A view of the Romish hydra and monster, traison, against the Lords annointed: condemned by Dauid, I. Sam. 26. and nowe confuted in seuen sermons to perswade obedience to princes, concord among our selues, and a generall reformation and repentaunce in all states: by L.H.

1. SAM. 26.

And Dauid said to Abishai, Destroy him not: for who can laie his hand on the Lords annointed, and bee guiltlesse, &c.

THE SECOND SERMON. (Book 2)

HERODIAN an Historiographer cō∣plaineth that it was an old disease amōg y^e Graeciās,* 1.1 that they were alwaies amōg them-selues at dis∣corde, and were wil∣ling to destroy those that seemed to excel others, and so in the end cōsumed Greece. A fatal matter, a mortal sin is sedition, reckoned woorthily among the works of the flesh, tied and chained altogether as it were with a lincke in the Epistle to the Galathians: The woorks of the flesh are ha∣tred & debate,* 1.2 wrath, contentions, dissensi∣ons, sects, enuy, murders, al of one cognation and kinred. This sedition is, and euer hath bin not only in Greece, but by sundry makebates at al times and in al places, by Abishai in Iu∣ry as you lately heard cōspiring against King

Saul, and by others against Dauid himselfe as he thus lamenteth:* 1.3 Mine enemies speake against me, & they that lay wait for my soul, take their counsail together saying: God hath forsakē him, persecute & take him, for ther is none to deliuer him. I haue also decla∣red that the Romanists & their Prelats haue bin Graecians in this behalfe, consenting with Abishai against Saul, nay Dauid, and made much trouble in the common-weal & Christiā churches, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 & they haue wasted our Greece, most parts in christendom, absol∣uing al ecclesiastical & laymen frō their othes made to their lawful Princes, and presenting abroad their Roses, their bāners, their swords consecrated or rather execrated to such, as shuld betray & persecute the good. This cruel deuise of betraieng godly gouernors was here of Abishai, but not of him alone, but an inuen∣tiō of the diuel himself, who seing Gods work to go forward, euer laboreth to disturb, and to throw it down: Semper Diabolus bono operi im∣minet, vbi{que} gradientibus ponit laqueos.* 1.4 He is stil peering into the good works of the godly, he is ready to hinder the course of the gospel, and laieth snares against them that walke in the way of the Lord.

You remember the Sermon of Abishai, I neede not repeate it: nowe the second

person must be produced, namelie Dauid re∣plying to Abishai.

This aunswere conteineth these three sub-diuisions,* 1.5 his Prohibition, Protestation, and Policie. The Prohibition forbidding Abishai. The Protestation of him-selfe detesting the fact. His Policie in taking away the speare and the cuppe as a signe of his faithfulnes, who might as easily haue takē away his heade as his helmet, or those things whatsoeuer that were by him then sleeping.

At this tyme onely of the first, and so farre as I may for the time,* 1.6 in the ninth verse stan∣ding vpon these two points: A proposition for∣bidding, and a reason proouing the same.

The first in these words,* 1.7 Destroy him not: and this was alwaies the opinion of Dauid to be good to the bad, to bee a friende to his ene∣mies, as in the case of Shimei who railed and cursed him, and called him a man of blood, and a man of Belial, a murtherer and wicked man. And here againe the same Abishai the sonne of Zeruiah folowing his hoat spirit,* 1.8 termed this Shimei a dead dog, and would haue faine cut off his head, but King Dauid then reprooued and restrained Abishai, and saide that no man should die that day in Israel,* 1.9 and sware to Shi∣mei he should liue.* 1.10 And in the twenty fourth Chapter of this booke Dauid found Saul in a

caue, and though his seruants and frinds told him that the Lorde had deliuered his enemie into his hand, he spared his body, and only for a token cut off the lap of his garment priuilie, and euen for that hee was touched and striken in heart.* 1.11 So in this place hee would not haue that forward or rather froward man Abishai to take that aduantage: & vsed this argument, For who can lay his hand vpon the Lordes annointed, and be guiltlesse? Saul is the an∣nointed of the Lord,* 1.12 therefore no man can lay hands on him without punishment, which reason I minde to open to you and prosecute.

In the person of the Prince are to be consi∣dered two things, his māhood, & Princehood. Aliter Rex seruit, quia homo est,* 1.13 aliter quia etiā Rex est: one way a King serueth because he is a man, another way also because he is a King: so y^t he beareth & representeth a double person.* 1.14 As man, if there were nothing els, he may not be spoiled by any priuat man. Who so shed∣deth mans blood, by man shall his blood be shed,* 1.15 for in the Image of God hath he made him. Moses hath made a Law general: Thou maist not kil. And yet not so general,* 1.16 but that it hath an interpretatiō & limitation. It is not ment, saith Austine, of cutting or as it were of killing of shrubs, trees, or such like which haue no sense in them, neyther is it meant of vnrea∣sonable

creatures flying,* 1.17 swymming, wal∣king, creeping: it remaineth therefore that we vnderstand it onely of men, that we should not kill any man, & therefore not our selues. This generall also hath another exception,* 1.18 for it is lawful to kil a man, as in lawfull wars, Deo auctore, by the warrant of God, nay a souldior lawfully constituted, if he do not kil, he is guil∣ty of contempt, imperij deserti at{que} contempti, as the saide Augustine teacheth in another place of the same City of GOD.* 1.19 Againe it is lawful for a Magistrate to put to death a ma∣lefactour, or for such as bear the person of pub∣licke power by the Lawes of God, or of any which is mooued certainely and called there∣vnto by a special inspiration of the holy Ghost, or for that authority which did choose and or∣daine that gouernour, or in any such like case and cause. Otherwise no spirite, no reason, no friend, no carnall respect may authorize any man of his owne heade, or his priuate affecti∣on to draw weapon against any man, much les against a double and compound person, as the Prince established by lawful and publique au∣thority.

What if Abraham should haue killed his owne sonne Isaac?* 1.20 Is it therefore lawful for al parents to doe the like: The commaunde∣ment of God for the killing was onely to trie

his faith, but the sauing of Isaac by God was a secret commaundement to all fathers, to commit no such thing against their children. Of this example Augustin also writeth in his first book De C. Dei, cap. 16. Though Moses killed the Aegyptian,* 1.21 and Phinehas the for∣nicatours, and Samuel Agag, and Peter A∣nanias and Saphira without sword, with a worde, yet the specialties are not generall rules for priuate men against men: according to the sayeng, Priuilegium non est lex: A priui∣lege is no law: It is said of the Magistrates rightly, by Hierom vpon Ieremy:* 1.22 To pu∣nish murderers, Church-robbers, poisoners, is not shedding of bloud, but the ministerie of Lawes. It is saide to Magistrates, and to priuate men by Ieremy in the same Chapter, speaking to the King of Iuda:* 1.23 Doe no vio∣lence, nor shedde innocent bloode in this place. These wordes, as Hierom expoundeth them, forbid not only the Kings court, but E∣piscopos, & socios eorum presbyteros: al Bishops, and their fellowes the Ministers, Deacons, and all the order Ecclesiasticall, or else they leese their dignity. What shal we saie then of the Byshoppe of Byshoppes, that draweth his sword as the foole dooth his wodden dagger against euery body, and for euery trifle? No man, publique, or priuate, secular, or Ecclesi∣astical,

inferiour or superiour, ought without crime, or cause, to put to death any man. It is said to Peter, and to Peters successour the Pope,* 1.24 (as they wil haue him) Put vppe thy sworde into his sheath, for all that take the sword, shal perish with the sword. If Peter did il in cutting off an eare of a seruant, how much more doe they offend that cutte off the head? And if the seruant may not bee striken by Peter, howe can they escape that strike the Master, the Lord, or Lady of the land? And if Christ found fault with his seruaunt fighting in his owne quarel, how much more wil he be angry with them that take weapon against his Annointed Prince, his lieuetenaunt in the earth, nay, against himselfe in defense of his aduersary and Antichrist?

For nowe consider with mee the reason of Dauid,* 1.25 and the second qualification of Saul, that he is not only created a man, but also an∣nointed King. For what doe these Nephilim Giantes, and tyrantes of the world think? Or what do they esteem of the blood of a Prince? Or what doe they imagine of the ordinaunce or institution of Princes? Are they vpstartes by themselues, or able to rise and stand of thē∣selues? No, that was the phrenesie of madde Aiax, That Cowardes did get the victorie by God, he would winne whether GOD

would or no. Or is it a matter of force or for∣tune? No, that was the desperate saying of Antiochus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Let him take the kingdome, to whome fortune, or the sword shal giue it. Or dooth policy and go∣uernement of the world, or the worlde it selfe consist of the Sunne beames: That might be the fantasie of Democritus, that scoffed at all things. Or is it the ordinaunce of Iupiter or any heathen God: No, for so dreamed Homer,* 1.26 that termed Kings, Nursed vp and fostered by Iupiter: and Hesiod, that wrote,* 1.27 some to be noble, and some to be base, by the wil of great Iupiter. So Iulian the Apostata thought, who caused in al his publique and popular images,* 1.28 Iupiter to be painted, as appearing from hea∣uen and reaching to him the crowne, and the purple, ensignes of the Empire. No: it is only the ordinaunce of our liuing God, the gift of Christ, who hath that written in his garment, and in his thigh, the King of Kings,* 1.29 the Lord of Lordes. So is the Prince desined of Saint Paul to the Romanes: and by Iohn Salisberg lib. 4. Polycrat. A Prince is a publike power,* 1.30 & in earth a certain image of the diuine po∣wer. Therefore as before I proued him to bee a double person, so is he now a double Image of God, for hee was made after the Image of God, and by office representeth God may: fur∣ther,

he is a God himselfe. God is God by na∣ture, the Prince by name, God by propriety, the Prince by grace: So God himselfe saith, Yee are Gods,* 1.31 and the children of the high∣est: And the same Dauid in the same place, God standeth in the congregatiō of Gods: he iudgeth among Gods, quia ipse est solus qui Deos faciat: It is he alone that maketh Gods, as Tertullian expoundeth, aduersus Hermo∣genem.

Euen Saul himselfe is named here the an∣nointed of the Lorde, and so are all other Po∣tentates that are by their vices euil men, yet by office the ordinance of God:* 1.32 By me Rulers raigne: The hypocrits rule not without him: And God himselfe saith in Osc, I gaue thee a King in myne anger, and tooke him awaie in my wrath.* 1.33 Christ told Pilate that he could haue no power at all, except it had bin giuen him frō aboue.* 1.34 There is no power but of God, and the powers that be, are ordeined of God. The Fathers if need were might be brought for the same,* 1.35 as Optatus: Paul teacheth (saith he) not without cause, that we must pray for Kings, and powers, although the Emperour were such a one as liued heathenishly. And Augustine: Wee call them happy Prin∣ces,* 1.36 if they commaund iust thinges &c. And if they make their power as a seruaunt and

hand-maid to his maiesty, especially in set¦ting forth his honour. And in another Chapi∣ter,* 1.37 Let vs not giue the power of bestowing kingdomes, and Empires to any, but onely to the true God: He that gaue authority to Marius, gaue it to Caius Caesar: He that gaue it to Augustus, gaue it to Nero: He that gaue it to the Vespasians, either the Father, or the Sonne, most sweete and milde Emperours, hee gaue it also to Domitian, à most cruell man. And least I should passe through al, he that gaue it to Constantine the Christian, gaue it vnto Iulian the Renigate. And why are the bad as wel as the good aduanced? The fame Austine against the Manichees giueth two reasons hereof:* 1.38 It is not vniust that wic∣ked men receaue power to hurt, both that the patience of the good may be tried, and the wickednes of the euil punished.

Heereby the Prince and the people may learne these notes. In that the Princes are called Gods, they must serue God,* 1.39 and not ex∣ercise their owne iudgement: Againe they must gather a good hart vnto them,* 1.40 and con∣ceiue a cōfort of this doctrin: because they are set vp by God, they cannot fall, but by God, and if they serue their lord,* 1.41 the Lord wil serue and saue them. Pliny saith that the Cedar tree and the Iuniper, if they bee annointed with

oyle, they feele neither moth nor rotting: euen so the Prince & gouernor being annointed not only outwardly, but also inwardely with oyle of the holy Ghost (for the holy Ghost is called an oile or annointing) they neede not fear the moths of the common-weal,* 1.42 that seek by fret∣ting and eating to consume both Kingdome, and King: And so may I woorthily cal them as Licinius did, Tineas, sorices{que} palatij, the moothes and rats of the court,* 1.43 as Sextus Au∣relius Victor testifieth in his Epitome. This comfort gaue Bernard both to King, and to Pope: to Lewes the King of Fraunce, thus: The Kingdoms of the earth,* 1.44 & the Laws of Kingdomes do then indeed stand sound, & stable to their Lordes, if they doe not with∣stand the ordinaunces and decrees of God. To the Pope Eugenius thus: I haue read in à wise man,* 1.45 that hee is not a valiaunt man, whose courage & spirit doth not encrease, when his case is most hard: but I say, a faith∣ful man must more trust when the scourges hang ouer him. Therefore the Gods of the earth, if they wil be preserued by God, with al trembling and feare must serue God:* 1.46 if not, they must hear, be they Popes, be they Prin∣ces, what the same Bernard saith to them in the same Epistle: Quale est hoc, principatum te∣nere, & ministerium declinare? What maner of

thing is this, to hold the principality, and to shunne the seruice? But the good Gods must conceiue hope, and haue a boldnes with Dauid that feared not, because God was with him, and because God wil defend him whom he an∣nointeth.

Now let vs consider beeing inferiours our note,* 1.47 touching vs in the conclusion of Dauids argument. These be men, and woorthy men, made after the similitude and image of God, therefore they ought not to bee oppressed, or made away by priuat men: nay, they are Gods and Christs, the annointed of God, therefore you Abishai his ofspring, destroy not Saul: If not Saul, much-lesse Dauid, much-lesse your good and gracious Prince. Touch not mine annointed, my Christes, saith God.* 1.48 Man is to be loued and helped because he is man, the image of God: therefore the man that is God, and by God a Prince, must be honoured, and spared, not spoiled, and butchered: for hee is in two respectes the image of God. He that de∣faceth this image, defaceth God, and God ta∣keth his quarell vpon himselfe, and thinketh the vilany to be done to himselfe: They haue not cast away thee, but me,* 1.49 that I should not raigne ouer them, saith God to Samuel.

Although this might suffice for the vnfoul∣ding & opening of the Text, & of the reason of

Dauid against such Abishais,* 1.50 yet I purpose further to confirme the same by Lawes and practises among the heathen, and all naturall creatures, among Iewes in the oulde Testa∣ment, & also in the new Testament by Scrip∣tures, and after Christ by Christian fathers, by Princes, by Ciuil constitutions, and Cano∣nical decrees, by Laws and examples abroad and at home, as time and leasure will serue, and in such order and method as I may: to this ende, and purpose, that in all these, obedi∣ence may appeare fully proued, and al kind of disobedience vtterly disproued.

The Law of nature might instruct natu∣ral citizens,* 1.51 and countrimen to loue, honour & obey their natural Soueraigne. Shall I be∣gin to our shame with the kindnes of vnreaso∣nable beasts towards their masters & feeders? The Oxe knoweth his owner, and the Asse his masters crib:* 1.52 and shal not Israel, I say, shal not England acknowledge their dutifulnesse towarde their Soueraigne? What shoulde I speak of these two both simple and vile crea∣tures, and yet kind, patient and obedient vnto master-ship? There is none but obserue the first ordinaunce of God, which is the acknow∣ledgement of superiority. The first Lawe is, that man should haue dominion ouer the fish of the Sea, ouer the foule of heauen, ouer the

beastes in earth:* 1.53 and is not this commaunde∣ment by them towardes man obserued? Chry∣sostome hath, that among brute beasts, Bees,* 1.54 Cranes, Heardes, and flockes of Cattle this order is kept, and also in the Sea this disci∣pline is reteined, that many kinds of fishes are ruled, & as it were wage warre vnder one. Of the fearfulnes and awe of fishes we may read Basil, Hexaem. Hom. 10. howe according to this first creation, they acknowledge at the sight of man, his dominion euer them: And the Dolphin, though he be a most regal & Prince∣ly fish, vbi hominem prope esse conspexerit, re∣ueretur: when he seeth man neere, hee sheweth reuerence as to his Lord. Cyprian likewise confirmeth the same of Bees,* 1.55 Apes habent Re∣gem, & Iudicem, & ei fidē seruant: The Bees also, saith he, haue their Praepositum, their pro∣uost and Rector, whom they honour and fear. It is straunge that Plinie recordeth of the faithfulnes of Dogs towards their Master.* 1.56 A Dog hath fought against theeues for his Ma∣ster, and neuer departed from the dead corps, though he were wounded: and being not able to faue him, yet draue away birdes and wilde beasts from tearing, and eating of him. A dog in Epirus did know the man that strooke and killed his master, and neuer left barking, and byting of him, vntil he made him confesse the

murder. Two hundred dogges brought from banishment Garamantus the King, praeliati contra resistentes, as it were, warring against those that withstoode him. The dogs alone know their Master, and a straunger if he come sodainly: they alone know their owne names, and the voice of any of the howse. I referre you to Ambrose in his Hexaemer.* 1.57 reporting of a dogge, that kept in the night his masters corps at Antiochia slaine by a souldier: and afterward in the troupe caught the malefac∣tour with his teeth, and neuer left him, vntill by the barking of that dogge, and of his owne conscience he confessed the murther. I omitte the dogs of Sabinus, Iason, Lysimachus the King, and Hieron, neuer forsaking their Ma∣sters liuing or deade: you may find them in Bap. Fulgosus. As also of an horse of king An∣tiochus slaine by Centaretrus Gallata,* 1.58 who perceiuing that his masters enemy had got vp on his back, neuer left running vntill hee cast himselfe and the horseman headlong from an high rock.

In the time of nature, I meane before the Law of Moses, although there was much vio∣lence & tyrannie by Cain, Nimrod, & others, yet naturallie there was a detestacion of this shedding of bloude. Some of the brethren of Ioseph enuied his parti-coloured coate,* 1.59 and

would haue slaine him: but Reuben deliuered him out of their handes and said: Let vs not kill him: shedde not bloude, put him into a pitte in the wildernes, lay no handes vppon him, minding to restore him to his father a∣gaine: Iudas although he was a right Iudas, predecessor to Iudas the trayterous scholer of Christ, gaue a sentence meete for Iudas, but better then others his brethren gaue, that he should be sold to the Ismaelites: for, He is our brother, and our fleshe, and so agreed to sell him to the Midianites. The brethren by a ly colouring the matter, coloured Iosephes coat and dipped it in the blood of a goat, which Ia∣cob seeing and thinking it to be Iosephs coat, and that he was torn in peeces by a wild beast, rent his clothes, put on sackcloth, not abyding the sight of blood.* 1.60 The father with the sonnes Reuben, and Iudas in this time before Moses abhorre bloud. As Iulia the wife of Pompeie, seeing the gown of her husband bloody, by the touch of others blood, more afraid than hurt, fel downe halfe dead, and in this agony was deliuered before her time.

What were the Magistrates in the time of Peter and Paul, but heathen, and tyrants, as Nero and such other? And yet Paul exhor∣teth euery soule to be subiect to the higher po∣wers: and whosoeuer resisteth the power,

resisteth the ordinance of God.* 1.61 Whereunto Bernard alluding, declareth his owne iudge∣ment in this question very wisely to the King of Fraunce:* 1.62 If al the worlde should coniure against me, and sweare mee to attempt anie thing against the Maiesty of the King, yet would I feare God, neither durst I rashlie offend the King ordained by him, neither am I ignoraunt where I haue read, He that resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God.* 1.63 Peter exhorteth to bee subiect to all maner of ordinaunce of man in the Lord: and Paul, especially aboue all, beseecheth vs to make supplications,* 1.64 praiers, intercessions, & giuing of thanks for Kings, and for al that are in authority: and al this is proued to bee profi∣table for common tranquillity, to obey Nero, and such like: although they were heathen men in profession and conuersation. The com∣modity of that heathenish gouernment is thus set foorth: Hee is the minister of God for thy good:* 1.65 we may lead a quiet and a peaceable life vnder them in al godlines and honesty: Gouernours are sent for the punishment of euill doers: and for the praise of them that doe wel. Chrysostome sheweth the commo∣dities of this politicke gouernment: In that there are principalities, in that some com∣maund and some obey,* 1.66 and in that al things

are not turned vpside downe by fortune and chaunce, and the people are not tosted hither and thither, I affirm it to be the work of the wisedome of God. And hee saith, it is for the auoiding of discordes and dissensions in these words: Because the equality of ho∣nour and state bringeth in commonly figh∣ting and braules, God hath ordeined many principalities and many subiections, name∣ly of the husband and the wife, of the sonne and of the father, of the ould man and the young, of the seruant and of the free, of the Prince and the subiect, of the schoole-mai∣ster and the scholer: he concludeth thus: In∣numera bona &c. Infinite commodities come to cities by Magistrates, which if you take a∣way, al things wil come to wreck. Now let vs recount with our selues: if this be the bles∣sednes of gouernment vnder the heathen, how much more are we bound to God for a Chri∣stian and godly regiment? Euen Nabucha∣donezer a tyraunt and infidel was to be prai∣ed for: And the Iewes are willed to pray for him, & for Babylon: and to seeke the peace of that City where they were captiues: for thus saith Ieremie,* 1.67 In the peace thereof shal you haue peace: This is the office and duty of the Iewes, though straungers, toward the Baby∣lonians, notwithstanding their straunge, and

idolatrous religion. O that our great soiour∣ner receiued in England with fauour,* 1.68 enter∣tained with honour, vsed with al liberal liber∣ty, pardoned many times by mercy, woulde haue sought the peace of the land where shee harboured, or at least had not sought the dis∣quietnes of the state, the disturbaunce of the realme, the hauocke and vndooing of manie Gentlemen, the perill of the person of the Prince of the land, so gratiously affected to∣warde her, beeing but a Queene quondam, a Queene without a Kingdome, and onely in name. Such soiournours haue been here not a few: What shal I say, a Snakish and Ser∣pentine generation? I might so. Thomas Walsingham remembreth in his Chronicle of three vnkind guests, a Mouse in a wallet, a Serpent in ones bosome, and fier in the lap: Nay I might say woorse: They passe some Serpents. In Aegypt an Aspis or Serpent by nature learned this, to shew friendship to a friend, and an host: for beeing brought vp in a poor mans house, & deliuered of young-ones, and perceiuing that one of that brood had with byting and stinging killed the good mans Sonne, shee did sley al her children, and was neuer after seen in that house. O admiranda Dei virtus, saith Baptista Fulgosus: O woun∣derful power and vertue of God! A cruel Ser∣pent

towards her host would shewe her selfe thankfull, euen with the death of her young∣lings, and with her own discommodity: and a man,* 1.69 a reasonable creature oftentimes more cruell than the Aspis, will destroy man and host: Doubtles a great and grosse ingratitude. But now what reward either forreiners, or domestical practisers, and traytours haue had from time to time among these heathen vnder the Law of nature: giue me leaue by exampls somewhat to make manifest vnto you. Great Pompeie flying for succour into Aegypt, and requesting to soiourne vnder Ptolomeie a young King, a Councell was called about it, and whereas one thought him to hee admit∣ted, another to be repelled: Theodotus Chius Schoole-master to Ptolomeie in the Art of Rhetorik, agreed to neither of them: For if they receiued him, they should haue Caesar an enemy: if they should refuse him, it woulde turne to some reproch to them, and bee offen∣siue to Pompeie. Wherefore the best is (quoth he) to dispatch him, adding (as Plutarch saith) merily, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: Dead men bite not:* 1.70 and yet here was no present practise by Pom∣peie, but a fear of some troubles and treache∣ries by him. Among the Romanes it hath bin seuerely punished, whensoeuer any such tray∣terous prancke hath beene displaied, either a∣gainst

their country, either against their frindes or foes.* 1.71 Ambrose commendeth highly Fabritius the Romane, who perceiuing that a Physitian offred to poyson Pyrrhus his King∣sent the traitour backe againe to his Master, to suffer condigne punishment for it. Metius Suffetius keeping touch neither with the Al∣banes, nor with the Romans, as he was dou∣ble, and trayterous in heart, so with wild hor∣ses his body was rent, and diuided: where Tullus cōfesseth, that there is no war greater, or more perilous than cum proditione & per∣sidia sociorum:* 1.72 when there is falshoode in fel∣lowship. Tarpeia the daughter of the Lieuete∣naunt of the tower or Capitolium, in the bat∣tell betwixt the Romanes and the Sabines, corrupted,* 1.73 either by bracelettes, as Plutarch writeth, or for gold, as Liuie telleth, betraieth the tower vnto Tatius, and had rewarde, but such as choked her. Maximinus killed men as it were beasts, against whom when the Os∣droens bowmen had made a faction, and com∣motion, and chosen a newe Emperour, one Macedonius did slay him, and brought his heade to Maximinus, who thanked him with courteous woordes, but afterward in seuere maner as a traytour put him to death. What should I repeat the traiterous Schoolmaster of the Faliscians, who bringing out of the city,

his scholers, as the maner was for their recre∣ation, now cōmeth into the camp of Camillus, and deliuered Principum liberos, Noble mens children vnto him, ioyning with his wicked act more wicked speach, that the Valerians did yeelde themselues into the hands of the Romanes, in that he yeelded into their power those children, whose parents were the heads and chiefest there: but Camillus espyeng the treachery, after his sharpe aunswere to him, stript him naked, tyed his hands behinde his back, committed him to the boies, with rods in their hands, to whip the traitor into the city againe: whereby Camillus got thankes, and renowme of the enemies, and of his country∣men, declaring to the worlde the auncient iu∣stice of the Romanes, not to win by fraude, but by vertue and manhoode, virtute, opere,* 1.74 armis vincere, as Liuie alleadgeth his words. The same Liuie telleth how Papirius Cursor han∣dled certaine traitours, or reuoulters,* 1.75 first beating them with rods, then beheading them with an axe. These be some examples of Ro∣manes. In the wars betwixt Alexander and Darius, the like seuerity against like offenders is to be found. Ariobarzanes promised to kill his father Darius, but Darius vnderstanding of it, strook off his head. Barsanetes a Prince perceiuing Darius to be ouercome by Ale∣xander,

killed him, but he for his pains or ra∣ther perfidiousnesse by Alexander was requi∣ted by death: so writeth Brusonius. Paulus Orosius saith,* 1.76 that Alexander found Darius bound with golden fetters, and afterward in his iourney left all alone, stricken with many wounds, and ready to yeeld vp the ghost: and Alexander pitieng him, when hee was dead honourably buried him. Carion writeth of a∣nother traitour Bessus, captaine of Darius, who seeing his master fly, wounded him: and Alexander comming, and finding him halfe dead, promised him, that that notorious trea∣chery of Bessus against his owne Lord, should not be vnpunished: and so tooke him and com∣maunded him to be hound between two trees, and pluckt in peeces,* 1.77 and rent. O worthy exe∣cution of a trayterous subiect, and that by an enimy for an enemy!

I passe ouer many others that attempting the death of tyrauntes, escaped not the iudge∣ment of God, Zeno Eleates was diuers waies tormented by Nearchus Mysius, Dion by Di∣onysius,* 1.78 & Apollonius Tyaneus a great lear∣ned Philosopher was imprisoned by Domitiā. What then deserue such as commit this hey∣nous act against their milde and mercifull Prince? Surely no mercy, being mercilesse themselues, yea more cruel than Tygres. I

will adde in the number of these heathen one Turk. There was in Constantinople a great rich citizen, who taking snuffe against his Emperour, came priuily to Mahomet, then intending to besiege the city, & made this bar∣gaine with him, that if hee would let him haue one of his Daughters to bee his wife, with a large dowry, one of the gates of the city should be at his commaundement. The Turkish ty∣rant agreeth, the gate is opened, and after the cruell massacre, hee demaundeth his reward. Meruisti (quoth the tyrant) you haue wel de∣serued it, and commaundeth a great masse of gould to be brought to giue him: but because thou doost aske my Daughter with a dowry, being thy selfe a Christian, thou must first put off this skin, and leaue this life: and forthwith commaundeth the officer to flea him from top to toe, and casteth on hote ashes with salt,* 1.79 and laieth him, and couereth him in a bed, that a new skin might grow vpon him, that he might be the more apt to receiue the new spouse of a new sect.

Here we may see as in a glasse the working of nature in brute beasts, in naturall men and others before the Law of Moses, and in very Pagans, and Turkes, howe they reuerenced their masters, and superiours: how they hated, and plagued this horrible sinne of treachery

against them: I should proceede in the rest, but I must differre it. God grant that we Christi∣ans, may not be found more vngrateful, more vnthankful, and more brutish, than the beastes and beastly men. God open our eies to see that old saieng to be true, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Traison is euil: euil to the Prince, euil to the country, euil to the woorkers themselues.

GOD preserue her Maiesty, the whole Realme, & vs all from these practises in these daungerous, and doubtfull daies: To him be praise &c.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Lib. 3.
• * 1.2

  Cap. 5.
• * 1.3

  Psal. 71.
• * 1.4

  Hieran. Jereman the pr••ssu•• of his 4. books.
• * 1.5

  A diuision general of Dauids Replie.
• * 1.6

  A speciall Diuision.
• * 1.7

  1 Proposi∣tion against murder.
• * 1.8

  2. Sam. cap. 16.
• * 1.9

  Cap. 19.
• * 1.10

  Cap. 24.
• * 1.11

  1. Sam. 24.
• * 1.12

  2. The ex∣plication of the Reason.
• * 1.13

  August. Epist. 50.
• * 1.14

  1 As man, he must ••o•• bee killed o•• man.
• * 1.15

  Gen. 9.
• * 1.16

  Exod. 20.
• * 1.17

  Whether is be lawful to kil a man, and howe.
• * 1.18

  Austin. l. 1. de ciuitate Dei cap. 20.
• * 1.19

  Li. 1. c. 26.
• * 1.20

  Gen. 21.
• * 1.21

  Exod. 2 Num 25. 1 Sam. 15. Acts. 5.
• * 1.22

  Lib. 4, c. 22.
• * 1.23

  Cap. 22.
• * 1.24

  Ioan. 18.
• * 1.25

  2 Person. No man ought to be slain of pri∣uate men, Ergo much les a Prince of a subiect.
• * 1.26

  Illud. 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.27

  In ope•••• Dier. lib. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.28

  So•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 5. cap. 17.
• * 1.29

  Apoc. 1••.
• * 1.30

  Ro••. 13.
• * 1.31

  Psal. 82.
• * 1.32

  Prou. 8. Iob. 34. Cap. 13.
• * 1.33

  Iohn. 19.
• * 1.34

  Rom. 13.
• * 1.35

  Lib. 3.
• * 1.36

  Lib. 5. de ci∣mitate Dei, cap. 24.
• * 1.37

  Cap. 21.
• * 1.38

  De Na••••••t. Bon••. c••••. 3••.
• * 1.39

  Psal. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 2. Ch. c 19.
• * 1.40

  A notefo•••• Princes.
• * 1.41

  Lib. Nat. histor. 16. cap. 39.
• * 1.42

  2 Iohn. 2.
• * 1.43

  In vita Constant.
• * 1.44

  Epist. 255.
• * 1.45

  Epist. 256.
• * 1.46

  Psal. 2.
• * 1.47

  D•••••• sub•••••••• T••••••
• * 1.48

  Psal. 10.
• * 1.49

  1. Sam. 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.50

  The method and order of proceeding.
• * 1.51

  1 The Lawe of nature teacheth kindnes and obedience.
• * 1.52

  Es. 1.
• * 1.53

  Genes. 1.
• * 1.54

  Rom. 13.
• * 1.55

  Epist. l. 4. epist. 9.
• * 1.56

  Lib. 8. c. 40.
• * 1.57

  Lib. 6. c. 4.
• * 1.58

  Lib. 5. cap. 2
• * 1.59

  Genes. 37
• * 1.60

  Plutarch.
• * 1.61

  Rom. 13.
• * 1.62

  Epist. 170.
• * 1.63

  1. Peter. 2.
• * 1.64

  A reason in nature dra∣wen from commoditie of obediēce.
• * 1.65

  Rom. 13.1. Tim. 2.1. Pet. 2.
• * 1.66

  Ad Ro. 13.
• * 1.67

  Ierem. 29.
• * 1.68

  Q. of Scots.
• * 1.69

  Ful. l. 5. c. 7.
• * 1.70

  J••••i••e Pom••••••.
• * 1.71

  Lib. Offic.
• * 1.72

  Liui. decad. 1. lib. 1.
• * 1.73

  In vita Romul.
• * 1.74

  Decad. 1. l. ••
• * 1.75

  Lib. 9.
• * 1.76

  Orosius. l. 3.
• * 1.77

  Lib. 2.
• * 1.78

  Raph. Volat in philol. lib. 30.
• * 1.79

  Cuspinia in Con∣stant. 8.