Ptōchomuseion [sic]. = The poore mans librarie Rapsodiæ G.A. Bishop of Exceter vpon the first epistle of saint Peter, red publiquely in the cathedrall church of saint Paule, within the citye of London. 1560. Here are adioyned at the end of euery special treatie, certaine fruitful annotacions which may properly be called miscellanea, bicause they do entreate of diuerse and sundry matters, marked with the nombre and figures of Augrime. 2.

Hic sequuntur Miscellanea Prelectionis sextae.

Deus. God. 1.

GOd is named of the Latines Deus, whom the Grecians cal 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, of his readynes in succouring, bicause he neuer lacketh, and absenteth himselfe, when he is called vpon of mortal men, but at al times, and in al pla∣ces doth help and preserue them. Likewyse Plato & his Interpreter Proctus be of this minde, that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is deriued 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, of running. But they do not refer that run∣ning vnto the presence of the helpe of God, but vnto some other thing. For when men sawe the Sunne, Moone, and the Stars, yea the whole heauen it selfe, to be alwaies moued, and to run about, they thought thē to be gods. Some ther ar which would haue it to be deduced 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is of feare, for feare & religion do perswade men, that ther is a God, according vnto this saying of Statius. Primus in orbe deos fecit timor, Feare first of al made Gods in the worlde. Other say, that it commeth 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which signifieth: I see or behold, bicause God doth behold and vew althinges. It may be that the Latines haue for¦med their woord Deus God, of the Greeke word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. But some thyncke Deus commeth of dando, that is, of geuing, bicause god geueth al things vnto al men. So he is called of the Hebrues Schaddai, as one y^t suffiseth vnto him selfe, and lacketh nothing, but hath sufficient of all good and necessary things for al men. Other wyl haue God to be called of the La∣tines Deus, of deesse, to lacke, bycause ther lacketh nothing vnto God.

Quid sit deus. What God is.

Simonides a Poet very famous for his learning and wisdome, being demaunded of Hiero king of the Siracusanes, what God is: first that he might pronounce some certainty of so hidden a matter to be discussed, he desired the space of one whole day, to be geuen vnto him to try his wits, and to beate his braines about it. Vvhen this day was ended, Simonides being asked againe the day following of Hiero, what he did thinke that God was. He required two daies more of deliberation to be geuen him. After this maner the time being spent to no purpose, Simonides alwaies desiring his daies to be doubled, when Hiero marueiling asked him, for what cause in al this time he gaue him no answer vnto his question: be∣cause (saith he) how much the more I consider, ponder, and searche the matter, so much the more hard, obscure and hidden it seemeth to be. By this example we are taught, not to be curious in searching and boulting out the arcane misteries of the diuine godhed, vnto the which the imbe∣cillity of mans wit cannot reach & attain. For it is a vain thing to desire to know these things which a man cānot compas. Caelestial things are in∣comprehensible, and impenetrable vnto mortall creatures. God is to be sought with faith, & not with reason. Reason is of no power in diuine things, wher ther is nede of a sincere faith and purity of the mind. As the eye is daseled at the beames of the son, so is the sharpnes of the mind dul¦led & dismaied at the contemplacion of the diuine maiesty, wherof thou maist perceiue diuers through an vnsaciable curiosity to attain to know¦ledge & wisdome, to haue fallen into detestable errors. Vvherfore since we are preserued by the onely faith in Christ, & not by the strong opini∣ons of the philosophers, & by the mistical speculations of the diuine na∣ture, I thinke it better, & more safely for a christian man to be ignorant of somthings, then to be ouer wise, for as in al other things, so in the stu∣dy of wisdome a meane is to be praysed. And they that are ouerwise, are cōmonly most folish, wheras a christen man ought rather to endeuour to liue wel, then to clime to high, in matters passing his reache.

Of repentaunce. 2.

EVpolis the sonne of Nitias emperor of Athens in the first night of his mariage, died, being slain together with his new married wife, with the fal of his chamber wherin he lay. Vvheras there happeneth nothing more certaine & sure vnto vs, then death, yet ther is nothing more vncertain, then the kinde of death. Vve ought to geue all diligence and endeuour, least that if the Lord, when we litle thinke of it, shal call vs out of this mortal and short life, he finde vs careles and vn∣ready, for thei are disceiued which deferre and prolong the amendement of their life, vntil they be old, then beginning to liue wel, when they must

geue ouer their life and all together. For who can promise vnto himselfe, that he shal liue from morning to night?

Viuimus incerti, nec quos lux crastina casus, Adferat humano pectori nosse datur.

Our life is nothing permanent, vncertaine and vnsure, What mortal man can say, my time to morrow shall endure?

It is therfore our part, that we thinking euery day to be the last daye of our life, should so liue dayly as though we should die to morrow. For the soldiour of Christ ought alwaies to be in a redines, and to be prepa∣red vnto euery chaunce which shal happen, being not ignoraunt how he was borne a mortal man, & that no man in this often change of mortal things, cā liue lōg. They haue nede of this herb called Helleborus, which being like vnto Mydas and Sardanapalus, & blinded with the desire of riches & pleasure, do promise vnto them selues the yeares of Nestor or Mathusela. For if the strength and ability of man, how soeuer it be este∣med, be wayed in a iust balaunce, O mercifull God, what stedfastnes, what certainty, what safety shall a man finde? He shall see rather all things to be most frail, friuolous, doutful & vaine. Ther is nothing more brickle than man, nothing more vnstable and more slipper. The which thing (except they had ben mad) mē might haue learned by this commō prouerbe, Homo bulla, that is: Man is but a boubble of water: by the which being warned, it might be, that they would not so greedely gape after riches, nothing profiting a christian life, neither would they geue them selues so much to riot and surfeting, by the which a great part of men do hasten their own death before their time, but would vse some meane, & so cōming vnto a better mind, would cal to remembraūce that they shoulde once die. Vvherof I knowe not whether the iust anger of God be more greuously prouoked, thā euē thā when it doth come to passe (as it doth oftentimes) that they which neyther obey Gods com∣maundement, neither are moued by mans example, wickedly and disor∣derly spending the whole course of their life, become wise at the last, but to late & to their great euil and destruction. I know, that a long talk of death is nothing plausible vnto such as set their felicity in the worlde. Yet the truth is not to be kept in scilence. Verely a christian death is most agreable vnto christian men, which happeneth vnto no man, vnles a christian life go before. For it is vnpossible that he who liueth lyke an Ethnicke continually, should die like a christian, neither if a man lyue christianlike but for a time, he shal be sure of a christian death, except he continue in thys lyfe, and so end in the same. For herein lyeth all the matter, howe and in what sorte wee departe oute of thys lyfe. Vvher∣by thou mayest perceiue howe perilouslye wee lyue, as oft as beyng cir∣cumuented

w^t the engines of the deuil, either allured by the entisementes of the world, leaue our duty, and the office of our religion vndone, wher∣as no man is free from death, and no man is sure of life, no not for a mo∣ment of time. For no man doth know the end of his daies, nor the houre of his death, before it be at hand.

Quo minime remur, mors trux nos tempore mactat. At what time man doth litle know, Death slayeth him wyth her mortall bow.

VVe are set vpon vnwares, and we are beaten downe sodeinly, no le∣gate being sent to require againe our spoile, and without sending of any embassadour to take a leage of truce VVherfore, since that al our salua∣tion consisteth in this point, that we die christianlike, and we cannot die christianlike, except we liue like Christians, and we cānot liue like chri¦stians, except we despise the world, and passe our life, according to the prescript rule of Christ. It doth follow of necessity, that if we wil be par∣takers of the saluation of Christ, whatsoeuer Christe hath commaunded vs, this onely we follow, this onely we obserue and embrace, finally, that we expresse this, both in our wordes and dedes, being nothing carefull what the world doth either iudge speake, or determine of vs. For they which wil please the world, and also serue Christ, they are far out of the way. Vvherfore, Athanasius writeth worthely, and like a faithfull pa∣stour of the Christian flocke. Haec est voluntas Christi, vt quisquis ipsi adhereret, nihil prorsus afferat secum seculi hui{us}, neque terrenarum re∣rum cura teneatur, sed sola crucifixi cruce glorietur, eāque ferat & noc∣tu pariter & interdiu curam eius & solicitudinem gerat. This is the wil of Christ (saith he) that whosoeuer leaneth vnto him, he bring nothing with him of this world, neither that he be led with the care of earthlye things, but y^t he glory & reioyce onely in y^e crosse of Christ crucified, & beare that crosse, carieng the care & loue of it in his minde, both night and day. Finally, it is the propertye of man to erre, it is the propertye of man to offend, and it is the frailty of man, through the instinction of the deuil to fal many times into most horrible and damnable sinnes, but to growe in vice, and to wax old in wickednes, it is not the property of mā, but of a most wicked, careles, & damnable reprobate. Vvherefore, sin∣ners ought to repent, & they must repent in time, least while we be to much stifnecked, and to long obstinate, death sodainly & vnwares come vpon vs (as it happeneth often times) preuenting vs of our intent & pur∣pose. For ther is no smal accompt to be made what maners, & what kind of life he shal vse, and what maner of death he dieth, that is once regene∣rate vnto Christ by baptisme. Neither the sodaine chaunge of a naughtie purpose, and an alteration of the whole life ought to be a shame vnto any man, which is done to a good end.

Neither it ought to repent any man of his enterprise, if he change vncer∣taine things, for certain, small things for great, euell for good, temporall for eternall and euerlasting. VVhat is more certayn, than the diuine pro∣mises? what is better than the kingdome of God? what is more eternall than the heauenly felicitie: which no yeares, no time shall ende.

Obiectio.

But man perchaunce will say here. How shall the promises of Christ be certayne? how can they be but doubtfull, which hitherto were neuer yet exactly proued, nor could neuer yet by reason or sense be vnderstood? VVhiche we are bid to looke for through bare hope onely, without any tast or feeling of them. Of the whiche promises, if Christ would put vs in a surety, by geuing vs some tast of his promised felicitie, no man would re¦fuse to take any paynes, yea to wade through fire and water (as they say) to enioy this benefit.

Responsio.

First, whatsoeuer thou art that doubtest, know that it is one thing to beleue, and an other thing to know. It is not geuen vnto any mortal man, to know the rewardes whiche are prepared for them which runne in the Christian course striuing for the best game, the whiche rewardes, what soeuer they be, we beleue them to be such and so excellent, that they can not be comprehended by mans sense, nor vnderstanded by mans wit, for the aboundaunce, of Gods plentifull goodnes farre excedeth all worldly felicitie. furthermore, it hath so pleased the eternall wisedome of God, that the meane to attayne to our saluation should consiste in faith onely, and not in knowledge, and that all nations should be saued by fayth and not by science.

Also, consider that God hym selfe hath promised these eternall re∣wardes vnto vs, and how that he is trew and the truth it selfe, and that it is vnpossible for him to be false and deceiptfull. VVaigh this, and thou canst not doubt. To be short, except thou geue credite vnto the worde of God, and vnfaynedly beleue his sayings, although thou were Christened, yet it shall litle preuaile thee.

Children.

IT was the maner and custome of certaine Philosophers of In∣dia called Gymnosophistae, to call their schollers vnto them euery day a litle before supper, and to demaunde how euery man had profited that day. They whiche were commended for their diligence & industrie, were permitted to take their supper, but the other sorte as idle drones wer expelled out of the dores with ignomi∣nie and shame, to do some seruile labour and worcke. Maisters ought to be carefull, that their schollers may appeare to excell and to be good, as∣well

in mynde as in toung aswell in dede as in worde. For true vertue that is Christian faith which onely openeth vnto men the way vnto eter∣nall saluation, is alwayes doyng and full of good worckes, not onely consi∣sting in prayer, but also in the exercise of godly dedes proceding from a pure harte and deuout mynde vnto God. It is a good thing and much com¦mendable of all men to speake well, but to do well it is much more excel∣lent and more godly. VVith a wise and eloquent talke we winne vnto vs the mindes of men, we turn them, entise them, & procure their beneuo∣lence. But with godly doynges and mete for Christian religion we winne vnto vs God him selfe, and we shall receiue of him an inestimable re∣warde, that is the felicitie of the heauenly kingdome whiche shall neuer haue ende, but endure for euer for although what soeuer good thing we do, it commeth from God, in so much, that accordyng to the saying of the blessed martir Saint Cipriane. Nihil habemus de quo velut nostro glo∣riemur. &c. we haue nothing of the which we may glory (as of our own) and therfore our iustification and saluation is to be imputed vnto fayth onely, and not vnto our worckes, yet notwithstandyng God him selfe doth ascribe his gifts vnto all that beleue in him, and doth alwayes most aboundantlye rewarde them as thoughe they were oure owne. It is not one thing therfore to say well and to do well, but there is difference betwixt wordes and dedes both in younge and olde. VVherfore it is the part of them which be Magistrates, and such as haue regard of the com∣mon wealth, to appoynt vnto scholes of learning graue men, and men as∣well vertuous as eloquent, whiche may teache such thinges as are not af∣ter to be repented, and to be vntaught agayne, whiche shal not onely forme and frame their toung, but also shall instructe the maners and mindes of the youth vnto the prescript and rule of the Gospell. finally, whiche aswell by their owne example as by their preceptes, may instille and poure into their tender and simple minds the loue of Christ, and the true vnderstandyng of Christian religion. for in a common wealth well ordered, and no lesse beautified with good and godly Citizens as with wealth and riches, the chief treasure ought to be the schole of good litera¦ture Aristotle hath this sētēce, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, y^t is. It is no smal matter for a mā to be taught this way or that way from his youth, but it is a great matter, yea ra∣ther it is the whole matter. It is learnedly written of Aristotle and very aptly, for there are among childrē which may in time to come gouerne a cōmon wealth, well, if they be well taught, euell, if they be euell brought vp. And it is y^e part of a wise Magistrate not onely for the present time to prouide for the common wealth, but also for the time to come, for men are made, by industrie, and not borne by nature good and profitable citi∣zens.

And maisters do absolue and make perfect (such as are vnperfect∣ly begon of nature) by erudition and doctrine, for learning doth adde the best part of man vnto man, if that it beyng applied in due time happen vpon a toward wit and a disposition voyde of filthines.

The Grecians haue a very pithie saying, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, he that is ignoraunt and vnlearned, seith nothing although he haue eyes. For this cause, I thincke it good to follow the example of the Persians a∣monges whome there are certaine selected and chosen out of the nombre of the elders, to gouerne & instruct their youth, and such as they thincke will bryng them vp most vertuously, as Xenophon Socrates scholler ma¦keth mention in a noble worcke of his entituled Cyri Paedia, the institu∣tiō of Cyrus. farthermore if these things following be accōpted a praise vnto Cities, and an ornament and a profite vnto the same, as a rich trea∣sure, broad & depe dikes, strong and high walles, how much more better & more profitable is it to haue lawes circūspectly & wisely made? how much more rich, beautiful & happy are Cities to be iudged, if they haue aboundance of good & lerned men, if they be adourned w^t a great nomber of Citizens, being indued w^t good disciplines from their childhood, for the true riches, y^e true firmament and strenght, also the defences, & the true ornaments, and aides of a common wealth, do not consist in the treasure house, not in trenches and walles, finally not in armour and weapons, but in the wisedome, vertues, and true pietie of the Citizens, for the Citizēs are the best walles. &c. towers, munitions and ornamentes and also the riches of a Christian Citie: so that they be sobre, fearing God, followers of the Gospel, and instructed in Gods word. Other wise what treasure is rich enough? what trēches are depe enough? what wals ar strōg enough? what lawes are wittily enough made, vnto wicked and foolish Citizens? The Prophet Dauid sayth. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. VVherfore diligent hede is to be taken that children be so instru∣cted wherby they may waxe most vertuous and godly,* 1.1 and that shalbe very profitable both for them selues and for the common wealth, for not the earthly, but the eternal wealth and health ought to be the onely scope vnto all Christian common wealthes health, whiche can be purchased by none other meanes or arte than through fayth and the obseruation of the preceptes of Christ.

Felow seruaunt. 4.

SAint Iohn writeth in his reuelation how, he fell downe before the fete of the angel to worship him, but the angell sayd, see thou do it not, for I am thy felow seruaunt. This place maketh much against our aduersaries, who do stoutly defēd, that we ought to worship,

to pray and call vpon aungels and saintes in our prayers. But that their reasons may be the better knowne,* 1.2 I will recite all their obiections and argumentes, and will also make aunswere vnto them. First I will aun∣swere to the testimonies whiche they alledge out of the Scriptures, and after that to the authorities whiche they bryng out of the fathers and Doctors.

Obiectio prima.

* 1.3Iacob sayd, the aungell whiche hath deliuered me from all euel, blesse these children, and let my name be named vpon them, and the name of my fathers Abraham & Isaac. In this testimonie they vrge two things: The first is, that Iacob doth confesse him selfe to be redemed of the aungell, and that the aungell doth blesse. The second is, that he saith, and let my name, and the name of my fathers be named vpon them: for that is as much as though he had sayd, They shall call vpon my name and the name of my fathers.

Responsio.

VVhere they say, that the aungels blesse vs, and pray for vs, and be the defenders and kepers both of men and of kingdomes, agaynst that, I had leauer bring the aunswers of fathers, then mine owne reasons. Saint Austen writeth thus. Quaecunque miracula siue per angelos. &c.

what soeuer miracles are done, either by y^e angels or by any other meanes from aboue, commending and setting forth vnto vs the honour and reli∣gion of God onely, in whom is euerlasting life, it is to be beleued of them whiche loue the aungels (according vnto truth and godlines,) that those miracles are wrought of them and by them, by Gods operation working in them. And a litle after he saith. And when the aungels here vs, God him selfe hereth in them as in his true Churche, not made with handes. And agayne he writeth,* 1.4 If any aungels desire Sacrifice, let them be pre∣ferred whiche serue not them selues, but God the creatour of all thinges: for by this they shew, what a loue they beare towarde vs, when by Sacri¦fice they would make vs subiect, not vnto them selues, but vnto hym, through whose contemplation they are happie, and they desire to bryng vs vnto him from whom they neuer departed.

Although this be sufficient to aunswere to al the obiections touching angels, yet for perspicuities sake I will adde this distinction. That which is proper and pertayning onely vnto the Lord, is attributed vnto the an∣gels, Vt remotiori cauiae, as to Gods messengers and Ministers, for as it is written in Exodus:* 1.5 Nomen meum est in medio illius. and what other thing is this to say, but that which the angel doth, he doth it by my name, by my vertue, commaundement, and power. Saint Stephen sayth in the Actes of the Apostles,* 1.6 when fourty yeares were expired, the aungell of

the lord appered vnto him (Moses) in the mount Sina, & a litle after he saith: Et facta est vox Domini ad eum: And the voyce of the Lord sayth vnto him, I am the God of thy fathers, the God of Abraham, the God of Isaac, and the God of Iacob. Here ye may see, that he called him God, whom a litle before he called aungell, because he meaned that the angell did that which he did, in the name and commaundement of God. To this appertaineth that place, where it is said, that the aungell of the Lord de∣liuered the Citie of Hierusalem, when he slew of the host of the Assiri∣ans an hundred foure score and fiue thousand men.

Agayne the aungels in many places did beare the type, and did signi∣fie the Lord, wherupon saith Austen: Clamauit ad eum Dominus de ru∣bo, dominus in Angelo, an dominus Angelus ille, qui dictus est magni consilii angelus, & intelligitur Christus, that is. The Lord cried vnto him out of the bushe, whether it were the Lorde in the aungell, or that aungell was the Lord, who is called the aungell of the greate counsell, and is vnderstand Christ?

This you may see, that deliueraunce, & redemption & such like ar at∣tributed in the Scriptures vnto angels, for they be attributed for Christ, and in Christ. So in this place, for asmuch as benediction was promysed vnto Abraham, Iacob could not better expresse the faith of his mynde, than with these wordes: the aungell whiche hath deliuered me from all ill, blesse these children. He vnderstode the aungell of the great coun∣sell, the Lord Iesus, who is benediction, saluation, rightousnes and the sanctification of his people.

Obiectio secunda.

In the Prophet Zacharie, the aungel of the Lord is sayd to complaine, and to be greeued for the exile of the people of Israell, yea and to pray vnto the Lord to haue mercy vpon the people.

Responsio.

In that place is a figure, whiche is called, Hypotiposis, or, Suffigura∣tio, & est schema in quo persona, res, locus, tempus, aut aliud quippiam tum scribendo, tum dicendo ita verbis exprimitur, vt cerni potius ac co∣ram geri, quam legi, aut audiri videatur. Such sightes are often geuen to the Prophetes, and they are brought forth, not as true histories, or as formes and playne examples to teach and shew the thinges, as it were be∣fore the eyes. Micheas prophecieng before the kings Achab and Iosaphat, cried out saying: I saw the Lord sit vpon his throne, & al the host of hea∣uen stode by him, on his right hand, and on his left hand. And the Lord sayd, who will entise Achab, that he may go and fall at Ramoth Gilead, and one sayd on this maner, and an other said on that maner. Then there came forth a spirit, and stode before the Lord, and sayd, I wil entise him. And the Lord sayd vnto him: wherwith? and he said: I will go out, and be after

a false spirite in the mouth of all his Prophetes. Then sayd the Lord: thou shalt entise him, and shalt also preuaile, go forth, and do so. &c. Nowe, this was not done in deede in such sort, as the Prophet describeth. But it is, Hypotyposis, a figure to shew forth a mater before the eies, as it wer done in deede. For who will gather of these wordes of the Prophet, that God did communicate with spirites? and to vtter his decrees one after an other, after the maner of men? It is sufficient, if by a certaine collation or comparison, we vnderstand by this suffiguration, God to be angrie with Achab, and therfore purposed by iust iudgement, and by lyeng Prophets to bring him to destruction, which would not geue eare to the truth.

So in the Prophet Zacharie it is sufficient to vnderstand, y^t God did shew (Hypotyposi quadā) that he had pitie of his people, which had ben greatly afflicted & punished, & y^t nowe he purposed to bryng y^t scourge vpō y^e barbarous natiōs. VVhen he might haue spokē this thing plainli, he had leuer vse the scheme (Hypotyposis) for an enargy or plain euidēcy. They therfore be ignoraūt of y^e phrases of y^t scripture, which will gather by such figures the patrocinie & aide of saintes. The prophet speaketh in this place of y^e mercy, y^e helpe, & the iust iudgemēt of God, & nothing of y^e assistāce or helpe of saints. Let vs therfore worship & call vpō the Lord whiche is the Lorde of Angelles, and the Lorde of all men. VVhē Iohn fel before the feete of y^e angell, he heard y^e angell say: Vide ne feceris, see that thou do it not, for I am thy felow seruaunt, & the felow seruaunt of thy brethrē, the prophets, and of al thē which kepe the words of this booke, worship, and pray vnto God.

As for the latter part of the obiectiō, which is this: Inuocate nomē meū super eos, let my name be called vpon thē, and the names of my fathers A∣brahā and Isaac. I aunswere y^t dolts & vnlearned asses vnderstand not the maner of speach in y^e holy tong, & therfore, Ex falso colligūt falsum. The sense of those wordes is this: Iacob adopted Iosephs sonnes, Ephraim & Manasses into y^e nōber of his owne childrē, that w^t thē they might en∣ioy equall porciō of inheritaūce. Therfore saith Iacob, they shall haue my name, & not y^e name of my son Ioseph, they shalbe called Iacobs childrē, & not the sons of Ioseph, nor they shalbe called y^e nephewes of Iacob, but y^e sons of Iacob. Now sir, frame your argument out of these woordes for y^e praing to saints: They shal bear the names of Iacob, Ergo they must pray to Iacob. Guppe with a gald backe, & stūble no more.

The like phrase, is in y^e prophet Esay, wher the womē cry, saying: Panē nostrū comedem{us}, et vestimētis nostris operiemur, tātū modo inuocetur nomē tuū su{per} nos, & aufer opprobriū nostrū In y^t day (saith y^e prophet) shal vii. womē take hold of one mā saying: VVe wil eat our own bread, & we wil wear our own garmēts, only let vs be called by thy name, & take away our reproch. That is, be y^u our husbād, & let vs be called thy wiues for they thought it to be a reproch, to be w^tout an head & husbād. And I

pray you, who wil gather of these wordes, y^t men must call vpon women?

The Prophet meaneth no more, but that there shalbe such a slaughter of men, that seuen women shall striue and desire one man to be their hus∣band, and to be called his wiues, and to be named after his name, as wo∣men in these dayes be called after their husbandes names.

Obiectio. 3.

Moses in his prayer sayth: Recordare Abraham, Isaac & Israel seruo∣rum tuorum, quibus iurasti per temetipsum. Remember,* 1.7 O Lord Abra∣ham, Isaac and Israell thy seruauntes, vnto whom thou hast sworne by thy selfe. &c. Behold (say they) Moses prayeth for the people, and pray∣eth by the name of the holy Prophetes which were dead. Ergo. &c.

Responsio.

Herein they betray their ignoraunce, which obiect this for the profe of intercession to saintes, because Moses cried vnto the Lord Recordare dn̄e patrū nostrorum. &c. As though that it were equiualente vnto this saying, holy Abraham pray for vs, or forgeue vs our sinnes, or bryng to passe by thy prayers, that god may forgeue our offēces. But Esay writeth a farre other thing, and cleane contrarie vnto their doctrine, saying: Vbi est zelus tuus & fortitudo tua? &c, where is thy zeale and thy strēgth? O Lord, the multitude of thy mercies and compassions,* 1.8 they are restrayned frō me, doubtles thou art our father, though Abrahā be ignoraunt of vs, & Israel knoweth vs not, yet y^u, O Lord art our father & our redemer, thy name is for euer. Moses did not inuocat thē, whō he knew assuredly y^t they wer ignorant of him, but he doth cal vpon god y^e father, & onely one redemer, putting him in remēbrāce of his promises. For he saith in plaine wordes: Recordare seruorū tuorū. &c. Remēber thy seruaunts vnto whō thou hast sworne by thy self, and saidest vnto thē. &c, for this cause he sayd. Remēber our fathers, because God had sworne vnto them, that he would be the God of their seede. Of y^e which promise he putteth god in re∣mēbraūce in this place. And to this appertaineth that which god himself speaketh in Exodus, Dn̄s deus patrū vestrorū. &c. The Lord god of your fathers, y^e god of Abrahā, the god of Isaac, & y^e god of Iacob sent me vnto you, this is my name for euer, & this is my memoriall frō generatiō to ge∣neratiō. VVherefore god would be so called & so prayed vnto, y^t is, to be put in remembraunce of his promises, not for him self, but for our sakes, and maketh this for praying to saintes.

Obiectio. 4.

VVe read in the booke of the kinges. Ego {pro}tegā ciuitatē istā, dicit dn̄s, vt saluē eā propter me, & Dauid seruū meū.* 1.9 I will defend this citie (saith the Lord) that I may preserue her for my seruaunt sake. Is it not mani∣fest (say they) that god spareth sinners for the merites and prayers of the Saintes, and that whose countreis and Cities are preserued through their ayde? as in this place (for Dauids sake.)

Responsio.

VVe answere, that the citie & kingdome of Hierusalē was spared for gods sake, & for our sauiour Christs sake, for the prophetes called Christ Dauid by this figure Antonomasia.* 1.10 The lord speaketh in Ezechiel. I wil raise vp ouer my shepe a shepheard, which shal feede thē, which is my ser¦uant Dauid. He shal feede thē & shalbe their shepheard, and I the Lord God wilbe vnto thē as a God, and my seruaūt Dauid chief in the middle of thē. I the Lord haue spokē. The like place is in Ieremie. None of all the interpreters haue expounded these places otherwise thā of Christ.* 1.11 And the Euāgelist S. Iohn doth proue thē to be meant of Christ. Therfore the Lord spared the kings citie, because of Christ our Lord, whō it behoued, to haue ben famous in Hierusalē, and his name & doctrine to be spread throughout the whole world.

Obiectio. 5.

* 1.12They bring this place out of Iob. Voca obsecro, est ne aliquis qui respō¦deat tibi? & ad aliquē sanctorū cōuertere. VVe are commaūded opēly (say they) to turn vnto some of the saints in our tribulatiōs, as it appeareth in this place.

Responsio.

Iob did contend, that trouble and aduersitie doth not alway come for sinnes sake, which he proueth by his owne example. The Lord (saith he) hath cast me into this calamitie, not by the reason of my wickednes, but through his owne good will, now his aduersaries, and especially Eliphas doth reply and say, that God punisheth none but for sinne, yea & that al men be sinners, and none cleane in the sight of God. VVherby he touched (as he thought) Iob. As thogh he should say: name thou any one mā if thou can, liue he neuer so holy, which hath not deserued miserie and payne for his sinnes. Thou canst shewe none, for it is impossible to finde any such. This is the very meaning of this place. And I pray you, what maketh this for praying to saints, which is the way to Lōdon a poke full of Plummes. Again this Hebrue word Kedoshim, signifieth those properly, which ar separate & clean frō the inquination & abhomination of the Gētils, the holy men that liue here, & not the saintes in heauē. Certayne learned mē to take away y^e ambiguitie of the wordes, do call the saintes in heauē Cae∣lites, whiche they call in the Hebrue Abbidim, and the holy men which lyue vpon the earth they call Sanctos, whiche they call in the Hebrue Kedoshim, but these wordes be vsed sometimes indifferently.

Other doo expounde this place after this maner. Eliphas doth rebuke Iob of impacience, and sayth, no iust man doth, or hath done as Iob doth, that is, spurne, murmure, & grudge against God in his dolours & paines both the senses are good.

Obiectio. 6.

* 1.13It is writtē in the Apocalips, that when the angell had taken the boke, the foure beastes and the foure and twenty elders fell downe before the Lambe, hauing euery one harpes, and golden vialles full of odours, which

are the prayers of the saintes. Howe say ye, is not here mention made of the prayers of Saintes?

Agayne in an other place it is said: An other angell came, and stode be∣fore the altar, hauing a golden censer, and much odours was geuen vnto hym, that he should offer with y^e prayers of all saints vpon the golden al∣tar, whiche is before the throne,* 1.14 what can be spoken more playne than this for the proufe of praying to saintes?

Responsio.

For the first place it may be answered, that there is the figure Synec∣doche: for prayer doth consiste of two partes: Inuocation, and thākesge∣uing, as it may be proued by S. Paul to the Philippians. Now we do inuo∣cate, when we desire any thing to be geuen vnto vs of God, but we rēdre thanks, whē we praise and celebrate God and his holy name, for his bene¦fites already geuen. And that the Apostle Iohn meaneth this last, and not the first, it is euident by these wordes folowing. Canūt canticū nouū di∣centes. They sing a new song saying. Thou art worthy to take the booke and to open the seales therof, because thou wast killed, and hast redemed vs to God by thy bloud, out of euery kindred and tongue, and people and nation. And I beseche you, what maketh this for the intercession vnto Saintes? It is no good consequent, this man doth prayse God, therfore I must call vpon this man. Nego argumentum.

For the second place, here is no other thing sayd, but that the angell and the elders praysed God together. Yet S. Austen examining this place, doth say, that this angell is Iesus Christ, hauing the golden censer, that is his holy body, for he was made the censer, out of the which God receiued a swete sauour, and he is made gracious vnto the world, because Christ offred him for a swete sauour. The angell tooke the censer and filled it w^t the fire of the altar, that is, God tooke a body y^t is the Church, and fulfil∣ling his fathers will, filled it with the fire of the holy Ghost.

Obiectio. 7.

Baruch sayth in his prayer.* 1.15 Domine deus Israel audi nunc orationem mortuorum Israel. O Lord God of Israell, here now the prayers of the dead Israelites, loe, heare Baruch desireth god to here the prayers of thē, that be dead. Ergo, Saintes do pray for vs.

Responsio.

Baruch in this place doth not speake of thē which are deade and depar¦ted this worlde, but of the wicked liuers, who although they lyue in the world, yet before God they are dead. And this phrase is often vsed in the scriptures, as in y^e Gospell where Christ saith, let the dead bury the dead.* 1.16 And S. Paul speaking of the widow saith. Vidua in delitiis agens, viuēs, mortua est. A widow liuyng in wantonnes, being aliue is dead. Baruch

speaketh here, of sinners whiche were yet liuyng.

Other do expoūd it after this sort, as Lyranus, whose wordes be these. Audi dn̄e orationē sanctorū patriarcharū & prophaetarū qui viuētes ora∣uerunt ad te pro bono statu posterorū. Here (Lord) the praiers of the ho¦ly patriarches and prophetes, who when they lyued did pray for the good state of their posterity, as though he should say: O Lord haue a regarde to that prayer, which they made vnto thee when they wer aliue.

Obiectio, 8.

* 1.17Iudas Machabeus saw plainly with his eies Onias, which was the high Priest, & Ieremy the prophet, to pray for the people of Iurie, Ergo. &c.

Responsio.

This is but a certain vision and dreame, by the whiche it was represen∣ted, as by a certaine figure, that the Lord would not forsake the prayers of the Iewes. If this place should proue the intercession of saints, then Iu∣das would haue cōmended him self to the prayers of Onias and Ieremias, but he conuerting vnto God onely, cried & prayed (whē he was in great distresse & daūger) after this sort. O Lord, thou that diddest send thine angel, in the time of Ezechias king of Iuda, who in the host of Sennache∣rib, slew an hundred foureschore and fiue thousand, Send now also thy good angell before vs, O Lord, for a feare and dread vnto thē. And let thē be discōfited by the strēght of thine arme, which come against thine holy people to blaspheme. This prayer was made vnto God and not to Onias or Ieremy the Prophet.

Agayne of what authoritie is the second booke, of the Machabees to cō∣firme any doctrine? truly of none, as both S. Hierome, Cypriane, Austen and other do declare, but of these bokes I haue spoken sufficiently before.

Replicatio.

Origenes doth alledge this booke, for the confirmation of praying to saintes. His wordes be these. Sed & omnes sācti qui de hac vita discesse∣runt habētes adhuc charitatē erga nos qui in hoc mūdo sumus, si dicātur curā gerere salutis eorū & iuuare eos praecibus suis, at{que} interuētu suo a∣pud deū, non erit inconueniēs. Scriptū nā{que} est in libris Machabaeorum. Hic est Hieremias prophaeta dei, qui sem{per} orat pro populo, that is, al the saintes whiche are departed out of this life hauing charitie and loue to∣ward vs whiche be in this world, it is not inconuenient, if they be sayd to take some regarde of our health and to helpe vs with their prayers and intercession with God, for it is written in the booke of Machabees. This is Hieremie the Prophet of God, which alwayes prayeth for the people.

Responsio.

* 1.18Bruno Amorbachius a mā of incōparable learning doth doubt of these homilies which goeth in Origenes name, for he supposeth many things to be in thē whiche shew, that they be not the workes of a Graecian but of a Latin man, and what matter is it if they wer Origenes own, shall the au∣thoritie

of man be of more force with vs than the authoritie of the holy Scriptures? God forbid. Agayn, of what authoritie the booke of the Ma∣chabees is, it is declared Satis superque.

Obiectio. 9.

It is written in the Psalmes. Laudate dominum in sanctis eius, praise God in his saintes, Ergo, saintes are to be prayed vnto.

Responsio.

If this phrase were formall, prayse God in his saintes, Ergo, praye to saints, than this kind of reasoning were good also. Praise God in y^e sound of trōpet, in cimbals, in harpe. &c. Ergo, we must pray to trōpets, to cim∣bals & to harpes. O coraebos, ô Terebynthos, ô melicides, ô sues Baeoti∣cas, & pallade viduas.

Obiectio. 10.

The spirite doth make intercession for vs accordyng as the Apostle teacheth, therfore Christ onely maketh not intercession.* 1.19

Responsio.

Paul speaketh not of any intercessour in heauen, but of the spirite of man praying in this world, whiche beyng incensed and illuminated with the spirite of God, doth sigh and make intercession, the words of the A∣postle are euident and playne.

Obiectio. 11.

VVe read in the scriptures of the prayers of angels, and that they offre vp the petitions of the faithfull vnto the sight of God: therfore Christ a∣lone doth not pray & make intercession for vs, but the aungels & saints also.

Responsio.

VVe deny this to be a good consequent, for the scriptures do teach, that the aungels ar ministring spirites, & their office requireth to offer onely our prayers, as ministers, vnto the sight of God. But the scripture doth not teache that they make intercession for vs, or that men are heard through aungels, but through Christ, who maketh intercession for vs, and for whose sake our prayers beyng presented vnto God the father, are acceptable vnto him. If that any man will affirme the same of the blessed spirites of the saintes and holy fathers, and will fourme his argu∣ment, A simili, let him first proue, that the soules of saints ar made mini¦stryng spirites, but this cannot be proued. And although it could be pro∣ued, yet this doth not argue, that the saintes in heauen are intercessours for men here in earth, for neither y^e aungels them selues are therfore in∣tercessours, because they offer prayers of men vnto God.

Obiectio. 12.

The Saintes are ioyned with vs in charitie, and because the spirites of them dwelling in heauen, haue a loue vnto vs liuing on the earth, in the respect of this loue and charitie they pray for vs.

Responsio.

They that thus dispute, reason besides, and contrary vnto the Scrip∣ture,

for although we gladly graunt, that the saintes in heauen are not without charitie, yet this charitie in the heauenly Citizens hath not this nature, nor these offices now, whiche it had once vpon the earth. O∣therwise we shoulde attribute many fonde absurdities vnto them, as though they should either suffer or do such thinges, whiche in dede they neither suffer nor do, whiles the saintes liued on earth for the nature of their charitie, they sorowed, reioyced, and prayed with vs, and for vs. Now, whereas they haue put of this corruption, and haue forsaken vs, they liuing with God in heauen, do not know our doynges, nor are moued with any earthly affections. They knowe that we are very well prouided for, without their helpe. They perceyue that the saluation of man is so wrought, that they them selues rest from their labours, and reioyce in Christ, vnderstandyng that Christ is the onely intercessour for men ly∣uing in miserie, because he is omnipotente and knoweth all thinges, and y^t he is neuer moued or weried, nor is ignoraūt of any thing, but doth exe¦cute and performe most perfectly al parts of an intercessour. They know this glory to pertayne onely vnto the sonne of God, and therfore they do not take this honour vpon them, that they should make them selues in∣tercessours in the stead of Christ, for this charitie of God doth farre ex∣cell the charitie of man toward his neighbour.

Obiectio. 13.

They do obiect, that the Saintes do not pray for vs after such a sort as Christ doth, which is the onely mediatour, but after that sort as they wer wont to pray for their brethren when they were vpon the earth.

Responsio.

It doth not folowe, they did this liuyng in the worlde, Ergo they do the same nowe in heauen, neither can it be proued by Scripture, that the Saintes pray for vs in heauen. VVherfore then should we beleue doubt∣full and vncertaine doctrines, for true and certaine? But let vs graunt that the Saintes pray for vs in heauen, as certaine of the fathers haue written, yet it doth not folow, that we should pray or call vpon them. For it is well knowne what Saint Austen writeth. Gentiles diis suis & templa aedificauerunt & statuerunt aras. &c. The Gentiles erected Chur∣ches vnto their goddes, they builded them aultars, they appoynted them priests & ordained sacrifices. But we do not build churches vnto our mar¦tyrs as vnto gods, but ordain memorials as to dead mē, whose spirits liue with God Neither do we erect aultars, vpon the which we may sacrifice vnto martyrs, but wee offer sacrifice vnto one God, beinge both the God of the martyrs and also our God. At the whyche sacrifice, the martyrs are named in their place and ordre, as menne of God, who ouercame the world in professing of his name. But yet they are not called vpon of y^e Priest y^t doth y^e sacrifice, because he is gods priest & not theirs.

But the sacrifice it selfe is the body of Christ, which is not offered vnto them, for they are the same them selues. Thus farre Augustin manifest∣ly declaring, that the saintes are not to be inuocated, bicause sacrifice doth appertaine vnto God, and not vnto the saints. The same Augustine writeth also in his booke De cura pro mortuis gerenda, these woordes. Ibi ergo sunt beatorum spiritus, vbi non vident nec cognoscunt quaecun¦que aguntur in hac mortali vita. The spirites of Saintes be there where they neither se nor know what things be done in this mortal life.

Obiectio. 14

They obiect, that the church for the space of many yeares hath inuo∣cated saintes, and that the church cānot erre, wherfore, the church doth not erre in teaching the inuocation of saintes.

Responsio.

VVe answer, that the church doth not erre, as long as she heareth the voice of her husband and pastour, but when she despiseth the words of her pastoure, and followeth her owne decrees and inuentions, shee doth erre and is deceiued. The whole churche of the Israelites, wyth the high priest Aaron, and the Elders of the people erred, when neglec∣ting the law of God, they worshipped an image for god with daunsing & singing, contrary to Gods will. And the Israelites wer not excused from errour and sinne, bicause they did not cut downe their groues and hyll aultars in long time.

Replicatio.

The saintes being called vpon, haue holpen vs sundry tymes, ther∣fore they ought to be called vpon.

Responsio.

It somtimes taketh luckie successe, which is done against gods word. But who would inferre of this, that to be therfore good and commenda∣ble, which is instituted against the word of God? Vvho would say, that it is good to spoile and rob the innocent in battail, bicause the bloudy sol∣diours do prosper and are enriched oftentimes by war? The Gods of the Gentiles also semed to heare the petitions of such as prayed vnto them. But ought therfore the Gods of the Gentiles to be prayed vnto? God forbydde.

I conclude therfore, that the woorde of truth pronounced out of the mouth of God, doth teache vs to call vpon his name, by the interuenti∣on of Iesus Christ. Neither can we reade of any of the old or new Testa∣ment (of whom the scipture maketh mention) that euer praied vnto any saint, or vnto any Patriarche or Prophet being deade, nor vnto anye of the Apostles or their Disciples, but vnto god onelye through Christe. Vvherfore let vs stedfastly beleue, that to be the most perfect and surest doctrine, which biddeth vs to call vpon god alone through his onely be∣gotten

sonne, and that God doth require this thing of euery man, whom we cannot please, except we obey him.

Now folow the obiections which they bring out of the fathers.

Questio.

First, they alledge the example of the most holy Emperour Theodo∣sius, of whom Ruffinus writeth thus. Circumibat cum sacerdotibus & populo omnia orationum loca.* 1.20 &c. That is: He went with the priests and the people, about al the places of praier, laye prostrate before the shrines and tombes of the Martyrs and Apostles, and made intercessi∣on to the saintes, to send him sure helpe.

Responsio.

VVe do not reade in al the holy scripture, that any of the kinges did prostrate them selues before the tombes or shrines of the saints, and as∣ked helpe of the dead,* 1.21 for they al cried: Auxilium meum a domino, qui fecit coelum & terram, My helpe is from the Lord, who hath made both heauen and earth.* 1.22 Againe, Dominus custodiet te ab omni malo, domi∣nus custodiet animam tuā, The Lord wyl keepe thee from all euyll, the Lord wyl keepe thy soule. Also, Dominus custodiet egressum tuum, & ingressum tuum a modo, et vsque in seculum. That is: The Lorde wyll keepe thy going out, and thy comming in, from henceforth world wyth∣out end.

Furthermore, Ruffinus wordes seme to importe the intercession of the sayntes vpon earth: for the Emperour semeth to haue gone about al the Oratories, in which the congregation of holy men were gathered, & to haue desired their harty commendations and prayers to God, that he would graunt him victory, and safely defend the Empire, for the safe∣gard of many.

* 1.23That place of Ruffinus confirmeth this other sentence, wher he wri∣teth thus: Interea Constantinus pietate fretus Sarmatas, Gothos, alias∣que barbaras nationes. &c. That is to say: In the meane time Constanti∣nus the godly Emperour, subdued the Sarmates, Gothes, and the other barbarous nations, sauing them that preuented peace, either submitted them selues to god, so much the more did god subdue al things vnto him. He sent also letters to Antony the first Heremite, that he would make supplication to the Lord for him and his children. And by this meanes he desired to commend him self to god, not onely by his own merites, and by the deuout religion of his motber, but also by the intercession of the Saintes.

Loe, in what signification he taketh the intercession of saints, nor ther is any great cause why we may not interprete the place of Theodosius to meane the intercession of the saintes,* 1.24 liuing here in earth.

But, as touching that Theodoretus writeth, that Iohn and Philip the

Apostles appeared to the Emperour Theodosius, it semeth to haue bene the like vision to that which is sayd to haue happened to Iudas Macha∣beus, for Iudas was instructed by that vision, that he should haue the vic¦tory, and not that he should inuocate and cal vpon O••ias and Hieremi, whervpon, he called vpon God, and not vpon saintes in present daunger. Euen so also the vision of the Apostles did shew vnto Theodosius, that the victory should be geuen vnto him of God, whom he called vpon, and not the Apostles, when he saw his armies turned & said: Tu omnipotens deus nosti. &c. That is: Almighty God thou knowest, that I haue takē in hand this battel to reuenge Christe, for thy sonne his name, if it be other¦wise, then take reuengmēt vpon me. But if I came hether for a probable cause, trusting in thee, stretch forth thy right hād to thy people, least per¦aduenture the Heathen do say, where is now their God?

Vnto this sentence, that also belongeth, which saint Augustine testi∣fieth of this most holy Prince, how that he did put al his trust in God, as the onely safegard, being most sure and stedfast.

Obiectio. 2.

They do greatly commend and set forth the felicity of them that haue worshipped the sayntes, and the misfortunes of them that haue neglec∣ted the worshipping of them.

Responsio.

The Lord sayth by the prophete Oseas: Fornicata est mater vestra, quia dixit, vadam post eos, qui me amant, et dant mihi panem et aquas. &c.* 1.25 That is: Your mother hath committed fornication, bicause she said, I wil go after them that loue me, and geue me bread, water, wool and flaxe, oyle and drinke, & she knew not that I my selfe gaue her corne, wine, & oyle, and that I augmented her siluer and gold, which she made for Baal. Therfore I wil be turned, and wil take my corne in his time, and my wine in his time, and I wil violently take my wool and flaxe, and wil cause all her ioye to cease, I wil also destroy her vineyards and figtrees, of whom she said: These ar my marchādizes, which my louers haue geuē to me. &c

By these words we vnderstand, how greatly it displeaseth God to sai, that we receyue external felicity and goods of the Gods. For as god onely geueth all thinges aboundantly, so he alone wilbe knowen and taken for the geuer. He calleth that fornication, which these men call deuotiō. God hath coupled our soules vnto him selfe by the bonde of wedlocke, that we may depend of hym alone, euen as the spouse dependeth of the husband.

Than we commit fornication, when we say, that we haue receiued the gifts geuen vnto vs of God, being our husband, of other louers, that is, of other Gods.

It is God that geueth all things necessary for our life, meate, drinke,

clothing, and moderate recreations, not that we should bestow them vp∣on Gods, and vpon their idols, but that we should occupye them, and be thankful to the Lord being the geuer. But these idolaters said: these are our wares, which our louers gaue vnto vs. But our aduersaries say: we haue receiued these gifts by the bountifulnes of God, but yet by the me∣rites of the saints. Some men forgetting God, do thinke, that they haue receiued al things by the benefite of the saints. But the Lord saith to both these sortes: Propterea conuertar, & accipiam frumentum meū. &c Therfore I wyll be turned, and wyll take my corne. &c. For he threa∣teneth barrennesse, so that our aduersaries proue nothing by their ob∣iection.

VVe must rather beleue the Prophet, entreating of true felicitye, and saying thus: Beatus vir qui timet dominum, & in mandatis eius complacet sibi valde.* 1.26 Potens in terra erit semen eius, generatio recto∣rum benedicetur. &c. That is: Blessed is the man that feareth the Lord, he hath great delight in his commaundements. His seede shalbe mighty in earth, the generation of the righteous shalbe blessed.

Obiectio.

It is a very auncient custome to inuocate the Saints. For not to speake of many other things, hath not the East and west Churches, for these many yeares prayed and songe: Sancta Maria ora pro nobis, Omnes san∣cti, orate pro nobis. That is. Holy Mary pray for vs, All saintes, pray for vs. Is not the Letany a very old inuention of the fathers? It is not like to be true, that so many holy & learned men, yea the whole church haue erred so many yeares in praying to saints.

Responsio.

Ther is nothing proued by antiquitie, which the authoritie of the scriptures hath not first approued, and beautified. The scripture tea∣cheth many examples and precepts of praying and inuocating God, ney∣ther yet hath it any precept, promise, or euident example of inuocatinge the saints. And if antiquity can do any thing at this present, vndoubted∣ly we haue the victory, which antiquity teacheth, that god only in christ is to be inuocated. For this is the most auncientest doctrine which far excedeth that opinion of inuocating the saintes.

The Letanie was found out long after the Apostles time, neither any auncient father mentioned one word of it. Durandus saith, that the Le∣tany is deuided into a greater & a lesser.* 1.27 The greter is vsed in the feast of saint Marke, and was inuented of saint Gregory. The lesser, which is the elder, was inuented at Vienna, of Mamerus the bishop, when Zeno was Emperour. The first was ordained about the yere of our Lord .490. The latter was instituted in the yere .590.

It is called in Greke, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and signifieth supplication, in which the Gentiles made their vowes, and offred their giftes to the Gods.

But seing that al antiquity hath made their vowes onely to God, by Christ Iesu, and haue offred their spiritual gifts to God onelye, let these men take heede with what spirit they were inspired to institute y^e Leta∣nies, in which the glory onely due to Christ, is cōmunicated to the saints. For the auncient Catholicke Churches of the East, and of the west, by the space of .500. and .600. yeres & more, praied onely to god by christ.

Therfore, they that are pleased with a new doctrine and late institu¦tion, let them haue in reuerence the Letanie inuented by certain priuate men, and deliuered to the churches, without the authority of the scrip∣tures. I iudge Christ onely to be folowed, which sayd:* 1.28 Quaecunque petie∣ritis patrem in nomine meo, dabit vobis. That is: Vvhatsoeuer ye shall aske of my father in my name, he wil geue it vnto you.

Let them not obiect vnto vs the errours of so many yeares. For they haue that old time which inuocated God by Christ onely, they haue the scriptures, that is, the Canonicall verity, which they ought woorthely to beleue. This verity confuteth all the sayinges that our aduersaries wyth great stoutnes obiect against vs.

Furthermore, Helias being but one and alone, set him selfe agaynst many hundreds of Balaams priests. Christ being but one, put himselfe a∣gainst the whole assembly of Priests and Pharisies. The Apostles being but few in number, and going through the whole world, had against thē the religon and custome that was vsed in many yeares, the rites of coun∣tries, the iudgements, wordes, and doinges of very wise, deuout, and righ¦teous men, as they were counted.

But I pray you, why taught the Apostles true things, and the other¦wise worldlings, false things? Ye shal not finde the cause by external, but bicause what soeuer the Apostles taught, they taught it by the will of God, according to his woord, & the other fetched their doings frō men,* 1.29 of whom it is written: Omnis homo mendax, All men be liars.

Obiectio.

They say, that ther is a certain order with God, wherby men do come by inferiour meanes vnto the highest, and that is by saintes, to god him∣selfe, euen as in earth by the princes frends, men come to the prince him selfe. Againe they say, it is an impudency if any man, being a sinner, doo forthwith thrust himselfe before the sight of gods maiesty. It is a point of humility, when we commit our selues to God by intercessours.

Responsio.

VVe do graunt, that ther is an order and certeine rule with God, by the which our praiers are commended vnto him. For first the faythfull

commend them selues vnto God by praying one for an other, and they doo also beleue, that al their praiers are accepted of God by Christ, & by faith in his promise, which he made to receiue our peticions. This order to be with God, the scripture testifieth.

But we do not knowledge that order which our aduersaries haue in∣uented and made of their own heads, that is, that we ought to commend our praiers, first vnto saints, as to intercessours, which may bring them in the end vnto God.

Other being foolisher and more phantastical, inuenting a foolish and much more vaine thing, haue fained that sinners doo make supplication vnto saintes, which sayntes after doo entreate the virgin Marye, and that she shewing out her brests, doth besech her sonne, which at the last taketh al the cause vpon him, and than that he shewing his woundes, cō∣meth before his father, of whom at the length he obtaineth the petiti∣ons of them that pray. But out of what scriptures wyl they proue these dreames? Doo they not here paynt foorth God to be an hater of man. God destroye suche wycked blasphemers, wyth all their degrees and payntinges.

The scripture setteth forth vnto vs in all pointes, God to be a louer of man, and to be a most mercifull father. And God the Sonne, in the Gospell of saynt Iohn, saith plainly: Non dico vobis quod ego rogatu∣rus sim patrem pro vobis,* 1.30 Ipse enim pater amat vos, quia vos me ama∣stis, & credidistis quod a deo exiuerim. That is: I say not vnto you that I wyl pray the Father for you, for the Father him selfe loueth you, by∣cause ye haue loued me, and haue beleued that I proceeded from the fa∣ther. By the which woords, nothing is derogated from the Priesthoode of Christ, for otherwise it appeareth that he is our aduocate, whych ma∣keth intercession for vs vnto God the father. But the fauour of God the father is shewed towardes the faithfull, and that we are ioyned to God the Father by Christ, so that we aske in the name of Christ, and beleue in him.

To be short, the Lord monisheth vs, that we neede not to imagine grosly, that our sauiour sitteth at the right hand of God the father wyth bowed hammes, nor to vse any vocal talke, for the vertue & merite of Christ our reconciler, is alwaies in the sight and presence of the father.

Concerning the similitude by the which they iudge that men come to God by the meane of saintes, euen as a man commeth to his Prince by one of hys frendes, we say, that it is not simile, but dissimile, For the Lord saith in Esay:* 1.31 Non sunt cogitationes meae, cogitationes vestrae, ne∣que viae vestrae, viae meae. That is: Your thoughtes are not my thoughtes, nor your waies, be my wayes.

If the similitude and authority of man preuaile so much with them,* 1.32 why doth not that place of saint Ambrose preuail, which writing against the Gentiles, defending their error with almost like argumentes, sayth thus: Solent misera vti excusatione, dicentes, per istos posse ire ad deum, sicut per comites peruenitur ad regem. &c. That is: They are wont to vse a miserable excuse, sayinge, that men maye go vnto God by the saintes, euen as they come vnto the king by his Lords and officers. But is a man so mad or so forgetful of his own weale, that he will geue the kinges ho∣nour to the officer? If any be found to entreate after this sort they might rightly be condemned of treason. But these mē do not thinke them selues to be gilty, which geue the honour due vnto God, to a creature, and forsa¦king the Lord, do worship their felow seruauntes, as thoughe it is some∣what a greater thing then to serue God. For men go vnto the king by of∣ficers and waiters, bicause the king also is a man, and knoweth not to whom he may commit the gouernmēt of his realme. But to deserue that we may go vnto God, which knoweth althings, and all mens merites, we nede none intercessour, but onely a deuout minde.

Furthermore, these shameles men call the constaunt and holy confi∣dence of faith, impudencie: but if in the torments of sinne it be an impu∣dency to go first vnto Christ, then was the sinfull woman in the Gospell an impudent woman, which going to the feast,* 1.33 fel not at the feete of Pe∣ter, Androw, or Iohn, but she lay prostrate at the Lorde Iesu his feete. The Cananit also should be shameles,* 1.34 which with so great cōstancy cried and desired helpe of Christ, and not of the Apostles, insomuch that they at the length being weary of her crying, sayd: Send her away, for she fil∣leth the heauen with her cry, and wearieth al mens eares.

Now let vs heare what the Lord himselfe pronounced of this impu∣dency of synnes and sinners.

To the synfull woman he said: Fides tua saluam te fecit, vade in pace, That is: Thy fayth hath saued thee, go thy way in peace. To the Cananite he sayd: O mulier, magna est fides tua, fiat tibi sicut vis. O woman, great is thy faith, be it done to thee as thou wylt. Againe in an other place the Lord sayth to sinners, Venite ad me omnes qui laboratis. &c. That is.* 1.35 Come vnto me all ye that labour and are laden, and I wyll refreshe you. Vvherupon Paul said to Timothy: Certus sermo et dignus, quem omni∣bus modis amplectamur, quod Iesus Christus venit in mundum vt pec∣catores saluos faceret. That is. It is a sure saying, & worthy by al meanes to be embraced of vs, that Christ came into the world to saue sinners.

Againe he saith: Habentes ergo pontificem magnum qui penetrauit caelos. &c. That is to say.* 1.36 Vve hauing an high priest which pearced the heauen, Iesus the Sonne of God, let vs holde the confession and fayth.

For we haue not a priest which cannot feele our infirmities, but which was tempted as we are, proued in al things, and in al pointes (sinne one¦ly excepted.) Let vs come therfore with sure hope to y^e throne of grace, that we may obtaine mercy. &c.

Let vs heare and beleue these woordes, rather then the sayinges that these wretches do bring of hipocritical humility, which is none o∣ther thing then a slendernes, and want of faith.

They thinke it to be an vnwoorthy thing, that a sinfull man should thrust him self first into the sight of Christ: but vnlesse we do come be∣fore Christ with this confidence of faith, our saluation is lost, we shal not be clensed frō sinne. For they onely are purged, which come vnto Christ himself, that is, to the throne of grace, with a true faith.

* 1.37Chrisostome sayth: Non opus est patronis apud deum. &c. That is: Vve nede not to haue patrones vnto God, nor much running about to en¦treat other men: but although thou be alone, and lackest a patrone, and praiest by thy selfe vnto God, notwithstanding thou shalt obtain thy pe∣ticion, For God doth not so easily graunt our peticions when other men pray for vs, as when we our selues pray, although we be full of very ma∣ny euils.

Agayne he sayth vpon these woordes: O mulier, magna est fides tua, That is,* 1.38 O woman, great is thy faith, Vides quomodo mulier quae indig∣na erat. &c. Thou seest how the woman, which before was vnworthy, is now made worthy, by her continual crying. Vvilt thou learne, that we preuaile more with God by our selues, than whyle others pray for vs? This woman cried, and the Disciples came vnto Christ, saying: sende her away, for she crieth after vs: but he aunswered, Non sum missus ni∣si ad oues quae perierunt domus Israel. But when she perseuered in cri¦eng, saying: Domine, nunquid & catuli edunt de mensa dominorum suorum? That is: Lord, do not the whelpes also eate the bread of their maisters table? Then he dyd benefite her and sayd: Fiat tibi sicut vs, be it done vnto thee as thou wylt.

Thou seest how he put her backe when others prayed for her, but when she her selfe praied and cryed for the gift, he graunted it vnto her. He sayd to the Disciples: I am not sent, but to the lost sheepe of Israel. And he saith to this womā: great is thy faith, be it done to thee as y^u wilt.

These be Chrisostomes wordes, neither our aduersaries haue any thing to answer vnto these so plain wordes.

Conclusio.

Let vs cōsider, in what maner we ought to inuocate the lord. This que∣stiō cānot be better dissolued, thē by waighing the principal circūstāces. Let vs see therfore who ought to be inuocated of them that pray, truly

no man, but God onely and alone. For thre thinges are required of hym that is prayed vnto.

The first is, that he do heare the praiers of all men that be in the whole world, that he perce their harts, and do narrowli behold them, adde also this, that he do knowe al the praiers of men, better then the men them selues can declare.

The second is, that he be present in al places, & that he cā do althings in heauen, earth, & hel, which knoweth al waies & meanes to help mē.

The third is, that his wil be very prompt and ready, that he wyl also do that he can do.

But these condicions are found onely in God. For god alone searcheth the raines and the hartes. He alone heareth and seeth all things, he one∣ly knoweth more perfectly the things that are within and without a mā, than doth the man himselfe: He alone is present in al places, he onelye is omnipotent, he onely is wise, the most perfect will of God onelye geueth good thinges to man, and his wil is alwaies readye, and onelye doth most faithfully procure that which is profitable to man. Therfore God alone must be inuocated.

NVho is he that can attribute these condicions to the saintes in hea∣uen, without blasphemy and sacriledge? Therfore the saints liuing in hea¦uen with God, ought not to be inuocated, chieflye for that the scripture with plain words testifieth, that Abraham & Iacob knew vs not, and it commaundeth vs to call vpon God, and prohibiteth vs to communicate those things that pertaine vnto God, to creatures.

To be short, to which of the saints liuing in heauen, can we say w^tout shame: Our father which art in heauen, & as foloweth in y^e lords praier?

Let vs therfore inuocate & cal vpon god alone that heauēly father, to whom al the saints y^t euer wer in the church did praye. Again, S. Paul saith: quomodo inuocabunt, in quē non credunt? how shal they cal vpon him, on whō they beleue not? now none wil be so fond, as to sai, I beleue in Mary, I beleue in Peter, Iohn or Iames, it wer extreme madnes so to say.

Lactantius. 5.

HIerom doth declare y^t Lactantius was Arnobius his scholar (as it is thought) at Rome, wher Arnobius taught a certain space.

Lactantius was born in a castle called Firmium, in the country of Picenum in Italy. He tooke his name of eloquence, flowing with swete milke, or els of the perfect kinde of eloquence.

Hierome calleth him a riuer, flowing with Tullies eloquence, wher∣in he excelled (as many times it happeneth) his maister,* 1.39 whom Hierom declareth to be to cōfuse in declaring matters. But Lactantius few bokes which ar now extāt, do shew y^t he was a perfect & wel exercised rethori¦cian

and Philosopher, in which bookes he letteth scape no authours (what dis∣cipline and profession so euer they were of) but would vse their testi∣monies.

He liued in the times of Deoclesian and Constantine, Emperours of Rome. Hierome testifieth, that Dioclesian called him to Nicomedia, wher he professed and taught Rethorique a certaine space. The whych thing also he him selfe wrote in his fift booke,* 1.40 wher he sheweth, that he had to do with two impure Philosophers, that wrote two bokes against the religion and name of Christ. Vvhen he lacked audience in a citye of Greece, for that he taught in the Latin toung. He gaue him self to write & to compose bookes, hauing embraced Christes religion, before he cam to Bethynia. Some do write, that Dioclesian sent for him to Rome, but Hieroms authority is to be preferred before them.

Eusebius writeth in his chronicle, that he was the eloquentest in hys time, and so poore in al his life, that he lacked euen necessary thinges for his vse. He taught in Fraunce (as Hierome declareth) being an old mā, wher he was made maister to Crispus Constantine his sonne, whom his fa¦ther afterward slew,* 1.41 which crime Euagrius remoued and did put from him, being an Emperour of very great praise.

Of hys doctrine.

He taught many errours. First, he speaketh somtimes vnaptly and daungerously in wordes and sentences,* 1.42 both of God and of Christ. He saith that God was created of him self, and that Christ once had no being as the doting Arrians also did contend He saith also, wheras ther was yet nothing beside God the father. &c. He brought foorth a spirit like to him self, which was indued with the vertues of God the father. He disputeth also, that Christ once had a beginning, and to confirm that his opinion, he inuēteth two natiuities of Christ, affirming many absurdi∣ties, touching the office and sending of Christ.

First, he saith thus: It behoued God the sonne to be twise born, that he might be as the father was, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, without father & mother. For in the first spiritual birth, he was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, without mo¦ther, and in the second carnal nauity, he was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, w^tout father.

He saith also thus: when God perceiued and saw the malice & wor∣shippings of false Gods to preuaile and take place, throughe the whole world, insomuch that his name was almost out of mens mindes (for the Iewes also, to whom onely the secret counsel of god was committed, for∣saking the liuing god, & being entangled with deceites of the diuel, had strayed to the worshipping of vanities, nor would not returne again to god by the counsel of the prophets) he sent his Sonne, being chiefe of the angels, vnto men, that he might conuert them from wicked & vain wor¦shippings,

vnto the knowledging & worshipping of the true God, & al∣so that he might bring their mindes from foolishnes to wisdome, from i∣niquity, to do the workes of iustice. These be the waies of God the father in which he commaunded him to walke, these are the preceptes that he commaunded him to kepe, and he faithfully did that God bad him to do. For he taught that ther is a true God, and that he alone ought to be wor∣shipped, neither at any time he called him selfe God, for he shoulde not haue obserued his fidelity toward God the father, being sent to take a∣way straunge Gods, & to affirme to be but one God, if he shoulde haue brought any other biside one God.

He iudgeth also, that Christ tooke flesh, for no other end,* 1.43 but that he might declare, that flesh might participate vertue.

He saith further, that Christ went into Galile after his resurrecti∣on, bicause he would not shew himself to the Iewes,* 1.44 least he might moue them to repentaunce.

Also he sayth thus: Seing that the father maketh the sonne, and the sonne the father, there is but one minde, one spirite,* 1.45 and one substaunce to them both. But the father is as it were a plentifull wel or fountaine, and the sonne is as a riuer flowing from him, the father is as the sunne, & Christ as the beame extended from the sunne.

He hath many superstitious and old wiues tales,* 1.46 of the eficacy of the image of the crosse of Christ. But who can rehearse al his errours? A mā may iustly say, that Lactantius neuer vnderstood either the person, no nor the office of the sonne of God:* 1.47 for he maketh him to be nothing els but a teacher, a ciuil law maker, & a refourmer of mens liues.

Like as he neuer well vnderstood the person and office of Christ, so al so he was vtterly ignoraunt of the holy ghost. Looke Hierome in his epi∣stle to Pammachius and Oceanus, and in his commentaries vpon the epi∣stle to the Galathians, and ther shal ye see more.

He saith, that the angels were appointed to kepe man, at suche tyme as mankinde began first to be increased, God fearing, least men might be destroyed by the wickednes of the deuil. He affirmed also, that god from the beginning gaue y^e diuel power vpon earth, & that he made .2. kindes of diuels, that is, the one earthly, and the other heauenly.

As touching the creation of man, although he aunswereth the Epi∣cure, that asked why God made man mortal and frail, when he made the world for mans sake: yet he is of one iudgement with the Epicure, that is, that God made man at the first fraile, and such one as he was after hys fall. For he sayth thus: Cur mortalem finxit,* 1.48 et fragilem cum illius causa mundum aedificasset? &c. That is: Vvhy did god make man mortall and fraile, for somuch as he had made the world for hys sake. &c.

First, that an infinite number of soules might be brought forth, and that he might replenish the whole earth with the multitude of them, & that he might geue vnto man vertue and power, that is pacience of aduersi∣ties and labours, by the which he might obtain y^e reward of immortality.

Againe he saith: Mortalis atque imperfectus homo eterra factus est. That is. Man was made of earth, mortal and vnperfect. Furthermore, he iudged, that God suffred euil to raigne, that the way of vertue might ap¦peare for how could pacience keepe properly his name, if ther were no∣thing that could not be suffred, for which cause also he saith, that God stirred vp the deuill.

Making no mencion in any place of faith, he saith, that the true wor∣shipping of God consisteth in good workes.

Hierome declareth, that he held the errors of the Millinaries, which imagined,* 1.49 that the saints after their resurrection should liue in earth a pleasant & delitate life with Christ, by the space of a thousand yeares.

He encountreth with al the sectes of Philosophers, whom he calleth blind and sicke men in their own philosophy.

Finally, he refuteth the opinion of the Stoickes, which taught, that al things which moued, ar to be had and numbred among Gods. He con∣futeth also other trifles touching the two parts of nature. He confuteth the errours and original of the Epicures doctrine,* 1.50 & condemneth Epi∣curus himself, bicause he said, that the world began by his owne accord, and that it was not gouerned by the prouidence of God.

Against which error, he setteth the industry, cunning, & artificiall state and condicion, both of the world, & also of man. He refuteth also the dotage of Leucippus, which iudged al the world to be made of small mothes.* 1.51 He reprehendeth the folish 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, of Pythagoras, bicause he said the soules went from one body into an other bodye, when the bo∣dies were dead.

It shal not be superfluous to rehearse his words of the cōming of the son of God at the last day, & of the state of the time following, his words be these: Veniet summi et maximi dei filius. &c. That is. Almighty God his sonne shal come, who after he shal take awai vnrighteousnes, & shal geue general iudgemene, & restore to life them y^t wer iust, from the be∣ginning, he shalbe conuersāt among men, by the space of a thousād yeres, & shal gouern them w^t the rule of equity: then they y^t shalbe aliue, shall not die, but shal beget an infinite multitude in the said space of the .1000. yeres, & their ofspring shalbe holy & loued of god, & they y^t shalbe rai¦sed frō death, shal rule as iudges ouer y^e liuing. The Gentils shal not be vt¦terly extinguished, but som of thē shalbe reserued for a victori vnto god, y^t the rightous mai triūphe ouer thē, & subdue thē to perpetual bondage.

About that time also the prince of the deuils shalbe boūd with chaines, and shalbe in warde of the caelestiall Empire a thousand yeares, wherby rightousnes shall raigne in the world, least the deuil might imagine any hurt agaynst the people of god.

After the comming of Christ, the righteous shalbe gathered out of all the earth, and the iudgement beyng done, the holy Citie shalbe placed in in the middest of the earth, in whiche God him selfe shall abide with the righteous bearing rule. Then darcknes wherwith the elemēt was darck∣ned, shalbe taken out of y^e world, and the moone, shall receyue the cleare∣nes of the sonne, nor shalbe chaunged any more.

The sunne shalbe made clearer then it is now by seuē times, The earth, shall bring forth fruites plentifully of his owne accord. The rockes shall sweate with hony, and the riuers shall runne with milke.

To be short, the world shall reioyce, and all nature shalbe glad beyng deliuered from the dominion of euell, impietie, wickednes and errour. At that time the beastes shall not be fedde with bloud, nor the birdes with prayes, but all things shalbe quiet and at rest. Lions and Calues shal stād together at one racke, the VVolfe shall not rauen the Shepe, The Dogge shall not hunt, The Hawke and Egles shall do no harme, The infant shal play with Serpentes.

To make an end, then shall those thinges come to passe, whiche the Poetes sayd were done in the golden world, when Saturne reigned. &c. These be the fonde opinions of Lactantius.

Furthermore, how Lactantius ended his life, it is not mentioned in any writers.

Anger. 6.

WHen Athenodorus the Philosopher, which liued verie fami∣liarlie with Augustus the Emperour, being of great age & of many yeares, had obtained a safe conduct or passeporte of the king, to departe into his countrie, the last day whiche he minded to leaue Rome▪ geuing thanks vnto y^e Emperor, taking his leaue, & entring into his iourney, amongs other things he left this profitable & worthy precept & admonition vnto Augustus, as a monument and token of him selfe beyng absent. At what time (O Caesar sayth he) anger shall stirre and moue thee, speake thou or do nothing before thou haue rehear∣sed with thy selfe the .24. Letters of the Alphabete in order. At these wordes Augustus beholdyng him with a chearefull countenaunce, and ta¦king him gentlie by the hand, saith in this sorte: O frend Athenodorus, I haue geuen thee leue to depart into thy countrie at thy request, being mo∣ued with thy hore head and olde age. But seyng that I haue more nede of thi presēce now thā I haue had before this, let it not be greuous vnto thee

at my request likewise, to deffer thy hasty iourney vntill an other tyme. VVherfore Athenodorus was cōstrayned to tary a yeare longer in Rome with Augustus. By this lesson I gather, that there can be nothing well done whiche is done with an vnquiet and angry mind. VVherfore angry and wayward men, being prone and geuen of them selues vnto irefull passions, are vnfit to haue any publique affaires in their handes, but are to be restrayned and kept backe from all offices and gouernementes, as troublesome personnes and prone to moue debate. For it is vnlikely, that he which is throughly kindled with anger, will kepe him selfe within the boundes of equitie and iustice: for the angrie man differeth in no other pointe from a madde man, but that the angrie man is madde but a tyme, vncircumspect and to rashe harted. Many men by anger, haue done ma∣ny thinges, of whiche it earnestly repented them afterward, for repen∣taunce is the fellowe companion of anger. Anger hath punished and de∣stroyed many men, yea and hath cast downe men, that otherwise were worthy and noble, from the high estate of worldly felicitie vnto extreme miserie. Furthermore it hath vexed and destroyed many Cities, much people and many realmes and countreis. VVherupon some do saye, that a wrathfull man because he is also out of bis witte, is not to be reputed and taken for a man, but for a fearce and brute beast. For what other thyng is man, when witte and reason is taken awaye, but a mere beast. VVhat a monster and miserable thing may we thincke that to be, which transformeth a man into a brute beast? It is a most vnworthy thyng for a man to degenerate so farre from him selfe and from his owne nature, that he be dispossessed from the right title of this name, man. VVe must therfore diligētly labour, not onely to striue against, but also to our pow∣ers to ouercome this euell, this pestilence so foule and so hurtfull to man∣kind. And first of all let vs set the mekenes and pacience of Christ, which is to be folowed of all men, against wrath and anger, which is an euident and plaine share of Sathan, wherw^t he goeth about to catch and to draw vs into the nette of destructiō. If we do folow the doctrine & example of Christ with feruēt desire, we shall not cause other men to rage and to be angrie. And being prouoked and stirred our selues, we shall boldly ouer∣come all maner of wrathfull affectiōs. For he may be thought to be a good and true christiā man, that (casting all his hope and care vpon god in the variable and sondry chaūces of this deceiptful world) can with much pa∣ciēce suffer a like both right and wrong. And if any prosperitie chaunce, he geueth all prayse to god: and if aduersitie do happen, he remitteth all reuēgement to god. Also neither he cā be moued frō the veritie by threat∣ninges or promises, nor by violence or flatterings: but beyng alwayes one mā, regard••th one and the selfe same scope, that is to wit, y^e preceptes & wil of god, & euermore is carefull, leaste by any meanes he swarue from

them. For nothing is more contrarie to Christian pietie, then burning anger and a minde flaming with reuengement. And contrarywise no∣thing more becommeth a Christian man, then a quiet and milde disposi∣tion. VVhereunto agreeth Iohn Chrisostome whose woordes be these. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, ther be tru∣ly many vertues whiche become a Christian man, but the chiefest of all is myldenes and pacience. For Christ doth name them onely, whiche doth shine with this vertue, to be the folowers and louers of God.

Mekenes is a frend to brotherly charitie, but anger is an enimy, with∣out whiche charitie no man can be a Christian.

But if there be any that cannot rule them selues through their natu∣rall crabbed disposition, wherby they may the lesse vexe and grieue their aduersaries when occasion is offred: let thē by Athenodorus councell kepe silence, and stay their violent furie for a tyme, vntill the burning and whote stomackes be asswaged and somewhat appeased.

Nor this counsell ought to be contemned, as though it wer a trifle, vayne and nothing worth. For Theodosius also the elder Emperour of Rome. Besides Augustus disdayned not to vse thys counsell. And euery man may learne by daylye experience, how much worth is the calling backe of mans irefull minde, euen in the short tyme of the rehearsall of the .24. letters: and of how great force it is to pacifie and quiet the spirites of fu∣rious mindes, and to moderate all importunitie of furious rages.

Neuertheles that which Athenodorus spake of the .24. letters, we may speake it of the Lordes prayer, for the wordes of Christ haue in them, a certaine priuie and wholesome soueraigne vertue, though they be pro∣nounced sometimes not with a thorough deuout minde. And whatsoeuer hath ben wisely inuented and disputed of the Philosophers, that beyng ioined and lincked to the Christian, faith is made much better.

It shall not be much impertinent in this place, to speake somewhat of rayling and taunting, which doth budde forth (as naturall braunches do out of a tree) out of hasty ire and anger.

Of rayling and taunting.

Leo Bizantius when a certayne railer among other euell wordes, ob∣iected & vpbraided him with the disease of his eyes as a shamefull fault, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, inquit, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, he ought to be w^t¦out fault, whiche will raile agaynst any man: otherwise he that speaketh what he lusteth, shall heare agayne that he would not heare, for Sopho∣cles sayth very well.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. He that loueth a tonge full of vaine babling, Shall heare that he would not, although he be vnwilling.

Therfore a man must consider what he speaketh agaynst any mā, for the tauntes that are throwne agaynst a good man, do not sticke in hym, but for the most part they returne backe on him that threw thē. It is an old saying. He spitteth into the element, and throweth a stone agaynst a hard rocke, who soeuer casteth any reproch against a vertuous and godly man. These incommodities following, sicknes, an vncomely and deformed face, a base stocke, want of houshold goodes and such like, with whiche a great nomber of good men by the will and secret iudgement of God, is burthened and afflicted no man (beyng in his wittes) will lay and impute to any mans reproch. for as they are not in our owne powers, so they are to be coumpted calamities, rather thā faultes, God is prouoked to angre, if we handle dispitefully thē, that be in calamitie. He defendeth all poore people, and them that be oppressed with miseries.

Therfore whether we be whole or riche, let vs not stand to much in our own conceites, vpbraydyng them that be diseased and stricken in po∣uerty, forasmuch as we know not certaynly, how long we shall continew in one state our selues. No man is in so great felicitie and prosperitie in this world, but he may become in his time most wretched.

It is a Christian mans part, neither to geue tauntes, nor being rayled vpon, to raile agayne. VVho ought rather to suffer patiently dispites, thā to handle any man dispitefully: for it is not mete that we should raile or speake euell wordes agaynst our neighbours, beyng commaunded of God to say and do well euen to our enemies. Let the Ethnickes requite euell for euell, and defend or reuenge them selues by the lawe and custome of the worlde: but let vs that be Christians, folowe the pacience of Christ, which for railinges, will lay vp in store for vs praise: for ignominie, glo∣rie: for losse, gaine: for sorow, ioy: for temporall death, eternall life. The prouerbe saith. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, Authoritie maketh man. But I saye, pacience declareth a christian man. For we cannot finde a grea∣ter difference betwene a christian & an Ethnike then this, that the chri¦stian hauing learned the pacience of Christ, suffreth gently and quiet∣ly wrongs and iniuries done vnto him: but the Ethnicke contrarywise be¦yng offended, yea at one worde spoken amisse, kepeth a stur, & leaueth nothing vndon, vntil he haue fulfilled his angry minde, in reuenging and taking punishment on his aduersarie.

Pacience is a godlye thing, and very agreable and beseming a Christiā man, whiche Saint Ambrose calleth the perfection of charitie, by whose wordes, we may vnderstand, that it argueth not onely a Christian man, but also a perfect Christian man.

Tertullian also most auncient of al y^e Latin diuines, saith: Ita proposita dei reb{us} est patientia, vt nullum praeceptum obire quis, nullū opus a do∣mino complacitū perpetrare, extranēs apatiētia possit, that is. Paciēce is

so set out among Gods hestes, that a man hauyng not pacience, can do no precept, nor no worcke that pleaseth the Lord. Therfore let no mā hope, that he shall greatly profite and go forward in the faith of Christ, onlesse he hath bene long and much aquainted with the most faire Lady (of all christian vertues) Lady patience.

To be short, that we may haue the redier mindes to suffer dispites & other iniuries, we must know, that paciēce is a most euident token of y^e ho¦ly Ghost dwelling in mā, euen as impaciēce is a signe of y^e malignant & wicked spirite, which sprite doth entise & set forward the furious man, to reuenge and to inuente and practise some mischief agaynst him, with whom he is moued. But oftentimes it chaunceth, that his malicious deui∣ses fall vpon his owne pate, (as the Scripture saith.)* 1.52 Incidit in foueā quā fecit, that is. He is fallen into the pit that he made, him selfe.

Of reuengement.

A certaine woman named Naraetia Budaea, was very wayward, bit∣ter and sharpe, and was, as it were the very naturall type of the malice of a woman. She hauing a very good and honest man to her husband, accu∣sed him of adultery, and in tbat behalfe quarelled by tauntes and checkes with him dayly. At the last she consulted with her selfe, how she myght rid him out of his life. She deuised to practise it by poison, and euer sought occasion how she might herein bring her purpose to passe. At the last she tooke a longe pipe, into the whiche she put the poyson, and went about to blow the poyson into her husbandes mouth being a slepe, but euen assone as she did put the end of the pipe into his mouth, he brething did blow the poyson backe into her owne mouth and throte, and so discended into her harte. Now assoone as she felte the poyson within her, she awaked her husband, & confessing the whole matter, forthwith fel down stark dead. And very well serued: for it is often sene, that, that mischief which some prouide for other, doth often light vpon them selues. As Hesiodo∣rus saith.) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

A man to another mischief imaginyng, worcketh to him selfe the very same thyng.

As man doth vnto other, the same is oftentimes done to him selfe.

Adonibezek cut of the thombes and toes of 70. kinges, who gathered bread vnder his table, but Iudah taking him, did cut of his thombes and toes also. And this was Gods iust iudgement, that as he had done, so he did receyue.

Proude Aman was hanged vpon the same gollowes,* 1.53 whiche he had prepared for Mardocheus.

Those men whiche caused Daniel to be cast into the Lions denne,* 1.54 were them selues deuoured of the Lions.

The two olde men who would haue killed Susanna, were iustly slaine them selues of the people.* 1.55

Andronichus was slaine in the same place where he slue Onias.

* 1.56Iason which cast away many men slaine into the graues, was at the last cast away him selfe vnbewayled and vnburied.

The wicked seruaunt in the Gospell whiche would not forgeue his fe∣low seruaunt a small debt, was compelled to paye the whole debt, and a greater debt vnto his Lord and maister.

Britannia. 7.

THat this Ilād was called Britannia of Brutus, certain learned mē do say is nothing likely. All the old Latin historiās agre, that the sonne of Siluius the second in succession from Eneas, and of them named the sonne of Ascanius, was Eneas, called also Siluius, wher∣unto the Grekes do also accorde, but they name Siluius to be brother to Ascanius, and borne after the death of Eneas, and was therfore called Posthumius. But neither the Romaines nor the Grekes do write of any mā called Brutus, before Iulius Brutus, whiche expelled Tarquinus out of Rome, which name was also geuen vnto him by the sonnes of Tarquine in derision, because they tooke him to be folish & dullwitted. Moreouer there is so much diuersitie betwene Britānia and Brutus, that it semeth agaynst reason that the one should procede of the other. For if Brutus had ben the geuer of y^e first name to this Ile, he would haue called it Bru∣tia or Brutica, rather than Britannia, whiche hath no maner propor∣tion or analogie with Brutus.

S. Thomas Eliot writeth of this matter as followeth: I will declare a reasonable cause of cōiecture, why this Ile was named Britannia. About 30. yeres since it happened in wilshire at Iuie church about 2. miles frō Sa∣risbury, as mē digged to make a foūdation, they foūd an hollow stone co∣uered with an other stone, wherin they foūd a booke hauing in it litle a∣boue 20. leaues (as they said) of very thick velime wherin was some thing written. But when it was shewed to Priestes and chanons whiche were there, they could not read it. VVherfore after they had tossed it frō one to an other (by the meane wherof it was torne) they did neglect and cast it aside, long after a piece therof happened to come to my handes, whiche notwithstanding it was all to rent and defaced, I shewed to M. Richard Pace, thā chief Secretarie to the kings most royal maiestie, wherof he ex¦cedingly reioised. But because it was partly rent, partly defaced & blou¦red with wet which had fallē on it, he could not find any one sentēce per∣fect. Notwithstāding after long beholding, he shewed me, it seemed that y^e said booke contained some auncient monumēt of this Ile, & that he per¦ceiued this worde Pritannia to be put for Britannia, but at that time he

said no more to me. Afterward I geuing much studie and diligence to the reading of histories, considering wherof this worde Britānia first came, finding that all the Iles in this part of the Ocean were called Britanniae, after my first coniecture of Albion, remembring the said writing, and by chaunce finding in Suidas, that Prytannia in Greke with a circūflexed aspiration doth signifie mettals, fayres, and markets, also reuenues belō∣ging to the cōmon treasure: I than conceiued this opiniō that the Grekes flourishing in wisedome, prowes, and experience of sayling, being entred into the Ocean sea, found in the Iles great plenty of Tynne, Lead, Yron, Brasse, and in diuers places gold and siluer in great quātitie, they called all those Iles by this generall name Prytannia, signifieng the place, by that whiche came out of it, as one would say, he went to market, when he goeth to Anwarpe or Barrowe: or to the fayre, whan he goeth to Sturbridge: or to his reuenues when he goeth to any place, from whence his reuenues come. And yet because this Ile excelled the other in euery condition, it was of some priuately called Albion, that is to say, more hap¦py or richer. This coniecture approcheth more nighe to the true simili∣tude, than the other inuentions, except there be any auncient history be∣fore the time of Geffrie of Monmouth or Beda, which may more proba∣blie confute that I haue declared. To such will I gladly geue place. Finally I thought it alwayes more honorable to haue receyued the first name by such occasion as I haue rehearsed: And the generation of the inhabitaunts of this land to be either equall with the most aunciēt, or mixed with the most wise & valiaūt people of Greece, vāquishers and subduers of Troi∣anes, thā to take the name and first generatiō of a vaine fable or of a mā, if any such were, which after he had slayne his father wandred about the world, vncertain where to dwel. Also to aduaūt vs to come of y^e Troianes, causers of their own coūtreis destructiō, by fauouring y^e aduoutry of He∣lena, of whom neuer proceded any other notable monumēt, but that they were also breakers of their othe and promise. Yet this follie is found al∣most in all people, whiche contende to haue their progenitours come first out of Troye. VVhiche fantasie may welbe laughed at, among wise men: Thus farre Syr Thomas Eliot.

The faith of Christ was receiued in this realme (as Gildas in his histo∣rie saith) in the time of Tiberius y^e Emperour, vnder whō Christ suffred. Some Chronicles do say, that Ioseph of Aramathia came hether and prea¦ched here. Polidorus Virgilius writeth, that when the Apostles were dispersed, Philip the Apostle beyng in Fraunce,* 1.57 sent this Ioseph hether into England with no small traine, in the yeare of our Lord .63.

Beda writeth that in his tyme, here in Britaine, Easter was kept in the full moone, on what day in the weeke so euer it fell,* 1.58 and not on the sonday after, as we do now. VVherfore it appeares, that these preachers

came from the East parte of the world where it was so vsed, rather then from Rome whiche condemned that vse.

Auncient. 8.

THis woorde Authenticum, commeth of the Greeke verbe 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, whiche signifieth, Approbare, autoritatem meā ac∣commodare, to approue, to applie mine authoritie, and Au∣thenticum, is, as you would say, Authoratum, vt lex authen¦tica, or decretum authenticum, quasi multorum authoritate cōprobatū. A law, a writing, a decree, which hath a iust and lawfull authoritie, well approued by the authoritie of many.

Hostia incruenta. 9.

THe schole diuines deuide, Hostiam, in hostiam cruentam, & hostiam incruentam, into a bloudy sacrifice, and an vn∣bloudy sacrifice, The bloudy sacrifice (say they) did the Priestes of Aarons order offer, and Christ him selfe was a bloudy sacrifice when he was slayne vpon the crosse, but the vnbloudye sacrifice is offred dayly in the Masse by the Priest. If they meane by the vnbloudy sacrifice, prayse, thanckes geuyng, and the memoriall of the death of Christ, so we will graunt that there is, Hostia cruenta offred & so the councell of Nice doth graunt Victimam, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Notwithstāding we cannot well graunt, that they in their masking Masse offer any such sacrifice, for they boste that they offer Reale Corpus & realē Sanguinē, as they terme it, The holy father Irenaeus doth write, that the thyng that is offred, receyueth his dignitie and worthynes of him that doth of∣fer, and that the sacrifice is accepted of God, because he that offreth it, is accepted of God, vpon this I make this argument.

Euery person that doth offer is of more worthines than the thing which he offreth. The priest doth offer the body of Christ. Ergo, the Priest is of more worthines than the body of Christ. O blasphemie intollerable? But of this I will speake more by Gods grace in the second Tome.

Bread and wine doth remayne. 10.

WHen Christ said this is my body, he ordained a sacramēt, that is, he gaue the name of the thing to y^e signe, so that notwithstāding, the matter, nature, & substance of the sign remaineth, for onles this substaūce remain, y^e bread is no sacramēt: for sacramēts, saith s. Austē are so called of y^e similitude of those thinges, to which they be sacramētes.

Take away the matter, the substaunce, and nature of bread and wine, & there remaineth no more similitude.

Now all the fathers that were before Gregory, confesse, that y^e scrip∣tures do witnes, that there must be .3. similitudes in this sacramēt: a simi∣litude of nourishing, a similitude of vnitie, and a similitude of cōuersion.

The similitude of nourishing is this: that as bread and wyne do nourish our body and comfort our outward man, so the body and bloud of Christ be the meate and foode of our soules, and do comfort our inward man.

The similitude of vnitie is this, that as the loafe of whiche we eate, was made of many cornes of wheat by the licour of water knoden into dough, and yet is but one loafe, and as the wine was made of the iuice of diuerse grapes, and yet is but one cup of wine, so all they that eate Christes body and drincke his bloud, beyng many, are made one body and one flesh by the liquour of charitie and loue, are made (I say) the misticall body of our sauiour Christ, whiche is his Church, not his naturall body. for the bread is a sacrament, not onely of Christes naturall body, but also of the congre∣gation and misticall body. And therfore Paul saith, that albeit we be ma∣ny, yet notwithstandyng,* 1.59 we are Vnus panis vnū corpus one loafe and one body. VVhat a loafe are we? verely euen Triticius panis, a wheaten loafe, by the similitude of vnitie whiche I haue declared.

The similitude of conuersion is this, that as the breade and wine is tur∣ned into the substaunce of our bodies, so by the receyuing of Christes bo∣dye and bloude, we are turned into the nature of them, we are chaun∣ged and made bones of his bones, and flesh of his flesh. He that eateth my flesh saith Christ and drincketh my bloud, he abideth in me and I in him, that is to say, we be made one flesh and one bloud. And the same nature that my flesh and my bloud hath, the same getteth he that eateth me.

These similitudes must be in y^e bread and wine, or els they be no sacra∣mētes, now take away the substaunce, matter & nature of thē, and what similitude remaineth either of nourishing or of vnitie or of conuersion?

These similitudes be in y^e very substaunce and inward nature of bread and wine, not in y^e outward shew of accidētes, whiche do neither nourish, neither are they chaūged, neither haue any similitude of any vnitie.

Obiectio.

Cipriā in his treatise which he writeth (De caena dn̄i) of the Lords sup∣per, saith. Panis nō effigie mutatus. &c. this bread is chaūged, not in the outward shew, but in the nature & substaūce: and Ignatius saith y^e same, Cirill, & Ambrose, & Hierome and Austē, & Chrisostome, whose doc∣trines we do folow, and we do allow and embrace thē.

Responsio.

They are nothing against this doctrine but the pillers and mainteiners therof, if their writings be truly vnderstand, marke the phrases, cōpare their sayinges together, one with another, and you shall finde, that many do foolishly slaunder thē, and that they which boast and prat most of the doctours and olde fathers, vnderstand not the olde fathers. So they say, that Elizeus chaunged and altered the nature of yron, when he made it to swimme aboue the water. So they say, that Elias chaunged the nature of fire, when thoroughe his prayer it fell from heauen, and consumed his

sacrifice of woode, stones and dust. The nature of fire was chaunged, no man can denye it, at what tyme God appeared vnto Moses out of a bushe in a flame, for the bushe was not consumed. He commaunded the fire not to hurte his faithfull seruauntes Sidrach, Misake and Abednego, and preserued them harmeles from the hote burning ouen. There agayne na∣ture was altered. Elias and Elizeus did not turne, alter or chaunge the very substaunce, and inwarde essence or matter, either of yron, or of the fire, into any other substaunce or nature, but the natural propertie of them making the yron, which is heauy to houe aboue the waters, and causing the fire which is light to discend downward. Euē so the doctours and old fathers which we allow and folow, say, that bread and wyne are changed, that is, the naturall propertie of thē, so that wheras before they were onely the meate of the body, nowe after the wordes rehearsed they are the foode of the soule also, forasmuch as they deliuer vnto vs Christes swete fleshe and comfortable bloud. Before, it was common bread and wine, now it is holy and sanctified, before it was no Sacrament, nowe it is a Sacrament of the blessed body and honourable bloud of our Sauiour Iesus Christ. But for a more manifeste proufe that the olde fathers bele∣ued the substaunce of bread to remaine after the consecration, I will al∣ledge some of them. Ireneus sayth, that euery Sacrament is made of two natures, of a heauenly nature, and of a terrenall or earthly nature. Now take away the substaunce of bread, & what earthly nature or substaūce remayneth in this holy Sacrament.

Obiectio.

The Papistes say, that the earthly nature is Christes body whiche he tooke of the earth when he was borne of the blessed virgine Marie, for she was earth, and all men be earth.

Responsio.

To this I answere, that Christes body is earth in very dede, yet it is not the earthly and terrenall nature of this Sacramēt, which must haue thre similitudes, that is, of vnitie, of nutrition, & of conuersion, as is declared before, which similitudes cānot be in Christs body. Moreouer hear, what Origene saith. Panis sanctificatus vadit in ventrē. The sacramētal bread entreth into the bellie. VVherfore entreth it thither, but to nourish our bodies, to feede them, to be the meate of the fleshe. VVherfore the sub∣staunce therof is not turned, not chaunged not altered, but remaineth & continueth: for accidētes do neither feede nor nourish. S. Austen also sub∣scribeth vnto them, saying: Accedat verbum elemento & fit Sacramentū, he saith not, Succedat, but Accedat, which is this much to say, let y^e worde be added to the elemēt, & thē it is made a sacramēt, Thus it is euident y^t the bread and wine which is y^e elemēt, remaineth & is not trāsubstātiat, both by autenticall scriptures, which do allow thre similitudes, and also

by the consent of all authenticall doctours and elder fathers: for out of doubt Athanasius, Basill, Nazianzene, Hierome, Chrisostome, & other both Latinistes and Grekes do not disagre with these. Moreouer the rocke was a Sacrament of Christes bloud, and yet not transubstantiat: They and we drincke one spirituall drincke, as Paul recordeth, likewise Manna was a Sacrament of his body without any such mutation.

Certaine aunciēt fathers both of the Greke Church, and also of the La¦tin church doo moste plainly affirme, that breade and wine doo remayne in the Sacramēt, as Origen, Chrisostome, Theodoretus with other.

Origens wordes be these.* 1.60 Quod si quicquid ingreditur in os in ventrem abit, & in secessū abiicitur? &c. If euery thing that entreth into y^e mouth discend into the belly and is cast into the draught, that meate also which is sanctified by the word of God & by prayer, as touching y^e matter ther∣of, goeth into the belly and is cast into the draught: but that thing which cōmeth to it by prayer, is profitable by the proportiō of faith, causing the minde to consider and to haue a respect to that which is profitable. Nor it is the matter of bread, but the worde sayd vpon it, whiche doth profit him that eateth it, not vnworthely vnto the Lord: These are spoken of the typicall and simbolicall body.

Here you may se, that the materiall substaūce of the sacrament is eatē & digested, as the substaunce of other bread & meates are which could not be, if we should admit a transubstantiation.

Obiectio. 1.

This piece of Origene was of late translated by Erasmus, and therfore is to be called into suspition.

Responsio.

How friuolous, how daungerous, & how foolish this their replication is, Lippis & tonsoribus notu est, for by this meanes they may aswell re∣iect and refuse all other authors, whiche are of late brought to light by the industrie and great studie of learned men as the workes of Clemens, Alexandrinus, Theodoretus, Iustinus, Nicephorus and other.

Obiectio. 2.

Origene was an hereticque, and erred in very many opinions, and this was one of them.

Responsio.

Haue you forgottē your sophistry? do you not remēber, that your logicke teacheth you to reason, A particulari ad vniuersale, to bee no good argu∣ment? as thus. He erred in this article and in that, and in an other arti∣cle. Ergo, he erred in all, who would so conclude?

Aristotle saith that, Inductio, est a singularib{us} ad vniuersale progres∣sio. Here is to he obserued that all the singulares and particulars, are to be nombred either Explicite or, Implicite, whiche is done by this clause, Et ita de omnibus, otherwise it is no good induction, as for example. Aliquis homo quiescit. Aliquis equus quiescit.

Aliquis canis quiescit, & alia plura animalia quiescunt.

Ergo omnia animalia quiescunt.

This induction is imperfect, because all the spices are not nombred, no more is this obiection of yours of any force or strenght. But, if you will reason thus. Origene erred in this point of doctrine, and he erred also in that point of doctrine, and he erred in this article, and in that article, & so in all other articles. Ergo, Origene erred in all pointes and articles of doctrine. Now is your induction perfecte in fourm. But when you shalbe hable to proue al the parts of y^e antecedēt of your inductiō to be true, thē wil we also be gladly with you induced to say as you say. But we do graūt with you that Origene had his errours whiche wer noted and described by S. Hierome and Epiphanius. But as touching the supper of the Lord, neither they nor any other auncient fathers euer noted or accused hym, which they would haue done, if Origen had ben in any fault in this point.

Obiectio. 3.

Origene speaketh not in this place of the Sacrament but of that misti∣call bread whiche was wont to be geuen to them whiche were called Ca∣thecumini,* 1.61 of the whiche bread Saint Austen writeth in his booke De peccatorum meritis.

Responsio.

This vanitie, Origines his selfe dooth confute and refell: for Ori∣genes doth confesse, that he doth graunt the figurate and misticall body, whiche profiteth thē that eateth y^t bread not vnworthily vnto the Lord. And he doth significātly allude to the wordes of s Paul. Again the bread geuen to the Cathecumins, was not in vse in Origens tyme. But let it be, that it was, yet that bread could not make a Sacramental body, for he calleth the bread the typicall and simbolicall body of Christ. Thus much for Origenes authoritie, now to Chrisostome.

Chrisostome speaking of them whiche do abuse their owne body, wri∣teth after this maner. Si haec vasa sanctificata ad priuatos vsus transferre periculosum est, in quibus non est verum corpus Christi, sed mysterium eius continetur. &c. If it be daungerous to transferre to ony priuate vse those holy vessels, in the whiche there is not the true body of Christ, but in whom the mysterie of his body is conteyned, how much more ought we not to geue place to the deuell to worck any thing in the vessels of our body which God hath prepared to dwell in.

Replicatio.

It is to be douted whether Chrisostome wer author of this booke or no. Agayne the title doth argue that it is no perfect worke, for it is called, Opus imperfectum

Responsio.

VVho euer doubted of this booke to be good, before you? for whether it were Iohn Chrisostome Archbishop of Constantinople or any other, it maketb no great matter. It is most euident, that he was a man of that time lerned and had in great estimation and that worcke was not onelye appoynted but also much praysed of al men, both then and euer sith, but what holes, will not foxes find to escape?

Replicatio.

Chrisostome in that place doth not make mention of the vessels of the Lords table, but of such as were vsed in the old law.

Responsio.

VVil you be blinde at noone daies? Put on your spectacles, and looke a litle better vpon Chrisostomes words. Those vessels (saith he) in the which the mistery of the body was in, although not the true body. Now it is plaine, that none of the fathers euer vsed that kinde of speach, of the vessels of the iudaical temple.

Replicatio.

The body of Christ is not conteined in the vessels, tanquam in loco, as in a place, sed tanquam in misterio, as in a mistery.

Responsio.

This is a mistical and very fine answer: for by this meanes the body of Christ is not in the supper, nor in the priestes handes, nor in the boxe. Therfore to be ther after that sort, is to be no wher. For as saint Austen saith: Aufer locum a corporibus & non erunt. take place from bodies, & then they shal be no bodies. Also Cirillus writeth, that bodies are not w^t¦out place and circumscription. His words be these: Si vere sectionem & partitionem diuina natura (vt illi dicunt) reciperet, intelligeretur & cor∣pus. Si autem haec & in loco omnino, & in magnitudine & quantitate: & si quanta esset, non effugeret circumscriptionem. That is. If the diuine na∣ture (as they do say) do receiue diuision or partition, it should be vnder∣stand to be a body, if it be that, than alwaies in place and in bignes and in quantity, so if it be quanta, it could not auoide circumscription. But what neede I to discourse or entreate of this matter any further foras∣much as so many and great learned men haue made absolute and notable bookes of this matter, to whom I wil remit thee, gentle reader.

Both kindes. 11.

BEsides the scriptures whyche are sufficiente to confirme all verities, and to confute al heresies, as saint Ciprian writeth, sai∣ing: Si ad diuinae traditionis caput & originem reuertaris, ces∣sat omnis error humanus. If ye wil returne to the head and beginning of Gods ordinaunce, al errour of man wil sone geue place.

That both the kindes are to be receiued vnder the pain of sacrilege. Gelasius writeth, his words be these:* 1.62 Comperimus autem quod quidam sumpta tantummodo corporis sacra portione, a calice sacri cruoris absti¦neant. Qui procul dubio (quoniam nescio qua superstitione docentur a∣stringi) aut integrum sacrum percipiant, aut ab integris arceantur. Quia diuisio vnius eiusdemque misterii sine grandi sacrilegio non potest peruenire. That is. Vve perceiue, that certain receiuing onely the sacred portion of the body, do abstain from the holy bloud, who without doubt, either let them receiue the whole, or els let them be restrained from the

whole, for the diuision of one & the same mistery cannot be done with∣out great sacriledge.

As for the glose which is written vpon this decree, I compt no better then a banbery glose, for the decree semeth not so muche to pertaine to the Priests, as to the people. Theophilus Alexandrinus writeth thus: Si Christus mortuus fuisset pro diabolo, non negaretur ei poculū sangui¦nis. If Christ had died for the diuel, the cup of the bloud shoulde not be denied vnto hym.

S. Ambrose hath a very good & euident saying concerning this matter. Valet (inquit) ad tuitionem corporis et animae quod percipimus, quia ca¦ro Christi pro salute corporis, sanguis vero pro anima nostra offertur, si¦cut praefigurauit Moyses, caro, inquit, pro corpore vestro, sanguis pro a∣nima, sed tamen sub vtraque specie sumitur, quod vtrumque valet. Sub vtraque sumitur totus ipse Christus. Sed si in altera tantum sumeretur, ad alterius tantum, id est, animae vel corporis, non vtriusque pariter, vale¦re tuitionem significaretur. Haec Ambrosius. That which we receiue, a∣uaileth to the tuition both of body and soule, bicause the fleshe of Christ is offered for the health of the body, the bloude for the soule, as Moyses presumed saying: flesh is offred for the body, bloud for the soule. But yet is it receiued vnder both kindes, which auaileth vnto both, bicause vn∣der both Christ wholy is receiued. But if it should be receiued vnder one kinde, it should be signified, that it doth profit onely one part, that is, either bodye or soule, and doth not auaile to the tuition of both partes. Vvhat can be spoken or written more plaine, than this? And by this you may perceiue, that Sathan practised euen at that time, in which he wēt about to ouerthrow the institution of Christ.

The same Ambrose (as it is recorded in the tripartite history) spea∣keth vnto Theodosius the Emperour, (who would haue presumed to cō¦municate after his great murther) after this maner. Quomodo huius∣modi manibus suscipies sanctū domini corpus? Qua temeritate ore tuo poculum sanguinis preciosi percipies? quando frurore verborum tuorū tantus iniuste sanguis est effusus. That is. How with those handes woul∣dest thou receiue the holy body of the Lord? Vvith what rashnes wylte thou receiue in thy mouth the cup of the precious bloude, seing so much bloud hath bene shed wrongfully by thy furious minde?

Saint Austine, Cum frangitur, inquit, hostia, dum sanguis de calice in ora fidelium funditur, quid aliud, quam dominici corporis incruce im¦molatio, eiusque sanguinis de latere effusio designatur? That is. Vvhen the host is broken, whē the bloud is poured out of the cup, into the mou∣thes of the faithful, what other thing is signified, but the offering of the body vpon the crosse, and the effusion of his bloud out of his side?

I trust you wil not so restraine saint Austines wordes, that you wyll cal onely priestes faythful, and seclude all lay men, you should doo then

to much iniury vnto them.

Your archfather of all Papistes in his time (Pighius by name) doth graunt, that the receiuing of one kinde of the lay people, came into the west church by no institution or commaundemēt, either Sinodal, or els of the Bishops of Rome, but by a secrete consent, which continuing for a time, they made a custome, and so a law.

Gardener, the great god of the Papists of Englande, sayth, that it crept in by supersticion of the lay sorte. By this you may perceiue, that it was not from Christ nor the Apostles time, nor long after that the one part was denied vnto the laity. By this you may know, vpon what foun∣dacion it was builded, and how good it is.

They haue a rule in their own law. Quae a principio male inchoata fuit institutio, temporis contractu non conualescit. That is The thinge that was naught at the beginning, cannot be good by processe of time.

I much maruail, that the general counsell of Trident, at the last Ses∣sions, had no better regarde to this saying of the law.

But how wickedly they haue decreed, and how profoundlye they be answered and confounded, it appeareth in the aunswer made vnto them in a certaine booke lately set foorth, wher you shal reade at the ful, how pithely they be answered.

Hieroboam. 12.

HIeroboam was Nabath his sonne, an Ephrateus by stocke, who (when Salomon being dead, and the kingdome by sedition deui∣ded into two partes) was constitute and made kyng ouer tenne tribes against Roboam about .994. yeares before the comming of Christ, and raigned in Samaria .22. yeares, he was in his youth very strong and marueilous stout.

Salomon constituted him chiefe ruler ouer the tribe of Ioseph.

A prophet met this Hieroboam, when he iourneyed vpon a time to Hierusalem, and told him how Salomon had sinned against God by lo∣uing straunge women, and that after his death the kingdome shoulde be deuided, and that the Lord would cause him to raigne ouer tenne tribes. Vvith these wordes Hieroboam being made proud, forthwith endeuou¦red to perswade the people to goe from Salomon, & to yeld vp the king¦dome vnto him. Vvhich thing when Salomon knew, he sought meanes to attache him. But Hieroboam fled to Sisach king of Egypt, and abode with him vntill Salomons death.

Vvhen Salomon was deade, the chiefe of the people sent into Egypt, and called home againe Hieroboam, which came vnto them in the citye of Sicyonia, & went with the people to Roboam Salomons sonne, & de∣sired him to release somwhat of his sharpe seruitude. But when Roboam

gaue him an hard answer, the people being turned to sedicion, deuided Salomons kingdome.

Now Hieroboam being made king in the citye of Sicyonia, that hee might seperat his complices from the tribe of Iuda, forthwith made new rites and maners of worshipping, least the people iourneying to Hierusa¦lem, and keeping solemne feast ther, should be moued to repentaunce, & forsake him, and returne to their former king. Vvherupon he made two golden Calues, and two Temples, one in the Citye Bethel, and the other in Dan.

Thus he seduced the people, and perswaded them to transgresse the lawes of their country and fathers, which thing was the beginning of all euils to the Iewes. For when he builded churches in the high groues, he made Priests also, and making himselfe the chiefe bishop, he went vp to the altar with other priests, and offred Calues in sacrifice. The prophet comming vnto him, reproued him very sharply, in presence of the peo∣ple, but the king disdaining it, while he was vpon the altar, held out his hand, and commaunded that the prophet shoulde foorthwith be taken. But he could not plucke backe his hand, being immediatly dried vp, vn∣till the prophet by praier, had caused it to be restored vnto him. But when Hieroboam had purposed to returne again to God, a certayn ma∣lignaunt prophet vtterly turned away his minde, and prouoked hym to wickednes, insomuch that he endeuoured to worke great dispite against God, for whose wickednes the Lord not long after, tooke great punish∣ment vpon him and hys ofspring, and vtterlye destroyed hym and hys house.

At the length, all Israel became so stiffenecked, that they lost theyr rule together with their religion and sectes, and was brought into most foule seruitude.

Hieroboam died when he had raigned .xxii. yeares, as is aforesaid, lea∣uing the kingdome to his sonne Nadab.

Milinaries, 13. Otherwise called Chiliastae.

IT is to be marueiled, that so grosse and phantasticall opinions should come into the heades of certaine learned men, which wer not farre from the Apostles time, of which this is one, that the godly should haue in this world a corporal kingdome after the resurrec∣tion, before the last iudgement and consummacion of things.

Eusebius doth impute this fained error to Cerinthus, as the first au∣thor therof, but in an other place he referreth it to Papias, wher he cal∣leth it a dreame and fabulous doctrine, and saith y^t Papias was of a very

dul and slender wit, and that he did not rightly consider the disputaci∣ons and doctrines of the Apostles and other things which were deliue∣red vnto other of the Apostles.

But it appeareth, that this dreame came first from Iustine, as many other grosse, and carnal things came from the Iewes. And although Iu∣stinus doth say, that many godly and pure Christians do dissent from it, yet he him selfe doth affirme it, & goeth about to proue it by scriptures. His wordes be these, in his dialoge intituled (Tryphon.) Putatis ne vn∣quam instauranda Hierosolyma, atque ibi colligendum vestrum popu∣lum, in hilaritate victurū cum Christo & patriarchis & prophaetis. &c. That is. Do you thinke, that Hierusalem shalbe restored again, & that your people shalbe gathered thither, and shal liue with Christ, with the Patriarches and Prophets in mirth and pleasure? He answereth. I with other which iudge godly and christianly, do know, that ther shalbe both the resurrection of the flesh, and a thousand yeres to liue, euen then whē Hierusalem is restored againe, enlarged, & beautified, as the prophets Ezechiel, Esaias, and other do affirme.

Esay saith: I wil create new heauens, and a new earth,* 1.63 and the former shal not be remembred, nor come into minde. But be you glad, & reioyce for euer, in the thinges that I shall create. For behold, I wyll create Hi∣erusalem, as a reioysing, and her people as a ioy. And I wil reioyce in Hi¦erusalem, and ioy in my people, and the voice of weeping shalbe no more heard in her, nor the voice of crying. Ther shalbe no more, ther a childe of yeres, nor an old man that hath not filled his dayes. For he that shal be an hundred yeares old, shall die as a young man, but the sinner being an hundred yeres old, shalbe accursed. And they shall build houses, and in∣habite them, and they shall plant vineyards, and eate the fruite of them. They shall not build, and an other inhabite: they shal not plant, and an o∣ther eate: For as the daies of the tree are, so the daies of my people, and mine elect shall enioy in old age the worke of their hands. They shal not labour in vaine, nor bring forth in feare, for they are the sede of the bles¦sed of the Lord, and their buds with them. Yea, befor they call, I wil an∣swer, and whilest they speake, I wyll heare. The woolfe and the Lambe shall feede together, and the Lion shal eate straw like the Bullocke, and to the Serpent dust shal be his meat. They shal no more hurt nor destroy in all myne holy mountaine (saith the Lord.)

These be the wordes I say of the prophecy. Vve vnderstād the works of the labour to signifie a thousand yeares misticallye. For as Adam, to whom it was said (in what day so euer thou shalt eate of the tree, thou shalt die) did not fulfil a thousand yeares. So we vnderstande this sen∣tēce: Dies domini vt mille anni, the daies of the Lord, as a thousād yeres,

to tend to the same effect. For a certain man among vs, whose name was Ihon, one of Christes Apostles, prophecied in a certain reuelation shewed vnto him, that as many which beleued in Christ, should dwell in Hie∣rusalem a thousand yeares, and after shal follow the vniuersall and eter¦nal resurrection and generall iudgement, which also our Lord doth say: Non ducent vxores. &c. They shall not marry wyues, nor geue any to marriage, but shalbe like vnto angels, seing they are the sonnes of God, and of the resurrection These be Iustinus words.

To this point also semeth that to appeare, which Ireneus saith, that al people shal receiue a worthy habitacion before the iudgement. Nor that is much discrepant from this which Clement dreameth in his Egloges, wythout testimonye of the holye scriptures, that is, that men shall be chaunged into Angels, which shall first learne of other Aungels for the space of a thousand yeares, and shall after teache other men which are newly chaunged into Angels, which at the last (the time being accom∣plished) shalbe made Archangels.

Of this fond opinion of the Millinaries, wer manye learned men, as Ireneus, Lactantius, Methodius, and other. Omnis homo mendax.

Dionisius. 14.

ERasmus in his ānotaciōs, writeth of this Dionisius in this maner Laurentius refelleth the opinion of them which thinke, that he was Areopagita, who was authour of those bookes, which be en¦tituled, De Hierarchiis & diuinis nominibus, and that he was marty∣red at Paris, making of three Dionisiusses (as I suppose) but one.

First, the Areopagites were Iudges, and no Philosophers, but these men make Dionysius a great Philosopher, which iudged by the eclipse of the sunne, that nature was in ieopardy to perish, wheras it is not con∣sonant that those darknes did reache and come so farre as Athens. For that the Euangelist saith, that darkenes came vpon al the earth, he mēt the earth of that country.* 1.64 Hierome agreing therunto, and also Origene, which denieth plainly, that the darknes happened by the default of the sunne, affirming, that it chaunced either by cloudes going betwene, or els by the thicknes of the ayre that was gathered together.

And if this darknes had happened throughout the whole world, sure∣ly some latin or Greke writer would haue made mencion therof.

Laurentius derideth that epistle which is written in Dionysius name vpon this matter, and in my iudgement, the Christians at that time had not so many ceremonies, as that epistle writeth. Furthermore, it is mar∣uel (if he were so auncient an authour, and wrote so many thinges) that he was alledged of none of the old latine and Greke authours, neyther of

Origene, Chrisostome, nor yet of Hierom, that left nothing vnassaid.

Also Gregory himselfe being a man of approued faith, when he dyd make mencion of Dionisius his letters, he declared not that he was cal∣led Areopagita. Again, forasmuch as great mētion is made in the eccle∣siastical history of the bookes of Dionisius Bishop of Corinth, it is not probable that Eusebius would haue talked nothing of him being so great & worthy a scholar of saint Paules, if he had writ so many volumes.

Hierom reciteth one or two Dionysius, he maketh no mencion of this Dionysius his bookes.* 1.65

Laurentius declareth, that ther wer very wel learned mē in his time, that iudged those bookes to be made of Apollinarius. Albeit Hierom re∣hearseth two of that name, the one was bishop of Hierapolis, which flo∣rished in Marcus Antonius secundus time: and the other was bishop of Laodicia in Syria, yet neuertheles he attributeth to neither of them any such workes, neither do I thinke that they are to be attributed to Apol∣linaris the hereticke.

Not many yeres hence (as I remember) Vvilliam Grocinus a man of incomparable learning, as he was a great diuine, so in all kinde of lear∣ning he was exactly learned and exercised, when he began to expounde the booke of celestiall Hierarchie in Paules church, stiflye affirmed in his preface, that Dionysius Areopagita made that woorke, greatly in∣ueighing against the impudencye of them that agreed not to the same. But before he had halfe made an end, whē he did taste better of the mat¦ter, he openly and frely confessed before his auditorye, that he thought that Dionysius Areopagita made not that worke.

I maruel greatly why Bede thinketh that this Dionysius was made bishop of Corinth, seing that the ecclesiastical history plainly declareth, that it was an other Dionysius, bishop of Corinth, which wrote manye workes. His authority is ther alledged, which in a certain Epistle that he wrote to the Athenians, shewed, that Dionysius Areopagita was con∣uerted of Paul, and was made the first bishop of Athens being ordred by the sayd Apostle. Ther is none other thing mentioned of Dionysius Areo∣pagita in the auncient writers. Hitherto Erasmus.

Acacius. 15.

THer wer diuers of that name, but this Acacius was bishop of y^e city of Amidense. This Acacius was made more worthy & more noble then al other men of his time, by a certain notable act.

For when the army of the Romanes hauing vanquished the countrey of Azazen, had taken prisoners aboue seuen thousand Persians, & wold in no wise restore them to their countrye (when they were famished to death by litle and litle, & the king hearing of it was not a litle greued.)

This Acacius when he knew the matter, iudged, that it ought not so to be left of, but gathering together the Clergie that was vnder his iuris∣diction, said vnto them: Our God (O my sonnes) nedeth no dishes, neither careth for pots, for he nedeth neither to eate nor to drinke. Seing then that his churches haue many treasures both of gold and siluer, which it hath gotten by the bounty and liberalitye of them that came vnto it, I iudge, that they ought to be layd out and bestowed vpon the redeeming of the Persians being taken prisoners, and for their sustentation being afflicted with hunger.

After he had spoken these & many like words, forth with he gathered those tresures, & paid out of thē vnto y^e soldiours, so much as he thought expedient. And when they wer refreshed sufficiētly w^t vittail, & had al things necessary for their iourneis, he sent them to their king.

This worthy act of Acacius moued the king of the Persians to hum∣blenes, for the Romanes greatly studied to haue the victory both by war and also by good dedes. It is said, that the king of Persia desired to see A¦catius that he might behold him, and talke with him, which he obtai¦ned by Theodosius the Emperour his commaundement.

After that God had geuen this worthy victory, the excellent learned men of that time did put foorth bookes in praise of the Emperour, & de¦dicated thē vnto him: some y^t they might shew forth their great eloquēce, which they had in many yeres gotten, & some also, to the end they might bring thē selues into y^e emperors acquaintāce, & som for other pretēses.

Not onely they that had studied Rethorick did this, but Augusta al∣so the Emperours wife wrote Hexametre verses to her husband the em¦perour, for she was a very noble and wel learned woman.

Spyridion. 16.

SPyridion was borne in Cyprus. He got his liuing by husbandry, & keping of cattel, and was of rude maners and condicions, but yet graue and liberal. He was a godly & holy man, and of many notable and marueilous vertues. He was at last made bishop of Tryme∣thuntis in Cyprus vnder Constantinus, of a feeder of shepe, he was a wor¦thy feeder of men (as Socrates saithe) in which office he was famous in many talents worthy of a godly pastour, as in almes to the poore, and in hospitaliti (which wer his natural vertues before his bishoprick) he was curteous, and also graue & fre in reprouing those things y^t wer not decēt as thexample of Tryphilus, bishop of Ledranum doth shew, whom other¦wise he vsed familiarlye. But in an assēble of the bishops of Cyprus when he was commaunded to make a sermon, and in the text (Tolle grabatum tuum) he chaūged this word, grabatū into a finer word (as he thought.) Spyridion reproued him sharply, asking him openly in angrye sharp words, whither he wer better thē he y^t first spak this word grabatū

I leaue to rehearse the miracles done by Spyridion vnto y^e authors which wrote of him, wher of this is one, that he tooke in snares (which could not be sene) theues, which came by night to steale shepe out of the fold, and when it was day, he chid them being taken, and loosed them, and when he had geuen them a weather, let them go.

Also, he made (as they say) his daughter Irene being dead, and in her graue, to āswer him, & shew him in what place she had hid certain gold. He wrought many other miracles, which the interpreter rehearseth.

He was present at the Synode of Nice, not being one of the least at mong the Confessours, wher he confuted a pratling and bragging Phi∣losopher in this maner. For when this Philosopher had babled many wic¦ked things against Christ and his religion, Spyridion comming vnto him said: In the name of Iesu Christ, O Philosopher heare me. Vvhich when he graunted, ther is one God (said Spyridion) the maker of heauen and earth, and of al things that are in them: he that wrought the celestiall vertues, which fashioned man out of the earth, and made al thinges vi∣sible and vnvisible: By his word and spirite heauen & earth was made, the sea spred abroad, the ayre extended, liuing things gendred, and man that great and marueilous worke was made, all thinges were made, the starres, lightes, day and night.

Vve therfore knowing this word to be the sonne of God, & god him self of the same essence with the father, we do beleue, that he was borne of the virgin, and crucified for vs, & buried and rose again. Vvhom also we beleue will geue vs after our resurrection, an other eternall life, and shalbe iudge of all men.

These words vnto the philosopher the Metaphrastes and Nicepho∣rus plainly ascribeth vnto Spyridion, how be it, it is maruail that Sozo∣menus expressed not his name, which testifieth, that this happened in the Synode of Nice, saying that they wer the woords of some of the olde men, which wer famous ther for the confession of their faith, vnles he did meane Spyridion to be the old man, who as we rede was of reuerend age & simple plainnes. Sozomenus referrith this example folowing to Spy∣ridions hospitality, wherby as I said before he was renoumed, insomuche y^t he laid vp yerely some fruits to distribute & lēd to the poore, but some do apply it, to shew, what faith & doctrine he had, the example is thys.

Ther came one vnto him vpon a time, a wayfaring man (lent drawing nere) in which he & his houshold was accustomed to fast certain daies. Vvhen Spyrion saw him to be weary, he cōmaunded his daughter forth∣with to wash the straungers fete, & to geue him meate. And whē she an¦swered that ther was no meate left, bycause the next day was to be fasted. Spyridion bad her to seeth the bacon that was in hys house.

VVhen it was sod, she layd the table for the straunger, and set vnto him the meate. Spyridion began first to eate, and badde the man to eate with him, who answered, that it was not lawful for him being a christian, to eate. Spyridion sayd: So much the lesse (O straunger) thou oughtest to abstaine, bicause thou art a Christian. For to the cleane all thinges are cleane, as Gods word doth testify.

Priests to marry. 17.

ALthough it be both heresy and phrenesy to denie the mariage of priestes, yet somwhat to stop the mouthes of our aduersaries, I wil answer to foure or fiue of their strongest arguments, which they do count insoluble, and to be Nodos Gordianos.

* 1.66Obiectio prima.

Mariage doth hinder and let praiers. For saint Paule doth say to the maried persons: defraud not one an other, except it be with consent for a time, that you may geue your selues to fasting and prayer. Then, foras∣much as the ministers of the church ought alwaies to pray, they ar boūd to liue single and sole, for otherwise they cannot execute their function and office duly and truly.

Responsio.

First, let vs know of what maner of praiers Paule speaketh in thys place, whether of priuate praiers, or of publicke & solemne. If the text and circumstaunce therof be wel waighed, you must needes graunt that Paule speaketh of publicke and solemne praiers. For in the primatiue church, when discipline tooke place, and was put in vre, they gaue them selues to publicke praiers. And this maner of praier was indicted and commaunded, either when some great calamity, or some sharpe persecu∣tion did hang ouer the church, as it may appeare in the prophet Ioel, or els when some matter of great importaunce was to be done in the church & in the common wealth, whē the assistance of the holy gost was most earnestly to be called vpon. As when Ministers and Pastours were to be ordered in the Church. A shew or step whereof was retained in these .4. times of the yere, which they call Angarias or Imber, at which times. Mi∣nisters wer wont to be made.* 1.67 The like president we reade in the actes of the Apostles, when Paul and Barnabas wer seperate into the ministeri.

Also that this place of Paul is ment of publick fasting and praiers, the Greke word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,* 1.68 which he vseth, doth manifestly declare: for then they gaue them selues wholy and vtterly to those things, setting aside al other busines.

Now if they wil reason and say, that mariage doth hinder & let prai¦ers & fasting, & that therfore mariage is ill, I wil by the like reason in¦fer and say, meate & drink doth hinder & let fasting and praier, Ergo

meate & drinke ar ill. But to this answer may be made, that those things which are good in their own nature, may somtimes hinder publick prai∣ers and fasting: but nothing can let daily praiers and continency of lyfe, except it be ill. In summe, it is y^e part of a Christian man to haue respect to the time, and to do euery thing orderly and in place.

Now to answer the obiection concerning cōmon maner of liuing and other publick functions, the ministers are of the same sorte & nature as the people are. Vvherfore if they be married, they ought to refraine and temper them selues as other people do, & as the Apostle doth here coūsel in publick fastings & praiers, but in al other vsuall affaires & busines, they ar not forbiddē to vse matrimony: for otherwise they ought alwaies to fast also. For Paul willeth them to abstain for a time, and to geue thē selues to fasting & praier. Then if they do infer by this place, a Priest is bound alwaies to pray, and therfore to abstain frō matrimony, they must be bound also to fast continually, for saint Paul doth couple & ioyne thē both together. I dare say the priests wold be loth to be brought to such a bondage, to be driuen to continual fasting.

Replicatio.

But S. Ambrose doth assigne this cause of the single life of priests.* 1.69 they must (saith he) be alwaies in a redines to minister Baptisme to those y^t be in daunger & peril of life, & to minister the sacred & holy misteries, which was wont to be don but once in a weke, sauing y^t when straungers came, it was the oftener executed. In the old law (saith he) priests might haue wiues, bicause they wer not compelled daily to minister. And they wer deuided into .24. courses, as it appereth in the Chronicles, and they ministred by course one after another, whē their time came about as it ap¦pereth in Luke, wher mencion is made of Zachary the priest Iohn Bap∣tist father.

Responsio.

In these words of Ambrose .2. things ar to be examined and excussed.

First, that the difference betwene the priests of the old law, and the priests of the new testament, be firme, sure, and good.

Secondly, it must be cōsidered whither (as he taketh it) wedlock doth pollute & defile both the ministers of the church, & the priests of y^e old law.

To the first.

Those courses and turnes were ordeined for the priests, of Dauid, of Salomon, of Iosias, & other. But I pray you, what did they, & how dyd they before Dauids time, & before the courses wer instituted & made. Truly we rede in Exodus, y^t it was the office & duty of the high priest to offer sacrifice daily both morning & euening, & alwaies to minister in y^e tēple. And cōcerning the courses which wer afterward cōstitute, thei did not more respect y^e act of matrimony, thē y^e rest & ease to be geuē som¦times to y^e priests. S. Austē did se, y^t the courses & turnes made to y^e prests

wer not sufficient to proue, that mariage did pollute the priests. For wri¦ting vpon Leuiticus, he disputeth and reasoneth purposely, how the high priest was able to offer dayly sacrifice, both in the morning, & at night.

If (saith he) any wil contend, that sicknes & diseases might somtimes let him, it may be answered, that God by a singular priuilege and fauor might preserue him, that he should not be sicke. But concerning the pro¦creation of children, what is to be said: for when he was made vncleane by the reason of copulation, he could not come to the holy things. On the other side, it is hard to say, that he abstained from the companye of hys wife, for the Priests both had wiues, and also begat childrē. Or els, saith Austine, the sacrifice might be somtime intermitted and left vndone: but the scripture doth not seme to suffer that, for it was an expres commaun¦dement to be done dayly: or els (saith he) the priest might haue attribu∣ted vnto him a certain peculiar holines & a certain prerogatiue aboue o∣ther men, that the act of matrimony should not defile him at any time.

But in his booke of retractations he bringeth in an other solutiō. The law (saith he) doth commaund, that a man after copulacion should be vn¦cleane vntil the euening, and that than he should wash his clothes, & so be cleane, wher he had bene vncleane all the day before.

The high priest therfore might, when he had offred his sacrifice in the morninge haue companie with his wife for y^e procreation of children, & so to remaine vncleane vntil the euening, and then to washe his clothes, & so to purify him self, and to be made cleane, & so to offer the euening sacrifice. Here you see y^t saint Austine did not flee for a solution vnto the 24. courses, for they were not for euer before Dauids time, yet he doth consēt with Ambrose, that the act of matrimony doth contaminate the husbandes: but how truly, let the scriptures try and iudge.

In saint Ambrose time ther wer (as he himself saith) a very few mini∣sters, and they did minister dayly. But in these daies, seing ther is suche a number of priests, and a great company, which scarcely do minister the sacrament twise or thrise in the yeare, and do neuer baptise, why shulde they by this rule of Ambrose be forbidden to marry, forasmuch as so ma¦ny of them do burne, and liue in whoordome?

Epiphanius writing Contra Valesios hereticos, doth graūt, that ther was a certain Canon and tradition of the single life of priestes, but (as he saith) this Canon was not obserued in his time. For manye beinge thē in the ministery, were maried, and had children: and yet Epiphanius dyd not condemne them, nor iudgeth them to be deposed, but that was (saith he) bicause discipline was then cold, and he doth excuse it by the reason of the multitude of the faithfull, and by the fewnes of the Ministers. But those priests did dayly minister, and yet liued in matrimony.

To the seconde.

Now it remaineth to be enquired whether the acte of matrimonie did pollute Priestes in the olde law, that they oughte therefore to abstayne from holy action and doinges.

They alledge out of Leuiticus this sentence.* 1.70 Vir de quo egreditur se∣men coitus, lauabitaqua corpus suum & mundus erit vsque ad vesperem That man from whom an issue of seede doth departe, shall washe all his flesh with water & be vncleane vnto the euē: and this is ment of matri∣moniall copulation (as Lyranus and Glosa ordinaria, doth expounde it.)

Responsio.

Our aduersaries do not vnderstand this place, nor it is in the Hebrue Semen coitus, but Semen Schicuath, as you would say Semen seminiale, for this Hebrue worde Schicuath, doth signifie lacere, to lye downe and to be at rest, and so it many be called Semen alicuius quiescentis & som∣uiantis. And Caietanus doth so expounde it, his words be these. Et vir quando exibit de ipso iacere semen. Here is no mention made saith he of copulation, but of a nightly pollution, and therfore he significantly doth say, Quando exierit de ipso, to make a difference from this, Quando vir sponte seminat, so that here is mention made onely, De semine somnian∣tis quod egreditur praeter dormientis voluntatem, and the Hebrues do call it, Semen strati atque huius seminis fluxionem Augustinus & Cano¦nistae negant esse peccatum, quamuis iuxta legem reddebat hominē ini∣mundum. Of this issue the Iewes do vaynely dream and phantastically write maruelous horrible thinges, that is, that Ex hoc semine spirites of the aire and other terrible sightes in the night are gendered, whom they call Lilith, But such thinges are not worthy to be rehearsed, much lesse to be thought true.

Obiectio.

It is mentioned in the first booke of Samuel, that when Abimelech the Priest was about to geue y^e shew bread called Panis propositionis, vnto king Dauid, he asked of him whether his companie were cleane frō wo∣men, or no. To whom Dauid made answere, that concerning womē both he and also his seruauntes were cleane, for they were separate from wo∣men thre dayes before. It is not credible that Abimelech dem anded this of harlots and strompets, for such were not suffred to liue in Israel. Therfore he meant of the acte of matrimonie, And by this it appeareth, and ought to be graunted, that (forasmuch as they of the olde law could not be suffred to eate the shew bread whiche was but a figure, if they had the vse of matrimonie) the Priestes of the newe law ought much more to abstaine from mariage, because they do receiue and minister the misticall bread, which is the veritie.

Responsio.

The Priest asked chiefly of women before all other thinges, because that men mought soone be counted and made vncleane by their companie diuerse and sondry wayes, accordyng to the prescription of the law, for the law pronounced not onely the womā hauing her monethly disease vn∣cleane, but also all them whiche touched her, her clothes, bead, her seat or any thing of hers. And this lawe was also geuen of the woman that was lately deliuered. Therfore Dauid sayd, we came in no companie of women, nor touched any thyng of theirs beyng vncleane, for we haue bene separate from them these three dayes, we chaunged our garmentes when we came forth, and the vesselles of the children be cleane, that is the vesselles in the whiche the bread is to be caried. It is not therfore ne∣cessarie that the Priestes question and Dauids aunswere be restrayned and vnderstād of the simple copulatiō with the wiues, for the law there findeth no vncleannes in that. Therfore there might be many other cases wherby the companie of women might cōtaminat man by the law, as the monethly disease, the bloudy flux, late deliueraūce and many such other, yea, the touching of them or any thing of theirs did pollute mā by the law. VVherfore seing there might be many other causes of this contamination beside matrimonie, to bring in onely one cause is to bring in not afirme argument, but Paralogismum non causae vt causae, and specially to bring that cause, which doth not by the old law pollute mā.

Replicatio.

This place must nedes be vnderstand of copulation, for the vessels are ment here the bodies of the yonge men (as great diuines both authenticall and neotericall do expound them.)* 1.71 And saint Paul also alludeth to this, where he sayth. Possideat vnusquisque vas suum in sanctificatione. Let euery man possesse his vessell in holines. Therfore this place must be vn∣derstand of the act of matrimonie with their owne wiues.

Responsio.

Although Vasa, may be so taken. Yet in my simple iudgement misterus goeth most nere the text, who expoūdeth in this place this Hebrue word Cheli indumenta, clothes, or as other great learned men wil, baskettes or vesselles to beare thinges in, for as Reuclinus writeth, as this worde Arma, betokeneth in Latin al things that do come to the vse of mans hād so in the Hebru this word Cheli, doth signifie a vessell, an instrumēt, bas¦ket, clothes, or whatsoeuer it be that may serue mās vse. Again this word Ischschah, doth not alwaies signifie a wife, but as in y^e Greke this word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, doth betokē sōtimes a wife sōtimes a womā what soeuer she be, so this word Ischschah, doth signifie aswell any other woman as a wife. But by y^e text & by certain circūstaūces it may easly be perceiued, whē it is taken for y^e one & whē for y^e other, Some do gesse, y^t whē it hath Iod after Aleph

it doth signifie, a wife, and when it is written w^tout Iod than it signifieth any other womā y^t is not maried. Forster{us} in his dictionarie writeth a me¦ry note which he receiued of a certain Rabbine Praga, as he saith, I will put forth his wordes in latin as he wrote thē, for in English they wil not haue so much grace. His wordes be these. Sed quam ex Rabino quodam Pragēsi Rabilam audiui, huc ioci gratia referre libuit, qui ista duo Ischs∣chah, & Isch, asserebat coniugii esse vocabula atque autoris coniugii no∣men Iah, continere, quando autem in coniugio non adesset Iah. & adime¦retur ex Isch, Iod litera media, & ex Ischschah, vltima litera, quae simul diuinū nomē cōstituūt, abesset ipse Iah, at{que} vera dei inuocatio in coniu∣gio, atque dilectio, vera fides & timor dei, manere vtrin{que} Esch, & Esch, ignem & ignem, hic ignem purgatorii & illic ignem gehenne & eternū.

To our purpose agayne. Let vs graunt, that Abimelech and Dauid meant wiues and the acte of matrimonie, and that there was therin some contamination by the law (which notwithstanding cannot be proued by the Scriptures) will you therfore say, that it was sinne? no verely you cā not, nor ought so to say, well than if it be no sinne, why than should that action restrain any man from ministration of holy things? The menstru∣ous fluxe did make the woman vncleane. But I pray you who wilbe so fo∣lish to say, that affection or passion of y^e body to be sinne? To touch a dead corse in the lawe was counted vncleane, shall we therfore say that they sinned which buried bodies being dead? No man wilbe so fonde to say so. By what meanes than will you say, that the lawfull coniunction of hus∣band and wife ought to remoue them from the ministerie, specially if it be done for the cause of procreation, it is without sinne (saith S. Austen) yea and without sinne also say I, if it be done for this cause, to auoyde for∣nication, the holy Ghost speaketh by the mouth of Paul saying. Let euery man haue his wife to auoyde fornication. To conclude therfore if it be not sinne, it cannot impaire, let or hinder the holy ministerie. I do not speake this for that I do condemne or improue those maried ministers, or other whiche will temper them selues and refraine sometimes from the acte of matrimonie, specially when they shall eyther minister or receyue the Sacramentes.

To end, I do not a litle maruell to here, that some reason after this sort. It is good for maried persons to abstaine for a few dayes, to geue thē selues to prayer and fasting, therfore it is much better so to do for many dayes: But it is best of al if they do it continually. I will make the like rea∣son. This man can beare .10 pounds, therfore he can beare .20. pounds: if he can beare twenty poundes he can beare fo rtye poundes, and so foorth. O double foolerie, there is a regard to be had of mans infirmitie.

A man may temper and refraine for a tyme, but to do it perpetually were intollerable.

Obiectio.

Saint Paule saith Adolescentiores viduas deuita. Refuse the yonger widowes, for when they haue began to waxe wanton against Christ, they will marrie, hauing damnation because they haue broken the first fayth. VVhat other thinge dooth the Apostle call here the firste faithe, but the faithe of the vowe, for these widowes did bequeth vnto God by a solemne vowe perpetuall continencie, whiche they corrupted when they would marrie, and therfore sayth the Apostle they purchace to them sel∣ues eternall damnation. Now if widowes were so straite bounde to keepe their vowe vnder the paine of damnacion, howe much more ought the votarie Priestes to keepe their vowes, and not to marrie vnder the peine of damnation.

Responsio.

This place is y^e very shot anker of our aduersaries, wherby they thinke to proue, that Priestes ought not to marry. But because ambiguitie of wordes doth in argument gender contention and strife, and causeth the sentence to be vnderstanded of some this waye, and of other that way, therfore I will orderly speake of those clauses which in this place may be taken ambiguously, they be in nomber foure whiche be these.

1. Fides.

1. Faith.

2. Prima.

2. First.

3. Damnatio.

3. Damnation.

4. Abierunt post Satanam.

4. They be gone after Satan.

¶ Of this worde Fides.

VVhat Fides, is and how many significations it hath, I haue sufficient∣ly declared before. Notwithstandyng I will shortly touche what it doth signifie in this place.

Our aduersaries do say, that Fides, here doth betoken the vow of single life: but I say with the assent of great learned men, that Fides, may signi∣fie in this place a certaine cōuētion and couenaūt made with the Church, when she receiued widowes. For it is most euident, that the state of matri¦monie could not agre with that state vnto y^e whiche widowes came, that is, that they should serue the Churche, and should liue all together in one companie: but a woman that is maried is subiect to her husband, and is bound of necessitie to obey him.

The widowes of whom Paul speaketh, were bounde in their ministe∣rie to obey the Churche, in takinge care and ouer sight of the weake, the sicke, the diseased, and in infourmyng of rude maydens and other wo∣men, vnto whom the ministers of the Churche had no frequent nor iust accesse or repayre.

This was the chiefest and speciall ministerie of the widowes in the Church. And doubtles they which were so admitted, and had made such

compact with the Church, ought to abstayne from mariage so lōg as they occupied that place and rowme. And although they promised vnto the Church to liue purely and chastly, yet they bounde them selues with no vowe, for all men are bound by the law of God to liue purely and chast∣ly in the state and condition to the whiche they be called. The souldiours when they are bound by couenaunt to do seruice, as long as they be in the warres, are not properly sayd to make any vow, but they geue their faith¦full promise vnto the prince or Captaine to do their seruice truly. Euen so such was the faith and promise of the widowes which they made vnto the Churche, that is, as long as they wayted on the Churche, and were found by the Church, to liue singly, purely and chastly, and after this in∣terpretation it may be easly vnderstand what Paul would haue to be vnderstand concerning widowes.

VVhen yonger widowes were receiued of the Church in many places to be found and nourished after the sort whiche I haue said, they geuing them selues to idlenes, to excessiue fare and other pleasures & lustes (en∣graffed in yong & tender age,) were intised & stirred to fleshly desires and concupiscences, and so to liue incontinētly (as the Apostle saith) they become wanton against Christ, that is, they liued impurely in scortation and whoredome.

And Hierom writīg Ad Geruntiā, doth so interpret this word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, So doth Sophilus, vse it Apud Athenaeum, whose wordes be these, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Lasciuiebam deuoratis cibis, whē I had de∣uoured meat vp to the gorge, I began to waxe wanton. To this alludeth y^e commune prouerbe. Saturo ven{us} adest, famelico nequaquam adest, as the common saying in Terence is. Sine Cerere & Baccho friget venus Nowe these widowes being taken & espied in scortation, would marie, & said, that they would reuolte from the ministerie: but to marrie was not of it selfe damnable, for who should forbid them to marry when they would. But they had damnatiō, not because they would marry, but because they brake their faith, couenaunt and promise whiche they made before vnto the Churche: by the which they promised, that they would liue chastely, which they perfourmed not, but fell to wantones and whoredome, which thing made them dānable before God and mā. And therfore Paul saith plainly, that they had iudgement or damnation, because that by scortatiō and whoredome, they made voide the promise geuen to the Church. Ouer & beside, they added to this, another mischief, that is when they wer ta∣ken in this wantones, & could not abide the cōtumely which the churche laide to their chardge, they maried heathen and infidels, and so were a∣lienate from Christ. Therfore, that no such offendicles should chaūce in the Church, Paul ordeined, that no widowe should be chosen vnder the

age of .lx. yeares, as one that was not like to be subiect to this kind of wan¦ton life: for commonly (although it be not generally,) the flames of fleshe¦ly cōcupiscēce is in such age extinguished. They will marrie (saith Paul) whiche they would not haue done, if they had not ben taken and espied in scortation, for that kinde of life pleased them better in the which they might liue at libertie and in wantones and pleasure, being founde of the Churche, whiche was against Christ, for that the Gospell of Christ was ill reported of by the heathen, who sawe and harde of such filthines to be among them, whiche should liue purely and honestly.

Our aduersaries therfore cannot gather of this place, that these wi∣dowes had damnation for that they would marrye, but because they li∣ued wickedly, and than did pretende mariage when they were taken, whiche otherwise they would neuer haue attempted: And thus may the aduersarie see, that Paul meaneth not here of any vowe, but a certayne paction and couenaunt made with the Churche to liue single, as long as they should continewe in that state and function. VVe haue here in En∣gland almost the like example. In the Collegies of the vniuersities scho∣lars that be felowes of the house, must liue single and without wife, as long as they remaine felowes of the College. But yet they make no vowe not to marry, for they may marry if they will go out of the College.

Now to the seconde clause of ambiguitie, whiche lieth in this worde, Prima, First.

Prima, First.

Our aduersaries do referre this worde Primam the first faith vnto the faith of the vowe whiche the widowes made before they were recey∣ued of the Churche, whiche vowe if they brake and would after marry, they call them, vowe breakers, and say that they haue damnation.

But great learned men more depely and diligently weyng this worde Primam, do say, that it is not vnderstand of the promise of any vowe of chastitie, but of the profession of Christianitie whiche the wanton wi∣dowes (marieng without Christ,) had broken and forsaken, for if the vowe of chastitie, should here be meant, it should not be called Prima, but Secunda Fides.

And wher they brag y^t the significatiō of this word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, is some times takē & vsed comparatiue, let thē perswade thē selues, that better lerned than they in the Greke toung doth knowe whan it is vsed comparatiue, and when positiue, specially when 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, is ioyned as an adiectiue with his substantiue, as here 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. I praye you is it taken comparatiue or els positiue? Let them that be experte in the tounge, iudge. But let vs graunt (whiche notwithstandyng the pure diuines will not do) that the

first fayth doth signifie here aswell a vowe as promise of christendome, what will you winne therby? Truly nothing, for it is a state of ambigui∣tie, and therfore cannot certainly be asserted. But if you will vewe the text and circumstaunce therof, that exposition of Lutherus and Calui∣nus, who taketh it for the promise of Christianitie, is more probable and more agreable to the text. This much for this worde Prima.

Damnatio.

The third ambiguitie and doubt is this worde condemnation. They that do fauour the vowe of single life more than lawfull mariage, do iudge, that those widowes shall entre into the iudgement of God, because forsaking the vowe whiche they had begon to take in hande, they do pur¦pose to marry, and that they do so greuously sinne, that vnlesse they do repent and forsake their mariage whiche they had begon, they shalbe damned with the deuill for euer.

But other men seyng that matrimonie is an holy thing among all men, and that the knotte therof (by the witnes of Christ and his Apostles) is not to be broken, but for adultery or by the goyng awaye of either the husband or the wife, will not attribut so much to y^e vow of widowes cōti∣nencie, for that it is a thing inuented by man, which doth vnlose mariage agaynst the minde of Christ and his Apostles, because the will of God is to be preferred before mans inuention.

Furthermore they thincke, that it is the Apostles commaundement, that they do marry which do not liue chaste, and that it is better to mar∣ry then to burne.

VVherupon although they graunt that those widowes whiche were receyued at that tyme in the Churche, couenaunted (or as our aduersa∣ries will, vowed single lyfe and honest conuersation) yet notwithstan∣ding if they did marry, it followeth not that they were condemned.

For they say that this word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which Paul now vseth, must be refer¦red to mē, that is, because y^e widowes were coūted of men vnconstant, & were reported of most men to be of an ill lightnes, for y^t they altered their purpose which semed so holy. And whē it thus chaūced many times by ta∣king in of yonger widowes into y^e Churche. Paul goeth about to preuent thē to stay thē, least these offēces & perturbatiōs might still happē in the Church. The widowes therfore which had thus chaūged their intention through their infirmitie, not suffring the rebukes of the faithfull were turned from Christ, and went by a litle and litle after Sathan.

For asmuch therfore as this worde 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, may be taken two wayes, as∣wel to God as to men, our aduersaries canot proue (as they alwayes say) that it is not lawfull by the worde of God to passe from the vowe of sin∣gle lyfe vnto mariage, when the Apostles wordes may be vnderstood of the iudgement of men: neyther yet if they do marrye, they may be sayd

to haue broken their vowe, whereas they do rather amende their foolish promise. For we ought to promise nothyng to God, where with we know that he will not be delighted and pleased.

The double vnderstandyng of this woorde 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, did Martine Bucer well see, and very learnedly entreat against Latonius.

And that this worde 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, may be taken aswell for the iudgement of man as of God, I will bring you the testimonies of certayne learned fa∣thers. Although I am not ignoraunt, that some of the fathers doth vpon this place of Paule father their vowes.

Epiphanius after he had declared, that it was not lawfull after the vowe of virginitie or widowhead made, to be coupled in mariage, and they that so did,* 1.72 to sinne, yet he addeth these woordes. Sed melius est iu∣dicium quam condemnatio. Qui enim vt ne confundantur apud homi∣nes, occulte scortantur, & sub solitudinis aut continentiae specie libidi∣nem curant, non apud homines habent confusionem sed apud deum, qui videt occulta & redarguit omnem carnem in suo aduentu, prout quis∣que peccauit, Melius est enim vnum peccatum habete & non plura, me∣lius est lapsum a cursu palam sibi vxorem sumere secundum legem, & ex virginitate multo tempore paenitentiam agere, & sic rursus ad Eccle∣siam induci, velut qui mala operatus est, velut lapsum & fractum & o∣bligatione opus habentem, & non quotidic occultis iaculis sauciari ab improbitate, quae ex diaboli opere infertur, haec Epiphanius. That is. Bet¦ter is iudgement than condemnation, for they whiche lyue in whoredome secretly, least they should sustayne shame among men, and vnder the co∣lour of single life and continencie do pamper there pleasure they haue not shame with men, but with God who seeth all secretes and reproueth all fl••she in his comming as euery one hath offended. For it is better to haue one faulte than many. And better it is for one that hath reuolted from his course, to take a wife openly accordyng to the law, and after the lear∣nyng of his virginitie long tyme to repente and so to be brought agayne into the Churche (as one whiche hath wrought euill) and as a man that hath fallen & one broken & hauing nede of a bond then dayly to be woū¦ded with priuie dartes of wickednes, which is wrought by the worcke of the deuill.

By this you may see, that the fathers were so austere and cruell as the canonistes and Papistes be in these dayes, for these do crie, that matri∣monie entred after the vowe, is not mariage but inceste and adulterie, and they do dissolue it, and cannot abyde it, where the olde do ratifie it, although they say, that such as do marry do sinne: not for because they do marry, but because they haue promised that whiche they will not nor cannot performe, whiche is the vowe of virginitie, but although they do so say that it is sinne, let them shewe it out of holy Scriptures.

Epiphanius in thys place doth put a difference betwene 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, inter iudicium inquit & condemnationem, that is, betwene the iudgement of man and the iudgement of God.

Basilius magnus, in his booke De virginitate, doth not much vary from the mynde of Epiphanius, he speakyng of a virgin, whiche beyng in that state, did not serue Christ with sounde integritie, but is wrapped with the care of this worlde, and contaminate with euill affections, wri∣teth as followeth: Nam si abiecto viri iugo, & ad vitam ad quam conser∣uandae domus & procreandorum liberorum gratia facta est inutilis & professae virginitati pudenda futura est, tota res damni plaena est, dum & incruditis cogitationibus animum, & remissis exultationibus cor∣pus corrumpit. Et longe sane prestabilius esset, ipsam viro coniunctā ad vitam gubernari, & quod ad opem rei domestice ferendam conducit ta∣lionis vice pro praefectura ipsi rependere, & liberos senum nutritores ad generis successionem bonos producere. Haec Basilius. The som of these wordes consiste in this, that it is farre better for a virgine whiche liueth not purely and vncorruptly without all euill affections in the state of vir¦ginitie, to be ioyned to a man in mariage, and so to gouerne and helpe do∣mesticall affaires, and to bring forth good children, then to lyue in virgi∣nitie being subiect to cares and worldly affections.

Saint Cypriane writing of certayne virgines whiche had to much fa∣miliaritie with men, because they lyued not onely in one house but also lay in one bead, and would neuertheles be counted virgins, wherupon rose great offences in the Churche, he not suffring it, wrote these wordes vnto Pomponius. Quod si sese ex fide Christo dicauerunt, pudice & caste sine vlla fabula perseuerent: si autem perseuerare nolunt aut non possunt, melius est vt nubant, quam vt in ignem suis delitiis cadant. Haec Cypri∣anus. I haue Englished these wordes before in the title, where I spake of vowes, there you may read them with other profitable notes concerning this matter.

He speaketh here not of all sortes of virgines, but namely of those whiche haue professed virginitie.

Obiectio. 1.

Our aduersaries do say, that these wordes of Cyprian are not to be vn∣derstanded De virginibus velatis, but of others.

Responsio.

VVhat know they the maner to haue bene at that tyme, that virgins should be couered, that vse was brought in after Cyprians tyme, as farre as I can read.

Obiectio. 2.

Tertullian who was before Cyprian, wrote a booke De virginibus ve¦landis. Ergo, Cyprian meant De virginibus velatis.

Responsio.

Tertullian in dede doth speake of certaine virgines of God, whiche

were in the Churche, and doth name certaine of them Virgines Ordina∣tas, who as the Papistes do thincke were consecrate of the Bishop, but that maner began not before the tyme of Ambrose, when the Churche had gotten some reste and peace. It is most certaine, that Tertullian meant not virgins not consecrated of Bishops, for the virgines at Car∣thage, came into the Temple bare headed, but when this doyng was re∣prehended and reproued of many by the woordes of Paule to the Corin∣thians, the inhabitantes of Carthage aunswered, that, that place of Paule was to be vnderstand of maried women, and not of virgines. Ter∣tullian therfore writeth and proueth the woordes of Paule to pertayne to all women, aswell the virgines as the maried women ought to be co∣uered in the congregation: but after the tyme of Tertullian certaine vir∣gines whiche had vowed in mynde perpetuall chastitie, were couered with an holy vayle. The maner was this: The Bishop in the open assem∣blie of the Churche, receyued them not without certayne ceremonies. These virgines remayned first in their parentes house, and neuer came abroade, excepte it were to offer Sacrifice or els to visite the Christian brother beyng in prison, or els to here some Sermon. Saint Hierome praysed one Asellam, because she was wonte to repayre to such thynges, and doth aftentimes exhorte virgines, that they might more safely kepe their chastitie, to secke Martirs in their chambers.

After this by the labour and meanes of Marcella and Paula, Colle∣ges and houses for virgines were institute and made at Rome. These vir∣gines did shere their heades, and did offer their shorne heares to their mother. The cause (sayth Saint Hierome) why they were shorne, was, for to auoyde vermine and lyse, whiche do brede in the heare and the skinne. And when they were shorne, the Bishop couered their head and face with a vayle, least they should wantonly see or be seene, least they should loue, or beloued. This maner of couering of virgines was after the time both of Tertullian and of Cyprian.

Obiectio. 3.

These virgines of whom Cypriane speaketh, did not liue in monaste∣ries as ours do now. Ergo, they were no virgines.

Responsio.

As thoughe the Churche when it had yet no peace vnder Valerianus and Galienus (in whose tyme Cypriane liued and dyed) should haue buil∣ded monasteries, where the virgines should haue bene included. No sir, no such thyng was done, but if any virgine had consecrated her selfe to God, she remayned either in her owne house, or els with her kindred, where she had two or three coparteners with her of the same profession.

Obiectio. 4.

Cypriane speaketh here onely of those virgins, whiche hauyng no re∣garde of their owne strength and power, vowed rashely, and such may marry.

Responsio.

VVe graunt that whiche you say. For when no person is certaine and sure of his gift, howe long he shall continewe therin, and when all men do knowe, that none hath a chaste, pure and cleane harte of his owne power, it followeth euidently, that single kind of life and virginitie is not to be vowed. Therfore sayth Cypriane of certayne virgins. Et si nolint: aut si non possint in virginitate durare, nubant. That is. If they will not or if they cannot continewe in virginitie, let them marry.

Obiectio. 5.

Saint Augustine doth write, that to marry after the vowe, is not one∣ly sinne, but also to will to marry is damnable. His woordes be these. Non solum capescere nuptias, sed etiam si non nubant, nubere velle dam∣nabile est. Ergo the mariages of votaries be damnable.

Responsio.

First I set Augustine against him selfe, who writyng Ad Iulianum, hath wordes repugnaunt vnto these: Quidam, inquit, nubentes post vo∣tum, asserunt adulteros esse, ego autem dico vobis, quod grauiter pec∣cant qui tales diuidunt. That is. Some do affirme, those to be adulterers, whiche marry after their vowe, but I do say vnto you, that they do gre∣uously offende, whiche do separate such and put them a sonder. By these words it appeareth, that the mariages of votaries are not damnable, for then why should Augustine say, it to be a greuous offence to deuide such, but because I wil not lean to one only testimony I wil produce y^e words of Saint Gregory, who spekyng of this matter, writeth thus: Tanta vis est in matrimonio, vt etiam post voti violationem non debet dirimi. That is. Ther is so great power & strēgth in matrimonie, that after y^e breach of the vow, it ought not to be broken, how litle I pray you did certayn of late tyme regarde the wordes, either of Augustine or of Gregorie, which did not onely separate Ecclesiasticall Ministers from their wiues, but also tooke from them their liuynges, yea and their liues. Because in the mouth of two or three euery worde standeth, I will bring the third man, whiche also doth assent to that whiche I haue before spoken.

Theodorus (as it is in the decrees) hath these wordes: Si vir simplex vo¦tum

virginitatis habens, adiungitur vxori, postea nō dimittet vxorē, sed tribus annis paeniteat. If a mā hauing a simple vow of virginitie, be cou∣pled to a wife, let him not after forsake her, but let him repēt thre yeres. Here you se, that both Gregory, Theodore and also Austen him selfe will not those mariages to be broken, which are celebrate after the vowe. A∣gayne Austen in his owne wordes following this obiection doth not say, that the matrimonie in it selfe is damnable, but that the breache of the vowe is damnable. His wordes be these: Damnātur tales, non quia coniu∣galem fidem posterius inierunt, sed quia continentiae fidem primam irri∣tā fecerunt. Such are condemned, not because they haue afterwarde en∣tred into cōiugal faith, but because they haue made frustrat y^e first faith of their continencie. And a little after he saith. Proinde qui dicunt taliū nuptias non esse nuptias sed potius adulteria, non mihi videntur satis a∣cute ac diligenter considerare quid dicant.

Therfore they whiche say that the mariages of such are not mariages but rather adulteries, seeme to me not sharply and diligently to consider what they say. &c.

I am not ignoraūt, that S. Austē with other of the fathers do count the breaking of the vow to be damnable, being moued therto by this place of Paul, and that they tooke this word, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to signifie damnation eternall.

Notwithstandyng some other fathers (as I haue alledged before) do take it Pro iudicio humano, as Erasmus geueth vpō these wordes (Habē¦tes damnationem) this Paraphrase, Contrahunt sibi maculam infamiae, they purchase to them selues a spot of infamie, they runne into obloquie, in that they were so rashe to professe, and take vpon them that whiche they were not able to performe. VVherfore seyng that the place is ambi¦guous, why should we consent to any man, making, an assertiō of it after his owne iudgement? Sit sacra pagina lydius lapis. Let the Scriptures be the true touch stone to trie all verities, whiche will sone be perceiued if the sentences be well expended and conference of places duly vewed.

* 1.73If it were damnable to breake a vowe, why do they in their own lawe geue these rules. In malis promissis rescinde fidē, In turpi voto muta de∣cretū. Quod incaute vouisti, ne facias, Impia est promissio quaescelere ad impletur. &c. Let this be sufficient for the third ambiguitie concernyng this word, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, condemnation, now to the fourth ambiguitie.

Abire post Satanam. To go after Sathan.

Our aduersaries do thincke, that to go after Sathan, is no more but to reuolte from the vowe, and they call such mariages, whiche are made af∣ter the vowe, the counsels of Sathan. From this sentence men both godly and notably learned, do dissent. They do interpret to go after Sathan, is to reuolte and forsake the faith of Christ, which they professed in Bap∣tisme. Other godly and learned men do take, (To go after Sathan) to be

nothing els, but to liue impurely, and vnder the pretence and coulour of chastity, to liue in scortation and whoordome.

Thus you see, that this place of Paul hath many ambiguities. notwith¦standing if the antecedents, the consequents & other places of the Apo¦stle be truly marked, the minde of the Apostle is sone & easely obtained.

Notio.

Now let vs consider, whether this place of Paule do make for vowes (as our aduersaries do grate and ground vpon it) or els, whither it be vt¦terly repugnaunt against vowes.

Saint Paul willeth yonger widowes to marry, and to bring foorth children, least vnder the coulour & state of single life they should shame¦fully slide and fall. He willeth also that no widow be chosen vnder the age of .60. yeres, bicause the yonger widowes might easily by frailty fall to wantonnes and whoordome. These words shew manifestly, that Paul is against the vow of single lyfe, for feare of daunger and offence to be geuen. If vowes had so wel pleased him, he would haue gone an other wai to worke, than to haue reiected the yonger widowes. He saith to the Co∣rinthians, y^t he wil not cast or lay any snare to any, by the which wordes he signifieth, that single life, when it is kept and obserued, ought to be free, and that no man ought to be vrged aboue his power.

Obiectio.

It is one thing to be admitted to the vow of single life, and an other to be receiued of the church, to be susteined and found. Paul doth define that widowes onely of three score yeares of age should be receiued of the church, that they by the goods of the church might be relieued: yet here is no let or impediment, but that yonger widowes also should be admit∣ted to the vowes of perpetual continency.

Responsio.

Paulin this place doth not onely repell the younger widowes from the sustentation of the church, but also from the necessity and bondage of single life, for bicause (saith he) they brake their first faith, in becom¦ming wanton against Christ.

Obiectio.

But saint Paul in an other place doth greatly allure persons to vow, as Christ him self doth prouoke vnto the same, when he speaketh of these Eunuches, which hath gelded them selues for the kingdome of God. And I pray you, how can it be than, that saint Paule should forbyd the vowe of single lyfe?

Responsio.

Concerning your distinction mencioned in the other former obiectiō, it doth litle helpe your cause, for we say, that Paul doth not speake of the vow of single life, when he sayth younger widowes ought to be reiected

for this kind of vow was vtterly vnknowen vnto Paul. It must therfore follow, that Paul doth speake onely of those widowes of thre score yeres of age, which were receiued of the church, to be susteined and relieued.

But bicause these widowes were not admitted, but vnder a conuenti∣on and pact, that they should liue sole and purely, therfore when the Apo∣stle wil haue none to be admitted vnder the age of three score yeres, it must nedes be graunted, that Paul would not haue the yonger widowes to be driuen to any such condicions, wherby they might be restrained frō mariage. Therfore I pray you, expend the matter wel, wherefore Paule doth reiect the younger widowes: perchaūce you wil say, least the church should be burthened with them. I know in dede that Paul doth perswad the faithful who had any widowes pertaining vnto them, to relieue and finde them, least the church should be burdened. And this sentence of his is to be taken vniuersally, as wel of the yonger widowes, as of the elder. And by this Paul doth vnderstand here those widowes, which be deso∣late and comfortles, to be receiued of the church, and no other.

Now may you see, both how foolish your distinction is, and also that this place of Paul, doth make nothing for vowes:

Questio.

VVhy, is single and chaste life no better then matrimony, and be they both of one perfection? Saint Paul saith, he that putteth not his daugh∣ter to marry, doth better: therfore single life is better.

Responsio.

Athanasius writeth, that ther was a Shoomaker or Courier of Alex¦andria, being a maried man, who was by an oracle of God made equal & counted as good, as holy Anthonius the first Eremites and Monke. The saying of saint Augustine,* 1.74 in his booke De bono coniugali, is not disso∣naunt from this history of Athanasius. His wordes be these. Non est im∣par continentiae meritum in Ioanne, qui nullas expertus est nuptias, et in Abrahamo, qui filios genuit: nam vt Ioannes in opere, ita Abraham in solo habitu continentiam colebat, melior est autem castitas caelibum quā nuptorum, quarum vnam Abraham habebat in vsu, ambas in habitu, ca∣ste enim & coniugaliter vixit. That is. The merite of continencye is not vnequal in Iohn, which was not maried, and in Abraham whiche begat children. For as Iohn did embrace continency in worke, so Abraham did in habite onely. Better is the chastity of the single persons, then of the maried, wherof Abraham had the one in vse, and the other in habit, for he liued cōiugally & also chastly. Vve do not produce these testimonies to extenuate the gifts of God, among which we count the chaste single life to be one: but we say, that this kinde of life is not by it self, and of his own nature, a christian perfection. For fasting, single life, & virginity haue not hy their nature any state of vertue in them selues, except they be di∣rected

to some other good end and thing, which by it selfe, and for it self is to be desired & practised, as to praiers, & to holy studies. To be plain, if great and equall perfection be found as wel in matrimony, as in single life, must it not nedes follow, than that ther is no proper perfection, nei∣ther to matrimony, nor to single life? For if either of them were by hys own nature a perfection, it woulde increase and augment perfection in him in whom it is found, but it did not increase that perfection in Antho∣ny, which was a chaste single man, and declared by the oracle of God, to be equal to a married man.

Vvherfore it ful wel followeth, that single life by his nature is no per¦fection, but as pertaining to faith, hope, and charity (which be the true measures of the Euangelical perfection) Anthony and the Couriar wer both equal and like. Vvherupon it may be cōcluded, that single life made not Anthony more acceptable or woorthy vnto God. For if it did, then we might make this argument which the Logicians cal, Argumentum a cōiugatis, Caelibatus natura sua est perfectio, ergo iste caelebs est perfect{us}. I cannot say whither you wil graunt the consequent, or no. If this argu∣ment be not good, then single life is by it selfe no perfection.

Obiectio.

The dignity of Abraham and of Iohn are equal and like, the mariage of the Couriar, & the single life of Iohn be equal and like. This is true in dede in one respect, for that which lacketh to one, as cōcerning virginity and single life, is supplied in the other, by faith, hope, and charity, and o∣ther good workes flowing out of the same.

Responsio.

Here we do demaund, whither ye wil affirme, that Abraham had more faith, hope and charity, then Iohn the Baptist? And whether the Couriar, more then Anthony? If you affirme that Abraham had more, then Abraham must farre excel Iohn, and muste haue more merite, by∣cause he had more charitye, bicause the whole reason of merite (as both you and the scholemen do say) doth depend of charity. Now, if ye denye it, than also they be not like and equall. For then they haue faith, hope, and charity equal, but to one of them beside those vertues rehersed ther commeth virginitye, which (as you saye) is the Euangelicall perfection. Therfore they are vnequall, contrary to the testimony of Augustine, & the history of Athanasius.

To make the matter plain, the argument wherew^t we pres you, is this. Either you attribut vnto Abraham, equal charity with that which Iohn had or els vnequall. If ye attribute equall, than Iohn is more perfecter then Abraham, bycause biside charitye, he had also virginity, which you cal euangelical perfection. But if Abraham had more charity then Iohn,

then he had also more merite then Iohn. For merite (as you saye) depen∣deth not of virginity, but of charity. But saint Augustine writeth, that matrimony in Abraham, and continency in Iohn, be of like and equal me¦rite. It could not be of equal merite, vnles equal chariti wer of both parts

Neither virginity hath by it selfe, of her own nature, & in it selfe, a∣ny faculty or vertue to make a man more acceptable vnto God, but that it hath onely of that which is ioyned vnto it, that is, of faith and charity, and the selfe same thing is to be graunted in matrimony. But if you wyll make Abraham wors then Fraūces the gray friar, it is an other matter. That wer in my iudgement a great absurdity. And where you contende that the condicion and state of virginity & single life is to be preferred before matrimony, we wil graunt you, but not in such behalf, that it is an Euangelical perfection. But bicause it is a more expedite and easy way, to spread abrod, and to promulgate the kingdome of heauen, that is, the word of God. And this is true concerning certaine persons, but not con∣cerning all persōs. Thus I trust, our aduersaries be answered for the ma∣riage of priestes at the full, if they will (at the least) be aunswered.

Eutyches. 18.

EVtyches an Archeheretick, was an Abbot of Constātinople. He fel into his heresy, being aged. He affirmed that the nature of the word of God and the flesh was all one, and so did confounde both natures in Christ to be one. Vvhich heresy when Flauianus the by∣shop had condemned, ther was (by the commaundement of Theodosius) a councel indicted at Ephesus, called the second councell of Ephesus, in which Dioscorus, bishop of Alexandria was president. Vvho fauouring Eutiches part, remoued Flauianus from the gouernment of the church of Constantinople. But after in the fourth general councel, the councell of Chalcedon, which was kept about the yere after Christ .458. Euty∣ches was condemned, and Dioscorus the bishop also, and Eutiches was sent into exile. Leo calleth him in his Epistles an impudent & an vnler∣ned hereticke, and desired the Emperour to send him into exile, farther of, from those partes.

Councel of Constance. 19.

THe councel of Constance was begonne in the time of Sigismund the Emperour, in the yeare of the Lord .1414. in the moneth of Nouember.

Iohn the .23. Pope came thither, but a few daies after he fled awaye priuily, and being after cited, when he woulde not come, he was deposed from the Papacy, by the sentence of the councel. In the .8. Session it con¦demned .25. articles, taken out of Iohn Vvickliffes bookes.

In the .xiij. Session it tooke away the one kinde of the sacrament frō the lay people, among other things speaking these words. This present ho¦ly general Councel of Constaunce, lawfully gathered in the holy ghost, de¦clareth, decreeth, and defineth, that although Christ after supper, insti∣tuted and ministred to his Disciples vnder both kinds of bread & wine, this godly sacrament, yet this notwithstanding, although in the prima∣tiue church the sacrament was receiued of y^e faithful vnder both kindes, the church hath obserued, and doth yet obserue the approued custome, that is, it is receiued of the consecrater vnder both kinds, and of the lay people, vnder the kinde of bread onely.

In the .xv. Session, Anno .1415. the sixt of Iuly was condemned Iohn Husse, and .30. articles were reproued, which were taken oute of hys bookes, among the which this was the chiefest, that there was but one holy vniuersall church, which is the vniuersall number of them that be predestinate.

In the .xxi. Session, Anno .1416. the .xxx. of May, Hierom of Praga was condemned, which was Husseis companion.

In the .xxvii. Session, Anno .1417. the .xvi. of Iuly was deposed Pe∣ter de Luna, whiche had named him selfe Benedict the .xiii. and in the time of Scysme he bare him selfe as Pope in Auiniona and Spayne.

In the .xxix. Session it was decreed, that after euery fift yeare, than after seuen yeres, and last of al from tenne yeares to tenne yeres a gene∣rall councel should be kept.

In the forty Session was proposed .xviii. articles pertaining to the re∣formation of the church of Rome.

In the .xli Session, Anno .1417. the eight day of Nouember, was elec¦ted Pope Otho de Columna, which tooke the name of Martin the fift.

The .xliiii. Session, Anno .1418. the .xix day of April, the next coun¦cel was appointed to be kept at Papia. It was translated from thence to Sene, wher it was concluded, Anno .1424. that the next Synode shoulde be kept at Basile.

This councell of Constaunce hath two contraries.

First, it was decreed ther, that the councel is aboue the Pope, which thing is most true, for Hierome writeth to Euagrius thus: Si autoritas quaeritur, maior est orbis vrbe. &c. That is. If authority be required, the world is greater then a Citye: so the whole Churche is greater then one church of Rome, and the church of Rome is not aboue the whole vniuer∣sall church: but contrariwise the whole church and the councell, which representeth the church, is aboue the church of Rome.

Secondly, it condemned this article of Iohn Hussey. The Pope is not by the law of God aboue all churches. And this determination playnlye

gaine saith the first. In this seconde determination agaynst Husse, the whole church of the East & of Africa was gaynsaid, & it is also against the councels of Nice and of Africa.

Bicause mencion is made here of Pope Iohn the .xxiii. deposed by this councel, I shall thinke it not impertinent to this part, to descrihe and set forth vnto you the whole life of the said Pope Iohn.

This Iohn was a Frenchman, named before Iacobus Catucensis. He was a Cardinal, & bishop of Portua. And after two yeres, in the which the sea was vacant, by the alterations of .22. Cardinals, he was denoun∣ced Pope at Lyons. He was so much desirous of new thinges, that he de∣uided single bishoprickes into two. And after they were deuided, he con∣uerted them again to one, & he translated Monasteries also into bishop¦rickes, and likewise bishopricks into Monasteries. He ordeined that thrise in the day the Aue bels should be knoled, that the people kneling, might idolatrously say the salutacion of the aungell to the virgin Mary. He called them obstinate heretickes, which would affirme, that Christ and the Apostles had nothing proper to them selues, and he sent buls to the vniuersities, that the scholemen durst not dispute of that thing. He taught certain errours, and chiefly, that the soules after they be dead, do not see God before the latter day.

* 1.75Iohn Mandeuel saith, that this Pope wrote largely to the Greekes, that ther is but one Christian church, and that he was the head thereof, and Christes vicar, to whom the Grekes briefly answered thus: Vve be∣leue thy great power and rule ouer thy subiectes, we cannot suffer thy great pride, we cannot satisfy thy auarice. The diuel is with thee, bicause the Lord is with vs. By the which briefe talke, they shewed all the ma∣ner and state of the Pope.

VVhen Lewes the Emperour, and the noble men of Rome did very wel know the wicked doings of this Pope, and the people of Rome, from the greatest to the lesse, was agreued, that the embassadours, which they sent vnto him, was deluded and laughed to scorne, they all agreed, that the auncient custome of chusing the Pope, shoulde bee brought into the church againe, that is, that the Pope being elected of y^e people of Rome, should haue his confirmation of the Emperour. Therfore one Peter of Cabaria, a minorite Friar, was created Pope of Rome, and was called Nicholas the fift. And they pronounced Iohn to be an hereticke, and a tirant of the church, and not a pastour, but a disturber of cōmon peace among the Christians.

He died in Auinion, and was buried in the Cathedrall church with a great funeral pompe. He left so great a treasure, as no Pope left, that is, two hundred and fiue thousand peces of gold.

Pighius saith, that this councell of Constaunce decreed a falshoode and was in an errour, bicause it put downe the Pope frō his sea. And ther∣fore Caietanus saith, that this councel afterward was iustly abrogated.

Epiphanius. 20.

THer is put before Epiphanius booke, which he him selfe entitu∣led Ancoratum, a briefe narration of his life,* 1.76 which declareth that he was borne at Eleutheropolis, which thing Sozomenus more plainly declaring, saith, that he was borne in a certain village cal∣led Besaduce, being neare vnto Eleutheropolis in Palestine. But what Parents he had, neither the said narration mencioneth, nor yet Sozome∣nus. He was sent into Aegipt, being but a boy, and had to his teachers and maisters (as Sozomenus testifieth) very good and godly Moonkes, whose company and discipline he vsed, as it semeth certain yeres, that is, vnto the twenty yere of his age. He himself affirmeth,* 1.77 that he was in E∣gipt, being a yong man. He saith y^t the women of the heretiks called Gno∣stici, did stur & prouoke him to heresy, but he did not folow their minds.

Going out of Egipt, he returned to the costes of Eleutheropolis in Pa∣lestine, wheras the foresaid narration declareth, he builded a Monaste∣ry, wher he him selfe was exercised in Monastical philosophy a certaine space with great praise, as Sozomenus testifieth. Nor it is to be doubted, but that he in this monastical contemplation wrote that long and famous worke against al heresies,* 1.78 in the raigne of Valentinian & Valens ioyned Emperours, as he him selfe declareth.

Sozomenus also declareth, that Epiphanius dwelled in Palestine, be∣fore he went to Cyprus, in the time of the empire of valens & valentini∣an. Hierome testifieth, that he was priest of the monastery.* 1.79

VVe be not able to affirme, by what occasion, or at what time he was called to the bishopricke of Salamine, which after was called Constātia, being the Metropolis of the country of Cyprus (as Hierome and Suidas haue testified.) This we can declare out of the testimonies of many men, whom we wil recite, that he was adourned with many excellēt vertues, both in his monastical profession, and also in the bishoprick of Constāce. For Socrates attributeth vnto him excellent piety,* 1.80 which is a chiefe and worthy praise in a Christian, and also he saith, he was of a plain wit.

Hierome, which somtime reuerently nameth him holye father, ascri∣beth vnto him these vertues: knowledge & worthy life, authority, graui¦ty, & reuerēce so great, y^t Valens y^e emperor, being the greatest enemi to sincere piety, & a great defender of y^e Arrians, & Eunominians (which wer dispersed through al the world) neuer intreated him violentlye, and the hereticks that then raigned, counted it to the emperor an ignominy & reproch, if he would persecute so excellent and reuerende a man.

Augustine also attributeth vnto him great praise of notable doctrine in the Catholicke faith.

Sozomenus rehearseth other of his vertues most worthye and besee∣ming a bishop, as beneuolence and liberality towards the poore, and to∣wardes them that had taken shipwrack, or were fallen into calamity by any other meanes. He sheweth also, that Epiphanius laid out for the vse of the poore, both his own goods, and also the cōmon goods of the church.

Sozomenus addeth this also, that whosoeuer woulde doo good to the poore, did send their money to Epiphanius, as to a common steward, de∣claring also, that his piety was approued and confirmed by a certain mi∣racle. For when he had consumed all the treasure of the church, by distri¦buting to the poore, the treasurer of the church being angry & agreued, reproued Epiphanius somewhat sharpelye, calling him a prodigall man. But not long after, there were brought (it cannot be told how) bagges ful of golde into the treasurers house, nor it coulde be knowne at anye time after, eyther who it was, or out of what place, or in whose name the gold was brought.* 1.81 Neither is this also a smal cōmendation, for y^t he deni¦eth himself to be of any great audaciti, but did acknowledge himself to be simple & plain. His writings do testify, how much he excelled in lernīg.

* 1.82Epiphanius writeth certain traditions, among which this is one: that it was the constitution of the Apostles alwaies to fast, Penthecost onely excepted, and that sixe daies immediatly before Easter, men should eate none other thing, then bread, salt, and water.

Finally, he varieth from other men in many historical narrations, and chiefly in Temporum ratione, which thing the reder shal easily perceue.

* 1.83Sometime also he is fouly deceiued: as when he affirmeth that Iusti∣nus Martyr suffered martyrdome in Adrianus the Emperours raigne, when he was of the age of thirty yeares: wher as notwithstanding it is moste certaine, that he liued vnder the Emperour named Comodi, to whō he wrote Apologies for the Christians.

* 1.84Besides fourescore heresies which he confuteth, he refelleth also oftē¦times iudaical doctrine, and the Ethnicke philosophers, whose errours he doth recite in certaine places. He signifieth also, that he wrote against Marcion, before he made his booke against .80. heresies.

He confuted also in his time Apollinarius, whom he tooke as his deare frende (as he him selfe testifieth) before he fell to heresy.

He confuted also the Antidicomarianites, and them that offered to Mary, and the Massilians.

* 1.85He condemned Origens bookes in open wordes (as Hierome witnes∣seth) and in his writinges, and also in Synodes gathered in Cyprus, and in other places, (as Socrates also declareth.)

Hierome also sheweth, that Epiphanius disputed against Origen & his defender Ruffinus in fiue tounges, and therefore calleth hym 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. For when he was long time suspected of heresy vnto Theophilus Bishop of Alexandria to be in the Anthropomorphites errour, yet when Theophilus had knowen that Epiphanius iudged a right of God, he fa∣uoured him againe, and broughte to passe, that Epiphanius mighte con∣demne Origens bokes in the Synode gathered in Cyprus. In which thing Epiphanius followed Theophilus his mynde, and wrote also to Iohn the bishop of Constantinople, to gather a Synode, and that he also would con¦demne Origens bookes. But Iohn delayed the matter. Vvherupon Epi∣phanius came a lytle after to Constantinople, whom Iohn with all the Clergie came forth to mete, and that he might gratifye Theophilus, he brought with him the condemnation of Origens bookes, and openly de∣clared the variaunce which he had with Iohn: yet notwithstanding he did not preuaile with all men to subscribe to the condemnacion of Ori∣gens bookes. For one Theotinus, bishop of Scythia answered hym thus: I, O Epiphanius wyl neither dispute against him that hath bene long time dead, neither I dare attempt such blasphemy, as to reproue those thinges which our Elders haue not reproued.

Epiphanius than tooke vpon him a bold and licentious enterprise in the church of Constantinople, that he might pleasure Theophilus, who was great enemy to Iohn, in that he ordered a Deacon, contrarye to the Canons, and also that with sharpe checkes he taunted Iohn the Byshop openly in hys Sermon.

VVherupon Iohn commaunded Serapion the Priest, to tell Epipha∣nius, that he did many thinges beside the authoritye of the Canons, and therfore ought to take heede least the people, making a tumult, woulde imprison him, and lay hym in bondes.

Epiphanius disdaining the matter, purposed to returne into Cyprus, either bicause it repented him that he came into Constantinople, or els bicause he was admonished and perswaded therunto of God, as Sozome∣nus reherseth, who also addeth this, that Epiphanius entring into the ship, sayd vnto them that had followed him vnto the sea: I leaue vnto you this city, this court, and this hipocrisy, but I go hence spedely.

Socrates wrote, that he hearde some menne saye, that Epiphanius, (when he went from Constantinople) sayd thus vnto Iohn the Byshop, I hope that thou shalt not dye a Byshoppe. And Iohn aunswered hym a∣gayne: I hope that thou shalt not returne into thy country.

Socrates and Sozomenus declare that both their sayings toke place,* 1.86 and that Epiphanius died in the shyp, before he came againe into Cyprus, and that Iohn was banished.

Of this controuersie betwene Epiphanius and Chrisostome, is more spoken before in the note of Chrisostome.

Sozomenus writeth a marueilous notable historye of Epiphanius, which is this:

Two beggers waiting in the high way for Epiphanius (when he went vpon a time from home) that they might get the larger almes of him, the one of them prostrating him self on the ground, did lye as though he had bene dead, and the other standing by him, wept, as though he had lamen∣ted his fellowes death, and complayned vnto Epiphanius of his pouer∣ty, bicause he was not able to bury the dead man lyeng on the groūd, & to bring him to his graue, for lacke of money. And Epiphanius saide, let him lye in rest and peace. And geuing the other man things necessary for the burial, said vnto him: see vnto the buriall my sonne, and cease from weping, for he shal not rise againe at this present. That which hath now happened cannot be reuoked and vndone, and it ought to be taken paci∣ently. Vvhen he had spoken these words, he went onward. Afterwarde when none appeared in sight, the begger that stoode by hym, spurnyng him lying on the ground, and also praysing him that he counterfeited so wel a dead man said vnto him: aryse, that we may passe away this daye merily. But when he neuertheles lay styll on the ground, and heard not the other man crying & speaking aloud vnto him, neither felt him whē he beat him with his feete with al his might, this other man comming ha¦stely vnto the bishop, told him what crafty practise they had vsed, and weping and pulling his heare, prayeth him to raise his fellow again. Epi∣phanius exhorted the man not to take greuously that which had happe∣ned, and sayd: let him go, for God wyll not vndoo that he hadde done. Vvherby he doth signify vnto all men, that they whych so behaue them selues towards Gods Ministers, go about to disceaue God, who heareth and seeth all thinges.

Dioscorus. 21.

DIoscorus was Archdeacon of Alexandria. He succeded Cy∣rillus, Theodosius the younger being Emperour.

He was a wicked and vnpure man, he did greatlye hate Cyrillus family, which he ought to haue helped for his testa∣mēts sake, but he sought craftely for their goods & liues, as appereth by Athanasius and Theodorus bookes.

He remoued from the ministery, godly & innocent men, & appoin∣ted in their roumes, them that serued for his wickednes, as Ischirion ob∣iected against him in the Synode of Chalcedon

He polluted himself with many other offences, done against the firste and second table. He spake blasphemy against the holy Trinitye, he em∣braced

and confirmed the heresy of Eutyches, and impugned the true fayth, as foure accusers obiected against him, in the councell of Chalcedō.* 1.87

Sophronius semeth to lay to his charge, that he had cōmitted treasō, and had coueted the empire and rule of Egipt, for he saith thus:

Dioscorus was greued, that such an one should be called lord & gouer∣nour of the world, for he would haue ruled the diocesse of Egipt.

Ischyrion and Theodorus the Deacons, among other crimes, do lay a∣gainst him murders, that he was occasioned to commit. It appeareth in the actes done in the councel of Calcedon, and speciallye in the accu∣sations of Eusebius Doryleus, that Dyoscorus was the causer of Flaui∣nianus the bishop of Constantinople his death in the seconde Synode of Ephesus.

Neither he was void of theft, for the churches of Lybia were wont to haue corn geuen them out of Egipt by the Emperours liberality, by∣cause they gathered no fruites of corne there, by the reason of the drines of the places. This Dioscorus taking vp the corne by the way, and bying it to him selfe with very great summes of money, sold it againe for much more money, then he bought it.

Furthermore, periury was layd to his charge, in the causes of his con∣demnation, bicause he had promised by an othe, that he would exhibite an epistle to be opēly red, which Leo bishoppe of Rome had sente to the Synode of Ephesus. But Dioscorus neglecting the othe,* 1.88 refused to haue it redde.

This was the disposition and piety, these were the vertues of this so great a monster of the church, rather then of a Bishop, of a tirant and a woolfe, rather then of a true pastour.

His accusers sayd, that no man was free from his cruelty, insomuche that things hauing no life, were not free from his furious raginges. For he did cut downe trees, and raised vp fiers, and plucked downe houses.

Athanasius concluding all his accusations wyth these fewe woordes, sayde, that Dioscorus had committed such offences, that were not onely forbidden by lawes, but also which exceeded al cruelty of the most fierce and cruel barbarous people.

Vvhen he had bene thre times called to the coūcel of Ephesus to make answer to his wicked doings, and came not, he was condemned by the voi¦ces of al the fathers, to be put from al the dignities of a bishop,* 1.89 and to be voyd from all maner of ecclesiastical functions.

The causes of his condemnation were these.

Bicause agreing wyth Eutyches, he receyued hym to the communi∣on, before he had talked and consulted with his fellow brethren in the councel of Ephesus.

Bicause he had vniustlye condemned Flauinianus, Eusebius, and o∣thers of errours, being gilty to none.

Bicause he added some things to the councel of Ephesus, which were not spoken of the Fathers.

Bicause he admitted not the reading of the bishop of Romes epistle, being often warned therto.

Bicause he had pronounced the bishop of Rome to be excōmunicate.

Bicause he had contrary to the lawes, receiued them that were law∣fully deposed by diuers Synodes.

Finally, bicause other his fellow cōpanions, confessing their offence, had desired pardon, but he continued in his wickednes, nor came to the Synode, being thrise called. At the last he was sent in to exile, into a cer∣tain place called Gangra, a city of the Paphlagones.

Ariminensis Synodus.

Ariminum was a towne in Italy. This city had a notable port or hauē, whiche in times paste diuided Italye from Fraunce. In this City was the counsel called Consilium Ariminense kept. The cause & beginning of this councel, was this: Vvhē the Arrians after the counsel of Nice, had with lies and falshod inuegled the minde of Constantine the Emperour, Constantine calling some of them from exile, and purposing to cal an o∣ther councel, to heare the matter better discussed, but death preuented him, but he commaunded his eldest sonne Constantius to performe that which his father had purposed, who at the last called a councel to be kept at Ariminum. Before which councell many other assemblies were cele∣brate and kept, in which this question was greatly reasoned and dispu∣ted, whether the sonne wer consubstantial and equal in substance wyth the father. Al refused to teache or saye that the sonne was vnequall in substance vnto the father, vntil one Aetius a Syrmian taught the cōtra∣ry, but yet very peruersly & falsly For the which cause Constantius com¦maunded al the bishops to come to Ariminum & Seleuciā, to rectify this opinion. He had thought to haue brought all the bishops of the East into the west partes, seking all occasions to make an vniforme concord amōg them: but the farre distaunce of place caused him to alter & chaunge his minde, so that he decreed, that there shoulde be but one councell, but kept in two places, & that the bishops of the west shoulde be at Arimi∣num, & the bishops of the East at Seleucia. But they did not agre in nei¦ther place, but great dissention rose among them, ther were at Arimi∣num aboue .300. persons.

As Sozomenus doth declare, when a question was proposed how they should beleue,* 1.90 Valens and Vrsacius stepping forth (whose cause Germi∣nius Auxentius, Gaius, & Demophilus fauoured) required that al that

which was written before of the faith, should be made voide and vaine, and that, that should take place whiche longe before that tyme was com¦posed in the Latine toung at Syrmium, where it was defined, that the sonne was like the father, accordyng to the saying of the Scriptures, but that there should be no mention made of one essence, and they sayd, that this exposition was greatly approued of the Emperour, and that it ought also to be receyued of the Synode. So at the last they graunted, nay ra∣ther falsly betrayed and defamed this worde 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as a word vnknowē of the Scriptures, and obscure and darcke to many. But this Vrsacius with his complices were after pronounced and condemned for heretikes, and because they defended the doctrine of the Arrians, were remoued from the Churche, as Athanasius writeth in his Epistle to the Bishops of Africa.

Reprehension of Peter. 22.

I Do not thincke that Hieromes sentence is to be graunted, whiche affirmeth, that Paul did but feignedly reprehende Peter.

I would gladly aske Hierome whiche leyneth to much to Peters part, whither Paul lied or no in saing this, I resisted him to his face? and whether these were coūterfeyte and dissembling wordes or no? (They walked not the right waye in the veritie of the Gospell.) And if Paule lyed not, than he truly reprehended Peter, neither were these dissembling wordes, (they did not goe the right way in the veritie of the Gospell) Let vs say therfore with Augustine, whose sentence the com∣mon consent of the Churche doth folowe and approue, that Paule truly reprehended Peter, for Peter offended the Gentiles that were conuer∣ted to the faith, in withdrawing him selfe from them for the Iewes sake as though they were not cleane enough and purged by the fayth and bap∣tisme of Christ, vnlesse they mingled the ceremonies of the olde law with the Gospell.

And for so much as in Christ there is neither man nor woman, nei∣ther Iewe nor Greeke, neither freeman nor bondeman, but in Christe we all are one, why did Peter disdaine to eate with the Gentiles, and clea∣ued to the Iewes?

Augustine saith: Paulus non ideo emendauit Petrum quod paternas traditiones obseruaret, &c. That is. Paule did not reprehende Peter, be∣cause he obserued the traditions of the fathers, whiche thing if he would haue done, he should not haue bene counted to haue done ill (for although they were superfluous, yet beyng accustomed to be done they could not hurt,) but because he compelled the Gentils to follow the Iewes doctrine

and Religion, whiche he could in no wise do, vnles he did them as things, necessarie to saluation, yea and that after the comming of Christ, which thyng the veritie disanulled by the preaching of Paul.

Neither was the Apostle Peter ignoraunt of this, but he did it fea∣ryng them that were of the circumcision.

Therfore, both he was iustly corrected, and Paule also told the troth, least the holy Scripture, whiche is to be beleued of the posteritie, by suf∣fring a falsitie to haue authoritie, might be altogether doubtfull and o∣uerthrowne.

Neither Paule therfore kept these ceremonies, because he feined him selfe a Iewe, that he might wynne them: for els why did he not like Sa∣crifice with the Gentiles, because he became as one without a lawe vnto them that liued without a lawe, that he might winne them, but that he did that also, as a Iewe by nature.

All this he spake, not that he might feine him selfe to be that he was not, but because he iudged, that by this meanes they might be mercyfully holpen, as though he him selfe had the same errour, that is, not doyng it with a dissemblyng mynde, but with affection, as of one that had compassion.

Yea these olde Sacramentes were to be permitted to them for a sea∣son, and chiefly to them, whiche came of that people to whom they were geuen, but afterwarde they ought to haue bene forsaken and left of all Christians, as though they had ben reuerently buried and hidden.

By this learned sentence of Augustine we know, that the ceremonies of the Iewes, were not immediatly after Christes Passion pernitious and hurtfull, for they sinned not whiche obserued them for a tyme, although there was no hope of saluation to be put in them. For otherwise they should haue deadly offended, whiche would haue thought, that they ought to be obserued of necessitie, as though saluation and iustification should be taken by them.

* 1.91Hierome notwithstanding in this altercation with Augustine dissen∣teth from hym, affirmyng, that the ceremonies of the Iewes, after the Passion of the Lorde, were alwayes pernicious and deadly to the Chri∣stians, and that who soeuer, either of the Iewes or of the Gentiles, obser∣ued them, he should be cast downe to the pitte of hell.

Neither he thincketh, that Paul or Peter obserued these ceremonies, but that they dissembled the matter, to auoyde the offence of the Iewes, but the scolasticall doctours do disagre from this opinion.

But after the sufficient preaching of the Gospell, the ceremonies of the Iewes were pernicious.

Obiectio.

Some men will say, was not Paul likewise to be reproued aswell as Peter, when he circumcised Timothie, when he purified him selfe seuen dayes, when he shore his head in Cenchreis, and when he let his heare growe by a vowe, and when Sacrifices were offred for him accordyng to the lawe, least some of the Iewes whiche beleued, should be offended? And if he knewe that the circumcision of Timothie was nothing worth, and likewise his purification, and the offering of the Sacrifices, and not∣withstandyng did thus, vndoubtedly he dissembled, and therfore he was to be reprehended as well as Peter.

Responsio.

They that dissolue this argument, doo note simulation, as simulation, not to be any euill, but to be indifferent both to good and euell: for if it saue, edifie and kyndle godly zeale, as the simulation of Christ when he feigned him selfe to go farre, he enflamed his Disciples the more to re∣quire his presence, than it is good.

But if it destroye or take awaye charitie, or be agaynst edifieng, it is euill and to be reproued.

They do graunt, that Paul dissembled in these Iudaicall obseruati∣ons, when he knewe that they were nothyng worth, but at such tyme as he myght not hurte by his example, but myght profit by his dissembling. VVhen he came to Lystra, he circumcised Timothie whom he would haue to be his iourney felowe, fearyng least he should hynder the fayth of the Iewes, by whom he should passe, if he should lead aboute with him an vncircumcised man, furthermore he did appease tumultes and sediti∣ons, whiche might be moued agaynst him. Also be circumcised Timo∣thie, because he would send hym to teache the Iewes, and he did so, that the teacher myght be the more accepted of his auditours, yet for that end (as Chrisostome saith) he circumcised Timothie that he might abrogate circumcision. And if the Iewes had knowen that Timothie had not bene circumcised, they would not at all haue hard Timothie preach.

Neither Paul did offende, when at Hierusalem, he feyned the Iudai∣call purifications, for they profited and saued charitie, neyther did they hurte or hinder the fayth of Christ beyng receyued, therfore he was not to be reproued in these simulations. But Peters dissimulation was euill, because it dyd hurte and offende the Gentiles, that were lately called to the fayth.

Saint Augustine calleth Peters dissimulation and feinyng, Per∣uersam & hypocriticam dissimulationem, that is, a peruerse and hypocriticall dissimulation.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Psal. 12 7
• * 1.2

  Apoc. 22
• * 1.3

  Gen. 48.
• * 1.4

  Cap 16.
• * 1.5

  Exod. 23.
• * 1.6

  Actes. 7.
• * 1.7

  Exod. 32.
• * 1.8

  Esay. 63.
• * 1.9

  Lib. 4. cap∣pite. 19.
• * 1.10

  Cap. 34.
• * 1.11

  Cap. 23. Cap. 10.
• * 1.12

  Cap. 5.
• * 1.13

  Apoc. 5.
• * 1.14

  Apoc. 8
• * 1.15

  Cap. 3
• * 1.16

  Math. 8.
• * 1.17

  Lib. 2. Ca. 15.
• * 1.18

  These homilies ar in Hieromes works set after his cō∣mentary in Ec∣clesi. Austen.
• * 1.19

  Rom. 8.
• * 1.20

  Lib. 11. eccles. historia.
• * 1.21

  Psal. 120.
• * 1.22

  Psalm. 121.
• * 1.23

  Lib. 10. cap. 8
• * 1.24

  Tripart. hist. Lib. 9. Ca. 43
• * 1.25

  Cap. 2.
• * 1.26

  Psal. 112.
• * 1.27

  Cere. Lib. 6,
• * 1.28

  Iohn. 16.
• * 1.29

  2. Pet. 1. Psal. 115.
• * 1.30

  Iohn. 16.
• * 1.31

  Esay. 55.
• * 1.32

  comment. in opi. ad Rom.
• * 1.33

  Luk. 7.
• * 1.34

  Math. 15
• * 1.35

  Math 13.
• * 1.36

  Heb. 5.
• * 1.37

  homil. de pro fectu euang.
• * 1.38

  Eadem hom.
• * 1.39

  Epist. ad Pa••¦linum.
• * 1.40

  Cap. 2
• * 1.41

  Lib. 3 eccles histo. cap. 41.
• * 1.42

  Lib. 1. cap. 9. Lib. 2. cap. 9.
• * 1.43

  Lib. 4. ca. 24.
• * 1.44

  Cap. 20
• * 1.45

  Cap. 29.
• * 1.46

  Li. 4. cap. 27.
• * 1.47

  Cap. 24. et. 26
• * 1.48

  Lib. 7. cap. 5.
• * 1.49

  Catalogo. 36. Eze. hi. Li. 3. cap. 30 Epito. diuin. insti. 3. Lib. 2. Cap 5. Lib. 7. Cap. 3
• * 1.50

  Lib. 3. Cap. 17 Lib 7. Cap. 3 Epito diui. insti. Cap 9 ••ib. de opifi. Dei.
• * 1.51

  Lib. de ira. de. cap. 10 Lib, 7. cap. 23
• * 1.52

  psal. 7.
• * 1.53

  Hester. 7.
• * 1.54

  Daniel. 6.
• * 1.55

  2. Mach. 4
• * 1.56

  Daniel. 13
• * 1.57

  Lib. 2. histo.
• * 1.58

  Polychro. lib. 5. cap. 17.
• * 1.59

  1. Cor. 10
• * 1.60

  In Math. 15.
• * 1.61

  Lib. 2. cap. 16
• * 1.62

  Dist. 2. cano. Conperimus
• * 1.63

  Cap. 65.
• * 1.64

  in hom••l. in Math.
• * 1.65

  In Catalo. scriptorum il¦lustrium.
• * 1.66

  2. Cor. 7.
• * 1.67

  Cap 13.
• * 1.68

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• * 1.69

  1. Timoth. 4.
• * 1.70

  Leu. 15.
• * 1.71

  1. Thes. 4
• * 1.72

  Here. 61. Lib 2. ••om. 1.
• * 1.73

  Decre. 22. quest. 4.
• * 1.74

  Cap. 34.
• * 1.75

  Lib. 1. cap. 7.
• * 1.76

  Lib. 6. cap. 32.
• * 1.77

  Lib. 1. Tom. 2 heres. 26.
• * 1.78

  In pref et li. 1 tom. 3. heret.
• * 1.79

  epist. aduers{us} errores Ioan. Hierosoly.
• * 1.80

  Lib. 6. cap. 10
• * 1.81

  Li. 2. Tomo. 2 heres. 69.
• * 1.82

  Li. 3. Tom 1. Heres. 48.
• * 1.83

  Lib. 1. Tom. 3 haeres. 46.
• * 1.84

  Initio Pana et in comp. doctr. eccl. Lib. 1. Tom. ••. heres. 42.
• * 1.85

  Aduersus. Io¦an. Hierosol.
• * 1.86

  Socr. l. 6. c. 10 Sozo. l, 8. c. 8.
• * 1.87

  Acti 3 et Eu∣seb. Dorileus ad Euagrium lib. 2. cap. 4.
• * 1.88

  Euagrius. li. 2. cap 4. et alibi
• * 1.89

  Euagrius li. 2. cap. 4
• * 1.90

  Lib. 4. cap 17
• * 1.91

  In Epist. ad Augustin.