is continually sa∣crificed in the Sacrament, because in the Sacrament there is a commemoration made of that which is once done Wherefore Austin saith, that we are sure that Christ being raised from the dead, dieth no more, yet for feare that we should forget, that which was done but once, it is done euery yeare for our remembrance, to wit, at all times, and as often as Easter is celebrated: is Christ therefore slaine so often? No, BVT ONELY the anniuersary commemoration representeth that which is already done. Obserue this word Onely, that none doe say, the Eucharist is indeede the comme∣moration of the sacrifice of the Crosse, but because Christ ceaseth to be really sacrificed. Besides, it is not compatible that a thing should be a represen∣tation of it selfe, and that in the same action there should be both the signe and the thing signified.

He there alleadgeth also S. Ambrose, who saith, We continually offer: & this is done in remembrance of his death: this is one selfe Sacrifice, and not many: how is it onely one, and not many? Because Iesus Christ hath beene sacrificed onely once: but this sacrifice is done for example of that other.

Thom as Aquinas hath followed Lombard, and decided this question, tertia parte Summae, Quaest. 83. art. 1. where he saith, that the celebration of the Sacra∣ment is called a Sacrifice for two reasons; first, because according to S. Austin, the signes are called by the name

of the things signified: secondly, because by the Sacra∣ment we are made partakers of the death of Christ. He forgot the reason, which now they say is the prin∣cipall, to wit, that it is because that Iesus Christ is really sacrificed vnder the formes of bread for a sa∣crifice truely propitiatory.

ARTICLE X. Of the Communion vnder one kinde.

ANd such are the Amputation of the one halfe of the Sacrament from the people.

Hereunto M^r. Coeffeteau opposeth the second of the Acts, where (saith he) the Apostles admini∣stred this Sacrament vnder one kinde onely; for there it is said, that the faithfull continued in the doctrine of the Apostles, and in fellowship, and breaking of bread. That our chiefe Doctors con∣fesse that this place must be vnderstood of the Sacrament, and yet there is no mention but of one kinde of bread: vnlesse his Maiesty (saith he) who adoreth the sufficiency of the Scripture, will make a supplement of something to be added thereunto. He addeth that Christ is wholly and entier vnder euery kinde, and that the people re∣ceiue him neuerthelesse. That the Church by this meanes hath prouided against vnreuerent behauiours: and preuented the heresie of those

that beleeued not that the bloud was together with the body vnder the kinde of bread. He af∣firmeth, that heretofore it was free to receiue the communion vnder one, or both kindes, because the faithfull sometimes carried the Eucharist home to their houses, and toooke it not but when they might commodiously doe it: and they did it (say they) for the most part vnder the kinde of bread only: and that Athanasius witnesseth, that the Communion Cup was not vsed out of the Church: that they communicated among them∣selues vnder one kinde: that they might also doe it in publique. For thus saith S. Ierome, Is Christ another in publique then in a priuate house? that which is not to be tolerated in the Church, is not the rather permitted in a house: that the Ministers complayning of the mutilation of one kinde, haue in the meane time destroyed the essence of the Sacrament, remouing the body of the Lord as farre from the Sacrament as heauen from the earth, which is to belye the Sonne of God, who saith, This is my body, &c.

Before we make answere to the place of the se∣cond of the Acts; the Reader shall obserue, that this is the first place of Scripture, which this Doctor hath alleadged: wherein his wisedome hath fayled him; for had hee continued not to alleadge any scripture at all, an ignorant Reader would haue thought it had not beene necessary: but seeing him beginne here to speake of the word of God, doubtlesse he will wonder, that in so many Con∣trouersies

handled heretofore, hee hath heard no∣thing alleadged out of Gods word. And indeede the doctrine of saluation was neuer so prophanely handled: for GOD is become suspected, and his bookes of faith, haue now no credite in controuer∣sies. This is a great grace which they doe vnto the word of God, if after a Legend of reasons, and hu∣mane allegations, at length some short sentence is casually produced: and not without cause: for why then is it not more fauorable to his Holinesse Em∣pire? But let vs heare this place.

In the second of the Acts, ver. 42. it is said that the Disciples continued together in the Doctrine of the Apostles, and in the Communion and break∣ing of bread. It is not there said that the people participated in the Cup; therefore they commu∣nicated onely vnder one kinde of bread.

1 This coniecture is too light by a great ma∣ny graines: and which is more, it makes against the Church of Rome, which beleeueth, that the Pa∣stors ought necessarily to take it in both kindes. Now in this passage it is not said that the Pastors did participate in the Cup, and they are no more mentioned then are the people: therefore should it follow that the Pastors also did not participate in the cup.

2 This also is a weake kinde of Argumentati∣on, to say, that in the second of the Acts, there is nothing mentioned beside breaking of bread, that therfore the Cup was not vsed. If I should say, that being inuited by such a one I haue eaten with him,

doth it follow, that I haue not drunke, although I spake not of it?

This errour proceedeth from ignorance of the scripture phrase, which by the breaking of bread, and by eating of bread, doth vsually vnderstand the whole banquet, and all kinde of sustenance. So Gen. 31.54. Iacob inuiteth his brethren to eate breade. See Genes. 37.25. Matth. 15.2. and sundry other places.

We cannot be accused by this manner of speak∣king, to adde vnto the Scripture: the sufficiencie whereof we defend against our aduersaries. For if in this place there be no mention of the Cup, it sufficeth that it is spoken of in other places. And to ioyne diuers places together, which speake of the same thing, is not to adde vnto the Scripture. Be∣sides it is not credible, that the Apostles hauing so expresly receiued this commaundement, to drinke all of the Cup, would infringe the same. Againe, when we speake of the sufficiency of the Scrip∣tures, our meaning is not that the Scripture recy∣ting a story vnto vs, doth specifie all the particula∣rities of that which happened. Onely we say, that in things which it commandeth vs to beleeue, and doe, it doth sufficiently instruct vs vnto saluation. Now to know what is to be beleeued, and done in this sacrament, we must learne it out of the institu∣tion of the same, and out of the expresse comman∣dements of Christ and his Apostles.

1 For Iesus Christ instituting this sacrament among his Disciples, said vnto them, Drinke ye all of

this: That is, as saith Paschasius, aswell the Ministers as the other beleeuers. They answere, that all those to whom our Sauior spake were Pastors, and ther∣fore this commaundement was giuen onely vnto the Pastors. Which if it be so, by the same reason also the Pastors onely must eate of the bread: for if in these wordes, Drinke ye all of this, Christ spake to none but to the Pastors, then certainly in these words, Take, eate, he speaks also vnto the Pastors: & if this be so, let them tel me where is the comman∣dement which bindeth the people to communi∣cate in the bread? For to participate thereof in faith, it must be that God hath so commanded.

2 Also it is false, that the Apostles being with Iesus Christ instructing them, or administring the Sacrament vnto them, held the place of Pastors; for they were as the flocke, assisting him in taking and receiuing.

3 Againe, the words of Christ, Do this, bound them to doe vnto their flockes, as Iesus Christ did vnto them: and therefore these wordes bound them to giue it vnto the people in both kindes.

4 But we haue moreouer the expresse com∣maundement of the Apostle, 1. Cor. 11. Let a man (saith he) examine himselfe, and so let him eate of this bread, and drinke of this cap. Doth he not speake to the people of Corinth, and as himselfe saith, cap. 1. ver. 1. To all them that call vpon the name of Iesus? Are not all the faithfull commaunded to examine themselues, 2. Cor. 13.5? Why then to drinke of the Cup also, for the Apostle ioyneth these things to∣gether.

Obserue also that he saith not, examine your selues when you will drinke, as some Sophi∣sters would haue it, but he will haue euery one to trie himselfe, and being examined, that he drinke of the Cup. He leaues it not at their choyce, to eate without drinking after they haue beene exa∣mined. And if this place binde them to eate, then why not to drinke also, seeing the commaund is e∣quall?

5 It may not be omitted, that nothing so perplex∣eth our aduersaries, as when we ask them, whether in the sixth of Iohn, where it is said, If you drinke not my blood, you shall haue no life in you, the Eucharist be spoken of: If it be not spoken of, why doe they al∣leadge this Chapter to establish their transubstan∣tiation? If it be therespoken of, why doe they de∣priue the people of that life, in taking the Cup from them? Neyther doth it serue the turne to say, that the people receiue the blood together with the Host, by a concomitancy, for hee that so re∣ceiues the blood, doth not drinke. Now Christ saith expresly, If you drinke not, &c. Furthermore he that takes the blood vnder the Host, doth not take it as shed for vs, and with the sacrament of the effusion of his blood vpon the Crosse, which is the manner according to which Iesus Christ would haue euery one to participate thereof: by which it falleth also to the ground, which certaine Sophi∣sters say, that Christ doth not in this place of Saint Iohn explane the manner of communicating, but declareth the substance thereof: for if Christ in this

place speake of the Eucharist, when he commaun∣deth his blood to be drunke, then questionlesse he speakes of the manner of communicating: for to drinke is the manner of receiuing.

6 Yea it appeareth that the Church of Rome beleeueth not, that this commaundement, Drinke ye all of this, is giuen to the Pastors alone, seeing that Princes haue their share also in this priuiledge: An euident proofe that this Order was brought in to exalt the Clergie aboue the Layetie, and to make them companions of Kings, and Princes: which is a cunning like that whereby they make Emperors and Kings to be Canons of certaine Cathedrall Churches. And indeede as the Pope by this sleight hath desired to aduance the Clergy, so hath hee withall consulted to aduance himselfe a∣boue the Clergy. For hee vouchsafeth not to drinke as others do, nor to touch the Chalice with his lips, no nor to touch it with his hand. But a Cardinall holdeth the Chalice couered, out of which the Pope suckes certaine gulpes with a quill, and then the Cardinall doth his reuerence: which fashion of sucking, hauing beene practised some fiue or sixe hundred yeares in certaine places of Almaigne as Rhenanus in his notes vpon Ter∣tullian obserueth, the Pope hath reserued onely for himselfe, that he may exempt himselfe from the multitude.

7 And to shew that the Church of Rome hath a spleene to Iesus Christ, and that S. Pauls comman∣dement displeaseth them, the Councell of Con∣stance

in the thirteenth Session, acknowledgeth: That Iesus Christ instituted and administred the Sa∣crament vnder both kindes: and that in the Primitrue Church this Sacrament was receiued by the faithfull vnder both kindes. Notwithstanding this venerable Councell complaineth, That in some partes of the world, some rashly presume, that Christian people ought to receiue the Sacraments vnder both kindes. That is to say, it is rashnesse, and presumption to follow Christ. It addeth, That the custome [of giuing but one kinde vnto the people] being brought in vpon reason, ought to be helde for a law: that they who hold the con∣trary are Heretiques and to be grieuously punished, yea the ayde of the secular power being desired. It wanted not much that the Councell had denounced Iesus Christ for an Heretique, or sent Saint Paul to the Inqu••sition.

But Coeffeteau will perswade vs that this cutting away of the Cup, is discreetely done, to preuent some irreuerend behauiours. Gerson who was pre∣sent in this Councel, opens their meaning vnto vs, and saith it is done for feare that one or other should spill the wine in the Chalice. These peo∣ple are afraid to let fall one drop of the wine, but feare not to let fall Gods commandement. And if so be the Chalice should be ouerturned, or if any hauing drunke should regurge it, this were en∣ough to stirre a whole Countrey: they runne to∣gether

as at the crie of fire; they licke the place, scrape the stones, adore the scrapings and the ashes and put them among the Reliques: a superstition not vsed in the time of Cyprian, who in his booke de Lapsis, reporteth a Story of a young Maide, that hauing dranke of the Cup, did put it vp againe, not speaking of any such furious deuotion. The said Gerson saith, that it is done for feare lest the people should wet their Mustachoes in the Chalice: for they feared that Iesus Christ should be entirely fa∣stened to euery haire, for as much as they hold that his body is wholly, and entire in euery drop. But it were better that men were without Mustachoes, then want the Sacrament of the blood of Christ; and at least there is no such danger for women and young people. He saith also that it is done for feare least the wine being kept should waxe sower, or grow flat: but they should be free from this dan∣ger, if they did communicate with the people in the publique assembly, not reseruing the Sacra∣ments till the morrow. Expresly contrary to the defence of the auncient Church, comprized in the Canon Tribus gradibus, in the second Distinction of the Consecration, where Bishop Clement ordai∣neth, that so many offerings be set vpon the Altar, as will serue for the whole assembly to communicate, and if any remaine, that they be not kept till the next day. But how comes it to passe, that Iesus Christ being included (as they will haue it) in the Chalice, doth not preserue it from taking winde, or waxing sharpe? seeing they keepe Aarons rod, and the

milke of the holy Virgin among their Reliques vn∣to this day without corruption? And why shall not Iesus Christ haue the same vertue? To con∣clude, whosoeuer shal here pretend wisedome and discretion, desires to be wiser then Christ and his Apostles: neyther can there be any inconueni∣ence alleadged, which Christ Iesus hath not pre∣uented.

Neither is it said to any purpose that the Church of Rome would by this meanes stop an heresie, for we must not redresse one euill by another, or re∣forme an error by an abuse, or helpe the ignorance of men by disobedience vnto God. Yea, wee shall hereafter see, that this taking away of the Cup hath not preuented any errour, but hath heaped vp one heresie vpon another, and to support their Tran∣substantiation, it hath made Idolatry against God, to serue for their tyrannizing ouer the people.

Touching that which Coeffeteau subioyneth, that in former times it hath beene free to take the com∣munion vnder one or both kindes: it is a plaine shift, for he makes shew, not to conceiue what the King of great Britaine meaneth, when he saith, that the mutilation of the Sacrament is a new inuenti∣on. For he would say (and it is true) that in the an∣cient Church there cannot be found any ordi∣nance, custome or constitution, that hath depriued the people of the Cup: No, nor any one man, that hath made conscience in giuing the Cup to the people requiring it: No, nor any of the people that haue beene scrupulous in requiring it: But

in stead hereof doth Coeffeteau say, that it was free to take it vnder one, or both kindes; which makes nothing to the purpose: for we complaine that it is not free to receiue both kindes. And yet that which he saith, is vntrue.

S^t. Austin in the seuen and fiftieth question vpon Leuiticus: All that will haue life, are exhorted to drinke the blood: none is hindred, and all are exhor∣ted. It was not then free.

Ignatius in the Epistle to the Philadelphians, One bread hath beene broken vnto all, and one Cup is distri∣buted vnto all; then was none exempted. Iustin Martyr in his second Apologitique; The Deacons distribute VNTO EVERY ONE, the bread, and wine with water. Obserue to euery one. S. Cyprian who hath already tolde vs of a maide, that after she had dranke, cast vp the wine, complains in the third Epistle of the third booke, that some eyther tho∣rough ignorance or simplicity, In calice Domini sanctificando, & plebi ministrando, in consecrating the cup, and administring to the PEOPLE, did it not conformably vnto the example of Iesus Christ. S. Au∣stin in the sixty fiue booke of Questions, the fortie nine Quaest. Tom. 4 The blood of Abel signifieth the blood of Christ; which the WHOLE Church hauing receiued, saith Amen. He saith, the whole Church: not as Coeffeteau. Some receiuing one kinde onely, and some both kindes: which is eyther an audacious falshood, or very grosse ignorance in Antiquity: for euen the Canon Comperim{us}, in the second Dist. of the Consecration, saith, that to forbeare the

Cup is sacriledge, and a diuiding of the Mysterie: and therefore ordaineth that such Ought eyther to receiue the Sacraments entier, or to be wholly excluded from them These wordes Recipiant, and Arceantur, which he vseth doe euidently proue, that he speaks of the people, who doe not of themselues receiue the Sacrament, but from the hand of the Minister. And this word Arceantur signifies, that they were not admitted, when they offered themselues: there∣fore was it not free, as Coeffeteau affirmeth.

Who alleadgeth against himselfe the custome of those that carried home the bread, which they receiued in the Church, inasmuch as the Church of Rome hath reiected this custome; hauing well perceiued that this custome of so doing, doth testi∣fie, that the auncient Church did not beleeue tran∣substantiation: for the Priest would haue thought it a horrible prophanation to put God into the handes of the common people, for them to put him into their pocket, to carry him home to their houses, exposing him to the danger of a thousand reproaches, and to the neglect, or contempt of the first commer. Besides by the generall practise of the Church formerly declared, it appeares, that if any one did carry home with him the sacramentall bread, yet he communicated in the Cup with the whole Congregation.

The place which he alleadgeth out of Ierome, is vntruely produced, for S. Ierome speakes not there in any sort of the Communion vnder one kinde; but of those who being debarred from enting into

the Church because they were thought to be vn∣cleane, were made to bring the bread for the Sacra∣ment with them.

Touching the recrimination which he vseth, that we haue destroyed the whole Sacrament: we shall see in the Article following how iniurious this ac∣cusation is.

ARTICLE XI. Of Transubstantiation.

THe King of great Britaine doth rec∣ken Transubstantiation also among the Nouelties brought into the Church since the first fiue hundred yeares after Christ.

Against this Coeffeteau alleadgeth onely foure places out of the Fathers, whereof the two first are false and suppositious, the third is fraudulently maimed and mangled, and the fourth is mis-vnder∣stood.

The first is taken out of the Catechismes of Cyril of Ierusalem, which we formerly proued not to be Cyrils, but made by one Iohn of Ierusalem, who li∣ued some foure hundred yeares after, when the su∣perstition of Reliques was in force, which made him say in the fourth Catechisme, that the wood of the Crosse was then so growne and multipli∣ed, that in a manner the whole earth was filled with it.

The second place is out of the booke de caena Do∣mini, falsly ascribed 10 S. Cyprian, as are also all the Treatises. De Cardinalib. operibus; whereof this is one, to which there is prefixed a Prologue, wherein the Author saith that he hath suppressed his name: by which it appeareth, that the Authour of this Treatise is vnknowne; yet might this booke bee purposely alleadged had it beene written by any auncient Authour that had liued within the first foure or fiue hundred yeares, but the stile testifies, that it is newly forged, witnesse these wordes: Di∣stribut{us} non demembratur incorporatus non iniuriatur This is the worke of some prentice Frier, that meant to wrong Priscian.

The third place is out of S. Ambrose in the ninth Chapter concerning those that are newly instruct∣ed in the Mysteries, where Ambrose sayth, that the benediction chaungeth the nature of the Sacra∣ment, and that it is not that which nature hath made, but what the blessing hath consecrated: And to shew that in this action there is a supernaturall worke, he brings the example of Airons rod turned into a Serpent: so farre doth Coeffeteau alleadge S. Ambrose, but hee doth malitiously omit many ex∣amples following; by which it appeareth that S. Ambrose did not thinke, that that which was to be admired in this Sacrament, was the Transubstanti∣ation of the bread. For he addeth also these exam∣ples, that Moses deuided the redde Sea: that the Riuer Iordan turned his course: that water issued out of the Rocke: that the bitter waters of Mara

were made sweete: that Elizeus made Iron to swimme vpon the water; which were all workes of God, whrein there was no transubstantiation; & which declare that he beleeued not that the bread became the body of Christ, so as it was no more bread in substance: which did plainly appeare, for that in the words following comparing these mira∣cles of the Prophets, wherein God changed the na∣ture of things, with the change that is wrought in the Sacrament, he saith, That it is no lesse to adde some new things vnto things, then to change the nature of things. Auerring plainely thereby that the bread hath receiued some new thing, without losing the nature of bread. And we may not thinke it strange if he say that the bread remaining bread, hath chan∣ged it nature. For so a bit of Waxe becomming the Kings seale changeth it nature without Tran∣substantiation, and is not any more commonly cal∣led Waxe, euen as the common bread becommeth holy in the Sacrament, and by this consecration is often called the body of Christ. Therefore he fur∣ther addeth, It was the true flesh of Christ which hath beene crucified, and buried. This then is as truely the holy signe of the flesh. The Lord himselfe crieth aloud, this is my body: before the blessing of the heauenly wordes, another kinde is named, after the blessing the body of Christ is signified.

The last place is out of S. Chrysostome, in his Ser∣mon of the Dedication, where in his flourishing Discourse after his manner, he heapes vp Hyperbo∣lies, to enflame his Auditory. You which come (saith

he) thinke not to receiue the Diuine body of a man, but that you receiue the very Seraphins of fire, with their tongues. And a little after, the spirituall fire streameth downe from the table: Transported with the same zeale, he saith there, that the mysteries are consumed by the substance of the body. And so in the fiue and fortieth Homily vpon S. Iohn: We are mingled and knead with him, we fasten our teeth in his flesh: All which are hyperbolicall phrases, and such as be∣ing hardly taken were absurd in the very iudge∣ment of our aduersaries, which make the helpes of deuotion to couer Idolatry: for to know what is a Doctors opinion, we must not take his Oratori∣ous Amplifications, nor Hyperbolical extasies, but out of the places in which they aduisedly and ex∣presly treate of this matter; of which you shall haue here some passages.

Tertullian in his fourth booke against Marcion, cap. 40. Iesus Christ hauing taken bread, and distributed it to his Disciples, he made it to be his body, saying, This is my body, that is, the figure of my body.

The same in his third booke against Marcion, cap. 19. God hath so reuealed it in the Gospell, calling the bread his body, to the end that thereby thou mayest vnderstand that he hath giuen to the bread to be a fi∣gure of his body.

Origen vpon the fifteenth of Matthew: That meate which is sanctified by the word of God and by prayer, as touching the matter, it goeth downe into the belly, and is cast out into the draught, and doth not san∣ctifie of its owne nature.

Cyprian in his third Epistle of the second booke, We find that the Cup which the Lord offered was ming∣led, and THAT WHICH HE CALLED HIS BLOVD WAS WINE.

Eusebius in the eighth booke of the Demonstra∣tion of the Gospell, chap. 1. towards the end; Iesus Christ gaue to his Disciples the signes of the diuine dis∣pensation, commaunding them to celebrate the figure of his owne body. For seeing that he did now no longer re∣ceiue the sacrifices of bloud, nor the slaughter of diuers beasts ordained by Moses, he hath taught vs to vse the bread for a signe of his body.

S. Austin against Adimantus, chap. 12. The Lord made no difficulty to say, This is my body, when he gaue the signe of his body. Where we see that he expound∣eth this word Body, by signe of my body.

In his three and twentieth Epistle to Boniface, The holy signe of Christs body is after a sort, the body of Christ: and the holy signe of the blood of Christ, is the blood of Christ; and so the holy signe of faith, (to wit, Baptisme) is faith. Certainely Baptisme is not tran∣substantiated into faith, neyther the Sacrament then of the body of Christ, into the body of Christ. Now we must note that himselfe in his tenth book of the Citie of God, and in the fift Epistle to Mar∣cellius, declareth that this word sacrament signifieth an holy signe.

Vpon the ninety eight Psalme, Vnderstand that which I say spiritually; you shall not eate his body which you see, neyther shall you drinke the blood which my tor∣mentors shall shedde, I haue recommended vnto you an

holy signe, which being spiritually vnderstood, shal make you liue.

Himselfe in his third booke and sixteene Chap∣ter of Christian doctrine, Except you eate (saith Christ) the flesh of the Sonne of man, and drinke his blood, you shall haue no life in you. It seemeth that he commaundeth a wickednesse. It is then a figure: which commaundeth vs to communicate of the Passion of our Lord, and quietly and profitably to lay vp in our memo∣ries that his flesh was wounded and crucified for vs. Obserue how he expoundeth this Figure, to wit, that to eate the flesh of the Sonne of man, is to communicate of his Passion, and to ruminate and meditate thereon carefully in our memories.

Theodoret in his first Dialogue, intituled Im∣moueable, fol. 8. of the Romane Edition, The Lord hath giuen to the signe the name of his body What can a man say more expresly? And a little after, He hath called the signe his blood.

A little after, Iesus Christ hath honoured visible signes with the Appellation of his body, not hauing changed their nature, but hauing added grace to nature. So many wordes, so many flashes of lightning.

In the second Dialogue, the Eutychien Here∣tique agreeth with Coeffeteau, and maintaineth the Tran••ubstantiation of the bread into flesh. But The∣odoret doth reprehend him thus: The Mysticall signes doe not change their nature after the consecration: for they remaine in their first substance and forme and fi¦gure: and are visible and to be handled, as before, but they are vnderstood to bee the things which they are

made: and are beleeued and reuerenced as being be∣come that which they are beleeued to be.

Gelasius aboue all is excellent in his booke of the two natures: Certainly the Sacraments of the bo∣dy and blood of Christ which we receiue, are a diuine thing, and therfore also by them we are made partakers of the Diuine nature: and yet notwithstanding, the Substance and nature of the bread, and of that wine doth not let to remaine. And surely the Image and sem∣blance of the body and blood of Christ are celebrated in the action of mysteries.

What more? Let vs heare the Canonists of the Church of Rome in a Glosse more auncient then the Transubstantiation, couched in admirable for∣mall termes, vpon the Canon Hoc est, in the second Distinction of the Consecration, thus speaketh the Glosse: The heauenly Sacrament which truely repre∣senteth the flesh of Christ, is called the body of Christ: but improperly, and therefore it is so called after a sort, and not according to the verity of the thing it selfe, but by a significant mysterie: so that the sense is this; it is called the body of Christ, that is to say, the body of Christ is signified thereby.

The same Text of the Canon, drawne out of S. Austin, is no lesse direct to the purpose: The hea∣uenly bread, which is, the flesh of Christ is after it man∣ner of speaking called the body of Christ, albeit in truth it be a holy signe of the body of Christ, to wit of him who is visible, palpable, mortall, hanged on the Crosse.

Adde hereunto the auncient customes, diame∣trally contrary to Transubstantiation. Thea aun∣cient

Christians made a feast, in which they did eate the remaines of the Sacrament. It was also the custome of many places to giue those residues to little children, as Euagrius and Nicephorus doe witnesse. In other places they burnt them, as He∣sychius teacheth in his second booke vpon Leui∣ticus, chap. 8. They gaue the bread of the Sacrament into the peoplesb handes, and sometimes permit∣ted them to carry it home. They did not make any eleuation of the Host, neyther did the people adore it. They did not speake in those dayes of that con∣comitancy, which putteth the whole body of Christ into euery drop of the Chalice. In stead of a little Wafer cake which now they lift vp, they couered the Table with bread and wine. To licke vp the drops which fall from the Chalice, to burne the Parings, and to put them vp for relicks, to seeke for the Host in the vomitings, to celebrate the God-feast, or Corpus Christi day, and to carry God in procession betweene two rowes of Tapestry, are customes of which we finde no tract or trace in the auncients: who doe neyther likewise speake of ac∣cidents without subiect, of length without any thing that is long, or of roundnesse and nothing round: no more then of a body without place, and of a body of Christ farre separated from it selfe, higher and lower then it selfe: which also they af∣firme to be in this Sacrament▪ figure of it selfe, and to be with all his length in each part of the Host, to haue a length without extent, to haue all his length in one point which hath no length at all. In a

word, there is no mention of a thousand such like prodigious fancies, which now they beleeue in the Church of Rome with more respect then the Gos∣pell, out of which Coeffeteau without doubt would haue produced some proofes, if he had found any, rather then haue alleadged foure miserable places of the Fathers, falsified and curtalled after his manner.

1 For if he had wel weighed the wordes of the Gospell and of the Apostles, he should haue found that Iesus Christ tooke bread, and brake it. But the Church of Rome saith, that the Priest doth not breake bread.

2 Hee should haue found that Iesus Christ tooke bread, and gaue it to his Disciples. But the Church of Rome holdeth, that the Priest doth not giue bread.

3 He should haue found that Iesus Christ gi∣uing this bread, said that that w^ch hee gaue was his body. But the Church of Rome doth not beleeue that the bread is the body of Christ, but doth thus expound these wordes: This is my body, that is, that which is vnder these formes, shall be transubstantiated into my body. For it is certaine, that when Iesus Christ said This is my body, by the word This, he vn∣derstood that which he gaue. Now the Gospell doth witnesse that he gaue bread: therefore these wordes, This is my body, doe signifie as much as This bread is my body. And so all the auncients doe ex∣pound them. Now in that the bread cannot be the body of our Lord in substance, it remaineth there∣fore

that it be such by way of Sacrament, and in the same sense, as in the line following, the Cup is called the new Couenant, or the new Testament.

4 He should also haue found, that this Sacra∣ment is a commemoration of Iesus Christ; It is not then Iesus Christ himselfe. For the remem∣brance of a thing, and that wherof it is the memo∣riall, are diuers things.

5 He should haue found that S. Matthew and S. Marke, say that Iesus dranke with his Disciples of the fruite of the Vine: that is, of wine: it was then yet wine whilst he dranke of it. For albeit there were two Cups, as appeareth by S. Luke; notwith∣standing S. Matthew and S. Marke cannot call the wine of a Cup of which they doe not speake at all, Fruit of the Vine.

6 Hee should further haue seene that Iesus Christ maketh no eleuation of the Host, neyther doe the Apostles adore it, but continue sitting at the Table.

7 Hee might haue seene that. 1. Cor. 10. S. Paul doth giue vs a Paraphrase of the wordes This is my body. In these words, the bread which we breake, is the Communion of the body of Christ. But the Church of Rome waxing wroth and angrie against the Apo∣stle, bites and snarles at euery word of this clause.

First, the Apostle saith that it is bread. The Church of Rome denieth that it is bread.

Secondly, he saith that we breake bread: on the other side, the Church of Rome saith, that there is no bread broken.

Thirdly, our aduersaries being demaunded, what that bread is that is broken, they say it is the body of Christ; and yet the body of Christ cannot bee broken.

Fourthly, S. Paul saith, that this bread which wee breake, is the Communion of the body of Christ: whence it followeth against the Church of Rome, that the bread which is broken, is not the body of Christ, for the participation or communicating of meate, is not the meate it selfe.

Fiftly, it by this word Bread, we must vnderstand the body of Christ, as our aduersaries will haue it, it will follow, not onely that the body of Christ is broken in the Sacrament, but also that S. Paul shold haue mocked vs in saying, that, the bodie of Christ is the Communion of the body of Christ, words very ridi∣culous and which our aduersaries beleeue not.

Sixty, The worst is, that the Church of Rome holdeth, that there is nothing broken in the Sacra∣ment but the accidents, that is, the roundnesse, co∣lour, taste, and length of the bread: and so shee blaspemeth horribly, making the Apostle to say, that the breaking of colours, roundnesse, and taste of the bread, is the Communion of the body of Christ.

8 He should haue found also 1. Cor. 11. that the Apostle saith thrice that we eate bread: and in the second and the twentieth of the Acts, the Apostles came together to breake bread: where our aduer∣saries are enforced to haue recourse to strange fi∣gures, and to make (which is contrary to the Order

of time) S. Iohn interpreter of S Paul. Shifts and e∣uasions which we haue refuted in another place, and haue boulted this Dispute to the very branne.

I suppose also, that if Coeffeteau had any good o∣pinion of Iesus Christ, he would haue presumed of him, that being souerainly good, he wold not haue taken pleasure, to deliuer the Institution of this Sa∣crament in ambiguous terms: who wil beleeue, that he that is the light of the world should be the cause of darkenes? whence commeth it then that our ad∣uersaries bring in a kind of Mascarado into this ho∣ly banquet, when they introduce a douzen of fi∣gures & perplexed termes in the words of this In∣stitution? Figures which we haue handled and dis∣cussed in his place. And they who cannot endure that the bread should be called the body of Christ, because it is the Sacrament of the body of Christ, according as S. Austin saith, that the Sacraments take ordinarily the name of that which they signi∣fie; yet themselues in the wordes following (which is broken for you) admit a like figure, saying, that it is not the body that is broken, but the accidents and outward signes, and that that which agreeth to the signe, is attributed to the thing signified.

VVhosoeuer shall weigh these things without passion, will not suffer himselfe to be infolded in this grosse error, which doth greatly abase the glo∣ry of our Sauiour, which maketh him to be swal∣lowed vp of his enemies: which maketh Iesus Christ to haue drunken his owne flesh and bones: which saith that he may bee eaten of Mice and o∣ther

vermine: which incloseth him in filthy vomi∣tings, which maketh the Priest sometimes to com∣plaine that they haue robbed him of his God; which giueth to a Priest, be hee neuer so vitious, more power then to the Virgine Mary and all the Saints and Angels, who being all put together in one, cannot make Iesus Christ, seeing that he is al¦ready made, and cannot be produced a new, much lesse in murmuring certaine words ouer the bread. VVhich doth ouerthrow and abolish the humani∣ty of our Sauiour, and by consequent all our faith; giuing him a body without length: a body which being in diuers places farre a part is by consequent farre separated from it selfe: A body without po∣sition or situation of partes, seeing that they are all together vnder one onely point, and in euery little crumme of the Host. Yea many contrary bodies, of which one is at the Table with his Disciples, the other in the stomackes of his Disciples. For the one body is infirme and weake, the other without infirmity: the one spreading his handes, the other not able to stirre them: the one speaking and brea∣thing, the other not able to speake or to breath: the one sweating in the Garden drops of blood, the o∣ther newly receiued into the stomacks of the A∣postles, which did neyther sweat nor suffer. Which of these two was our Sauiour? If hee bee but one, how is he contrary to himselfe? For we haue she∣wed else where that the Distinction of diuers re∣spects cannot be but when onething is compared to diuers things at one time, as when one and the

same man is poore and rich, little and great, in comparison of diuers persons. But here they ap∣ply these diuers respects to the body of Iesus Christ without comparing him to any other body, nay they oppose him to himselfe.

That I may not further say, that this doctrine doth annihilate the body of our Lord, by being re∣ceiued into the stomacke: for when the formes are altered in the stomacke by the digestion, they say that the body of the Lord is no longer there, ney∣ther yet is it come forth: it must follow then that eyther it is reduced to nothing, or changed into something else. Both the one and the other, are a∣like blasphemous.

ARTICLE XII. Touching the Adoration of the Host.

THe Confession of the Kings Booke doth place among the new inuenti∣ons of the Church of Rome.

The Adoration of the Host, and the Eleuation which is made to haue it adored.

This poynt is important, and which doth sur∣prise our spirits with a heauinesse mixt with hor∣rour, when at the sound of a little Bell, the Priest lifteth vp the breade, and euery man prostrateth himselfe to adore it: Or when the people doth not

let to kneele in the dyrt to adore their God, which passeth along the street, inclosed in a Pixe or Boxe. It had beene greatly therefore to haue beene wi∣shed that Coeffeteau could haue produced some commandement of God for the same, or some ex∣ample of the Apostles: but that could he not doe, neyther hath any man done it hithervnto.

He commeth therefore to the Fathers, and pro∣duceth for the same three passages, the one of Chry∣sostome in his foure and twentieth Homily vpon the first to the Corinth. the other of S. Ambrose in his third booke of the Sacraments, chap. 12. And the last of S. Austin vpon the foure-score and eigh∣teene Psalme. All three exhort the faithful to adore the flesh of Iesus Christ, and that which is more, to adore him in the Eucharist.

Neuer did man more abuse his Reader, and he seemeth to thinke that we are beside our selues: for is there any thing in all this which we doe not wil∣lingly graunt him? Is there any amongst vs who hath euer denied, that wee ought not to adore the flesh of Iesus Christ? Yea who hath euer doubted that we ought not to adore him in the Eucharist? Ought not God the Father also to be adored? And what is this to the purpose to inclose Iesus Christ vnder formes? He that doth adore Iesus Christ in the Eucharist, doth not for al that adore that which the Priest holdeth in his hand, but he adoreth Iesus Christ which is in heauen.

Of these three places, that which our aduersa∣ries doe most presse, is the place of S. Austin vpon

the foure-score and eyghteene Psalme, where hee saith that no man doth eate this flesh vnlesse hee haue first adored it. An excellent passage. For doth not S. Austin speake of the true and serious adoration? Iudas then did not eate this flesh, for he did not a∣dore it. According to this rule, the Hypocrites who partake of the Sacrament, doe not eate the flesh of the Lord, for they doe not adore it. Now what it is to eate the flesh of the Lord, himselfe hath tolde vs, as hath beene before alleadged; That to eate his flesh is a figure which signifieth to communicate of his passion, and to meditate thereof in our memories. And as he speaketh in his twenty sixe Tract. vpon S. Iohn: To beleeue in him is to eate the bread of life: he that doth beleeue in him doth eate him.

We hoped then that Coeffeteau would here haue produced the publique customes, to shewe that it was then the custome to adore the Host which the Priest doth holde vp with diuine wor∣ship, called Latria: but he hath not beene able to finde any. Dionysius who in his Ecclesiasticall Hie∣rarchy, discribeth very exactly the forme of the publique seruice, which was some foure hundred yeares after Iesus Christ: and the Apostolical con∣stitutions of Clement, where all the Ceremony of that time is depainted; and the auncient Liturgies, howsoeuer fouly falsified, doe in no wise speake of this adoration of the Host. Theodoret saith indeede that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the signes are reuerenced. This word Signes sheweth sufficiently that he doth not speake of diuine adoration, w^ch they call Cultus Latriae. For that should be impiety.

ARTICLE XIII. Touching the Eleuation of the Host to haue it to be Adored.

THe King of great Britaine demaunded proofes out of the fiue first ages, or first fiue hundred yeares after Christ that is to say, aswell Scripture as the auncient Doctors, by which it might appeare, that Iesus Christ or his Apostles made eleuation of the host. Hereat Coeffeteau holdeth his peace, and in stead thereof saith that the auncient Church did shew the mysteries or sacraments to the people by draw∣ing a Vaile or Curtaine from before the Table: which is true: and he hath learned that out of my booke of the Apology of the Lords Supper. Chry∣sostome in his third Homily vpon the Epistle to the Ephesians: When thou shalt see the double Curtaines to be drawne, then thinke that heauen doth open and inlarge it selfe. And Dionysius in his Ecclesiasticall Hierarchy, The Bishop discouereth and setteth out to open view the thing celebrated by the signes holily pro∣posed. And Basil in like manner in his booke of the holy Ghost, Who is it of the Saints who hath left in writing the wordes of the prayer, when they shew abroad the bread of the Eucharist, and the Cup of blessing?

This vncouering of the Sacrament was done, (saith Coeffeteau) to cause it to be adored: and as he speaketh this without all proofe, so doth he it most falsely; and was not able to alleadge any one au∣thority

where mention is made eyther of the ele∣uation, or of the Adoration of the host: but in stead thereof he bringeth certaine passages, which speake of the vncouering of the bread, and of the drawing of a Curtaine.

ARTICLE XIIII. Touching the carrying of God in the Procession.

THe God-feast, or Corpus Christi day, and the walking or Circumportation of the Sacrament in procession, is of this ranck and the King of great Britaine doth place it among the Nouelties.

Hereupon Coeffeteau fearing the touch and triall maketh an honest retreat, without standing vpon his defence: for he onely saith, We rancke among the holy customes of the Church this fashion of carrying the body of our Lord in the most solemne supplications and Processions: he tels vs his opinion, and we knew it well enough before. We expected that he should haue taught vs not what himselfe beleeueth, but why he beleeueth it: when this custome began: who was the authour of it: if it haue any ground in the word of God, or in the Fathers. Of all this not a word: a Turke or a Iew might defend himselfe in like manner, we beleeue, we affirme. And should he then set vpon a King by saying so little to the purpose?

ARTICLE XV. Touching workes of Supererogation, and of Su∣perabounding satisfactions, and of the treasure of the Church.

SƲch are the workes of Supereroga∣tion, which are rightly called, the treasure of the Church.

The Doctor Coeffeteau answereth. We know no such matter. For we call workes of Supere∣rogation, those which haue for their obiect the Euangelicall Counsels, to the which all Christi∣ans are not bound: as for a man to sell all his goods, and to giue them to the poore, &c. And of these (sayth he) we doe not make any treasure, but that which is gathered and layd vp in heauen. But as touching the treasure of Indulgences, Coeffeteau saith, that it is composed of the Super∣aboundance of the merites of Iesus Christ, and of the Satisfactions of the Saints, who haue suf∣fered more then they deserued, as of the holy Virgin, and other Saints. God not permitting that any thing of their sorrowes or sufferings should perish, it being a thing iust and reasona∣ble that they should serue to the communion of the Saints, as members of the same body.

In all this not a word of scripture, no authority of the Auncients, no example of Antiquity: Coef∣feteau onely telleth vs his opinion. I might satisfiè

him with like reason, by opposing our opinion; but he shall not so lightly goe away with the mat∣ter. For this is one of the Cankers of the body of the Church of Rome; one of the principal pieces of the mystery of iniquity.

The opinion of the Church of Rome, according as Bellarmine doth represent it in the seuenth and eight Chapters of his booke of Monkes, is, that there are certaine excellent workes, which are cal∣led Counsels of perfection, which God doth not command, but doth only counsell; workes which as they are more cumbersome, and vneasie to be done, so also being performed, they are more per∣fect, and more excellent then all that GOD hath commanded in his Law: more then to loue God with all his heart, and his neighbour as himselfe: Workes to which a man is not bound, and if he do them not, he is not punishable, but in obseruing them he getteth a degree of glory aboue the com∣mon sort. Such are perpetuall Virginity, Martyr∣dome, and the distribution of all his goods to the poore. But especially the vowes of Obedience, of Pouerty and Chastitie; which are the three vowes of the Monkes, whose expresse profession it is to doe workes of Supererogation, by the merite of which they shall gaine in Paradise an eminent de∣gree of glory aboue the popular Saints, and the Communalty of soules.

All this being but a swolne Blister of pride, we will pricke it and abate it with the worde of God. And indeede a man had need read this often ouer,

before he shall finde any thing relishing of the spi∣rite of God.

1 It is a thing almost incredible, that there are any men to be found which thinke themselues to be more perfect, then God hath commanded. See∣ing that Iesus Christ, Matth. 5. dooth giue vs this commandement, Be you perfect as your father which is in heauen is perfect. Is there any man that can be more perfect then God? For although no man can euer approach to his perfection, yet will he haue vs to conforme our selues to his example. So that amongst men he shall be the most perfect, who shall most frame himselfe thereunto. Now that this is an expresse commandement, and a perfecti∣on necessarily required, Bellarmine himselfe dooth acknowledge it, chap. 13. of Monks: where notwith∣standing he doth malitiously loppe off these last wordes, As my father which is in heauen is perfect.

2 With like pride, these people will be more perfect then Iesus Christ, whose righteousnesse in regard of his humanity, consisted in nothing else then in doing the will of his Father. And there∣fore he saith, Heb. 10. Here I am, O Lord, to doe thy will. And Galat. 4. He was made subiect to the law, to the end that he might redeeme them which were vnder the law.

3 All the perfection and righteousnesse like∣wise of the Angels consisteth onely in executing the commaundements of God, Psal. 103. You migh∣tie Angels that excell in vertue, you that doe his com∣maundement in obeying the voyce of his wordes, ye his

seruants that doe his pleasure. It is not found that they do any works of supererogation. And by that reason the Angelical perfection should be inferior to the Monasticall Me thinks that the Capuchins, by calling themselues Angels, Arch Angels, Spirits, Cherubin or Seraphin Friars, illuminated Fathers, &c. haue done wrong to their worth and dignity, by taking names too base for them, and inferiour to their Capuchine perfection.

4 I adde that this word of Counsell of Perfe∣ction, is iniurious against the law of God, and accu∣seth it of imperfection; for it is as much to say that the law is not a perfect rule of Righteousnesse, see∣ing that man, a weake and sinfull creature, can sur∣passe it, and doe workes much better then it com∣maundeth. That wealth is not great which is sur∣mounted by pouerty: It is but a weake and feeble righteousnesse which can be exceeded by sinners. If besides the law there haue beene counsels of perfection, what doth thence follow, but that the law of God is a rule of imperfection?

5 But let vs heare a little, what are the com∣maundements of God. Iesus Christ, Ioh. 13. speak∣eth thus: A new commaundement giue I you, that you loue one another as I haue loued you. Where is the man so much puffed vp with his owne merites that can surpasse this loue? Or loue his neighbour more then Iesus Christ hath loued vs? He being righteous, hauing giuen his life for sinners? The au∣thour of life for mortall men? The Sonne of God for the slaues of the Diuell to make them his ser∣uants,

yea his friendes, yea his brethren, yea his Spouse, yea his body, yea one with him? These be depths that cannot be fathomed, but depths of his loue and grace. All the feruor of our charity is but coldnesse in comparison of it, how farre then from doing any thing ouer and aboue it?

6 God commaundeth in his law that we should loue him with all our heart, and with all our strength: He commaundeth all that we can doe; we cannot then doe more then he commaundeth: to say that a man can loue God more then he can, is to say that he can doe that which hee cannot doe. Iesus Christ himselfe neuer loued his Father more then with al his strength. And here the truth is so strong that Bellarmine in the thirteenth Chapter of his booke of Monkes, after that he had a long time la∣bored and sweated therupon, is constrained to cor∣rect this commaundement of God: affirming, that when God will be loued with All our heart, and with all our strength, by this word ALL we must vnderstand a part, as if I should say, that the right side signifie h the left, or that white signifieth blacke. Though this Prelate made no conscience to iest in this manner in the explication of so holy a sen∣tence, and the most important of all the worde of God, and such as is an abridgement of the whole law: at least he should haue beene affraid to bring in the diuell into partage with God: for if God be content with one part of our heart, it followeth that a man may giue the other parte to the diuell.

7 Adde hereunto the Commandement of the Apostle S. Paul, Philip. 4. Furthermore Brethren whatsoeuer things are iust, whatsoeuer things are pure, whatsoeuer things pertaine to loue, whatsoeuer things are of good report, if there be any vertue, and any praise thinke on those things. I demaund then of these. our Masters, whether the workes of Supererogati∣on be things iust, or whether they be vertuous, or things worthy of praise: if they be not, we must not employ our selues about them: if they be iust and praise-worthy, then are they demaunded by the A∣postle. They be not then workes not commaun∣ded, or ouer and aboue the commaundement of God. For he doth not say, doe nothing which is not iust, as Bellarmine speaketh lewdly, corrupting the wordes of the Apostle: but he commaundeth vs to giue and apply our selues to whatsoeuer is iust and vertuous.

8 Now if we cannot accomplish the law, how much lesse shall wee be able to doe more then it commaundeth? If Saint Paul, Rom. 7 confesse that sinne dwelleth in him, and that hee doth the euill which he would not doe; and therefore calleth himselfe miserable man. If S. Iames acknowledge that in many things we offend All. If Saint Iohn saith, th••t If we say we haue no sinne, we deceiue our selues. If Iesus Christ haue commaunded all the faithfull to say euery day, forgiue vs our trespasses: If Dauid a man after Gods owne heart, say, Psalme 143. That in Gods sight no man liuing shall be iustified. How can we doe any thing ouer and aboue, seeing

that we faile in that which is necessary? That man is very ill aduised, who being not able to pay his debts, doth yet offer great gifts.

9 But I would willingly aske of these Monks, who doe more then God requireth, and workes more then due, whence they haue receiued the strength and ability to doe them? They answere, from God. Then say I that if God hath giuen them this power, it is not that it should remaine idle and vnprofitable, but to the end to employ it. Then are they bound to doe more then the law, seeing that God giueth them strength thereunto, otherwise they should bury the graces of God, and should frustrate him of his end. Now if they be bound, it is no longer a Counsell, they are no lon∣ger workes of Supererogation. For indeede how could they do more good then they owe to God, seeing that they owe themselues vnto him, and haue nothing but of his liberality, and that the good which they doe, doth not profite God any thing? For if he who should doe all that God hath commaunded him is notwithstanding called by Iesus Christ an vnprofitable seruant: let some man tell me wherein and how those men are more pro∣fitable vnto God, who do many workes of Super∣erogation?

10 For this cause also we shall neuer finde that the Apostles or their Disciples euer made any rec∣koning of their workes of Supererogation, and not commaunded: this is that Pharisaicall Leauen which puffeth vp the hearts, and sowreth the spi∣rites

of men with hypocrisie and presumption. For see here the wordes of the Pharisie. Luk. 18. I am not like other men, I fast twise in the weeke, I giue tithe of al that I possesse. Workes not commaunded, volunta∣rie deuotions, traditions & counsels of perfections.

11 And indeede, that we may not remooue all this meniall trash of workes of supererogation, as it were to make a longer Lent then other men doe: or to turne ouer our Pater-noster beads oftner: or to haue more graines then ordinarie, or to carrie great beads like Tennis balls after the manner of Hermites: or to liue by going from dore to dore, and in the day time to haue the street for his house: or to carrie the wallet vpon the shoulder full of sli∣ces and gobbets halfe gnawen, iust after the aunci∣ent manner of the Priests of the Syrian goddesse described by Apuleius in his 8. Booke of the golden Asse: let vs speake onely of those workes which seeme the most specious. They place in this ranke single life or perpetuall virginitie. But they mis∣take themselues greatly, for there be two sorts of single life, one which is with continencie, and with∣out being tickled with any vnchaste desire & which hath no necessity of marrying: The other which boyleth inwardly with heate, hauing much adoe to containe. This so farre is it from being merito∣rious, that contrariwise it is a demerite to con∣demnation. So farre is it that such a Virginity should be ouer and aboue the commaundement, that it is indeed against the commandement; for the Apostle S. Paul, 1. Cor. 7 commaundeth such to

marry. It is better to marry then to burne. And S. Ierome, who confesseth that amidds his Abstinen∣cies did yet feele within himselfe the fewell of lust as an incentiue to whoredome, was doubtlesse bound to marry. But as touching continent Vir∣ginity, the Apostle S. Paul doth counsell vs to con∣tinue in that estate, as being more free, and hauing lesse trouble and fitter for the seruice of God, and to study to please him. But for all that hee doth not recommend Virginity as a worke of Superero∣gation, but as a condition of life more commodi∣ous to a beleeuing man for the time present. So if I should counsell some one man in a corrupt age, and in a place wherein vices are contagious, and vertue is become odious, to liue apart, and not to entermeddle with the publique affaires, to the end, that he may serue God with more facility; and to adde liberty to his innocency: should it follow thereupon that I should esteeme a priuate life, were a worke of Supererogation?

Here might be a fit place to represent the incon∣ueniencies of the Vow of Virginity, and what vices it hath brought into the Couents. Thus at Rome, from whence this ordinance doth come, publique Stews are allowed and established; which Bellar∣mine doth maintaine to haue beene wisely establi∣shed, and compareth in this point the Pope with God. Adde hereunto that this vow is vndertaken many times without thinking of this matter, and of which they afterwards repent them by leisure. Many there be that enter into Cloysters and these

vowes out of necessity, others out of griefe and discontentment: and they beare it accordingly, with impatience. Lastly, I say that in Virginity there are two things required, first, incorruption of the body; secondly, Chastity in affections. The first is not a vertue: the second is commanded of God, and therefore is not a worke of Supereroga∣tion.

They adde hereunto Martyrdome, whereunto if a man doe expose himselfe without any necessity and doth precipitate himselfe into it without being called thereunto by God, it is not onely not a work of Supererogation, but a very transgression of the commaundement of Iesus Christ, who biddeth vs, that when they persecute vs in one Citie, to flie into an∣other. It is sufficient for Christian constancy to beare the brunt when it commeth vpon vs with∣out running to encounter it: to receiue necessary euils and harmes without posting after them. But if we be drawne to Martyrdome, as our Sauiour Christ said vnto S. Peter, That they should gird him, and lead him whether he would not, signifying by what death he should glorifie God: Then I say that Martyr∣dome is a worke of duetie, and not in our choyse. But that hee that should dispence with himselfe therein, should be a Traytor towards God, seeing that then there is no other meanes of escaping but onely by renouncing of the Gospell. And there∣upon wee haue the expresse commaundement of Christ, Mat. 10. Luc. 9. to wit, that whosoeuer shall denie him before men, he will denie him before his Fa∣ther.

Whosoeuer then in this case shall seeke to saue his life shall loose it. God commandeth vs to loue him aboue all things, therefore aboue our liues also. And shall this then be counted a Coun∣sell, whereunto a man is not bound, which not∣withstanding if we doe not follow, we are perfidi∣ous against God, and prodigall of our owne salua∣tion? True it is that many are saued without suf∣fering Martyrdome. But so withall that there is none saued vnlesse that he be prepared for Martyr∣dome: In which there are these two things: first, the paines and torments of the body: secondly, the constant perseuerance in the faith. The bodily griefes and paines are not vertues, and therefore cannot bee workes of Supererogation. But that which is praise-worthy in Martyrdome is a firme faith and feruor of zeale, which becommeth a vi∣ctorious Conquer our ouer the flame of the fire. Now this faith and this zeale are commaunded of God, and we are bound to strengthen and fortifie our selues thereunto. It is not then an vndue worke, or a worke of Supererogation•• and indeede it is a subtilty of Sathan to place Martyrdome a∣mongst vnnecessary workes, to the end that a man should not hold himselfe bound thereunto.

They further adde the sale of all our goods, to distribute them to the poore: and this is the onely example which Coeffeteau doth produce vnto vs, which is the weakest of all. For so farre is it from being a worke of Supererogation, that many times it is not so much as a good worke. The wordes of

Saint Paul are very expresse, 1. Cor. 13. Though I should giue all my goods to the poore, and haue not loue, it profiteth me nothing. This is then a worke which may be done without charity, and by hypocrisie. I adde also that he that should bee charged with a great number of children should haue a charity in∣humanely vndiscreet, if he should giue al his goods to the poore: for piety doth not ouerthrow nature. He that hath no care of his family hath denyed the faith, and is worse then an Infidell: for in stead of being charitable, he becommeth voyde of huma∣nity, and naturall affection. A man should haue his purse open, but not without bottome that will holde nothing: neither should a man giue his mo∣ney without reason, as if hee were angry with it. We must further also take heede that our liberali∣ties be not in the nature of thefts and larcenie, in giuing that to one which is due to another. This distribution then is commendable, if it bee done without hypocrisie, without superstition, and with∣out an opinion of making God indebted and be∣holding vnto vs, and so that it do not diuert vs from other more necessarie works.

These things considered doe furnish vs with an inuincible demonstration against this abuse, which thinketh that for a man to distribute all that hee hath to the poore, is a worke more excellent then the fulfilling of the law, that is to say, more then to loue God with all his heart, and his neighbour as himselfe. For the things which are alwayes good, are more valuable then those which are only good

conditionally, and vpon certaine considerations. Now the loue of God and of our neighbour, re∣commended vnto vs in the law, is alwayes and in all considerations good. But the distribution of a mans goods to the poore is only good vpon those considerations which I haue before represented, and therefore the loue of God and of our neighbor is more of value then it.

This reason is yet stronger: a thing that is good in it selfe is alwayes better then that thing which is not good, but in respect of another. Now the loue of God & of our neighbor is good in it selfe; but the distribution of all that wee pos∣sesse to the poore, is not good vnlesse it be in re∣spect of our loue to God, and to our neighbor, and therefore our loue to God and to our neighbour is better. Yea I say that all that is praise-worthy in that liberality which giueth all to the poore is cha∣rity, which is commaunded vs in the law, euen so farre as to loue God with all our heart, and with all our strength, and to loue others as our selues.

It is then in vaine, that they alleadge vnto vs the commaundement of Christ, Mat. 19. giuen vnto the young man (who said that hee had kept all the commaundements from his youth) to whom our Sauiour replied, If thou wilt be perfect, sell all that thou hast, and giue it to the poore, and thou shalt haue a treasure in heauen. For first of all our aduersaries are deceiued in thinking this young man had ful∣filled the law, seeing that he was couetous, as our Sauiour sheweth, Marc. 10 24. where after that this

young man had left Christ, with purpose rather to keepe his goods then to follow Christ, our Sauior said to his Apostles, Children how hard is it for them that trust in riches to enter into the Kingdome of God? He that trusteth in his riches and preferreth them before Christ, transgresseth the law, and doth not loue God aboue all things. And indeed Chryso∣stome in his 64 Homily vpon S. Matthew, saith that he was couetous. S. Ierome vpon that place sayth, that he came to tempt Christ, & in that our Sauior Christ loued him, it was a loue of compassion, and not an approbation of his Auarice. So Ierusalem was full of the blood of the Prophets, and yet our Sauiour wept ouer it, which teares could not bee without some loue.

Secondly, they abuse themselues in thinking that this is a counsell giuen to all: for we haue she∣wed that it should be il done oftentimes, to obserue it. But Christ gaue this commaundement particu∣larly to this young man to discouer his coueteous∣nesse, and to shew vnto him how farre he was from the accomplishment of the law; of which hee so much boasted: our Sauior putteth his finger vpon his impostume, to make him to feele his Maladie. For Christ who knoweth the hearts of men, and the things that are to come, knew well enough that he would not forsake his goods, and that hee was not in disposition to follow him And indeede no man can denie but that this young man was much to blame that he reiected Christs counsell, and refused to follow him. But according to the

doctrine of our aduersaries, he is not to be repre∣hended: for (say they) it is a counsell of perfection, to which no man is bound. In a word it is ney∣ther said there, nor else where, that in so doing he had done a worke of Supererogation.

But it seemeth to me that this presumptuous doctrine is not comely in the mouth of Monkes; who doe not vow pouerty, but rather to be rich. There be many Monkes of great reuenues, who liue like Princes. Others are poore in their owne particular and priuate estates, but are rich in com∣mon. Their begging and loitering is fatter to them then the peoples labouring, they gather much mo∣ney vnder the colour of Pardons. They neuer goe but to the funerals of rich men: they sing no Masse but for them that haue giuen them before hand: they fleece and share euen vpon the graues, and death it selfe is made tributary vnto them. But e∣specially I finde that their tottering faith, and the profession that they make of doubting of their sal∣uation, doth very ill sort and agree with these works of Supererogation. But to omit for the pre∣sent, this doctrine which preacheth Distrust, wher∣as the Scripture preacheth confidence and certain∣ty of Faith: This doctrine, I say, which teacheth vs to pray, Our Father which art in heauen, without knowing whether we be the children of the Di∣uell, or no: And which accounteth it arrogant pride for a man to trust vpon the promise of God: To omit this, I say, let vs onely consider, how these things can agree; that men should seeke by works

of Supererogation to come to a more excellent degree of glory aboue other men, and yet in the meane time to doubt, whether themselues shall be saued or eternally damned. Thus they tremble, see∣ing Hell open vpon them, while their ambition stretcheth it selfe beyond the Kingdome of hea∣uen. Like vnto a man whose ambition a whole Kingdome or Empire will not suffice, and yet stan∣deth in feare to be hanged the next day. Were it not better to sticke to the promises of God, then to liue in suspense betweene the feare of hell, and the hope of an extraordinary glory, ballancing his spi∣rite betweene Pride and Despaire? Offending God as much through incredulity as through presump∣tion? How great then must the terrour of consci∣ence, and trembling of heart be in those men, who content themselues with the bare keeping of Gods commaundements, and also of those that seeke vn∣to these men to borrow Satisfactions, and to buy their Merites.

All this that hath formerly beene said, is not so to be taken, as though we did absolutely denie that there are no counsels in the Gospell: the auncient Fathers doe acknowledge as much with vs. It is a good and a wise counsell to abstaine from things lawfull, as from the vse of meates, when our weake brother is scandalized thereby. It is a wise counsell for a Pastor or Minister to take no stipend when he can liue otherwise, or when it giueth occasion to the wicked to defame the Gospel. It is a wise coun∣sell to a man that hath the gift of continency to

abstaine from marriage, especially in time of per∣secution. But that the obseruing of them should be a perfection aboue the law, or that it should de∣serue a degree of glory in Paradise aboue the com∣mon rancke of Saints, is that which we haue pro∣ued to be false, and contrary to the Gospell; and a doctrine that lifteth a man vp on high, to precipi∣tate him with a greater downe fall.

Of superaboundant Satisfactions, and of the treasure of the Church.

HIs Maiesty of England doth vpon good ground auerre that the workes of Super∣erogation are rightly named Thesaurus Ecclesiae: for satisfaction is a kinde of worke; of which Treasure wee must speake somewhat; and our Discourse thereof tendeth to these two heads: first, to shew of what (ingredients) this Treasure is componnded: secondly, to what vse it is em∣ployed.

1 This Treasure is chiefly compounded (saith Coeffeteau) of the superaboundance of Iesus Christ his merites: in which speech beside the abuse, there is plaine mockery, for he is deceiued in thinking that the merites of Iesus Christ can be deuided into partes; and that a part of his satisfaction may be withdrawne (from the rest) and put into a treasury. The poorest man must be saued by the death of Christ, and hath neede of his whole satisfaction. E∣uen as all the light of the Sunne doth wholly shine

in one place, and wholly shine in another place, and as all the wordes of an Orator doe at once ar∣riue to the eare of euery hearer, so euery beleeuer must necessarily lay hold vpon the whole merites of Christ for his saluation: not as these men dream, one man vpon one part, and a second on another part, by which meanes Christ may leaue certaine portions for the Pope to husband and store vp in his treasury: being as absurd, as if I should seeke to saue a part of the light, or reserue a peece of the O∣ratours voyce. Were there fewer beleeuers, they should neede Christs whole satisfaction, and all his merites. And were their number doubled a thou∣sand times, they should all finde in the death of Iesus Christ a full redemption. Spirituall graces are entirely possessed and without diuision, and there is no gathering of broken peeces. Consider farther that euery one of vs hath deserued an infi∣nite punishment, and therefore that euery of vs needeth a ransome of infinite value, and such there is none but the alone death of our Sauiour: wher∣vpon it also followeth, that there can be no distra∣ction of any part of his merite; for things infinite admit no diuision.

2 For playner euidence, I aske of these my Masters, to whom Christ Iesus hath offered his sa∣tisfaction, and the merite of his passion, and to whom he hath payde this ransome? I suppose they wil acknowledge with the Apostle to the Hebrews, that Iesus Christ hath offered this oblation to God, the Father: and then God hath receiued this obla∣tion

satisfactory at his hands: if then he haue ac∣cepted it, they must tell me, when he was dispossest of a part of this merite, to put it into the Popes custody? Is it lawfull for vs in matters of such con∣sequence, and where the participation in the me¦rites of Iesus Christ is in question to forge Articles of faith without any warrant of Gods word, nay without any testimony of antiquity?

3 I suppose also, that they will not deny, but the Pope is one of the number for which Christ Iesus hath paide the ransome of his Father. Is it not then a monstrous imagination to conceiue, that any one accepting a ransome for a multitude of Captiues, should turne it backe to the handes of some one cheefe prisoner to apply it to the rest? which cannot fall vnder any mans vnderstanding.

4 Now if any man bring me any reason, why it is necessary that the Pope should be the Deposi∣tary and the Dispenser of a part of Iesus Christ his merite, that selfe reason shall be found in the olde Testament: for then had the beleeuers as much neede of Gods mercy, and our Sauiours bounty: and yet not any of our aduersaries hath hitherto dared to affirme, that in those dayes the high Priests had the ouer-plus of Christs merites vnder their lockes, in their treasuries: for yet they haue not beene bold-fac'de enough to propose matter so ridiculous.

5 Now if the merites of Iesus Christ were then onely in the hands of God, and none are partly in the power of the Pope, whence is it that Indul∣gences

are more freely graunted, yea to the verie dead, which in those times was not practised. It must needes be said that by this these new expedi∣ent benefites of Iesus Christ are farre better em∣ployed: or that the Pope the Depositary, is more o∣pen-handed then God the proprietary. And in all this where is there any the least shew of Chri∣stian religion?

The other part of this Treasure is the ouer-plus of the satisfactions of Saints, and Monkes, that (as Coeffeteau saith) haue suffered more then they haue de∣serued.

This is a prodigious doctrine.

1 It is to accuse God down-right of iniustice, to thinke that he doth inflict a heauier punishment vpon a man, then he hath deserued.

2 It is an ouer-sleight regard of the grieuous∣nesse of sinne, to imagine that the afflictions of this life can make satisfaction for sinne: satisfaction being vnderstood for the acknowledgement of a fault, and humble repentance is a thing both holy and necessary. But our aduersaries by satisfaction doe vnderstand the bearing of the punishment, and paying of the ransome for sinne, to satisfie the iu∣stice of the Almighty: against which I affirme, that if the calling of a brother foole deserue hell fire, Mat. 5 If the slaundering of ones neighbour deserue ashutting out from the Kingdome of heauen, 1. Cor. 6. which in shew are but sleight offences, and doe befall the most righteous, when shall we be a∣ble to make satisfaction for one sinne of that na∣ture?

And if a man be vnable to satisfie the iustice of God for his owne sinnes, how shall he haue any surplusage, or superfluity of satisfaction to tender vnto him? for this were to say vnto God, thou shalt haue this aboue the bargaine.

3 But is not this an indignity to ioyne the in∣finite merite of Iesus Christ in such sort, as to cou∣ple with it Monkish satisfactions, that is, Whip∣pings, Pilgrimages, wearing of Sacke-cloth, a Cor∣deliers girdle, and a hood, to patch vp our satisfa∣ction vnto God.

4 But who can tell whether God will accept the superfluity of these sufferings of Saints and Monkes in paiment for the sinnes of another? And let it be graunted that S. Frauncis or S. Dominicke haue giuen themselues more lashes, and suffered more then their sinnes deserued: Who knowes whether God will allow this ouer-plus vnto me, or that it shall bee my acquittance before him? Where is the will of God reuealed to this purpose, or where is any example here of found in the word of God?

5 This opinion shall neuer enter into any mans vnderstanding, that shall conceiue but as well of God, as of a iustice of a poore Village; who will not set free a Prisoner, condemned to bee whipt, because his friend hath beene whipt in his stead. Euery one shall beare his owne burthen, Gala. 6.5.

6 But to what ende are the superaboundant sufferings of Saints, and Monkes employed to ac∣quit and make satisfaction for vs vnto God; if the

Merit of Iesus Christ be more then sufficient to de∣liuer vs full and whole, and to giue God absolute satisfaction. Some of late desirous to mitigate the matter; say, that the satisfaction of Saints are ac∣cepted by vertue of Christs satisfaction: but this comes all to one, for Christ Iesus hauing plenarily satisfied and paide for vs, giues no power to Saints or Monkes to pay a Debt already discharged, nor to satisfie for that which already hee hath fully sa∣tisfied.

7 And we neede not feare that any of their suf∣ferings are lost, seeing God hath rewarded the troubles of the faithfull with glory infinitely, grea∣ter then their afflictions, as Saint Paul saith, Rom. 8. The afflictions of this life doe not match the glorie that shalbe reuealed.

8 Now if our aduersaries doe aleadge, that the troubles of Monkes and Saints doe purchase their eternall glorie, how then shall they proue satisfa∣ctorie for an other? Who would not make him∣selfe merrie, if I should say, that a house being very cheape, bought for three thousand Crownes, yet that summe employed in this purchase, should serue to discharge another debt, equalling the same proportion? And that this money should purchase with the crosse, and pay debts with the pile? With such darke shewes doe those people shadow ouer their Church, and desire to blinde the wisedome of God himselfe.

9 And indeede all humane satisfactions in ge¦nerall are derogatory to Gods iustice, which ad∣mits

of none but entire payments: made by the benefites of Iesus Christ, in whom he freely forgi∣ueth all our sinnes, Colos▪ 2. whose bloud cleanseth vs from all sinne, 1. Ioh. 1.

This is meere mockery to say, that the benefites and satisfaction of Iesus Christ are applyed by our satisfactions: 1. For one contrary is not applyed by another: one applyes not the light in putting out his eyes. A medicine is not applyed by poy∣son? How then shall a free pardon in Iesus Christ be applyed by punishment and torture? How shal the soueraigne testimony of Gods mercy be appli∣ed by the execution of his iustice? How shall the acquittance of our debt, discharged by Iesus Christ be applied vnto vs in making vs pay it our selues. 2. Adde hereunto, that for proofe of a matter of such importance, as is the meane of applying vnto vs the merites of Iesus Christ, at least some passage of Scripture should be alleadged. 3. As also a Playster is not applyed by a Playster, so one satisfa∣ction is not applyable by another. 4. Faith, the Word, Baptisme, and the holy Supper are the meanes appointed in the holy Scripture, to apply Iesus Christ vnto vs; but the application of him by satisfactorie punishments, is not any where mentioned.

1 But aboue all we desire to know, who hath put the sufferings of Saints into the Popes Treasu∣rie? 2. When this distribution had this begin∣ning? 3. How we may bee secured, that God will rest satisfied with this payment? 4. Whe∣ther

the Pope hath also stored vp in the Treasurie of the Church, the afflictions and trauels of Noah, of Abraham, of Iacob, &c. 5. And why the high Priests made no diuision of them to the faithfull in their times? 6. Where the superaboundant sa∣tisfaction of the Patriarches hath so long time lay hidden without any employment? 7. Especial∣ly, how it comes to passe, that neyther Christ nor his Apostles, nor their Disciples, nor the aunci∣ent Church for many ages, haue spoken any word of this Treasure; nor distributed by Indulgences the remainder of humane satisfactions, nor celebra∣ted any Iubile? For we must obserue that Cardinal Caietan in the beginnlng of his booke of Indul∣gences, acknowledgeth that in the whole course of Antiquity, there is not any thing found concer∣ning Indulgences. Gabriel Biel in the seuen and fiftieth Lecture vpon the Canon of the Masse, af∣firmeth the same; and enquiring the reason why they are so common now a daies, answers himselfe well to the purpose, with the wordes of Christ, Act. 4. It is not for you to know the times or the seasons, which the Father hath put in his owne power. So he learnes vs to be sober. Durandus, Anthony, and Roffensis affirme the same.

S. Cyprian indeed in his Serm. de Lapsis, and Ter∣tullian in his booke of Chastity, and c. 1. of his book Ad Martyres, speakes of Martyrs held in durance for the Gospell, at whose intercession the Bishop receiued excommunicate and repentant persons into the Church: But, 1. These Martyrs were li∣uing,

and 2. did imploy their meditation to the Bishop; not their superaboundant satisfactions vnto God. 3. The Pope did not rake their suffe∣rings into his Store-house. 4. And then euery Bi∣shop inflicted or released penalties, and excommu∣nications among those of his own flocke, without expecting any directories from the Bishop of Rome. 5. And yet this custome of releasing pe∣nance, enioyned to offendors, at the instance of Christians imprisoned for the Gospell, is condem∣ned by S. Cyprian, in his Sermon De lapsis. He wil∣leth that none giue way to the requests of Martyrs, if their demaunds be vniust; and saith, that this re∣course had vnto them did turne to their discredite. Tertullian goes farther, for in the two and twenti∣eth Chapter of his booke of Chastity, hee com∣plaines that many did of purpose cause themselues to be committed, that so they might haue meanes to become intercessors for some one or other of their friends, or rather to play the wantons with such women as were prisoners in the same Ward, and in the end makes this conclusion, That it is en∣ough for a Martyr to haue purged his owne sinnes: It is a signe of ingratitude, or of pride, to diuide among o∣thers, that which hath beene bestowed vpon himselfe, as o great fauor: Who hath made his own death the price of auother mans life, but onely the Sonne of God?

Now to the end that euery one may know how iniurious these sufferings and satisfactions of men, imaginarily heaped into this Treasure, are vnto Ie∣sus Christ, and his benefites: we must vnderstand

that Pope Clement the sixth, in the extrauagant Vnigenitus, speaking of the merites of Iesus Christ in the Treasury of the Church, saith, that The me∣rites of the mother of God and of all the elect doe serue as helpes to encrease this Treasure: As if the merites of men did so assist the merites of Iesus Christ, that this Treasurie could not be filled, if the merites of men were detectiue. Bellarmine makes the case worse, for in consideration of these satisfactory suf∣ferings of Saints, which he saith are allowed vnto vs, and which the Pope turneth to the forgiuing of our sinnes; he affirmeth that the Saints are after a sort our Redeemers: in the first booke of Indul∣gences, the fourth chapter.

Touching our owne satisfactions, his speech driues to this point, That besides our owne, there is no actuall Satisfaction, and that Christ hath not actual∣ly satisfied for vs, but only hath giuen power to our satisfactions. This is to affirme, that the Apostle is deceiued, in saying that Iesus Christ is giuen a ransom for vs, 1. Tim. 2. seeing he doth only enable vs to pay our ransome, and make our owne peace: so in the second booke of Indulgences, the first ch. although he attribute some power to the death of Iesus Christ yet he saith, That if after a man hath obtained the grace of reconciliation, he haue not yet sa∣tisfied for temporall punishment (such as is the tor∣ment of Purgatory) that such a one doth not necessari∣ly want the merite of Iesus, and that he may forbeare to seeke so great a largesse at Gods hands, but content him∣selfe with the merite of his owne ende uours. As if he

should say vnto God, thou wouldest acquit me, but I will not haue it so: for my owne troubles and af∣flictions shall make thee satisfaction. These men haue courage in them indeede, they dare neglect e∣uen Christ himselfe: for it is not good to be too deepely engaged to him; and tis a credite for a man to satisfie for himselfe: whence it followes, that the diuell, that makes long satisfaction with euer∣lasting torments, shall purchase the more credire. Besides it is a goodly ambition to giue vnto God more then we owe him, by performing these su∣pererogatory satisfactions; for so it is to be feared that God finding himselfe indebted to such a num∣ber of Friers may bee in danger of turning banck∣rupt. O spirite of blasphemy, and prophanation of the Gospell! O wonderfull patience of the Lord! But now let vs take a view how this superfluity of satisfaction of the Saints is distributed.

The Pope opens this Treasure, and drawing thence spirituall graces, doth variously make distri∣bution of them: sometimes hee giues particular priuiledges to certaine Orders, and Fraternities. So Pope Sixtus quintus in the yeare 1586. the seuenth of May, graunted to all those of the Order of the Cordeliers; that on the Eue of Palme-sonday, and on Midsomer Eue, and on the Eue of Io. Port-latin shall say fiue Pater-nosters, and as many Aue-Maries, a Pardon for all their sinnes, beside the power of easing one soule in Purgatory. And in as bountiful a manner hath the Pope graunted to the Order of the Friers Carmelites a priuiledge, that they shall

continue in Purgatorie no longer then the Sater∣day after their departure.

Sometimes againe the Pope disperseth certaine holy graines, and hallowed Crosses, the saluting of which with an Aue-Mary, doth purchase a Pardon for a hundred yeares, or peraduenture a plenary In∣dulgence. Our Kings Ambassadours comming from Rome, doe ordinarily bring with them such gratifications.

His Holinesse is also pleased to send vnto diuers places certaine priuiledged Altars, vpon which if a Masse or two chance to be vttered, they redeeme a soule out of Purgatory. The Church of the Fe∣uillans at Paris hath this priuiledge, that euery Masse that is there sung for the dead on the Mun∣day or Wednesday doth redeeme a soule from Purgatory; for the Masses said on other dayes, haue no such vertue in them: to which purpose M^r. Co∣effetean could haue alleadged some place of S. Paul, but that he bethought him not of it.

Moreouer the Pope opening this Treasure, doth now and then graunt certaine liberatory Bulles from Purgatory, in fauour of some persons of qua∣lity, and at the instance of their parents: which Buls are paide for in Ducats of the Chamber: at the end whereof there should not be written Datum Romae, dated at Rome, but venditum Romae, solde at Rome. For there is no reason, that this treasure should be ope∣ned for the soule of euery monilesse beggar.

But the most ordinary manner of this distribu∣tion is, that the Pope sets downe some proporti∣on,

or number of Pardons for certaine Churches, in some more, in some lesse. We haue a booke ex∣presly written of Romane Indulgences, printed at Rome by Iulio Accolto, Ann. 1570. out of which take this example among a thousand others. In the mo∣neth of February vpon Septuagessima sonday, for going the Station vnto S. Lawrence without the walles, there is graunted a plenary Indulgence, beside a pardon for e∣leuen thousand yeares, and forty eight Quarentaines, and remission of one third part of all sinnes, and the re∣demption of a soule out of Purgatory. This is one of the high Holy-dayes. Vpon the Wednesday after S. Lucy, being Ember-weeke, the Station is to S. Maryes the greater, for which an Indulgence is graunted for eight and twenty thousand yeares, and as many Qua∣rentaines, and remission of one third part of sinnes, yea and a plenary pardon for all sinnes. The same booke saith, that for each dayes repaire to S. Euse∣bies Church, a pardon is vndoubtedly graunted for threescore and eighteene thousand yeares, and as many Quarentaines; and that on euery All-Saints day, there is in al the principal Churches sixe thou∣sand yeares of an infallible pardon.

But especially his Holinesse doth grow prodi∣gall in the dissipation of this Treasure in the yeare of Iubile, which is now celebrated euery fiue and twentieth yeare, hauing made a kinde of circle of sinne, as it were a solar reuolution of the forgiuing of sinnes, then Indulgences flie thicke abroad, and the Pope doth freely and fully pardon all sinne: the place of this Iubile, are the Stations at Rome,

prouided that they bee resorted vnto for thirty dayes, whether of consecution, or intermission it matters not: then Pilgrims flocke from all partes, and one Nation enuying anothers quarrels, and blowes are often exchanged among them: the next yeare after, his Holinesse conueyes the Iubile ouer the Alpes, and withall sendes the same spiri∣tuall fauours to two, or three places in Fraunce, and so in Spaine. Now if death chaunce to take any out of the world in this yeare of Iubile, no que∣stion but he goeth straight to Paradice: but he that vnfortunately dies the yeare before, his lot is to frie in Purgatory, and must misse of this pontificall bounty, vnlesse the Pope by a speciall pardon doe priuiledge him from this fire.

But hence arise sundry other inconueniences, for in places not aboue fifty or a hundred leagues from the place where the Iubile is kept, such as are well horsed, and haue mony in their purse, doe easily ob∣taine pardon for their sinnes; but he that hath ney∣ther horse, nor money for his iourney, is excluded from this great happinesse: for why is he so beg∣gerly? Or wherefore should he want horse flesh? Or why is he such an Asse, that he should not finde himselfe a good paire of legges? and therefore shal haue no remission of sinnes.

And therefore it is a goodly matter to dwell at Rome, and be at the Well-head of these pardons, without running so farre after them; neyther is it credible that any that dwels at Rome, vnlesse he be a very lob, should goe to Purgatory, for there is

the spring of spirituall graces: and a man may eue∣ry day get fiue or sixe hundred yeares of Pardons, which is forsooth a gallant prouision at the yeares end. Let the Reader take his counters and cast vp the reckoning.

Now if any shall atrest a Pilgrime trauelling to∣ward the Iubile, this is a case of speciall reseruation, and from a sinne of this high nature, none of this side the Alpes can giue absolution: marry for mur∣ther or adultery, or such sinnes as offend onely the law of God, and hinder not the Popes profite, the matter is more easie: for we must obserue, that in the Buls of pardon, this clause is ordinarily inserted that these Pardons are granted manus porrigentibus adiutrices, to such as put forth helping handes: for which purpose there are Trunckes and Chests set at the gates, and euery one is exhorted to spit in the Bason. These high dayes of Pardon are euen the Faires of Babylon, and by these the banke of mony-changers is set vp anew in the Temple, which Christ ouerturned. And indeede if you should say ten times as many prayers, and that with farre more zeale and deuotion, in any other Church, then where these Indulgences are affixed, you should notwithstanding goe without any Pardons: for they are fastened to certain places, for feare lest these contributions being diuided, and passing through many handes, would vanish into nothing. So that the King of great Britaine doth both iustly and elegantly say, that this abuse is rightly called the treasure of the Church.

Now to proue that the Pope hath intelligence with God, and that he hath precisely calculated his reckoning with him, hee doeth often limit his Pardons with a subtilty full of merriment. As at Paris in the porch of a Chappell belonging to the Friers Feuillands, in the Suburbes of S^t. Hono∣rius, there is a long list of Pardons to bee seene, which among other things tell vs, that on euery day of Lent a Pardon may be obteyned for three thousand, eight hundred, three score and seuen yeares, and two hundred and seuen quarentaines of dayes: there are many of the same stampe.

But I long much to know, that if a man some few dayes before the day of iudgement should get a hundreth thousand yeares of Pardon, whether these Pardons should any thing auaile him. A∣gaine, if a man needing a Pardon but for ten thou∣sand yeares, should obtaine a Pardon for a hundred thousand, what should become of the other foure∣score and ten thousand: but aboue all the rest, it is a point furmounting our capacity, how these Par∣dons, that doe plenarily forgiue all sinnes, and should besides remit a third part of a mans sinnes, and yet further giue another eighteene thousand yeares of Pardon: as if one should say, that the Pope pardoneth all our sinnes; and many of our sinnes besides: It makes me also to wonder very often, why the people doe so zealously flocke to the Iubile at Rome, seeing they may as easily, and at all times obtaine a plenary Pardon for all their sinnes.

I forbeare at this time to iudge bad (I speake it with greefe and with commiseration) whether in this whole Argument there be any the least foote∣step of Christian Religion to be discerned: or whe∣ther coueteous gaine did euer trample godlinesse vnder foote in a viler manner.

ARTICLE XVI. Of the baptising of Bels.

THe King of great Britaine procee∣deth to these wordes: The baptising of Bels, and a thou∣sand other trickes: But aboue all, the worshipping of Images. If my faith bee weake in these, I confesse I had rather beleeue too little then too much. And yet since I beleeue as much as the Scriptures doe warrant, the Creedes doe perswade, and the auncient Coun∣cels decreede; I may well bee a Schismaticke from Rome, but I am sure I am no Hereticke.

M^r. Coeffeteau answers, that it is no baptisme that they giue vnto Bels, but onely a plaine bles∣sing, which notwithstanding the common peo∣ple do call baptisme for the resemblance of some Ceremonies therein: but it is not of simple peo∣ple, but of learned men, that we must learne the beleefe of the Church.

This answere of M. Coeffeteau is more mannerly then that of Cardinall Bellarmines, who writing a∣gainst his Maiesties booke, tels the King that it is an impudent slaunder: he might haue spoken more ciuilly to a King: for if we wrong them in calling their consecration, and benediction of bels by the name of baptisme, this imputation should be laid vpon the people of the Romish Church, which haue so named it, or rather vpon their Bishops and Priests, that by a Player-like prophanation, haue practised the same Ceremonies vpon bels, and gal∣lies, which they vse in baptisme: for in the blessing, and exorcising of a bell, they giue him god-fa∣thers and god-mothers, which holde the rope in their handes: the Suffragan asketh certaine questi∣ons of the bell: they cloth him in white, sprinkle him with holy water, and salt: the Bishop or his Suffragan annoints him with oyle, with many signes of the Crosse, praying God that hee will graunt power vnto this bell against the secret as∣saults of the diuell; against thunder and tempest, and for the comfort of soules departed; then after the singing of certaine Psalmes, he is newly marked again with seuen crosses without, and foure crosses within, which are made vpon the Crisme with the Bishops or his Suffragans thumbe, who at euery crosse repeates these wordes; Consecretur & Sancti∣ficetur Domine signum istus in nomine Patris & filij & spiritus sancti: In all this Ceremony there is nothing wanting but the word, Baptisme, saue that it is done something more diuersly. The same Ce∣remony

is practised vpon gallies, when they launch them into the Sea, and for what offence they haue condemned this Sacrament vnto the gallies, I doe not vnderstand.

He that shall well vnderstand the great vertue of bels, will not wonder at all, if the people of the Romish Church haue thought that baptisme doth of right belong vnto them; sith that one peale hath power to carry soules into heauen, and especially the soules of rich men: for if a rich legacy be gi∣uen, all the bels in the towne shall ringe a requiem for the soule departed: but the poore shall haue leaue to die without any sound. And it is presu∣med that some bels haue more vertue then others; for they are not rung all at one rate. So at Paris there are bels some at foure Francs, some at fiue, and some at sixe. For it is not credible, that any will buy the sound of one bell dearer then another, but vpon opinion of reaping a greater benefite thereby.

It is not then without great reason that Duran∣dus in his rationale, and other illuminated Do∣ctors doe finde so many mysteries in bels, saying, that the clapper of the bell is the tongue of the Preacher: that the rising of the bell is the con∣templatiue life, and the falling downe is the life actiue: that a ringe of Iron is fastened to the end of the Bel-rope, to shew that the Crowne is not obteyned vntill the race be finished; which is the cause why Boniface the eighth, and Gregory the ninth haue forbidden the ringing of Bels in proscribed

or interdicted Churches, vnlesse by speciall leaue they be licensed to toll an Aue-maria. And these obseruations the Apostles would not haue omit∣ted, if they had had the keeping of the Bels in the Temple of Ierusalem: which then were not rung all the yeare long, but now a dayes they are onely speechlesse vpon good Friday, whereof there is some mysticall reason, which comes not within the compasse of my vnderstanding.

ARTICLE XVII. Of the Reliques of Saints.

TOuching the Reliques of Saints, if I had any such that I were as∣sured were members of their bo∣dies, I would honourably burie them, and not giue them the reward of condem∣ned mens members, which are only ordained to be depriued of buriall: But for worshipping eyther them or Images, I must account it dam∣nable Idolatry.

Vnto this doth Doctor Coeffeteau oppose foure passages of the Fathers, alleadging S. Ierome dis∣sputing against Vigilantius for the Reliques of Saint Ambrose in his Sermon of S. Nazarius, and S. Celsus, saying in many places that he honoureth the bodies of Saints: S. Chrysostome who in his

Homily of S. Iuuentius and Maximus, saith, that men doe visite and adorue their Tombes, and touch their Reliques with faith, to the end they may receiue some blessing thereby: S. Augustine in the two and twentieth booke of the Ci∣ty of God, speaking of three persons that were cured with the touch of certaine Reliques. He alleadgeth no one testimony of holy Scripture; it hath no voyce in the Chapter: and yet hee skips at once ouer the first foure hundred yeares after Christ; for the auncientest of these foure wrote about the end of the fouth age.

1 To begin then with the word of God: Wee read in the olde Testament that the bodies of the holy Patriarches haue beene enterred, and buried in the Sepulchres of their Fathers. Ioseph when he died, gaue order that his bones should be kept till their departure out of Egypt: for he desired that the keeping of his bones, should be an instruction to continue the hope of their deliuerance: but of any worship done vnto his bones, there is no men∣tion at all.

2 When Moses died vpon the mountaine of Ne∣bo, God would not suffer the Israelites to know the place of his buriall: the reason being doubtlesse a feare, that they would haue Idolatrously abused his bodie.

3 In the first booke of Kings, chap. 13. God raised a dead man by the vertue of Elizeus his touching of the dead body, the Lord intending by this Miracle to authorize the doctrine of his faithfull seruant.

But we finde not at all, that the body of Elizeus was for this taken out of his graue: neyther that the people did kneele to his bones, that they brought any offerings vnto it, or that they kissed or carried it in procession.

[Ver. 17] 4 In the second booke of Kings, cap. 23 King Io∣sias forbids the digging vp of the bones of a decea∣sed Prophet but will haue them left in the Sepul∣chre. He doth not then commaund any transpor∣tation of his bones, or to yeelde any veneration or worship, or oblation or adoration.

[Ʋer. 12:] 5 In the ninteenth of the Acts, there are cures wrought by touching of the Kerchiefes brought from S. Paul; yet is not the linnen put apart for a relique, nor is there any ceremony done vntoit. For the Miracles were not wrought by any vertue of the linnen, but by the power of God, who by these Miracles confirmed the preaching of his holy A¦postle.

6 Therefore, Esay 8.19.20. the Prophet hauing reproued those that went from the liuing to the dead sends vs to the law, and the testimony, if wee will haue the light of heauen to shine vpon vs.

7 To be short, our aduersaries finde not one sil∣lable in the word of God, nor any example of any religious seruice, or adoration of Reliques. For it is vntruely affirmed by Bellarmine, that the Scripture alloweth the religious worship performed to our Sauiors Sepulchre, and to the hemme of his gar∣ment, and to Peters shadow, and Pauls Kercheifes. How should it approue that whereof it makes no

mention at all? Why doth he not alleadge some passage of Scripture, wherein the worship or vene∣ration of the linnen, or shadowes, or Sepulchres is mentioned? who will be perswaded, that a learned man affirming a matter so full of vntruth, should haue any conscience in him. So in the beginning of the third Chapter, hee falsely alleadgeth these wordes out of the eleuenth of Esay, ver. 10. His Se∣pulchre shall be glorious: for it is in the Hebrew, his rest shall be glorious: whereunto let this be added, that there is no word in that place of any worship performed to this Sepulchre.

Now that the point in difference betweene vs may be vnderstood, wee dispute not whether the bodies of Saints, and Martyrs may be reserued re∣spectiuely, or in case their Sepulchres were vnde∣cently placed, or ridiculously exposed to prophane insolencies, whether it be lawfull to remoue their bodies to some other place: for thus farre we agree. And his Maiesty of England protesteth that if hee certainely knew any Reliques, which were indeede the body of any Saint, he would honourably burie them, and keepe them with respect; for if men doe curiously affect the sight of the monuments of aun∣cient Kings, or pagan Emperours, who should be so prophane, as not to desire the sight of the Tombs of the Apostles, and of those sacred lights, whose glory shineth euen after their death? Or who in this regard would not be touched with a louing respect to them, and their memory? But the questi∣on is, whether wee must performe any seruice to

these Reliques? or must adore them? or speake to things without life, or offer vnto bones, or clothes? or whether God haue commaunded to lay them vpon Altars, or carry them in procession? For the Conuenticle held at Nice, about the yeare 789. which the Church of Rome reckoneth for a gene∣rall Councell, in the fourth Act willeth, that the bones, ashes, and the ragges be adored. And Bel∣larmine in the fourth chapter of his booke of Re∣liques, proueth the adoration of Reliques by these wordes of Chrysostome in his Sermon of Iuuentius and Maximus, Tumulos Martyrum adoremus: Let vs adore the Monuments of Martyrs: but the words in Chrysostome, are Tumulos Martyrum adornemus, Let vs adorne the monuments of Martyrs: which is a horrible falsification: but this is ordinary with the Cardinall; whereof Coeffeteau himselfe is euen a∣shamed, for alleadging the same passage, he trans∣lates it faithfully, Let vs adorne their monuments. The same Cardinall about the end of the second chapter sayth, We adore not Reliques as God: then by his owne confession, he worshippeth Reliques, but it is with an inferiour adoration.

Now wee require our aduersaries to shew vs some commaundement of God, or some example out of the holy Historie for this adoration, and re∣ligious worship: for whatsoeuer distinction of worship they may produce, is alwaies such a ser∣uice and religious worship, as God hath not com∣maunded, and is consequently comprised vnder that worship which S. Paul condemneth, Coloss. 2.

calling it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, will worship, or vo∣luntarie deuotion.

And there can bee no Religious worship how meane so euer, but turnes to an abuse, when it is transferred to a dead thing: Sith that the Church of Rome doeth speake to these reliques, and salutes the Napkin, the Speare, the Teares, the Crosse, saying, Aue sancta facies, &c. And Aue lignum tri∣umphale. And hee that shall obserue with what zeale the people is caried to the Adoration of these Reliques, shall find that the seruice of God in com∣parison thereof is key-cold. At Paris, when the Caskets of S. Geneueifues, & S. Marcellus Relickes, being carried about, come to meete each other, the people are made to beleeue, that the bearers haue much adoe to plucke them asunder, they bee such sociable Reliques and louing bones, that they should haue beene lodged in one Tombe to giue them contentment; In this solemnitie it is a won∣der to see the zeale of the people, and with what a tumult they throng and presse to come neere to it. All the Angels together haue not the one quarter of this honour. And the Soules of Moyses, Abra∣ham, Noe, &c. are much lesse honoured then Saint Francis breeches, or a peece of his Pilgrims staffe.

It is to small purpose to say that this is done in honour of the Saints. For it should first be shewed, that God hath commanded it: Secondly, we ought to be well assured, that the Saints are well pleased with this seruice. Add further, if a King should put off his Doublet, I thinke there is no man (vnlesse

he haue his wits crazed) that would salute it, much lesse to say vnto it, God saue thee Doublet; as they doe in the Church of Rome, where men say, I greete thee O teare; And God saue thee O triumphall wood. If you salute any thing in honour of Iesus Christ, or of whomsoeuer, it ought in reason to vnderstand what you say.

And here we haue the first strength of antiquitie on our side, Eusebius in the fourth Booke, Chapter fifteene of his Historie, speaking of the Martyrdom of Polycarpe, saith that the Christians were charie of his Ashes, and that they had procured them to bee buried; but hee doeth not speake of any seruice, or Religious worship, or adoration done to the ashes. Saint Athanasius, in the life of S. Anthonie, is most pregnant to this purpose, where he saith, that these were the last words of Anthony when he lay dying; Let no man carie my Reliques into Egypt, for feare lest my body be honoured with vaine honour, for feare least Obsequies, and Funerall solemnities (which I haue bla∣med as you know) be practised vpon my selfe; For I am especially returned to this place to auoide it; doe you then hide and couer this poore body with earth, and obserue the commandement of your aged father, that no man beside your selues, know the place where I am buried. Out of this place appeareth, that the Christians e∣uen from that time, were excessiuely giuen to ho¦nour the bodies of the beleeuers that died: And we must not thinke, that S. Anthony was afraid that the Christians would adore him for GOD after his death. For Bellarmine doeth acknowledge that

which indeede is a truth; That * it was neuer heard that any Christians did conferre Diuine honours vpon the Reliques of Saints. The custome of the ancient Church, was to burie the bodies of Martyrs, and not to put them in Caskets out of the ground to carie them about in Procession. In the eight Chap∣ter of the Acts of the Apostles, the Christians doe there burie Steuen without mention of any seruice done vnto his body. The same was done to Poly∣carpus, as Eusebius witnesseth. Saint Ambrose had appointed the place, which was vnder the Altar or the Communion Table for his buriall, as ap∣peareth by his last Epistle; for in those dayes the Altar was most commonly a Table of wood, easie to be remooued, so that the pauement vnderneath might well be broken vp to lay a dead body. Vi∣ctor in his third Booke of the Vandals persecution, The multitude did with ioy and withall diligence, lay vp the bodyes of the Saints in a Tombe. The Poet Pru∣dentius, about the end of his Hymne vpon Eulalia,

Relliquias Cineresque sacros, Seruat humus veneranda sinu.

And in the beginning of the Hymne next follow∣ing,

Bis nouem noster populus sub vno Martyrum seruat cineres sepulchro.

Theodoret in the first Booke of his Storie, Chapter eighteene, doeth sufficiently shew, that the Chri∣stians

then knew not what it meant, to yeeld Reli∣gious worship to Reliques, in that hee saith, that Constantine hauing recouered the nayles of our Sa∣uiours Crosse, set some of them in his Helmet, the rest hee thrust into the Bit of his Horses bridle: That is, he put two * in his Head peece, and the other two in the Bridle. Thus did this venerable Horse chew Reliques. What it was that mooued this Emperour to doe it, is another matter: But I say that the Bishoppes of that time, would neuer haue suffered that to haue beene done, if they had thought that any Religious seruice or adoration had beene due to those Nayles.

In the meane while, it is a thing to be wondred at, how these Nayles hauing beene lost for three hundred yeeres space, were thus found altogether so fitte to the purpose. And how Helena the Em∣perours mother could discerne them from the Nayles of the two theeues, and how the fourth Nayle was lost. For the Crosse had in the mid∣dle a little boorde, vpon which the feete of the malefactors to bee Crucified, were set, and each foote was Nayled a part, and so also our Sauiour way Nayled, as Iustin Martyr teacheth in his Dia∣logue against Tryphon: and Ireneus lib. 2. Cap. 42. Nazianzen in his verses of Christ suffering, And Theodoret before alleadged. But especially Grego∣rie of Tours in his booke of the praise of Martyrs: And therefore it was a negligence in Helen that shee did not imploye her selfe to finde out the fourth nayle.

It is a thing also to be wondred, how the nailes were found in the same place with the Crosse; Se∣ing that the custome of the Aunciens was to burie togither with the bodies of malefactors, the chains and yrons wherewith they suffered, as appeareth in Plinies Epistles, lib. 7. Epist. 27. where he reciteth the stories of a Ghost that appeared to the Philoso∣pher Athenodorus. And in Chrysostome in his Ora∣tion against the Gentils. And Welserus cōfirmeth it in his seauenth booke of his Commentaries of Ausbourge.

In the meane time it appeareth by the place of Athanasius, heretofore alleaged, and by the simpli∣city of Constantine, that this abuse began from that time to slide on and increase, which was so farre growne in some places 400. yeares after Christ, that S. Austin in his first booke de Moribus Eccles. doth greatly complaine of it. I know (saith he) that there are many that adore Sepulchres and Pictures; I know that there are many that drinke at large ouer the dead: The same Austin in the 28. chapter of his booke of the labour of Monkes (for in those daies they had each man his trade) complaineth of some gadders vp and downe, carriers about of reliques, which they reported to be the limmes of Martyrs: Yea, saith he, if so be that they be members of Martyrs.

The auncient Christians in the three first ages were wont to warme their zeale by the imbers of the Martyrs; And because they had no Temples, they assembled together in the Church-yardes; where the Tombes of the Martyrs serued them fora

tables to administer the Lords Supper; This be∣ing at the first done onely as occasion and the pre∣sent opportunity would permit, was afterward made a law. For in the fift Councell of Carthage, the Altars are called Monuments or Tombes: Where is to be noted, that the Councel complai∣neth, that many such false monuments were ere∣cted vpon dreames and vaine illusions, and com∣maundeth to plucke them downe, if the tumult of the people shall not hinder them: which sheweth that superstition was already growne strong in this point. Gregorie Bishop of Rome in the first booke of his Dialogues chap. 2. speaketh of one called Li∣bertinus, who alwaies carried about a hose of S. Ho∣norate. In those times, our Kinges planted their whole Religion in founding of Monasteries and getting Relikes together thinking by these means to be saued. King Dagobert tooke away all the Re∣liques from the other Saints, to enrich the Temple of S. Denis, S. Rusticus, and S. Eleutherius; whereup∣on there fell out great strife and debate among the Saints, if wee beleeue the Chronicles of France. For the Saints whom he had robbed and riffled, as S. Hilarie, S. Fremin, &c. adioyned themselues to the Deuils, & craued their helpe to carry the soule of this good King to hell; But hee cal ed to the Saints, whom he had enriched, for succour, who so valiantly resisted the other Saints and the De∣uils, that they plucked away his soule from them, and carried it into Paradise. Now a daies many superstitious persons are ashamed of their reliques

and mocke at them; And yet for all that, it is held for an absolute and inuiolable Decree, that euery Altar must haue his Reliques vnderneath it, other∣wise they cannot consecrate. For after the Introite of the Masse, the Priest bowing himselfe ouer the Altar, asketh of God pardon of al his sins, through the merits of those Saints, whose bones lie hidde vnder the Altar. This greatly auaileth to strike the people with a superstitious horrour, and astonish∣ment of hart, and with a trembling deuotion, it being done out of singular wisdome, and vpon great consideration. For it is credible that when Christ did administer his last supper, that he close∣ly conueighed vnder the table, some bones of Sa∣muel, or some tooth of Sampsons Asses law bone; And if Christ did not seeke saluation throgh their merits, it was because those old Saints were worse stored and prouided of merits, then they whom the Pope hath Canonized for Saints, as S. Iuniper, or S. Thomas of Cāterbury, defender of the crowne of England.

Concerning the Fathers, whom Coeffeteau op∣poseth hereunto; Chrysostome, Ambrose, and Au∣stin, are of the minde that the bodies of the Saints ought indeede to be honored, and their sepulchres beautified and adorned. But what is this against the King of England, who saith asmuch. As for those miracles which were done at those Sepul∣chres, of which S. Austin speaketh, God by them did authorize the doctrine of the Gospell, which his faithfull seruants had vttered in word, and signed

with their bloud. Such were the miracles wrought by the touch of Elizeus his body, and by the Ker∣chiefes of S. Paul: But it followeth not thereupon, that they adored or yeelded any religious seruice to those Reliques. Vnlesse perhaps we must adore the shadow of S. Peters body, as Bellarmine will haue it: of which shadow doubtlesse some peece may bee found stored vp among the Reliques, aswell as at Cour-chiuerni neare Blois they keepe the Labour of S. Ioseph, when hee cleft wood, for hee was a Car∣penter.

Howbeit there be two thinges which I will not here dissemble; the one is, that Heretikes at that time, did more miracles as Tertullian witnesseth lib. 3. against Marcion cap. 3. and in his 44 chapter of his Prescript. where he saith, that the Heretikes did raise the dead, heale the sicke, foretell thinges to come. The other is, that the place in S. Austin De Ciuitai. Dei lib. 22. cap. 8. is to be suspected For he speaketh of miracles done in Africa, and neare vnto Hippo, where he was Bishop, by touching the Reliques of Saints. Whereas himselfe Epist. 137. saith that in some places of Italie, as at Nola and at Millan, such miracles were done neare vnto the monuments of the Saints: but that in Africa there were not any wroght in any place; And that which is more to be obserued, is, that this Epistle was written to the people and clergie of Hippo, who would easilie haue controuled him, if such miracles had beene wrought in Africa; What shall we now beleeue? Here is S. Austin who saith in one place,

that many miracles were done in Africa neare vnto the place of his abode; by the Reliques of Saints: In another place he saith there were non done at all. Surely the writings of the Fathers passed throgh certaine ages, horribly darkened with ignorance, in which some malicious men tooke a pleasure to falsi∣fie them. And indeede by the course of Storie of the ages following a man may obserue, that by how much the more ignorance increased by corruption of doctrine; by so much the more miracles were wrought. Reade the Dialogue of Gregorie the first, and you shall see that Christ did nothing in a man∣ner, & in comparison of the miracles then wrought. Gregorie himselfe in the fourth booke of his Dia∣logues chap. 41. wondereth at it, and propoundeth this quetion to himselfe: How commeth it to passe that in these latter times so many thinges are reuealed vnto vs, touching the soules of the dead, which before were bidden. For then in those times, men talked of nothing but of Ghosts that appeared, which ex∣horted men liuing to giue to the Church. And it was yet but the sixt hundreth yeare of Christ, so much had the Prince of this world gotten in short time.

That which Coeffeteau most maketh bragges off, and setteth it out with fairest colour, is the testi∣mony of S. Hierome, who hath written two Epistles in defence of the Reliques of Saints, against Vigilan∣tius who did oppugne them. But there is no affini∣ty betweene their quarrell and ours. For Hierome accuseth Vigilantius for accounting the Reliques of

Saints vncleane, a thing which we neuer affirmed; nay the King of England speaketh of them with great respect. He saith further, That Vigilantius would haue the reliques of Saints cast out vpon the dung hill, that himselfe alone though druncke and asleepe might onely be adored. Haue we euer said so? Or is there any of vs that would onely be adored? But as touching the question, whether Reliques be to be adored, S. Hierome in the Epistle before alleaged, doth flatly denie that they ought to be adored: We doe not adore, I doe not say onely, the Reliques of Mar∣tyrs; But neither Sunne nor Moone, for Angels nor Archangels: Where is to bee seene that hee would haue it esteemed lesse strange to adore the Sunne, then Reliques. Which maketh vs to suspect the place in his Epistle to Marcella, of falshood: where he exhorteth her, Samariam pergere, & Iohannis Baptistae, Helisaei quo{que} & Abdiae pariter cineres ado∣rare: to come to Samaria and to adore the ashes of Iohn Baptist, Elizeus, and Abdias. Howsoeuer, if he would haue beene beleeued, he should haue grounded his saying vpon the authority of the word of God: ac∣cording to the rule which himselfe giueth vpon the 23. chapter of S. Matthew. Because, saith he, this is not grounded vpon the authority of the Scriptures, we may as easily reiect it, as they proue it.

The place of Gregorie Nyssenus which Bellarmine produceth is false. We haue heretofore shewed the falshood of that Oration vpon Theodorus; As also that is false which he saith, that the fift Councell of Carthage forbiddeth any Altar to bee dedicated

without Reliques. The Councell doth not speake in that place, of all Altars, but of the monuments of Martyrs, which the beleeuing Christians, assem∣bling themselues together in the Church-yeards, v∣sed in steede of Altars. And because that for want of true monuments, they sometimes erected in ho∣nour of true Martyrs, false deuised sepulchres, the Councel commandeth them to be plucked downe. It is a thing incredible how the workes of this Car∣dinall doe swarme with vntruthes. The other pla∣ces which he alleageth doe neither speake of ado∣ration, nor religious worship.

But the maine point is, that through tract of time, and the malice of men, the question is now changed. For in those times, while the sufferings of the Martyrs were yet fresh in mens mindes, and their Reliques certainely knowne; men disputed vpon some ground and subiect, how far they were to be honoured: But now a dayes they thrust vpon vs fained Reliques, counterfaite marchandise, as a meere Artifice for gaine: Reliques which they are wont ••o shew in darke places, and that by vncoue∣ring them either by halfes or not at al; making the seely people to rest content by bare seeing of the box or casket, causing them to kneele vnto them with troubled deuotion: And if they depart out of th••se Oratories without offering, or paying, it will be thought heresie or ingratitude.

Some Reliques there are meerely forged to mock and abuse the world: And Burgos in Spaine there is a Crucifix, whose bearde they cut euery moneth,

and pare his nailes, and these parings are said to bee of great vertue. At Rome there is kept in S. Iohns Church in Lateran, the circumcised fore-skin of Christ, as also the very Altar at the which Iohn Bap∣tist did say diuine seruice in the wildernesse, as wit∣nesseth the booke of Romish Indulgences printed at Rome. Our Pilgrims bring home, out of Galizia, the feathers of certaine hennes which are of the race of that cock, that crew to S. Peter when he de∣nied his master: In S. Sulpitius Church in Paris, there is a stone of that fountaine wherein the Virgin Ma∣ry washed the swathing-clothes of Christ newly borne. There was shewed vnto my selfe at S. Denis, Iudas his Lanterne, which doubtlesse is a peece of great vertue. As also Aarons rodde, which by that reckoning must needes haue lasted three thousand and six hundred yeares without rotting; and yet our good masters confesse, that the cōsecrated hosts doe finnow and grow mouldy, the presence of Christ in them, cannot saue them from putrefacti∣on. Men goe to Collein to worship the bodies of the three Kings that neuer yet were. The authour of the booke called Opus imperfectum vpon S. Ma∣thew, attributed to Chrysostome, saith that they were of those whom they called Magi, wizards, or sooth∣sayers, and that they were twelue in number. Their names Gaspar, Melchior, and Balthasar, doe shew that it was the inuention of some Almaine Monke, for the two first are high-dutch names. That good and faithfull seruant of God Theodore Beza, whom God hath now gathered to his Saints in glory, in

his booke against Baldwine, reporteth of himselfe that he saw at Tours a crosse laden with rich stones which the people adored at the Passion; amongst the rest there was an Achates or an auncient Agate stone which the people kissed, and that himselfe be∣holding the ingrauing, he found it to bee a Venus weeping ouer her Adonis lying by her. And further, that to Lewis of Bourbon, Prince of Condee, being in the same Towne, there was brought amongst o∣ther Reliques an arme of siluer, which being ope∣ned, there was found within it a knaue of spades with a loue ditty. And that at Bourges there was found in a casket of Reliques a little wheele turning round vpon a staffe, hauing a little scroule written about it.

When this wheele about shall turne My loue with me in loue shall burne.

How can a man reconcile S. Iohn of Angerie, with Amiens and Arras, seeing that these three Townes doe bragge that they haue the head of Saint Iohn Baptist? How many houses might there be built, with that which is said to be the wood of the true Crosse? Or who could recken the thornes of Christ his Crowne? Or the milke, or the haire of the Virgin Marie? In England only in the be∣ginning of the reformation of religion, there were found aboue a bushel full of S. Apollonies teeth. And alwaies the bason to receaue the offering, is at hand. Wee see many Churches founded by this meanes. What semblance of these thinges was there a∣mongst the auncients, nay was there euer any gros∣ser

cosenage in all the Heathen Paganisme? In all this abuse of Reliques, finde me out any Relique or remnant of Pietie, or any trace of Christianity.

ARTICLE XVIII. Of Images.

BƲt for worshipping either them or Images, I must account it dam∣nable Idolatrie. I am no Icono∣machus; I quarell not the making of Images, either for publike decoration, or for mens priuate vses: But that they should bee worshipped, be prayed to, or any holinesse at∣tributed vnto them, was neuer knowne of the Ancients: and the Scriptures are so directly, vehemently and punctually against it, as I won∣der what braine of man, or suggestion of Sa∣than durst offer it to Christians, and all must be salued with nice Philosophicall distinctions: As, Idolum nihil est: And, they worship (for∣sooth) the Images of things in being, and the Image of the true God. But the Scripture for∣biddeth to worship the Image of any thing that God created. It was not a nihil then that God forbad onely to be worshipped, neither was the

brasen Serpent, nor the the body of Moses a ni∣hil, and yet the one was destroied, and the other hidden for the eschewing of Idolatrie.

Master Coeffeteau answers,

that the Church of Rome doeth not beleeue that there is any Deitie in Images, nor doeth worship them, nor make any petition vnto them, or repose any confi∣dence in them: but doeth onely honour them for that which they represent: Iust as the men of Reu∣ben and Gad, and the halfe tribe of Manasses be∣yond Iordan, erected another Altar beside the Tabernacle, only for amemoriall for their poste∣ritie, but not for the offering of sacrifices. So Co∣effeteau saith, that the Church of Rome doth not erect Images vnto Saints, that they should bee accounted either Gods, or Images of God, nor to offer sacrifices vnto them: but to testifie that we are not depriued, or seperated from the Com∣munion of our holy brethren, that dwell beyond Iordan in the Land of promise. That as in ciuill Gouernements, Statues are aduanced for those that haue spent their liues in the defence of the Commonwealth, both for honour and example: so for the same purposes are Martyrs adorned with triumphant Statues: that they are faire Church ornaments: and that thereby we make protestation that we liue in the same Church, and in hope to attaine the same societie.

He addeth thereunto the testimonie of the Fa∣thers, alleadging one of the second age, to wit,

Tertullian speaking of an Image in a Chalice; two of the fourth age, First Gregorie Nyssenus, Se∣condly Basil, speaking of the Images of certaine Saints engrauen vpon a seeling, and Painted vp∣on the Walles. Three other Authours of the fifth age, namely, Sozomen who speakes of the Image of Iesus Christ, broken by Iulian, the bro∣ken pieces whereof were brought afterward into the Church; and the Poet Prudentius and Pauli∣nus, speaking of Painting in Churches.

And farther he addeth

that the distinction of an Image and an Idoll, is grounded vpon the Scrip∣ture. That the Cherubins were Images, and not Idols. That an Idoll either presenteth things that neuer were in being; or representeth them in the nature of a God. Which doth no way agree to the Images of Saints who haue had a true being, and whom men doe onlie honour as the seruants of God.

That the brasen Serpent was broken, and the bo∣die of Moses concealed, for that the Iewes were humorouslie enclined to Idolatry, and would rea∣dily haue acknowledged Moses for their Sauiour, and worshipped, and burnt incense vnto the bra∣sen Serpent. And that therefore Ezechias did re∣ligiously breake it: but that he medled not with the Cherubins in the Temple, because this was abused, but those were not: Whereupon Coeffe∣teau concludeth, that the abuse, not the Images, is to be blamed, the good vse of them being not forbidden, especially in Churches.

This is the substance of his discourse, [Answere.] which hee loades with so many, and such tedious wordes, that the matter is hardly perceiued. By which discourse he sheweth that he is ashamed of his religion. For he speaketh of Images, as of memorials, or meere representations, whereas the Church of Rome commandeth men to reuerence them, to performe religious worship vnto them, nay to adore them.

In the second Councell of Nice, Pope Adrian writing to Tharasius Bishop of Constantinople, speaketh thus,a Let your beatitude continue to serue & adore the Images of all Saints. This commandement is repeated through the whole Councell aboue twenty times. These wordes are to be found in the seauenth Act.b We hold that the Images of the pure Virgin Marie, the mother of God, and also of the glo∣rious Angels, and of all Saints, are to be adored and salu∣ted. That if so be any be otherwise minded, and doe wauer and be of a doubtfull opinion concerning the ado∣ration of venerable Images, our holy and reuerend Sy∣nod doth anathematise him. And which is more, in the first Act of this venerable Councell it is decla∣red, that a Church without Images is nothing worth. Which is againe affirmed, that to oppose Images is the worst of all heresies. In the fourth Act it is said, thatc Images are equiualent to the holy Gospels. And in the eight Act it is ordained, thatd such adoration be vsed vnto Images, as is vnto the venerable, and quickning Crosse, and the holy Gospels. In the same fourth Session, speaking of the holy Hystories of Abraham, and of the Martyrs, it saith, that maior

est Imago quam oratio, An Image is of more excellency then prayer. In the fifth Act, the entire body of the Councel pronounceth, that the Church holdeth that the Angels are corporall, and not inuisible, but that they haue subtile bodies compounded of aire, or fire. And throughout the whole Councell is the worship∣ping of Images commanded. Now this Councell in the Church of Rome is most authenticall, is sti∣led Canonicall, and confirmed by the Popes; and it is to be beleeued that such a Councell cannot erre: which is as much as can be said of the holy Scripture.

Bellarmine with other of their Doctors follow∣ing this decision, doth teach that Images are reli∣giously to be worshipped, and adored. Who di∣rectly opposeth that which Coeffeteau saith, that I∣mages are worshipped Simply for that which they represent. For Bellarmine in the 21. chapter of his booke of Images, sets downe this maxime in Capi∣tall letters, that the Images of Christ, and the Saints, ought to be worshipped, not by accident only, or impro∣perly, but properly, and by themselues, so that the wor∣ship of them is determined in the Images, as they are considered in themselues, and not according to the pat∣ternes which they represent. And about the end of the 22. chapter. The vsuall worship performed vnto externall Images, is considered properly, and in them∣selues. So the worship done to Images, doth eui∣dently shewe that they reuerence the Images for themselues. For among the diuers Images of one Saint, one is couered with dust, another is cladd in

silke, and is often in change of rayment: and some haue offerings tendered vnto them, and some haue none; and which ••s more, the Images of the selfe same Saints haue diuers names: there is our Lady of Vertue, our Lady of Ioy, our Lady of good newes, our Lady of Snow, whose festiuall day is in Italy celebrated in the moneth of August, and hee that should call our Lady of Vertue, by the name of our Lady of Ioy, should be reputed a blockhead, or that he had beene at Geneua And so doubtlesse when one censeth an Image, or kindleth lights, or clothes it with apparaile, or offers vnto it; or when one speaketh to a piece of wood, or to the painting in a cloth, I see not how the Saint is more honou∣red thereby: for he meddles not with the perfumes; and when the stones are polished, he sees not a whit the clearer. He takes no delight in seing the Ima∣ges clothed, or naked; nor doth he gather vp anie of the offerings, but they are all for the Curates, and Vicars. And if any should speake to the picture of a King, the King would not esteeme himselfe ho∣noured thereby.

And if Images which doe but doubtfully resem∣ble the countenances of Saints, must be worship∣ped, then why should not the Bible bee adored, wherein the power of God is most certainly repre∣sented?

Now if his Maiestie of England speake of this a∣buse, as an abhomination, what would he say if he had been an eye-witnesse of that superstitious mad∣nesse, wherwith the poore multitude are inflamed?

if he had seene behinde an Image of stone, cladde in silke, a poore naked picture, standing for the Image of God? if he had seene the people marching in pro∣cession before Lent toward the Image of our Lady, for leaue to eate butter? if he had seene the rule pra∣ctised, which the Tridentine catechisme sets downe approuing such as say a Pater noster before the pi∣cture of S. Dominicke, or S. Barbara? if he had seene troupes of Saints in Churches diuersly apparailed, among which some are but very basely cladde, and some Saint hauing a hogge by his side, some other a dogge, &c, and these creatures to haue a share in the perfume, & to be equally adorned with lights? He that should breake an arme of one of these liue∣lesse Images, shall be thought to haue committed a greater fault, then if he had broken the heades of a hundred liuing men; howbeit the Image might be mended, when the men could haue no amends. This abuse is boundlesse, and here superstition ad∣deth madnesse vnto their blindnesse. For the liuing Image of God fals downe before the Image of a dead man. He among them that should see a church without Images, would thinke himselfe in a newe world: or he that should see Images vnworshipped, would perswade himselfe he were among Deuils.

Such as blush at this abuse, and speake thereof more nicely, (as Coeffeteau doth) they say that Ima∣ges doe helpe our deuotion; but whence then is it, that they may not be seene in Lent, which is the time of deuotion, and what deuotion is there, with∣out, nay against the commandement of God?

Others say, that they are ignorant mens bookes, and they say the truth, for they keepe them in igno∣rance. So Habacuc cap. 2. calleth them teachers of lyes: the mischiefe is, that whiles the Churches and publique places, are filled with these bookes for the ignorant, they keepe away the Scripture, which might haue made them learned, and cured their ignorance, they amaze the people insteed of instru∣cting them, they quicken the sense, but dull the conscience, they kindle their wax-lights, while the Candle of Gods word is hid vnder the bushell of an vnknowledge language: and by this meanes are men turned into stones, hauing stones for their instru∣cters. And this is an old tricke of policie, to busie the people with playes, and publike shewes, while their liberty is vndermined, so dealt Alcibtades by the Athenians, and so (as Cor. Tacitus witnesseth) the Romanes dealt in great Britaine. The same cunning hath beene vsed by the Pope, who hath built his Hierarchy vpon the ruines of the Ro∣mane Monarchy, he sets the people gazing on paintings, and spectacles, while he doth insensibly change the doctrine of saluation, to make it seruice∣able to his Lordlinesse.

They alleadge the Images of the Cherubins made by the Commaundement of God, which makes very much for our side: for they were faste∣ned in the Sanctuary, where the people came not at all, for God concealing them from the sight of the people, preuented their Idolatry. Whence ap∣peareth the strange boldenesse of Bellarmine, in the

12. Chapter of his booke of Images, where without any purpose, he presumeth to affirme, that the Isra∣clites did worship the Cherubins with the Arke. If so be the Iewes worshipped not the Angels, how would they haue worshipped their Images? hee should first then haue prooued, that the people of God worshipped the Angels in the Temple, or addressed their prayers vnto them. And had the children of Israel worshipped the Arke (as he falsely supposeth) may it thence be concluded that they worshipped the Cherubins placed on the Arke? he that saluteth the King, doth he salute his hat, or his habit? this hath neither reason, nor likelyhood.

Neither was the brasen Serpent worshipped, or adored, for as soone as the people began to per∣forme any worship vnto it, Ezechias brake it in pie∣ces, now it is impossible that the Israelites should haue thought, that this peece of brasse was God, the wit of man was neuer so blunted: but they per∣formed a respectiue seruice vnto the Serpent, be∣cause of the power of God, wherof that was a me∣moriall.

These men mend not their market by telling vs, that they worship not the Images of false Gods as did the Paynims: but the Images of the friends and seruants of God, for Idolatry is called in the Scripture adultery, and an adulterous woman can∣not be excused in saying that she betakes not her selfe to her husbands enemies, but onely to his friendes, and in so ticklish a point, and whereof God is so ••ealous, we must be grounded vpon the

commaundement of God: and to make it appeare, that God would haue vs to worship the Images of his seruants, or that we should yeeld them some re∣ligious seruice, or bow our knee before them, and not shiftingly to shunne the question, in shewing that it is lawfull to make pictures, whereas the que∣stion is concerning the seruice that ought to bee performed vnto them.

Being thus vrged, in place of alleaging the com∣mandement of God, they bring vs a distinction of Latria and Dulia, and cast these greeke wordes like a handfull of sand in the peoples eyes. It would be easie for vs to shew by a great number of greeke au∣thorities, that Dulia belongeth also vnto God, yea vnto God onlie when it signifies religious seruice; and that Latria is often referred vnto men. But this matters not, inasmuch, as the seruice and inferiour adoration, which they attribute vnto the Saints, & to their Images, is alwaies a religious seruice, and a voluntarie worship, tending to the attainement of saluation. Therefore they are perpetually foyled, seing they can neither proue, that this inferior wor∣ship belongeth vnto the Saints, or to their Images, nor that God hath commanded that anie religious seruice should be yeelded vnto their Images.

They being vnfurnished with proofes out of the word of God, they flie vnto miracles, and that they haue done of late. For the second Councell of Nice saith, thatb then none were made.c Bellarmine tels of a Deuil that promised a Heremite that he would trouble him no more, vpon condition that hee

would promise him not to worship any longer the Image of the Virgin Marie. The Image of our La∣die of Montferrat in Spaine, that fell from heauen, was painted by S. Luke, who was a painter, if these men may be credited. Which S. Hierome in his catalogue hath omitted. S. Paul saith, that he was a Phisitian. But the Church of Rome hath made him a painter since he went to heauen, whence also come our Images. Certainly we may well say that Clemens Alexandrinus, and Tertullian would not haue thought the Art of painting to be wicked, and vnlawfull, if they had knowne S. Luke had beene a painter: and it is strange that the auncient writers make no mention of his Images: and where were they al the foure first ages, that the Churches of the Christians were without pictures?

With like abuse doe they auerre that our Ladie of Loretto drawne by the same hand, was carryed by Angels through the aire, together with the chamber wherein shee was kept, from Nazaret in∣to Italie, in the yeare 1369. for this fable is of no greater antiquity. And it is strange how the aun∣cient Christians which were in Syria, neglected that chamber, and that Image of such excellencie: and how that image could subsist among the spoiles of the Turkes and Saracens, which turnde all thinges vpside downe, and that it should not be seene, till after fourteene hundred yeares: and that the Angels had not bethought themselues of transporting it sooner. And that so rare a storie should not haue any authour worthie the naming. To this Image

hath Pope Sixtus the fourth granted an indulgence of eleuen thousand yeares, for saying a short praier of three lines, which is publikelie sold. By reason of the multitude of offerings in his time, the farming thereof was enhanced to a price incredible, but the gaines are now shrunke to the one halfe.

There is much adoe made at Rome about the pi∣cture of Christ, which he sent vnto King Agbarus, drawne vpon a peece of linnen: concerning which the first that made anie mention is Euagrius, whose storie determineth about the sixt hundred yeare of our Lord. Which is doubtlesse a matter admirable; that none hath mentioned it before, and that Euse∣bius, who neare the end of the first booke of his hy∣storie speaketh at large of this Agbarus, and of cer∣taine Epistles sent from him vnto Christ, and from Christ vnto him, hath not a word of this picture. And yet notwithstanding Gelasius Bishop of Rome, in the fifteenth distinction of the Decrees, and after him Isidore, account these Epistles fabulous, and A∣pocryphall: Sith that Eusebius makes him speake er∣roneously to Thadeus the Apostle, sent vnto Agba∣rus, saying that in the death of Iesus Christ, his Dei∣tie was diminished. And which is more, if this hy∣storie of Agbarus were true, then had S. Paul told an vntruth, saying 1. Cor. 2.8. that none of the Princes of the world knew in his time the wisdome of the Gospell.

That other picture of the holie Veronica, inuen∣ted a while after, is of the same stampe; which be∣ing carried in procession in the time of Innocent the

third turnde topsie turuie of it selfe, casting his beard vpward, as Matthew Paris reporteth. For expiation wherof the said Pope graunted an indul∣gence of ten dayes, for at that time they were not giuen by thousands.

It would be an endlesse peece of worke for anie to make report of the images that haue spoken, or sweate, or bowed the head in signe of consent. Reade Caesarius a Monke of the order of the Cist••r∣tians, his booke of miracles. In the Abbey of Saint Guerlicou in Berrie neare the towne of Bourg-Dieu, vpon the way of Romorantin, such women as would be got with child, are stretched along vpon the i∣mage of this S. Bennet after such a manner, as mo∣desty may not report.

In fine, not to tyre the reader with thousands of the like abuses, if we may beleeue these our good Masters, it is certaine that the images of Saints do more miracles, then euer the Saints themselues did.

Concerning these miracles wee offer them the choise, whether they wil haue them accounted true or false: if they be false, we are not bound to beleeue them: and then there is collusion. For now adaies these miracles are nothing but coniuring of deuils, with many trickes, aspersions, crossings, exor∣cismes, giuing power vnto wordes and signes: or it may be, the curing of one that is but counterfait lame or sicke. But to giue sight to one that is borne blinde, or to raise one from the dead that hath been buried, &c. are matters which their cunning could

neuer contriue. And the Lieutenants, and Iudges in Criminall causes, howsoeuer, of the Romish Religion, haue often discouered and punished such impostures: Consider farther, that as the ancient Christians did glorie, that the Deuils and Oracles were dumbe in their presence: So these miracles could neuer be wrought before vs: for if we stand by, the deuill looseth his fencing trickes.

Neuerthelesse, to deale fairely with these men, let vs graunt, that these Miracles are not counter∣fait. For the Apostle, 2. Thess. 2. foretelleth, that the sonne of perdition shall come with signes and Mi∣racles. And Christ, Marke 13. saith, That false Tea∣chers shall come, and worke signes and wonders, whereby to deceiue. And Mat. 12. A naughtie and adulterous generation seeketh a signe. If we teach no other Doctrine then Christ and his Apostles haue deliuered, the Miracles which they haue wrought doe sufficiently confirme our teaching: Besides we know that Heretickes in old time, did as many, and more Miracles, then they which taught the Or∣thodoxe faith.

Being foyled then about these Miracles, they haue recourse, to the testimonies of the Fathers, Mast. Coeffeteau saith, that Tortullian in the seuenth Chapter of his Booke of Chastitie, teacheth that in the Primitiue Church, there were Images ingra∣uen in Chalices: this is false, For Tertullian in this place, speakes not of the Picture of Iesus Christ, nor of any Saint or Angell; but hee speaktth of a Chalice, whereon was grauen a Shepheard, bea∣ring

a sheepe vpon his shoulder: which was no Image of Christ, but an Embleme of his office, as men doe vsually picture the vertues: and had the people worshipped this Picture, they would haue drawne it elsewhere in a place more eminent. Now Tertullian was so farre from the worshipping of Images, that he held it simply vnlawfull to make a∣ny Image. So in his Booke of Idolatrie, cap. 4. The Law conioyning things, as not to make the likenesse of any thing in heauen, or in the earth, or in the Sea, hath forbidden such trades throughout the whole world. And in his Booke of Spectacles, cap. 23. God forbiddeth to make the resemblance of any thing, how much more of his Image? And therefore doeth he reproch Hermo∣genes the Painter with his Art, as being full of ab∣homination.

Coeffeteau alleadgeth also a place of Gregorie Nys∣sen taken out of the Oration concerning Theodore the Martyr, which we haue heretofore disproued as false, and yet there is no speech of worshipping Images, no more then in the Oration of S. Basil, concerning the Martyr Barlaam, where there is on∣ly mention of Painted Histories, and the represen∣ting of the suffrings of the Martyrs; in which Pain∣ted works, the Executioners, and Souldiers horses are also represented, and if the storie required, Christ was also drawne in the Picture: but of wor∣ship performed to these Painted stories, or to any Image, there is no maner of mention.

Besides it is to be obserued, that if this were then practised in the Churchyards of Cappadocia where

Basil was, or in some Church within his Bishop∣pricke, yet wee finde not that this custome was brought into other countries. For Prudentius, and Paulinus alleadged by Coeffeteau, liued a hundred yeeres after, and they speake onely of the Historie, and not of any worship.

Hee alleadgeth also Sozomen lib. 2. cap. 20. where he speakes of an Image of Christ in Caesaria, broken by Iulian the Apostata, the pieces whereof were brought into the Church by the Christians, wherin his vnderstanding failes him, for thereby it appea∣reth that this Image was not in any Church, and that no worship was done vnto it. Now we speake here of Images set vp in Churches, and which are there worshipped. Eusebius is the first that menti∣ons this Image, lib. 7. cap. 17. of his Historie, whom Coeffeteau neglected to alleadge. For he saith, that this Image was made by that Heathen woman, whom Christ cured of a bloudy issue. Afterward he saith, That none should wonder, if such of the Hea∣then as Christ healed made such things, in as much as wee haue seene the Pictures of the Apostles, Paul and Peter, yea and of Christ himselfe drawne in colours, to be kept in Tables; which the ancients did out of an Hea∣thenish custome, which was to honour those in like ma∣ner, whom they esteemed their deliuerers. Obserue here, that he cals it an Heathenish custome, and be∣ing begun by some of the Heathen that were hea∣led by Christ, or his Apostles, they desired to ho∣nour them after the maner of the Heathen. Wee must also vnderstand, that this Image was not in

any Church, but in a corner of the streete, and that the Christians were so farre from giuing any ho∣nour vnto it, that they knew it not to be there For Nicephorus in the tenth of his Historie saith, That through age and forgetfulnesse it so decayed, that it could not be discerned whose Picture it was, or for what end it was set vp, for this Image was spoyled because it stood vncouered, and the raine had made mucha earth to fall from the houses vpon it. And he addeth that in the ende it was knowen by the subscription, all which proues, that it was some Image made after the heathen maner, sent thither for some publicke ornament. But of Images in Churches, or of their worship, there is no such newes.

These are the places which Coeffeteau hath taken out of the ninth Chapter of Bellarmines Booke of Images: Hauing done wisely in omitting the place of Gregory Nazianzene, where Bellarmine commits a notorious falshood. Hee saith that in the fortie ninth (he would say) fortieth Epistle, Gregorie la∣menting because the Towne of Diocaesatia was to be destroyed, wherein hee had adorned a Church with great magnificence, he addeth; Ne{que}enim si statuae deijciantur hoc nos excruciat, etiam si aliquan∣do excruciat. The trueth is, that the Emperour be∣ing incensed against the Towne of Diocaesaria for some offence (which Gregorie in this Epistle attri∣buteth to the insolent behauiour of certaine chil∣dren) did threaten to ruine it, and the Emperour had already taken away the Statues of the Empe∣rours, which he had in the Towne: As wee haue an

example in the insurrection at Antioch, where the people inraged against Theodosius the Emperour, they puld downe his Statues; concerning which Chrysostome hath diuers Homilies: and indeede Gregorie cals them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as Chrysostome doeth: otherwise, had he spoken of Images in Churches, he would with Zonaras, Damascene, and Cedrenus, haue called them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. And there is not so much as a word of that which Bellarmine saith, namely, that he speakes of Images in Churches, for indeede he speakes thereof contemptuously, in these words. For it is not very irkesome, although it grieue vs, if the Statues be puld downe, and doe you not thinke that I speake hereof, for I am busied about affaires of more moment.

With like falshood doeth he alleadge the Litur∣gie of Chrysostome, in which Pope Nicholas, and the Emperour Alexius, borne many ages after Chryso∣stome, are named. There also, and often elsewhere doth he alleadge the supposed Oration of Gregorie Nissen vpon Theodore.

So in the twelfth Chap. he falsly alleageth Basil against Iulian, the Liturgie of Chrysostome, and Au∣sten in his third Booke of Christian Doctrine, and the questions of Athanasius, which are so full of vn∣trueth, that Athanasius himselfe is alleadged: And Cyrils Catechismes, heretofore conuinced of false∣hood, and certainely he that shall take the false Al∣legations out of Bellarmine, shall not leaue one halfe part behind. The other places are imperti∣nent, for one part speakes of historicall Pictures

out of Churches in priuate houses: and not anie where mentioneth the worshipping of Images. Which is the point in controuersie.

All this being ouerthrowne, let vs relie vpon the commandement of God, which saith, Exod. 20. Thou shalt not make any grauen Image, nor the like∣nesse of any thinges which are aboue in heauen, or be∣low in earth, nor in the waters vnder the earth. Thou shalt not bow downe before them, nor worship them.

The distinction which they make here betweene an Image, and an Idoll, makes their confession ve∣rie cleare, that they are not pleased with this com∣mandement, sith they haue taken it out of their Houres and Offices, which they giue abroade among the poore multitude; and that they put the Law of God into meetre, where this commandement is wholy left out. So the Councell of Ausbourg, which is in the latter Tome of the Councels, held in the yeare 1548, turneth the commandements in∣to high-dutch, as they ought to be set forth to the people, wherein there is not a word spoken of I∣mages, nor of the likenesse of things in heauen, &c, Now to make vp the number of ten commande∣ments, they cut the tenth in two partes, and make the coueting of another mans wife to be the ninth. Whence it followes, that there is no ninth com∣mandement in the twentith of Exodus; for it is thrust into the middle of the tenth, and put after the coueting of our neighbours house.

The Reader shall then haue matter of verie ma∣ture consideration. For were there wordes euer

pronounced with more maiesty then the law? the law written by the finger of God? the law pro∣nounced by his mouth with fire, and tempest, and a terrible sound, to terrifie the creature with a sacred astonishment? would any beleeue that wormes of the earth should presume to correct this law, and charge it with superfluity? this cannot possibly re∣ceiue sufficient aggrauation. Christ saith, that hea∣uen and earth shal sooner passe away, then that one iot of that law should not bee accomplished: and loe, these are then men that raze out whole periods, yea, that commandement which the Lord deliue∣red with greatest maiestie, calling himselfe a iealous and a mighty God, adding thereunto his threat∣nings, and promises vnto a thousand generations.

Being then conuinced of impiety, they fall to grammaticall disputations, and say, it must be tran∣slated, Thou shalt not make any grauen Idoll, and not Image: that an Idoll is the representation of a false thing, and the obiect of Idolatry: but that Images doe represent true things. I confesse that in French an Image, and an Idoll are diuers thinges: but the law of God was not promulgated in French, but in Hebrew: wherein the word Pesel signifies a grauen Image, and so the Romish Bible translates it, Non facies tibi sculptile, Thou shalt not make a grauen, or carued Image. And Deut. 4, 16. it is, for feare that yee defile your selues, and make vnto you Pesel, that is, an Image, as the Romane Bible expresseth it. And so Esay. 40.19. and many other places. Iustine Martyr in his dialogue against Tryphon, translates

it as wee doe, Thou shalt not make an Image, or the likenesse of any thinge in heauen aboue, or in the earth beneath. And I am of opinion that Tully vnder∣stood the Greeke and Latin almost aswell as the Ia∣cobins. Yet in the first booke de finibus, he speaketh thus: Images which they call Idols, by meeting with whom we see and consider, &c. Tertullian in the vn∣derstanding of these thinges is not inferior to any of the auncients; and yet he takes and Image, and an Idoll for the same thing, in his booke of Idolatrie cap. 3. Idos in greeke signifies a figure, or representa∣tion, whence comes the diminutiue Idolon, which signi∣fies a little forme, or fashion; and therefore euery little representation, or figure, must be called an Idoll. If then it be absurd in French to call the Cherubins Idols, in Greeke it shall be no absurditie at all.

But what neede we dispute, whether we ougth to say, Thou shalt not make any grauen Image, or Idoll, seing it is added, nor any likenesse, or resemblance what soeuer? And that it is also forbidden, to kneele, or bow downe before it, or at all to worship it? and consequently this Dulia is forbidden, which signi∣fieth nothing else but worship?

Therefore, neither had the Israelites the pictures of Abraham, or Iacob, or Dauid in the Temple, or in their Synagogues being men that deserued to bee worshipped, and adored, at least aswell as S. Domi∣nicke, or S. Guerlicon, or their good S. Francis: They being farre from yeelding them worship or adora∣tion.

Neither had the primitiue Christians anie of

them, and when in the fifth age they began to haue them in Church-yardes, in some places they made nothing but painted hystories, without any wor∣shipping of them.

We haue heretofore seene that Tertullian con∣demneth alike all kindes of painting, yea without any reference to religion.

Clement of Alexandria hath the like in his Pro∣trepticon, where speaking of Painting and Caruing he saith, We are altogether forbidden to practise this deceitfull Art. And hee discourseth very largely thereof, in his sixth Booke of his Stromata.

Irenaeus reckons it among the abuses of the Gno∣stickes, That they had certaine Painted Images, and o∣thers made of other stuffe, saying that it was the Pi∣cture of Christ made by Pilate. Epiphanius saith the same, Lib. 1. Tom. 2. Haeres. 27.

Origen in his eight Booke against Celsus, Wee ought to Dedicate vnto the Lord, not Images made by the hands of Craftesmen, but framed by the word of God, which are vertuous examples.

In the Dialogue of Minutius Faelix, Caecilius a Pagan doth aske of the Christians,e Whence it comes that the Christians haue no Altars, no Temples, no Ima∣ges that are obserued?

The testimonie of the Historian Lampridius, in the life of Alexander Seuerus, is remarkeable, who saith that in fauour of the Christians,f The Emper∣our Adrian commanded that in euery Citie, Churches should be built without Images, which at this day are called Adrians Churches, because they haue no Gods in

them; which they said he made for that end; to wit, to pleasure the Christians.

Saint Austen in his Booke of Heresies cap. 7. spea∣king of the Carpocratian heretickes.a They worship∣ped the Images of Christ, adoring, and burning in∣cense vnto them.

Amphilochius Bishop of Iconia, reporteth in the second Synod of Nice,b We take no care of colouring in Tables the corporall visages of the Saints, for wee haue nothing to doe with them, but we ought to call to remembrance their vertuous conuersations.

Saint Austen vpon the hundred and thirteene Psalme, expounding these words of Dauid, that Idols haue a mouth and speake not, eyes and see not, that they are the worke of mens hands, makes this obiection, that the Church hath also instru∣ments made with mens hands, but hee answers, that this is true, But haue these instruments mouths and speake not? Or eyes and see not? Doe we addresse our Prayers to them, &c. Surely he could not haue spo∣ken thus, if hee had had Images in Churches, or if Images had beene a part of the Churches mooue∣ables.

The same Father in his first Booke, De moribus Ecclesiae Catholicae cap. 34. complaining of the super∣stition of certaine Christians, that in Churchyards did kneedle before the Tombs of the Martyrs, and before the Painted Histories of their sufferings, saith, I know some who worshippe Sepulchres and Pi∣ctures, I know many that drinke largely ouer the dead. It is not credible that these Christians thought

these Images to be Gods, for Christians neuer cal∣led a Saint God, and much lesse his Image, this is the reason why Bellarmine cap. 16. saith that S. Au∣gustin was as yet but a nouice in Christianitie, when he wrote this, and that afterward he changed his opinion, when he was better instructed.

The Eliberin Councell held at the same time as was the first of Nice, in the thirtie and sixe Canon, saith, It is ordained that there be no Pictures in Chur∣ches, for feare least that which is worshipped and ado∣red, be Painted in the Wals. The Iesuite Sanders, in the second Booke of the worship of Images cap. 4. saith, That then it was necessarie, but that now the matter is without danger, as if mans nature were now adayes not so prone vnto Idolatrie. Others say, that this Councell forbids the Painting of Pi∣ctures vpon wals, but not the hauing of them in Frames; with which conceite the Councell meetes, not onely forbidding Painting in wals, but ordai∣ning also that there should bee no Painting in Churches. It hath beene ordained (saith the Coun∣cell) that there bee no Painting in the Church, but if Painted frames be fastned to the wals, are they not in the Church?

In the second Tome of S. Ieromes Epistles, there is an Epistle of Epiphanius, which Ierome himselfe hath vouchsafed to Translate into Latine; whereof obserue these words. As I was in a Village called A∣nablata, seeing as I walked along a burning lampe, and perceiuing that it was a Church, I went in to pray, and found in the porch a veile hung vp coloured, and pain∣ted,

hauing in it the picture as it were of Christ, or some Saint, for I doe not well remember of what: ha∣uing then seene that in the Church of Christ, there was hung vp the Image of a man, contrarie to the authority of the Scriptures, I rent it, and aduised the keepers of the place to burie some poore dead bodie in it. He addeth, that hee sent another veile without any Image, for re∣compence of that which he had torne, to content the kee∣pers that murmured at it: after that he saith, I pray you that in the Church of Christ such veiles be no more hung vp, which are opposite to our religion. And this same Epistle is in the same wordes alleaged in the Councell of Paris, held vnder Lewes le debonaire, in the yeare 824 that none may thinke it a peece of new forgerie.

Gregorie of Tours speaking of the Baptisme of King Clouis and his children, witnesseth that the a∣dorning of Churches, was to hang the Church with veiles, or white linnen. Of which S. Ambrose speakes, Epist. 33. and this custome doth yet conti∣nue in Lent. An euident proofe that then they had no Images; for to what end should they then keepe them couered? and this was about the yeare of our Lord fiue hundred.

Out of Monsieur Pithou his librarie, who was a man rarelie learned, we haue the Councell of Paris against Images: wherein King Lewes le debonaires, and the French Bishops, doe make remonstrances vnto Pope Eugenius, who defended Images tooth and naile. For the Popes laide handfast vpon this occasionn, to shake off the yoke of their master the

Emperour of the East, vnder a coulour that he puld downe Images.

Not long before in the yeare 794. Charlemaigne assembled the Councell of Franckford, against the worshipping of Images; wherein the second Ni∣cene Councell was condemned, before which Councell of Nice a generall Councell was held at Constantinople in the yeare 750 where there were three hundred and thirty eight Bishops; some parts of which Councel are alleaged in the secōd Coun∣cell of Nice, howsoeuer maymed, yet stronger then that which those Nicence Bishops opposed against it.

About the yeare 600. Serenus Bishop of Marsilia puld downe all the Images found in Churches, be∣cause the people worshipped them: and it is not by any meanes credible, that the Christians accounted Images for Gods, or worshipped them as God. Nor doe we find that the said Serenus erected them againe, notwithstanding hee was controuled by Gregorie Bishop of Rome.

And indeede Monsieur Pithou hath good ground to say, that the French-men, beganne verie soone after to be addicted vnto Images. For Ana∣stasius keeper of the Librarie, one superstitiously gi∣uen, in the preface to the second Councel of Nice, saith, that the Gaules had not yet receiued Images, because the truth was not yet reuealed vnto them; that is to say, more then eight hundred yeares after Christ. And Nicetas Choniates in the second booke of the raigne of Augustus Angelus saith, that the

Armenians did gladly receiue the Almaines, be∣cause Apud Alemannos & Armenios Imaginum ado∣ratio aequè interdicta est, among the Almaines and Ar∣menians, the worshipping of Images was forbidden a∣like. For Charlemaigne had so farre reiected the worshipping of Images, that hee himselfe wrote a booke against it, which is yet extant. And soone after Agobardus Bishop of Lyons compiled a great volume against Images, which is also extant, and newly printed at Paris.

To conclude, whosoeuer shall diligently reade the scornefull inuectiues of the primitiue Christi∣ans, flouting the Images of the auncient Pagans, shall finde that their reprehensions had beene ridi∣culous, if the Christians had then had Images in their Churches; as when Lactantius lib. 2. cap. 4. doth call the Statues in the Pagan-temples, Grandes puppas, great babies, and when cap. 2. he saith that the Images of the Gods are of no vse, if they be present, and that if they be in heauen, then we should rather direct our prayers toward heauen. And when S. Austin vpon the 113. Psalme, saith, that they draw the deuotion of the people, in that they haue a hu∣mane shape, and are set in some high roome. And doubtlesse the Infidels would haue returnde the re∣proofe, and reproach to the Christians, and to their Images of the Saints, and the worshipping of their Statues; which they doe not. But we haue here∣tofore heard that they aske the Christians for what cause they haue no Images, that any could see.

ARTICLE XIX. Of the Image of God.

YEa, the Image of God himselfe is not only expresly forbidden to bee worshipped, but euen to bee made. The reason is giuen, that no eye euer saw God; and how can we paint his face, when Moses (the man that euer was most familiar which God) neuer saw but his backe parts? Surely, since he can∣not be drawne to the viue, it is a thankelesse labour to marre it with a false representation, which no Prince, nor scarce any other man will be contented with in their owne pictures. Let them therefore that maintaine this doctrine, answere it to Christ at the latter day, when he shall accuse them of Idolatrie; And then I doubt if he will be payed with such nice sophisti∣call Distinctions.

For answere whereunto Coeffeteau saith,

that the Images of God are not made to represent his es∣sence, but onlie to expresse the formes wherein he hath appeared. That none is so brutish to be∣leeue that any can paint an essence immortall, in∣finite, &c.

I expected that M. Coeffeteau would haue produ∣ced some commandement of God; for his ground of the Images of God; or some place to shew that God was pleased, to haue his Images made, seing they are not made to represent his essence: at least some auncient example either true, or false, after his old manner. But here is none of these, he only saith that Images doe not expresse his being. I ans∣were that this may bee said aswell of the Images of men, yea of beastes: for their pictures doe not re∣present their essence, and neuer was any man so vn∣reasonable as to thinke that the essence of anie thing could be expressed in a picture. Then in like manner doe I say, that if these Images be not the I∣mages of God, because they represent not his es∣sence, then the Images of Saints are not their Ima∣ges, because they represent not their essence. And indeed not the vulgar people only, but the Doctors also doe call such pictures the Image of God, and the Trinitie, The title of the eight chapter of Bel∣larmines booke of Images, is this, That the Images of God are not forbidden. Now there is no picture, which hath not some resemblance with the pat∣terne, and euery Image is a likenesse. Therefore, our aduersaries must hold that there is some assimi∣lation, and resemblance betweene God, and his I∣mages, for if there be none, they are not the Ima∣ges of God.

Now these Statues and pictures are to be seene in all their Churches, and in the beginning of the Bibles printed at Rome by the authority of Sixtus

Quintus and Clement 8. yea, they serue for signes at Tauerne dores, they vse to say Master N. lodgeth at the Trinity: and his horses are set at Gods-head, a matter ridiculously prophane, and reproachfull to Christian Religion.

It appeareth also that these Images of God, are not made to represent the formes wherein God hath appeared, for they commonly picture God in a pontificall Throne, in the habite of a Pope with a triple Crowne, and a Papall robe; as if you should say, behold Pope Iulius granting pardons. There wants nothing but a fanne of a Peacockes taile on either side, surely God neuer appeared in this habite, it makes me wonder whence it comes; that the Images of the Trinity are commonly du∣sty, and Spiders playing about them, but the Ima∣ges of our Lady, and of the Saints, are diapred, and trimply appaireled: me thinkes in regard of the Pa∣pall habit, at least they should be neatly kept.

It is true that God appeared vnto Daniel in the shape of an old man, for he knew well that Da∣niel would not Idolatrously abuse the vision, but when he speakes to the children of Israel, hee suffe∣red them not to see him in any likenesse, for feare (saith he) least ye corrupt your selues in making a representation of any figure, of Male, or Female Deut. 4.16. And me thinkes when they obiect this apparition in the figure of an old man, they knock themselues on the fingers. For did the Church then vpon this occasion represent God in that fi∣gure? can it be found that after that time the I∣mage

of God was painted in the Temple, or in the Synagogue? And if the faithfull in those daies did it not for what reason shall we haue license to doe that which they thought vnlawfull. God doth that which seemeth good to his wisedome, but to vs it belongeth to doe what he commaundeth, for his commandemen••, and not his actions must bee the rule of our Religion. If he commaund the Is∣raelites to spoyle the Egyptians, or Abraham to sa∣crifice his Sonne, doth it follow that we must ther∣fore breake his law, by the imitation of these exam∣ples? if a woodden old man that people call God the Father, must be worshipped, because it resem∣bles the old man that appeared vnto Daniel, why should we not much rather worship old men aliue, which doe much more resemble him?

This is the reason why some Doctors of the Church of Rome, as Abulensis, Durand, and Pere∣sius doe condemne these Images: Yea, the second Nicence Councell how corrupt soeuer, yet con∣demneth them in the sixth and seuenth Acts. Ni∣cephorus a later and superstitious Author, lib. 18. cap 53. saith,a The Armenian Heretickes doe paint the Image of God the Father, and the Holy Ghost, which is most absurd.b Saint Austen in the seuenth Chap∣ter of his Booke of Faith, and of the Creede, saith thus, When it is said that the Father sitteth, we must not thinke that he hath Legs to bow, for feare wee fall into that sacriledge, for which the Apostle detesteth those that turned the glorie of the incorruptible God, into the similitude of a corruptible man, for to erect any

such Image vnto God in the Church, is a thing vnlaw∣full for a Christian, and much more in his heart, &c. He doeth not onely say that it is vnlawfull to desire to represent his essence, but to make an Images of God sitting, his hammes bowed in the similitude of a man: which is the fashion of the Images of God which are made in these dayes. Now, no man that hath any drop of free iudgement can make himselfe beleeue, that any Christian euer thought to represent the essence of God by such Pictures, seeing they cannot expresse the essence of man.

In briefe, by this abuse doth God shew vnto vs, into what headlong courses man runneth when hee forsakes his holy word, and that after the shipwrack of piety, he loseth euen his very reason, for the Lord hauing created man in the Image of God, Loe heere are men that make God in the I∣mage of man: as if they would exchange good turnes with him. And indeed his Maiesty of En∣gland saith true, that the meanest man would not be so resembled, for what man would be represen∣ted in the shape of a Pismiere, or of a Frog: and yet betweene an Ant and the greatest Monarch, there is some proportion, and between things finite, the distance cannot be infinite; but betweene the shape of a man that is finite, and the Maiesty of God which is infinite, there can be no proportion. besides, the distinctions and excuses which they bring forth, are schoole distinctions, not vnder∣stood by the common people, whose minds are fixed on that which they see, and seeing euery day

in their Parish Church a God of stone, clothed like a Pope, must needes imagine very grosse things, and such as are very iniurious to the eternal Deitie.

ARTICLE XX. Of the Crosse.

BVt Christs Crosse must haue a par∣ticular priuiledge (say they) and bee worshipped ratione conta∣ctus. But first wee must know what kinde of touching of Christs body drew a vertue from it, whether euery touching, or onely touching by faith? That euery touch∣ing of his body drew not vertue from it, is more then manifest. When the Woman in the bloody fluxe touched him, she was healed by her faith: But Peter then tolde him that a crowde and throng of many people then touched him, and yet none of them receiued any benefit or vertue from him. Iudas touched him many and many a time, besides his last kisse▪ so did the villaines that Buffeted and Crucified him, and yet I may safely pronounce them accursed, that would bestow any worship vpon their reliques: yea we cannot denie but the land of Canaan it

selfe (whereupon our Lord did dayly tread) is so visibly accursed, being gouerned by faithlesse Turkes, full of innumerable Sects of hereticall Christians, and the very fertilitie thereof so farre degenerated into a pitifull sterilitie, as he must bee accursed that accounteth it blessed. Nay, when a certaine Woman blessed the belly that bare Christ, and the breasts that gaue him sucke: Nay rather (saith he) Blessed are those that heare the Word of God and keepe it. Ex∣cept then they could first prooue that Christ had resolued to blesse that tree of the Crosse, where∣vpon he was nayled, they can neuer prooue that his touching it could giue it any vertue. And put the case it bad a vertue of doing Miracles, as Peters shadow had, yet doeth it not follow, that it is lawfull to worship it, which Peter would neuer accept of. Surely the Prophets that in so many places curse those that worship Images, that haue eyes and see not, that haue eares and heare not, would much more haue cur∣sed them that worship a piece of a sticke, that hath not so much as any resemblance or repre∣sentation of eyes or eares.

To this M. Coeffeteau

opposeth not the comman∣dement of God, but the authority of Chrysostome

in his Sermon of the adoration of the Crosse, who saith, The Crosse & his picture ought to be wor∣shipped. In like manner Prudentius the Poet, and Paulinus Bishop of Nola, and Ambrose, who speake of the worshipping of the Crosse, that Iu∣das kisse, or the touching of the executioners, and the touch of the Crosse is not al one because the mouth of the one, and the hands of the other were liuing mem-bers of those Reprobates, that committed the most detestable crime in the world; but the Crosse was a dead thing, and a harmelesse instrument of our Sauiors death: that this worship is not done to the wood, but to him that was fastened thereunto, and sanctified it by his touching of it: & again, that the representati∣on of the cheife mistery of our saluatiō doth make it venerable: which cannot be said of the land of Canaan, because it was no particular instrument of our saluation.

The Doctor is not willing to leaue his good custome of paying vs with falsehoods. [Answere.] For Chryso∣stomes Sermon of the adoration of the Crosse, w^ch saith that the Crosse, & the effigies thereof are to be worshipped is suppositious, and not found in Greek among Chrysostomes works. Ioachimus Pe∣rionius hath set forth in Greeke and Latine, what himselfe pleased: but Gretser a Iesuit, who hath ve∣ry lately inserted it among other orations that speake of the Crosse, saith that he hath made dili∣gent search for the manuscripts of Chrysost. in the Libraries at Bauaria, and Ausburg; and that the hath

neither found it there, nor any where else.

Coeffeteau addeth, that Prudentius writing against Simmachus saith, that the Christians bowed their knees before the Crosse to worship it: and yet this is false. He could not alleage the wordes, but the verses of Prudentius are these.

—Tunc ille Senatus Militiae vltricis titulum, Christi{que} verendum Nomen adorauit, quod collucebat in armis.

Which sounds in English to this sense,

Then did the Senate graue adore The title of Christes name diuine, Which the reuengefull Armie bore, And did in glorious banner shine.

The meaning is that the Senate hauing seene a Romane banner, which they called Labarum, wher∣vpon the name of Christ was written for an in∣scription in this forme ☧ did worship this title, and the venerable name of Christ. But of adoring the crosse he makes no mention.

He further saith, that S. Ambrose in the Oration made vpon the death of Theodosius, speaking of He∣lena that put one of the nayles of the Crosse in Con∣stantines crown, saith, that she did wisely in aduancing the Crosse aboue the heads of Kings, that in Kings the Crosse of Christ might be worshipped. Let vs here re∣solue that this Oration, as also others of the third Tome, be adiudged counterfeit by Erasmus a man of good iudgement in the reading of the Fathers. And indeed it is not credible that S. Ambrose should speake so ridiculously, as to compare Christ Iesus

crying on the Crosse to the beetle flie a base crea∣ture, and that crieth not, as the Author of this O∣ration doth: yet, beeing graunted to be true, doth Coeffeteau still shew himselfe a falsifier both of the words, & of the sense: of the sense: for these words, Vt crux Christi in regibus adoretur doe signifie, that Kings being adored, the crosse by that means might be adored: whereby it is euident that he speakes of a ciuill adoration, because he makes it one with that which is performed vnto Kings: now the question is here of religious worship. Secondly, Coeffeteau doth curtaile this place with like falshood, suppres∣sing the words following, which doe explane what is meant by the Crosse. This is no arrogance (saith he) but piety, when it hath reference to the redemption: he speakes then of worshipping the redemption, and not a woodden Crosse. In like manner hath Coeffeteau dissembled the precedent words, which are wonderfull plaine: Helena adored the King, and not the wood, for this is a heathenish error, and a vanity of the vngodly. But shee worshipped him that was han∣ged on the wood. This licentious falsifying, and clip∣ping of the Fathers is horrible: if our Doctor durst falsifie the Scripture with like liberty, hee would questionlesse alleadge some passages therehence.

Concerning Paulinus who liued in the fifth age, and al others that speake of honouring, or reueren∣cing the Crosse, yea or if there be any that speake of adoring it, S. Ierome vpon the 95. Psalme giues vs a generall rule, whereby to expound such places. His Crosse (saith he) is the Pillar of mankind, vpon this

Pillar his house is built: now by the Crosse I vnderstand not the wood, but the passion. The same Father vpon S. Matthew, lib. 4. cap. 23. complaining that certaine women carried about them some wordes of the Gospell written in little rolls of parchment, and su∣perstitiously worshipped the Crosse. Some odde hus∣wiues among vs (saith hee) vse to doe this with little Gospells, and the wood of the Crosse, & such like things, which haue the zeale of God, but not according to know∣ledge. What would he haue said, if he had seene any to speake to a peece of wood, and to salute the Crosse, as if it vnderstood them? saying to it, Aue lignum triumphale, haile triumphant wood. And, O a∣ue crux, spes vnica, auge pijs iusticiam, reis{que} dona veni∣am. Haile Crosse our onely hope, encrease righteousnesse vnto the faithfull, and pardon the sinfull: as our aduer∣saries doe.

For I aske to whom they speake: doe they speake to Iesus Christ? why, he is neither called wood, nor Crosse: doe they speake to the Crosse: why, that vnderstands them not: do they speak to the Crosse in honour of Christ? or doe they worshippe the Crosse, with a relatiue adoration, hauing refe∣rence vnto Iesus Christ? then should that whereun∣to they speak in honour of Christ, vnderstand what they say; and he that should speake to the timber of the Kings chaire in honour of the King, would be taken for a foole: neither should the King bee more honoured thereby: and to giue a relatiue worship vnto the Crosse, is to worship the Crosse: we may not worship a dead thing, to honor Christ

thereby; nor must wee honour God, by transgres∣sing his commanndement.

Now our aduersaries tell vs of twosorts of Cros∣ses which must bee worshipped: one is the true Crosse, which neuerthelesse is not now a Crosse, because it hath beene cut out into little peeces: the other is the image of the Crosse, such as are the common Crosses.

Concerning the true Crosse, the Author of the Catechismes falsey ascribed vnto Cyrill of Ierusa∣lem, in the fourth Catechisme saith, that this wood is so growne, and multiplyed, that in a manner, the whole conntrey is full of it: I thinke one may build a Cittie of it: for as time and experience makes menwiser, so haue the Christians at length thought good to haue some little chip of the true Crosse in their chest, or about their necke, as a holy defensa∣tiue against deuills. Whence it appeares, that the Apostles, and the Christians in their time, that might each of them haue had a cut of the true Crosse, and yet left it whole and vntouched, with∣out any search for it, for 300. yeares together, were either more barren in invention, or colder in deuo∣tion. In the yeare 1239 Iohn naming himselfe King of Ierusalem, who was afterward Emperour of Constantinople, beeing hunger-starued for want of money, began a traffique of reliques, and solde great store of them to the westerne Princes, that were not so subtile as himselfe: he sold the Crowne of thornes to King Lewes the ninth, and the true Crosse to the Venetians, which the said King Lewes

bought of them againe, making them gainers halfe in halfe: he bought also the sponge wherewith they offered drinke vnto Christ; and the yron of the speare, wherewith S. Longis pierced his side, and re∣couered his sight thereby. The holy Chappell of the Pallace, was purposely built for the reseruation and the adoration of these reliques.

Touching the worshippe and adoration of this Crosse, I finde that all the Doctors of the Church of Rome, (Bellarmine, and some inferiour Iesuites excepted) do agree, that the true Crosse ought to be worshipped with Latria, that is to say, with the very worship which is giuen to God himselfe. An abhominable Doctrine, giuing to a dead creature as great worship as vnto the high God; which cannot be excused, that this worship of the Crosse hath relation vnto God, or is referred vnto Iesus Christ: for to adore Iesus Christ, and to adore the Crosse in honour of Iesus Christ, must needes bee two different adorations, We must not in honour of God, adore the creature with honour equalling the worship of God; for in seeking thus to honour God, we shall dishonour him; reproach him by such worship; by such respect disrespect him; neg∣lect him by such seruice: in a word, this is to make ex opposito appositum, to descend in clyming, and to get heate by freezing. Besides, what honour, or re∣spect soeuer you may shew vnto the King, it can neuer be made good, that any can honour him the more, by giuing like reuerence to his chaire, or his cloke: the chief point is, that if such worship of the

Crosse be lawfull, then hath God commaunded it. For we may not adore any thing, but what he hath commaunded vs to adore: and here are our aduer∣saries tongue-tied, and alleadge no one word of Gods commaundement.

This is the reason why Cardinall Bellarmine thinkes it better to say, that the Crosse ought to be worshipped with an inferiour adoration: wherein he plainely confesseth, that the adoration of the Crosse differs from the adoration of Iesus Christ, in that it is inferiour: and so his meaning is that the dead creature be worshipped in it selfe, and with a differing worshippe from that by which Christ is worshipped, Secondly, he doth thereby confound the vnderstanding of the poore people, who when they fall downe before the Crosse, thinke of perfor∣ming no more then one worship: but Bellarmine will haue them to performe two seruices, one to Christ, and the other to the Crosse, and in the one instant to cut their deuotion in two peeces, deui∣ding their thoughts betweene two kindes of wor∣ships. It were extreamely absurd to hope, that hee, or any other should produce any commandement of God touching this religious worship subordi∣nate to the worship of Christ; without saying, that the people adoring a piece of the Crosse, must assu∣redly beleeue that it is a piece of the true Crosse, and that it is not suppositious: whereof notwith∣standing there can be no assurance.

For the other kinde of Crosse, which is the I∣mage of the Crosse in woode, or siluer, the Church

of Rome doth worship that also: and at the eleua∣tion thereof, they say, Ecce crux, adoremus. And therefore Cardinall Bellarmine in the thirtieth chapter of his booke of Images, speakes thus: We worship all Crosses, because they are all Images of the true Crosse: yea the bare Crosses without a Crucifix. We worship (saith he) the Crosse, yea without Christ cru∣cified.

All which is a Medley of absurdity with impie∣ty. For none worshippeth the Image of the Crosse with like worshippe, as hee doth the true Crosse: and if the true Crosse be to be adored with a worship subordinate to that yeelded to Christ, then behold three sorts of religious worship. Now if we must adore a Crosse without a crucifixe; for that it is an Image and resemblance of the Crosse; why doe they not worship the barres of windows, or the Sayle-yardes of Ships, seeing they resemble the Crosse of Christ? Why shall we not worship all the nayles, and all the linnen clothes in the world, seeing they better resemble the nayles which pierced our Sauiour, and the linnen clothes that wrapped him in his infancy? Whereunto if a∣ny obiect, that these common nayles and linnen, are not in any consecrated place, nor appointed to that end, nor purposely made to serue as Images, or memorials of the Passion, or birth of Christ: I answer, that this is to graunt as much as we desire, and to fall into the like impiety: for this is to af∣firme, that common nayles and ordinary linnen ought to be worshipped, if they were carried into

some holy place, and appointed to serue for the re∣semblance, or commemoration of Christs passion; w^ch our aduersaries wil be vnwilling to grant: And wherfore then doe they adore all maner of Crosses, yea without crucifixes, assoone as they are put into some holy place, and ordayned to represent the passion? For if the question be of the touching, the linnen touched the body of Christ as neere as the Crosse; yea I say, that the nayles and Iron of the Speare touched him nearer, euen to the very heart: and then whence is it, that the nayles and Iron of the Speare put into a holy place, are not adored as well as the Image of the Crosse? And where is the adoration of this Image commaunded by God?

To be short, I say that if any should doe obey∣sance, or speake vnto the kings cloake, although the king did weare it, he should neuertheles be thought to be beside himselfe. How much more if he spake to the cloake, or did obeysance to it, when it is han∣ged vpon a hooke? And yet how much more, if he should salute or talke to the picture of this cloake? In like manner I say, that if any had saluted the Crosse, whiles our Sauior was fastened thereunto, or had spoken vnto it, hee would haue beene thought to haue beene madde, although his salu∣tation had beene relatiuely made vnto Christ. How much more then if he had saluted it alone, Christ not being thereon? And how much more, if he had saluted or spoken to the picture, or Image of this Crosse? especially to a bare Crosse without a crucifixe, as at this day the Church of Rome doth?

Certainely no wordes can sufficiently expresse the absurdity of this abuse.

So Coeffeteau doth giue no manner of satisfacti∣on to that which his Maiesty of England doth ob∣iect: namely, that if the Crosse ought to be wor∣shipped because it touched Iesus Christ; then Iu∣das his mouth, and the handes of those that buffe∣ted him, and the land of Canaan whereon he wal∣ked, which is at this day an example of Gods curse, ought also to be worshipped.

Coeffeteau answeres, that the reason is not alike, because the lips of Iudas, and the handes of the ex∣ecutioners, were their liuing members that tou∣ched him sacrilegiously: but the Crosse was a dead thing, and a guiltlesse Instrument of the death of our Redeemer. This is but a bare shift: for first, if our Sauiours touching had made dead things a∣dorable, it should much more haue made prophane things holy. Our aduersaries haue also forged a fable of one S. Longis, that with hate and insultati∣on pierced his side, and thereby became a Saint. And secondly, the Crosse (as Coeffeteau saith) is not to be worshipped the more, for that it was a dead thing: Thirdly, the water wherewith Christ was baptized, obteyned no life thereby, and (to speake with Coeffeteau) it was an innocent Instrument of his baptisme; and did touch Christ, and yet was neuer adored Fourthly, our aduersaries (as I sup∣pose) would not worship the empty Chalices, al∣though they did beleeue that the bloud of Christ, yea his whole body had beene therein. They will

not adore the Priest, albeit hee haue often eaten God, and that he come to take Christ a fresh into his stomacke: Fiftly, the whips wherewith Christ was bloudied, were harmelesse Instruments of his sufferings, yet wee finde not that euer Christian worshipped them: Sixtly, nothing touched Christ so neare, as the nayles and speare that pierced him, and they were also harmelesse Instruments of his passion, and yet the primitiue Christians neuer worshipped them. Constantine put two of them into his Helmet, and of two others he made a Bitte for a Horse; wherein he had some seedes of super∣stition: yet had Constantine adored these nayles, he would haue caused them to bee put into the Church, rather then to haue put them into the mouth of a Beaste, and left them hanging on a post in the Quirry: and yet Theodoret and Am∣brose approue this action: Seuenthly, if the nayles touched the body of Christ nearer, and his fore∣parts deeper then the Crosse, why doe they not a∣dore the Image of the nayles, and yet they adore the Image of the Crosse, yea without a crucifixe?

Coeffeteau addeth, that there is more in the Crosse besides the touching, for it is a representation also of the death of Iesus Christ. If he speake of the true Crosse, it is not true that it representeth the death of Christ. For that of the Crosse, which they wor∣ship now adayes, is but little peeces of worme ea∣ten woode, which haue neyther figure nor fashion of the Crosse. But if he speake of the Image of the Crosse in siluer, or paynting, it is false that Christ

euer touched it. And if these Crosses be without crucifixes, they doe not resemble the passion. For there is no Image of the passion, where there is no Image of him that suffereth; it may be some re∣membrance but no resemblance.

The Reader shall also note, that Coeffeteau omits that excellent obseruation which the King makes touching the bodily touch, and the touch of fayth; and the example of the woman that touched the hemme of Christs garment, as also the example of that woman that said, Happy is the wombe that bare thee; together with the reason which he doth ex∣cellently draw, from the person and the shadow of Peter: and the comparison of Images condemned by the Prophets, which haue eyes and see not, eares and heare not, with the Crosse which hath no re∣semblance of eyes or eares. This Doctor suffers all this sweetely to slide a way, and honestly holdeth his peace; hauing of set purpose (in my opinion) made his booke a foile to giue lustre to the King of great Britaines booke.

After all these abuse, these our Masters haue the good grace, to accuse vs of misprision of the Crosse of Christ, who say with the Apostle, Galat. 6. God for bid that I should reioyce in any thing but the Crosse of our Lord Iesus. Our aduersaries talke of the Crosse of Christ, but we practise it; they paint it, wee beare it; they glory in some peeces of the Crosse, but we in suffering for his name; they paint it on walles, and we print it in our hearts: many carry it tossing vpon their body, whose belly is an

enemy of the Crosse of Christ. Let vs learne then to fasten our affections to his Crosse, and to cruci∣fie our olde man with him. But for the worship∣ping of Crosses of golde or siluer (for the mettall is honoured) we say with the auncient Christians in the Dialogue of Minutius Foelix, Cruces nec colimus nec optamus, We neyther worship, nor wish for Crosses. He doth vs wrong that thinkes, that we reiect this signe and memoriall of the passion, we onely wish the abuse and Idolatry to be reformed.

ARTICLE XXI. Of Purgatory.

AS for Purgatory and all the trash depending thereupon, it is not worth the talking of; Bellarmine cannot find any ground for it in all the Scriptures. Only I would pray him to tel me if that faire greene Meadow that is in Purga∣tory, haue a brooke running thorow it, that in case I come there, I may haue hawking vpon it. But as for me, I am sure there is a Heauen and a Hell, praemium et poena, for the Elect and Reprobate: How many other roomes there be, I am not on God his counsell. Multae sunt

mansiones in domo Patris mei, sayth Christ, who is the true Purgatory for our sins: But how many chambers and anti-chambers the Diuell hath, they can best tell that goe to him: But in case there were more places for soules to goe to then we know of, yet let vs con∣tent vs with that which in his Word bee hath reuealed vnto vs, and not require further into his secrets. Heauen and Hell are there reuea∣led to be the eternall home of all mankinde: let vs endeauour to winne the one and eschue the other; and there is an end.

In this point of such great consequence, where∣in the benefites of Christ, and the cleansing of our sinnes are handled, it were very behoouefull for M^r. Coeffeteau to bring some proofes out of the word of God, whereunto the King of great Bri∣taines wordes doe binde him, seeing he reproach∣eth Cardinall Bellarmine with ignorance of any one passage of the Scripture whereon to ground his Purgatorie: and therefore hee cals the other Doctors to assist the Cardinall, and supply this de∣fault.

In steed whereof Coeffeteau rusheth vpon the Fathers, and saith,

that the Fathers haue prayed for the dead, and that prayer for the dead were to no purpose if there were no Purgatory. He al∣leadgeth the testimony but of two Fathers Chry∣sostome

and S. Austen: for touching Cyrils Cate∣chismes, wee haue already conuinced them of falshood.

To these allegations he

addeth neyther reason, neyther answereth the obiections made by his Maiesty of England, much lesse doth hee bring any proofe of Scripture; but onely sets downe his opinion in certain timorous and ambiguous termes: he saith, that Christ is the true sacrifice expiatory for our sinnes, and that his bloud is our true purgation: but that this primarie Purgation is applied vnto vs by the fire of Purgatory: that the first causes doe not exclude the second; and that soules are purged in the Purgatorie fire, by a power giuen thereunto by the bloud of Christ. That the Scripture doth expresly make but two places, for soules to remaine in, after this life, but when it speakes in this manner, the meaning is of places eternall. But that Purgatorie is a place, where they continue but for a time; to wit, vntil they haue satisfied the iustice of God, and that they are cleansed from those corruptions which hinder them from entring into the heauenly Ie∣rusalem. And therefore (saith hee) wee acknow∣ledge no Purgatorie after the resurrection, or the last iudgement: that no man thinkes (faith Saint Austen) that there be any Purgatory paines, but onely before the last, and dreadfull iudgement.

But of giuing satisfaction to the Kings reasons, or defending Bellarmines flowry fielde, wee heare no newes. He hath not vndertaken the one, and he is ashamed of the other.

This being one of the vlcerous fistula's of the body of the Romish Church, it doth deserue a deepe search, and diligent examination: and herein we must declare,

• 1 The beleefe of the Church of Rome.
• 2 The doctrine of the Scripture.
• 3 The iudgement of the Fathers, eyther not

vnderstood, or fraudulently alleadged by Coeffeteau.

The opinion of the Church of Rome.

THe Church of Rome holdeth, that the sub∣terrane Region is diuided into foure lofts; the lowest whereof is Hell, the next Pur∣gatory, the third Limbus puerorum, and the last Limbus Patrum, which now stands empty. In this building the lowest chambers are the hortest, con∣trary to the course of nature. Beside Purgatorie doth Cardinal Bellarmine place a verdant fielde di∣apred with flowers, where the soules are refreshed in passing out from this fire; grounded vpon the o∣pinion of Dionysius Carthusianus, an Author of great authority.

This purging fire is grounded vpon this maxime drawne from the vnwritten Word, that Christ by his death and sufferings, hath freed vs from the fault, and from the punishment of sinnes before baptisme, baptisme, but that it doth not discharge vs from the punishment of sinnes committed after baptis∣me: for which we must satisfie the iustice of God both here, and in Purgatorie: that no vncleane

thing entreth into Paradice, and therefore we must be purged first that this purging fire is one of the meanes whereby to apply the satisfaction of Christ vnto vs. This fire shall last till the day of iudge∣ment, and that it is farre hotter then our ordinarie fire; all the torments of this life being nothing in comparison thereof; and that seauen yeares tor∣ment must be endured for one sinne: which is the reason why the Pope doth graunt pardons of fifty, and of a hundred thousand yeares, for according to the wound, must the playster bee the broader. Thence is it that they pray for such as haue beene dead eight hundred or nine hundred yeares, suppo∣sing them to be yet in this fire.

Neuerthelesse the mercy of the Popes doth of∣ten mitigate this punishment: for they haue ere∣cted certaine priuiledged Altars, at which whosoe∣uer saies a set number of Masses, doth deliuer what soule he will out of Purgatory. Which makes me to wonder, why they that doe continually singe Masses for one that hath beene dead fiue hundred or sixe hundred yeares, haue not the wit to say some Masses for him vpon these priuiledged Al∣tars, whereby they might determine his torments.

The Pope doth also graunt certain Bulles, by which hee deliuereth some particular soule out of Purgatorie at the instance of his parents, if they be persons of quality. For he bestowes not these spi∣rituall graces vpon meane soules, vnlesse it be vpon the day of his Coronation, on which in S. Peters place he disperseth pardons among the multitude,

for two or three thousand yeares.

There are also certaine priuiledged persons which eyther come not there, or immediately goe out againe, although they are loaden with as many sinnes as other men, as the Carmelite Friers, which haue this priuiledge of being in Purgatory no longer then the Saterday following their depar∣ture. Which priuiledge the Carmelites of Paris haue lately published in certaine Theses printed, oct^o Octobris, 1601. And Doctor Cayer stoutly de∣fends this priuiledge in his booke intituled, Le four de Reuerbere, to the end whereof the Carmelite Doctors haue adioyned their subscriptions. Those also which die immediately after they haue beene at the Iubile, goe not at all into Purgatorie: and those which the Pope exempteth by his Indulgen∣ces from this purging fire, are excepted from the rule of the Gospell, which saith, Of a truth thou shalt not depart thence, vntill thou hast paide the vttermost farthing.

This purging being ended, then the soules after a little refreshing taken in the fielde of Flowers which is of one side, goe directly into Paradice.

In the time of Gregory the first, sixe hundred years after Christ, this Purgatory was in another place: for the said Pope in the fourth of his Dialogues, placeth the Purgatory of some soules in Bathes, of others vnder the leaues of trees, and some vnder ice. Petrus Damianus speakes of a soule that had his Purgatory in a Riuer; and it is to be presumed, that to wash himselfe the cleaner, he went against the streame of the water.

The first Councell of the Romish Church, that contriued this matter of Purgatory into an Arti∣cle of faith, was the Florentine Councell in the last Session, held in the yeare 1439. where it was de∣creede against the Greeke Churches, which denied and doe still denie this fire, that a Purgatorie must be beleeued: indeede former Councels do speake of prayer for the dead; but we shall proue that this prayer that hath beene vsed for the dead, doth make against this Purgatory.

The decision of this difference by the word of God,

1 IN the first place it is to bee wondered that God who in his law appointed sacrifices, and expiations for all sorts of sinnes and pollutions, euen for the leaprosie, issues of blood, and the touching of the dead, that he ordained nei∣ther expiation, nor sacrifice, nor satisfaction for soules in Purgatorie. The faithfull in those dayes wept ouer the dead, but neuer mingled their teares with prayers for their deliuerance from this fire. Did God suffer the faithfull then to make a com∣pleat and full satisfaction? Had he then lesse care for his children then he hath now? Had he then no priuiledged Altar? Had he then no worship for the dead? Had he then no Church-treasurie, wher∣into the Priests might gather the satisfactions of Noah or Abraham, to giue some parte thereof to these roasted soules? There appeares no such mat∣ter, or that God had yet bethought himselfe of it.

And yet the Church had continued foure thou∣sand yeares, when Christ came into the world: for touching that in the twelfth chapter of the second of Maccabees, besides that wee haue proued in the fift Article, that the booke is Apocryphall, we shall hereafter see, that the prayer for the dead, which is there mentioned makes against Purgatory.

2 In the Gospell, and the writings of the A∣postles there is no shew of this matter; no Indul∣gences graunted for the dead, no prayer for any departed, nor any commaundement to pray for them, nor any colour whereby it may be gathered that the soules of the faithfull are yet in torments.

3 Contrariwise we finde many examples of men that by death haue entred into Paradice, and haue beene gathered (to their Fathers) in peace: good old Simeon was promised that he should de∣part in peace after that he had seene the Messias, Luke 2. Saint Paul saith, that after he had fought a good fight, there was nothing left for him, but to receiue a Crowne of glory, 2. Tim 4. The soule of Lazarus (Luke 16.) was carried by the Angels into Abrahams bosome, where he was comforted, while the wicked rich man was tormented; but of going in, or comming out of Purgatory, there is nothing spoken.

Christ saith vnto the good theefe, To day shalt thou be with me in Paradice: then hee went not to Purgatory; for first, his faith could not deserue this priuiledge, for hee had no other faith then that which Christ gaue him, for it can be no merite to

receiue grace from God: Secondly, And he that giues Paradise to him that had but a weake faith, doth consequently say, that if wee haue a strong faith in Christ, wee shall not goe to Purgatorie: Thirdly, besides, no vertues can be satisfactory pu∣nishments, but should rather mitigate the penalty; so then faith, which is a vertue cannot satisfie the iustice of God, which requireth punishment satis∣factory: Fourthly, if any shal cal this a priuiledge to be exempted from Purgatory, he is bound to pro∣duce some other examples, to prooue that others doe ordinarily goe into Purgatory: Fiftly, Againe the torments which he then suffered, could not be his Purgatorie, for our aduersaries say, that this sa∣tisfaction must be voluntary, and done with a pur∣pose to satisfie God: Now this theefe was brought to his punishment against his will, and had no in∣tention to satisfie Gods iustice, to free himselfe from Purgatory: Sixtly and lastly, there is no pro∣portion betweene the bodily paines of a few ho∣wers, and a fire that lasteth thousands of yeares: out of all peraduenture Purgatory was crucified with this theefe.

4 The Angell of the Lord, Apoc. 14.13, saith thus: Blessed are the dead which die in the Lord, A∣men, So saith the spirit, that they rest from their labors, and their workes follow them. If they rest from their labours, they doe not frie in a burning fire: He that shall read the whole chapter, will confesse that hee speakes not onely of Martyrs, who are not menti∣oned in any part thereof, but of those that keepe the

commaundements of God, and the faith of Iesus. For if Martyrs alone die in the Lord, in whom do the rest of the faithfull die?

5 The Prophet Esay, cap. 57. v. 1, 2. saith, that the righteous is taken away from the euil to come, and that he resteth in peace. S. Paul, 2. Cor. 5.1. saith, that if our earthly Tabernacle bec destroyed, wee haue an house eternall in the heauens: And the Apo∣stle, Heb. 9. saith, that it is appointed for all men to die once, and after that commeth the iudgement. Why then doe they forget to mention Purgatory, which is betweene them both.

6 In the eighteenth chapter of Ezechiel, God saith, that if the wicked shall turne from his sinnes which he hath committed, hee will no more re∣member his iniquities: is this to remember them no more, to plague them with a long, and burning fire, and to make the sinner pay the vttermost far∣thing?

7 In the twentieth of S. Matthew, all the la∣bourers which wrought in the Lords Vineyard, re∣ceiued their salary at the end of the day, which is this life, and when they had done their worke. But the Church of Rome delayes their payment for many hundreds and thousands of yeares.

8 S. Paul Rom. 3. saith, that we are freely iustified by our redemption in Christ Iesus: and Col. 2. he saith, that God 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, hath freely forgiuen all our sinnes: for the word imports as much: for if it bee freely, there is no requisition of satisfactory paines in a burning fire. In like manner he saith, all our sinnes,

that we may know that God doth not pardon by halfes.

9. But it is principally considerable that euery purgatory, or purgation doth presuppose some spots, or pollutions to be cleansed: and our aduer∣saries say, that these spots are the sinnes for which we haue not satisfied. Now in euery sinne (say they) there are two things, to wit, the crime, and the pu∣nishment: then we aske them, which of those two is purged there; it cannot be the crime: for they themselues say, that Christ hath set vs free from all crimes: and S. Iohn in his first Epistle, chap. 1. saith, that the blood of Christ doth cleanse vs from all sinne. Now sinne to speake properly is nothing but the crime, for the pa••ne is no sinne, but the punishment of sinne: so also it is impossible that the punish∣ment should bee purged in Purgatory, for the pu∣nishment is not a spot, and therefore needes no cleansing; for to be punished, is not to be purged: and the whip, or gallowes are no purgation of a theft, or a murder.

10. Obserue farther, that our aduersaries hold, the soules in Purgatory, are absolutely righteous, and sinne no more: whence it followes, that Pur∣gatory is a purging of spots that are not commit∣ted: for to beare the punishment of by past offen∣ces, is no purgation: for this torment cannot be na∣med a Purgatory, but a Cruciatory, or a Vindica∣tory: seeing soules are there tormented, but not purged of any spot, or pollution, of which they haue none.

11. The worst is, that this punishment by fire after the fault is wholly forgiuen, doth wither and disparage Gods iustice: for thereby they teach that God punisheth those which are not culpable: see∣ing none is punished with satisfactory paines, but for his fault: the fault then beeing remoued, and re∣mitted by Iesus Christ, there is nosatiffactory paine left: as Tertullian, cap. 5. de Baptismo, hath, where there is no guilt, there is no punishment.

12. This is to make God a mocker, as if hee should say, I pardon thy offence, but I will punish thee: I acquire thee of the debt, but not of the pay∣ment.

13. S. Paul, Ephes. 4. commaundeth vs to forgiue one another, as God hath forgiuen vs in Christ. Now we must forgiue them that haue offended vs, with∣out any reseruation of punishment satisfactory, & we ought not to punish when we haue pardoned them. God then doth forgiue vs after the same manner: for if God, when he had pardoned vs, should require satiffactory sufferings of vs, the A∣postle proposing the pardon which God doth graunt vs for an example, should open a gate for reuenge after we had beene recon••••ed.

14. Whereunto adde, that Christ hath not o∣therwise borne our sinnes, then he hath borne the punishment of them: and if he haue borne that sa∣tisfactory punishment: which we owed vnto Gods iustice, was it not to discharge vs thereof? As S. Au∣sten in his 37. Sermon de verbis Domini, saith, Christ in taking vpon him the punishment, and not the guilt,

hath abolished both the sinne, and the punishment.

Obserue in this whole discourse, that when wee speake here of punishments, we alwaies vnderstand punishment satisfactory, by which, (as Coeffeteau saith) The sinner doth satisfie the iustice of God: and such a punishment and the forgiuing of sinne, are incompatible: but there are other punishments, which are fatherly corrections, and sauing exerci∣ses, which God inflicteth, not to draw satisfaction for that which is past, but to make vs wise for after times: as Chrysostome saith in his Homily of confes∣sion, and repentance. Corrections are not reuen∣ges, and medicines are no satisfactions: for so was Dauid punished after his offence was pardoned. 2. Sam. 12. wee agree well with our aduersaries that his sinwas the efficient cause of his punishment: but we differ about the finall cause. They say, that it was to satisfie the iustice of God, and we say it was to cure the iniustice of Dauid: they say, that God punished him as a iudge, but we say, that he corre∣cted him as a father.

So that the punishments which serue for the amendment of the sinnes, agree well with the par∣don of the sinne: iust as to forgiue an iniury recei∣ued from a brother, and yet to strike him being fal∣len into an apoplexie to awake him, are thinges compatible. But to pardon the sinne, and yet to ex∣tort satisfaction by punishments, whereby the sin∣ner is not bettered, and then when he needes no premonition for future times, is a matter vniust, yea contradictory, as the reasons formerly alleadged doe demonstrate.

15 Let vs then presse the matter a little harder; and let Coeffeteau tell vs, whether Iesus Christ be an In••ercessor and Mediator for the soules which are in this fire. Will he dare to say, that our Sauiour hath quitted the office of a Mediatour for these soules? Or if he be still their Mediator, and doe still intercede for them with his Father, why are they not deliuered from this so long and fearefull fire at his intercession?

16 I aske him farther, whether Christ haue not satisfied by his death for the paines of Purgatorie, and whether hee haue not paide sufficient for our ransome: for if he haue paide sufficient, why will not God receiue his payment, for as much as it amounts vnto? Why should he abate any thing of the price of his sonnes death? The Apostle, Heb. 7.25. saith, that Iesus Christ is perfectly able to saue them that come vnto God by him, seeing he euer liueth to make intercession for them. Being then fully able to saue vs, and wholly to acquite vs, why shall hee not doe it? Shall his loue be lesse then his power? Would he suffer his brethren, his members, his Spouse to be for many ages in a fire as hote as Hell?

Here me thinkes I heare Coeffeteau muttering something that discouers more weakenesse in him: He saith that Christ is the true expiation, and pur∣gation of our sinnes, but that the fire of Purgatory is a meanes whereby this originall purgation vpon the Crosse is applied vnto vs. O monstrous opi∣nion! that the merites of Christ should be applied

by burning, and tormenting vs in fire. For confu∣tation whereof, obserue these vnanswerable argu∣ments.

1 I say then that not our aduersaries, but the sacred Scripture must prescribe vs the meanes of enioying Christ and his benefites; and the meanes which are therein offered vnto vs, are faith, Ephes. 3.17. The Sacrament of Baptisme, Galat. 2.27. The bread broken in the Lords Supper, 1. Cor. 10.16. The word of God, Rom. 10.17. And if so be, they wil adde their Purgatory, they must shew some place that saith, that God would haue the merits of his sonne applied vnto vs by a fiery torment.

2 But who will beleeue that the benefites of Iesus Christ are applyed vnto vs by a meane, that is opposite to this benefite? Doth any apply a medi∣cine by poison? Or the light of the Sunne by put∣ting out the eyes? How then doe they apply vnto vs the benefites of Christ, which is the remission and cancelling of our debts, in forcing vs to make payment? Will they haue a pardon to be applyed vnto vs by our punishment? Or will they haue the merite of Christ, which is the supreame testimony of Gods mercy, to be applyed vnto vs by the exe∣cution of his iustice? Christ hath suffered torments to deliuer vs from torment, but (these men tell vs) the application of the fruit of this deliuerance con∣sisteth in our torments: this impiety is basely ab∣surd.

3 Moreouer the meanes wherby to lay hold on this grace must be actiue, and apprehensiue of

Iesus Christ, not a passion, or torment, as these our Masters will haue it, who will perforce be fried in Purgatorie, and not bee so much beholding vnto God.

4 Lastly, the means of applying or apprehen∣ding a thing, must differ from the thing applyed or apprehended: no man applies one playster, or me∣dicine by another: nor consequently the satisfacti∣on of Christ by another satisfaction.

This is also a playster without salue, and that which Coeffeteau saith, astonisheth the simple peo∣ple, that in the fire of Purgatorie, soules are purged by that power which the bloud of Christ hath imprinted in it. His meaning is, that the bloud of Christ giueth power to the fire of Purgatory to sa∣tisfie Gods iustice, and to purge our sinnes. This he onely saith, not prouing it by Scripture, and it is against common reason: for the bloud of Christ doth not giue power to any thing in the world to pay a debt, that is paide already, and to satisfie for that, for which himselfe hath made full satisfaction. God exacteth not two payments for one debt, e∣specially when the first payment (made by Christ) is more then sufficient.

But he is mightily ouer-seene in mixing fire and torment with the graces of God, turning in the middest of this fire, the bloud of the eternal sonne of God. For if it be Gods mercy, to enable any one to satisfie his iustice by suffering of torments: Thence shall it follow, that they that suffer most, receiue most mercy from God, and that the Diuels

are his fauourites, from whom he drawes a full sa∣tisfaction.

Then al these reasons which he proposeth with∣out Scripture, are but matches without brimstone, that cannot kindle this imaginarie sire, that hath beene purposely inuented for lucre. The Bishop of Rome hauing built this burning prison, that him∣selfe might be the Iaylor, and let out soules by his Indulgences, and merchandise of Masses, which are as profitable to the Priests, as vnprofitable to the dead: which doth clearely discouer both abuse, and tyranny. For if the Pope be able, eyther by po∣wer of Iurisdiction, or by way of Suffrage (as they terme it) to bring soules out of Purgatorie; why doth he deliuer no more thence? Why doth hee leaue so many thousand soules to lie downe in this sire, being able to set them free? But that he heedes not: for should he bring out the soules that haue burned there for many ages, an infinite number of Masses, and other gainfull seruices would faile, and euery one would say, the Pope will presently deli∣uer me; and therefore I neede not begger my chil∣dren to erect Masses after I am dead.

The opinion of the auncient Fathers, touching prayer for the dead, and Purgatory.

M^r. Coeffeteau's opinion is, that whosoeuer prayes for the dead, presupposeth a Pur∣gatorie; wherein he is deceiued. For ma∣ny haue prayed, and doe pray for the dead, that be∣leeue

no Purgatory: first, the Authour of the se∣cond booke of Maccabees, cap. 12. ver. 43. speakes of Iudas Maccabeus his prayer for the dead: but hee saith, that he did it, hauing reference vnto the resur∣rection, Doing herein (saith he) iustly, and religiously to thinke of the resurrection. Then Iudas prayed not, that they might goe out of Purgatorie, but that they might rise againe vnto saluation: secondly, and indeede, the Greeke Church that before the sacke of Constantinople was greater then the Church of Rome, doth vnto this day pray for the dead, and yet denie a Purgatory: thirdly, S. Austen wrote a whole booke of care to be taken for the dead, but in the whole booke you shall not finde one word of Purgatorie: fourthly, Epiphanius ac∣cuseth Aerius of heresie, for refusing prayer for the dead, and refelleth him by all the reasons that he is able: yet makes no mention of Purgatory. Cer∣tainely it is a place, whereof no speech was made for a long season: fiftly, Dionysius Areopagita lib. de Hierarchia Ecclesiastica, reasoning of the vtility of prayer for the dead, doth not onely make no men∣tion of Purgatory (and yet the place was proper for it) but also continually presumeth, that they who are praied for, are in happinesse, and that they are set forth for example of such as are aliue, and the subiect of charitable actions: sixtly, S. Cyprian, Lib. 5. Epist. 4 and Lib. 3. Epist. 6. speakes of offerings and prayers for holy Martyrs, and Saints departed, that yet were not beleeued by any to be tormented in the fire of Purgatory. For it was the manner of

the auncient Church to pray for the Patriarches, Prophets and Apostles; of whose happy estate it were impiety to make any question: seuenthly, Chrysostome, Homil. 37. in Matth. saith, that they cal∣led the Pr ests to pray for the dead: and yet there he saith, that the partie for whom they pray, is arri∣ued in the hauen, and that to be vexed for him, is to desire to draw him out of the hauen into the storm againe. A place which our aduersaries haue falsi∣fied, hauing translated 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, fieldes of flowers; and so haue sent soules into fieldes of flowers, in stead of sending them into the harbor: eightly, S. Auston in the thirteenth chapter of his ninth booke of Confessions, prayeth for his mother Monica, and yet he saith, that he beleeues, that all his periti∣ons are already graunted, to wit, that she is out of paine, and that God hath forgiuen all her debts. Of Purgatorie he speakes not a word: ninthly, Da∣mascen in his Sermon of the dead: and after him Tho. Aquinas, Durandus, and Richardus, doe testifie that the soule of Traian a heathen Emperour was deliuered our of hell by the praiers of Pope Grego∣rie. Gabriel Biel holdes the same, in the fifty sixe Lecture vpon the Canon of the Masse, and Ciacco∣nus hath particularly written an Apology for this Story: This Pope then prayed not for Traians soule, to the end he might bring him out of Purga∣torie.

10 In the Masse there are among many new patches some auncient clauses; and among others the Memento for the dead: of which these wordes

are a part: Memento Domine famulorum famularum∣{que} tuarum N N. qui nos praecesserunt cum signo fidei & dormiunt in somno pacis. That is, Remember Lord thy seruants which haue gone before vs with the signe of faith, and doe sleepe in the rest of peace. The words are very remarkable, clearely euidencing that when these prayers were made, Purgatory was not be∣leeued; but it was beleeued that the soules did sleepe in a peaceable rest, waiting for the resurre∣ction, and that in this sleepe they receiued some ioyfull refreshing by their prayers that were a∣liue.

11 But aboue all, haue I often wondred at the forme of the prayer ordinarily vsed for the dead: for it makes no wordes of Purgatory; but onely desi∣reth of God, that the soules of the dead may be de∣liuered from euerlasting death, and from the last iudgement. Obserue this whole prayer, Deliuer O Lord from eternall death in that dreadfull day, when the heauens and the earth shall be mooued, when thou shalt come to iudge the world by fire: I feare and trem∣ble, when the triall, and wrath to come shall be at hand; this day of wrath, of calamity and misery, this great and wonderfull bitter day. And note, that this prayer, wherein the soule of the departed is brought in, apprehending that it shall be sent to Hell at the day of iudgement, is said also for the soule of the Pope, in the solemnization of his obsequies, by which it appeareth, that there is some feare, that he may be in hell; but of Purgatory there is nothing mentioned, no more then in all the publique pray∣ers

of the Church of Rome for the dead: for they onely craue deliuerance from eternall death: and to rise in glory; as in this, I beseech thee O Lord to loose the soule of thy seruant from the bond of all his sinnes, that beeing raised vp among the Saints I may reioyce, and be lifted vp in the glory of the resurrecti∣on, which is the prayer for the dead in the second book of Machabees, made only for the resurrection.

12 What will we haue more? let our aduersa∣ries be iudges in this cause: doe not the Priests of∣tentimes take money for saying Masses, and seruice for young children, dying soone after Baptisme, which yet they beleeue not to be either in hell, or in Purgatory? doe they this through ignorance, or auari••••? for want of science, or of conscience? for by the•••• owne rules, the prayers made for children are to no purpose, forasmuch as they are in Para∣dise. By these many examples it appears that many do pray for the dead without beleeuing purgatory: and that Coeff. by admitting no prayer for the dead, but only to draw men out of purgatory, condēneth not onely the auncient Church, but also the Ro∣mish and the second booke of Macchabees, which himselfe doth ranke among the sacred canonicall bookes.

This shal more euidently appeare vnto vs, when we shall haue learned what was the opinion of the Fathers, touching the condition of the dead, and to what end they prayed for them.

The common opinion of the most part of the Fathers is, that the soules of the faithfull after they

are gone out of the body, doe not yet enioy hea∣uenly beatitude: but either they remaine in the earthly Paradise, as Irenaeus teacheth in his fifth booke, and Origen in his second booke de princi∣pijs: else they lie in hell, or in some hidden recepta∣cles vntill the day of the generall resurrection, be∣fore which they shall not see God. And although sometimes they be forced through the truth, to say that the dead after the departure of the soule from the body do enter into heauenly felicity yet for the most part they are carried away with the current of the common opinion.

Tertullian, chap. 55. of his booke of the soule: We hould for certaine that euery soule is sequestred into hell vntil the day of the Lord. He saith the same more at large in his fourth booke against Marcio••••, c. 34.

Nouatian in the first chapter of his booke of the Trinitie: those things which are vnder the earth are not without their powers and well digested orders, for it is the place whither the soules of the faithfull as well as of the wicked are led, as feeling already the fore-ap∣prehensions of the iudgement to come.

Lactantius in his seauenth booke, c. 21. let no man thinke that the soules are iudged immediately after death, for they are all detained in one common prison vntill the time come that the great Iudge bring them to an examination of what they haue deserued.

Victorin? the Martyr saith, vpon Apo. 6. that S. Iohn saw vnder the Altar the soules of the Martyrs and them that were slaine: expounding these wordes vnder the Altar, that is to say, vnder the earth. Hee

then placeth the soules of Saints and Martyrs vn∣der the earth.

S. Hilarie vpon the Psal. 138. It is the law of neces∣sitie whereunto men are subiect, that the soules should descend vnto hell after that the bodies are buried, which descent Iesus Christ himselfe did not refuse, to shew him selfe a compleate man. He doth not say Haec lex fuit, but Haec lex est, to the end that a man should not say that he speaketh of the soules of the old testa∣ment. He further saith, that it is an humane neces∣sity which Iesus Christ did vndergoe to show him∣selfe to haue bin truly man to the end that none should be exempted therefrom. He saith the same vpon the second Psalme.

Chrysostome vpon Matthew, Hom. 32. speaketh thus to those who prayed and wept ouer the dead. I know that thou wilt aunswer that it is to the end that the deceased may find rest, and the Iudge fauourable, and thou thinkest that thou oughtest to weepe for these things: but doest thou not see how thou art his hin∣drance? seeing that thou beleeuest that he is retired into the hauen, and yet thou raisest great surges against him. Read also Hom. the 39. vpon the 1 Cor and the 28. vpon the Epistle to the Hebrewes.

S. Augustine in some places putteth the soules of the faithfull immediately after death in heauenly blisse; but most commonly beeing carried away by the common opinion of his time, hee de∣ferreth their entry into heauen vntill the resurre∣ction, and lodgeth them in certaine receptacles that are hid and shut vp vntil the last day, Vpon the

Psal. 36. he saith, that the soule departed from the body, shall not be in the kingdome of heauen, but with Lazarus in Abrahams bosome: then hee ad∣deth: after this short life thou shalt not presently bee in that place where the Saints are, to whome it shall bee said, Come ye blessed, &c. Thou shalt not yet be there, who knoweth not this?

In his manuall to Laurentius, chap. 108. The time which is betweene death and the last resurrection, retai∣neth the soules in certaine secret receptacles according as each man shall be worthy of rest or affliction: such like things he vttereth in his 9. booke of Confessi∣ons, cap. 3. and in the 12. of the Cittie of God, chap. 9. and in his third Epistle to Fortunatian.

Euthymius vpon Luk. 16. saith, that the narration of Lazarus is a parable, by which is designed vnto vs what shall be done in the last iudgement: and vpon chap. 23. hee saith, that none of the righteous hath yet receiued the promises: where also Iohn Hentenius a Monke of the order of S. Ierome, hath noted in the margent that Euthymius being a greek followeth the error of the greekes.

Likewise Theophilact imitater of Chrysostome vp∣pon Hebrewes the 11. The Saints haue obtained no∣thing of the heauenly promises.

Bernard himselfe was tainted with this errour: for in his third Sermon of all Saints, he maketh three lodges of the soules. Primum in tabernaculis, Secun∣dum in atrijs, Tertium in Coelis. The first in Taberna∣cles, meaning the body. The second in halles or anti∣chambers. The third in heauen. He calleth these re∣ceptacles

by the name of Halles.

Wee haue also alleadged the text of the Masse which saith, the soules for which we pray, doe quietly sleepe out the time.

Which is that which mooued Pope Iohn 23. to maintaine, that the soules shall not see God before the day of Iudgement, as Gerson witnesseth, Serm. de Pasch. and Iohannes Villanus in the 10. book of his Story. And Erasmus in his Preface vpon the fifth booke of Irenaeus. Iohannes coactus opera Theologo∣rum Parisiorum ad palinodiam coram Galliarum Rege Philippo non sine buccina.

This is then one reason why the Fathers allowed prayer for the dead: seeing that they thought that their soules were either in hell, or els did sleepe, or lay in certain receptacles: in a word, that they were yet in suspense, and in doubt of their saluation, and that in those cells and dortours, they receiued some comfort & refreshing by the prayers of the liuing.

Tertullian hath his opinion apart, for he would haue men to pray for the dead, to the end that they might rise the sooner. For he beleeued that the re∣surrection should not be all in one day. And in the last chapter of his booke of the soule: he maketh this to be a punishment of the faithfull, who haue sinned more then others, that they shall rise later. Modico quoque delicto mora resurrectionis expensa. And pursuing his opinion he would haue the wife to pray for her deceased husband, & Refrigerium ei adpostulet & in prima resurrectione consortium: that shee pray for his release and refreshing, that shee may

rise with him in the first resurrection. In the tenth chapter of his booke of Monogamie.

Another reason why they prayed for the dead, was, that they beleeued that the faithfull at their departure out of these places of durance, were to be purged and singed as it were by the fire of the last iudgement, some more, some lesse. These good Fathers, who were drenched in this errour, trem∣bled with an apprehension of it: calling the fire of the last day which should purge the soules, the fla∣ming sword placed at the entrance of Paradise.

Lactantius, lib. 7. cap. 21. When God shall haue iudged the iust, he will trie them by fire: then they whose sins shall haue prenailed, eyther for weight or number shall lightly passe through, and feele the fire.

S. Ambrose vpon Ps. 36. The sonnes of Leui shall be purged by fire; Ezechiel also and Daniel: and al∣though they shall be examined and tried by fire yet they shall say, we haue passed both through fire and water. He maketh the most holy Saints to passe through this fire, and speaketh in the future tense, they shall be pur∣ged, to the end we should not thinke that he spea∣keth of a purgation already passed.

And Serm. 20. vpon Psal. 118. ALL must passe through the flames, were it Iohn the Euangelist, whom our Sauiour loued or were it S. Peter, &c. He speaketh manifestly of a fire which yet is not, and which is prepared for all men.

In his booke of Widowes, he calleth the Chri∣stian vertues: Aurum quod Iudicij die nequeat ignis exurere. Gold which the fire shall not be able to wast in the day of iudgement.

S. Hilarie vpon Psal. 118. in the pause Gimel, de∣claring how many things besides Baptisme, doe serue to purge our sinnes, setteth downe the holy Ghost that doth sanctifie vs, and the fire of the last iudgement, that doth refine and purifie vs. And in the same place, he maketh the Virgine Mary with the rest of the Saints to passe through this fire of the last iudgement, saying: Seeing that wee shall giue an account of cuery idle word, doe we desire the day of iudgement, in which we shall paesse through that inde∣fatigable fire, and in which we shall vndergoe those grieuous torments by which the soules are to be hallow∣ed and cleansed from their sinnes? And a little after: If that holy Virgine her selfe be to suffer the seuerity of that iudgement, who will dare desire to bee iudged of God? And vpon Matth 2. To them that are Baptized by the holy Ghost, there yet remaineth that they be made perfect by the fire of the last iudgement.

S. Austine de Ciuit. Dei lib. 20. cap. 25. exempteth some soules from this fire. By this which hath bin spoken, it seemeth euidently to appeare, that in that iudgement, some shall be punished by these Purgatorie paines. Now it appeareth both by the drift of the place, and by the title of the Chapter, that he spea∣keth of the day of the last iudgement. So in the 16 booke, chap. 24. This fire (which appeared to Abra∣ham) signifieth the day of iudgement, which shall dis∣cerne what earnall men are to be saued by the fire, and who to be condemned in the fire. But vpon the. 1. Cor. 3. he speaketh of this fire of Purgatory doubtfully saying, that it is a thing hidden, and of which a man

may well doubt. And lib. 21. cap. 16. he saith, Non redarguo, quia for sitan verum est. I do not gainesay it, for peraduenture the thing may be true.

Origen was the inuentor of this fire; a man con∣demned by other of the Fathers, for that he did not acknowledge Hell nor eternall fire; and holdeth that the diuels and wicked men shall after a time of Purgation be finally saued. But in this hee hath beene followed, that he holdeth that the purgation of soules beginneth at the day of the resurrection, and is done by the fire of the last day of iudgement.

That is the Purgatory of the Fathers, of which S. Ierome speaketh in the last lines of his Commen∣tary vpon Esay, and vpon the 46. of Ezechiel; and Gregory Nyssenus in his Oration of them that are fal∣len asleepe.

For so farre were they from beleeuing that the soules separated from the body, were purged by the fire, before the day of iudgement, that euen a good many of them haue thought, that the soule sequestred from the body could not suffer any harme; neyther be tormented without the body. So Tertullian in Apologet. cap. 48. The soule alone can∣not suffer any thing without solide matter, that is with∣out flesh. And this is the reason why he thinketh the resurrectiō necessary, to the end that the soule may be tormented; saying indeed that the punishment of the soule without the body should be vniust, see∣ing that they haue sinned together. Gregory Nissen Orat. 3. of the resurrection of Christ, saith in like manner: The fire can neuer touch the soule, separa∣ted

from the body, neyther can the darkenesse be trou∣blesome vnto it, forasmuch as it hath no eyes. — And for these forcible reasons we are induced to embrace the resurrection of the dead.

It would be infinite here to produce (that which we haue else-where done) the authorities of the Fathers, who affirme that there are but two places for the soules, to wit, Heauen for the damned, and Paradice or a place of rest for the Beleeuers: and that the soules immediately after their departure out of the body, goe into a place of rest, or into ce∣lestiall glory. Reade aboue the rest the Sermon of S. Cyprian, de mortalitate. And his Treatise against Demetrius; the booke of S. Ambrose, de bono mortis. The Oration of Gregory Nyssenus, Of the that sleepe. Epiphanius in his second booke of Heresies, Heresie 39. which is of the Cathari or Nouatians. S. Austen in his fift Hypognosticke. In his fourteene and eighteenth Sermon, de verbis Apostoli, and in diuers other places: This place of Austin shall suf∣fice for all; in his booke of the vanity of the world, chap. 1. Know that when the soule is separated from the body, it is in an Instant placed in Paradice for its good works, or cast into the pit of hell for its sinnes. A place which hath seemed to our aduersaries, so strong, that in their last Edition printed at Paris, they haue put these wordes in the Margent, Vbi nunc Purga∣torium? What is now become of Purgatorie? And as touching that point, that there are but two places, these be his wordes in his booke of sinnes, and the remission of them, chapt. 28. There is no middle place

for any man, insomuch that he that is not with Christ, can be no where else but with the diuell. And in his se∣cond Hypognosticke: we are altogether ignorant of any third place, neyther doe we finde any at all in the ho∣ly Scriptures. Let not any man say, that he speaketh onely of places eternall that are to continue for e∣uer: for he saith in expresse wordes, penitus, not at all; not excepting any thing. And you shall not finde that S. Austin, eyther in this place or in any o∣ther, makes this Distinction of places eternall and temporall for the soules; seeing that S. Austin in those places doth of purpose dispute against the Limbus puerorum, and relecting all temporary pla∣ces, he acknowledgeth no other third place.

Out of all that hitherto hath beene spoken, I draw these two conclusions: 1. The one is, that the Fathers being so vnresolued in this point, and so tainted with erronious opinions, which our aduer∣saries reiect as well as we; they are no way fit to be Iudges to decide this matter: 2. The other is, that the prayers which they make for the dead, are con∣demned by the Church of Rome, seeing that it re∣ceiueth no other prayer for the dead, but that which is made to ease the soules in Purgatorie: and by consequent also doth reiect the prayers of the Auncients, for the resurrection, and refreshing of the soules that lie and sleepe in their supposed re∣ceptacles: As also the prayers vsed in the aunci∣ent Church, for the Saints and Martyrs. Whence the Reader may informe his iudgement with what care and circumspection the Fathers ought to be

read, seeing it is so hard a matter to vnderstand their termes, and to finde out their meaning. But we now liue in an admirable age, in which all the world is become learned without study, and in which they who scarcely vnderstand their Pater noster, speake of the Fathers both Greeke and La∣tine, with an incredible assurance. Among these, such men as Coeffeteau is, doe easily beare sway, and do Lesson and Lecture them at large. See here a notable proofe hereof, which we haue not hitherto touched.

Coeffeteau alleadgeth this passage out of S. Au∣stin, de Ciuit. Dei, lib. 21. cap. 16. Let no man thinke that there are any Purgatorie paines, but such as be before the last and fearefull iudgement. These words seeme very plaine, and such as may easily make an igno∣rant man to rest vpon them: but the iugling cou∣senage is manifest; for if hee had but turned the leafe, he should haue found that S. Austen speaketh of such purgatory and expiatory paines as a man suffereth in this life, and before his death: We con∣fesse (saith he) that in this mortall life there be certaine purging paines, but they are purgatiue onely to those who being chastised and exercised by them, they become bettered and amended thereby. And cap. 26. The FIRE OF AFFLICTION shal burne away such delights, and earthly loues, as are not condemnable, by reason of the bond of Matrimony. To which fire also belong the losse of friends and kinsfolke, and all other calamities which take away these things from vs. Yea the very next lines before this place cyted by Coeffeteau

shew, that he speaketh of a clensing, done in the life present, for hee saith, Hee that desireth to escape the euerlasting paines, let him not onely be bapti∣zed, but also let him be iustified, that so by forsaking the diuell, he may betake himselfe to Christs side. Hereun∣to he will haue certaine purging paines to be ad∣ded, without waiting for the day of iudgement. So likewise S. Cyprian, lib. 4. Epist. 2. calleth that afflicti∣on of an offendor, whom the Church doth for a long time detaine among the Penitents, a purging fire. But aboue all S. Austens irresolution in this matter, is very considerable, who sometimes, as in the sixteenth chapter before alleadged, saith, that besides the Purgatory-paines of this life, there are others after this life: sometimes, as chapt. 26. hee saith, that he doubteth whether it be so or no, and it may be that it is true. In many other places hee saith plainely, that there is none at all; and that the soules are in an instant transported into heauen.

ARTICLE XXII. Of Anarchy, and of the degrees of superiority in the Church.

AFter the refutation of so many abu∣ses, the King of great Britaine setteth downe for the shutting vp of his con∣fession the Article of the Monarchy of the Church, and of the primacy of the Pope, the which his Maiesty affirmeth to be the

cheefe of all other Controuersies, and indeede vp∣pon iust cause, for all other errors serue to vphold this: superstition helpeth to support tyranny. O∣ther pointes there are, but this is that for which we dispute. Whosoeuer shal examine al our Controuersies, with a iudgement not forestalled, nor pre-occupied, shall finde that euery errour is a pillar of the Popes Empire, and a prop of his Do∣minion, and that the Articles of Faith haue beene skilfully bended and fitted to the aduantage of his Holinesse.

To this may be also added, that if the Pope can∣not erre in the decision of doubts: the case is then cleare, without further difficulty. Neyther shall it be needefull hereafter to assemble Councels, nor to search into Scriptures, but onely to consult this Papall Oracle, and so to content our selues with what it determineth.

It is therefore vpon iust cause, that his Maiesty saith this point is the principall Controuersie, and therefore insisteth vpon it, more then vpon any o∣ther, and therein displayeth the admirable ability of his wit, of which I confesse, I am rather a learner then a defender, hauing first learned to speake of him, before I did speake for him.

But before he entreth into the matter, he saith,

that to haue Bishops in the Church, is an Apo∣stolique Institution, and appointed by God, and saith, that he hath alwayes abhorred Anarchie: and that in heauen the blessed spirits are distin∣guished by diuers degrees, and that the very di∣uels

themselues, are digested and parted into Le∣gions, and haue their Princes; that by the same reason, no humane society can subsist without this order, and difference in degrees: and there∣upon complayneth of certain turbulent persons that haue persecuted him, euen from his mothers wombe, pursuing his death before he entred into life.

But who these persons were, that with so hasty murther would not haue expected his birth, it is best knowne vnto his Maiesty: and it is not to bee doubted, but they haue beene punished according to the lawes. And for such any punishment is too little. But it is true that there is nothing so turbu∣lent as an Anarchy, in which there is no Master, be∣cause euery one is such a one, where euery one by being too free becommeth a slaue: for in a State it is better to be vnder an ill Master, then vnder none at all; and Tyrannie is more tollerable then such a freedome which vnder the title of liberty, introdu∣ceth licentiousnesse, and this licentiousnesse bring∣eth in extreame seruitude. So is it in Families and Common-wealths, in Armies, yea euen amongst the Angels themselues; yea if we discend to Bees, and Cranes, wee see not these meaner creatures without a naturall pollicy, and a kinde of superio∣ritie.

The Church is no way exempt from this order in which God hath established Pastors and Bi∣shops, and aboue them Assemblies, which the aun∣cient Church called Synodes and Councels; of

which it is likewise necessary, that some one should be President to direct and order the businesses.

But if one demaund, what differences of degrees these should be, or whether one man should haue superiority ouer one onely flocke, or ouer many? It is another question, and tendeth nothing to the kings purpose, which is only to withstand the Mo∣narchy of one single man ouer the vniuersall Church. For admitting it should be yeelded, that in euery Countrey and Prouince, there ought to be one soueraine Prelate: It would not follow thereupon, that therefore there must be one Mo∣narch ouer all Prelates, or one head of the Vniuer∣sall Church, no more then if a man by proouing that a Monarchy is the most exact forme of Go∣uernement, should by that conclude, that therefore there must be one Monarch ouer the whole world. No, there are no shoulders of strength enough to beare so great a head: the prouidence of no one man can stretch or extend it selfe so farre, or deuide it selfe into so many peeces: Such Countries as are placed vnder an other Hemisphere, and fall vn∣der the tyranny of Lieftenants and officers, ouer whose gouernement a carefull eye could not be had. The same inconuenience or rather much grea∣ter would be in the Church: for besides this diffi∣culty, pride is much more pernitious in Diuine, then in humane things. And it would be very hard that any man should climbe so high, but that his head would be giddy: for if pride get in amongst beggars, whom we see quarrell and contest, whilst

whilst they sit ridding themselues of vermine, how much more would it fasten it selfe to such a height of glory, which inuesteth a weake man, and many times a vitious, with the title of the head of the Church, which title the Scripture giueth not but to the onely Sonne of God.

Now the end and scope of the gouernement of the Church, and of Ecclesiasticall Discipline, is the peace of the Church, the reformation of manners, suppressions of scandals, and the conseruation of the purity of doctrine: to which end I conceiue we may attaine by different wayes. And he should be rash, that would tye all other Churches to that ex∣terior Ecclesiasticall policy, which is practised in his owne Countrey; or by a peeuish presumption prescribe his particular example, for an vniuersall rule. Farre is it from the charitable opinion of the King of England, who towards the end of his book declareth, that he no way intendeth to condemne those Churches, which hold a differing forme of gouernement, since in the grounds, and in all the points of doctrine, we fully agree with the English Churches, which are our brethren in our Lord Ie∣sus, members of the same body, sensible of our common greefes, and whose quarrell we esteeme to be our owne, as persons tending to the selfe same end, and by the selfe same way, though cloa∣thed perhaps in colours differing. For the suspition of M^r. Coeffeteau, is ill grounded, when vpon the protestation which the King of great Britaine ma∣keth, that he disliketh the Puritanes, hee inferreth,

that his confession of faith, published in Scotland, was a supposed confession, made by the Scottish Ministers, in which they make him speake like a Puritane; for that confession agreeth in substance with that which the same King inserteth into his booke: the defence whereof we vndertake. But if in Coeffeteau his opinion, to pray to God onely, in the name of Iesus Christ, to denie the fire of Purgato∣ry, to reiect the Popes Indulgences, to pray in a knowne tongue, and to abstaine from Idolatry; if this be to be a Puritane, there is none of vs that had not rather be a Puritane with the Apostles, then be impure with the Bishop of Rome. So that his Ma∣iesty by the same wisdome, by which he prudently gouerneth his Kingdomes, can well discerne in this matter of Ecclesiasticall gouernment, betwixt such of his subiects, as oppose themselues meerely for contradiction, and whose heat is accompanied with contempts: from such who though they dif∣fer somewhat in opinion, yet walke in obedience and with a good conscience, desiring nothing more then the establishment of his Throne, and are ready to lay downe their liues for his seruice: such are the faithfull Ministers, who carefully em∣ploy themselues to root out those tares which Sa∣than soweth whilst we sleepe, and to pull vp Pope∣ry out of mens hearts; the encrease whereof being nourished by our petty discords, cannot choose but be a weakening to the greatnesse of Kings, and the diminution of their Empire: for it is certaine,

vnto himselfe in England, so many subiects his Maiesty doth gaine vnto his Crowne, seeing that according to the rules of Popery, a King is an vsur∣per, if he be not approued by the Pope, and that his subiects are bound to rebell, assoone as the light∣nings of the Vatican haue beene cast forth vpon a∣ny soueraigne Prince. And seeing that also the Cardinal Bellarmine dareth to affirme, and to main∣taine, that England is part of the Popes Demaines, and that the King is Feudatory and Vassall to the Bishop of Rome. It is to be presumed that his Ma∣iesty hath sent him his picture, drawne out of the Apocalips, to pay him his Arrearages, and to yeelde homage to his Lord in cheefe.

These things considered, the best meanes to be reuenged of so great an iniury, is to giue order, that the people bee carefully instructed, and that the Countrey Churches be not vnprouided of faith∣full Pastors, who may watch carefully ouer their Flockes, and may expound plainly the benefites of Iesus Christ, and the doctrine of the Gospell: In presence of which, Poperie doth vanish and fall downe, as DAGON fell before the Arke of the Couenant.

ARTICLE XXIII. Of the Popes Supremacy.

ANd for his temporall Principality ouer the Signory of Rome, I doe not quarrell it neyther, let him in God his Name be Primus Epis∣copus inter omnes Episcopos, and Prin∣ceps Episcoporum, so it be no otherwise but as Peter was Princeps Apostolorum. But as I well allow of the Hierarchie of the Church for distinction of Orders (for so I vnderstand it) so I vtterly denie that there is an earthly Monarch thereof, whose word must be a Law, and who cannot erre in his Sentence, by an in∣fallibility of Spirite. Because earthly King∣domes must haue earthly Monarches: it doth not follow, that the Church should haue a visi∣ble Monarch too: for the world hath not One earthly temporall Monarch. Christ is his Chur∣ches Monarch, and the holy Ghost his Deputy: Reges gentium dominantur eorum, vos autem non sic. Christ did not promise before his ascension to leaue Peter with them to direct

and instruct them in all things, but he promised to send the holy Ghost vnto them for that end.

And as for these two before cyted places, whereby Bellarmine maketh the Pope to tri∣umph ouer Kings, I mean pasce oues, and Ti∣bi dabo claues: the Cardinall knowes well en∣ough, that the same wordes of Tibi dabo, are in another place spoken by Christ in the plurall number. And he likewise knowes what reason the Auncients doe giue, why Christ bade Peter pascere oues: and also what a cloude of wit∣nesses there is, both of Auncients, and euen of late Popish writers, yea diuers Cardinals, that doe all agree, that both these speeches vsed to Peter, were meant to all the Apostles represen∣ted in his person: Otherwise how could Paul di••ect the Church of Corinth, to excommunicate the incestuous person cu spiritum suo, where∣as he should then haue said, cumspiritu Petri? And how could all the Apostles haue otherwise vsed all their censures, onely in Christs name, and neuer a word of his Vicar? Peter (wee reade) did in all the Apostles meetings sit a∣mongst them as one of their number: And when chosen men were sent to Antiochia from

that great Apostolike Councell at Ierusalem, (Acts 15.) The text saith, It seemed good to the Apostles and Elders, with the whole Church, to send chosen men; but no mention made of the Head thereof; and so in their Let∣ters no mention is made of Peter, but onely of the Apostles, Elders and Brethren. And it is a wonder, why Paul rebuketh the Church of Co∣rinth for making exceptions of persons, because some followed. Paul, some Apollos, some Cephas, if Peter was their visible Head! for then those that followed not Peter or Cephas, renounced the Catholik faith. But it appeareth well that Paul knew little of our new doctrine, since he handleth Peter so rudely, as he not only compareth, but preferreth himselfe vnto him. But our Cardinall prooues Peters superiority, by Pauls going to visite him. Indeede Paul saith, he went to Ierusalem to visite Peter, and conferre with him: but he should haue added, and to kisse his feete.

To conclude then, The truth is that Peter was both in age, and in the time of Christs calling him, one of the first of the Apostles: in order the principall of the first twelue, and one

of the three whom Christ for order sake prefer∣red to all the rest. And no further did the Bi∣shop of Rome claime for three hundreth years after Christ: subiect they were to the generall Councels, and euen but of late did the Councell of Constance depose three Popes, and set vp the fourth, And vntill Phocas dayes (that mur∣thered his master) were they subiect to Empe∣rours. But how they are now come to be Christs Ʋicars, nay, Gods on earth, triple crowned, Kings of Heauen, earth and hell, Iudges of all the world, and none to iudge them; Heads of the faith, Absolute deciders of all Controuersies by the infallibility of their spirite, hauing all power both Spirituall and Temporall in their handes; the high Bishoppes, Monarches of the whole earth, Superiours to all Emperours and Kings; yea, Supreame Ʋice-gods, who whe∣ther they will or not, cannot erre: how they are now become (I say) to that toppe of greatnes, I know not: but sure I am, Wee that are Kings haue greatest neede to looke vnto it. As for me, Paul and Peter I know, but these men I know not: And yet to doubt of this, is to denie the Ca∣tholique faith, Nay, the world it selfe must bee

turned vpside downe, and the order of Na∣ture inuerted (making the left hand to haue the place before the right, and the last named to be the first in honour) that this primacy may be maintained.

Thus haue I now made a free Confession of my Faith: And (J hope) I haue fully cleared my selfe from being an Apostate, and as farre from being an Hereticke, as one may be that beleeueth the Scriptures, and the three Creedes, and acknowledgeth the foure first generall Councels. If J be loath to beleeue too much, e∣specially of Nouelties, men of greater know∣ledge may well pitie my weakenesse; but J am sure none will condemne me for an hereticke, saue such as make the Pope their God, and thinke him such a speaking Scripture, as they can define heresie no otherwise, but to be what∣soeuer Opinion is maintained against the Popes definition of faith. And I will sincerely promise that when euer any point of the Religion I pro∣fesse, shall be proued to be new, and not Aun∣cient, Catholike, and Apostolike (I meane for matter of Faith) I will as soone renounce it: clo∣sing vp this head with the maxime of Vincen∣tius

Lirinensis, that I will neuer refuse to imbrace any opinion in Diuinity necessary to saluation, which the whole Catholike Church with an vnanim consent, haue constantly taught and beleeued euen from the Apostles daies, for the space of many ages thereafter without interruption:

This discourse beeing nothing else, but a rich piece of tyssue wrought full of Demonstrations, and the very language of truth in the mouth of a King; deserued an exact answer. But M. Coeffeteau not daring to confront the King to his face, doth treacherously assaile ••im side-wise: for in stead of satisfying his proofes drawne out of holy Scrip∣ture, hee entrencheth himselfe in his hold of cu∣stome, and produceth some testimonies of men.

He saith then that Basil writing to Athanasius aduiseth him to aduertise the Church of Rome of certaine schismes that happened in his countrey, to the end that hee by interposing his authority might send learned and able men to extinguish those diuisions which troubled the East. But with∣al he should haue added, that Basil doth not intreat him to shew forth his power in punishing the ob∣stinate and refractarie, but onely 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to reprehend and admonish the fro∣ward men of our countrey. For as touching the title of Head of the Church, S. Basil in the same E∣pistle doth so qualifie not the Bishop of Rome, but

Athanasius Patriarcke of Alexandria, in these words: we thought that we could not better giue en∣trance to our affaires, then by hauing recourse to your perfection, as to him who is the vniuersall Head, and by winning you to be counsellour and conductour of our Actions. Now he thus speaketh, not because Alex∣andria was the first Sea, but because there was not then any Bishop, who did not willingly giue pre∣cedence to Athanasius because of his vertue. As for the priority of the Bishops-sea, it appeareth by his 50. Epistle that S. Basill thought it due to Antioch, when he exhorteth Athanasius to adioyne himselfe to Miletius, Patriarcke of Antioch, of whome hee saith, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 that it is he, who as we may so say, sitteth as ruler ouer the whole Church. And saith also, that the Bishops of the West giue consent thereunto: it is a thing remarke-able aboue the rest, that S. Basill, purpo∣sing to addresse himselfe to the Bishop of Rome, that he should lend his helpe to pacifie some diffe∣rences stirred vp in Asia confesseth in one of his E∣pistles, that men are deceiued to hope for any suc∣cour from thence, and taking offence at his pride, he accounteth all such deputations idle, and to no purpose. For in his 10. Epistle to Gregory Nazian∣zen, after he had aduised him to take heede that hee vsed no requests or intreatyes towards the Bishop of Rome, for feare lest hee waxe proud thereupon, he addeth these words; If the wrath of God continue, what helpe shall we receiue from these Westerlings, who neither know the truth, neither can they indure to bee taught it.

Coeffeteau subioyneth, that S. Chrysostome, beeing banished and driuen from his Bishoppricke, he had recourse to Pope Innocent, and implored the assistance of his authority. But he should also haue added, that Innocent taking the defence of Chryso∣stome in hand, wrote two Letters which are found in Sozomen, lib. 8. cap. 26. The first of which is no∣thing but a Consolatorie Epistle to Chrysostome, exhorting him to patience, without promising him any assistance; which hee would doubtlesse haue done, if it had bin in his power to haue re-esta∣blished him into his charge. The second Letter was written to the people & Clergie of Constantino∣ple, in which there is no commandement giuen to restore Chrysostom to the possessiō of his charge, but onely a complaint of infringing the Canons of the Church, & an aduise to summon a generall Coun∣cell Sozomen further addeth in the 28. chapter, that the Deputies sent by the Pope to sollicite Chryso∣stomes restitution, were sent backe without preuai∣ling any thing, and were further * accused towards the Emperour Arcadius, as hauing medled in this busines with contempt of the Empire, and as trou∣blers of the state of the transmarine Empire. And indeede were the cause why Chrysostome was sent farther away into banishment. So little did men then care for the Counsells or aduertisements of the Bishop of Rome. So also al his intercession was onely by way of aduise and request, and not by commaundement: neither shall you finde that S. Chrysostome or his successours, did euer demaund

the Bishop of Romes Letters of Inuestiture, or e∣uer receiued the Pall from him.

Our Doctor addeth, that Iulius the first resto∣red

Athanasius Patriarch of Alexandria; Paul Bi∣shop of Constantinople, and many others; be∣cause, saith Sozomen, that the care of all things be∣longed to the Bishop of Rome, by reason of his Sea, he restored their Churches to each of them.

It would be in vaine, to expect from this Doctor, any passages faithfully alleadged: the course and order of the story sheweth, that they were not re∣stored at all, and that the Easterne Churches made little account of the Bishop of Rome. For in the lines following it appeareth, that the Easterne Bi∣shops did nothing at all, of what Iulius wrote vnto them, but returned Letters of mockerie, taxing his pride. They spake indeede honourably of the Church of Rome, by reason of the greatnesse of the Citie, and because that the Apostles had taught there, but withall they adde, That they were moued with indignation, that they should be thought to be of a lower rancke, vnder a pretence that their Church was not so great; seeing that if they respected vertue or gouernement of life, they were farre before the Church of Rome. And to the end that the Bishop of Rome should not be doing with their affaires, they tell him that they intermedled not with his, And that the Bishops and Priests of the East, their predecessors, did not oppose themselues to the Bishop of Rome, when he cut off Nouatus from the Church. And further the same Sozomen, cap. 10. witnesseth, that the same

Orientall Bishops deposed Iulius Bishop of Rome, with Osius, Maximus, and others. They were in∣deed Arrians, and proceeded vniustly against Iulius, who defended the truth; but yet we shall not finde that this hath beene reckoned among the errours of the Arrians, that they did not acknowled••e the Bishop of Rome to be head of the Church. They were ignorant of the true nature of Iesus Christ, but they well knew what was the Ecclesiasticall policy, and how farre the bounds of the Bishop of Rome did extend. And if it be found in story, that Iulius Bishop of Rome wrote his Letters, to re-in∣tegrate any expulsed Bishops into their Charges; we finde also that Liberius Bishop of Rome, being put from his Bishopricke, is sent backe with the let∣ters of the Easterne Bishops, and by their com∣maundement re-established, as Sozomen witnesseth lib. 4. cap. 14. And yet this is not taken vp for a proofe of superiority of the Easterne Bishops ouer the Bishops of Rome; but to testifie the mutuall helpe which the Churches lend one to another in their necessities: no more then when we read in the story of Socrates, l. 7. cap. 33. that Cyrill of Alexan∣dria deposed Nestorius Bishop of Constantinople, & that Nestori{us} degraded Cyrill: as also that Iohn of Antioch, and Cyrill condemne & excommunicate one another: this is not a proof of Superiority. So S. Hilary Bishop of Poictiers, in the fragments of his Epistles oftentimes saith, Anathema tibi a me Libe∣ri: and so excommunicateth the Bishop of Rome, without any pretence of Superiority ouer him.

As for that which Sozomen saith, that the Bi∣shop of Rome had the care of all Churches by rea∣son of the dignity of his Sea; this is true not onely in the Bishop of Rome, but also of all the Patri∣arches. Thus haue we heretofore seene that Basil saith, that Athanasius Patriarch of Alexandria had the care of all Churches, as Basil had of his particu∣lar Church, and that the Patriarch of Antioch was ouer the whole body of the Church. We haue also but euen now produced an example, in which the Bishops of the East, shew to haue had care of the West. But this point hath neede of more cleare demonstration.

To fetch the matter then a little higher, we must vnderstand, that from the first Nicene Councell, held Anno 328. the Histories doe make manifest, that in the auncient Church Bishops had prece∣dency each of other, according to the dignities of their Cities; which precedency was without any Superiority or Iurisdiction ouer one another. No more nor lesse then the Counsellors of the Court, goe in rancke according as they were admitted, al∣though they be equall in charge. Or as when Chri∣stian Princes, or their Ambassadours meete toge∣ther to deliberate of the affaires of Christendome, one hath precedencie and place before another, yet without rule or dominion one ouer another. So fared it with the Patriarchall Seas: there was the Bishop of the first seate: the Bishop of the second, and so in order. The Bishop of the first Sea was the Bishop of Rome, for the dignity of his Citie,

because it was the seate of the Empire: the Bishop of the second seat was he of Alexandria, because it was the greatest and mightiest City of the Em∣pire, next after Rome: then followed Antioch and lastly, Ierusalem, which had more the name, then the power and authority of a Patriarch; because it selfe was subiect to the Metropolitan of Cesarea.

Now to preuent, least any vnder the title of prese∣ance or the first seate, should presume to challenge and vsurpe Dominion ouer his fellowes: the third Councell of Carthage, Canon 26. ordaineth, That the Bishop of the first Sea, shall not bee called Head or Prince of the Priests, or high Priest and Bishop, but one∣ly Bishop of the first Sea, acknowledging it to be for order sake, and not for Superiority.

But after that the abode and ordinary residence of the Emperours began to be in Constantinople, together with the forces and strength of the Em∣pire: the Bishop of Constantinople did then e∣quall himselfe with the Bishop of Rome, and helde himselfe in nothing inferiour to him. Whereup∣pon came in the Ordinance of the Councell of Chalcedon, which saith, Canon 28. that, The hun∣dred and fiftie Bishops of the Councell of Constantino∣ple, welbeloued of God, haue giuen to the seate of new Rome (which is Constantinople) the same prerogatiues with auncient Rome. Iudging it according to reason, that the Citie honoured with the Empire and the Se∣nate, and which hath the same Priuiledges with aunci∣ent Rome, ought of right to bee magnified as much as she in Ecclesiasticall matters, being the next in rancke

after her. Where you see that the Councell put∣teth a priority in order, with an equality in power: And this priority because Rome had beene the seate of the Empire before Constantinople; where∣vpon is to be noted, that Leo Bishop of Rome de∣nieth that his deputies consented to that Article, as appeareth by the nine and fiftie and sixtie of his E∣pistles: but the Councell for all that doth not let to goe forward; and I thinke that sixe hundred and thirty Bishops (for so many there were at the Councell of Chalcedon) are more to be credited then the Bishop of Rome alone. And that which is more, you shall finde the Canon set downe at large in the sixth generall Councell. Which hath moued the Canonists to falsifie this Canon: for in the two and twentieth Distinction, in the Canon Renouantes, in stead of these wordes, Etiam in Eccle∣siasticis, they haue put non tamen in Ecclesiasticis, which is a manifest imposture and corruption.

That little preheminence then which the Bi∣shop of Rome had, from the time of the Councell of Nice, and a long while after, was onely in con∣sideration of the Noblenesse and greatnesse of the Citie. For so also the Patriarches and Metropo∣litanes were at the first ordained, according to the dignities of their Cities, as appeareth in the Ca∣non Prouinciae, in the ninth Distinction. And in∣deede the Archbishop of Rauenna, though it bee almost situated at the gates of Rome, yet would he neuer yeeld to acknowledge himselfe inferiour to the Bishop of Rome, during the time that the Ex∣arch,

which was the Emperours Lieutenant, made his abode in Italy. Which also appeareth, in that the Popes Boniface and Celestine, who liued in the time of S. Austen, being desirous to haue drawne to themselues the Appeales of Affrica, and to haue played their Masteries out of Italy; they alleadge nothing to the Councell of Affrica, where this matter was debated, not any text of Scripture, nor the power giuen by Christ to S. Peter, but only the ordinance of the Councell of Nice, of which they produced certaine forged Canons. Which false∣hood of theirs being detected and conuinced by confronting it with the Originals brought in place, the Bishop of Rome had the foile, and lost the cause. And hereof we haue the whole Councell for witnesse, in which Aurelius Bishop of Car∣thage, and S. Austen Bishop of Hippo were pre∣sent; who together with the rest of their fellowes, wrote letters to Celestine, which are inserted into the Councell, and which speake to the Bishop of Rome in this manner: The Fathers haue most wisely and iustly prouided, that all affaires should be decided and ended in the places where they arise. Neyther will the grace of God be wanting to any place, through which equity shall prudently and constantly be acknowledged, and embraced of the Ministers of Christ, seeing also that it is permitted to euery man that receiueth any greeuance from his delegated Iudges, to appeale to a Pro∣uinciall, or indeede to a generall Councell, vnlesse per∣haps any man shall thinke that God may giue ability to some one man to examine things vprightly, which he

will not vouchsafe to a multitude assembled in a Coun∣cell. Or how can a Sentence or iudgement be of force, that is giuen beyond the Sea, where necessary witnesses cānot be present, eyther by reason of sex, or infirmity of olde age, and a thousand other hinderances? For to tell vs, that there ought Deputies [Legates a Latere] to be sent vnto vs as comming from your Holinesse side, it is a thing which we doe not finde to haue beene ordained by any Synode of the Fathers; for those Articles which you sent vs a while agone by our fellow and Companion Faustinus, as being of the Councell of Nice, we could not finde it so in the true Copies sent vnto vs by Cyril and Atticus, &c. Forbeare also to send vs your Clerkes, men ready to serue euery great mans turne, or in∣deed any that shall aske them; least it seeme that we goe about to bring this worldes smoakie pride and hautinesse into the Church of Christ, which beareth the light of simplicity, and the brightnesse of humility be∣fore those who desire to see God. After these checkes giuen to the Bishop of Rome, they publiquely de∣nounce and giue him warning, that he reuoke and withdraw his Deputy Faustinus out of Affrica; af∣terwards they salute him, calling him Sir and Bro∣ther. This Epistle is a pretious Iewell of Antiqui∣ty, and I wonder how so excellent a peece could e∣scape the handes of these falsifiers and Spongers of the Fathers. Now they, who read this Lesson to the Bishop of Rome, who already began to be somewhat tickled with presumption, were Aureli∣us Bishop of Carthage, and S. Austen, and al the Bi∣shops of Affrica. For which cause Boniface the se∣cond,

in an Epistle which is found in the second Tome of the Councels, saith, that Aurelius and his fellows had separated themselues from the Church of Rome, being waxen proude through the insti∣gation of the Diuell. An Epistle which witnesseth, that S. Austen died excommunicated out of the Church of Rome, which also wee haue elsewhere defended against Coeffeteaus accusations.

Neither was this the first ordinance, by w^ch these Bishops sought to stifle the growing tyrannie of the Bishop of Rome, wherby he laboured to draw the appeales of the causes of Affrica to himselfe; his purpose being, that they who were condem∣ned in Affrica by the Councels, might make their appeale ouer the Sea, that is, into Italy: For these same Bishops in another Councell assembled at Mileuitum, in the two and twentieth Canon, say: If they [who are condemned by the neighbour Bi∣shops] thinke that they may appeale from their iudge∣ment, let them not appeale any whither else then to the Councels of Affrica, or to the Primates of their Prouin∣ces. But whosoeuer shall appeale beyond the Sea, let him not be admitted to the Communion, by any in all Affri∣ca. These men feared neuer a whit, least there might come from Rome a lapse vpon their Benefices, or a deuolution to the Pope: they did not expect from him the Archbishops Pall, nor the Cardinals Hat, nor any liberality of consecrated grains, nor feared they his excommunication, whose power in those dayes passed little further then mount Apennine. And here out of this Discourse the Reader shall

further learne, that this very Canon is found in the Romane Decrees, in the second Cause, in the Ca∣non Placuit, but wholly corrupted and miserably falsified, for after these wordes, Whosoeuer shall ap∣peale beyond the Sea, let him not be receiued by any to the Communion; there is a peece of another stuffe, and another coulour vnhandsomely patched on, vnlesse he appeale to the Sea of Rome: how could this exception be allowable, seeing that this Canon of the Councell was expresly made against the Sea of Rome? So is it also against the truth and euidence of all the Coppies.

Yea so farre are the auncient customes and or∣dinances from giuing any Iurisdiction to the Bi∣shop of Rome ouer other Patriarches, that here is a flat Canon of the Councell of Nice, recyted by Ruffinus to the contrary, in his first booke and fift chapter, They ordaine also that in Alexandria, and in the Citie of Rome, the auncient custome be kept, to wit, that he of Alexandria haue the care of Egypt, the Bi∣shop of Rome of all suburbicary Churches, that is, of all the Cities that were vnder the authoritie and ciuill iurisdiction of the citie of Rome. These Fathers did liberally cut him out a large share, as the times then were, but scant enough according to his ambition as now it is.

S. Cyprian Bishop of Carthage, wrote many E∣pistles to Cornelius Bishop of Rome, al which beare this inscription, Cyprian to Cornelius his brother sen∣deth greeting: which had bin a great vnreuerence if Cornelius had bin head of the Vniuersall Church, or

if he had had power of Iurisdiction ouer S. Cyprian. So likewise: in the fourth booke of Socrates, cap. 11. the Eastern Bishops, who write to Liberius Bishop of Rome, call him nothing but Brother and Compa∣nion, yea they speake like Masters, for qualifying themselues the Catholike and Apostolike Church, they denounce Anathema against the Councel of Ariminum, without expecting the iudgement, or the will and pleasure of Liberius. Thereupon Leo the first, albeit he speake bigge in his Epistles, ne∣uerthelesse he commonly taketh no other Title to him but onely this, Leo Bishop of the Citie of Rome to such and such sendeth greeting.

See here a notable Example: The auncient cu∣stome of the Church was, that the penitents should confesse their faults aloude in the face of the Church. But the Church being growne into wealth and riches▪ many men refused to vndergoe this shame, and iudged it intollerable. To giue them content herein, an order was established that euery Church should haue a Penetenciary Priest, who should receiue their confessions in se∣cret. This order hauing beene euery where recei∣ued: Neuerthelesse Nectarius Bishop of Constan∣tinople abolished this custome throughout all the East, without asking the Bishop of Romes counsel, who also did not reprehend him for it: and this hath euer since so remained. Thereupon I say, that if Nectarius had beene subiect to the Bishop of Rome, he would neuer haue vndertaken so great a matter without his aduise, and contrary to his ex∣ample,

Should a Bishop of Paris or Lyons bee borne withall now adaies, if of his owne authority, without aduise from the Pope, he should put away auricular confession out of his Bishopricke: Here are other examples. It appeareth by S. Austens 118. Epistle to Ianuarius, that in Rome they fasted on the Satterday, but at Millan they did not so. Dama∣sus Bishop of Rome, writing to S. Ierome, complay∣neth, that the seruice, and the singing in the Church of Rome, was performed with ill grace and vnseem∣ly, and with too great simplicity, and requesteth Ierome to teach him the custome of the singing and seruice of the Greeke Church, that he might bring it into the Church of Rome. Is it credible that the Church of Rome would haue dayned to be the Disciple of other Churches, and to correct her faults by the example of her neyghbour Churches, if she had ruled and gouerned all other Churches, as she doth to this day? S. Ierome in an Epistle to Euagrius, sheweth, that the custome of other Chur∣ches touching Deacons was better then that of Rome, which he saith, was but a City from whence pride first sprunge. So the Canon Aliter in the 31. Distinction, saith, That the Tradition of the Ea∣sterne Churches is one, and that of the Church of Rome another; for there the Priests and Deacons doe marry, but here not. And this Canon is attributed to Pope Steuen, to whom Cyprian writeth. Socrates, lib. 5. cap. 21. maketh a long Bed-roule of diuers Church-customs, and sheweth how different the Churches were in the obseruation of Fastes, of the marriage

of Churchmen, and of the dayes of publique As∣semblies; which diuersity is an euident proofe that they were not all gouerned by one onely vniuer∣sall head, otherwise they should all haue beene conformed to the Ordinanances of the Church of Rome.

So shall we also finde that the Churches of A∣sia, of Syria, and of Egypt, are called Catholique and Apostolique Churches, and yet they are neuer called Romane.

Especially it is manifest, that the Church of Rome, in those dayes did neuer giue the definitiue sentence, or that her iudgements were esteemed ir∣refragable not to be gainesaid, forasmuch as wee finde examples of some causes, iudged by the Bi∣shops of Rome, which the Emperours haue caused afterwards to be iudged by other Bishops, for the better examination of the matters. S. Austen in his 162. Epistle, and Euseb. lib. 10 cap. 5. report, that the Donatists demaunded Bishops of the Empe∣rour Constantine, to iudge their Controuersie: and that at their request the Emperour commaunded Melchiades Bishop of Rome, and Rheticus Maternus and Marinus his associates, to take notice of their Cause: by whose iudgement the Donatists hauing beene condemned, and they not willing to stand to their sentence, the Emperour commaunded that their cause should again be heard and iudged more exactly at Arles by other Bishops in a greater as∣sembly, and that there the sentence of the Bishop of Rome and of his fellowes should be sifted and

examined: and it is found that the Bishop of Rome did complaine for that the Emperour would not that men should stand to his iudgement, but did quietly remit the whole matter to be tried and exa∣mined by other Bishops.

It appeareth chiefly in the conuocation and the holding of Councells, how little the power of the Bishop of Rome was, in comparison of that which is giuen now adayes. Damasus Bishop of Rome summoned a Councell at Rome, whereunto hee inuiteth the Easterne Bishops, who were assembled at Constantinople, from diuers places, pressing them earnestly to meete together at Rome, to de∣liberate of common affaires: but the Bishops of the East refused to be present, & excused themselues by letters to Damasus, Ambrose, &c. whom they call their Brethren and Colleagues, saying, that they had no commission from their Churches, to passe any further then Constantinople, and that they were not prouided for that iourney, and therefore had onely sent their brethren and companions, Cy∣riacus, Eusebius, and Priscian, to let them vnder∣stand their mindes, which was a good will of peace and vnion In the end they conclude their Epistle with these words, God preserue you (our deare sonnes) in health and safetie. Where are the Bishops now a dayes, that dare call the Pope their sonne? That would be taken eyther for beastly mockery, or plaine flattery, seeing that now the least of his Ti∣tles is to be called most holy Father, not content with holy Father, which is the Title that Christ gi∣ueth

to God his Father, Ioh. 17. ver. 11. These Bi∣shops then keepe themselues at Constantinople, and there hold their Councell; ouer which was President Nectarius Bishop of Constantinople; & they leaue Damasus, and Ambrose, & the Bishops of Italy, to hold their Councell at Rome. I be∣seech the Reader to weigh that which I am now about to say, that is, that the Councell held at Constantinople, and called without the aduise of the Bishop of Rome, and whereat hee had not so much as any one Deputy, is held for a generall Councell, and one of the first foure. But the Coun∣cell which Damasus kept at Rome, is not held but for a particular Councell, and which indeede is scarcely named. And verily in the succeeding Councels that followed, they were wont to recite the Canons of the Councell of Constantinople, but neuer made any mention of the Romane Councell.

The example which followeth, is no lesse direct to the purpose. Leo Bishop of Rome assembleth a Councell at Rome: he writeth to the Emperour Theodosius the yonger, and beseecheth him verie instantly, that it would please his Maiesty to call a Councell in Italy. These bee the termes of the Councels request. All the Priests doe beseech your Clemency with sighes and teares, that you would com∣maund a generall Councell to be celebrated in Italy. But Leo and his fellowes were denied their request. In the end the Synode was assembled at Chalcedon, which Synode Leo seeing that he was not able to

transport it into Italy, besought at leastwise that it might be deferred. But the Emperour Martian, Theodosius successor, would not gratifie him in that, but the Councell was held at Chalcedon for the ease and commodity of the Bishops of Asia, as was the Emperours pleasure. Whereat Leo complay∣neth in his one and fortieth Epistle to Martian, and in the nine and fortieth to Pulcheria the Empresse, in such sort notwithstanding, that hee submitted himselfe thereunto, and sent thither his Deputies by their commaundement.

Socrates the historian, lib. 7. cap. 11. obserueth that the Bishops began to goe beyond the bounds of their charge euen in the time of Theodosius the yon∣ger, the sonne of Arcadius, and that they already be∣gan to make themselues Princes in secular affaires, and that the Bishop of Alexandria hauing begun, he of Rome followed his example. These be his words, There brake forth a great flame of enuie against the Nouatians, the Bishoppricke of Rome hauing past the bounds of Priesthood, after the maner of that of A∣lexandria, and hauing carried it selfe forward to a secu∣lar Princedome.

One of the subtle trickes of the Bishoppes of Rome was, neuer to be present at generall Coun∣cels, for feare least some one of the other Patri∣arches should take place before him; euen so farre that Vigilius Bishop of Rome, being in the Citie of Constantinople, whilst the fift generall Councell was held there, Vigilius notwithstanding refused to assist, and to be present, for feare least Menas Bi∣shop

of Constantinople should take the preceden∣cy. With such a like cunning, when any Bishop of Asia, or Egypt, or Greece, was chosen by ioynt consent of a generall Councell to bee President therein, the Bishop of Rome well perceiuing, that his Deputies could not haue the first place, intrea∣ted him who was chosen to be President, to keepe his place, and to represent his person; as he did Cy∣rill in the first Councell of Ephesus, who notwith∣standing this counterfeit Commission, would not haue let to haue beene President of the Councell: As well as did Dioschorus, who was President in the second Councell of Ephesus, without being Le∣gate of the Bishop of Rome, and where the Bishop of Rome had his Deputies, who did not contest for the first place. The issue and the end indeed of the Councell was turbulent, but yet it was lawfully assembled according to the vsuall forme, and there was good order kept in the first Sessions. So Me∣nas and Euticheus Patriarches of Constantinople sate Presidents in the fift Councell of Constanti∣nople, albeit Vigilius Bishop of Rome were in the same Towne: which doubtlesse was the cause why he refused to be present at the Councell: All which notwithstanding after the close and conclu∣sion of the Councell, he approued the Acts.

Read carefully the second Councell of Nice, and you shal see, that in reckoning vp the Bishops, who were assisting thereat, hee who hath translated the Acts of the Councell, hath oftentimes placed (to gratifie the Pope) the Deputies of Rome the first;

yet notwithstanding the whole action of the coun∣cell doth plainely shew, that they were not Pre∣sidents at all: they speake almost neuer a word, and they giue in their opinions sometimes amongst the rest. But Tharasius Patriarch of Constantino∣ple speaketh to euery matter, gouerneth the whole action, pronounceth the conclusions, and is cheefe President in the Councell.

And to come vp a little higher, the most famous Councell that euer was, was the first Councell of Nice; in which surely the Bishop of Rome was not President: but if we will beleeue the testimony of Athanasius who was there present, Hosius Bi∣shop of Corduba in Spaine, sate in the first place. His testimony is reported by Theodoret in the se∣cond booke of his story, and fifteenth chapter, where he saith, that there was no Councell helde, wherein Hosius was not President: And this hee speaketh agreeable to that which the same Atha∣nasius saith in his Epistle to them that liue in the desert. The first speaker was Eustachius Bishop of Antioch, who sate at the Emperours right hand; Which hath made some men to thinke that he was President: but it appeareth not throughout the whole action that the deputies of Rome did any thing. In the Tomes of the Councels, though made for the Popes greatest aduantage, yet Hosius subscribeth the first, and the deputies of Rome vn∣der him. And least any man should say that he was the Bishop of Romes Legate, he subscribeth apart in these wordes, Hosius, Episcopus Cordubensis, Ita

credo. Then the deputies of Rome subscribe apart. Victor & Vincentius Presbyteri vrbis Romae pro vene∣rabili Papa Syluestro subscripsimus. For if they had beene all three deputies for the Bishop of Rome, they would thus haue subscribed, Hosius, Victor, & Vincentius pro Syluestro, &c. And Hosius should ra∣ther haue taken this title, then to be qualified only Bishop of Corduba, &c.

Whosoeuer hath neuer so little looked into the stories, knoweth that the Bishops of Constantino∣ple, considering that the dignity of the sea of Rome came, for that Rome had for a long time beene the seate of the Empire; and seeing that the Empire was now translated to Constantinople, haue la∣boured to haue themselues to be credited and pre∣ferred before the Bishop of Rome. Euen so farre forth, that Iohn the Bishoppe of Constantinople, whom Greekes call S. Iohn the Almosner, began vnder the Emperour Mauritius about the yeare sixe hundred, to call himselfe the first and chiefe Bishop, and Oecumenicall Bishop, that is to say V∣niuersall. Whereupon Gregory the first, Bishop of Rome doth not complaine that Iohn did set foot∣ing vpon the Sea of Rome, or that he did him any wrong by vsurping that which belonged to the Bi∣shop of Rome: but saith, that this was a new Title, and That he which will be called vniuersal Bishop is the forerunner of Antichrist, because that in the Pride of his heart, he preferreth himselfe before others. Now the intent of this Iohn was not to haue denyed the others to haue beene Bishops also: but he said that

he was the first and aboue the rest. And indeede this Iohns successors continued this title, and are so called in Zonaras and Cedrenus. And further in the second Councel of Nice, the second Action: there is an Epistle of Adrian Bishop of Rome, wherein he calleth Tharasius Bishop of Constan∣tinople vniuersall Patriarch. Howbeit Gregory in his Epistles, thinketh that he who will be vniuersall Bishop, doth by consequent ruine the Bishopricke of others, and seeketh if not directly, yet at least∣wise by consequence, to be the onely Bishop: the Bishopricke of others, after that, being nothing else but a bare name without substance, as is the charge of Bishops vnder the Papacy. Thus hath God pluckt out of the mouth of Gregory the con∣demnation of his Successors; for this good man was not aware that in so speaking, he called Boniface the third his Successour, the forerunner of Anti∣christ, to whom the Emperour Phocas gaue the ti∣tle of vniuersall Supremacy, within a while after the death of Gregory. And yet for all this the Bi∣shops of Constantinople, would neuer acknow∣ledge themselues inferiors to the Bishop of Rome; no nor those of Antioch and Alexandria, vntil that the Turkes and Saracens hauing ouerthrowne all the rest, the Bishop of Rome onely finding in our Kings soft spirits, and that they were litle seene and versed in Diuinity, drew from them huge liberali∣ties, perswading them to whatsoeuer he would, e∣uen to subiect their Crownes vnto him, and to pill and rifle their Kingdomes, and to take vpon him

those Titles, of which we shall speake anone. He that wil see how much the Pope hath exalted him∣selfe, let him compare the foure first Councels, where all thinges are passed by common voices, with the Councell of Florence, in which they gaue power and authority to the Pope, to make new ar∣ticles of faith: And with the latter Lateran Coun∣cell, in which all is referred to the will of Pope Leo the tenth, who there is called the diuine Maiestie, the corner stone laid in Sion, the Lyon of Iuda, the King and Prince of all the world, whom all the Kinges of the earth ought to adore. To such Coun∣cels the Pope doth willingly affoord his personall presence, because he doth there rule and domineere with absolute authority: but in the ancient Coun∣cels he refused to bee present, because there hee should haue found Bishops as stout and as strong, and as ambitious as himselfe. Adde hereunto that in the generall Councels, they vsed the Church of Rome and her Bishop no otherwise then they did their particular Churches. So in the sixe generall Councels, re-assembled at the Pallace: Pope Ho∣norius is condemned for an Hereticke. And the thirteenth Canon doth by name condemne the Church of Rome, because it disalowed the marri∣age of Priests. And further in the 55. Canon the Church of Rome is expresly forbidde to fast any more the Satterdy and the Sunday, vpon payne of incurring the rigour of the Canon of the Apostles which saith, If a Clerke be found fasting on the Sat∣terday or the Sunday (one onely excepted) let him be de∣posed;

Or if he be a Lay-man, let him be excommuni∣cated. Would they thus haue spoken, if they had beleeued the Pope to haue beene their Superiour, or the Church of Rome cheefe ouer other Chur∣ches, and that it could not erre?

That the Passages of the Fathers alleadged by Coeffe∣teau for the Primacy of S. Peter are partly false, partly maymed, and partly impertinent.

FRom this point Doctor Coeffeteau passeth ouer to the Primacy of S. Peter: howbeit before he commeth thereto, he giueth in passing by a blow to his Holinesse, affirming, that he is not Lord ouer any Towne: thus doth he dispute the Souerainty of the City of Rome. Wee leaue themselues to cleare this doubt, and end this Processe.

He alleadgeth then for the Primacy of S. Peter the 11. Homily of S. Chrysostome: and that very falsely; for in all the Homily there is no mention of S. Peter, nor of his Primacy. But Bellarmine did deceiue him, out of whom Coeffeteau copied his al∣legations.

This other is like it. S. Cyprian (saith Coeffeteau) affirmeth, that the other Apostles were certainly the same that S. Peter was, fellowes and partners of his ho∣nour, and of his power: but the beginning proceedeth from Vnitie: and therefore the Primacy was giuen to S. Peter, the true reading is this, the Apostles inde de were the same things that S. Peter was, hauing ONE EQVALL SOCIETY In honour and in power, but

the beginning was made by one, to shew the vnity of the Church. Coeffeteau hath razed out the word EQVAL which troubled him, and hath clapt on a Tayle of a sentence, which is not in Cyprian, and therefore the Primacy was giuen to S. Peter.

S Cyprian had said a little before, that Iesus Christ after his resurrection gaue a like power to his Apostles, and yet to shew the vnity of the Church, he so disposed by his authority, that the fountaine of this vnity should begin from one. That is to say, that he gaue to all his Apostles an equall power: but to shew that the Church is one, he gaue his power first vnto one, namely to Peter, and afterwards gaue equall power to the rest.

With like falshood he dealeth with S. Ierome, lib 1. against Iouinian whom he thus alleadgeth, One is chosen among the twelue, to the end that there being one head established, all occasion of Schisme might be ta∣ken away. But he omitteth the wordes that went before, thou tellest me that the Church is founded vpon S. Peter, notwithstanding that the same is done vpon al the other Apostles, and that all do receiue the keyes of the Kingdom of heauen, and that vpon them the stability of the Church is EQVALLY grounded: whence appear∣eth, that the Head and cheefe of which he speaketh, is nothing else but a superiority in ranke, without any Iurisdiction and power ouer his fellowes, see∣ing that they had all the Keyes alike, and were alike the foundations of the Church. VVhich may serue (to the end we may not trouble our selues with examining the rest of his falsifications) for solution

of all the rest of Coeffeteaus quotations, in which S. Peter is called head and first among the Apostles.

S. Austen indeede in the beginning of his second booke of Baptisme, which place Coeffeteau alleadg∣eth, calleth S. Peter the first of the Apostles, but he saith also in the same place, that for all that he did not presume that the new-commers, and latter Apostles were to yeelde him obedience. The same S. Austen, as he is alleadged in the 24. Cause, Quaest. 1. Canon Quod∣cun{que}, speaketh thus: S. Peter when he receiued the Keyes, represented the Church: if then all the good were signified in the person of Peter, so were all the wicked also signified in the person of Iudas. Seeing then that S. Peter was the same among the faithful, that Iudas was among the wicked, it followeth, that as Iudas was not the head of the wicked, to haue power and Iurisdiction ouer them, but onely was the most re∣markeable among them: so S. Peter should be such a one among the beleeuers. He might haue had perhaps a priority eyther in age, or in vertue, or in zeale, or in eloquence, or in preseance, and taking the first place: but yet without Dominion or po∣wer of Iurisdiction. As touching that which som∣times he saith, that the Church is founded vpon S. Peter; we shall see hereafter, that he retracted that ouer sight afterwards: and we haue heard before S. Ierome to haue said that the Church is Equally founded vpon all the Apostles. As for that which he saith, that he that is without the Communion of the Church is to be accounted prophane, and that he that is without the Arke shall perish in the

floud, the same may be said of euery other Church which holdeth the true Orthodox Doctrine, yea of the least of the faithfull, for that a man cannot se∣parate and withdraw himselfe from him, but by renouncing the truth: Now in the quarrell which then was in debate, Damasus maintained the truth and sounder opinion.

Whether the Pope may erre in faith or no.

TO that which the King of great Britaine denieth, that there is any Monarch of the Church on earth, whose wordes ought to be held for laws, & who hath the gift to be able not to erre; Coeffeteau thus answereth:

We know that the Pope is a sinfull man, as another man is, and therefore may erre in Doctrine and Manners if we consider him in particular: but in the quali∣ty of S. Peters Successour, hee cannot teach any thing contrary to piety.

This is it which is com∣monly said, that the Pope indeede may erre as he is a man and a particular Doctor, but not as he is Pope: Or that he may erre in manners, but not in faith: They say also, that he may erre in the questi∣on de facto, but not in the question de Iure. For (as Boniface the eighth saith) the Pope hath all law and right in the chest of his breast.

A man had neede of a good stomach to digest this: And I doe not see how all this can agree. For first if the Pope may erre in the question of fact, it followeth also that he may erre in the question of

Right, seeing that the one dependeth vpon the o∣ther: if he may be ignorant, whether Iesus Christ came into the world, or whether hee died for vs, he may also be ignorant whether we ought to be∣leeue in him or no.

So likewise if he may erre in maners, it followeth that he may teach false doctrine: for to lie and to speake against his conscience, is certainly a defail∣lance in manners. If then the Pope cannot be ig∣norant of the true doctrine, and yet through mali∣tiousnesse will bury the truth, wilfully to deceiue, to what end serueth this truth hidden in the Popes vnderstanding, if the people in the meane time be fed with lies? But this is an absurdity aboue the rest, to thinke that the Pope may erre as man, or as a particular Doctor, but not as Pope: for why doth not the Pope correct the doctor? Or when Pope Boniface or Clement doe erre as Boniface, but not as Pope, why doth not Boniface aske counsell of the Pope? why dooth hee not consult himselfe? why doth he not betake himselfe from his priuate chaire to the Popes Seate, to the end to change his opini∣on? If the Popes diuine knowledge be tyed to his Chaire or Papall habite, it followeth that when he riseth from his seat, or putteth off his Robes, that withall he strippeth himselfe out of his knowledge: And that Boniface the eight was to blame to in∣close the Popes knowledge in his breast. Shall we thinke that these men haue a desire to be credited, and that by these pleasant distinctions, they do not mocke the Pope?

Put the case that all this may be reconciled, and that the Pope may be contrary to himselfe, and worse then himselfe, and at one instant both He∣reticke and an Orthodox; what doth all this a∣uaile the people, seeing that in what sort soeuer the Pope teacheth, whether as Pope or as Doctor, he will alwayes be beleeued? Neyther can the people discerne these subtle Distinctions.

Neyther may wee omit that the Pope vpon Maundy Thursday doth excommunicate all He∣retickes; whence it should follow, that if himselfe be an hereticke, as man, he is also excommunicate, and consequently is out of the Church: and so it should come to passe, that the man may be out of the Church, but the Pope be within it; which is as if I should say, that the King at the same instant is within his Palace as King, but without it as man; or that Coeffeteau is at the same time in the Refe∣ctory or dyning-hall as Fryer, and without as man; so that a man shall finde him in two places at once.

It was then a great vnhappinesse to the aunci∣ent Fathers to haue beene ignorant of this Distin∣ction, and to haue assembled so many Councels, so long and so painful for the deciding of differents in Religion, seing that they needed only to haue ad∣dressed themselues to the Bishop of Rome, and to intreate him not as man, or as Doctor, but as Pope to pronounce the sentence, & giue decision of the Controuersie. Whence also it followeth, that then the Popes had but small zeale to the publique

good of the Church, seeing that they refused to be present at generall Councels, which were the spe∣ciall places in which they ought to haue put on this their Infallibility. As also when the Romane Bishop had giuen his aduise by his Deputies, the Councels did not forbeare for all that, to sound and examine the matter to the bottome, and to heare the opinions of others.

Howbeit Coeffeteau produceth this Scripture, to shew that the Pope cannot erre; he saith that our Lord said to S. Peter, I haue prayed for thee that thy faith should not faile. Whence he concludeth, that the Pope cannot erre in faith. Surely wee haue no greater proofe of the patience of God, then that he suffreth his holy word thus to be abu∣sed: for first, is there any mention here of the Pope? Is all that that was spoken to S. Peter spoken also to the Bishop of Rome? If that be so, then must we needes say, that that which our Sauiour said to Peter, Mat. 16. he said also to the Pope, Get thee be∣hinde me Sathan: Secondly, adde that which wee will hereafter shew, that the Pope is not the Suc∣cessour of S. Peter, vnlesse it be as sickenesse succee∣deth health: Thirdly, and albeit this had beene spoken to the Pope, yet by these words Christ doth not promise to S. Peter that he should not erre at all in faith; for it is one thing not to faile, another thing not vtterly to fall away. There be many that misse and faile, but yet doe they not wholly miscar∣rie; whence ensueth, that though Christ should haue prayed for the Pope, that his faith should not

vtterly faile, yet can he not for all that be exemp∣ted from power of erring: Fourthly, if the Succes∣sors of S. Peter enter also vpon this vertue of his, neuer to erre, then should the Bishop of Antioch who stileth himselfe Peters Successor, be exempted also from erring: Fiftly, seeing that Saint Iohn, S, Paul, S. Iames, &c. were no lesse exempted from this power of erring then was S. Peter, why should not their Successours inherite the infallibility of the rest of the Apostles, as well as the Successors of S. Peter: Sixtly, but without any more adoe, let vs looke vpon the place, and reade with one breath the verses following, and we shall finde that Christ in that place did foretell to S. Peter his fall and deni∣all, and promiseth that his faith should not vtterly be vanquished in that temptation: that was then personall and peculiar to S. Peter; yet so that our Sauiour would haue his fall and rising againe, to serue to confirme his brethrē. Here by the way the Reader may note, that this Passage and Text of Scripture is the onely foundation that the Church of Rome can finde, to prop vp the Popes infallibili∣ty, which is as if a man would plant and reare vp an huge Colossus vpon Reedes, or from a thing of no∣thing to make a long chaine of Consequences to depend.

Wherefore Coeffeteau being put off from Scrip∣ture, he hath recourse to the Fathers, and saith, that S. Cyprian is bold to say, that the Church of Rome is that, to which treachery and false hood can haue no ac∣cesse. Cyprian thereby vnderstands that it cannot

be the refuge of perfidious men, neyther can they be receiued there to finde shelter; which is true of euery Orthodox Church: for Cyprian varied from the Bishop of Rome vpon the poynt of Rebapti∣zation of heretickes; which is an euident proofe that he did not beleeue that the Bishop of Rome could not erre: and indeede in the Epistle to Pom∣peius (written after that which Coeffeteau alleadg∣eth) he saith that Stephen Bishop of Rome was in an errour, and that hee had written many things idle and contradictory, very ignorantly and vn∣wisely. It is not materiall to enquire whether Cy∣prian were in an errour, or no; it is sufficient, that Cyprian thought that the Bishop of Rome was subiect to erre and to mistake.

Our Doctor addeth S. Ierome, who in his third Apology against Ruffinus, saith, That the Romane faith, commended by the voyce of the Apostle doth not admit any such iuglings. (For so is it read, and not as Coeffeteau doth falsly alleadge it) The Trickes of which he speaketh, were, to put the title of a good Authour to an euill booke; so that this place is neyther to the purpose, nor yet faithfully alleadg∣ed: and if it were to the purpose, yet doth hee not say, that the Church of Rome or her Bishop can∣not erre in faith, but sayth that the Faith which S. Paul commended in the Romans, could not subsist together with such impostures; for the faith which S. Paul prayseth in them was the true faith, which doth not approue of any seducing. The same may be said of the fayth of the Ephesians and Thessa∣lonians,

to whom the same Apostle giueth the same testimony as well as to the Romanes, to wit, that their faith was spread abroad in all quarters. 1. Thes. 18.

Now that S. Ierome did not beleeue that the Bi∣shop of Rome could not erre in the faith, it appear∣eth by this, that in the Catalogue of Ecclesiasticall writers, he thus speaketh of Fortunatianus: In this he is accounted detestable, that he was the first that soli∣cited Liberius Bishop of Rome, who went into banish∣ment for the faith, and made him to yeelde, hauing in∣duced him to subscribe to Heresie. And in the same Catalogue he calleth Felix Bishop of Rome, Arri∣an, as doth also Socrates, lib. 2. cap. 2.

S. Hilary in his fragments, lately published by Monsieur le Feure, doth often excommunicate Li∣berius, in these termes: Anathema tibi a me Liberi. For hauing subscribed to the Confession of the Arrians framed at Sirmium: S. Athanasius an in∣ward friend to Liberius, in his Epistle to them that liued in the Desert, after that he had greatly com∣mended Liberius, he saith, that after two yeares ba∣nishment, he yeelded and subscribed. As also the Arrians would neuer haue giuen him Letters to restore him to his Bishopricke: if he had still per∣sisted in the true faith. Damasus in the Pontificall alleadged in ther. Tome of the Councels, saith, that Liberius being re-entred into the Citie consented to the Emperour Constantius an Hereticke, and that vpon his arriuall there happened a great persecuti∣on at Rome.

Liberatus a great flatterer of the Bishoppes of Rome, hath written a booke, which is found in the second Tome of the Councels; where in the two and twentieth Chapter is produced an Epistle of Vigilius Bishop of Rome, written to the Eutychian Heretickes, in which he declareth himselfe an Eu∣tychian, and denyeth two natures in Christ, euen so farre as to excommunicate those that say the contrary.

Honori the first is condemned for a Monothelite hereticke by three Councels which our aduersa∣ries call Generall, to wit, by the sixth, seuenth, and eighth, that is to say, by a thousand witnesses; the Deputies of Rome then and there present neuer gainsaying it.

On the contrary, his Successors Agatho and Leo the second doe there accurse and detest him for ha∣uing polluted the Sea of Rome through his heresie. Who will beleeue that these Popes would haue defamed their owne Sea with a false accusation? Or that so many witnesses had beene ill informed? seeing that euen in these Councels the Epistles of Honorius, in which he defendeth heresie, are pro∣duced and alleadged. And although they should haue condemned him vniustly, yet it appeareth hereby, that they held it in those times for a thing certaine, that the Bishop of Rome might erre.

Bellarmine in his fourth booke de Pontifice Roma∣no, maketh no difficulty to say, that Pope Gregory the third, who taught, that a man whose wife was through sickenesse become vnfit for the dueties of

marriage, might take another woman, had erred and failed through ignorance.

Iohn the two and twentieth beleeued and taught that the soules of the faithfull did not see God be fore the resurrection, as wee haue proued hereto∣fore by many witnesses.

Iohn the three and twentieth out-stripped and exceeded them all; for he denyed the immortality of the soule, and maintained that there was neither Heauen nor hell. For which cause, besides many other crimes laid downe in the eleuenth Session of the Councell of Constance, he was deposed from the Papacy by the same Councell, whose wordes are these: IOHN the three and twentieth hath often and many a time, in the presence of diuers Prelates, and other honest men of worth, said, held, determined, and obstinately maintained by the instigation of the diuell, that there is no life eternall, nor any other after this life; yea and hath obstinately said and beleeued, that the soule of man dieth together with the body, and is extin∣guished as that of brute beasts; and hath said, that a man once dead, shall not rise againe the last day. And to the end that no man may doubt of the truth of the Accusation, it is a little after added, that it is pub∣liquely and notoriously knowne. Note also, that the Councell, before that it deposed him, acknow∣ledged him for lawfull Pope, and all the Church of Rome doth reckon him among the number of Popes.

Furthermore that prodigious Canon, which beginneth Si Papa in the fortieth Distinction, af∣ter

it hath said, that though the Pope should draw with him an innumerable multitude of soules into hell, there to be euerlastingly tormented, yet no man should pre∣sume to reproue him; because he that iudgeth all men, ought to be iudged of no man: Addeth this exception, Nisi deprehendatur a fide deuius; vnlesse he be found to haue swarued from the faith.

Passages of Scripture touching this matter.

THe King of great Britain alleadged against the Ecclesiasticall Monarchy these wordes of our Sauiour, Luc. 22. The Kings of the Nations rule ouer them, but it shall not be so among you. Coeffeteau answereth, that hereby Christ sought onely to take away Ambition from his Disciples; But I say, that it was not onely his meaning to take from them ambition, but all such occasions as tend to ambition, together with the fewell of contenti∣ons and pride: for the worde of God forbiddeth both the euill, and the occasions of euill. Now that the Monarchy of the Church doth nothing but puffe vp the hearts of those that are climed vp to it: there is none that doubteth, but such as are hired to flatter, or haue not much troubled them∣selues with the reading of histories, whereof we shall produce some proofes hereafter: yea Leo Bishop of Rome, in his 82. Epistle confesseth this fault to be in himselfe, and after he had spoken against those Bishops that hunt after Lordship and authority, he addeth these wordes, meipsum quodenimodo in

Culpam trahi sentio: I finde my selfe in a sort drawne into this fault. And further, the wordes of Iesus Christ herein are very expresse: for after hee had said The Kings of Nations rule ouer them, hee saith not, take you heede, that you desire not Soue∣rainty in the Church, but thus he saith, It shal not be so among you. As if he should say, they beare rule, but you shall not beare rule, hee forbiddeth not onely the desire of Dominion but Dominion it selfe.

Coeffeteau addeth, that when Iesus Christ went vp into heauen, he did in such sort substitute a vi∣sible head, as that he hath not bereaued himselfe of the title and quality of Monarch, and that he is a more perfect and absolute head then the Pope, but of lesse vertue and power then the holy Ghost, whereof he doth well to aduertize vs: And surely in my opinion Iesus Christ is much bound vnto him.

The wordes of S. Luke, 22. I haue prayed for thee that thy faith faile not, haue already beene sufficient∣ly examined, and so hath that saying of S. Ierome, lib. 1. against Iouinian, cap. 14.

There so loweth after that, Controuersie about the Keyes, which the Pope causeth to ringe so loude, stil grounded vpon this false supposition, that he is the Successor of S. Peter, not onely as Bishop of Rome, in which sense the Ancients vnderstood it, but also in the charge of Apostleship, and as the vniuersall head of the Church, which neuer any Father eyther beleeued or thought: Albeit that,

that which was spoken to S. Peter, doth nothing at all belong to the Bishop of Rome; yet we will ex∣amine the wordes. Iesus Christ then, Mat. 16. af∣ter Peter had confessed him to be the Sonne of the liuing God, saith, Blessed art thou Simon the sonne of Iona, for flesh and bloud hath not reuealed this vnto thee, but my Father which is in heauen: And I say vnto thee, that thou art Peter, and vpon this Rocke will I build my Church, and the gates of hell shal not preuaile against it: And I will giue thee the Keyes of the King dome of heauen, and whatsoeuer thou bindest on earth, shall be bound in heauen, and whatsoeuer thou loosest on earth shall be loosed in heauen. M^r. Coeffeteau produ∣ceth this saying, for to Establish the Primacy of S. Peter ouer the other Apostles, but he sheweth not how, nor wherein, nor alleadgeth he any proofes at all.

It is peraduenture, because Christ hath said, Thou art Cephas, and that Cephas signifieth the Head: If a man will beleeue Pope Anaclet in the two and twentieth Distinction, with a profound and com∣pleat skill in Grammer.

It may be also that it is because he said to Saint Peter, Thou art Peter, and vpon this Rocke will I build my Church: Whereupon they inferre, that the Church is founded vpon S. Peter: But I say, that these wordes import no such matter, for hee saith not, Thou art Peter, and vpon thee Peter, but vpon this Rocke, that is to say, vpon Iesus Christ, whom hee confessed a little before, and who is oftentimes ter∣med a Rocke, And it is euident, that our Lord doth

manifestly distinguish betweene Petrus and Petra, the person of Peter and the Rocke, and especially it is to be obserued, that in Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is a word of a double sense, for it is both the proper name of a man, and it doth also signifie Rocke, whereof it followeth, that the allusion would haue carried a farre better grace, if S. Matthew had said 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. But the spirit of God, that guid∣ed the handes of the Apostle, chose rather to let go that ornament of speech, for preuenting of errour, and sayth 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, expresly distinguishing the person of Peter from the Rocke.

For if the Church be founded vpon S. Peter, it must needes be done, eyther vpon his person or vpon his Doctrine, that was all one with the rest of the Apostles: and in this respect, they are all Foundations alike: if vpon his person, then assoone as he is dead and another in his place, the founda∣tion of the Church is changed, and it may be, much for the worse. Likewise when the Papall Sea hath beene many yeares voyde (which hath often hap∣pened) the Church of God hath then beene with∣out Foundation. Furthermore if the question be of the first and most principall Foundation: S. Paul 1. Cor. 3. saith, No man can lay another Foundation, then that which is already laid, which is Christ Iesus: And that maketh S. Peter to call him the cheefe Corner-stone. And if the Apostles be at any time called Foundations, it is in respect of the Doctrine that they teach: And for this reason the holy Scrip∣tures make them equally Foundations, as Ephes. 2.

vers. 20: Being builded vpon the Foundation of the A∣postles and Prophets, Iesus Christ himselfe being the cheefe Corner-stone. And Apocalip. 21.14. The wall of the Citie (which is the Church) had twelue foundati∣ons, in which were the twelue names of the Apostles of the Lambe. Since then they be all foundations, who can shew any place of the word of God, that ma∣keth one of the Apostles a Foundation aboue the rest.

The Fathers haue vnderstood it thus: Origen vpon Matth. 16. If thou thinkest (saith he) that the whole Church was founded vpon Peter onely, what wilt thou then say of Iohn the sonne of Thunder, and of all the other Apostles? And hee vrgeth much these wordes, Vpon this Rocke I will build my Church, as spoken to all the Apostles, yea further, to all the faithfull: This seemeth (saith he) to be spoken to all the Apostles, and to all the perfect faithfull, for they are all stones or Rockes, and vpon them is the Church builded.

S. Ierome in his first booke against Iouinian, The Church (saith he) is founded vpon S. Peter, albeit in an other place the same is also built vpon the other Apo∣stles, and the strength thereof is equally grounded vpon them all.

Hilary in his second booke of the Trinity, It is the only blessed stone of the faith, confessed by the mouth of S. Peter. And in his sixth booke, Vpon this Rocke of the Confession the Church is founded.

S. Ambrose vpon the nine and thirtieth Psalme, Quod Petro dicitur caeteris Apostolis dicitur, That which was said vnto S. Peter was said vnto the rest of the Apostles also.

Cyril in his fourth booke of the Trinity, expoun∣ding the same place, saith, Opinor per Petram nihil a∣liud quam inconcussam, & fir mis••mam discipuli fidem voluit, I thinke that by the Rocke was nothing else meant, but the firme and constant faith of the Disciple.

S. Augustine, in his 124. Treatise vpon S. Iohn, ex∣pounding these wordes, faith, Vpon this Rocke that thou hast canfessed will I found my Church. And vpon the Epistle of S. Iohn, his 10. Treatise and 60. Ser∣mon vpon the wordes of our Lord: What meaneth this, Vpon this Rocke will I build my Church? Surely thus much is meant; Vpon this faith, vpon this that hath beene said, Thou art that Christ the Sonne of the liuing God. And forasmuch as he had said in other places that the Church was founded vpon Peter, he recalleth himself in his first book of retractations cap. 21. Because, saith he, that Iesus Christ said not vnto him, Tu es petra, Thou art the Rocke; But, Tu es Petrus, Thou art Peter: Now this Rocke, saith he, is Christ. Which Bellarmine vnable to denie thought it better to affirme that Augustine erred for want of knowledge in the Hebrew tongue.

Chrysostome vpon Matth. 16 Vpon this Rocke, that is, vpon the faith of this confession, And in this Ser∣mon vpon the Pentecost, he hath said vpon this Rock and not vpon Peter, for he hath not founded his Church vpon men, but vpon faith: and what faith was this? Thou art Christ, &c.

Eusebius Emissenus in his homily vpon the Na∣tiuity of S. Peter, expoundeth these wordes in this manner: I will build my Church vpon that stone

which thou beginnest to lay in the Foundation of faith, vpon that faith which thou teachest, saying, Thou art Christ the Sonne of the liuing God. For the Apostle a∣greeing with this opinion, saith, That none can lay any other Foundation then that that is laid Iesus Christ.

What say the Councels hereunto? In the Councell of Calcedon, pag. 223. of the Edition of Collen, vpon this Confession (which Peter hath made) and vpon that faith is the Church grounded.

Nay the Glosse of the Canon-Doctors them∣selues vpon the goodly extrauagant, Vnam sanctam saith, Super hanc petram id est super meipsum qui sig∣nificor per petram, aedificabo Ecclesiam meam Vpon this Rocke, that is to say, vpon my selfe that am the Rocke, and am signified by the Rocke, will I found my Church.

Reade the exposition of Lyranus vpon Matth. 16. for it agreeth fully with this, and setteth it downe in expresse termes.

But it may be Coeffeteau alleadgeth this passage or sentence, because it saith, I will giue thee the keyes of the Kingdome of heauen, and whatsoeuer thou bindest on earth shall be bound in heauen, and whatsoeuer thou shalt lose on earth shall be losed in heauen.

By the Kingdome of God, the Gospell ordinarily doth vnderstand the Church of God vpon earth, and consequently the Keyes of the Kingdome of God signifie the Church, to bring men into the Church, or exclude them from it. This is cheefly done by preaching the word of God, which our Lord for that cause, Luc. 11. calleth the key of know∣ledge

vnto which Preaching is annexed, the pow∣er of admitting sinners to repentance, and to the peace of the Church, when they are come to re∣ceiue the word and submit themselues vnto it: or if they are impenitent to shut them out from the communion of the faithfull.

This same power is signified by the wordes of binding and losing: for wee are naturally in the bondes of Sathan, but the preaching of the Gospel freeth and deliuereth vs, when by faith we appre∣hend it; by which the children of Abraham are vn∣bound, whom Sathan hath fettered, Luc. 13. ver. 16. And if any man oppose himselfe against this word, either by vnbeleefe or of a prophane humor: by the same preaching; first generally propounded, and after particularly applied to the impenitent sinner by Ecclesiasticall censure, the iudgements of God and his curse, are denounced vnto him: the which holdeth the sinner bound, and are vnto him as chaines, by which Sathan leadeth him captiue, and draweth him with an insensible violence into per∣dition, vnlesse by his earnest repentance hee free himselfe of those bonds, and returne to God. Here then Iesus Christ sheweth, that God ratifieth in heauen both the reception of a repenting sinner, and the reiecting of him that is impenitent; and willeth, that during his obstinacy, by which he dis∣piseth the Church, he be held as a Publican, and an heathen, Matth. 18.17.18.

We are then to learne, whether this power was giuen to S. Peter alone, or to all the Apostles: I say,

that that which was promised to S. Peter, Matth. 16. was also promised to all the Apostles: the eigh∣teenth of the same Euangelist, ver. 18. Verily I say vnto you that whatsoeuer you shall binde vpon earth, shall be bound in heauen, and whatsoeuer you shall lose vpon earth the same shall be losed in heauen.

2 Assuredly it is a most ridiculous presumpti∣on, to thinke that any man now adayes doth better vnderstand the wordes of Iesus Christ then the A∣postles did: But it is more then euident that the A∣postles did neuer suppose that by these wordes of Christ, any superiority was giuen to S. Peter: for had they so beleeued, they would neuer after that haue contended amongst themselues for prehemi∣nence as they did, Luke 22. but one day before the death of our Lord.

3 Aboue all things this is to be noted, that Ie∣sus Christ doth not here giue vnto Peter the power of binding and losing, but only promiseth to giue it him, which he performed after his resurrection. Iohn 20. in which place he giueth like power to all his Disciples, saying: Receiue yee the holy Ghost, to whom soeuer you shall forgiue their sinnes, they shall be forgiuen, and looke whose sinnes yee retaine, they shall be retained. Now to vnderstand how farre the gift of any charge extendeth it selfe, we must not so much respect the promises made, as the actuall donation, and the maner how it is receaued.

4 Doubtlesse if by these words Iesus Christ had giuen vnto S. Peter power ouer the other Apostles, he would haue commanded them to obey S. Peter,

and to acknowledge him for their Superior, which is not found in any place of Scripture.

Now that Iesus Christ gaue the Keyes and po∣wer of binding and losing to all the Apostles, it doth appeare not only by the reasons afore allead∣ged, but also by the testimony of auncient Fathers. Origen vpon the sixteenth of Matthew, the first Treatise, How then (saith he) hath Iesus Christ giuen the Keyes onely to S. Peter: And shall not the other re∣ceiue them also? Or if that which is said, I will giue vnto thee the Keyes of the Kingdome of Heauen, be also common to all the other; why should not as well also all that that goeth before, and that which followeth after be common, though it were spoken to Peter?

Hilary in the fixth booke of the Trinity, speak∣ing to the Apostles, O ye blessed men that by the me∣rite of your faith haue the Keyes of the Kingdome, and the power to binde and lose, And then hee further saith, Heare the Lordsaying, I will giue thee the keyes, &c. That which is spoken to Peter, is spoken to the A∣postles.

S. Ierome in his first booke against Iouinian: All the Apostles receiue the Keyes of the Kingdome of heauen.

S. Augustine in his 218. Tract vpon Iohn saith, S. Peter spake these wordes for all, and receiued the aun∣swere with all the other, as representing the vnity in his person, and therefore one receiued it for all, because there was one vnity amongst them all.

In the Councell of Aix, vnder Lewes the cour∣teous, the people is brought in speaking thus of the

Clergy in generall: By whom we are made Christians, Who hauing the Keyes of the kingdome of heauen, doe after asort Iudge before the day of Iudgement. In the Councell of Paris vnder Lewes and Lotharius Em∣perours, the third booke and eight chapter, the Bi∣shops of France speake thus; This may easily be vn∣derstood by the wordes of the Lord, when he said to Pe∣ter, Whose place we vnwrothily occupie, whatsoeuer thou bindest, &c. you see that they be all called the Suc∣cessours of Peter, and that they enioy his place. And chap. 3. they giue those titles vnto Priests, They are the strong Pillars, vpon whom the whole multitude of beleeuers being founded, are by them vpheld and sup∣ported. Againe, they are the Porters, vnto whom the keyes of the kingdome of heauen are giuen. But the Priests of Fraunce dare not speake now adayes in this stile.

To be short, the case is so cleare, that Coeffeteau is constrained to confesse, that the Keyes were giuen to all the Apostles: but he saith not with so large extent, as they were to Peter. See then the issue of this difference: all our aduersaries acknowledge, that the Keyes were equally giuen to all the Apo∣stles, but not in so high a degree, as to S. Peter, be∣ing demaunded where they finde this difference: Or if there be any place of Scripture where Iesus Christ giueth the Keyes to S. Peter more then to the rest: here they are as dumbe as fishes, and when they come to the very exigent and issue of the mat∣ter, they bleede at the nose, and cannot produce a∣ny kind of proofe from the word of God. Coeffeteau

onely alleadgeth Hilary, which is to bring in mans testimony against God: and yet hee speaketh not any thing that eyther contradicteth the Gospell or vs, for he onely saith, that S. Peter is the Foundati∣on of the Church, and that he hath the Keyes, but he saith not that he hath them more then the rest of the Apostles. And if that Coeffeteau acknowledge that the Keyes are giuen to all the Aposties, let him shew me in what place of scripture: for there is not any place in the Gospell, that speaketh of the giue∣ing of keyes but this onely: and here is no speech made of two kindes of giuing the keyes.

Besides it is easie for vs to proue, that the Pope doth vniustly diminish the power of the Keyes, gi∣uen to all Bishops and Priests; for since they be all Successors of the Apostles, they ought to haue the same Keyes which the Apostles had. Whence it followeth, that God saith to all the faithful Pastors of the Church, in the person of the Apostles, That whatsoeuer they shal binde on earth shalbe bound in heauen. But the Pope correcteth this, and sayth vnto them, whatsoeuer you lose shall not be vn∣bound; for there are certaine great offences which are called Cases reserued: the absolution whereof lyeth not in your power, but is a priuiledge peculi∣ar vnto me. Vnderstand now what these greeuous sinnes are, that are thus reserued to the Pope, Is it Paricide, Incest, treason against Princes, murder, or blasphemy against God? No such matter; that is euer pardoned by euery Bishop; for such sinnes are but against the law of God: but the sinnes that

be out of their power are these; If any man hinder them that goe to Rome for Pardons, if any man be an intruder into any Benefice, or office Ecclesiasti∣call, if any haue purloyned the goods of the Church, or if any haue offended the Sea Apostoli∣call; the absolution of such horrible sinnes as these are, is no where else to be had, but at Rome: These are the cases reserued. For, to offend the Pope, or to bereaue him of his profite, is matter farre more heynous then to offend against the Maiesty of God. And in the booke of the Penitentiary Taxe, in the chapter of Absolutions, the falsifying of Letters Apostolical, is taxed at seuenteene groats, whereas for a man to company with his mother, but at fiue groates onely.

Seeing then that about this inequality of the Keyes, which giueth a superiority to S. Peter aboue the other Apostles: our aduersaries cannot defend themselues by any authority out of the holy Scrip∣ture: let vs see whether wee can furnish our selues with any places directly against it.

1 I say then, that if the Apostles had not the Keyes of heauen, nor the power to binde and lose, but subordinately vnder S. Peter: the Apostle S. Paul should haue spoken very vnaduisedly in saying 2. Cor. 11.5. I thinke that I haue not in any thing beene inferiour to the rest of the Apostles: when hee sayth (in any thing) he admitteth no exception.

2 Adde hereunto, that if he had beene subiect to S. Peter he should much haue forgotten himselfe when Galat. 2. he said that there was no difference

betweene him and those that seemed to bee the chiefe; for then there must needes haue been great difference betwixt their charges.

3 And againe this that he speaketh is yet much more, That those who were in the greatest account a∣mong the Apostles added nothing vnto him, whereas doubtlesse S. Peter would at the least haue giuen authority to S. Pauls charge, if it had depended from the authority of S. Peter.

4 But cheefely that which Paul addeth is wor∣thy of consideration, that the charge of preaching to those of the vncircumcision was in as large a maner committed vnto him, as that of the circumcision was vnto Peter: See here how they parted the labour betwixt them; it fel vnto S. Peters lot to preach vnto the Iewes, and S. Pauls to preach vnto the Gentiles: a thing that would be ridiculous and strange now a dayes, if any Bishop should seeke to diuide the charge of gouerning Churches, betweene him and the Pope: or should send the Pope to preach in Almaine or Spaine to conuert the Iewes.

5 It is also worth the noting, that S. Paul in the same place, verse 9. naming those three Apostles, Iames, Cephas and Iohn; placeth Cephas, which is Pe∣ter, after Iames. Now in these our dayes if a man should speake thus, The Bishop of Lyons, the Bishop of Rome, and the Bishop of Ambrun, men would holde him for a madde man. But S. Paul in setting Peter betweene others, he sheweth that he had not yet learned that S. Peter was chiefe of the Church vni∣uersall, or that he had iurisdiction ouer the rest of the Apostles.

For their last assault and encounter, they pro∣duce the wordes of Iesus Christ vnto Peter, Feede my Lambes; which wordes they haue made won∣derfull fruitfull, and full of many consequences: for thus they expound them, Thou Peter and thy Suc∣cessours, Popes of Rome, feede you alone all my lambes, and doe you take vpon you a soueraignty ouer all other Pastors. How many strange and venterous Glosses are here on the Text? And how haue they peeced out this latchet, to make it reach home? For though Iesus Christ doe expresly commaund Pe∣ter to feede his sheepe, yet he excludeth not the o∣ther Apostles: They are all called Pastors: and all faithfull Bishops and Ministers, are enioyned to feed the Church of God, Acts 20.28. True it is that S. Peter was Pastor of all the sheepe of Iesus Christ throughout the world, but so were likewise the o∣ther Apostles: For S. Paul also 2. Cor. 11. verse 28. saith, that he hath the care of all Churches: their charge was to walke and to haue an eye euery where, for thus saith Iesus to them all, Acts 1. And you shall be witnesses vnto me to the very endes of the earth: And hereupon S. Augustine is very plaine in the thirtieth chapter of his booke of the christian combate, When the Lord saith vnto Peter, Louest thou me? feede my sheepe, he saith the same vnto all. But why speaketh he to him alone? Because not long before he onely had denyed him: He onely that fel had onely neede to be raised vp, and to be re esta∣blished in his charge: for otherwise a man might well haue called his Apostleship into question

And why doth he rehearse the same wordes vnto him thrice? Because he had denied the Lord three times: as many fals, so many restorings: These be not raisings of him vnto dignity, but strengthnings of his infirmity. As saith S. Augustine, Treatis. 123. vpon S. Iohn. A triple deniall is recompenced with a threefold confession, to the end that his tongue might serue him no lesse to declare his loue, then it had done in disclosing his feare.

In the meane time, albeit all the Apostles had a generall care ouer all Churches, yet this doth not hinder, but that each of them might haue a peculi∣ar charge, besides their generall: S. Paul was char∣ged with instructing the Gentils, and S. Peter with teaching the Iewes, and it appeareth not that this his commission was at any time changed, and that in stead of being the speciall Teacher of the Iewes, he was made Bishop of Rome. Besides that, his dwelling at Rome could not well haue sorted and agreed with the teaching of the Iewes, who now were banished from Rome vnder Claudius the Em∣peror, which was the very time of S. Peters preach∣ing: during which time, he visited the Iewes scat∣teredinto Pontus, Galatia, Cappadocia, Bithinia, and into all Asia, as appeareth by the first verse of his first Epistle. This was somewhat too farre from his Bishopricke of Rome, and nothing suta∣ble with the dignity of the Monarch of the Vni∣uersall Church.

We will not here contend whether S. Peter were euer at Rome: for albeit this History be full of

darknesse, yet I am enclyned to beleeue, that he suf∣fered Martyrdome at Rome, because Tertullian, Eu∣sebius, and others doe affirme the same: But yet the day-light is not more cleare, then it is euident that stayed there but a very small time, and not twenty fiue yeares, as our aduersaries doe calculate. One proofe shall serue to be added to those which are alleadged by others.

We graunt then that S. Peter and S. Paul did suf∣fer Martyrdome at Rome, vpon one and the same day, as Eusebius and some others affirme. This be∣ing so, we will shew most plainly, that S. Peter had not yet beene at Rome three yeares before his death. For S. Paul being to depart from Corinth to goe towards Ierusalem, wrote an Epistle to the Romanes, as appeareth by the subscription of his Epistle dated from Corinth; and by the fiue and twentieth verse of the fifteenth Chapter, Now I goe vp to Ierusalem. His voyage to Ierusalem is described in the 18, 19, and 20. chapters of the Acts vnto the 15. verse of the 21. chapter: Seauen dayes after his arriuall he is taken, and to auoyd the vio∣lence of the Iewes, he appealeth vnto Caesar: when he came to Rome he preached there two yeares, Acts 28.30. and there suffered Martyrdome, as we may easily gather out of the 2. Timothy, Chapter 4. verse 6. and by the subscription of the Epistle. From whence it appeareth, that the Epistle to the Romanes could not be written aboue three yeares before his death: and not to be too strict, let vs ad∣mit that it might be 4. yeares: let vs now shew, that

S. Peter had not beene at Rome, when S. Paul wrote this Epistle; for that is prooued by the fifteenth chapter of the said Epistle to the Romanes, where Saint Paul saith that he is resolued to goe to Rome, whereof he rendreth this reason, to wit, I study to set forth the Gospell, not in those places where mention hath beene already made of Iesus Christ, to the end (faith he) that I build not vpon another mans foundation. He presupposeth then that neyther S. Peter nor any A∣postle, had till that time, laid nay foundation in the Church of Rome, otherwise S. Paul going thither soone after, should haue built vpon anothers ground-worke. The renowne and credite, and the mutual conference and conuersation of the Chri∣stian strangers with the Romanes had sowen the Christian Religion at Rome: but before S. Pauls comming thither, there was not any forme of a Church gouerned, S. Paul laid the first foundation as is manifest by the place alleadged.

This being thus gained, let vs end the rest of the combat: The Kings Maiesty of England hath adui∣sedly noted, that the Apostle S. Paul did excommu∣nicate the incestuous person of his owne authori∣ty, the spirit of the Corinthians ioyning with his spirit, without making or medling with S. Peters spirit: Coeffeteau here answereth, that by the spi∣rit S. Paul meant not authority, but knowledge and declaration of will, as Beza expoundeth it: I aun∣swere, that this declaration of will, was done by vertue of the power and authority which he had, as he addeth in the wordes following, In the name

of our Lord Iesus and by his power: so calleth he that power which Christ had giuen him, and which hee denieth to haue receiued from any man, Gal. 1. v. 1. and chap. 2. v. 6. But (saith Coeffe••eau) it is not neces∣sary at all times to expresse all the functions of the Church, nor the Primacy of S. Peter, it being suffi∣cient to beleeue it. Then say I, if he omitted it in this place, and neuer thelesse beleeued it: you must then shew vs some other place wherehe confesseth that he beleeued it.

Coeffoteau goeth further, and saith, That in the Letters of the Councell of Ierusalem, the decision was made by the authority of the whole Assem∣bly, without speaking of Peter, Acts 15.23. because the Letters were sent in the name of all the com∣pany: Besides it is sufficient, that elsewhere S. Peter is called cheefe, by the Oracle of truth, and that Peter himselfe speaketh first.

To this I say, that if in these dayes a Councell, where the Pope were present, should write Letters to decide a Controuersie, it would be thought very strange, if in those Letters there were no mention made of the Pope. Againe, we cannot finde that the Oracle of truth did euer giue vnto S. Peter any power or Iurisdiction ouer the other Apostles. Furthermore in this Councell Peter spake as a man that gaue his aduise or iudgement but it was Iames that spake last, and pronounced the finall decision, as President in the action.

But among all the reasons alleadged by the King of great Britaine, that is most witty and forcible,

which is drawne from the first chapter of the first to the Corinthes, which hath not beene yet noted by any other. S. Paul had founded the Church of Corinth, and had laboured mightily: but after his departure from them, they fell to faction and par∣taking, one saying, I am of Paul, another of Apollo, and another of Peter. Those that said they were of Paul, had a desire rather to become his followers, then Peters: it appeareth then, that S. Paul had not taught them to acknowledge S. Peter to be his Su∣perior, and to be the head of the vniuersall Church; for if he had so taught them, they would neuer haue resisted and withstood that his instruction: Neyther is it possible that any man would oppose himselfe herein against S. Paul, thinking in so doing, to become his Disciple, or that he would not be∣leeue him, to the end he might become his follow∣er. This is not onely absurde, but it is also im∣possible: from this argument so aptly collected, Coeffeteau being vnable to comprehend the force thereof, is driuen to shifts and querkes cleane from the purpose.

To as little purpose is it, when he saith that Cal∣uine speaking of the Controuersie betweene Paul and Peter, Gal. 2. did not inferre a Preference of S. Paul before S. Peter, but onely an equalitie, for his Maiestie doth not intend a preheminence of S. Paul aboue S. Peter in generall, but onely in this parti∣cular action; Forasmuch as iustly to reprehend, is a thing more noble then to be reprehended, and to teach better then to learne: I also adde that it is

very likely, that if S. Peter had had his Cardinals a∣bout him, or a guard of Swyssers and Light Horse∣men, he would not haue suffered S. Paul to haue withstood him to his face. But follow on the line and leauell of S. Pauls purpose, and it will lead you directly to the truth, that S. Pauls drift was to meete with, and to preuent the mis-regard which some had of his Apostleship, which some held to be of an inferior ranck, because he was none of the twelue, but came after them. Against this opinion of theirs, he iustly armeth himselfe, and saith in the very beginning of his Epistle, that he is an Apostle not of men, nor by man, but by Iesus Christ: where he teacheth vs sufficiently that hee had no commission from S. Peter And chap. 2. verse 6. (he saith) that they that seemed to be in estimation added nothing vnto him. He saith that the charge was diuided betweene him and Peter: to him were the Gentiles committed, euen as to Peter, those of the circumcision: that Iames, Peter and Iohn, who were accounted the Pillars gaue, him the right hand of Fellowship: that he withstood Peter to his face, when he came to Antioch, and went not the right way to the Gospell. And all this was spoken to make his charge equall with the rest of the most excellent Apostles, and not as Coeffeteau dreameth, to be an example of humilitie to his Superior, and of liberty in place of an inferiour: indeede S. Am∣brose vpon this place, giueth to S. Paul and S. Peter, an equall soueraignty, saying, he nameth Peter onely, and compareth him with him, because he receiued the

Primacy to found the Church, and saith, that Paul was in like manner chosen to haue the superiority in foun∣ding the Churches of the Gentils. And againe hee saith, to the end that Paul might he well worthy to haue the Primacy in preaching to the Gentiles, as Peter in preaching to those of the Circumcision. Now lest a∣ny man should say, that S. Peter had also the Prima∣cy ouer the Gentiles, he addeth, Paulus gratiam pri∣matus gentium sibi soli vendicat concessam a Deo: Paul challengeth that the Soueraignty ouer the Gentiles was by the fauour of God graunted to him alone. By this it appeareth with how small credite Coeffeteau al∣leadgeth Ambrose vpon this place. Chrysostome vp∣pon the same text of the second to the Galat. com∣pareth S. Peter to S. Paul in these wordes: Paul after so many and so mighty effects, hauing no need of S. Peter nor of his instruction, but being equall vnto him in dignity; for I will at this present say no more. Hee would perhaps haue said, that Paul was greater then he, as saith Origen, Homily 3. vpon Numbers, that S. Paul was the greatest of the Apostles; whence it followeth, that if Chrysostome, or any o∣ther call S. Peter the first or chiefe of the Apostles, he vnderstood it eyther in age or in order of place, and not in Iurisdiction ouer the rest of the Apo∣stles, otherwise these Fathers should haue contra∣dicted themselues: and as for rancke and preceden∣cy S. Paul seemes little to haue regarded that too; for he nameth S. Iames before S. Peter, Gal. 2. ver. 9. Iames, and Cephas, and Iohn, 1. Cor. cap. 9. The brethren of the Lord and Cephas, As also doth S. Iohn, cap. 1.

vers. 44. saying, Philip was of B••thsaida, the towne of Andrew and of Peter.

In like manner when Iesus sent them to preach, two and two together, S. Peter was coupled with another as his fellow in that holy labour: And in Acts 8. the Apostles sent Peter and Iohn to preach in Samaria. Oh what a goodly matter would it be now, adayes if an Assembly of Bishops should send the Pope and a companion ioyned with him, to preach in Swisser-land, or in the valley of Au∣grogne? I thinke sure M^r. Coeffeteau would not like well of it; who auoyding this poynt, answereth nothing to that which his Maiesty of England af∣firmeth, to wit, that the Bishops of Rome haue al∣wayes beene subiect to the Councels, and that the Councell of Constance not long ago, vsing this authority did depose three Popes: but he therein shifteth & betaketh himselfe to those Titles which the Pope assumeth, and which the ancients do giue vnto him.

Of the Titles of quality of the Romane Bishop, and whether he be S. PETERS Successor, or no.

M^r. Coeffeteau confesseth to the King of England that the Pope is called GOD, and that he is a God on earth, but in the same sense that the Scrip∣ture calleth Kings and other Potentates Gods. But this is a faint and trifling excuse, and much contra∣ry to his Holinesse meaning.

For in the old Testament the title of God is ex∣presly

giuen vnto Princes in the plurall number; but to attribute vnto himselfe the name of GOD in the singular, is a thing that no Christian Prince or Prelate euer did. The Bishop of Rome is the first that hath vsurped this title in this later age.

The new Testament also, attributeth the name of God in the singular, to none but the soueraigne God, or else Sathan, whom the Apostle calleth the God of this world, because in this world he seeketh to set footing into Gods roome: and the Pagan Emperors haue also taken vpon them the Title of God, as Domitian and Bassian Caracalla. And so the Pope in the Canon, Satis, Dist. 96▪ And in the Glosse of the Extrauagant, Cum inter, he is called Dominus Deus noster, the Lord our God. And in the last Coun∣cell of Lateran, Sess. 9. Diuinae Maiestatis tuae conspe∣ctus, The beholding of your diuine Maiesty. And in the first booke of holy Ceremonies, Sect. 7. cap. 6. The seat of God, that is to say, the Sea Apostolicall. And so likewise Steuchus the Popes Library-keeper in his booke of Constantines Donation, saith, that Constantine held Syluester for God, & ador auit vt Deum, and worshippted him as God. In Italy at the gate of Tolentine, there is this inscription, Paulo 3. Optimo Maximo in terris Deo, To Paul the third the best and greatest God on earth. Of this there are infi∣nite examples.

Now that the Pope is not called God in the same sense that Kings are called Gods in the Scrip∣ture, appeareth by this, that he doth not onely at∣tribute vnto himselfe the name of God, but also

those very honours and preheminences that be∣long vnto none but God alone, for he wil be wor∣shipped on earth as God. The last Councell of Lateran, Session 3. and Session 10. sayth, that the Pope ought to be worshipped of all people, and doth most resemble God. And lest a man should thinke that it speaketh of a ciuill kinde of worship, it expoundeth it selfe, and sheweth with what wor∣ship it should be worshipped, to wit, with the same adoration that is spoken of, Psalme 72. Ador abunt eum omnes reges terrae, All the Kings of the earth shall worship him: where the Psalmist speaketh of that a∣doration which is due vnto Iesus Christ, as Tertul∣lian teacheth, lib. 5. against Martion, cap. 9. And so doth the Poet Mantuan vnderstand it that speaketh thus of the Pope:

Ense potents gemino, cuius vestigia adorant Caesar, & aurato vestit imurice Reges.

That is,

His power hath two swords in store, Him Emp••rours serue and do adore: Kings in Robes for Princes meete, Of golde and Purple, kisse his feete.

The Histories of these later ages are full of ex∣amples of this adoration of Popes. In the second Tome of the Councels they would perswade the Emperour Iustinian, that he ought to adore Pope Agapet. But the most remarkeable adoration is that which is giuen vnto him in the Conclaue presently after his election; for so soone as hee is named Pope by the Cardinals shut vp in the Con∣claue,

he is stript out of his ordinary habites, and there are others giuen him: amongst other things redde hose and redde shoes, hauing a Crosse of golde, a redde girdle with buckles of golde, a redde bonet and a rochet. And thus being armed at all points with his redde cloake and triple Crowne, glittering with Diamonds, they lift him vp as a sacred body, and set him on the Altar; there the Cardinals kisse his hands and feete. This is vulgar∣ly called among the Italians Adoratione; which is the more to be noted, because they set him vpon the Altar, which is the place where they place their Masse-god, and it is the place appointed for diuine adoration. So that this manner of adoration can∣not be taken for ciuill adoration. By this also it is euident, that forasmuch as Kings are more mighty and powerfull then Popes in ciuill causes: if this were a ciuil worship, then cōsequently they ought the rather to be worshipped. But they are so farre from being worshipped, as that themselues are en∣forced to worship the Popes. And if a King should call himselfe God, it should little auaile him to al∣leadge places of the old Testament, where Princes are called Gods; for that would no way serue his turne, but that among Christians he would be ac∣counted a blasphemer: for now the Pope taketh this Title vpon himself exclusiuely, shutting out al other Princes: because with him it carrieth a religi∣ous sense, and that importeth adoration. Againe, Princes in respect that they are called Gods, doe not arrogate to themselues a liberty of being free 〈…〉〈…〉

reprehension, or of being iudged of any man, as doth the Pope in the Canon Satis, dist. 96. the words whereof are these: It is euidently shewed, that the Pope can neyther be bound nor vnbound by any secular power; because we know he hath beene called God by that religious Prince, Constantine before mentioned, and God cannot be iudged by man. He excludeth Princes from the Title of Gods, to reserue it to himselfe: and approuing the saying of Constantine that called him God, hee inferreth thereupon that the Pope cannot be iudged of any man. But let vs note by the way that Constantine said in the Councell of Nice, speaking to all the Bishops there present, You are Gods: but he neuer spake this particularly to the Bishop of Rome.

In consequence also of this Title the Pope calleth his Decrees and Canons Oracles: Oracle signifieth the answer of God, Rom. 3.2. & 11.4. With like modesty hee termeth his Decretall Epistles Canonicall Scriptures, Dist. 19. in the Canon, In Canonicis, the inscription whereof is this; Inter Ca∣nonicas Scripturas Decretales Epistolae connumeran∣tur, The Decretall Epistles are numbred among the Canonicall Scriptures. Hee boasteth himselfe to haue all power in heauen and vpon earth, in the last Councell of Lateran, Sess. 9. and 10. and attribu∣teth it vnto himselfe in his booke of sacred Cere∣monies, Sect. 7 Cap. 6. according to which power In∣nocent the third, in his Bull Adliberandam, which is at the end of the second Councell of Lateran, gi∣ueth vnto Pilgrims that came from beyond the

Seas an encrease of glory aboue the rest.

Among all these I finde none so odious, as that Title which he taketh of being the Spouse of the v∣niuersall Church, which belongeth particularly to Iesus Christ, as S. Paul sayth, 2. Cor. 11. For I haue married you vnto one man, to present you as a chaste Virgin vnto Christ. And yet this is the quality which the Pope taketh vnto himselfe in more then thirty places in his Decrees and Decretals, and in the last Councell of Lateran. And to the end you may know his bookes, in what sense he is called the Spouse of the Church, Bellarmine who wrote at Rome, l. 1. de Rom. Pont. c. 9. sayth, that the Pope is the Spouse of the Church, etiam Christo excluso, Christ being excluded. And albeit Christ were not exclu∣ded, yet in matter of marriage, we are not accusto∣med to accept of a Deputy.

Whosoeuer would here heape vp places, in which both the Pope and his flatterers attribute vnto him, that he is aboue the law and aboue all right; and that he may dispense against the Apo∣stles, nay against the Gospell it selfe: that likewise he hath power to dispense with oathes made vnto God, and a thousand things of the like nature, whereby he setteth himselfe aboue God; might well of these things compose a great volume, and grieue the heart of the godly Reader, who is tou∣ched with a zeale of Gods house: But this shall suffice to shew that Coeffeteau wrongeth the Pope much in saying, that he is called God onely in that sense that Princes are, that is to say, for ciuill consi∣derations:

for in all that is abouesaid, there is no one thing spoken of ciuill respect, all is built vpon consideration of Religion, I should haue said a∣gainst Religion.

And as little grace hath hee in defending the Popes triple crowne, when he is driuen to say, that the title of Maiesty is very fit to bee giuen to the holy things. For certainly S. Peter was farre more holy then the Pope, and consequently ought to haue had the greater Maiesty: and yet neyther Peter nor any other Prelate, many ages after him, did e∣uer weare three crownes, or adorned their heads with Diamonds. This lustre well becommeth worldly Maiesty, but not spirituall holinesse, which ought to shine in vertues and not in pretious stones, and to appeare rather in Martyrdome then in pompe, and to edifie mens hearts, in stead of dazeling their eyes: yet all the Maiesty of Kings was neuer comparable to this worldlinesse: neuer did any of them thinke it fit to weare three Crownes: The onely name of this Head-tire tea∣cheth vs what to iudge: for in Italy it is called It regno, The Kingdome: and the booke of holy Cere∣monies doth ordinarily so call it, to shew that the Pope weareth that Crowne as a King, and not as a Bishop or Pastor of the Church. The marke of the Bishopricke in the Church of Rome, is the Pasto∣rall staffe, which they call the Crosier. But the Pope carrieth none such, as Innocent the third teacheth vs in his first booke of the mysteries of the Masse, cap. 42. Because saith he, S. Peter sent his Crosier to Eu∣charius

Bishop of Treuers, which is there kept for a re∣lique. The first Author of this Fable is vnknown, but it was deuised to perswade the people that S. Peter hauing layde aside his Crosier, wore the tri∣ple Crowne as Monarch of the earth, of hell, and of heauen or as gouernour of Asia, Affricke and Europe.

Now it is not without cause that this Crowne is called the Kingdome, because the Pope quallifieth himselfe with the Titles of King and Monarch: The last Councell of Lateran, Sess. 10. speaketh thus to the Pope, The Empire of your Holinesse: and Sess. 9. Regale Romanorum Pontificum genus, The Royall race of the Romane Bishops, and in the 3. Sess. The Pope is Priest and King: and in the first Session he is called Princeps totius orbis, Prince of the whole world: and therefore he preacheth no more. Sometimes he saith Masse on some solemne day, but in that Masse he causeth himselfe at sundry times to be adored: If any King be present, he must holde the Napkin, but it must be vpon his knee, as did King Charles the eight to Pope Alexander the sixth.

And for his better reading in the Missall, he hath a Cardinall that poynteth to the letters with his finger, as men vse to teach young children; he then changeth his Hose and Shooes many times, hee sucketh the Chalice with a reede: at his going a∣way he swelleth and puffeth vp his cheekes, and giueth the benediction by blowing vpon them, as though he gaue the holy Ghost.

As touching the Titles of Head of the faith,

supreame Iudge of all Controuersies, which his Maiesty of England vpbraydeth the Pope withall, Coeffeteau passeth that ouer, and speaketh nothing, as thinking it a thing not able to be maintayned: So doth he disclaime that Title of Monarch of the world, condemning therein the Councell of Late∣ran before alleadged, that calleth him King and Prince of the whole world. And we haue before produced certaine Theses lately disputed of at Na∣ples, and dedicated to the Pope now reigning, wherein he is called Vice-God, Monarch of the Chri∣stian world.

Titles of greater Antiquity.

THese new titles being thus taken away, Coeffeteau comes on with a fresh supply, and bringeth such as are more auncient; and herein he craueth the assistance of the Fathers: but first he racketh and tortureth them, and by strayning constrayneth them to speake things a∣gainst their will.

The first place is out of Tertullian, cap. 1. of his booke of chastity, where he calleth the Bishop of Rome Soueraigne Bishop, Bishop of Bishops. The Reader that will giue himselfe leisure but to looke vpon the place, shall finde that Tertullian speaketh this by way of flouting and mocking the Bishop of Rome, for these are his words: Yea indeed the chiefe Bishop, the Bishop of Bishops saith thus: I forgiue the sinnes of Adultery and Fornication, to those that haue

performed their due time of Penance. O Edict, vpon which a man may write, THAT SHALL BE WEL DONE. Besides, we know not whether he spake of the Bishop of Rome, or of the Bishop of Carthage a Metrapolitane in Affricke: but howsoeuer cap. 21. he followeth the Bishop of Rome farre more plainely, faying▪ If because the Lord said vnto Peter, vpon this Rocke I will build my Church, therefore thou pretendest that the power to binde and loose is deriued vnto thee, that is to say, to euery Church that hath an affinity or neerenesse with S. Peter: who art thou that changest and ouerthrowest the manifest meaning of Ie∣sus Christ, who conferred the same personally vnto Peter?

The next is S. Ierome, who calleth the Bishop of Rome soueraigne Priest, a name which the Anci∣ents giue to euery Bishop, as doth also the Greeke word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The name also of a Foundation of the Church is common the all the Apostles, as wee haue shewed, and to all their true Successors. S. Ie∣rome sayth not, that the Bishop of Rome is the on∣ly Foundation of the Church: and if hee should haue so sayd, he would surely haue beene suspected of flattering his Bishop, as being himselfe a Roman Priest; which neuerthelesse did not hinder him in an Epistle written to Euagrius, to affirme that all Bishops are of equall dignity, and to place the Bi∣shop of Rome but in equality with others. The place is very remarkeable: In what place soeuer (saith he) a Bishop be, whether he be at Rome, at Agubium, at Constantinople, at Rhegium, at Alexandria, or at Tanis,

he hath one and the same priesthood; the power of wealth or basenesse of pouerty, maketh not one Bishop higher or lower then another. In briefe they are all the successors of the Apostles. But thou wilt say vnto me, how commeth to passe, that at Rome, a Prest is receiued to his charge vpon the testimony of one Deacon? To this obiection, propounded to the end to haue all other Churches ruled after the example of the Romane, he answereth thus: Why bringest thou me in here the custome of one towne? why dost thou bring in a small number, by whose meanes pride is crept in among the lawes of the Churches.

In the third place he alledgeth S. Augustine say∣ing: That in the Romane Church, the principality of the Apostolike Sea hath alwaies flourished. If he had read the ancient histories, he should haue lear∣ned that antiquity giueth also this principality to the Churches of Antioch, Alexandria, and of Ie∣rusalem.

Sozomene chap. 16. of his booke eleuenth, spea∣king of the Councell of Nice, At this Councell were present amongst the Bishops, that held the Apostolike Seas. Macharius Bishop of Ierusalem, Eustance Bi∣shop of Antioch, and Alexander Bishop of Alexandria, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ruffinus lib. 2. chap. 21. saith, that Damasus at Rome, Timothy in Alexandria, and Iohn in Ierusa∣lem, reestableshed the Seas Apostolike.

In Theodoret lib. 5. chap. 9. the Church of Antioch is called the most ancient Church & of all the most Apo∣stolike; & presently after, the mother of all the Churches, as it is likewise called in many other places.

Coeffeteau after these addeth a falshood: he saith that the Councell of Chalcedon acknowledgeth the Bishop of Rome to be head of the Church, and the first of all other: and this is found in the 16 Session. But note that it is not the Councell which speaketh thus, but Paschasin deputed from Rome, who pleadeth his owne cause: and yet this hindred not this Councell from making a Canon expresly declaring and defining, that the Bishop of Con∣stantinople is equall with him of Rome in all things, yea euen in causes Ecclesiasticall: the Ca∣non hath beene produced by vs before.

He further saith, that Irenaeus chap. 3. lib. 3. doth attribute vnto the Church of Rome, a principality more powerfull thē vnto others: which is most false, and an euident corruption of the place: Irenaeus speaketh of the principality and power of the city; for being the seate of the Empire, the faithfull of all Churches, had necessary occasions to repaire thither. The words are these: Ad hanc Ecclesiam propter potentiorem principalitatem necesse est omnem conuenire &c. Ecclesiam: vnto this Church by reason of the more mighty principality it is necessary that euery Church should resort. As if I should say, that all the Churches of France should come to that of Paris, because there is the principality and power of the Realme: and yet can I not for all this say, that the faithfull ministers of the Church of Paris, haue a principality ouer the rest.

Saint Cyprian in the third Epistle of his first booke, doth directly call the Church of Rome the

principall Church, because in all the West there was no Church so great, or so remarkable as it He saith that the vnity of Priesthood came from thence, because his opinion was, that albeit the A∣postles were all equall in power and honour, yet S. Peter was entertained into his charge, some small time before the other Apostles, Iesus Christ hauing a determination to begin from one, to the end to shew the vnity of the Church, as he saith in his treatise of the simplicity of Prelates: He belee∣ued then, that S. Peter, who for a season held the sacerdo tall dignity alone, to testifie the vnity of the Church, had beene at Rome, and that from thence Christiā religion spred it selfe into the West. Now in this Cyprian goeth about to soften and to gratifie the Bishop of Rome, to the end to prepare him the better to taste, and to brooke the checkes and reproofes which afterwards he adioyneth, where∣by he proueth to Cornelius, that he hath no power at all ouer Affricke, and that he neither could nor ought to receiue the causes of those whom the Bi∣shops of Affricke had condemned: for (saith he presently after) seeing it is ordered among vs all, and that it is a thing iust and reasonable, that euery mans cause should be examined where the crime was commit∣ted, and that vnto euery Pastor there is allotted a por∣tion of the flocke, which each one ought to gouerne, and leade, as being to render an account vnto the Lord of his carriage and behauiour: there is no reason, that those whom we guide should runne from one place to a∣nother, and through their fraudulent rashnesse, seeke

to breake the concord of Bishops friendly knit together: but that they should there pleade their causes, where they may haue accusers and witnesses of their crimes, lest it fall out that some desperate and forlorne persons should thinke, that the authority of the Bishops of Af∣fricke, who haue condemned them, should be lesse then others, their cause hath beene alreadie examined, the sentence hath beene alreadie pronounced. To con∣clude, he maintaineth that Cornelius may not take knowledge of any causes determined by the Bi∣shops of Affrica without accusing them of light∣nesse, and vustaydnesse, and so trouble the peace and quiet of the Church. This is the cause that made Cyprian to gild his pill, & to extol the digni∣ty of the Church of Rome, before he would shew him, that he ought not to thrust himselfe into the affaires of other Churches.

For it is diligently to be noted, that those among the ancient Fathers, that affirme that the Bishop of Rome is successour to Peter, doe thereby vnder∣stand that he is successour in the charge of Bishop of Rome, but not in the Apostleship. After this sort also the Bishops of Ephesus were successors to S. Iohn and S. Paul: the Bishops of Ierusalem successors to S. Iames, so farre as these Apostles were Bishops of Ephesus and Ierusalem: but they neuer were successors to the Apostleship, and to the gouernment of the Church Vniuersall. Nor is there any reason why the Bishop of Rome should be successor to Peter in his Apostleship; and yet the Bishop of Ierusalem should be onely successor to

S. Iames in his Bishoppricke. Besides, the Bishop of Antioch, more auncient then the Bishop of Rome, hath alwaies beene called the successor of S. Peter: and why should it not be aswell in the A∣postleship and gouernment of the Vniuersall Church? If you will say that Peter hath taken a∣way the prerogatiue and preheminence from An∣tioch, and hath transported it to Rome, we vtterly deny it; and thereof no proofe worthy the recei∣uing can be brought. If they further say that Peter dyed at Rome. I will also say, that Iesus Christ dyed at Ierusalem: And why should not Christ his death at Ierusalem, haue in it more power and ver∣tue to make the Bishop of Ierusalem chiefe of the Church, then the death of S. Peter at Rome to con∣ferre this great dignity vpon the Bishop of Rome?

I leaue it likewise to the Readers, to iudge who after the death of Peter ought of right to bee the chiefe of the Vniuersall Church. For S. Iames liued yet at Ierusalem, after S. Peter was dead. And the Apostle S. Iohn out-liued him 32 yeares, according to the accompt of Eusebius and Irenaeus. Is it a thing to bee beleeued that S. Iohn, the Disciple whom Iesus loued, who leaned on his breast, vnto whom he recommended his mother at his death; whose writings are diuine oracles; as the Reuela∣tions in the Apocalips doe witnes; that he should bee inferior to Linus the Disciple of Paul? and in∣deed, our aduer saries themselues haue inserred in∣to the first Tome of their Councels, certaine Epi∣stles, which they say were Clements Bishoppe of

Rome, amongst which there is one to S. Iames Bi∣shop of Ierusalem: and thus it beginneth: Clemens to Iames brother of the Lord, Bishop of Bishops, gouer∣ning the holy Church of the Hebrewes which is in Ie∣rusalem, yea all the Churches which are founded euery where by the prouidence of God. And a little after hee calleth him his Lord: words which witnesse that Clemens acknowledged Iames for his superior, and chiefe of all the Bishops of the world.

We graunt then willingly, that the auncient Bishops of Rome, before the corruption of Do∣ctrine and vsurpation of the Monarchie in the Church, were successors of S. Peter in the Bishop∣pricke of Rome onely, euen as the Bishop of Co∣rinth was successor to S. Paul: but withall we adde this, that through the corruption of Doctrine which hath by little & little crept into the Church of Rome (euery age hauing added and contribu∣ted thereunto) hee is now wholy and iustly falne from that succession. For he may not in no wise be called Peters successor, who oppugneth the Do∣ctrine preached by S. Peter, and who in the Chaire of verity doth establish a lie. The Turke may not bee called successor to the Emperour of Greece, albeit he be seated in his place, seeing that he is rather his subuerter. I would haue one shew me that euer S. Peter preached any other purgato∣ry then the bloud of Iesus Christ: or any other sa∣tisfaction to the iustice of God, then his obedience: any other sacrifice propitiatory, then his death. That euer he gaue pardons for an hundred thou∣sand

yeares, or drew soules out of Purgatory with buls and indulgences: that he euer degraded Em∣perours: that he tooke away from the people the reading of the holy Scriptures, or the Communi∣on of the Cup: or that he commaunded the wor∣shipping of Images, and publique Seruice to bee said in an vnknowne tongue: or that he euer con∣strayned other Bishops to take from him letters of Inuestiture, and to pay vnto him Annates: Or that euer S. Peter was called God on earth, the Spouse of the Church, and caused himselfe to be worship∣ped: or that euer he sung Masse, or commaunded the Host to be adored: or that euer he left off prea∣ching the Gospell, or quitted the Crosier-staffe, to take vnto him a triple Diaderne: If, I say, they can shew me that S. Peter euer did these things, then though the Pope were Bishop but of one Village alone, I will willingly acknowledge him for S. Pe∣ters Successor, but still in the Bishopricke only, and not in the Apostleship, which ended in his person, and is not deriued vnto his Successors in particu∣lar Churches.

THus doth the confession of the King of Eng∣lands faith remain firme and vnshaken, against which Coeffeteau hath armed himselfe with humane testimonies, being vtterly destitute of any authori∣ty out of the booke of God. For as they that are ready to drowne, catch hold on any thing, so these men in a desperate cause embrace all defences, but least of all, those that be good. Againe, whatsoe∣uer

this Doctor alleadgeth out of the Fathers, is found to be eyther false, or clipt, or vtterly coun∣terfeit. This payment is not currant, especially to such a Prince who hath consecrated his penne to the defence of the truth. But this is not to be im∣puted to Coeffeteaus disability, but to the vnlawful∣nesse of the cause, vnto which we haue in such sort satisfied, as whosoeuer shall examine my worke, he shall finde an answere to Bellarmines booke also, which he hath not long since made against the said booke of the King of great Britaine, with more weakenesse and lesse dexterity then Coeffeteau hath done.

There remayneth the last part of his Maiesties booke, wherein with a straine of admirable wit, as∣sisted by the spirit of God, hee openeth the booke closed with seuen seales: and piercing into the se∣crets of sacred Prophesies, he findeth in the seat of Rome the full accomplishment of the Apocalyps. When hate and bitternesse shall be extinguished through time, Posterity shall admire both the worke and the person, and looking backe into ages past for the like patterne, shall not be able to finde any thing to be compared with it. We will not feare then to enter into these darkenesses vnder so great a guide: for it is hard eyther to stumble or to stray, where so faire a Torch doth light and shine before vs. But we must here take breath a while before we enter into this taske: For the sudden death of our King like a great cracke of Thunder benummeth our handes with astonishment, and

troubleth our spirits with griefe and anguish. Let vs then giue place to necessity, and leaue to write, that we may haue leisure to lament: and let Poste∣rity carefully bethinke it selfe of remedies, and hold it for a thing most certaine, that hee that setteth light by his owne life, is master of another mans; and that there is nothing so forcible to make vs to contemne our owne liues, as this new doctrine, which by the murther of Kings openeth the way to the Kingdome of heauen.

FINIS.

Notes

• Psal. 109.28.
• It is a table printed at Rome, Anno 1608. apud Pau∣lum Mauperi∣num & Mathe∣um Gruterum, dedicated to R. Farnesius Prince of Par∣ma; in which are the pi∣ctures of such Iesuits as haue beene killed and executed sinc•• the yeare 1549.
• Non solum motu proprio & ex¦ce••••a nostra scientia, ve∣rum etiam post longam & gra∣uem deliberati∣onem.
• Cap. 2.10, 11, 12
• Chap. 21. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• verse 19.
• Sleidan. li. 2.
• Fol. 5. pag. 1.
• Fol. 8.
• The answers.
• The Cullen Edi∣tion. p. 357.
• In the fourth booke of his Institution. Chap. 7. §. 30.
• There conti∣nue still Car∣dinals at Compostella.
• Pandulphi de vitis Pontificum in Electione Gelasij. ij.
• Lib. de Episco. titulis & Dia∣conijs Cardinali∣um.
• Catechumeni.
• Falcidius duce stultitia & Ro∣manae ciuitatis iactantia, Leui∣tas Sacerdotib' equare conten∣dit. Quanquam Romanae Eccle∣siae Diaconi mo∣dico inuericun∣diores videntur.
• Looke Euse∣bius in the E∣lection of Fabi∣an, Anno 240.
• See likewise Sigonius, Ann. 1059. Nos Sanctae Ro∣manae Ecclesiae Cardinales Cle∣rici acolythi & presentibus E∣piscopis, abbati∣bus, multis{que} tum Ecclesiastici, tum laici ordinis eligimus, &c.
• Augusti Thrani Histor. lib. 6.
• Most ordinari∣ly the creati∣on of Cardi∣nals is in vse one of the em∣ber weekes.
• Onuphrius.
• Sect. 8. cap. 3. Authoritate dei patris omnipo∣tentis, sanctorum Apostolorum, Pe∣tri & Pauli & nostra, N Episco∣pum Firmanum absoluimus a vinculo quo te∣nebatur Ecclesiae suae Firmanae &c.
• Sect. 9. cap. 14. Cen••ent••r omnia beneficia promo ti vacantia.
• Sacr. Cerem l. 1 Sect. 3. Quatuor nohiles pileos quatuor Cardinaliū suprà baculos defe∣rentes.
• Ad collegium Apostolicum vo∣cati consiliarij nostri & coniu∣dices orbis terra∣rum, Successores Apostlorum cir∣ca thronum se∣debitis, vos Se∣natores vrbis & regum similes, &c.
• Prior Episco∣porum in capite ad dextram. Et si aderit Rex ali∣quis, erit in se∣cundo loco. Si plures Reges mixti erunt cum Card. primis. ••i∣lij vel fratres re∣gum (si non ser∣uiunt Papae) de∣bent sedere inter Diaconos Car∣dinales, vel post eos: Primogeni∣tus autem Regis, quia Rex futu∣rus putatur, post primum Presby∣terum Cardina∣lem erit.
• Dum Papa lauat manus non Praelati sed Lai∣ci omaes genu flectunt.
• Platina.
• The answere.
• a

  Mariana im∣printed at To∣ledo, apud Pe∣trum Rodericū. An. 1599. And since at Mena by Balthasar Lippius. 1605.
• b

  Cum cognito à Theologis quos erat sciscitatus, tyrannum iure occidi posse.
• c

  Hoc tamen tem peramento vti in hac disputati∣one licebit, si non ipse qui perimi∣tur, venenum haurire cogitur, sed exterius ab alio ad ibeatur, vt sella eo aut veste delibutaui∣ni interficiendi habeat.
• d

  Clerici rebellio in regem non est crimen laesae ma∣iestatis, quia non est subditus regi.
• In the pag. 70. of the Edi∣tion of the big∣ger print, 1595. you shall finde these wordes. The Pope pre∣tendeth no∣thing ouer So∣uerainty but to correct as a father & as a Iudge such as are pernitious to the Church. For then he may not alone, but he is bound to shew himselfe their Superior. Security wold make thee peruerse & froward, but thou must be kept down, & be made to con∣fes, that thou hast neyther reason nor conscience. For it is fit that Princes shold be of∣ten held in and curbed by feare of their temporalities
• The which are produced in the Chapter following.
• Fol. 6. pag. 2.
• Pag. 117: Cum Rex & Ar∣chiepiscopus in partem sesessi∣ssent bisque des∣cendissent & his equos ascendis∣sent, his habenā Archiepiscopi Rex tenuit cum equum ascende∣ret.
• Pag. 125. Carnem suam nudamdisciplinae virgarum sup∣ponens a singules viris religiosis quorum multitu∣do magna conue∣nerat ictus ter∣nos vel quinos accepit.
• Matt Paris pag 215.
• Pag. 223. Papa ex consilio Cardinalium. E∣piscoporum & a∣liorum virorum prudentium sen∣tētialiter defini∣uit, vt Rex An∣glorum a solio deponeretur. Ad huius quoque sen¦tentiae executio∣nem scripsit Do∣minus Papa po∣tent••ssimo Regi Francorum Phi∣lippo quatenus in remissionem om∣nium suorum peccaminum hunc laborem as∣sumeret, &c.
• Saluis per om∣nia denarijs bea∣ti Petri Ecclesiae Romanae mille marcas Estrelin gorum percipiat annuatim. The same Peters tribute was af∣terward brought in∣to Poland, as Albert' Krantz writeth, Hist. Ʋandal. li. 8. c. 2.
• ❀

  Pandulphus autem pecuniam quam in arram subiectionis Rex contulerat sub pede suo concul∣cauit.
• Imperator ge∣nu flectit, demū ad Pontificis pe∣des peruenit, illos in reuerentiam Saluatoris deuo∣tè osculator— Iterum genu fle∣ctns aurimassam ad pedes Ponti∣ficis offert, &c.
• According to Pope Innocents Letters, repor∣ted by Math. Paris, Ann. 1214 pag. 239.
• Math. Paris, p. 270. Anno 1216
• Math. Paris pag. 425. Rex incli∣nato ad genua eius capite vsque ad interior a reg∣ni deduxit offici∣osè.
• Non me memini Legatum in ter∣ra mea vidisse nec opus esse. Pag 530. Rex in ampliori regia Westmona∣sterij pransurus Legatum ••uem inuitanerat in e∣minentiori loco mensae, scilicet in Regali sede, quae in Medio men∣sae crat, non sine muliorum obli∣quantibus oculis collocauit.
• Bellarm. in his new booke. pa. 19. Rex Anglorū duplici iure sub∣iectus Papae vno communi omnib' Christianis, ratio∣ne Apostolicae po∣testatis, quae in omnes extendi∣tur, iuxta illud Psal. 44. Consti∣tues eos principes super omnem ter∣ram: altero pro∣prio, ratione, recti Dominij, &c.
• This Bull of Alexander is found in the beginning of Francisco Lopez de Gomara his Story of the ••ndies.
• Clementina Pa∣storalis de sen∣tentia & reiudi∣cata. Nos tam ex superioritate quam ad imperi∣um non est dubi∣um nos habere quam ex potesta∣te in quam va∣cante imperio Imperatori succedimus. In ipsa vrbe v∣triusque potesta∣tis Monarchiam Romanis Pontisi∣cibus declararet
• Apostolica sedes Romanum Jm¦perium à Graecis transtulit in Ger¦manos.
• De Rom. Pontif. li. 5. c. 6. § Quartum. Pa∣pa potest mutare regna & vni au∣ferre, at{que} alteri conferre, tanquā summus princeps spiritualis, si id necessarium sit ad animaru•••• salutem.
• Le Cornet. Paulo 5. Vice-Deo, Christiani orbis Monarchae, Pontificiae omni∣potentiae asserto∣ri, &c.
• Droit de biense∣ance.
• Pag. 15.
• This is found in the Bull of Innocent 3. at the end of the Lateran Coū∣sell. Salutis aeternae pollicemur aug∣mentum. Ad Scapulum cap. 2. Nunquam Albiniani, nec Nigriani, nec Cas¦siani inueniri po∣tuerunt Christia∣ni sed ijdem ipsi qui per genios Imperatorum iurauerant.
• Nicholas Giles.
• Licet Romanus Pontifex qui iu∣ra omnia in scri∣nio pectoris sui censetur habere. In hac (Ecclesia) eiusque potostate duos esse gladios spiritualē vide∣licet & tempo∣rale Euangeli∣cis dictis instrui∣mur. Nam dicen∣tib{us} Apostolis Ec∣ce gladij duo hic (in Ecclesia scili∣cet) cum Apostoli loquerentur non respondit Domin{us} nimis esse sed sa∣tis. Certe qui in potestate Petri temporalem gla∣d••um esse negat male verbum attendit Domi∣ni dicentis Con∣uerte gladium tuū in vaginam. Cum dicat Apo∣stolus non est po∣testas nisi a Deo quae autem sunt a Deo ordinata sunt, non autem ordinata essent nisi gladius esset subgladio De Ecclesiastica potestate verifi∣catur vaticiniū Ieremiae, Ecce constitui te hodie super gentes & regna. Si suprema pote∣stas deuiat, a solo Deo non ab ho∣mine potest iudi∣cari, testante A∣postolo Spirita∣lis homo iudicat omnia &c. Nisi duo (sicut Manichaeus) fin gat esse principia quod falsum & haereticum iudi∣camus, quia te∣stante Moyse, non in principijs sed in principio coelum Deus cre∣auit & terram.
• Foüiller en sa bourse.
• Ioh. 1. ver. 8.
• Coeffeteau in his booke entitu∣led A Refutati∣on of falshoods. fol. 68. pag. 1.
• Rom. 13.1.
• Romanus Pon∣tifex Zacharias scil. Regem Fran corum non tam pro suis iniquita∣tibus quàm pro coquod tantae po∣testati erat inu∣tilis à regno de∣posuit &c. And the Cano∣nists who haue made the Glosse, dispute vpō that place whether a man ought to pay his debts to one excommu¦nicated. Probabiliter dici potest quod ex∣communicato non sit soluendii cum nemo debe∣at participate cum en. Lib. 5 cap. 7. §. Tertia. Non licet Christi∣anis tolerare Re∣gem infid••lē aut hereticum, &c.
• Lib. 5. de Rom. Pontif. cap. 7. §. Quod si Chri∣stiani olim non deposuerunt Ne∣ronem &c. Id fuit quia deerāt vires. &c.
• This passage is alleadged in the 11. Decree Quaest. 3. c. Iuli∣anus.
• Distinguebant Dominum aeter∣num a Domino temporali & ta∣men subditi erāt propter Dominū aeternum etiam Domino tempo∣rali.
• ‡

  Si Tyrannus es scrire volo, vt sciam quemad∣modum me ad∣uersum te praepa∣rem.
• Sosomen lib. 7. cap. 13.
• Bellar. l. 2. de Rom. Pont. c. 29
• Tertul. ad Sca∣pulam & in Apolog. cap. 30. A quo sunt se∣cundi, post quem primi. Cap. 30. Cum dixit Petro A∣mas me, Pasce oues meas, idem dixit & caeteris.
• 2. King. 11.
• Ego autem in∣dignus pietatis tuae seruus. Ego vero haec dominis meis loquens, quid sum nisi puluis & vermis.
• Qua cohortatio∣ne adeo animati sunt Italiae popu∣livt Paulum abfuerit quin sibi alium Impe∣ratorē deligerent Quo minus a, id fieret authorita∣te sua obstare Gregorius ami∣cusest.
• Dan. 2.37.
• Rom. 13.1. Timoth. 1.
• Meruit Charis∣simi filij nostri Philippi regis Francorum &c.
• § Tertia. Cleri••i non pos∣sunt a Iudice po∣litico puniri, vel vllo modo trahi ad secularis ma∣gistratus tribu∣nal.
• § Respondeo summus Ponti∣fex Clericos ex∣emit a subiectio∣ne Principum, non sunt amplius Principes clerico∣rum superiores.
• § Quarta. Bona Clericorum tam Ecclesiastica quam secularia libera sunt ac merito esse de∣bent a Tributis Principum secu∣larium.
• De Praescript. Cap. 2. in Serto. Contra ipsam Romanam Ec∣clesiam Cente∣naria. vel contra alias Ecclesias quadragenaria prescriptro Le∣gitima sit com∣pleta.
• Ecclesiae Ecclesi∣asticae{que} personae ac res ipsa••um non solum iure humano, quinim mo, & diuino a secularium personarum exa∣ctionibus sint immunes.
• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• This is Bellar∣mines owne ex∣ception, cap. 3. de exemptione Clericorum.
• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• Si omnis, & ve∣stra. Quis vos excipit ab vni∣uersitate?
• De tradendis Basilicis. Si tri∣butum petit non negatur. Agri Ecclesiae soluūt tributum. Ʋeri ministri Dei legibus no∣stris subij ciun∣t••r.
• Pudet dicere, Sacerdotes ido lorum & aurigae mimi & scorta haereditates ca∣piunt: solis Cle∣ricis & monachis hoc lege prohi∣betur, & prob∣betur non a per∣secutoribus sed a principibus Chri∣stianis. Nec de lege conqueror sed dol••o cur meruimus hanc legem.
• ❀

  De exteriori∣bus suis quae pa∣lam cunctis ap∣parent Ecclesia tributum reddit.
• P••o pace & quiete qua nos tueri & defen∣sare principes debent, impera∣toribus persol∣uendum est
• †

  Pont••sices pro∣cursu tempor a∣lium rerum im∣perialib is legib•• vterentur.
• De Episcopis & Cler••cis.
• Sulpitius Seue∣rus in the se∣cond booke of his Story.
• Iustinianus in Nouellis 79. & 83.123.
• Io. 19.11.
• Concil. Chalced can. 9. Si Clerieus ad∣uersus ••••lericum negotium habeat non relinquat Episcopum suum & ad secularia Iudicia non re∣currat.
• § Secunda.
• Fol. 128.
• Lib. de. exemp. Cler. cap. 1.
• § Ad confirma∣tionem.
• Rom. 13.
• Quis dicere audeatius esse profane homini in ea quae sancta sanctorum id est sanctissima dici meruerunt.
• Obse crantes in∣terim ex animi feruore vestram mansuetudinem, obtestando, & veluti presentes genibus aduoluti & coram vesti∣gia pedum volu∣tando.
• Platine in vi∣ta Agapeti. 1.
• Looke Sigebert and Luitprand Stella. Platina, &c.
• Sigonius lib. 3.
• Anno 992.
• Sigonius Platina
• Sigonius pa. 372. Platina. In Cle∣mente 11.
• Fol. 16. pag 2
• a

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• b

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• c

  That is to say Constantino∣ple.
• Non sine causa Adrianū 1. Ca rolo magno tri∣buisse vt Eccle∣siam ordimaret & Pontisicemle∣geret—Laberta∣te populo ••eddi∣ta Romanos in dies deteriores effectos:
• Fol. 18. pag. 2.
• Fol. 19. p. ••.
• †

  Sigonius p. 116 Lotharius in Ita∣liam veniens Magistratum delegit qui populo Romano ius di∣ceret.
• Pontifex Romā. Rauennam{que} & ditiones reliquas tenebat authori∣tate magis quam imeprio: quod ci uitates Ponti∣ficem vt Reip. Principem Re∣gem verò vi summum Dowi∣num intue entur at{que} ei tributa obsequia{que} praebe∣rent.
• Si quis auda∣cter inconsulte{que} ad memoriam aut landem pe∣stium illarum ex∣arserit, illias statim audacia ministri Dei h••e. mea executione coercebitur.
• See Helmoldus in the Chroni∣cles of Sclauo∣nia. Naucl. 39. genera. Baronius de vitis Pontifi∣cum, and many others.
• Platina Stella.
• Iohannes Maie∣rius libra de schismat Concil.
• Fol. 22 pag 2
• Platina Stella.
• Ordinauimus Episcopos.
• The King of England al∣leadgeth these and many o∣ther examples of like nature.
• Fol. 15. pag. 1:
• In the twenty Chapter of my booke of the Eucharist. Pontificus Ve∣rumnius lib. 4. Jo. Lelandus.
• Mantuanus. Ad∣de quòd & Pa∣tres ausi taxare Latinos. Causa∣bantur eos stulte, imprudentur & aequo Durius ad ritum Romae vo∣luisse Britannos cogere &c.
• In patria Bri∣tonum adhuc vigebat Christia∣nitas quae ab A∣postolorum tem∣pore nunq tam inter eos defece rat. Post quam autem venit Augustinus, &c.
• Tertul: de Pallio c. 6. Deni{que} etiam diuinae sectae ac disciplinae com∣mercium pallio conferri Cypria∣n{us}, l 4. Epist. 5.
• The KINGS Confession.
• The KINGS Confession.
• The KINGS Confession.
• Lib. 2. cont. Cresconi∣um cap. 32.
• Causa 12. Quaest. 1. Canon Dile∣ctissimi. Deni{que} quidam Graecorum sapi∣entissimus, haec ita sciens esse colam, debeatur ait Amicorum comia esse omnia In omnibus au∣tem sunt sine du bio & Coniuges.
• Lib. 2. cap. 63.64
• Virtus corporis, sine sensu paenae, vim paenae in se desaeuientis ex∣cepit. Christus cum ci∣bū & potum ac∣cepit, non neces∣sitati corporis sed consuetudmi tri∣buet. Secundam duce∣re, secundum praeceptumo A∣postoli licitum est, ecundum autem veritatis rationem verè fornicatio est. He saith the same about the end of his booke, De fide & Symholo.
• Contemninus. n. Phegor & om∣nem ignominiam eius; scientes quod qui in car∣ne sunt, non pos∣sunt placere Deo
• The KINGS Confession.
• Bellar. lib. 4. de verbo non scrip∣to cap. 12. §. Re∣spondeo Scriptu∣rae finem propriū & praecipuum nō esse vt esset Re∣gula Fidei. Dico secundo Scriptu∣ram esseregulam Fidei nō totalem sed partialem.
• Quarto. Ne∣cesse nosse extare aliquos libros ve∣rè diuines, quod certè ex sacris Scripturis hahe∣ri nullo modo possunt, &c.
• The KINGS Confession. In exposit Sym∣boli.
• In exposit. Symb.
• Tenebit hunc modum in Scri∣pturis Canonicis, vt eas quae ab om nibus recipiuntu, Ecclesijs Catho∣licis, praeponat eis quas quaedam non accipiunt.
• See Eusebius, lib. 8. of his Storie, cap. 10
• In my booke intituled the waters of Si∣loé, cap. 6.
• a

  Sicut ergo Iu∣dith & Tobie & Machabaeorum, libros legit quidē Ecclesia, sed eos inter Canonicas Scripturas nō re∣cipit, Sic & haec duo volumina le∣gat ad aedificati∣onem pl••bis, non ad authoritatem Christianorum dogmatum con∣firmandam.
• Sciendum tamen est quod & alij libri sunt qui non Canonici sed Ec∣clesiastici a ma∣ioribus appellati sunt. vt est Sa∣piētia Solomonis Ecclesiasticus, li∣bellus Tobiae Iu∣dith & macabaeo rum••libri. —quae omnia legi qui∣dem in Ecclesiis voluerunt, non tamen proferri ad authoritatem ex his fidei con∣firmandam. Praeter istos sunt ad••uc alij eius dem veteris in∣strumenti libri non Cononici, qui Catechume∣nis tantum le∣guntur Sapien∣tia Solomonis &c.
• Qua de re non inordinatè agi∣mus si ex libris & si non Cano∣nicis, sed ad Ec∣clesiae aedificatio∣nem scriptis testi∣monia proferi∣mus.
• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• Porrò autem hoc esi praestigium Satanae quo vt plurimos fallat etiam bonos se in potestate habere confingit.
• Huic libro ex Hebraeorum Ca∣none, quia ••n eo non est, contradi∣c••tur.
• Caietan. in fin-Commenta••orū ad Historiam vet. Test. Ne turberis, No uities si alicubi reperis libros istos inter Cano∣nicos supputari, vel in Sacris Con cilijs vel in Sa∣cris Doctoribus, Non. n••sunt Ca∣nonici, id est, re∣galares ad pro∣bandum ea quae sunt fidei, possunt tamen Canonici dici ad aedifica∣tionem fidelium.
• The KINGS Confession.
• Fol 13.
• Ignorantes nos Christūnunquam relinquere, qui pro totius seruan dorum mundi salute passus est, nec alium quen∣quam colere pos∣se. Nam hunc quidem tanquā filium Dei ado∣ramus, Martyres verò tanquam discipulos & im∣mitatores Domi∣ni diligimus.
• Cedrenus in A∣nastasio, Ann. 23. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• Thence com∣meth the cu∣stome of the Church of Rome to haue bones hid vn∣der the Altar. Nonne vides ad memorias Mar∣tyrum, Cristianū a Christiano cogi ad ebrietatem?
• Qui in memo∣rijs Martyrum inebriantur, &c.
• In the booke of the holy Ce∣remonies, lib. 1. Sect. 6.
• Epist. 174. No∣uam inducendo Celebritatem quam ritus Ec∣clesiae nescit, non probat rat••o non comme••dat an∣tiqua Traditio, &c.
• Because Alga alludeth to Al∣geo, which is to quake with colde.
• The KINGS Confession.
• ¶

  Luc. 1.28.
• Ibid. ver. 48.
• Regina coeli p••r∣ta paradisi Do∣mina mundi.
• a

  At Paris by Claudius Chappe∣let in S. Iames his street at the signe of the Vni∣corne. 1601. Printed at Paris by Nicolas du Fosse in S. Iames his streete at the golden pot 1601.
• Lect. 80. Confu∣gimus primo ad beatissiman vir ginem coelorum reginam: cui Rex regum pa∣ter celestis dimi∣dium regni sui dedit. Quod sig∣nificatum est in Ester regina: Sic pater coelestis cum habeat in∣stitiam & mise∣ricordiam, iusti∣tia sibi retenta, misericordiam matri virgini concessit.
• Magnus illic nos charorum nume∣rus expectat, pa∣rentum fratrum filiorum freques no•• & copiosa turba desiderat, iam de sua im∣mortaletate se∣cura & adhuc de nostra sollici∣ta.
• Sicut illa sedu∣cta est vt effuge ret Deum, sic haec sua sa est obedire Deo, vti virginis Euae virgo Ma∣ria fieret aduo∣cata.
• Lib. 3. cap. 12.
• The KINGS Confession.
• Math. 11 28. Col 28.28.
• Praesertim cum sit manifestum in omnem Italiam, Galliam, Hispa∣niam, & Afri∣cam nullum in∣stituisse Ecclesias nisi eos quos A∣postolus Petrus aut successores eius constituerūt. Legant autem si in his prouincijs alius Apostolus inuenitur aut legitur docuisse, &c.
• Sub Aurelio Antonini filio persecutio quinta agitata, ac tunc primum inter Gallias martyria visa, serius trans alpes religione transgressa.
• b

  Where he p••••••∣teth confugiat for confugit and oret for orat.
• Aliud est quod docemus aliud quod sustinemus— donec e∣mendemus tola∣rare compelli∣mur.
• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• Salue primus omnium parens patriae appellate.
• See the Ecclesi∣asticall Stories of Ʋigner in the yeare 767.
• Jdeo ad Regem per tribunos aut Cometos itur, qui∣a homo vtique est Rex & nescit quibus debeat Remp. credere. Ad Deum autē promerendum saffragatore non opus estsed men∣te deuota.
• Et tamen tu so∣lus Domine inuo∣candus es, tu rogandus.
• marc. 13.
• Quorum preci∣bus meritis{que} ro∣gamus, &c.
• Ioh. 21.41.
• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• Basill in Ethicis regu. 80. quic∣quid extra di∣uinam scripturā est cum ex fide non sit peccatū est.
• Haec ab alio ora∣re non possumus quā a que scio me cosecuturum quoniam & ipse est qui solus prae∣stat, & egosum cui impet rare dehetur famu∣lus eius qui cum solum obsecro. Jam vero si eti∣am extra corpus positi sancti qui cum Christo sunt, agunt aliquid & laborant pro no∣bis, habeatur hoc quoque inter oc∣culta Dei nec chartulae com∣mit tenda myste∣ria.
• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• a

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c.
• b

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 &c.
• c

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• d

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• e

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• f

  Tom. 3. col. 1046 Non opus est bi patronis apud^t Deum ne{que} mul∣to discursu: sed li∣cet solus sis, patro∣no{que} careas, & per te ipsum Deū preceris: omnino tamen voti com∣pos eris Ne{que}enim tam facile Deus annuit cum alij pro nob is orant, vt cum ipsimet o∣ramus, etiāsi plu∣rimis pleni simus malis.
• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c.
• g

  Scimus N••po∣tian•• nost••um es∣se cum Chr••sto & sanctorum mix•••• choris.
• h

  Quicquid dixe∣ro quia ill•• no au¦dit mutū videtur
• i

  Cum quo loqui non possumus de eo loqui nunquā desinamus.
• k

  Felix Nepotia∣nus qui haec non videt, qui haec non audit.
• l

  Lib 4 cap. 14. Quod si in aliquo fiducia est, in solo Domino confida∣mus. Maledictus enim omnis homo qui spem habet in homine, quāuis sancti sint, quāuis prophetae.
• m

  Ad cos qui in sanctis fiduciam habent, non incongrue profer∣tur exemplum Maledictus ho∣mo qui spem ha∣bet in homine.
• n

  Lib. 1. cap. 2. Nullum inuocare id est in nos oran∣do vocare, nisi Deum debemus.
• o

  Hoc tibi dicit Saluator tuus Non est quo eas nisi ad me. Non est quá eas nisi per me.
• p

  Oratio quae non sit per Chri∣stum non solum non potest de∣lere peccatum, sed etiam ipsa sit in peccatum.
• q

  Lib, 2. cap 8 Nam si esset me∣diator Paulus, essent vti{que} & caeteri Apostoli ac sic multi media∣tores essent. Nec ipsi Pa••lo consta retratio qua di∣xerat. Vnus De∣us, Ʋnus media∣tor &c.
• r

  Ibi ergo sunt spiritus desan∣ctorum vbi non vident quaecun∣{que} aguntur, aut eueniunt in ista vita hominibus. Quomodo ergo vident tumulos suos aut corpora sua, vtrum abie∣cta iaceant an sepulta?
• s

  Proinde faten∣dum est nescire quidem mortuos quid hic ••gitur dum hic agitur: postea vero au∣dire ab eis qui hinc ad eos mo∣riendo pergunt.
• t

  Ad quod sacri∣ficium sicut ho∣mines Dei qui mundum eius confessione vice∣runt fuo loco & ordine nominan∣tur. Non tamen a sacerdote qui sacrificat inuo∣cantur.
• u

  Cum ad altare assistitur, semper ad patrem d ri∣gatur Oratio.
• x

  Cap. 21: Colimus marty∣res eo cultu dile∣ctionis & societa¦tis quo & in hac vita coluntur sancti homines.
• y

  Tom: 1: Non sit vobis religio cultus hominum mortuorum quia si pie vixerunt non sic habentur, vt tales quaerant honores, sed illum a nobis coli vo∣lunt, quo illumi∣nante laetantur merito sui nos esse consortes:
• z

  Non nisi a Do∣mino Deo petere debemus quic∣quid speramus nos vel boni ope∣raturos vel pro bonis operibus adepturos.
• Secreta cogi∣tationis solus ille nouit ad quem dicitur: Tu solus nosti corda filio∣rum bominum:
• Quorum precib{us} meritis{que} rogam{us}
• Oramus te Do∣mine per merita Sanctorum quo∣rum relliquiae hic sunt & omnium sanctorum, vt in∣dulgere digne∣ris omnia p••cca¦ta mea.
• Lib. 1: de Indulg. cap: 4.
• The KINGS Confession.
• Fol. 22. pag. 1.
• The Answere. The Priest in the Masse saith that he doth offer Sacrificiū laudis pro re∣demptione ani∣marum.
• In the booke of the Apolo∣gy, chap. 7.
• Nusquam ex∣presse legimus a veter ibus obla∣tum sacrificium sine communione al••cuius ve! ali∣quorum.
• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• Peracta conse∣cratione omnes communic ent qui noluerint Ecclesiasticis carere liminibus, Sic enim & A∣postoli sta tuerunt & Sancta Ro∣mana tenet Ec∣clesia. Tanta in altario holocausta offe∣rantur quanta populo sufficere debeant, &c.
• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Dominica Coena omnibus debet esse communis.
• Accipiant singuli per se Domini∣cum corpus.
• Cum ex more Diaconus clama∣ret, Si quis non communi at det locum.
• Accipe potesta∣tem offerendi sa∣crificium Deo Missas{que} cele∣brandi tam pro viuis quam pro defunctis.
• Act. 2. & 20.
• Effusio est extra fusio.
• As if one should say, the formes of a man, or of a tre•• in stead of h••s length, or his colour.
• Lib. 1. Sacrarum Ceremoniar. Sect. 15. cap. 2.
• §. Primo igitur. Hoc loco sacrifi∣cium accipimus pro actione sa∣crificandi non autem pro victi∣ma. Et lib 2. c. 4. §. Secundum Sacrificium est actio, non res permanens.
• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Ʋnica Oblatione
• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• §. Secundum. In omni sacrifi∣cio proprie dicto requiritur res aliqua sensibi∣lis quae offeratur.
• Bel. l. 1. de Missa cap. 12.
• §. Haec sententia verum & reale sacrificium ve∣ram & realem mortem & sa∣crificium rei im∣molatae desiderat Gregory of Va∣lence saith the same in the first booke of the Sacrifice of the Masse. Cap. 27. l. 1. §. Tertio.
• 2. de Consecrat. Can. Sacrificium This is taken out of S. Austin l. 10. de Ciuit. Dei cap. 5. & Epist. 5 Scotus in 4. dist. 10. Quest 5. Oculi Christi sub¦specie panis non recipiunt obiecta &c. & Quaest. 7. Corpus Christi vt hic non respirat aerem, &c. §. Aly vi ver∣borum Hoc est corpus meum, solum Christi cor∣pus sine anima & sine sanguine incipit esse inal∣tari & vi alio∣rum verborum Hic est sangurs incipit sanguis solus & seorsim a corpore esse in altari.
• Gal. 3.27. 1. Cor. 10 16. Ioh. 14.23. Ephes. 3.17.
• §. Haec mihi.
• Of the brea∣king.
• Innocent. 3. l. 4. de Mysterijs Missae cap. 11. Est enim hic co∣lor & sapor quantitas & qualitas, cum nihil alterutro sit coloratum aut sapidum, quantum aut quale.
• Of the Conse∣cration.
• In the booke of the Apology for the holy Supper, cap. 7.
• Of the Eating.
• Bellar. l. 4. de Eucharist. cap. 17. & 18.
• Suis discipulis dans consilium primitias Deo offerre ex suis creaturis, non quesi indigenti sed vt ipsi nec in∣fructuosi nec in∣grati sint: Noui Testamen∣ti nouam doeuit oblationemq, uā Ecclesia ab Apo∣stolis accipiens in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 niuers•• mundo offert Deo, ei qui alimenta nobis praestat primitias suoram munerū.
• Tom 1. of the Councels of the Colen E∣dition, pag. 683. Num hominis comestionē no∣strum hoc Sa∣cramentum pro∣nuncias? Et irre∣ligiose ad cras∣sas cogitationes vrges eorum qui crediderunt mentem? & at∣tentas humanis cogitationibus tractare quae solâ pura & inexqui∣sita fide accipi∣untur. Aristophanes A∣charnanensibus agens de Lac••∣daemonijs. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Cur ••••lias a••••s hahent Christia∣ni, nulla templa, nulla nota simu∣lacra? Quid ergosacri∣fi••ia cens••••is nulla emn••no es∣se fac••••nda? Respon. Nulla.
• Hebr. 13.16. Phil. 4.18.
• Heb. 13.16. Phil. 4.18.
• Locuples & Di∣ues Domnicum celebrare te credis quae cor∣bonam non respi∣cis quae in Domi∣nicum sine sacri∣ficio venis, quae partem de sacri∣ficio quod pau∣per obtulit sumis Hypodiaconi ob∣latione, in tem∣plo Domini a fi∣delibus ipsi susci∣piant.
• In isto autem sa∣crificio gratiarū actio at{que} com∣memoratio est carnis Christi quam pro nobis obtulit, & sang∣uinis quem pro nobis idem Deus effudit.
• Non rei veritate sed significante mysterio.
• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• Tale cuiusq, sa∣crificium quale est is qui accedit vt sumat. omnia munda mundis
• 2. de Consecrat. Can. In Christo: ex Ambrosio in Epist. ad Hebr.
• The KINGS Confession.
• Hierom in Apol. ad Pammachiū.
• The Answere.
• Lib. 1. de corpore Christi cap. 15.
• Lib. 2. Sacrarum Ceremon. cap. 14. Episcopus Cardi∣nalis porrigit ca∣lamum quem Papa ponit in ca∣lice in manibus Diaconi existen∣te, & sanguinis partem sugit, &c
• Quod licet Chri∣stus post coenam instituerit & suis discipulis ad∣ministrauerit sub vtra{que} specie panis & vini hoc ••enerabile secramen tum. A little after, Licet in primiti∣ua Ecclesia hoc Sacramentum reciperetur à fi∣delibus sub vtra∣que specie, &c. Cum in nonnullis mundi partibus quidam temera∣riè praesumant populum Christi∣anum debere Sacramentū Eu∣char. sub vtra{que} specie suscipere. Consuetudo rati∣onabiliter intro∣ducta habenda est pro lege, perti∣naciter asseren∣tes oppositum tanquam haereti∣ci arcendi sunt, & grauiter pu∣niendi inuocato etiam auxilio brachij secularis Libro de com∣munione laicali, scripto ••n••. 1417.
• In the yeare 1503. vnder Lewes the 12. the Host being let fall at Paris in the holy Chappel of the Palace, the pauement was taken vp and put among the Reliques. The Supplement of Nicholas Giles.
• Tanta in altario bolocausta offe∣rantur quanta populo ••ussicere debeant Quod si remanserint in crast num non reseruentur.
• Ad bibendum sanguinem om∣nes exhortantur qui volunt habe∣re vitam, &c. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• Sanguis Abel significat sangui∣nem Christi, quo vniuersa Eccle∣sia accepto dicit Amen.
• Aut integra Sa∣cramenta reci∣piant aut ab in∣tegris arceantur
• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• Non minus est nouas res rebus dare quam mu∣tare naturas.
• Ʋera vti{que} caro Christi quae cru∣cifixa quae sepul∣ta est. Ʋerè ergo carnis illius Sa∣cramentum est. Ipse clamat Do∣minus Iesus, Hoc est corpus meū. Ante benedicti∣onem verborum cael••stium alia species nomina∣tur, post conse∣crationem corp{us} Christi significa∣tur.
• Acceptum panē & distributum discipulis, corpus suum fecit di∣cendo hoc est cor¦pus meum, id est figura corporis me i. Panem suum corpus appel∣lans, vt & hinc iam eum intelli∣gas corporis sui siguram pani dedisse. I lle cibus qui sanctificatur per verbum Dei per∣que obsecratio∣nem iuxta id quod habet ma∣teriale in ven∣trem abit & in secessum emitti∣tur.
• Vinum fuit quod sanguinem suum dixit. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. Non dubitauit dicere Hoc est corpus m••um cum daret sig∣num corporis sui. Sicut ergo secun∣dum quendam modum Sacra∣mentum corporis Christi orpus Christi est, Sacra¦mentum sangui∣nis Christi sang∣uis Christi est. Ita Sacramen∣tum fidei fides est. Spiritualiter in∣telligitur quod locutus sum, non hoc corpus quod videtis mandu∣caturi estis, & bibituri illum sanguinem quem fu••uri sunt qui me crucifigent. Sacramentum a liquod vobis commendaui: Spiritualiter in∣tellectum viui∣ficabit vos.
• Nisi manduca∣uerit is carnē filij hominis, & non biberitis eius sanguinem—fa∣cinus vel flagiti∣um videtur iu∣bere Figura est ergo, praecipions passioni domini∣cae esse commu∣nicandum & suauiter atque vtiliter reconden¦dum in memoria quod pro nobis caro eius cruci∣fixa & vulnera∣ta sit. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c.
• Et tamen esse non desimit sub∣stantia vel natu∣ra panis & vini & cert è imago & si••••••itudo corporis & sang∣uinis Christi in actione mysterio∣rum celebrantur
• Caeleste Sacra∣mentum quod verè repraesentat carnem Christi dicitur corpus Christi sed im∣propriè, vnde dicitur suo modo non rei veritate sed significante mysterio vt sen∣sus sit, vocatus Christi corpus, id est significatur Sicut caelestis panis qui Christi caro est suo modo vocatur corpus Christi, cum re¦vera sit Sacra∣mentum corporis Christi ill us videlicet quod visibile, &c.
• a

  Hierom. in 1. ad Corinth: cap: 11.
• Euag. 4. lib. Histo••iae cap▪ 35 Niceph. lib. 17. cap. 25.
• b

  Euseb. libr. 7. cap. 8 August. contra literas Petiliani lib. 9. cap. 30.
• In my Apology for the Lords Supper, ch. 12.
• Epist. ad Boni∣facium, 3.
• Nemo carnem illam manducat nisi prius adora∣uerit.
• Lib. 3. de Doctr. Christ cap 16.
• Credere in eum hoc est mandu∣care panem vi∣vum••qui credit in eum, mandu∣cat eum.
• Fol. 50. pag. 2.
• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c.
• The KINGS Confession. Pope Vrbane the fourth in∣stituted this feast in the yeare 1264.
• Fol 51:
• The KINGS Confession.
• The Answere.
• § Tertio.
• § Quod autem.
• Iam. 3 ••. 1. Ioh. 2.
• Luc. 17.10.
• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• Stipes aereas im∣mo vere & ar∣genteas multis certatim offeren∣tibus finu rece∣pere patulo: nec non & vini ca∣dum & lactem & caseos-auidis animis cor∣radent es om∣nia & in saccu∣los huic quaestui de industria prae∣paratos farcien∣tes.
• Epistola ad Eu∣stochium.
• Bellarm. lib. 2. de Amissione gra∣tiae cap. 18. §. Di∣cet. Non peccat Magistratus si meretricib' cer∣tum locum vrbis ••olendum attri∣buat, quamuis certo sciat eo loco ipsas non bene osuias. Potest e••••n per∣mittere minus malum vt maio∣ra impediantur.
• Ioh. 21.18.
• To sell all that he hath.
• 1. Tim 5.
• Arist. Top. 3.
• Luc. 19.41.
• Pag. 39.
• The cheefe part of this Treasure.
• The second part of this Treasure.
• Ioh. 14.23. Eph 3.17. Gal. 3.27. 1. Cor. 10.26.
• Cypriau. Serm. de Lapsis. Mandant ali∣quid Martyres fieri? Si insta, Si licita &c. Nemo fratres dilectis∣simi, infamet Martyrum dig∣nitatem.
• Violantur viri & faeminae in te∣nebris planè ex vsu tibidimum notes. Et pa∣cem ab his quae∣runt [paenitentes] qui de sua peri∣cletantur. Suf ficit Martyri propria de••icta purgasse. Ingrati velsuperbi est in al os quó{que} Spargere quod pro magno fuerit consecutus. Quis alienam mortem sua soluit nisi so lus Dei filius?
• Ad cuins the∣sauri cumulum beatae genetricis & omnium ele∣ctorum merita adminiculum praestare nos∣cuntur.
• Si quis post gra¦tiam reconcilia∣tionis adeptam: adbuc sit reus luendae paenae temporatis, is non ne essario egetur meritis Christi. Et poteret nou requirere tan∣tem liberalita∣tem contentus ipse laboribus suis.
• Of the distri∣bution of the treasure of the Church.
• In the booke of Indulgences graunted to the Cordeliers printed at Pa∣ris by Iean le Bouc 1597.
• Bulla de Caena Domini de casi∣bus reseruatis.
• The KINGS Confession.
• Fol 51.
• The Answere.
• Boniface 8. au cap. Almamater § adijcimus. De sententia ex∣comm. In Sexto Grego. 9. Tit 39. De sent excomm.
• During the interdiction, none but low Masses are said, the doors being shut, and without sound of Bell.
• The KINGS Confession.
• Gen. 50.25.
• Deut. 34.6.
• Lib. de reliquijs sanctorum cap. 4 §. Ad tertium. Seriptura appro∣bat cultum Se∣pulchri, & fim∣brie Christa, Item vmbrae Petri sudariorum & semicinct••o∣rum Pauli.
• Pag 104 of the Colen Edition Ossa, cineres, pannos, sangui∣nem, sepulera deni{que} martyrum adoremus.
• §. Quod au∣tem. Chrysostem{us} Ser∣mone in Sanctos Iuuentium & Maximum dicit, Tumulos Mar∣tyrum adoremus
• Fol. 55. pag. 2.
• Nullus ad Aegy∣ptum meas per∣ferat reliquias, ne vano corpus honore scruetur. Ne vituperati ritus a me (vt nostis) etiam cir∣ca me seruentur obsequia— Vos igitur humo tegite, vos patris operite corpuscu∣lum. Et illud quoque senis ve∣stri custodite mandatum, vt nemo praeter ve∣strā dilectionem locum tumuli mei nouerit.
• Gaudens autem quae aderat mul∣titudo corpora Sanctorum dili∣genti tradidit sepulturae.
• Cap. 4 de relliq. Sanct. § Dices. Nuaquam est auditum apud Christianos ot a∣liqui sanctorum reliquijs d••uinos honores detule∣rint.
• Plautus Mo∣stellaria Act 2. Vt affigantur bis pedes bis bra∣chia. Irenaeus l••bro secundo cap 42. Vnum in medio vbi requ••escit qui clauis affi∣gitur. Super hanc ta∣bulam tanquam hominis s••antis sacrae affixe sunt plantae.
• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. For there were foure Nayles, Cypriani liber nothus de passi∣one, Clauis sa∣cros pedes tere∣brantibus.
• Inueniuntur ossa inserta catenis, & implicita.
• In cōmentarijs rerum Vindeli∣carum.
• Noui multos esse sepulcrorum & picturarum ado∣ratores. Noui multos esse qui super mortuos luxuriosissimè bi∣bant.
• Membra mar∣tyrum, Si tamen martyrum.
• a

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• See this Story in Nicolas Gilles anno 645. and it is taken out of Turpin.
• Bell. lib. de reli∣quijs cap 4 §. Ad tertium. Scriptu∣ra approbat cul∣tū vmbrae Petri.
• Doctores haereti∣cos maximè do∣ctrinae suae fidem onfirmasse, mor∣tuos suscitasse, de bil••s reformasse, futura significas∣se vt Apostoli crederentur. Nunquid non Africa sanctorū Martyrum cor∣poribus plena est? Et tamen nus∣quam hic scimus talia fieri.
• Quid hoc est quaeso, quod in his extremis tem poribus tam multa de anima∣bus clarescunt quae ante latue∣rant?
• Epistola ad Ri∣parum aduersus Vigilantium. Er∣go Petri & Pau∣li immundae sunt reliquiae?
• Epist. 2 aduers. Vigil. Sanctorū reliquias proijci in sterquilinium: vt solus Ʋigilan∣tius ebri{is} & dor∣miens adoretur.
• Nos autem non dico Martyrum reliquias, sed ne Solem quidem & Lunam non An∣gelos non Arch∣angelos colimus & aaoramus.
• Hoc quiae de Scripturis non habet authori∣tatem pari faci∣litate contēnitur qua probatur. Lib. de Reliquijs Cap. 3. §. Gregor. Lib. de Reliquijs c. 3. §. ex Africa.
• Suborning of counterfait Reliques.
• The KINGS Confession.
• Fol. 57.
• Ios. 22.
• Lib. de pudic. c. 7.
• Lib. 5. byst. c. 21.
• a

  Act 2. Imagines omnium Sancto∣rum beatitas ve∣stra colere & a∣dorare pergat.
• b

  Virginis Mariae Deiparae inteme∣ratae quin etiam gloriosorum An∣gelorum & om∣nium Sanctorum has quoque ado∣randas & salu∣tandas putamus. Qui vero non est ita animatus, sed circa venerāda∣rum imaginū a∣dorationem labo∣rat & dubitat, cum anathema∣tisat sancta & venerāda nostra Synodus.
• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• c

  Vt etiam meo iudicio cum san∣ctis Euāgelijs & venerāda cruce aequi ua••eant.
• d

  Imaginibus a∣dorationem ex hibeant—quem∣admod•• typo ve∣nerandae & viui∣ficae crucis & sanctis Euāgelys.
• Ecclesia sentit nō omnino esse cor∣poris expertes & muisibiles, verū tenus corpore prae dito & aerio si∣ue igneo.
• Imagines Christi & Sanctorū ve∣nerandae sunt, nō solum per acci∣dens vel impro∣priè sed etiā per se & propriè tita vt ipsae terminēt venerationē vt in se consideran∣tur, & non so∣lum vt vicem ge∣runt exemplaris.
• Cap. de Oratio∣ne, Editionis Lo∣naniensis p. 483. Cum ad imagi∣nem sancti ali∣cuius quis Domi∣nicam orationem pronunciat, ita tum sentiat se ab illo petere vt se∣cum oret.
• Tacitus in Iuli∣o Agricola. Pau∣latim discessum ad del inimenta vitiorum porti∣cus & balnea, & conuiuiorum elegantiam. Id apud imperitos humanitas vo cabatur. cum pars ••eruitutis esset.
• Imagines Che∣rubin super arcā existentes neces∣sario adoraban∣tur ab ijs qui ar∣cam adorabant.
• 2. Chron. 12.8. Which is the 4. c. in the greek. And 1. Sam. 7. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Obserue also that S. Austin by the word Dulia vnderstāds not religious wor∣ship, but a ciuil reuerēce, yeel∣ded vnto men aliue.
• b

  ••ct. 4. Quam∣obrem miracula a nostris imagi∣nibus non edun∣tur? cui sanè ita sit resposum. Mi∣racula non cre∣ditib{us} data sunt.
• c

  Lib, de ima∣ginibus cap▪ §. Quid quod▪
• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Act. 19.35.
• Coloss. 4.13.
• There is one also made by S. Luk at Rome in S. Maries in Porticu. Villa∣mont. l 1, c. 14. and one at S. Iustines at Pa∣dua made also by S. Luke.
• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• Matt. Paris in Henrico 3. pag. 279.
• Read M Mare∣scots Booke, concerning Martha B••ossier and the Histo∣rie of Matthew
• Lex coniungens, ne{que}▪ similitudi∣nem corum quae in caelo sunt, & quae in terra, t••to muado e••••smodi artibus inter∣dixit. Hermogenes pin∣git illicitè, nubit assiduè: Legem Dei in tibidinem defeadit, in ar∣tem contemnit, bis falsarius, & Cauterio, & Stylo.
• Luke 8. Matth. 9.
• Temporis enim diuturnitate & obliuione inter∣ciderat, cuius∣nam ea statua formam referret & cuius rei gra∣tia ib•• esset callo cata Quod namque simula∣crum sub dio astaret, non pa∣rum corpus eius est immutatum. & imbres ex su∣perioribus locis limum secum t••ahentes statuae ipsi aggesserant.
• a

  He speakes this because the houses in Capadocia, were couered with Earth, and so are at this day, wit∣nesse Busbeck in his Voyage of Amasia 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• As S. Austin lib 1. de consensu E∣uangelist. c. 10. Lib. 22. contra Faustum cap. 73.
• Thou shalt worship one God alone, and yeeld him perfect loue. Thou shalt not sweare in vaine by God, &c.
• Matth. 5.
• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 &c.
• Imagines quae I∣dola nominant quorum incursio∣ne non solum vi∣deamus, sed etiā cogitemus.
• Frenaeus lib 1. Cap. 23. & 24. Etiam imagines quasdam depi∣ctas, quasdam de reliqua ma∣teria fabricatas habent, dicentes forman Christi factam à Pilato.
• e

  Cur nullas aras habent Christia∣ni? Templa nulla? nulla nota si∣mulacra?
• f

  Quod & A∣drianus facti∣tasse fertur, qui Templa in omni∣b{us} ciuitatib{us} sine simulacris iusse∣rat fieri, quae ho∣die idcirco quia non habent nu∣mina dicuntur Hadria••, quae ille ad hoc pa∣rasse dicebatur. Sed probibitus est as his qui consulentes sacra repererunt om∣nes Christianos suturos siad opta∣tato euenisset.
• a

  Coleban••••••ma∣gines I••••••••••••as adorando & in∣••ensum ponendo.
• b

  Non enim nobis sanctorum cor∣porales vultus in tabulis coloribus vultus in tabulis coloribus effigiare curae est quoniam his opus non habemus, sed politiae illorū virtutum memo∣res essedeb emus.
• Et sanè profe∣cto ista instru∣menta vel vasa quid aliud quam opera manuum hominum? ve∣runtamen nua∣quid os habent & non loquun∣tur? &c.
• Noui multos esse sepulchrorum & picturarum ado∣ratores.
• Placuit picturas in Ecclesia esse non debere ne quod adoratur in parietibus de∣pingatur.
• Cum ergo hoc vidissem in Ec∣clesia Christi contra authori∣tatem scriptura∣rum, hominis pendere imagi∣nem, scidi illud. Et magis dedi consilium custo∣dib••eius loci, vt pauperem mor∣tuum eo obuolue∣rent — Et de∣inceps praecipere eiusmodi vela quae contra reli∣gionem nostram veniunt non ap∣pendi.
• Adonis Chroni∣con. in an 795. Abbas Vspergen∣sis in anno 793. Hinemarus Re∣mensis lib. 20. cō∣tra Episc. Iandu∣nensem. Matth. Westmonasteriēs. in hyst an. 793. Auentinus. An∣nonius Regino, Ʋignier. &c.
• Greg. Epist. 109. ad Serenum E∣pisc. Massilien∣sem & lib. 9. E∣pist. 9.
• Petrus Pithoeus in praefatione in hystorias Miscel∣las à Paulo Aqui∣legiensi Diacono collectas. Nuper adm••d••m nostri homines imagi∣nosi esse coeperūt.
• The KINGS Confession.
• a

  Imagines patris & Spiritus S. effigiant quod perquam absur∣dum est.
• b

  Nec id ipsum quod sed••re pater dicitur, flexis po∣plitibus fieri pu∣tandum est. Ne in illud meida∣mus sacrilegium, quo execratur Apostolus eos, qui commutaue∣runt gloriam in corruptibilis Dei in similitudinem corruptibilis ho∣minis. Tale en m simulacrum Deo nefas est Christi∣ano in templo collocare, multo magis in corde.
• The KINGS Confession.
• Luke 8.
• Luke 11.28.
• Coëff. fol. 65.
• Gretseri notae in orationes de cru∣ce, pag. 601. Hanc orationem neque in Augu∣stana bibliotheca reperimus, neque aliunde nancisci potuimus.
• Sapienter Hele∣na egit quae cru∣cem in capite re∣gum leuauit, vt crux Christi in r••gibus adoretur.
• Illum qui sicut Scarabeus cla∣mauit vt perse∣cutori•• s••is pec∣cata donaret.
• Helena regem a∣dorauit nō lignū vti{que}, quia Gen tilis est hic error & vanitas im∣piorum.
• Crux enim pisius columna est ge∣neris humani. In ipsa columna ae∣dificata est do∣mus eius. Ego crucem dico, non lignum sed pas∣sionem.
• Hoc apud nos su∣perstitiosae quaedā mulierculae facti∣tant in paruulis Euangelijs & in crucis ligno & istiusmodi rebus (quae habēt qui∣dem zelum Dei sed non secun∣dum scientiam.)
• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• Thomas 3. parte. Quaest. 25. Art. 3. Alexander. 3. part. quaest. 30. art. vltimo. Caie∣tanus in Thomā 3. part. quaest. 25. art. 3. Bonauen∣tura. Marcellus Almain Carthu∣sianus, Capreo∣lus in 3. dist. 9. Henr. Quod li∣betico 10. q. 6. Namclantus in Epist. ad Rom. cap. 1.
• §. Ad quartum. Omnes cruces a∣doramus quia omnes sunt ima∣gines verae cru∣cis.
• Ambros. de obi∣tu Theodosu Theodor. Histor. Lib 1. cap. 18 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• The KINGS Confession. Iubilees, In∣dulgences, Sa∣tisfactions for the dead, &c, Lib. 2 de Purg. cap. 7.
• Iohn 14.
• In the seuenth chap. and se∣cond booke of Purgatory.
• This is clearly expounded in the Tridentine Catechisme in the chap. of penance.
• Iacobus de Rampont Car∣melitarum prae∣sentatus, & Me∣tensis Carmeli a∣lumnus disputa∣uit has Theses sub auspicijs sa∣pientissimi Do∣mini nostri Bar∣tolomaei Girart Nauarrici.
• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• Coeffet. fol. 71. pag. 2. They are pur∣ged from their vncleannesse which hindieth them from en∣tring into Pa∣radue.
• Fol. 71. pag. 8.
• Non exigens sup∣plicium de pecca¦tis, sed ad futura not corrigen.
• Fol. 70. pag. 2.
• Fol. 71. pag. 1.
• See the Consti∣tutions of Cle∣ment, lib 8. cap. 18. Offerimus pro ys qui tibi placuerunt à se∣culo pro sanctis Patriarchis, Prophetis, &c.
• Damascen saith the same of Falcouilla, a Hea••hen wo∣man deliuered out of hell by the prayers of the first Martyr
• Thom. in 4. Dist. 45. quaest. 2.
• The Reader shall note, that in this place where the two letters N N are, the Priest doth softly name some persons decea∣sed, for whom their parents haue payde.
• Libera Domine de morte aeterna in die illa tre∣menda. Quando caeli mouendi sunt & terra. Cum vene∣ris iudicare sae∣culum per ignem Trèmens factus sum, &c.
• Lib. 1. Sacrarum Cerem. Sect. 15. cap. 1.
• Absolue quaesu∣mus Domine a∣nimam famuli tui N. ab omni vinculo delicto∣rum vt in resur∣rectionis gloria inter san∣ctos & electos tuos resuscilatus respiret.
• About the end of the booke.
• Constituimus omnem animam apud inferos se∣questrari in di∣em Domini. Quae infra ter∣ram iacent ne{que} ipsa sunt digestis & ordinatis po∣testatibus vacua. Locus enim est quo piorum ani∣mae & impiorum ducuntur, &c. Omnes in vna communique cu∣stodia detinentur donec tempus adueniat quo maximus iudex meritorum faci∣at examen.
• Sub ara id est subterra.
• Haec humanae lex necessitatis est, vt sepultis corporibus ani∣mae ad inferos descendant. Quam descensi∣onem Dominus ad consummatio∣nem veri homi∣nis non recusauit
• Post vitam banc paruam nondum eric vbi erunt sancti quib. dicetur venite benedicti. Non∣dum ibis eris, Quis nescit? Tempus quod in∣ter hominis mor∣tem & vltimam resurrectionem interpositum est animas abditis receptaculis con∣tinet, &c.
• They who o∣mit Pope Ioane, doe rec∣kon this Iohn for the 22.
• Iustos cum indi cauerit Deus ig∣ni eos examina∣bit. Tum quorum peccata vel pon∣dere vel numero proeualuerint perstringentur atque amburen∣tur.
• Igne purga∣buntur filij Leui, igne Ezechiel, ig∣ne Daniel. Sed & bi etsi per ig∣nem examina∣buntur dicent tamen. Transi∣uimus per ignem & aquam.
• Omnes opor tet transire per flam mas siue ille Io∣hannes Euange∣lista siue ille sit Petrus &c.
• Emundatio quae nos Sancti Spiri∣tus sanctificet aduentu: Iudicij igne nos deco∣quat.
• An cum ex omni otioso verbo ra∣tionem simus prae stituri, diem iudicij concupis∣cimus in quo no∣bis est inde fessus ille ignis obeun∣dus, inquo sube∣und a sunt graui∣a illa expiandae a peccatis animae supplicia? St in iudicij se∣ueritatem capax illa Dei vir go ventura est, desi∣derare quis aude bit à Deo iude∣cari?
• Ex his quae dicta sunt videtur eni∣dentius apparere in illo iudicio quasdam quo∣rundam poenas purgatorias su∣turas.
• Significatur isto igne dies iudicij dirimens carna∣les per ignem jal∣handos, & igne damuandus.
• Ne{que} pati quic∣quam potest ani∣ma sola sine sta∣bili materia id est carne. And in his booke, de Testimonio a∣nimae cap. 4.
• Animam vero per se separatim ignis nunquam attigerit, nec te∣nebrae quidem ei molestoe fuerint vt pote quae ocu∣lis caret.
• — Atque idcirco consen∣taneis his consi∣derationibus & ratiocinationib{us} compellimur ad comprobandam resurrectionem mortuorum.
• Cum anima à corpore euellitur statim aut in Paradiso pro meritis bonis collecatur, aut certè pro peccatis in infer∣ni Tartara prae∣cipitatur. Nec est vll{us} vlli medi{us} locus vt possit esse nisi cū diabolo, qui non est cum Christo
• Tertium penitus ignoramus, immo nec esse in scrip∣turis sanctis in∣uenimus.
• Pol. 71. pag. 2.
• Nos vero etiam in hac quidem morrali vita esse quasdam poenas purgatorias cim∣fitemur, non ijs qui affliguntur quorum vita non inde fit melior, vel pol{us} inde fit peior: sed illis sunt purgatoriae qui illis coerciti corriguntur.
• The KINGS Confession.
• Luke 22.25.
• Iohn 14.26.
• Matth. 18.18.
• 1. Cor. 5.4.
• Act. 15.22, 23.
• 1. Cor. 1.12.
• Galat. 2.
• Gal. 1.18.
• Bellar. de Rom. Pont. lib. 1. c. 17.
• Libello aduersus haereses.
• Fol. 74.
• Epist. 32.
• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• He so calleth the Bishop of Rome.
• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• Ioannis hostes a∣pud Constantino∣polim hanc rem quasi in contu∣meliam eius im∣perij fieret ca∣lumaiati sunt, & vt illi tanquam transmarini im∣perij turbator s ablegarentur ef∣f••cerunt. tum etiam vt ipse Io∣b••na••s etiam vl∣te••••us, P••••y••a∣tem scilicet, exu∣latum transfer∣retu•• pro. ura∣runt.
• Lib. 3. cap. 7.
• Tamen indignati sunt se posteriores ideo ferre quod magnitudine Ecclesiae supera∣rentur, id{que} cum virtute & vi∣uendi instituto longè superiores essent.
• Scribunt literas Faelici tum Ec∣clesiae Romanae Antistiti, & Cle∣ro eiusdem Ec∣clesiae, vti Liberi∣um recipiant & ambo pariter Ecclesiam Apo∣stolicam admini∣strent.
• Vt primae sedis Episcopus non appelletur Prin∣ceps Sacerdotum aut summus Sa∣ce••dos aut ali∣quid huiusmodi, sed tantum pri∣mae sedis Epis∣copus.
• n="*" Nolite conce∣dere ne fumosū typhum seculi in Ecclesiā Christi v deamur indu∣cere.
• Domine frater.
• In the 20. chap¦ter of my Apo∣logie for the Supper of the Lord.
• Quod si & ab cis prouocandum putauerint non prouocent nisi ad Affricana Concilia, vel ad Primates pro∣uinciarum sua∣rum, ad Trans∣marina autem qui putauerit ap∣pellandum à nullo intra Af∣fricam in com∣munione suscipi∣atur.
• Nisi forte Ro∣manam sedem appellancrit.
• Et vt apud Ale∣andriam & in vrbe Roma ve∣tusta consuetudo seruetur, vt vel ille Aegypti, vel hic suburbica∣rum Ecclesiarum solicitudinem gerat.
• Socrates lib. 4. cap. 9. Domino fratri & collegae nostro.
• This is the Ti∣tle of the three first Epistles.
• Sozom. l. 7. c. 16. Socrat. lib. 5. cap. 19.
• This Epistle is found in the 1. Tome of the Councels, in the page 461. of the Collen Edition.
• These letters are found in the 1. Tome of the Councels, in the p. 484. of the Collen E∣dition, and in Theodoret, lib. 5. cap 9.
• Deus vos fitij reuerendissimi conseruet in••o lames.
• n="*" This is the 23. Epistle of Leo.
• Omnes mansue∣tudinem vestrā cum gemitibus & lacrymis sup∣plicant sacerdo∣tes? generalem Synodum iubea∣tis intra Italiam celebrari.
• Cum Episcopatus Romanus non a∣liter at{que} Alexan∣drinus quasi ex∣tra sacerdotij fi∣nes egressus ad secularem prin∣cipatum erat iaw ante delap∣sus.
• n="a" Dilecto fratri Tharasio genera∣li Patriarchae.
• n="b" Gregor. in Re∣gistro l. 4. Epist. 32. & Epist. 24. & Epist. 36. & Epist. 38. & li. 6. Ep. 30. Ad Mau∣ricium &c.
• This is the 65. Canon of the Apostles.
• Fol. 77. & 78.
• Fol. 76.
• Hoc erant vti{que} & caeteri Apo∣stoli quod Petrus pari consortio praediti & hono∣ris & potestatis, sed exordium ab vn••tate profici•• cit••r v•• ••••••••••sia vna monstretur.
• Fol. 78. pag. 2.
• At dicis super Petrū fundatur Ecclesia licet id ipsum in alio loco super omnes Apostolos fiat, & cuncti claues regni coelorum accipiant, & ex aequo super eos Ecclesiae fortitu∣do solidetur••sed vnus eligitur, vt capite constituto seismatist ollatur occasio.
• Nee Petrus quē primum Domi∣nus elegit, & super quem aedi∣ficauit Ecclesiā suam, cum secum Paulus de cir∣cumcisione dis∣ceptaret, postmo∣dum vindicauit sibi aliquid inso∣lenter aut arro∣ganter assumpsit vt diceret se primatum tenere & obtemperari à nouellis & po∣steris sibi potius debcri.
• Fol. 80.
• Cap. licet. titulo 2 de Constitutioni. in 6.
• Titulo. 2. de Constitutionib. cap. licet. in 6.
• Stephani errorē denotabis — inter caetera, vel su∣peruacanea vel ad rem non per∣tinentia, vel sibi ipsi contraria, quae imperite at∣{que} improuidè scripsit.
• Romanam fidem Apostolica voce baudatam istius∣modi praestigias non recipere.
• in hoc habetur detestabilis quod Liberium Roma∣nae vrbis Episco∣pum pro fide ad exilium pergen∣tem primus solli∣citauit, ac fregit & ad subscripti. onem haereseos compulit.
• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• Tomo 1. Concil. p. 431. Ingressus Liberius in vibē 6. Nonas Augu∣sti consensit Con∣stantio haeretico —& perse∣•••• utio magna fuit in vrbe Roma.
• Potest dici Pon∣tificem ex igno∣rantia lapsum esse.
• Si Papa suae &•• fraternae salut s negligens innu∣merabiles popu∣les secum ducit primo mancip io gehennae, cum ipso plagis multis in aeternum va∣pulaturos, huius cu pas istic repre∣hendere praesu∣mit mortalium nullus. &c.
• Fol. 85.
• Can. Sacrosācta. Cephas id est ca∣put & principiū.
• 1. Pet. 2.
• Quod si super v. num illum Petrū tātum existimas aedificari totam Ecclesiam quid dicturus es de Io∣hanne filio toni∣trui & desingulis Apostolis. Omnibus Aposto∣lis & omnib{us} per fectis fidelib{us} di∣ctum videtur. Petra Christus qui donauit A∣postolis suis vt ipsi quo{que} petrae vo∣centur Tu es Petrus, &c.
• Ʋnica est faelix fidei p••tra, Petri ore confessa.
• Super hanc ergo petram quam confessus es aedi∣ficabo Ecclesiam meam. Petra e∣nim erat Christus Quid est supra hanc petram ae∣dificabo Ecclesi∣am meam? Su∣per hanc fidem Super id quod di¦ctum est Tues Christus fili{us} Dei viui. Bellar. lib. 1. cap. 10. § Addo Au∣gustinum ex sola ignorantia He∣breae linguae de∣ceptum esse.
• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• Super hanc con∣fessionem robora ta est Ecclesia Dei & fidem.
• Super hanc petrā id est super meipsū qui signi∣ficor per petram aedificabo Eccle∣siam meam.
• Putas soli Petro dantur à Christo claues coelorum & nemo ali bea torū accipiet cas? Si autē cōmune est inter omnes quod dicitur, da∣bo tibi claues reg ni coelorum, quo∣modo non omnia quae superius sunt dicta ad Petrum omnium videan∣tur esse commu∣nia?
• Vos ô Sancti & beati viri ob fidei vestrae me∣ritum claues regai coelorum & ligandi & soluen d••ius in terra adepti.
• Audi dicentem Tibi dabo, &c. Quod Petro di∣citur Apostol's dicitur.
• Cum & illud v∣nus pro omnibus dixerit, & hoc cum omaib. tau∣quam bersonam gerens ipsius vni∣tatis acceperit. Ideo vnus pro omnib. quia vni∣tas est in omnib.
• Tom. 3. Concil. pag. 416. per quos Christiani sumus qui claues regni coelorum haben∣tes quodommodo ante diem iudicij iudicant.
• Quod ex verbis Domini facile intelligere possunt, quibus beato Petro cui{us} vicem indigni gerimus ait Quaecunque liga ueris &c.
• Cap. 9. Ipsi sunt Ianitores quibus claues datae sunt regni coelorum. Fol. 84. p. 2.
• See the Bull de caena Domini which is of ca∣ses reserued to the pope.
• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• Cum dicit Petro amas me? pasce oues meas, idem dixit & caeteris.
• Redditur negati∣oni trina confes∣sio, ne minus amori lingua seruiat quam ti∣mori, &c.
• Act. 18.11.
• n="*" They which were the cheef brought no∣thing vnto it.
• Coeff. fol. 89.
• n="*" The apostles and the Elders & brethren, to the brethren that are of the Gentils in Antiochia.
• Coeff. fol. 90.
• See Crysostome vpon chap. 1. to the Gala∣thians.
• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• Petrum solum nominant & sibi comparat quia primatum ipse accepit ad fun∣dandam Eccle∣siam, se quo{que} pari modo ele∣ctum vt prima∣tum haberet in fundandis gentis um Ecclesijs.
• And a little af∣ter. Vt dignus esset habere primatum in praedicatione gentium sicut & habebat Petrus in praedicatione Circumcisionis.
• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• Ipse ergo Paulus Apostolorum Maximus, qui sciret multos esse &c.
• Coeff. fol. 93.
• 2. Cor. 4.
• Sueton. in Domi∣tiano cap. 13. Dominus Deus noster fi•• fieri in b••••. Martialis l. 5. Epig••. 8. Edi∣ctu•••• Dom ni D••••{que} nostri.
• Sedes, Dei, id est sedes Apostolica
• Sigonius lib. 9. Populum diuisa per vicos pecunia ad ador andum inuitant.
• See this Cere∣mony descri∣bed in the first booke of the Ceremonies Sect. 1. cap. 6.
• Satis euidenter ostenditur à secu∣lari potestate nec solui prorsus nec ligari pontificem quem constat à pio principe Con∣stantino quem longè super{is} me∣morauim{is} Deum appellatum, cum nec posse Deum ab hominibus iu∣iudicari manife∣stum sit.
• Extra de Maio∣ritate & obed. Titulo 33. cap. Per tuas.
• In retributionem iustorum salutis aeternae pollice∣mur augmentum
• Extrauag. de immunitate Ec∣cles. Tit. 22. Capi∣te Quoniam in 6
• § Ac ne fortè.
• Imperium San∣ctitatis verstrae. Papa Sacerdos & Rex.
• Liber sacrarum Cerem. l. 2. sect. 1
• Paulo 5. Vice-Deo Christiani orbis monarch.
• Pontifex scilicet Maximus Epis∣copus Episcopo∣rum dicit, ego & moechiae & for∣nicationis delicta poenitentia fun∣ctis dimitto. O e∣dectum cui ascri∣bi non potest bo∣num foctum.
• It was the cu∣stome of the ••••omanes to write ouer their Edicts B. F. Bonumfactum, a good deed. Sueton. in Iulio cap. 81. & in Vitellio cap. 14. Plautus Poenulo. Banum factum edicta vt seruetis mea.
• Si quia dixerat Petro Dominus, super hanc pe∣tram &c. id cir∣co praesumis & ad te deriuasse soluendi & alli∣gandi potestatem qualis es euer∣tens at{que} commu∣tansmanifestam, Domi••••, intenti∣onem personali∣ter hos Petro conferentem?
• Fluic Concilio in∣terfuere in Epis∣copis qui sedes te∣nebāt Apostolicas Macarius Hie∣rosolymorum Antistes, &c.
• Hoc crant vti{que} & caeteri Apo∣stoli quod Petrus, pari consortio & honoris & pote∣statis, sed exor∣dium ab vnita∣te proficisc it ur vt Ecclesia vna monstretur.
• Eusebius in his Chronicle saith, that Pe∣ter and Paul died the yeare of our Lord 69. and that S. Iohn dyed at E∣phesus in the yeare 101.
• Clemens Iacobo fratri Domini Episcopo Episco∣porum.