Vnhappy prosperitie expressed in the histories of Ælius Seianus and Philippa the Catanian¨ Written in French by P: Mathieu and translated into English by Sr. Th: Hawkins.

Lepidus his speech.

Marcus Lepidus,* 1.1 who had as much elo∣quence as might bee, (for never any man could have enough speaking for Piso) in this sort answered the accusers. It is a great cala∣mitie (Fathers Conscript) for poore Piso to have beene happie.* 1.2 Great honours many times serve for the felicitie of those who no∣thing deserve them, and such as merit before they obtaine them, finde their ruine by a strange extravagance,* 1.3 or cousenage of For∣tune,

which affording content to others, hath given to this man nothing but miserie.

The great services Piso did for Augustus, ob∣liged the Emperour to create him Germanicus his Lievtenant; but this honour was accom∣panied with so many disasters, that his fideli∣tie found no favour,* 1.4 nor his counsell credit in the heart of this young Prince, who nothing dismayed by the encounter of things impossi∣ble, raised his thoughts beyond dutie, threat∣ned the Sunne with darknesse, the Ocean with thraldome, and from thence mounted to imaginations of greatnesse, which troubled the Emperour.

His affection to his Countrey, his loyalty to his Prince, obliged him to watch over his acti∣ons, w^ch he ever found so bold, and vehement, that he thought this young Hercules meant not to climbe up to the Stars fairly,* 1.5 or peace∣ably, but would violently passe thorow the breach to the ruine of the Empire. These aimes of an exorbitant ambition, could not happily succeed, nor was Piso amazed, when the Priest of Apolloes oracle told him at Colo∣phon,* 1.6 this should not long continue: the charge he undertooke being too heavy for his forces.

But as Princes better love to be soothed in their follies, than advised of their duties, he presently was distasted in that Piso rather de∣sired to displease him with truth,* 1.7 then content him with flattery. He esteemed his freedome presumption, when he shewed him the way from which he wandered, and what he ought to follow, yea even then when he told him he should wrong the Majesty of the Empire, to entertaine with favour men of slight conditi∣on and courteously countenance those abject Athenians who ever followed the contrary part to ours,* 1.8 nor have at any time beene with∣out some plot of revolt against us, formerly aiding Mithridates against Sylla, Anthony against Augustus.

Was it (I pray) by the Councell of Piso,* 1.9 that he entred into Aegypt contrary to the ancient ordinance of Augustus, who recom∣mended unto you for a secret of State, never to suffer any great man to passe into Aegypt: for in revolting against us,* 1.10 they might with a few resist a vast army, and by forbidding the trade of corne, starve Italy.

Recall (Oh Caesar) into your memory (for nothing of worth escapeth you) the disgust

you received when Piso gave advertisement that this young Prince directed all his acti∣ons to vanity, and ambition, who to gaine the peoples hearts, gratified them with gifts of Corne and money,* 1.11 marched up and downe without a guard, on foot, ill attended, and cloathed like a Grecian, as heretofore Scipio did.

All the furies of hell could never have in∣vented a more detestable Calumny than this poison of which Piso is accused, but it is so slender,* 1.12 and transparent that falshood may be seene thorow it. How is it possible that you Vitellius, who have an open eye, and a cleare judgement (that I may not alleage matters su∣perfluous) should at this time fix your selfe on contrarieties,* 1.13 what likelyhood is there that Piso eating at Germanicus table, who ever nar∣rowly observed him, could have leisure to take poison, to rub his fingers therein, and so infect the meat. Is this easie to be done in ano∣ther mans house,* 1.14 in the presence of a Prince, who hath assay made unto him, and so many eyes about him which observe all?

* 1.15If this be true, Piso is willing, not, that the hand which perpetrated this parricide should

be cut off, but the heart which imagined it,* 1.16 be torne alive out of his breast, and that this truth may be knowne, he offereth his whole family, and servants to be put on the racke.

He is not without fault; what man is free?* 1.17 Diamonds have blemishes, faire faces moles, but he is neither villaine, nor traitor. Those that traduce him of pride, want not arrogan∣cy themselves, if he be hasty, they are violent: never hath he attempted on the life of his Princes.

If he have used some severity in his charge,* 1.18 he did it rather out of duty, than disposition, It is for Princes to make themselves beloved, and for Magistrates to bee feared. If he have failed in respect and affection towards Ger∣manicus,* 1.19 it is a hard taske to be enforced to love him, who resolves, & vowes your ruine. Germanicus, like all great men, wrote Pisoes ser∣vices on the sand, and all his offences on mar∣ble, if we so may call the sincere and free councels, which he for his better direction gave him.

He protesteth the death of Germanicus hath drawne from his heart, a growing thorne, a continuall feare, that he is glad to see his house

freed from so potent an enemy, Tiberius from a nephew so ambitious, the Empire from a Prince so over-daring. Germanicus would have ruined Piso, and heaven hath destroyed Germanicus,* 1.20 and in dying made him know, there is a supreme justice above, which re∣vengeth the violences of great ones, over in∣feriours. Are they permitted to spit in our fa∣ces, or to set foot on our throats, because they are above us? Nay the least creatures have questioned the Eagle. Nothing is so sweet as revenge, at what price soever; It is a viand, that is swallowed without chewing.

But never hath Piso attempted on his life, as desirous of his death, and it being well knowne to have been naturall, it is a great im∣piety to faine it was violent.* 1.21 The Gods would have it so, it is not lawfull either in earnest, or by way of discourse to dispute of their power.

* 1.22If he have endevoured to gaine some credit among Military men, it was but to lessen the exorbitancy of Germanicus. His ambition ha∣stened to ruine, Pisoes to conservation, the one gave cause of jealousie to Tiberius, the other of caution to Germanicus. If hee have acquired

good opinion in the provinces, is he forbid∣den to cherish it? Are not affections free,* 1.23 what hurt is it to make them mutuall?

But he rather chose to bow under Caesars goodnesse, than stiffely dispose himselfe to the defence of his innocency. With clasped hands therefore he imploreth this royall vertue, which abhorreth the brutish thirst of bloud, and humbly beseecheth you (O great Prince) to imitate heaven,* 1.24 which hath more thunder to affright, than lightening to punish.

But if all prove inexorable,* 1.25 and that the ac∣cusers hasten to ravish and snatch away this soule which they so much have turmoiled and afflicted, he will dye with this comfort, that his innocency found no protection, and had rather perish, than offend those, who might have saved him.

There resteth darknesse in the accusation of poison; It is a Pyramis which doth not en∣tirely discover it selfe, for of three sides there is alwayes one which cannot be seene, Piso and Plancina his wife appeared,* 1.26 but the third hid Tiberius, and Tiberius, Sejanus.

This first audience ended, Piso went out, but the people were so incensed against him, that

had he not beene conveyed away in a litter by the guard, he never had returned to his house, safe, and alive. That which the multi∣tude could not do on his person, they acted on his statues, dragging them to the Gemonian staires.

* 1.27Plancina his wife who had promised to un∣dergoe his fortune, wholly inclined to levity (a naturall vice of that sex,) and being well as∣sured of her owne life by the favour of the Emperesse, neglected Piso, and abandoned him, as if she had beene married to participate with him only in prosperity.

The Iudges for many respects were impla∣cable to the accused,* 1.28 Caesar was willing he should dye, because he entred with armes into the Province, the Senate constantly beleeved Germanicus was poisoned, and among violent deaths poisoning is abhorred with the greatest execration,* 1.29 because thereby persons most pre∣tious and esteemed are torne from the Com∣mon wealth,* 1.30 that poison more easily is ming∣led and compounded in golden, than earthen vessels. There is no Antidote hath more ver∣tue, or efficacy against poison, than a private condition, which neither feareth avarice may

attempt on his state, nor envy on his dignity, yet is it most certaine,* 1.31 this poisoning was ne∣ver clearly proved, nor confidently affirmed by the accusers: There was no speech hereof either in Antioch or Rome, but according to the affection men bare to the dead, or hatred a∣gainst the living.

Tacitus saith it is not certaine that the marks of poison appeared on the dead:* 1.32 Suetonius af∣firmes he was covered all over with purple spots, that he foamed at the mouth,* 1.33 and that his heart was found whole among the ashes: Pliny, that Vitellius pressed this very hard, that Piso retorted the arrow backe, against those that shot it: and as one affirmed that Germa∣nicus being poisoned his heart resisted the fire: so the other maintained that dying of the Cardiaque disease, his heart could not be burnt.* 1.34 So the Hypothesis ever rested in the question, and both the one and the other had truth on his side, it being equally true accor∣ding to Pliny, that the hearts of those who dye by poison, or the Cardiaque evill are not con∣sumed by fire. But the worst passage of Pisoes processe, was, the extreme boldnesse of the people, who taking rumour for proofe,

cryed out at the Court gate, that if justice were not executed on Piso, they would doe it themselves.

All this much amazed Piso, who on the se∣cond day appeared in Senate, to see if any change were made in this first severitie. But hee found the wind verie contrarie, Tiberi∣us so cold,* 1.35 that for feare of discovering him∣selfe, hee inclined neither to anger to ruine him, nor to pitie to afford him any hope. He thereupon judged he was to have no recourse thither, either for his innocencie, or truth. Yet notwithstanding Sejanus told him, Tibe∣rius would take his opportunitie when time required, and not see him lost; others terrified him saying,* 1.36 Although he were declared inno∣cent for the death of Germanicus, hee would bee put to death for other crimes: For Tibe∣rius was so much exasperated with his taking armes in Syria,* 1.37 that he resolved to make him an example, not suffering his service to coun∣terpoyse the crime.

Sejanus regarded not the losse of Piso, so he concealed his secret commission; but much he feared, lest seeing himselfe condemned, he might complaine in the Senate of judge∣ment,

and at his execution, of the Emperour, and that he should speake, if not against Tibe∣rius, at least against him.* 1.38 The consideration of his children choked in his soule all resent∣ment of the injurie hee suffered; and seeing himselfe lost, would bee ruined alone. And that their innocencie might be distinguished from his punishment, hee wrote a letter to Ti∣berius, beseeching him to take pitie of them, and that done hee resolved to dye, thrusting his sword thorow his owne throat.* 1.39 He died not for feare of death, but, not to satisfie his enemies in the manner. If there be any thing troublesome in a publique death, it is onely the griefe, and shame of content thereby gi∣ven to an enemie.

When this death was related to the Senate, Tiberius shewed sorrow in his face;* 1.40 but it was feigned, and to distract the judgements made upon this occasion to his prejudice, and settle his countenance by his discourse, hee among other things informed himselfe of that, which Piso had done the day before, and how hee spent the night.* 1.41 Some there were who answered with discretion, others more inconsiderately, as upon the like occasions

there are some, who cannot endure to bee ac∣counted so foolish, as not to know that, of which we wish they were ignorant.

Hereupon Tiberius read the letters, which Piso had written to this purpose. Since, Cae∣sar, I see my selfe oppressed by the conspiracie of mine enemies, and the violence of a false accusa∣tion,* 1.42 which affordeth no place in the Senate, ei∣ther for truth, or mine innocency; the Gods are my witnesses, I have not failed in dutie towards you, or reverence to your mother, for which cause I beseech you to think on my children. Gneius Piso ought to have no share in my fortune,* 1.43 whatsoever it be; for he stirred not out of Rome. Marcus Piso disswaded me from going into Syria, and I could wish the father had accommodated himselfe to the youth of the sonne, and the sonne not yeelded to the age of the father.* 1.44 This is the cause, why I with the greater instance humbly entreat, his in∣nocencie may not feele the punishment of my ob∣stinacie: and seeing my selfe in a condition never to beg of you againe, I conjure you by five and fortie yeares service, by the esteeme your father Augustus had of mee,* 1.45 when I was his Collegue in the Consulship, and by the friendship you have professed, to preserve my poore sonne.

He spake not a word of his wife; For how could hee remember her, who forgat him in this extremitie, and had perhaps promised the Empresse and Sejanus, to open the chamber doore for murtherers to kill him. Tiberius ha∣ving read these letters, said; Although Piso had deserved the miserie whereinto hee was fallen, yet was hee moved to pitie, for the re∣spect of his house, that it was notwithstanding verie reasonable,* 1.46 to preserve the siens of the tree which was felled downe, and not to lay the punishment on his guiltlesse children, whereof absence discharged the one, and the fathers command excused the other;* 1.47 and therefore they not lyable to the crime of ta∣king armes. As for Plancina, hee besought the Senate to yeeld her up to the prayers of his mother. The whole assembly well saw the impudencie, and impietie of this request, good men murmured against this woman, as the cause of Germanicus his death, and Piso's slaughter. Shall then (say they) the Empresse have the honour, to save the murderesse of her grand childe, to visit her,* 1.48 to comfort her in the death of her husband, to snatch her out of the hands of the Senate? The Lawes will not allow to

Germanicus, what they grant to the meanest Citizen. Vitellius and Veranius, who were no∣thing to Germanicus, have bitterly deplored his death,* 1.49 and Augusta his grand-mother defendeth Plancina, that hath caused it; and what may we expert from hence, but that the force of poysons, and witchcrafts, having so prosperously succee∣ded, she likewise will employ them against Agrip∣pina, and her children, to allay the thirst of the Grand-mother and Vncle, with the bloud of this miserable family, and so satisfie the rage of Se∣janus.

The opinions summed up, Aurelius Cotta saith, the memorie of Piso ought to be aboli∣shed,* 1.50 and his name raced, and blotted out of the Calenders, and Annals, the moytie of his goods confiscated, the other given to his son Gneius Piso, with command to change his name; Marcus Piso deprived of office, and banished for ten yeares,* 1.51 and to have five hun∣dred Sesterces for his entertainment: Life gi∣ven to Plancina in consideration of the Em∣presses request. All consented to this opinion.

Tiberius, who had what he desired, sweet∣neth the rigor of this judgement:* 1.52 for the ha∣tred of Plancina's absolution made him lesse

severe against the children, there being no ap∣parance why hee should pardon the mother a murderesse, and condemne the innocent chil∣dren. Hee saith the name of Piso should re∣maine in the Annals, as well as Anthonies,* 1.53 who had invaded his owne Countrey. Messalina saith, A golden Ensigne should bee raised in the Temple of Mars-Avenger, and Caecinna Severus, an Altar to Revenge. No (saith Tiberius) it is not good,* 1.54 in victories atchieved on strangers, domestique miseries should be covered with sadnesse.

Fulcinus Trio, who so lowdly had declai∣med against Piso, besought the assistance of his favour, the better to charge the accused; he answered,* 1.55 Take heed you precipitate not your eloquence by the violence of your pas∣sion. Hee was offended, that hee too much had pressed Piso in the matter of poyson; for all the words that were spoken on this sub∣ject, touched him verie neere. Hee wished him to represent the passion of Agrippina,* 1.56 without passion in himselfe. Behold the vani∣tie of humane practices.

Hereupon Tacitus saith; I remember I have heard it told in my youth by those of that time,

That many peeces had beene seene in Piso's hand, which he did not publish, but that his friends af∣firmed everie where, they contained the commis∣sion and command, which Tiberius gave him against Germanicus, and that hee resolved to produce them in Senate to convince the Prince, but that Sejanus had deceived him with faire promises,* 1.57 and that he killed not himselfe, but that one was sent in the night, who murdred him.

Death delivered Piso, but Tiberius and Se∣janus were not thought the more innocent, and everie night these cryes were heard about the Palace.* 1.58 Give us Germanicus.

This death, whether it were voluntarie, or forced, much abated the hatred of the people against Piso, and encreased it against Tiberius, the rather that he had saved the wife, and ha∣ving drawen this miserable man into a preci∣pice, would not deliver him. If Piso had per∣mitted the Lawes and Iustice to take their course,* 1.59 and suffered like a man that feared not death, his miserie would have been deplored. There is no life so odious,* 1.60 which ending in pub∣lique with constancie and modestie, changeth not hatred into pitie, and pitie into favour, leaving a friendly opinion of innocencie behinde it.

The death of Germanicus gave no lesse con∣tent to Sejanus than Tiberius, for this Prince held all their resolutions under controule. Ti∣berius esteemed not himselfe Emperor, while he was alive, and Sejanus despaired ever to be so, or to dispose of the Empire so absolutely, as he afterward did, for this Prince held him short, as one may say, to a strait diet.* 1.61 The good affection he possessed in the minds of all, both great, meane, and middle sort, much crossed his ambition. But after his death, fortune af∣forded him a prosperous gale, till pride and insolence rent the sailes of his vessell, and de∣signes.

Tiberius thought he had more authority, yet was not lesse distrustfull, imagining that as many friends as Germanicus should leave, were so many conspirators. And therefore of∣ten said, he held not the Empire,* 1.62 but as a wolfe by the eares, fearing he might escape, and es∣caping bite him. He supposed every man had a purpose to take him out of his hands: He caused the Horoscopes of the principall men of Rome to be calculated, and such as the Starres promised eminence above other, he depressed, banished, or put to death. He knew

Galba might arrive to this point,* 1.63 so that mee∣ting him on the day of his Marriage, he said; And thou Galba shalt one day taste what Empire is. Yet he attempted nothing against him, for this dignity seemed fatally destined vnto him.

Sejanus among the rules of his policy held this ever, to nourish distrust in the soule of Ti∣berius, to the end that not relying on any man he might onely confide in him.

The great houses descended from those brave and generous spirits, which had beene sacrificed to preserve the liberty of their Countrey, were by Tiberius (who resolved to raise the absolute sway on the foundations of Augustus) suspected, and to Sejanus odious, who could not endure vertue to oppose his for∣tune.* 1.64 Libo Drusus, as being descended by his father from Augustus, and by his Mother from Pompey the great, was one of the principall of the Romane youth, and, as this his birth gi∣ving hope to his courage gained him respect among the greatest, so was it the cause of his fall.

* 1.65His youth prompt, and inconsiderate, trans∣ported him to thoughts more haughty, than

the times would permit, for which cause he was perpetually had in jealousie by Tiberius, so that being at a sacrifice, he commanded the Master of the Ceremonies to give a leaden knife to Libo, who was one of the sacrificers,* 1.66 lest hee might attempt somewhat on his per∣son.* 1.67 Another time demanding audience in se∣cret, he caused his sonne Drusus to be called, and counterfeiting to stand in need of sup∣port whilst he walked, he held Libo (who spake to him) by the right hand, carrying his eye steddy to observe all his motions.* 1.68 This young man had a Romane Citizen whom he held his intimate friend, that conspired his ru∣ine, supposing the shortest way to make a for∣tune, was to overthrow those, who gave cause of suspition to Sejanus. He impressed in this giddy spirit,* 1.69 that there was some great thing designed in heaven for him, he led him out to riots, which caused excessive expences, and those put him into inconveniences, which this wicked friend sweetned with false hopes. Necessity made him dreame on his future for∣tunes, and that thrust him into the curiosity of knowing from Astrologers, what the Stars promised him (the ordinary retreat of minds

which admit a Master.) Wherefore that he yet might understand more, his friend brought him to conferre with Magicians, who aske of their spirits what they knew, and never tell truth: for a while after all his hopes were tur∣ned into despaire.

* 1.70The Senator discovereth all this to Tiberi∣us, who is heartily glad to see this young man in the snare, yet desisteth not to shew him a good countenance, affording him the title of Pretor, and oft calling him to his Table. Pre∣sently after he caused him to be accused in the Senate as of a matter weighty, important, and enormous; behold he is brought into the con∣dition of one accused; he changeth his appa∣rell,* 1.71 the principall Ladies of the City his allies, solicite for him: There was not a man to bee found would speak in his defence; for when any question is made of a Conspiracy against a Prince, all intercessions are suspected, and favours held crimes.* 1.72 He went to the Court in a litter, for this stroke not foreseene, had wea∣kened the forces of his health, and so suppor∣ted by his brothers arme, he entereth into the Senate, and a farre off beholding Tiberius, stretcheth out his hands, and imploreth mer∣cy with much humility.

Tiberius readeth all the points whereof hee was accused, it not being preceived either by his countenance or words, that he had a pur∣pose to sweeten, or exasperate the affaire. The whole matter consisted in things rather curi∣ous, than wicked, rather vaine than serious, and which more required pity, than cor∣rection.

He had asked the Southsayers,* 1.73 whether hee should ever be so rich, as to bee able to cover the Appian way to Brindisi with pieces of money. A list likewise was produced against him, by which it appeared he had made cer∣taine Ciphers under the names of Caesars, and Senators, as it were a marke upon those he meant to ruine, and the way how. He denieth all.* 1.74 The Senate adviseth his slavecs should be put to the torture, but Tiberius rich in subtil∣ties, and subtile in inventions,* 1.75 caused them to be sold, thereby not to offend the lawes, which receive them not as witnesses against their Maisters.

He returneth to his house, borne in a litter; yea rather his Coffin, for he went to death, nor was there any other difference, but that his friends denied him this last office, and no

creature followed him. He sent a kinsman of his to Tiberius to implore his mercy,* 1.76 but his answer was, he should make his addresse to the Senate, he sought out his Grandmother Scribonia, and asked her counsell, whether it were best to hasten his death or expect it.* 1.77 This couragious woman made answer; Why will you execute the office of another? Performe your owne.

She thought it a neglect of ones proper businesse to live at the direction of another, and that he who expecteth to be led to execution, did the worke of the hangman: The condition of humane things is wrongfully accused: Hee that will not himselfe,* 1.78 is not miserable. The only sight of viands brought for his last dainties touched his heart; he resolveth to dye, calleth one to kill him, pulleth his servants to him, puts the knife into their hands, praying them to afford him this last office. They deny him, abhorring such a commandement, not so much for pity of him, as of themselves, fearing to be punished;* 1.79 for although death serve as a remedy for such as beg it, yet is it a crime in those that give it. The more he pressed and urged them to kill him, the more they retyred, and

stepping backe overthrew the table, so that the lights which stood thereon were extin∣guished.

This darknesse confirming his resolution,* 1.80 and beginning his owne funerals, hee gave himselfe two stabs with a knife in the belly, he cried out, and fell, the whole family ran up into the Chamber, the souldiers hastened thi∣ther, and seeing their worke done, departed. When this passage was related to Tiberius, hee counterfeited sorrow, and sware, if the dead man had let him alone, he had yet beene alive, himselfe being resolved to have pleaded for him.

Confiscation of goods was prosecuted,* 1.81 and the Senate through flattery (an ancient wound of the Republique) gave them to the accu∣sers, abolished the name, and statues of Libo,* 1.82 and put the Ides of September among the so∣lemne festivals, because on that day the Em∣perour had beene delivered from a great pe∣rill. There was also a decree made against Ma∣thematitians, and Magicians, and Lucius Pitu∣anius who was of this unhappy profession, was throwne headlong from the top of the Tar∣peian hill. Their banishment was but renewed

againe; for it had before beene decreed, they should forsake Italie, in that through a deceit∣full knowledge of starres,* 1.83 they abused vaine and idle people.

Sejanus was freed from Princes, Pretors, and Senators, he was willing Rome should know, there was not any conditioned men exempt from feare of his fortune and power he presently layes hold on the Philosophers, as those whose lives he hated for innocencie, and whose tongues he dreaded for libertie. He banisheth Attalus a Stoicke Philosopher,* 1.84 a man of singular integritie of life, admirable elo∣quence, and incomparable learning; The sect of Stoicks being a most worthy and venera∣ble company, and as different from others as men from women, I cannot imagine where∣in he erred, but in that Sejanus tooke to him∣selfe in particular, what he meant to all in ge∣nerall,* 1.85 when he said, that he who offended others, first displeased himselfe, and that the wicked man taketh the first draught of his owne poison; was not this to tell Sejanus, that all his violencies returned on himselfe, as ri∣vers to their source?* 1.86 When he said men were unsatiable, and that having received some be∣nefits

from fortune they presently beg others, as dogs, who no sooner swallow one morsell, but they instantly gape for another, discove∣red not he this gulfe of greedinesse, who ha∣ving ruined one familie, threatned another?

This Tyger shewed his hatred against the choyce wits of his time: A Poet having writ∣ten some few free words against him, was put to death, not for that, but because in a Tragedy he had injured Agamemnon,* 1.87 and spo∣ken against the honour of Kings: Tiberius punished the offences committed against Se∣janus, as rigorously as those that concerned himselfe, he was perswaded he himselfe recei∣ved the counterbuffe of all that, which woun∣ded him. Princes are offended, when their Favourites are blamed, because it seemes to them the weaknesse of their judgement is condemned,* 1.88 in the election of a subject un∣worthy of their favour. The worke-man is bound to defend his workmanship. The Painter is troubled, if durt bee cast on the pi∣cture he hath drawen. Old faults are sought out, to make new examples of severitie. The Senate decreed the Statue of Sejanus should be erected in Pompey's Theater, which

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Tiberius had re-edified. Cremutius Cordus vexed with this injury done to the memorie of Pom∣pey,* 1.89 cryed out aloud, It was not to re-edifie, but to destroy, thus to set Sejanus above the heads of the Romans, to raise a meane Soul∣dier upon the monument of a prime Cap∣taine. He spake truth, but Veritie excuseth not the imprudence of those, who inconsiderately are transported into the censure of great ones. Seja∣nus beareth this in minde,* 1.90 and accuseth him not thereof at all, but disposeth Tiberius to en∣quire into his life, all the parts of which were found innocent and commendable. But his writings were examined, and an Historie hee composed of Augustus, and which Augustus himselfe had read. Hee was accused not to have sufficiently honoured Caesar,* 1.91 and Augu\stus; too much praised Brutus, and called Cassius the last of the Romans.

* 1.92His accusers were Satrius, Secundus, and Pi∣narius Natta, creatures of Sejanus, and this qualitie made the ruine of this man accused most infallible, and thrust his innocencie in∣to desperation. Yea, the Iudge himselfe made him perceive by his sterne countenance, and words of reproofe, that he sate there, not to

heare, but to condemne him; not to arraigne, but to appoint his execution:* 1.93 Cordus likewise came not thither to save his owne life, for hee was certaine to lose it, but for the honour of truth, and the glorie of his writings. Hee spake in this manner.

My actions are so farre innocent,* 1.94 that nothing is questioned, but my words, and yet they offend neither the Emperour, nor his Mother, who only are comprized in the Law of Majestie. It is said I praised Brutus, and Cassius, whose actions are registred by many, nor is there any one hath men∣tioned them, but to their honour. Titus Livius,* 1.95 to whom the prize of eloquence, and truth is at∣tributed, hath so highly commended Pompey, that Augustus called him the Pompeyan: which never impaired the friendship contracted between them.

Hee useth not these names of Theeves and Parricides,* 1.96 which now are imposed on Scipio and Afranius, on Brutus, and Cassius; but often stiles them brave, and excellent men. The Histo∣rie of Asinius Pollio makes an honourable men∣tion of them: Mesalla Corvinus extolled Cas∣sius as his Generall, yet both the one and other have beene powerfull in riches, and honours.

Caesar the Dictator was pleased to answer in an Oration by writing (as before his Iudges) to a booke, which Cicero made, to raise Cato his ene∣mie as high as Heaven. The Epistles of An∣thony,* 1.97 the speeches of Brutus object to Augu∣stus things false, and relate them with much sharp∣nesse and animositie. Men spare not to read the verse of Bibaculus, and Catullus, though far∣ced with injuries against the Caesars. Iulius and Augustus have permitted, and scorned them. And I cannot well tell, whether they have shewed more moderation, than wisdome therein. For slanders passe away, if they be despised; and seeme avowed, if resented. I speake not at all of the Grecians, for not onely their libertie, but temeritie also hath beene unpunished, and if any one hath blamed it, words have revenged words. But it alwayes hath beene a matter of freedome, and without reprehension to speake of those, whom death hath enfranchized from hate,* 1.98 or favour. Can any man say, that I with my Orations ex∣cite the people to rebell, and take armes for civill war while Brutus, and Cassius are armed in the the Philipicke fields? It is now threescore and sixteene yeares, since they dyed: As they are knowen by the Statues, which their victorious

selves erected, so writings have preserved their memories Posteritie rendreth everie one the ho∣nour, which belongs to him, and if I be condem∣ned, there may those be found, who will not onely remember Brutus, and Cassius, but me also.

Hee had reason to adorne his discourse with examples of Caesar and Augustus. For the world hath never seene any thing equall to this their generous bountie in pardoning slan∣ders. Calvus the Orator,* 1.99 and Catullus the Poet, desperately detracted Caesar: Truth set∣led shamefastnesse on their foreheads, and re∣pentance in their consciences. Caesar was sa∣tisfied with it, and seeing Calvus desired his friendship, and durst not entreat it, in an ex∣presse letter he offered it himselfe:* 1.100 As for Ca∣tullus, hee invited him to supper the same day he published his Poem against him.

For Augustus, I finde none to paralell him: Timagenes, a noble Historian, wrote against him, his wife, daughters, and all his family. Hee adviseth him to use his pen and tongue with more moderation,* 1.101 especially concerning his house and friends: for Augustus had bred him up. O extreme ingratitude! Hee perse∣vers. Augustus enforced to take notice hereof,

wisheth him to retire. Asinius Pollio, estee∣ming more the promptnesse of this wit, than his dutie to the Emperour, lodgeth, and enter∣taineth him. Timagenes absolutely declares himselfe an enemy of Augustus, burneth that notable Historie, which he had composed of his reigne, affirming hee deserved not to bee remembred at all, and that the good hee had delivered of him, was altogether false. Augustus swallowed all this, and was pleased to say to Pollio; You nourish a Serpent. But Pollio desirous to reply in his excuse: He stop∣ped his mouth,* 1.102 saying, My friend keepe him, make use of him. Is it possible, that Rome should grieve to lose her libertie under such a Prince? She afterward found by deare expe∣rience what she lost in the change: It was the same flocke, but not the same Shepherd.

We may well say Sejanus had strangely cor∣rupted the nature of Tiberius, making him so severe in the punishment of injuries done to his Predecessors, who tooke so small account of his owne, and who often said, that in free Cities tongues should not be restrained.* 1.103 Au∣gustus gave him this counsell; for upon the point of blaming his dissimulation in the

matter of unbridled libertie, used in depraving of him, he wrote these words: Son Tiberius, flatter herein neither your youth, nor anger, to beleeve that any man speakes ill of me:* 1.104 It is e∣nough wee can so handle the matter, they shall doe us no hurt.

As for himselfe, he slighted the Satyres, and bitter jests were divulged of him; and when hereupon the Senate would give informati∣on, he said, Wee have not so much spare time,* 1.105 as to trouble our selves with these trifles, and if wee shall open this window, we need to do nothing else, and you shall bee perpetually importuned with an infinite number of particular complaints.

Cordus then having spoken so boldly and elegantly, retired to his house much unresol∣ved what he should doe. If he would live,* 1.106 he must beg of Sejanus; if dye, of his daughter: Both are inexorable. His courage not suffe∣ring him to prostrate himselfe to the one, hee resolved to deceive the other. And that hee might not discover his purpose, he for certaine dayes taketh the bath,* 1.107 and the better to be∣guile his daughter, hee afterward withdrawes into his chamber to take his refection, and sending his servants away, throwes out of the

window some part of that which was brought him,* 1.108 to make them beleeve it was the remainder of what hee had eaten. The houre of supper arrived, he telleth his daugh∣ter hee had no appetite to eat, that his former collation served him for a supper; shee ur∣geth him no further, supposing it true, and little imagining the thing she approved for his health, should hasten his death.

Hee continueth this rigorous deceit untill the fourth day, that his owne weaknesse dis∣covered it.* 1.109 Extreme sorrow conspired with his abstinence, which had not otherwise power sufficient to overthrow him in so few dayes; for hunger will not kill a man in so short a space.

His daughter thus deceived, conjureth him by her prayers and teares, to live both for her and himselfe.* 1.110 This prayer came too late. His life was now almost wholly wasted, he is up∣on the last houre: at which time embracing his daughter,* 1.111 hee said: Martia, I am too farre onward in the way of death, to retire back; I have gone almost the one halfe of it: you neither ought, nor can withhold me.

Which spoken, he caused the lights to bee

put out that he might the more quietly hide himselfe, and creepe away in the darke. His servants seeing his resolution so absolute and forward, were no whit sorry,* 1.112 the wolves had failed of their prey At which time the accu∣sers ran by the commandement of Sejanus to the Consuls to tell them that Cordus had kil∣led himselfe, to wit, had escaped them.* 1.113 This question was then debated, Whether one might hinder the accused to make themselves away? but whilst this was disputed to resolve it, and con∣demne him, he freeth himselfe.

His bookes were burnt by the Ediles,* 1.114 the calamitie of the Author, and excellencie of the stile rendred them the more illustrious, and made them sought after, and studied with the more curiositie. Martia preserveth,* 1.115 and pre∣sents them to the world to renew the memory of her father, who had written them in his owne bloud, had stood firme and invincible, when every man else offered his head under the yoke of Sejanus, and had with hand, dis∣course and judgement,* 1.116 maintained ancient liberty. Princes deceive themselves when they grow passionate to abolish bookes which displease them, prohibition addes desire, and difficulty ma∣keth

good the curiosity.* 1.117 If feare suppresse them du∣ring their life, they appeare more confident, when they themselves are no more. The affliction of writers augmenteth the reputation of their la∣bours: punishment is odious; hee that inflicteth it, is blamed, and who suffers it, receiveth honour.

And it is well for us this fury against bookes, began not till under Tiberius, for what would it have beene, if the Triumvirs had proscribed or burnt those of Cicero?* 1.118 Cali∣gula caused the works of Cordus to be revived, and thought himselfe interessed, that posterity might know the lives and gests of his prede∣cessors. What a contentment is it, to reade the History of so worthy a pen, written with a courage so free, and confident, and in such a manner as he offered it to the Senate, not un∣like the scantling which Seneca observed up∣on the death of Cicero, in these termes.

Anthony received much satisfaction when Ciceroes head was brought him, and said his pro∣scription was at an end, for he was not onely glut∣ted,* 1.119 but tyred with the massacres of so many men. Hee commanded it to bee exposed to the view of the people in their Rostra,* 1.120 in the same place where they, drawne by the reputation of his excel∣lency,

thronged to follow him, and where they had heard his elaborate discourses, which saved so many heads. He is now at this present beheld by his fellow Citizens, neither in the joy, nor manner as they admired him heretofore (alive and) en∣tire, but with bloud, which all embrued his head,* 1.121 and disfigured his countenance. This head which of late swayed in Senate, and was the ornament of the Roman name, serves as a recompence for him, who dissevered it from his body. All hearts were melted into teares and sighes, when his right hand was beheld (the instrument of his di∣vine eloquence) fastened to this head.* 1.122 The death of others was not bewailed but by particulars: The sorrow for this man was generall. Wee ought not onely to beleeve the greatnesse, but admire the in∣finite number of his vertues. He lived as Brutus, Cassius, and Sextus Pompeius, saying: All things displease me, but death alone.

Cordus wrote the history of his time, and perhaps seeing the truth most pure for poste∣rity, had spoken for the honour of those,* 1.123 who died for the defence of ancient liberty; for (ve∣rily) the feare of death excuseth not him, who of∣fēdeth truth to flatter fortune. To publish lying hi∣stories, or give false instructiōs to those that write

them, is to rob passengers on the high way in good earnest. He retaining the same liberty in his discourses he had done in his writings, con∣temned the pride of Sejanus, and to free him∣selfe from the hands of a man so potent, made it appeare he was reall, and exempt from the number of the miserable.

This Calamity was not so frequent among the Romans when Germanicus lived; these two Lions did (as yet) restraine their pawes, feare tempered the actions of Tiberius, and ne∣cessity with-held the insolence of Sejanus.* 1.124 Di∣on saith whilst Germanicus lived, Tiberius did nothing at any time of his owne head. He re∣ferred all manner of affaires to the Senate, hee ministred justice by the advice of those who assisted him, allowed every one should deli∣ver his opinion, endured contradiction, and sometime suffered to be cut off in his opinions.

* 1.125He would not be called Lord, but by slaves, nor Emperour but of souldiers, he absolutely refused the name of father of the Countrey, he gave way in discourse, and petitions to the title of Augustus, used it in the dispatches he made to Kings, and in all occasions else was contented with the name of Caesar, and Prince

of the Senate: His ordinary wish was, that heaven would grant him life so long, as the common wealth should stand in need of his service.

Whilst Germanicus lived,* 1.126 the day of his birth was not solemnized, no man sware by his fortune, no statue nor Temple was erected to him. When he went thorow the City, he de∣sired not to be attended either by Senator, Pa∣trician, or Roman Knight, or any man of qua∣lity, in all things demeaning himselfe, as if he lived under a popular government, yea he de∣scended even to the making of funerall orati∣ons for particular men.

If he exercised any violence,* 1.127 it was cloaked and coloured with semblances of reason, or necessity, or if it were secret, it appeared not at all.* 1.128 Clemens a famous impostor had slaine his Master Agrippa Posthumus, the grand-child of Augustus, and because he was much of his age, and stature,* 1.129 he caused the bruit thereof pri∣vately to run as a thing dangerous, and after∣ward publikely (as a matter acceptable) that Agrippa was alive: for it was true, the Mother of the Emperour, had made him away present∣ly after the death of Augustus, whose memory

was so precious and venerable, that under this name he found friends in Gallia, succours in Italy, and credit in Rome, the people proclaim∣ing and beleeving the Gods had reserved him for the good of the Empire.

Tiberius considering that rumour, and his levity gave countenance to this fiction, and that it could not so slenderly be beleeved, but it would prejudice his affaires, commanded him to be attached by those who fained to be of his faction.* 1.130 Being brought before him, he wondred he so cunningly had managed this imposture, demanding of him, by what title art thou made Agrippa? The gallant answer∣eth by the same thou hast made thy selfe Cae∣sar. Torments could not evict from him the names of his complices,* 1.131 and although Tiberi∣us knew he had beene assisted both with mo∣ny and counsell by the greatest, he enquired no further of them. But caused him to be put to death without further noyce,

Tiberius then had reason to account the death of Germanicus amongst the best dayes of his owne life, and Sejanus reckoned it one of the greatest steps to his fortune, but the same malice they bare to the father continued

against the children, yet endevouring all they could possibly to dissemble it, to the end it might seasonably appeare, in the meane time covering it with large demonstrations of af∣fection towards them.* 1.132 Tiberius prayeth the Senate to give Nero a dispensation of age that he might enter into publike offices, and be able at fifteene yeares to become Questor, which is not granted but at two and twenty. He was also created Pontifex, and the day he entered into this dignity,* 1.133 he made a donative of provisions to the people, who much rejoy∣ceth to behold the children of Germanicus in a flourishing state of youth. For full accom∣plishment of alacrity, he espouseth Iulia the daughter of Drusus.* 1.134

But she grew disdainfull when she heard the daughter of Sejanus was promised to Dru∣sus the sonne of Claudius; esteeming this noble family was dishonoured by such an alliance, and that it gave but too much hope to a man, who already had over-much power, and who accounted himselfe unhappy if he com∣manded not, impatient to live as a private person. The heavens unwilling to derive fruit from so bad a tree, disposed thereof otherwise.

Drusus sporting in the City of Pompey threw a peare up into the aire,* 1.135 and receiving it againe with open mouth was strangled, and this daughter participating in the disastrous end of her father, made her wedding song, at the foot of the gallowes, as in his due place shall be seene. The hatred was so enraged against Seja∣nus, that some said he made this marriage to destroy his sonne in law,

* 1.136This opinion could have no other foun∣dation, but that this young Prince discovered too much contempt of this alliance, or too much scorne to be the sonne in law of a man so odious, who had no honour in him; his an∣cestors or himselfe,* 1.137 having acquired nothing, he could leave nought to his children, and received praise but only from those, whom he himselfe durst not commend.

Drusus could not brooke this insolence, nor that his father Tiberius should preferre Coun∣sels and forraine affections before naturall.* 1.138 He spared not to say to his wife, who betray∣ed him, and to his friends, who deceived him, that Sejanus was almost become a Colleague, as he hath hither to beene a Coadjutor of Ti∣berius, and his children the allies of Drusus:

That his ambition hath deepe aimes, that hee will not rest there: For,* 1.139 The first hopes of pre∣dominance are difficult, but when one is arrived thither, meanes to maintaine it will never bee wanting. He often spake this, and unto many; they were his ordinarie complaints. A minde perplexed ceaseth not to expostulate, and ever layes the hand upon the wound.

Hee conceived an extreme hatred against Sejanus: Hee was so ready to strike, that they surnamed him Castor,* 1.140 and not being able any longer to endure this man, who made him∣selfe his companion, hee lifted up his hand with threats, and the other disposing himselfe to defence, presented his to stay the blow, wherupon Drusus strucke him on the cheeke. Dion and Zonaras write, that Sejanus smote Drusus, but there is no apparance he used this hardinesse against the sonne of the Emperour, young, couragious, associated to the Empire, and holding the Tribunitiall power,* 1.141 the grea∣test next the Sovereigne.

A blow should be answered with a poynard, but strokes which come from the hand of a Prince ought to be recived with patience and humilitie. He that can kill, obligeth when he only woundeth.

This disgust so fresh reneweth those, which by processe of time were (as I may say) wi∣thered in the soule of Sejanus. Yet the Historie relateth not hee made any complaint, or that Tiberius reproved his sonne,* 1.142 so to have inju∣red him whom he had selected above all, for assistance to support the principall burthens of Empire: For it is ever an ill way to seeke out occasions, which may irritate the Emperour a∣gainst the Prince.

Not daring to complaine, hee resolved to be revenged, and as revenge is ever wittie, to lay hold of the meanes how to satisfie the of∣fended, hee could finde no fitter wedge to cleave this knot, but to make it of the same wood, and gaine the wife to ruine the hus∣band.* 1.143 Shee was faire, but her beautie accor∣ded not well with her honour. Shee consen∣teth to the earnest solicitations of Sejanus, to whom none denyed any thing, because Tibe∣rius gave him all. Familiaritie drew on affe∣ction, that which at first was nought else but love, becomes adulterie, and adulterie witch∣craft. A most strange blindnesse: The neece of Augustus, daughter in law of Tiberius, daughter of Drusus, sister of Germanicus, wife

of the Emperours sonne,* 1.144 mother of two Prin∣ces, in possibilitie of Empire, blemisheth her honour, disgraceth her house, to consent to the lusts of an ordinarie Citizen. But glo∣rious beauties will be admired, and powerfull fa∣vours sought unto. Sejanus could doe all by his favour, Livia was beloved of all for her beau∣tie.* 1.145 To aske why that which is beautifull is affected, Is the question of a blinde man: but it is to have eyes no where but in the head, to wish great men may not do what they please.

Having then the body at his dispose, hee managed the heart as he list: The first crime made way for all the rest.* 1.146 When a woman hath forsaken her chastitie, she hath nothing left either to lose, or deny. Love made her an adulteresse, ambition a murderesse, and the passage is con∣fident from the one to the other. Sejanus in∣fuseth into her minde a desire to become the Emperours wife, shee beleeves hee is able to make good what hee sayes; for Tiberius reig∣ned not, but in his person, and at his pleasure. Shee heareth, and tasteth it, and the delight shee sheweth therein by her attention, is not farre distant from her consent.* 1.147 Their likings concurring for loue, unite for marriage, and

for that purpose they conspire to dissolve all obstacles: Sejanus, by the divorce of Apicata, and Livia by the death of Drusus.

* 1.148But as Great mischiefes cannot so quickly bee hatched (for feare draweth on irresolution, af∣frightment invites slacknesse, and distance of time augmenteth difficulties) they had not so much trouble to resolve on the act, as to finde out the meanes, and manner. Order, and secre∣cie, which ought to bee exactly observed in matters important were not omitted in this wicked plot. They resolved to poyson him: and weighing with themselves, if the poyson were given in his meat, some others (perhaps) might be surprized, and deceived therewith, they advised to give it in some medicine which he was to take, and that it should have so slow operation, that death would bee im∣puted to nature, or accident, and not to trea∣son, and violence.

* 1.149Livia therein employed Eudemus her Phy∣sitian, who for his qualitie, and by the favour of his profession, had ordinarie accesse to her cabinet.* 1.150 Tacitus saith he was her friend, Pliny her adulterer. Sejanus gaineth Lygdus the Eunuch, one of the chiefest and most trustie

houshold servants of Drusus, and to tie his heart more straightly to him,* 1.151 villanously abu∣seth his body, hee being both young, and handsome. The wretches conspire in this execrable attempt: The murdrous Sejanus plotteth it, Livia the Adulteresse gives con∣sent, Eudemus the Ruffian compoundeth the drug, and Lygdus the Catamite presenteth it. Foure creatures,* 1.152 who deserve their hearts which formed, and conceived this prodigi∣ous assassinate on the sole sonne of the Prince, should everlastingly bee devoured by gnaw∣ing Vultures. They all miserably perished, and so may all those Furies, who trayterously attempt on Princes.

Drusus, without distrust, takes this deadly poyson from the hand of Lygdus his Eunuch, and that which he thought would have con∣firmed health, hastens death: but so slowly, that the languishment, and length tooke a∣way the suspition of poyson. Time,* 1.153 which in the end discovereth all things, drew truth out of darknesse, and Apicata the wife of Se∣janus, eight yeares after gave the first notice. It is an admirable thing, that a woman of a great spirit wounded in her honour, and bani∣shed

shed from the company of her husband by an Adulteresse, could so long bee silent, but this discourse shall not be ended, till this wonder be satisfied.

* 1.154The actions of Sejanus were so exploded, and Tiberius for favouring him so hated, that already being branded with so remarkable, and notorious villanies, it was thought hee had put Drusus to death by the hand of Tibe∣rius, suggesting that his sonne out of desire to rule, had resolved on his death, and that it were fit he tooke heed, when hee dined at his table, not to drinke the first draught, which should be presented unto him:* 1.155 that Tiberius taking the cup from the Tasters hand, offered it to Drusus, and that shame and feare not suf∣fering him to refuse it, hee swallowed downe the poyson prepared for his Father: An impo∣sture without apparance, or foundation.

* 1.156This impious act could not so easily have beene perpetrated by Drusus, for the Father tasted nothing without assay, which custome was brought from the Persian Court, into the Palaces of the Roman Emperours, since Au∣gustus his time. Make Tiberius as cruell as you will, yet cannot the honour of a wise, cun∣ning,

and warie Prince bee taken from him, and well he might have beene condemned of much imprudence, if he had plotted to make his sonne away, by the meere advice of Seja∣nus, and before he were exactly informed of the cause, and confederates of this conspiracie.

This onely proceedeth from the malignitie of rumours,* 1.157 little favourable to the actions of Princes. All which Tiberius hath done, is cu∣riously collected, and published; but never hath there beene creature so transported with hatred, and passion, to dishonour his memo∣rie, as to reproach him with Parricide.* 1.158 Wee ought not to receive all which bruit approveth, without suspition, nor to preferre things incredi∣ble, (although divulged, and greedily entertai∣ned) before reall truth, though oft times disguised with apparant semblances, and frivolous won∣ders, to impresse amazement on mindes.

This death once againe restored the hope of succession to the children of Germanicus;* 1.159 and though the Senate for their love to Tiberius deplored this accident, yet were their teares faigned, and passion without sorrow. There was not a man but was well pleased to see, that by this death the house of Augustus began

to reflourish. Drusus likewise was not belo∣ved, but for the inveterate hatred they bare to his Father;* 1.160 for he was much debaushed, and as the vice of another displeaseth even the vi∣tious, his Father oft chid him for these inso∣lent, and haughtie humors, which made him to be most quarrelsome,* 1.161 and cruell. But the peo∣ple excused all that, saying, It were better hee should passe the night in feasts, the day in Theaters, than to languish in the melancholy of solitude, pensive vigils, and pernicious a∣musements.

Presently the teares of Tiberius being dried up,* 1.162 he went to the Senate to seeke out conso∣lation in affaires,* 1.163 and seeing the Senators sit low, he caused them to ascend, putting them in minde of the reverence of the place, and the dignitie of their charges, and used his speech to raise up their spirits, which sorrow had dejected.

* 1.164Sirs, I may perhaps be condemned, that in so fresh a sorrow, I here am present, and well I wot, that those who are in griefe brooke not day-light, nor condolement of their friends most neare: But as I ascribe not this to weaknesse of heart, so I desire to let you know, that I have not sought out a

greater ease in mine affliction, than the embraces of the common wealth.

He also said, that the decrepit age of the Empresse, tooke from him the hope of her as∣sistance, that his grandchildren were in their minority, that he already had passed more than the moity of the course of his life, that he prayed them the children of Germanicus might be admitted, the only remedy,* 1.165 and con∣solation of the evils which at this time affli∣cted him. Nero and Drusus were sent for:* 1.166 The Consuls went out of the Senate house to re∣ceive them, and after some words spoken to encourage them, they were conducted to the Emperour, who taking them by the hand said.

(Sirs) when these children lost their father, I committed them to the charge of Drusus my son, and their Cousin, and prayed him, although hee had children, to take as much care of them, as of his owne proper bloud, educate, and preserve them for himselfe, and posterity: But now that Drusus is taken from them, I addresse my prayers to you, and conjure you before the Gods, and our Coun∣trey, that undergoing the performance of my obli∣gation, and yours, you take upon you the breed∣ding,

and care of the nephewes of Augustus, de∣scended from eminent, and illustrious Personages.

Afterward casting his eyes on the young Princes, he sayes to them.

(Nero my darling, and you Drusus) these Lords, whom you here behold, are your Fathers: The condition of your birth is such,* 1.167 that the state hath much interest in the good, or evill you shall doe.

* 1.168The Senate answered not, but with teares, vowes, and prayers, and this discourse of Ti∣berius had served for his honour, had he not thereunto added the same promises, which so often were exploded heretofore, and which much it would have troubled him to keep.

I protest unto you (Fathers Conscript) saith he) I have no other ambition, but to restore Rome to her ancient liberty, and leave the governe∣ment, either to the Consuls, or some other. These last words were so farre from the intention of him who spake them,* 1.169 and the beleefe of his auditory, that they tooke from the first, all the estimation which truth, and honesty might give them.

All that was nought but meere deceit: This evill Prince thought of nothing but the utter

extirpation of Germanicus his family, which the death of Drusus brought into grace. The funerals were prepared in the same equipage, as those of Germanicus, and thereunto many other magnificences were added;* 1.170 For the last adulation is ever most costly. Tiberius made the funerall oration, as Augustus had done for A∣grippa his sonne in law.

There was placed a vaile between him and the dead body, to the end he might not behold the corps: for the office of the Pontifex being sacred, it was not lawfull for him to looke on any thing, dead. The Statues likewise of the Gods were vailed, or transferred from places, where punishments were inflicted:* 1.171 Yea Clau∣dius caused, that, of Augustus to be taken from the Theater of the Gladiators, that it might not ever be present at murther, or be alwayes scarfed. Every one bewailed him, who wept not himselfe: For an object so sad,* 1.172 and appre∣hensible as this, could not bend his gravity, beholding without passion in himselfe, how sensible his losse was to others, whilst he would make it appeare, he had no sense at all.

Sejanus standing by his side admired his constancy, but made no profit thereof: For

this act taught him of what temper his heart was,* 1.173 since he so patiently bare the losse of one so beloved. Could he thinke, that a Prince who had so little resentment in the death of a sonne, would care for the losse of his ser∣vants. He must learne to be more subtile to know the humour of his Master, who made vse of him, as of a felt cloake or gaberdine du∣ring the storme; to cast it off when it ceased. Sejanus thought on nothing, but the ruine of Germanicus his house, and when that were done Tiberius would ruine him, for then he should have no further need of him. He dealt presently as with a good horse, when the rider sees him of gentle mannage, he makes much of him, and lets him goe at pleasure where he list, but in the end Masters him.

It was not only violence which guided this excessive power of Sejanus, but avarice al∣so bare a part, making him beleeve all he pos∣sessed not,* 1.174 was wholy lost. Dion saith, he was heire of all those, who died without children, This exorbitant covetousnesse caused the death of Lepida a noble Romane Lady, and Suetonius saying, that Tiberius made Lentulus the Augur dye with griefe, to the end he might

have no other heire than himselfe,* 1.175 addeth the processe framed against Lepida, was only to gratifie Quirinus her husband, who was rich, and without issue.

The proceeding related by Tacitus is very strange, it was full twenty yeares she had lived from her husband,* 1.176 when he accused her of adultery, poison, and a supposititious child. Ti∣berius affirmed she had consulted with Chal∣deans concerning his house and person. He would not suffer Drusus to deliver his opinion (first) in judgement, that he might leave the o∣pinions free, & not oblige them to follow his.

There were sports exercised during this pro∣cesse, Lepida went thither with many great and eminent Ladies of the City, and enjoying the privilege of Romans, who never were im∣prisoned during their accusation, nor after judgement, unlesse the offence were capitall, as she entred into Pompeys Theater,* 1.177 she tur∣ned her eyes on the statues which stood there in many places, and implored aid of him from whom she was descended. This was done with much exclamation, and abundance of teares, that it moved the people, but especially the women, to pity her, and to cry out against

Quirinus,* 1.178 calling him wicked creature, for that he so inhumanely had used a wife who ha∣ving beene promised to Lucius Caesar the son of Augustus, had by this marriage much ho∣noured him, as if they would have said, that by reason he was old,* 1.179 and without children, & besides of mean condition, his wife should doe well to make him weare the horne.

The processe comming to triall, verdicts propended to the commiseration of a woman extracted from noble bloud, sequestred twen∣ty yeares from her husband, and where the accusations were only proved by slaves: But Rubellius Blandus concludes for banishment,* 1.180 Drusus was of his opinion, and he drew those to him, who stood not so much for rigour. The Prince ought not to deliver his opinion first,* 1.181 nor last, it is for him to conclude, and de∣cree, Piso confidently said the same to Tiberius in the beginning of his Empire. In what ranke (O Caesar) would you deliver your opinion? if in the first, I were bound to follow you, if in the last, our opinions may happen to differ, & so I might commit a fault against my will.

Dion observeth another meane, to get the inheritance of a rich man. Sextus Marius had

a daughter young and beautifull, Tiberius af∣fecteth her, the father removes her to a coun∣trey house. To inforce their returne, they are accused of incest.* 1.182 The daughter sayes to the father: Let us not afford them the content to di∣spose of us at their pleasure, nor so farre to pre∣vaile, as to hinder us from dying honestly. I have not used to pray to any, but the Gods; and to Seja∣nus I will never be beholding for my life, upon the price of that, which is more deare to me, than a thousand lives. Marius ashamed to see his cou∣rage stand in need of his daughters example, slew himselfe first, and she after did the like.

This death much benefited Tiberius and Sejanus: For they were the heires of Marius,* 1.183 a man so rich, that being offended with a neighbour of his, he invited him to his house, made him good cheere for two dayes toge∣ther. On the first he pulled downe his house, on the second he reedified it again more faire and large. The owner thereof returning on the third day, was amazed at this alteration; Marius said to him, I have done the one as thy enemy to be revenged on thee, and the other as thy friend, for the good I wish thee.* 1.184

There was then no safetie in Rome, but for

Informers, a pernitious sort of people, whom disorder had put into credit, to ruine & over∣throw all, and who were so countenanced, that their calumnie was not only unpunished, but recompenced. The more implacable, & stiffe they were to maintaine a falshood, and out∣brave truth, the more they were rewarded, nor was it a lesse offence to displease them, than things holy and sacred.* 1.185 Others who would not belie their owne consciences, nor deliver their opinions contrary to truth, were despi∣sed and punished.

Vibius Serenus proconsull of the lower Spaine, was accused by his owne son to have conspired against the Emperour, and to have sent men into Gallia to incite,* 1.186 and stirre up the people. He appeareth in the nasty, and durty frocke of his voyage, (for he was but now freshly returned from banishment) and though he saw his life in imminent perill, yet had he a firme countenance before the Iudges, and with an eye of indignation and menace be∣held his sonne jocund and merry. Stamping with his feet up and downe for anger, and ma∣king a noise with his chaines (for he was brought thither by the souldiers that guarded

him) he lifted his hands to heaven, prayed the Gods to send him backe to the place from whence he came, and to punish the ingrati∣tude, and impiety of his sonne. Nature so un∣worthily outraged,* 1.187 prompted him these im∣precations, not suffering he should shew him∣selfe as a father, to this wicked villaine, who had revolted from the duty of a sonne. A father should content himselfe with a light punishment, for a heavy fault: but this disloyalty was so prodigious,* 1.188 that it drew from his heart this prayer to the Gods for his chastisement: wher∣soever monsters are found they are strangled, without consideration of whence they are: Birds are fed, which come from forests,* 1.189 and scorpions killed which are bred in the house.

This countenance so confident impressed in the minds of the Iudges an opinion of the innocency of the father, and made the wic∣kednesse of the sonne appeare, who was so ter∣rified with remorse of conscience, and the murmur of people threatning him prison, stoning to death, and the punishment of parricides, that he fled to Ravenna,* 1.190 from whence Tiberius recalled him, enforcing him to pursue his accusation, for he by all meanes

desired to be rid of Serenus, having upon his stomacke the distast of a letter which he had written eight yeares before,* 1.191 in termes more ar∣rogant than eares, proud, and curious to re∣sent offences, could suffer. The Senators gave their opinions hereupon. Gallus Asinius advi∣sed he should be banished to the Ilands of Gyara, or Donusa: which Tiberius disliked, because there was no water either in the one,* 1.192 or other, saying it was but reason, to give those men meanes of life, who were suffered to live, Cruell pity! He was willing the commodities of life should serve for the continuance, and entertainment of the miseries of affliction.

It was permitted to the most wicked to accuse the most honest, to revile them with injuries, and give affronts: Masters durst not threaten servants either with word or finger. There was no exorbitancy,* 1.193 which was not dis∣sembled for those, who could shelter them∣selves under Caesars Image. The same liberty which incouraged the criminall, gave also confidence and occasion to commit the crime.* 1.194 This great reverence done to Tiberius, was shewed in other places as well as Rome, his statues being had in as much veneration, as

Olympique Iupiter:* 1.195 in such sort that a master was condemned of impietie, because hee had strucken his servant, bearing a peece of coyne insculped with the image of Caesar.

Annia Rufillia had been falsly condemned by the Senate at the suit of Cestius. She vexed thereat, expected him at the Palace gate, neere unto Tiberius statue, from whence as a place of malediction, shee thundred against him all manner of calumnies, which are the weapons of weake spirits.* 1.196 Cestius durst not demand re∣paration, because shee had reproached him through favour, and neere the statue of Tibe∣rius. Hee made complaint, and spake in full Senate these memorable words.

Princes possesse the place of Gods,* 1.197 but the Gods heare none, but just prayers of suppliants. There is not any one hath recourse to the Capitoll, or the other Temples of the Citie, as to a Sanctua∣rie to commit an outrage: but thy Lawes are abo∣lished, & turned up-side downe, since in a publique place, at the entrance of the Palace wee are enfor∣ced to suffer wrongs,* 1.198 to heare menaces without hope of justice, for respect given to the Emperors statue.

Had the Historie said nothing else, to repre∣sent

the state of the miserable reigne of Tibe∣rius, this would bee enough to manifest vio∣lence and disorder, and who understandeth the carriage of Sejanus, cannot bee ignorant, how the State was governed. Pitifull then was the condition of a Roman Citizen: it was dangerous to speake,* 1.199 or to be silent, only thoughts passed without mulct, or perill, so that the countenance made not appeare, either joy for Agrippina, or malice against Sejanus. This absolute power which hee had over the wealth of the Romans, made some say, it were good to dwell in Rome, and have their estate out of the extent of the Roman Empire.

* 1.200Vacia, a wealthy man, and who had beene Pretor, retired to his Countrey house, finding no freedome against violence, but solitude. It was a difficult matter for men of these times, to make any resolution; for it was supposed, who di•• so of his owne accord, was so farre alienated from nature, that hee stood exalted above it with the Gods, or was cast under it among bruit beasts. As often as the friendship of Asinius Gallus, a kinsman of Agrippina's, or the malice of Sejanus had ruined any, the men of this age cryed lowdly our,* 1.201 O Vacia, there is

none but thou, who knowes how to live.

The solitarie life was the most secure,* 1.202 the civill most perilous, and the rustique most ac∣ceptable, so is it likewise the mistresse of fru∣galitie, diligence, integritie, and simplicitie. It was not attended with so much honour, nor gave such contentment as heretofore, when the great Captaines went from Tri∣umph to the Cart, from Tillage to Armes,* 1.203 and from Harvest to the Senate. The earth in those times tooke delight to yeeld fruits in a∣bundance,* 1.204 and acknowledge the labour of those victorious hands, which tilled her with a Coulter, crowned with Lawrell.

Sejanus, this torrent of pride and insolency, overflowed all: There was not a creature stayed him, all bee encountred were utterly ruined.* 1.205 Tiberius was blamed for submitting the fortune of the Empire to the discretion of one sole man, and his will to the power of his servant.

Ambition is oft times put blinde,* 1.206 when it should bee cleare sighted, and thinking to walke the right way, wanders: It ruin'd Se∣janus, and caused his designes to succeed other∣wise than he hoped. Hee promised himselfe,

that Germanicus being dead, nothing could hinder him but Drusus, hee poysoneth him, and behold the succession (doubtlesse) stands for Germanicus his children. It is necessarie for establishment of his tyrannie, that hee overthrow it, which he undertakes, and that the more boldly,* 1.207 because his precedent out∣rages succeeded so prosperously, that the father neglecteth to revenge the death of his sonne.

He makes him beleeve his enemies will de∣rive profit from this losse, that Agrippina is resolved to reigne. He needeth no great art to perswade him;* 1.208 for hee saw the succession open, and this woman thorowly resolved to bite the apple. He is determined to cause the mother and her children to perish, Sejanus herein findes himselfe much perplexed: For to thinke to corrupt Agrippina, as he had done Livia, there was no likelyhood, she being of a chastitie invincible,* 1.209 and impenetrable: To give poyson unto three at once was impossi∣ble; and severally, difficult; so great was the fidelitie, and vigilance of their servants.

Besides, this Lady could not bee treated withall, as other women: All the Citie was for her, the most confident and shamelesse

calumny durst not seize on her, shee walked firmely betweene the jealousie of Tiberius, and ambition of Sejanus, who found no shor∣ter way to ruine her, than to animate the Em∣perour against her, by causing him to observe her courage, and her hopes.

He lost no time herein, but in a short space met with a fit occasion, to make his wicked designe breake into action. In the beginning of the yeare,* 1.210 they used to sacrifice to Iupiter an Oxe with gilded bornes, for the Safetie of the Prince, (which is the weale of the State:) The Pontiffes, and other Priests, by their example recommended to the same Gods, Nero and Drusus, sonnes of Germanicus, not so much for the love of them, as to please Tiberius, thereby to let him know how much they de∣sired to perpetuate the Empire in his house. Good manners were so much forgotten,* 1.211 that it was not more dangerous to flatter too much, than not at all.

Tiberius was perplexed to see their youth hold way with his age,* 1.212 for which cause hee asked the Pontiffes, whether they had done it at the instant entreaties, or threats of Agrippi∣na, and they answering no, he rebuked them,

but temperately; for they were for the most part, either Allies of Agrippina, or of the prime men of the Citie. He hastens presently to the Senate on this occasion, frames a large discourse, to shew them that henceforward, The mindes of weake and mutable young men should not be thrust into pride,* 1.213 by honours imma∣turely conferred upon them.

Yea, Sejanus made more noyse hereupon than Tiberius, saying; All would run to ruine, since no more difference was made betweene the Prince, and his kinsmen; That the Citie of Rome would fall into division, as in the civill broyles,* 1.214 when it had three Lords, Caesar, Pompey, and Crassus; That the authoritie of the Emperour would be the least; That the desire of ancient liberty was awakened; That the faction of Agrippina would bee set up, which not resisted, their number would bee the greater;* 1.215 That no other remedy could bee found for the discord which began to ad∣vance, and multiply, but by causing one or two of them presently to be put to death.

* 1.216He threatned only two, and aimed at many, but he supposed, that these two C. Silius, and T. Sabinus should fall from so high an emi∣nence,

that all the rest would be warned by their ruine. Their noble affection to the house of Germanicus, had in no degree degenerated from the nature of true friendship, although it were not only barren, but unfortunate to them.* 1.217 Varro the Consull wickedly accommo∣dating his conscience, and honour to the pas∣sion of Sejanus, accuseth Caius Silius, and Sosia Galla his wife, T. Sabinus was reserved for ano∣ther time, and although they made it appeare this pursuit was violent, and that Varro ought to stay till he were out of his Consulship, yet processe was framed as in case of treason, though they were accused for nothing but to have converted the moneys of the common wealth to their owne use, and of which sums no man required restitution:* 1.218 But Tiberius was so wary, that he gave the titles of most odious crimes to the slightest faults. Silius seeing that, makes no defence, and when ••e speakes, it is but to shew the pursuit is too potent; but foreseeing it was not in his power to save him∣selfe,* 1.219 his courage counselleth him to prevent a necessary death by a voluntary. Sosia was sent into banishment.

His imprudence, and vanity hastned his

ruine, for he forbare not to boast that Tiberi∣us was bound to him for the Empire, and that if the Legions which he commanded in Ger∣many had revolted as the rest, he had not long held out. This reproach touched the soule of Tiberius to the quicke;* 1.220 For it destroyed his for∣tune, gave him no share in the prosperous successe of affaires, and made it knowne it was not in his power to free himselfe from this ob∣ligation.* 1.221 When the service is so great that it can∣not condignely bee rewarded, Princes account it not onely as nothing, but as an offence, hatred pos∣sessing the place of recompence, and disgrace of thankes.

It is a safer way to be obliged to a Master, than to oblige, and the service which cannot bee recom∣penced, makes the servant troublesome.

In the midst of all this Sejanus sees him∣selfe so farre removed from his hopes, that he redoubleth his speed to arrive thither, and by a blinde imprudence gives notice thereof to Tiberius. It is true he was forced thereunto by the ordinary exclamations of Livia, who cea∣seth not to challenge him of his promise to le∣gitimate their loves, and to change the title of a Mistresse, into, that, of a wife. Sejanus gives

her words for effects, she growes angry,* 1.222 he ap∣peaseth her, she weeps, be flatters, & although reason tels her, as Nurses doe children, Cry not, and you shall have it; yet patience is forgotten, her heart is like a mine which breaketh with so much the more ruine, and noise, as it is re∣strained and inforced. He suffers himselfe to be transported by the ambition of this wo∣man, who thought to marry the title of Augu∣sta with this husband, and so he to please her discovereth her purpose to the Emperour, en∣treating him to give way to this marriage. He presenteth his suit, and although infinitely fa∣voured, brake not the custome to treat with the Prince by writing.

Caesar paused, to the end he might have time to consider of that which was demanded, and what he should answer, and to make the expe∣dition of affaires more easie: for the affluence of them was so great, and the City of such ex∣tent, that it was impossible to satisfie all in an instant. Augustus wrote all his answers,* 1.223 that he might speake neither more nor lesse, than what he had premeditated. The subject of his request being bold, he presented it with much presumption: A fearefull suppliant is the more

confidently denied:* 1.224 to beg softly and negligently is to doubt either of the merit of your request, or the power of him whom you petition. He useth a complement of gratitude, and acknowledge∣ment, for this good Courtier never began by way of supplication, and he thereunto addeth a pernicious flattery, protesting he taketh this course, to treat of his affaires, rather with his Masters than the Gods. It was delivered in these termes.

* 1.225The good which Augustus hath wished me, and that you have done for mee in many occasions (O Caesar) oblige mee, not, to addresse my vowes and hopes to the eares of the Gods,* 1.226 before I first offer them to yours, which importeth thus much as to tell you, though I never sought the eminent splen∣dor of honours, and that my ambition hath wholly beene to watch, and toyle, even as the meanest gregarian souldier for your safeguard and weale; yet I notwithstanding enjoy this comfort, (which I value above all the rest) to have beene reputed not unworthy the alliance of Caesars, by the marri∣age of my daughter with the sonne of Claudius. This is the foundation of my hope,* 1.227 and forasmuch as I have heard, Augustus purposing to marry his daughter, had an intention to make choyce of a

Roman Knight, I humbly intreat, if you seeke out one for Livia the widow of your sonne, you would be pleased to remember him, whom you ever have loved, and who therein hath no other aime, but the honour of your alliance, and not te leave those offices wherewith you have dignified him.* 1.228 It suf∣ficeth me my house may have a support against the malice of Agrippina, besides what I doe is meere∣ly for affection to my children: As for my selfe I rest contented with life, since I have wholly pas∣sed it hitherto in the service of such a Prince.

Tiberius having praised the good nature of Sejanus, and remembred in few words the gratitude he returned, answereth,* 1.229 this affaire required time for a full resolution, and spake in this manner.

The undertakings of ordinary men willingly rest upon profit, but the condition of Princes is quite otherwise:* 1.230 For they should direct the princi∣pall scope of their ends to reputation, wherefore I will not reply to your demand so fully as I could. Livia may dispose of her selfe, if she resolve to mar∣ry, or patiently abide in the house of my son Dru∣sus,* 1.231 in which point shee may have counsell much nearer, than mine; of her Grandmother, and her mother: But as for my selfe, I will freely give you

my advice. And first concerning the enmities of Agrippina it is undoubted, they wil more ardently be enflamed, if the marriage of Livia should di∣vide the familie of the Caesars into diuers facti∣ons. Thereupon jealousies of women will breake forth,* 1.232 and by this discord my nephewes will enter into contestation, and what will you say, if you must fight for this alliance?

* 1.233Thou deceivest thy selfe (Sejanus) if thou thin∣kest still to continue in the same state, or that Li∣via is of such a disposition, as to be willing to liue with a Roman Knight,* 1.234 having espoused Caesar, and after him Drusus: and though I give my con∣sent doest thou beleeve, they, who have seene her Brother, Father, and our ancestors in soveraigne dignities, will endure I should suffer it? Resolue thy selfe to live as thou art.* 1.235 But the magistrates and prime men of state, who visit thee to disease thee, and aske counsell of thee upon all occasions, know well thou wilt not rest there, that thou hast raised thy selfe above the quality of a Knight, and that I have much exceeded the limits of the love my Father bare thee. In publique they dissemble it, but in private blame my affection for their ha∣tred of thee.* 1.236 You will say Augustus purposed to bestow his daughter upon a Romane Knight ve∣rily

it is strange, that he (having a minde rectified to thinke of all, and foreseeing even to what de∣gree of power that man might climbe, whom he, by this alliance should preferre before others) never spake of Caius Proculeius,* 1.237 and some others of re∣markable tranquillity of life, who never in any kinde intermedled in state affaires.* 1.238 But if wee bee amazed at his irresolution, yea, even in the ad∣vancement of these; How much more may wee wonder, that he married his daughter first to A∣grippa, and afterward to me? This is it which my friendship will not suffer mee to conceale, and as for the other faction I doe assure thee I will never preferre it before thy designes, nor those of Livia. I wil not at this present tell thee what I resolve to doe before the yeare be passed,* 1.239 nor by what alliance I desire to linke thee unto mee: I will only give thee assurance, there is nothing so eminent to which thy vertues, and the affection thou bearest me may not arrive, and when occasion of speech shall bee offered, either to the Senate, or people, I will not therein be silent.* 1.240 But Sejanus more tru∣sted his owne thoughts than Tiberius his words, and his soule frantique with this am∣bition, no longer was capable of reason. Much adoe hath he had to come hither, there is no

way to passe any further. The Ascent hath beene difficult, slippery, and craggy, when he shall arrive on the top, he shall finde nothing but danger, and round about him a ga∣ping precipice.

Tiberius not willing to ruine him, made it appeare his course was dangerous, which he would rectifie. He that sheweth the place, where one hath missed the ready way, obligeth no lesse, than he who directeth which way to goe. He lets him know that this marriage will be a perpe∣tuall source of discord, in the house of the Cae∣sars, and that those things which serve for Ci∣ment,* 1.241 among such as well accord, cause hatred in the minds of those, who are already moved.

But Sejanus is not so much troubled with the successe of his marriage, as with suspitions which began to be hatched in Tiberius his braine against this mighty and puissant au∣thority, he usurped over affaires, which in short time make confidence degenerate into feare, affection into jealousie, and liberty in∣to necessity.

* 1.242When servants are too great, it is no good signe of the greatnesse of a Prince; yet is it a thing proper to great Princes, to raise merits, and

recompence services: for,* 1.243 Wheresoever vertue is found, it will be honoured: More it conside∣reth the person than nation; industrie, than birth. In all times Rome hath beheld new men raised to mightie honours. T. Corunca∣nus chiefe Pontifex, Sp. Carvillius Consull, M. Cato Censor, Mummius triumphant, and Ma∣rius six times Consull.

It is a madnesse to oppose the pleasure of a Prince; when he saith, I will, hee gives an ac∣count what he doth.* 1.244 We wonder that Euthymus was put into the number of Gods, before his death, and that in his life, he received sacrifi∣ces: but we are payed with this onely reason, Iupiter will have it so.

To take the power from a Prince, to raise infe∣riours, and to humble the greatest, is to snatch the scepter out of his hand, to make his authoritie a scar-crow, and extinguish the radiant light of Majestie. It concerneth the State,* 1.245 that liberalitie acknowledge desert; and affection support service. The condition of a Prince would bee verie hard, if he might not chuse amongst the in∣finite number of his servants, some one worthy of a nearer trust, according to the happinesse of ele∣ction, or strength of merit.

It importeth not, whether favour cause jealou∣sie in great ones, envie in equalls, hatred in infe∣riours, so it disturbe not the course of affaires, and that particular interest swallow not up the pub∣lique;* 1.246 for when this happeneth, and that to en∣rich a few Favourites, the State must be empove∣rished, all runs to confusion: the Prince so ill di∣sposing of his favours, is despised, as having nei∣ther judgement, nor justice in his election, and the Favourite findeth,* 1.247 there is no heavier punish∣ment, than publique hate.

If the Prince please, he casteth him as low, as he raised him high, and there needeth but a blast to overthrow a power, which cannot subsist by its owne forces. Tiberius (truly) hath some cause of suspition, upon this excessive power of Se∣janus, but the affection the people beare to the house of Germanicus vexeth him more: and Sejanus, who saw his imagination wounded upon this point, representeth the perill grea∣ter than it is, awakeneth in the heart of the Empresse, the old rancors she had conceived against Agrippina;* 1.248 this remembrance moves choler in her, and anger, which is the sinnew that giveth the sprightliest motions to the soule, makes her consider shee shall bee no∣thing,

if her enemie bee ought.

To cause this apprehension to penetrate more sensibly into her minde, hee employeth Mutilia Prisca, her trustie friend, and more to gaine her, practiseth upon Iulius Posthumus, who made love to her.* 1.249 The Empresse instant∣ly was stirred with hopes to supplant Agrippi∣na, and the feare not onely to goe below, but equall with her, furnished her with sufficient cunning, to make her more odious to Tibe∣rius, than (as yet) shee was. Besides, Sejanus had suborned men,* 1.250 who entertained Agrippi∣na with vanities, and breathed into her soule the sweet hopes of government; and as things pleasing easily enter into the beleefe of women, she rendred her selfe more prompt, to minister matter of suspition to Tiberius, and of contentment to the people.

But the age being so corrupted, that al∣though it was held a vertue,* 1.251 not to doe a mis∣chiefe, and pietie to doe nothing wickedly; yet Tiberius resolving to doe no good for A∣grippina, feared to be condemned of impietie and ingratitude, if he did her any injurie. His indignation therefore not daring to fall di∣rectly upon her, assaulted first her friends and

allies. Claudia Pulchra her cousin, was accused of adulterie with Furnius, of charmes and poyson against Tiberius.

* 1.252Domitius Afer, who at any rate would make a fortune, was the accuser: He was in the list of those whom Sejanus entertained, and used as an inferiour instrument to remove great engines. On this accusation, Agrippina whol∣ly enflamed with anger, both for the injurie done to her, and the perill of her kinswoman, seeketh out Tiberius, and finding him, offering sacrifice for his father, saith;

It is disproportionable to sacrifice victims to Augustus, and persecute his posteritie. The spi∣rit of this great Prince is not confined to his dumb statues,* 1.253 but his true image, (which is sprung from his celestiall bloud) Well knoweth the difference, by the evill usage is done him, he being reduced to the miserable condition of the accused.* 1.254 It is not Pulchra is aimed at, but my selfe, I am the onely cause of her ruine, she hath done no ill, but in shew∣ing to have no other affection, but for the service of Agrippina, and that imprudently: For shee ought to have remembred, that Sofia Galla was banished for the same.

This discourse so galled Tiberius, that hee

could no further dissemble, but drew from the bottome of his heart a word sharpe and strange, for his humour, who accustomed not to be so cleare: For after hee had told her shee must moderate her passion, hee addeth a Greeke verse to this purpose. Daughter, you thinke you have wrong, if you command not. If Agrippina understood Greeke, this speech could not passe without an answer; and it is most certaine, Ladies of this qualitie were lear∣ned, Agrippina her daughter wrote an Histo∣rie, Augustus commended her wit,* 1.255 as one who long time had lived in Athens, and other Ci∣ties of Greece with Germanicus her husband, to understand certaine graces of speech.

And it is without doubt, that this word touching his ambition to the quicke, and hea∣ting her choler, shee could not hold from say∣ing this, either in the place, or in her retire∣ment.

Now, I pray, behold in what case we are, since the hope of a woman causeth jealousie in Tibe∣rius, and feare in Sejanus. If I have beene am∣bitious, it is not for my selfe,* 1.256 my sex wrongs my courage: If I desire to reigne, it is but among children. What reason is there I should love

mine owne lesse than I doe? I have ashare in that which Heaven allots them, and I would have them know, if I desire not their advancement, I cannot be a mother; and if I wish them not that, which belongs to their father, I cannot bee the daughter of Augustus.* 1.257 Let him call me haughtie, proud, and impatient, as long as he will, I cannot be other towards that insolent man, whom hee en∣titleth his companion, and who will bee such with my children, who hath allied himselfe with the Claudii, thrust in his images among the Caesars, throwen downe the Pompey's, extendeth his au∣thoritie above the Senate, was the death of my husband, hath ruined his family, persecuted my friends and allies. Yes (truly) I am angrie I command not; But I should be ashamed to com∣mand so impiously, and unjustly.

But to what purpose are menaces used, where power is wanting?* 1.258 There is nothing more unequall than to be weake, and quickly mo∣ved with choler. This mood of Agrippina profited her nothing, and advanced the con∣demnation of Furnius, and Pulchra. Domi∣tius Afer, who had shewed himselfe eloquent in their accusation, was commended by Tibe∣rius, and put in the ranke of the prime Ora∣tors,

but with more reputation of speaking,* 1.259 than doing well. The decrepitnesse of his age, cut off much of the estimation of his elo∣quence: For his spirits being growen wearie and faint, hee could not maintaine his speech.

It was doubted whether the condemnati∣on of these two Lovers were according to the Iulian Law, ordained by Augustus against A∣dulterers, for that was too milde to content the crueltie of Tiberius, and boldnesse of Seja∣nus, which being rather shamefast than severe,* 1.260 did onely banish Delinquents out of the citie of Rome.

Number moderated the rigor of the pu∣nishment: for had it beene capitall, families had become desarts. Seneca saith, this excesse was so common in his time,* 1.261 that chastitie was a note of deformitie; for to be wise, there was no need of beautie: That there was not a woman so miserable and contemptible, who contented her selfe with a couple of ser∣vants, gave not to each one his houre, and to whom the longest day seemed not too short. It was by Law decreed, that shee who had a Roman Knight, for grand-father, father, or husband, might not be a Prostitute. Vistilia

extracted from a family of Pretors, declared before the Ediles, she desired her youth might not be barren, nor her beautie unknowen; in a word that she was a Curtezan.* 1.262 This was all the penaltie, which custome imposed upon these vitious women, that the ignominious declaration of one so wretched and infa∣mous, might serve for a punishment. Tiberius commanded her to be shut up in the Island of Seriphos. Wee must beleeve Sejanus ren∣dred him not more mercifull towards the kinswoman of Agrippina his enemie; for ex∣ceeding the severitie of his Predecessours, hee already had caused Aquilia to be condemned to banishment,* 1.263 although the Consull onely did it by vertue of the Iulian Law.

Agrippina was so incensed to see her kins∣woman thus unworthily used, that she there∣upon sickned. Tiberius visiteth her, and after complements of good wishes for her health, sorrow instantly drew sighs from the heart, and teares from the eyes of the sicke, when having deplored the miserie, and ruine of her house, she besought the Emperour to ease her afflictions, give her leave to marrie, her youth being unable to continue in this solitude;

nor any other cōtentment remaining among honest women of this her age, but wedlocke,* 1.264 as also that he would be pleased seriously to embrace the protection of the widow and children of Germanicus.

This request which I (O Father) make to you is not because I am either troubled at my solitari∣nesse, or that there is any thing in the world can re∣inkindle my love, the first being raked up in the ashes of Germanicus, and which shall never be revived.

This is not a matter to give me content, there is none left for mee: But if the Gods have (as yet) decreed any favour for me, they must afford me a new heart to entertaine it: For they never hither∣to have allowed any to mine, but acerbities, it not being able to hold, or retaine pleasures. I stand in need of one who may comfort, not my courage, but cherish my patience against mine enemies.* 1.265

State rules, which transcend all the reasons of ordinary lawes, could not approve this her demand, because being a woman as well prai∣sed for chastity, as fruitfulnesse, she would have filled a house with grand-children of Augustus, who all one day might pretend to the succession of the Empire.

For which cause Tiberius considering the prejudice the state was like to receive thereby, made her no answer, and that he might give her no further notice, either of his distast or feare, he slightly retired, not speaking one word.* 1.266 This silence, and slacknesse the more inflamed Agrippina, but since the first arrowes of revenge are injuries, and what cannot be done through want of power, is in heat of an∣ger wished,* 1.267 she vomited all out, which lay on her heart. Sejanus who knew how to take his time, ponders all this, and by an officious dis∣loyalty causeth to be said to this Lady, that the designes which Tiberius hath concealed in his heart against her, are now on the point to breake forth, that he is resolved to poison her, and therefore wished her to take nothing, ei∣ther from his hand,* 1.268 or of his meat. Agrippina who out of her wisdome was not to make shew of this counsell, for the danger might ensue in taking notice to know the purposes of the Prince, presently bare her heart on her forehead, & being at his table, stiffely resolved on silence and abstinence. When he saw, she had not tasted of an apple, which he presen∣ted her with his owne hand, and that she gave

it to those who waited at the table, he turned to his mother, and said in her eare. It is not to be wondered at,* 1.269 if I heretofore haue decreed any harsh thing against this woman, since she accounts me a poysoner.

Where distrust begins, friendship ends: From this instant their spirits became irreconcilia∣ble, and the rumour ran thorow Rome, Tibe∣rius would put Agrippina to death, either in private, or publike.

Thereupon Tiberius makes a voyage to Na∣ples, the designe whereof had often beene re∣solved, set on foot againe, and broken of.* 1.270 He said it was to dedicate a Temple to Iupiter at Capua, and another to Augustus at Nola,* 1.271 where he dyed, but his intention was to absent him∣selfe from the City. It is certaine that Sejanus knowing his humour, advised this retirement that he might have opportunity at his plea∣sure to rule him: but because he remained there five yeares after his death, I suppose, he chose this place to cover the exorbitances of his life.* 1.272

There are some hold opinion; it was also to conceale his old age which made him con∣temptible, and that he might not expose his

body to publike view, which was ready to fall in pieces, and his spirit to issue our, as it were from a building the wals whereof are ruinate, and planchers rotten. This ill habit of body, made him ashamed: he was tall of sta∣ture, meager and thin, his shoulders crooked and hollow, his head bald, and void of haire, his face over-run with pushes, and mattery botches,* 1.273 and alwayes spotted and disfigured with plaisters: The haire of his beard covered not his deformities, for the Emperours ware none. His nature was pleased with solitari∣nesse, and used it much at Rhodes, where he fled from company, to hide the shame of his owne excesses, and those of his wife.

* 1.274One of the most apparant reasons was his impatience, not being any longer able to en∣dure neare his mother, who would doe all, nor could he take the authority out of her hands, he having received the Empire from her.* 1.275 Vpon all occasions she upbraided him, that he teigned not but by her meanes, that he was no lesse obliged to her for his fortune, than his birth. Nor is it to be doubted; for Livia perceiving Augustus would declare Germanicus his successor, upon the conceit this

election would be acceptable to the people, (who loved and applauded him) obtained so much by her prayers, and conjurations, that Tiberius was assured of Empire, after Augustus, and Germanicus after Tiberius. Livia put him in mind hereof, The memory was a reproach,* 1.276 the reproach a summons of acknowledge∣ment, and the failing herein, Ingraritude.

He then undertooke this journey to absent himselfe from his Mother, and was attended by very few,* 1.277 One Senator Cocceius Nerva skilfull in the lawes, Sejanus, one Knight, and Curtius Atticus whom Sejanus ruined. The o∣ther were men of learning, and for the most part Grecians; For he entertained himselfe with their discourses, was delighted with the riches and elegance of this language, and spake it distinctly, properly, and eloquently, which is not done without the helpe of nature, art, and propriety. Many can speake, few expresse themselves, for to expresse well it is requi∣site the discourse bee ever to the purpose, the words good, the consequence with∣out confusion.* 1.278

Besides the contentment Sejanus received in wholy possessing his Master, he managed

his affaires with more safety, and lesse envy: but ever gave fortune much advantage over himselfe.* 1.279 His abode in Rome was not so pro∣per, for dismissing the ordinary companies from his house, he lost his friends, in entertain∣ing them, he made the number to be knowne, and gave suspition to the Master. Hee also had another benefit; for receiving the packets which the souldiers of the guard brought, he became sole arbitrator of dispatches.

* 1.280All the functions of Tiberius his soule were depraved in this ill leisure, and all the faculties he had were dissolved into delights, which Se∣janus perpetually seasoned with some notable example, because this Prince thought his au∣thoritie weakened, if severitie maintained not his reputation.* 1.281 This retirement afforded him one occasion, which greatly confirmed the proofe of his fidelitie; for Tiberius dining in a vault, the roofe thereof fell downe, slew some of his officers,* 1.282 and had overwhelmed him, without the helpe of Sejanus, who covered him with his head and hands, the safetie of his Prince being more deare to him than his own. From that time forward he gave eare to his counsels, although dangerous, not conside∣ring

the motives or sequels, as proceeding from one who protested to have no other interest, but his authoritie.

Hee perswaded him to quit himselfe of Nero, the neerest to the succession, whose hopes much disturbed his repose, and enter∣tained desires of change in the minds of the people. He played the Iudge himselfe, his crea∣tures were the accusers, and they condemned him as criminall.* 1.283 This young Prince had mo∣destie enough in his condition, but little judgement to resolve on the sudden, and to consider the counsels of his servants, who cea∣sed not to tell him, that his birth designed him for Empire, that the people desired it, the Le∣gions required it, that Sejanus was wicked enough, not to wish it, but not sufficiently powerfull to hinder him.* 1.284 These words put no ill thoughts into his minde, but drew from his lips inconsiderate speeches, which being reported to Sejanus, and from thence to Tibe∣rius, were taken for conspiracies. When he is at Court, great observation is used over his actions: Crime in words, crime in silence: all his wayes are looked into: there is no retreat, nor safetie in his house, night it selfe hath no

coverture,* 1.285 nor secret place for him: If he repose in his wifes bosome, he there findeth treache∣rie; for as a vessell ill hooped, suffers all that is powred in, to run out, she relateth to Livia, the Emperors mother, his watchings, dreams, yea even his very sighs. Livia recounteth them to Sejanus, who bandieth his brother Drusus against him, giving him hope of the first place, when his elder brother, whom the hate of Tiberius made already infinitely to stagger, should be overthrowne. The spirit of Drusus was eager, for besides the desire of command, and emulations which ordinarily are among brothers, he was very suspitious, his mother Agrippina loved Nero better than himselfe.* 1.286 Sejanus was no otherwise affected, nor were his intentions better rectified for Drusus: but knowing he was couragious, and bare himselfe boldly in perils, he supposed it would be very easie to prepare an Ambusca∣do, and so utterly ruine him.

All the friends of Germanicus were sought out and persecuted: friends deceived friends, The most established amitie went not so farre as to the Altar, but covered under it inhu∣mane disloyalties, which shewed how dange∣rous

it was for man to confide in man,* 1.287 whose forehead was a lyer, eye a traitor, and counte∣nance unfaithfull. Sabinus accused by Silius staid not long to see him in the same precipice, wherein himselfe had beene cast; but it was done by a notable treason.

Foure Preters affected the Consulship,* 1.288 the highest honour of Roman ambition. Twelve Vshers marched before the Consull; As he pas∣sed along, he that was sitting rose up to him, and he who was on horse-backe, or in Coach alighted, every one veild bonnet, and many laid downe their swords for reverence.

These Honours being not to be acquired but by the favour of Sejanus he that could not attaine ought by just and honourable means, knew not on what to resolve. Give him mo∣ney? He careth not for it, he disposeth of the riches of the Empire, and treasure of the Em∣perour, which consisted of more than three∣score, and twelve millions of gold: Pleasures? Nature violateth her selfe, turning all upside downe to furnish him: Titles? He is more than the Emperour; for his will giveth law to his,* 1.289 his statues are erected, as high as those of the Caesars. To gaine the favour of the Oracle, the

heads of his enemies must be sacrificed to him

Of this number was Titus Sabinus a Roman Knight,* 1.290 who being of opinion that a friend which ceased so to be, had never beene such, continued his affection after the death of Ger∣manicus to his wife and children, assisting them in their houshold affaires,* 1.291 accompanying them in the City, boasting the constancy of his fidelity, even in the time when their faith∣fullest friends grew timorous, and the most obliged ungratefull.

* 1.292That which pleased honest men, and incen∣sed the wicked, fell right within the compasse of Sejanus aime, who held it for a bravado and a contempt, that a man of this quality, made so small account of his power, as to declare himselfe openly for his enemies. These men knew the wound in his heart: And under∣tooke to pull away the steele that stucke there∣in. Latiaris was made the spy to betray Sabinus, and the rest were witnesses.* 1.293 He had some ac∣quaintance with him, which he renewes, che∣risheth, and establisheth by a more straight fa∣miliarity,* 1.294 and begins to applaud him for his constancy in friendship towards Germanicus his family, when others failed, speaketh of this

Prince with honour, of his wife with pity, of his children with hope, Sabinus beleeving he had found a man truly faithfull to powre his complaints into his breast,* 1.295 and (hearts being ever tender in the ressentment of calamities) he set his teares at liberty, then his plaints fol∣lowed, and after, reproaches,* 1.296 and opprobries against Sejanus, speaking of his cruelties, pride, and plots, and it being a hard matter to bridle discourse, when anger and passion have taken their scope, many free words escaped him a∣gainst Tiberius.

This secret passion so breathed forth,* 1.297 and his heart thus freely disburdened, he imagined he might build upon the amity, and freedome of Latiaris, because they had so enterchangea∣bly mixt together bold complaints, and words both dangerous, and unlawfull.

And as discontented spirits penetrate and search into each other,* 1.298 Sabinus every day re∣paired to Latiaris to discover to him some new wound of his heart, and that, so much the more confidently, as be reputed him for a most faithfull friend, and that he (poore man) might imploy the more time and judgement to make triall of him.

Latiaris relateth to the other three Senators the discourse which he held with Sabinus: but because the testimony of one single man was not sufficient to convince him; they advised to hide themselves, betweene the feeling and the boards,* 1.299 to hearken, whilst Latiaris should continue, and renew this conference. He find∣eth him in the street, brings him to his house, saying, he had newes to tell him, and being shut up together in the chamber he represent∣eth to him the perils passed, and the miseries present,* 1.300 whereof these times were too fruitful, and redoubled new horrors upon old grie∣vances, not so much thereby to let him know, that all was naught, as to give him occasion to talke and prattle in his former guise. Sabi∣nus, who was still verie confident, said to him, Matters were now reduced to such termes, that one could neither speake, nor presage any thing but ill, that no good was to be expected in so tyrannicall, and insolent a government, and,* 1.301 for that griefes and injuries are hardly forborne, when they have once had a vent (it being painfull to hide a wound) he makes Se∣janus author of all these miseries, private and publique. With much difficultie conceale we our hurts.

All this conference ascended by the holes in the feeling, to the eares of the three Sena∣tors, who so soone as Sabinus retired, accom∣plished their treason. Tacitus affirmeth, they in the same instant, by expresse letters,* 1.302 let Ti∣berius understand all, representing the treason, and their owne infamie; and Dion saith, it was to please Sejanus. He might have added, it so behoved them: for besides the recom∣pence they would draw from this disloyaltie, and to arrive to the honour of Consulship, by thus dishonouring themselves, if one of these should have betrayed his companion, they had beene all utterly undone.

The bruit of this mischiefe brought to Ca∣preae, instantly returned to Rome, where it marvellously disturbed mindes, put everie one upon his guard,* 1.303 eares knowen and un∣knowen were suspected, wals were mistru∣sted, and things inanimate feared: there was everie where silence, perplexitie, and amaze∣ment.

Sabinus on the first day of the yeare was im∣prisoned: Is the new yeare (saith hee to those who apprehended him) thus begun? Must Se∣janus have sacrifices of this qualitie? What

safetie then is there for a Roman Citizen, seeing among vowes and holy ceremonies,* 1.304 even where prophane words are forborne, cords and halters are used, both to binde and strangle, yea even Temples are turned into prisons?

He presently was put to death, having no leisure given to defend, and justifie himselfe. His dog stayed still neere the dead body,* 1.305 layd the bread to his masters mouth which was gi∣ven him; and when the corps was throwen into Tyber, leaped after to support it, that it might not sinke to the bottome: whilst the whole Citie stood amazed to see such thank∣fulnesse in a beast, amongst so many ingrati∣tudes, and inhumanities which dishonoured men. All the accusers died miserably: and as Princes abhorre Traytors after they have drawen profit out of their treason,* 1.306 Tiberius rid himselfe of them: for when hee had made use of these evill instruments, hee discarded them to take new.

The Emperour gave thanks to the Senate, they had delivered the Common-wealth from such an enemie, and added, hee pas∣sed his life in feare and terrour. That the con∣spiracies of his enemies much disquieted him,

and though hee named them not, it well ap∣peared it was meant by Agrippina, and her children. Asinius Gallus speaking according to his libertie, and usuall plainnesse, said, the Emperour must bee entreated to discover his feares,* 1.307 and suffer they may be removed from his minde.* 1.308 Tiberius thought this speech over∣bold, for it carried the lampe into the bot∣tome of his heart, which he would not disco∣ver. Sejanus sweetned it, not for the love of Gallus, but that his choler being the more slow, the fall might bee the more precipitate, and impetuous: having ever found, that the more he thought upon his revenge, time ren∣dred it the more violent, & the more distant∣ly he menaced, the more heavie was the blow.

Asinius Gallus had much credit in the Com∣mon-wealth, but no favour from Tiberius, who feared his courage, hated his vertues, and said, Pride was in him an hereditarie disease, blaming Asinius Pollio his father,* 1.309 a brave Cap∣taine, a vehement Orator, an excellent Poet, and a friend of truth in a time when it was most hatefull.

Tiberius (who euer bare in minde the bitter words, which Asinius spake to him at his com∣ming

to the Empire, when confessing him∣selfe incapable to hold any more than one part thereof,* 1.310 hee readily asked him, which hee would have) cast him into prison, where for three yeares he languished: Death dis-engaged him; but it is not knowen whether it were naturall, or violent. Princes will not thus be dallyed with,* 1.311 wee must speake to them by way of supplication, or remonstrance: wee are not to correct them; to tell them their errours, is to offend them.

About this time the Emperours mother died, foure-score and six yeares old, according to Dion,* 1.312 or foure-score and two, as Pliny affir∣meth, who ascribeth the length of her life to the qualitie of a wine she dranke. The Se∣nate decreed large honours for her: But her sonne, not through modestie, but envie, cut away part thereof, and by his letters dissem∣bled not, to be distasted with the graces done to his mother, taxing the Consull Fusius, whom the Empresse had loved, a man verie comely to attract the affections of women, and who had a grace in speaking wittie con∣ceits, and jesting at Tiberius with taunts, which touched the quicke. Great men doe not

so soone forget, yea even that,* 1.313 which is spoken in merriment.

The haires of Tiberius were growen white under the obedience of this mother. Neither age, nor majestie dispensed with his dutie. The sage Roman heretofore in his time said, that hee who loveth not those who brought him into the world, is impious,* 1.314 hee that ac∣knowledgeth them not is mad. But this re∣spect grounded upon the duties of nature, hindreth not the libertie of State-rule, which is jealous of any thing that trencheth upon their authoritie. He was offended his mother dedicating a statue to Augustus, neere to Mar∣cellus his Theater,* 1.315 had set the name of Livia, before that of Tiberius, hee thought Majestie was wronged herein, and that a Prince should not consent to be touched by any.

Shee had beene married to Tiberius Nero, father of the Emperour Tiberius; and Augu∣stus, becomming extremely passionate for her love, tooke her from her husband, and that so suddenly, that hee gave her not time to lay her great belly,* 1.316 and to leave in her lodging what shee there had taken. It is not knowen, whether shee consented to this change, or

whether her ignorance gave some colour hereunto. Faire women, who have done a∣misse at the suit of a Prince,* 1.317 thinke authoritie will excuse them. Helena said, her mother er∣red not, having Iupiter for the warrant of her fault.

Scribonia the wife of Augustus was rejected, because shee too liberally had complained of the immoderate power of this new Mistresse; her fall established Livia, and her error taught her, that to gaine the heart of her husband, shee must comply with his humour, which was the cause shee being asked what shee had done to governe him so absolutely, answered, By not prying into his actions, and dissembling his loves.

Never any woman gave her husband bet∣ter counsell. For seeing Augustus having reig∣ned severely, lived not safely, and that Cinna had attempted to kill him in a citie of Gaule, as he was sacrificing, with intent to offer him as a victim for the publique good: Augustus was much displeased,* 1.318 when hee was advised hereof, and desired death, since so many were interessed therein, and that a man of qualitie, nephew to Pompey, undertooke to bereave

him of his life. In this perplexitie, Livia his wife spake these memorable words:* 1.319 The re∣medies you have used have beene to no purpose, take the contrarie way, severitie hitherto hath nothing profited, trie the effect of clemencie: pardon Cinna, his plot is discovered, hee cannot prejudice your life, and may much benefit your reputation.

Augustus beleeved her, sends for Cinna, and telling him hee was well informed of his de∣signe, said: I heretofore gave thee life, as mine Enemie and a Rebell; now I will grant at thee, as a Traytor and a Parricide: Let us speake no more of it, but be friends,* 1.320 and make it appeare which of us two hath done best, either I in pardoning, or thou in repenting.

As Tiberius had his confident friend, so Livia had hers. To obtaine any suit from Ti∣berius, way must bee made by Sejanus; Hee that would gaine the favour of Livia, must sacrifice to Vrgulania,* 1.321 whose power in the Citie was so great, that no man durst enter∣prise any thing contrarie to her liking, how just so ever it were: For shee had raised her selfe above the Lawes; besides, she was a wo∣man so haughtie and arrogant, that being

called to the Senate, she refused to appeare, al∣though none were dispensed with herein, no not the Vestall Virgins themselves.* 1.322 Tiberius enforced through dutie to his mother, became passionate in her causes; in such sort, that her nephew having throwen his wife out at a window,* 1.323 he went presently to view the cham∣ber, and saw this woman had not cast her selfe downe of her owne accord, as her husband affirmed: for the signes were yet to be seene, of the violence used to thrust her out, and of her resistance to hinder it.

While this Lady was alive, he moderated his affections, submitting himselfe through duty to her counsels, and Sejanus for reverence humbled his designes under her commands, not daring to contradict them: But after her death,* 1.324 all was at liberty, and in confusion, nor was there any farther hope or refuge for innocency.

Caius Caesar who succeeded to the Empire, publikely praised her before the Palace, that she most religiously had governed her house after the ancient manner, not permitting time should introduce the vanities and curiosities, which so much had wasted the former sim∣plicity.

A Princesse most affable, and cour∣teous beyond the carriage of women of pas∣sed times. As a mother, she could not suffer, As a wife, nothing was insupportable, yea, was so wary, that she prudently accommodated her selfe to the wisdome of Augustus, and the dis∣simulation of Tiberius.

The Senate received letters from Tiberius against Agrippina, and her children: It was thought along time since they were written, but that the Emperesse had detained them,* 1.325 foreseeing they would give occasion of trou∣ble, and although her ambition waxed not old, yet desired she to end the small remainder of her life in repose.

They accused neither Nero nor Drusus of trea∣son, nor of Levies of souldiers, nor to have plot∣ted innovations, only that they were debau∣shed.* 1.326 There was not any thing offended the mother herein, but the imputation of pride and obstinacy. The letters being read, it was mo∣ved deliberation should be used, but as opini∣ons are delivered more, or lesse rigorous, ac∣cording to the disposition of their nature who give judgement, certaine Senators, whose hopes could not be grounded upon honour,

yet sought out occasions of grace, and favour, in publike calamities, advised contrary to the most ancient, and sage, and making their own desires mount much higher than other, found there is not any spirit so strong or firme, which ought not to bee very reserved either in giving counsell or judgement upon the liberty, or life of him, who may succeed the Prince.

Tiberius had bestowed the office of the acts and registers of the Senate on Iunius Rusticus, who having not given before any proofe of constancy, or fortitude, yet shewed it was good to proceed gently in this affaire,* 1.327 that the accused might have time allowed him to repent, and frustrate this commandement: for the most important things are altered in a moment.* 1.328 Besides nature, in the house of Ger∣manicus was vigorous and flourishing; and in that of Tiberius weary, spent, and fraile.

Vpon this difference the people who could not endure these Princes should be used as cri∣minals, detest this injustice, and lay the blame on Sejanus,* 1.329 carry the figures of Agrippina, and Nero up and downe the City, assemble daily about the palace, cry out the letters were false and forged, make processe against Sejanus, and

counterfeiting the resolutions of the Senators, the stoutest man amongst them having colle∣cted them from this company, pronounceth judgement of death against him. And to this,* 1.330 Satyrical invectives are not wanting, so much the more confident, as the authors were con∣cealed, and gathered and sought out so much the more greedily, as they in them contained quick and ingenious conceits.

Sejanus who should have avoided these blowes by contempt of them, gave satisfacti∣on to his enemies, by letting them know these things much troubled him, and informing the Emperour, his Majesty suffered in his suffer∣ing; That the people gathering assemblies, and making decrees, there remained nothing for them to doe, but to take armes, and chuse him Emperour, whose Images they bare for ensignes.

Tiberius wrote other letters,* 1.331 and continu∣eth his complaints against Agrippina, and her children, against the timerity, and insolence of the popular multitude, and against the Senate, who more weighed the cunning practices of one Senator, than the reverence of his Com∣mands, in contempt of his will, and scorne of

his authority: but addeth, that he to himselfe reserveth the judgement hereof. The Senators excuse themselves, and protest they resolved on punishment,* 1.332 and extremest rigour if his commandement had not staied them.

* 1.333In this point all the world bewaileth the in∣estimable losse of Tacitus his bookes, which re∣corded the rest of Agrippinaes fortune, the con∣spiracy of Sejanus, leading us along with the torch of truth through the mists of conje∣ctures. Libraries have preserved many bookes, which we willingly would restore to them a∣gaine, for that which wanteth of this excel∣lent author, who described all that was requi∣site to be knowne of the worlds affaires.

Now Tiberius ceased not, till the Senate had satisfied him, and that all his violences were authorized by their judgement. Nothing so much urged the condemnation of Agrippina,* 1.334 and her children, as the information Sejanus gave to Tiberius, that she was resolved to passe through the temples of Rome, to imbrace the statues of Augustus, thereby to stirre the people, and if that tooke not effect to hasten with her children to Germany to seaze on the Legions.

Agrippina was vsed no better than her chil∣dren,

and we must understand, that of her,* 1.335 which Suetonius saith of them, that he caused them to be declared enemies, and dye with hunger. Nero was banished into the Iland of Pontia, Drusus immured in the base Court of the palace: the rumor was, that Nero seeing the executioner who brought the halter, and hooke for him to make his choyce, slew him∣selfe with his owne hand, and that food being denyed to Drusus,* 1.336 he eat the flocks of his mat∣teresse; but the death of these two Princes was not so sudden, nor in this manner. Sue∣tonius wrote it upon bruit, who makes his fraight up, as well of lies, as verities.

The worst was done that might be against A∣grippina, & her extremitie was to be exiled in∣to the Island of Pandatria in the Tyrrhene sea,* 1.337 where she hourely might expect, when they would come to strangle her, or being asleepe, cause death and sleepe to meet together.* 1.338 But Tiberius desired life should bee her punish∣ment, and, As injuries are worse borne by those, who thinke they have not deserved them,* 1.339 and whose cause is just: so this poore Princesse cea∣sed not to complaine, and lament the inhu∣manitie of Tiberius. Seeing then wee know

the wrong she suffered,* 1.340 we may well cōjecture what the complaints were she made. Her or∣dinarie discourse was to this purpose, but it is not heightned with that grace shee gave it from her gravitie, nor with that fervor where∣with she enkindled it by her passion.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Eloquentia nulli tota contigit. Sen. P.
• * 1.2

  Great honours are burdens, which oppresse those who beare them.
• * 1.3

  Ludos facit fortu∣na. Sen.
• * 1.4

  Vnhappie is the dignitie which hath no credit with the Prince.
• * 1.5

  Nec in astra lenta veniet via, iter ruina quaeret. Sen. T.
• * 1.6

  Necesse est oppri∣mant enera, quae ferento majora sunt. Sen.
• * 1.7

  Malo veris offen∣dere, quàm placere adulando. Sen.
• * 1.8

  Quod colluvi••m illam nationum comitate nimia co∣luisset. Tac.
• * 1.9

  Inter alia domina∣tionis arcana Au∣gustus vetitis sepo∣suit Aegyptum. Tac.
• * 1.10

  Levi praesidio in∣gentes exercitus co∣ercentur. Tac.
• * 1.11

  In vulgus gratae, sine milite incedere pe∣dibus, intectus, & pari cum Graecis amictu. Tac.
• * 1.12

  Tenue mendacium pellucet. Sen.
• * 1.13

  Non minus vitan∣dum supervacua dicere, quàm con∣traria. Sen. P.
• * 1.14

  Absurdum inter aliena servitia, & tot astantium visu. Tac.
• * 1.15

  Qui patrem pulsa∣verit, manus ei prae∣cidantur. Sen. P.
• * 1.16

  Offerebat familians reus, & ministres in termenta. Tac.
• * 1.17

  There is nothing so deformed as an injury which re∣culeth backe a∣gainst him who spake it. Plut.
• * 1.18

  The Magistrates ought to be more tender to become feared than loved.
• * 1.19

  There is nothing so naturall as to hate those who have persecuted us.
• * 1.20

  The Eagle ha∣ving taken away the young rab∣bits, the dam un∣dermineth the tree, and throw∣eth downe the neast of the Ea∣gle, and her young ones stand to her mercy.
• * 1.21

  Mala & impia consuetudo contra Deos disputandi, si∣ve ex animo id fiat, sive simulate. Cic.
• * 1.22

  Prompta Pisoni le∣gionum studia.
• * 1.23

  Amor affectus liber qui vices exigit. Plin.
• * 1.24

  Ferina rabies san∣guine gaudere. Sen.
• * 1.25

  Nihil tam peri••ule∣sum fortunis inno∣centum, quàm t•• cere adversarios
• * 1.26

  A Tribuno deau∣ctus, vario rumore, custos salutis, an mortis exactor. Tac.
• * 1.27

  Portia said she was not onely a partaker of the bed, and table of her husband, as a Concubine, but was the Compa∣nion of his good and evill fortune, as his wife, Plut.
• * 1.28

  This opinion was common, and Io∣sephus affirmes it.
• * 1.29

  The mad-love drinke is quaffed in silver in stead of Greeke wine.
• * 1.30

  Life-killing Arse∣nick is tasted in a golden dish.
• * 1.31

  Venenicvi••••en ac∣cusatores non satis firmabans. Tac.
• * 1.32

  Praetuleritne vene∣f••ii signa parum constitit. Tac.
• * 1.33

  Livores totocorpo•••• spumae per os flue∣bant, cor inter essa incorruptum. Suet.
• * 1.34

  Negatur corcremari posse in his, qui Car∣diaco morbo ob∣ierint, & veneno interemptis. Plin.
• * 1.35

  Nullo magis exter∣ritus est, quàm quod Tiberium si∣ne miseratione, sine ira obstinatum, claufumque vidit. Tac.
• * 1.36

  He who is con∣••inced of one crime, is puni∣shed for many.
• * 1.37

  In crimes against the State, there is no compensa∣tion of merit for the fault.
• * 1.38

  The interest of children trans∣porteth Parents.
• * 1.39

  It is a madnesse to dye for feare of death.
• * 1.40

  Caesar flexo in mae∣stitiam ore. Tac.
• * 1.41

  Plaeraque sap••enter, quae dam inconsul∣lius. Tac
• * 1.42

  Conspiratione ini∣micorum, & invi∣d••â falsi criminis veritati, & inno∣centiae nusquam lo∣cum. Tac.
• * 1.43

  Qualiscunque, for∣tunae meae non est adjunctus. Tac.
• * 1.44

  Nihi•• quidquam post haec rogaturus salutem infoelicis filii rege. Tac.
• * 1.45

  Pravitatis p••nas innoxius non luat.
• * 1.46

  Ex arboribus qua∣vontus, aut turbo evulsit soboles resi∣dua est fovenda. Sen.
• * 1.47

  Patris jussa filius non potest detra∣ctare. Tac.
• * 1.48

  Fas aviae interfe∣ctricem nepotis ad∣spicere, adloqui, eripere Senatui•• Tac.
• * 1.49

  Venena & artes semel faeliciter ex∣pertae in alterius exitium facilè ver∣tuntur. Tac.
• * 1.50

  Nomina scelerato∣rum è fastis raden∣da. Tac.
• * 1.51

  Concessa Plancinae incolumitas ob preces Augustae. Tac.
• * 1.52

  Pudore flagitii princeps placabilior fit. Tac.
• * 1.53

  Nomen Marci An∣tonii, qui bellum patriae fecit, fastis mansit. Tac.
• * 1.54

  Domestica mala tristitia operienda. Tac.
• * 1.55

  Facundia non est violent a praecipi∣tanda. Tac.
• * 1.56

  Rerum humanari•• ubique ludibria. Tac. Audivi ex seniori∣bus, qui ad no∣stram usque juven∣tam duraverunt. Tac.
• * 1.57

  Elusus à Sejano per vana promissa Piso. Tac.
• * 1.58

  Per noctes creber∣rime acclamatum est, Redde Germa∣nicum. Suet.
• * 1.59

  Praebe te legibus. Sen.
• * 1.60

  Confidence lesseneth the in∣famie of punish∣ment.
• * 1.61

  Our enemies in∣force us to live regularly and to preserve life irre∣prehensible as in a strait diet. Plut.
• * 1.62

  Lupum auribus te∣nere.
• * 1.63

  Dion & Tacit.
• * 1.64

  Liboni proavu•• Pompeius, amita Scribonia, consobri∣ni Caesares. Tac.
• * 1.65

  Defertur moliri res novas. Tac.
• * 1.66

  Pro cespita plum∣beus culter.
• * 1.67

  The little hatchet of the sacrificer.
• * 1.68

  Iuvenis improvidus & facilis inanibus. Tac.
• * 1.69

  Hortatur ad luxum, & aes alienum soci∣us libidinum, & necessitatum quo plurihus indiciis in∣dagaret. Tac.
• * 1.70

  Tib. non vultu alie∣natus, non verbis commotior, cuncta ejus dicta factaque, cum prohibere pos∣set scire mallebat. Tac.
• * 1.71

  Keus obsoletius ve∣stiebatur. Cic.
• * 1.72

  It was not per∣mitted to any but the sick to goe in a litter to the gate of the Se∣nate house. Tiberi∣us comming thi∣ther the sicke man would 〈◊〉〈◊〉 no train••.
• * 1.73

  Stolida & vana, & si melius accipian∣tur, miserànda. Tec.
• * 1.74

  Questio in caput domini. Tac.
• * 1.75

  More majorum de servis in Dominum ne tormentis qui∣dem quaeri licet. Cic.
• * 1.76

  Necessarii deserae∣rant impie jam non r••••m, sed famam. Sen.
• * 1.77

  Quid te delectat alienum negotium facere? Sen.
• * 1.78

  Excruciant epulae in novissimam vo∣lupta••em adhibitae. Tac.
• * 1.79

  Etiam ubi remedi∣um est mors, selus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 occidere. Sen. P.
• * 1.80

  Feralibus 〈…〉〈…〉 remebris dues ••••••us in vist•••• a 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Tac.
• * 1.81

  Adul•••••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Reip. malum. Tac.
• * 1.82

  Iduum Septembi∣um dios quo se Libi occiderat festus. Tac.
• * 1.83

  Caldaei pluribus at∣que ineptis in∣geniis siderum fallae•• interpretati∣one questuesam medaciis suis Cali∣ginem injiciunt. Val.
• * 1.84

  Attalus stoicus so∣lum vertit à Sejano Circumscriptus, magnae vir eloquen∣tiae, ex Philosophis, subtillissimus. Sen. P.
• * 1.85

  Malitia maximam partem sui veneni bibit.
• * 1.86

  Quicquid expe∣ctantibus fortuna projecit id fine ••lla voluptate di∣mittmus, statim ad rapinam alterius erecti, & attenti. Sen.
• * 1.87

  Quod in tragedia Agamemnonem probis lacessisset. Suet.
• * 1.88

  He who blameth the favour of a Prince condem∣neth his judge∣ment.
• * 1.89

  Quis nen rumpere∣tur supra cineres Gn. Pompei consti∣tu••e Sejanum? Sen.
• * 1.90

  Novam, ac primum auditum crimen. Tac.
• * 1.91

  P••ul.
• * 1.92

  The credit of accusers is the despaire of the accused. Sejani clientes perniciabiles reo. Tac.
• * 1.93

  Innocencie of actions should excuse the folly of words.
• * 1.94

  Verba mea a••g••un∣tur, adeo sum fa∣ctorum innocen••. Tac
• * 1.95

  There is not an Historian, which becomes not pas∣sionate on one side, or other.
• * 1.96

  Scipio, a man worthy of all warlike commen∣dation. Plut. Afranius, Lievte∣nant of Pompey against the Par∣thians and Ara∣bians. Plut. Cassius, an enemy of Tyrants from his infancie. Plu••
• * 1.97

  Brutus wel wished by the people, beloved of his owne, esteemed of honest men, and hated by none. See the Epigram 30. of Catullus.
• * 1.98

  Convitia spreta ex∣••lescunt, si irascare agnita vidantur. Tac.
• * 1.99

  Caio Calvo post sa∣mosa Epigr. de re∣conciliatione per a∣micos agenti ultro ac prior scripsit. Suet.
• * 1.100

  Valerius Catullus perpetua stigmata suis versiculis im∣posuit Caesari. Suet.
• * 1.101

  Timagenem Caesar monuit, ut mode∣ratiua lingua ute∣retur, perseveranti, domo sua interdi∣xit: post ea in con∣tubernio Pollionis consenuit. Sen.
• * 1.102

  Fruere mi Pollio fruere.
• * 1.103

  Subinde jactat in civitate libera lin∣guam mentomque liberas esse debere. Suet.
• * 1.104

  Satis est si hoc ha∣bemus ne quis nobis malè facere possit. D. Aug.
• * 1.105

  Non tantum habi∣mus otii P. C. ut implicare nos pluri∣bus negotiis debea∣mus: si hanc fene∣stram aperueritis nihil aliud agi sine∣tis. D. Tib.
• * 1.106

  Si vivere vellet, Sejanus rogandus erat; si mori, filia; uterque inexorabi∣lis; constituit filiam fallere. Sen.
• * 1.107

  At the comming out of a bath, they brought to their chambers sweet wine with new laid egges.
• * 1.108

  Quaedam per fene∣stram ut videretur edisse projecit à coena, deinde quasi jam satis in cubicu∣lo edisset abstinuit. Sen.
• * 1.109

  Homini non anie septimum diem lae∣talis inedia: du∣rasse, & ultra un∣decimum plaerosque ••ertum est. Plin.
• * 1.110

  The last houre causeth not death, but fini∣sheth it.
• * 1.111

  Iter mortis ingres∣sus sum, & jam medium fere teneo; revocare me, nec de∣bes, nec potes. Sen.
• * 1.112

  Et faucibus avi∣dissimorum lupo∣rum educitur prae∣da. Sen.
• * 1.113

  Magna res erat in quaestione, an mor∣tis rei perderentur: dum deliberatur, dum accusatores i∣terum adeunt, ille se absolverat. Sen.
• * 1.114

  Scripta autoris. calamitate. Dio.
• * 1.115

  Vir Romanus qui subactis jam cervi∣cibus omnium, & ad Sejani jugum ab∣actis indomitus sit, homo ingenio, ani∣mo, manu liber. Tac.
• * 1.116

  Praesenti potentia non extinguitur se∣quentis aevi memo∣ria. Tac.
• * 1.117

  Punitis ingeniis gliscit authoritas. Tac.
• * 1.118

  R P. interest, ut fa∣cta quoeque poste∣ritati tradantur. Suet.
• * 1.119

  Non satiatus modo cadendis civibus sed defectus. Sen. P.
• * 1.120

  Piis concionibus multorum capita fervarat. Sen. P.
• * 1.121

  Manus dextera eloquentiae mini∣stra. Sen. P.
• * 1.122

  Caeterorum caedes privatorum luctus excitaverunt, illa una commonem. Sen. P.
• * 1.123

  Opti••••e meruit de posterie ad quos ventet in corruptae rerum fid••s. Sen.
• * 1.124

  Dion saith that o∣pinions often passed currant a∣gainst his, he not therewith offen∣ded.
• * 1.125

  Tiberius said I am Lord of slaves, Emperour of souldiers, and o∣ver the rest a Prince.
• * 1.126

  All that was done during the life of Germanicus, but after his death all was changed.
• * 1.127

  Ambition for a long time makes it selfe little to be∣come great.
• * 1.128

  The Emperour Augustus to please Livia banished him to the Ile of Planasia.
• * 1.129

  Veritas visu, & morâ, falsa; festina∣tione incer, tis voles∣cunt. Tac.
• * 1.130

  Percunctanti Ti∣berio quomodo Agrippa factus esset respon∣disse fertur? Quo modo tu Caesar. Tac.
• * 1.131

  Inanis credulitas tempore ipso vane∣scit. Tac.
• * 1.132

  Neronem e liberis Germanici jam in∣gressum juventam commendavit Pa∣tribus non sinc ri∣su audientium. Tac.
• * 1.133

  Congiarium pleb. Tac.
• * 1.134

  ut illa secundis, ita hoc adversis animis acceptum. Tac.
• * 1.135

  Iason the Tyrant of Pherez said, he died for hun∣ger, if he arrived not at Tyranny, for he could not live a foole, that is to say a private man.
• * 1.136

  Miror fuisse qui traderenta a Sejano necatum Suet.
• * 1.137

  Vaine is the praise which comes not from a praise worthy man.
• * 1.138

  Secreta viri, cor∣rupta uxore pro∣duntur. Tac.
• * 1.139

  Prima dominandi spes in arduo, ubi fis ingressus adsunt studia, & ministri, Tac.
• * 1.140

  Surnames are gi∣ven according to natures, for which cause Dion saith, Drusus was surnamed Castor, and keen swords were called Dru∣sians.
• * 1.141

  Tribunitia potestas summi fastigii vo∣cabatur. Tac.
• * 1.142

  Tiberius S••••••num singularem princi∣palium onerum ad jutorem in omnia habuit. Vell.
• * 1.143

  Ra••a est concordia formae, atque pudi∣citiae. Inven.
• * 1.144

  Se, ac majores, & pas••cros municipali adultere foedabat. Tac.
• * 1.145

  Vpon the de∣mand made unto Aristotle, why we love that which is faire, he answe∣red, It is a blinde mans question.
• * 1.146

  Foemina amissa pu∣dicitia, alia flagitia non abnuit. Tac.
• * 1.147

  The Fort which parleyes, is halfe renured.
• * 1.148

  Magnitudo facino∣••is metum, prolatio, interdum di∣versa consilia ad∣f••rt. Tac.
• * 1.149

  Eudemus amicus, ac medicus Liviae, specie artis fre∣quens secretis. Tac.
• * 1.150

  Adulteria etiam in principum domibus, ut Eudemi in Li∣viae Drusi Caesaris. Plin.
• * 1.151

  Rumor Sejanum Lygdi spadonis ani∣mum stupro vicisse.
• * 1.152

  Iupiter saith to Prometheus, hee deserved to have his heart, and li∣ver devoured.
• * 1.153

  Ordo sceleris per Apicatam Sejano proditus tormentis Eudemi, as Lygdi patefactus est. Tac.
• * 1.154

  Sejanus facinorum amnium repertor habehatur ex nimia caritate in eum Cae∣saris. Tac.
• * 1.155

  Druso ignaro, & juveniliter hauri∣ente poculum; cun∣ctis suspitio tan∣quam metu, & pu∣dore sibimet arro∣garet patri finxe∣rat. Tac.
• * 1.156

  He who made as∣say was called in ancient inscrip∣tions Apotione, or Praegustator, by Xenophon, Oino∣ch••••s. Tac.
• * 1.157

  Atrocior semper fa∣ma erga dominan∣tium exitus. Tac.
• * 1.158

  Divulgata atque incredibilia avidè accepta, non sunt antehabenda ve∣ris, neque in mira∣culum corruptis. Tac.
• * 1.159

  Simulatio habi∣tum, ac voces d••∣lentium induit. Tac.
• * 1.160

  A segelflatos cay omotatos. Dion.
• * 1.161

  Solus, & nullis vo∣luptatibus avoca∣tus, moestam vigi∣lantiam & malas curas exercet. Tac.
• * 1.162

  Negotia pro solatiis.
• * 1.163

  The Consuls sate on their Sellae cu∣rules, and the Se∣nators low, and after them the Praetors, and Tribunes.
• * 1.164

  The custome of mourning was, not to stirre out of the house, nor behold day light. Vix dies à plaerisque lugentium adspici∣tur. Tac.
• * 1.165

  Germanici siberi unica praesentium malorum levamen∣ta. Tac.
• * 1.166

  Egressi consules fir∣matos eloquio ado∣lescentulos, dedu∣ctosque ante Caesa∣rem statuunt. Tac.
• * 1.167

  ••••a nat••a••tis, ut bo∣na maloque vostra ad Remp. Tac.
• * 1.168

  In these ocasions they had words proper; of joy, and desire, among the Grecians A∣gathetuche, and the Latines Quod saustum se∣lixque sit.
• * 1.169

  Vana, & irrisa, ve∣ro, & honesto fidem adimuni. Tac.
• * 1.170

  Addit semper ali quid posterior adu∣latio. Tac.
• * 1.171

  So Philo saith, that the high Priest of the Iewes for that his soule was ever pure saw nothing direfull.
• * 1.172

  Flente populo non flexit vult••m. Sen.
• * 1.173

  Sejano ad latus s••••∣ti experiendum se dedit quam patien∣ter possit suos per∣dere. Sen.
• * 1.174

  Quicquid non ac∣quiritur, damnum est. Sen.
• * 1.175

  In gratiam Quirini consularis pradivi∣tu, & orbi. Tac.
• * 1.176

  Exemit Drusum dicenda primo loco Sententia, n••caeteris assentiendi necessi∣tas fieret. Tac.
• * 1.177

  Ammian Marcolputs Pompeys Theater Inter de∣cora urbis aeternae.
• * 1.178

  Adstantes effusi in lachrimas, saeva, et detestanda Quirino clamitant. Tac.
• * 1.179

  Lepida cui super Emiliorum decus L. Silla, ac Cu. Pom∣peius proavi erant. Tac.
• * 1.180

  Adsensit Drusus, quamvis alii miti∣ares, censuissēt. Tac.
• * 1.181

  Quo loco censebis Caesar? si primus, habebo quod sequar, si post omnes vercor ne imprudent dis∣sentiam. Tac.
• * 1.182

  He lives too long, who sur∣vives his owne honour.
• * 1.183

  The same hand which doth the injury maketh a∣mends.
• * 1.184

  Delatores genu•• hominum publico exitio repertum, & paenu quidem nun∣quam satis coerci∣tum, per praemia eliciebantur. Tac.
• * 1.185

  Vt quis districtior accusator velut sa∣cro sanctus erat, lo ves ignobiles paenis afficiebantur. Tac.
• * 1.186

  Miseriarum, ac sae∣vitiae exemplum atrox, reus pater, accusator filius. Tac.
• * 1.187

  How soere the matter goe with the sonne: the father should dis∣poile himselfe of the office of a fa∣ther, to play the part of a judge.
• * 1.188

  Pro peceato magno paululum supplicii satu est patri.
• * 1.189

  In silvis ortas avi∣culas pascitis, & domi natos scorpio∣nesoc ciditis. Petr.
• * 1.190

  Exequi accusatio∣nem adigitur. Tac.
• * 1.191

  Haud tutum con∣tumacius loqui apud aures superbas, & offensioni proniores. Tac.
• * 1.192

  Dandus vita usus, cui vita conceditur Tac.
• * 1.193

  Religion gave to the Temples of the Gods liberty, and flattery to the statues of Princes.
• * 1.194

  The custome was thereof in Rome from the time of Iulius Caesar.
• * 1.195

  Capitale circa Au∣gusti simulacrum servum occidisse.
• * 1.196

  The place where Theseus cursed the Athenians, in the Burg of Gargettus, was called Araterion, the place of ma∣lediction. Plut.
• * 1.197

  Principes instar deorum suut, sed noque à diis, nisi justae supplicum preces audiuntur. Tac.
• * 1.198

  Non licet jus expe∣riri ob effigiem Im∣peratoris opposi∣tam. Tac.
• * 1.199

  Crimen ex silentio, ex voce. Tac.
• * 1.200

  Vacia nulla re alia quam otio notua consenuit, & ob hoc unum foelix ha∣bebatur. Sen.
• * 1.201

  O Vacia, solus scis v••vere. Sen.
• * 1.202

  Vita ruftica parsi∣moniae, jus••itiae, ac diligentiae magistra-Cic.
• * 1.203

  Attilii manus ru∣stico opere attritae salutem publicam stabilicrunt. Vol.
• * 1.204

  Gaudebattellus vo∣mere laurea to. Plin.
• * 1.205

  It is not safe to commit so many, and so great charges, to the fortune of one. Par. de Fab.
• * 1.206

  Evill enterprises succeed against the undertakers.
• * 1.207

  Ferox scelerum, quia prima prove∣nerant. Tac.
• * 1.208

  Nun dubia Germa∣nici liberorum suc∣cessio. Tac.
• * 1.209

  Sparga venenum in tres non poterat, egregiâ custodum fide, & pudicitiâ Agrippinae impene∣trabili. Tac.
• * 1.210

  Solennia vota pro incolumitate tuâ, quá salus publica continetur, & sus∣cipimus, & solvi∣mus. Plin.
• * 1.211

  Adulatio moribus corruptis perinde ancepa, si nulla, & ubi nimia est. Tac.
• * 1.212

  Primores modicè perstringendi. Tac.
• * 1.213

  Mobiles adolescen∣tium animi, prae∣maturis honoribus ad superbiam non extollendi. Tac.
• * 1.214

  Facta tribu•• domi∣nis communis Roma. Lucan.
• * 1.215

  Nullum aliud glis∣centis discordiae remedium, si unus alterve maximè prompti subvertan∣tur. Tac.
• * 1.216

  Amicitia Germani∣ci pernitiosa utri∣que. Tac.
• * 1.217

  Turpe aliis gratifi∣cari per dede cus proprium. Tac.
• * 1.218

  Proprium Tiberio scelera nuper reper∣ta priscis verbis obtegere. Tac.
• * 1.219

  Immineus damna∣tio voluntario fine praevertitur. Tac.
• * 1.220

  Clitus was undone for saying Alex∣ander was Master over the lives of the Macedonians Plut.
• * 1.221

  Beneficia co usque laeta sunt dum vi∣dentur solvi posse, ubi multum ante∣venere, pro gratia odium redditur. Tac.
• * 1.222

  Reason should say to choler, what the nurse doth to the child, cry not, and you shall have it. Plut. Sejanus nimia for∣tunâ secors, & mu∣liebri cupidine in∣census. Tac.
• * 1.223

  Serm••n••s èlibello habuit, ne plus mi∣nusve loqueretur. Suet.
• * 1.224

  Qui timidè ragat, negare docet.
• * 1.225

  Spes, & vota non prius ad principum aures, quàm ad De∣os. Tac.
• * 1.226

  Qui excubias & la∣bores ut unus mili∣tum pro incolumi∣tate principis ma∣vult, haud unquam honorum fulgorem precatur. Tac.
• * 1.227

  Augustus in collo∣canda filiâ nonni∣hil de equitibus Romanis consulta∣vit. Tac.
• * 1.228

  Satis vixit, qui vi∣tam cum principe explevit. Tac.
• * 1.229

  Tempus ad integrā consultationem ne∣cessarium. Tac.
• * 1.230

  Praecipua rerum ad famam dirigenda. Tac.
• * 1.231

  Matris & aviae propi••ra consilia. Tac.
• * 1.232

  Quid s••intendatur certamen?
• * 1.233

  What wil become of thee if thou beest called?
• * 1.234

  Vix cum equite Romano senes••et que nupsit Caesari. Tac.
• * 1.235

  There is no de∣sire so regular, which stayes where it begins.
• * 1.236

  Excessit equestre fastigiam Sejanus. Tac.
• * 1.237

  Augusti animus in omnes oras distra∣hitur. Tac.
• * 1.238

  Insignis vitae tran∣quillitas nullis R. P. negotiis permix∣ta. Tac.
• * 1.239

  Nihil tam excel∣sum, quod non me∣reantur virtutes. Tac.
• * 1.240

  In the commerce of love, and am∣bition; reason is a coyne nothing currant.
• * 1.241

  Vincula charitatis apud concordes, sunt incitamenta irarum apud infen∣sos. Tac.
• * 1.242

  Praecipuum indiciū magni principis, magni liberti.
• * 1.243

  Incujus••unque a∣nimo virtus sit, ei plurimum tribu••n∣dum. Vell.
• * 1.244

  Conse••ratus est vi∣vens senti••nsque Euthymus, nihilque adeo mirum aliud, quam hoc; placu∣isse Diis. Plin.
• * 1.245

  Interest reipubli••ae quod usu necessa∣rium, & dignitate eminere, utilita∣temque authoritate munir. V••ll. Dub u•• an fato principum inclina∣tio in hos, offensio in illos, an sit ali∣quid in nostris con∣siliis. Tac.
• * 1.246

  Vt pauci illustren∣tur mundus ever∣titur: unius honor, orbis excidium est. Sal.
• * 1.247

  Nullum gravius suppli••ium odio pullico. Sen. Fluxa fama poten∣tiae non suis viribus nixa. Tac.
• * 1.248

  Choler is ap∣pointed as a companion for reason: and S. Basil calleth it, The sinnew of the soule.
• * 1.249

  Regibus aequa, ne∣dum infirma inso∣lita sunt. Tac.
• * 1.250

  Facilis foeminarum credulitas ad gau∣dia. Tac.
• * 1.251

  Tiberii saeculo mag∣na pietas fuit nihil impie sacere. Sen.
• * 1.252

  Domitius Afer quoque crimine clarescere propensus. Tac.
• * 1.253

  Non in effigies mu∣tas divinas spiritus transfusus. Tac.
• * 1.254

  Pulchrae sola exitii causa, quod Agrip∣pinam stultè pror∣sus ad cultum di∣lexerit. Tac.
• * 1.255

  Augustus quadam epistola Agrippinae neptis ingenium collandavit, & scripta. Suet.
• * 1.256

  Mihi nunquam persuadebunt, ut meos amari à mo nimis, unquam pu∣tem. Plin.
• * 1.257

  Agrippina semper atrox, pervicax irae. aequi impati∣cus. Tac.
• * 1.258

  Weaknesse and choler ill match together.
• * 1.259

  Prosperior Afro eloquentiae, quàm morum fama. Tac.
• * 1.260

  Relegation more gentle than ba∣nishment. Namque religatus, non exul dicor. Ovid.
• * 1.261

  Argumentum est deformitatis pudi∣citia: nunquam invenies tam mise∣ram, tam sordidam, ut illi satis sit unū adulterorum par, nisi singulis dividat horas, & non suffi∣cit dies omnibus. Sen.
• * 1.262

  Satis poenarum ad∣versum impudicas in ipsa professione flagiti••. Tac.
• * 1.263

  Aquiliam quan∣quam Consul lege Iulia damnasset, exilio punivit. Tac.
• * 1.264

  Non aliud probis, quam ex matrimo∣nio solatium. Tac.
• * 1.265

  Reason of state is a contravention against common Reason in respect of one reason, or one benefit much greater and more universall.
• * 1.266

  An advised an∣swer neither dis∣covers the of∣fence nor feare. Ne offensio, aut metus prodatur. Tac.
• * 1.267

  Prima semper ira∣rum tela maledicta sunt & quicquid non possumus im∣becilli, optamus ira∣ti. Salu.
• * 1.268

  Solum insidiarum remedium, si non intelligantur. Tac.
• * 1.269

  Non mirum si prin∣ceps quid seuerius statuit in eum a quo veneficii insimula∣tur. Tac.
• * 1.270

  Certus procul urbe degere. Tac.
• * 1.271

  Augustus died at Nola. Cum saevitiam, ac libidinem factis promoret, locis oc∣cultabat. Tac.
• * 1.272

  Weake old age makes a Prince to be despised. Dion speakes it of Tiberius and Ner∣va. Dia togeras ca∣taphronoumenon.
• * 1.273

  Adrian was the first Emperour who let his beard grow to cover his scarres.
• * 1.274

  Soveraigne au∣thority is incapa∣ble of company.
• * 1.275

  Matrem dominati∣onis sociam asper∣nabatur. Tac.
• * 1.276

  Qui exprobrat, re∣poscit. Tac.
• * 1.277

  Martino participe Sejanus Curtium Atticum oppressit. Tac.
• * 1.278

  He that medleth in many matters gives fortune much power over him.
• * 1.279

  Qui assiduos in do∣mum cetus arcet, in••ringit potentiam: qui recipit, faculta∣tem criminantibus praebet. Tac.
• * 1.280

  Souldiers carried packets of letters and were called Spies.
• * 1.281

  Hinc metus in om∣nes, & fuga eorum, qui convivium ce∣lebrabant. Tac.
• * 1.282

  Qui non sui, sed principis est anxius, cum fide auditur quanquam exitio suo suadeat. Tac.
• * 1.283

  Nero quanquam modesta juventa tamen quid imprae∣sentiarum conduce∣ret oblitus. Tac.
• * 1.284

  Nihil quidem pra∣vae cogitationis, sed interdum voces contumaces & in∣consultae. Tac.
• * 1.285

  A Roman Senator tried the discreti∣on of his wife, as a vessell ill hoo¦ped; He neither powred oyle nor vinegar into it, but onely water and satisfied her with toyes he in∣vented. Plut. Ne nox quidem se∣cura, eum uxor vi∣gilias, somnia, suspi∣ria matri Liviae atque illa Sejano patefaceret. Tac.
• * 1.286

  Iam diusopita fra∣trum odia accen∣duntur. Tac.
• * 1.287

  Multis simulati••∣num involucris te∣gitur notura unius∣cujusque: frons, ocu∣li, vultus persaepe montiuntur. Cic.
• * 1.288

  Si consulem vide o, aut praetorem, ōnia quibus honor haberi solet faciam, equo desiliam, capui ape∣riam, semitâ ••edam. Sen.
• * 1.289

  Sejuni voluntas non nisi soclere quaereba∣tur. Tac.
• * 1.290

  Friendship which ends, was never friendship.
• * 1.291

  Sectator domi, ••o∣mes in publico, post rot clientes unus. Tac.
• * 1.292

  Eo apud bonos lau∣datus, gravis ini∣quis. Tac.
• * 1.293

  Compositum inter ipsos, ut Latiaris strueret dolum, cae∣teri testes adessent. Tac.
• * 1.294

  Florentis domus a∣mici, afflictan de∣ser••nt. Tac.
• * 1.295

  Molles in calamita∣te mortalium animi Tac.
• * 1.296

  Effudit lachrimas, junxit questus, au∣dentius onerat Se∣janum, saevitiam, superbiam, spes ejus. Tac.
• * 1.297

  Species arctae ami∣citiae inter eos, qui sermonibus votita miscuere. Tac.
• * 1.298

  Dolores quasi ad si∣dissimum deferun∣tur. Tac.
• * 1.299

  Tarpis latebra, de∣testanda fraus. Tac.
• * 1.300

  Praeterita, & in∣stantia quorum af∣fatim copia, novos terrores cumulat. Tac.
• * 1.301

  Moesta ubi semel prorupere, difficilius reticentur. Tac.
• * 1.302

  Missis ad Caesarem literis ordinem fraudis suumque ipsi dedecus narra∣vere. Tac.
• * 1.303

  Notae ignotaeque aures vitantur, muta, atque inani∣ma, iectum & pari∣etes circumspectan∣tur. Tac.
• * 1.304

  Inter sacra, & vota, verbis etiam profa∣nis abstineri mos. Tac.
• * 1.305

  Cum quidam eu co∣rona circumstante cani cibum objecis∣set ad os defuncti tulit. Innatavit idem in Tyburim cadavere abjecto sustentare conatus. Plin.
• * 1.306

  Tiberius scelerum ministros, ut per∣verti ab aliis nole∣bat, ita plerumque satiatus, & oblatis in eandem operam recentibus; veteres, & praegraves affi∣xit Tac.
• * 1.307

  Qui metus fate∣tur, eos & amoveri sinat. Tac.
• * 1.308

  Aegrius accipit princeps ea quae recludit, quam qua promit. Tac. Tiberius lentus in meditando, ubi prae∣rupisset tristioribus dictis atrocia scele∣ra conjungebat. Tac.
• * 1.309

  Asinius Pollio wrote a Tragedy of civill wars.
• * 1.310

  Interrogo Caesar quam partem rei∣publicae tibi manda∣rivelis. Tac.
• * 1.311

  Speaking to a Prince, we are not so much to consider whe∣ther that which is spoken be true, as whether they be fit to heare a truth.
• * 1.312

  Iulia Augusta Lxxxij annos viti Pucino retulit ac∣ceptos, non aliovi∣no usa. Plin.
• * 1.313

  Facetiarum apud praepotente•• in lon∣gum memoria est, dum acerba sunt. Tac.
• * 1.314

  Parentes non ama∣re impietas est, non agnoscere insania. Sen.
• * 1.315

  Iulia Tiberii nomen suo post scripsit, Tibe∣rius, ut inferius majestate principis dissimulatum gravi offensione abdidit. Tac.
• * 1.316

  Penatibus gravi∣dam induxit. Tac.
• * 1.317

  Virium autore re∣demit. Ovid. Matris in admisso falsâ sub imagine ••usae, Error inest pluvia tectus adul∣ter erat. Ovid.
• * 1.318

  Quid vivii si perire te tam multorum interest, quis finis erit suppliciorum? quis sanguinis? D. Aug.
• * 1.319

  Severitate nihil adhuc profecisti, tenta quomodo tibi cedat clementia: Ignosce Cinnae, de∣prehensus est, jam nocere tibi non po∣test, prodesse famae tuae potest. D. Liv.
• * 1.320

  Contendamus utrùm ego meliore fide vitam tibi de∣derim, antu debe∣as. Sen.
• * 1.321

  Amicitia Augusta Vrgulaniam extu∣lerat supra leges. Tac.
• * 1.322

  Vestales in foro, & judicio audiri qun∣ties testimonium dicerent, vetus mos fuit. Tac.
• * 1.323

  Vrgulania monitu principis pugionem nepoti misit. Tac.
• * 1.324

  Tunc veluti fraenis exeluti prorupe∣runt. Tac.
• * 1.325

  There is nothing but ambition which never waxeth old in man. Thucyd. and Plut.
• * 1.326

  Queis nulla ex honesto spes, publi∣camala in occasio∣nem gratiae tra∣huntur. Tac.
• * 1.327

  Dandum interstiti∣um paenitentiae. Tac.
• * 1.328

  Brevibus momen∣tis summa verti possunt. Tac.
• * 1.329

  Ferebantur sub no∣minibus consulari∣am fictae in Seja∣num sententiae. Tac
• * 1.330

  Per occultum libi∣do ingeniorum ex∣ercetur procacius. Tac.
• * 1.331

  Facile populus du∣ces, Imperatoresq, deligit, quorum imagines pro vexillis sequitur. Tac.
• * 1.332

  Integra sibi cuncta postulavit. Tac.
• * 1.333

  The ••se of Taci∣tus Annals is ine∣stimable, not of some pages, but of all which pas∣sed from the yeare 782. to 785.
• * 1.334

  Novissime calum∣niata, modo ad statuam Augusti, modo ad exercitus confugere vellet. Suet.
• * 1.335

  Accusavit per lite∣ras amarissimas, lō∣gestis etiam probris, & judicatos homi∣nes same necavit. Suet.
• * 1.336

  Druso adeo alimen∣ta subducta, ut to∣mentum è culcitra t••ntaverit mandere. Suet.
• * 1.337

  Pandatriam relega∣vit. Suet.
• * 1.338

  Somnum mort•• jungere. Petr.
• * 1.339

  Odiorum causae gra∣viores, quia iniquae. Tac.
• * 1.340

  The pen is cold in comparison of the tongue, when the ardent passi∣on of a woman couragious, and incensed is to be expressed.