An harborovve for faithfull and trevve subiectes agaynst the late blowne blaste, concerninge the gouernme[n]t of vvemen. wherin be confuted all such reasons as a straunger of late made in that behalfe, with a breife exhortation to obedience. Anno. M.D.lix.

FAITHFVLL SVBIECTES.

LIKE as sicke or fe∣ble bodies cannot abyde any great panges or fittes, or old cracked shippes anye great vvaues or vvindes: so distur bed and may med common vvealthes are sone ouertur∣ned and cast vnder foote, by soden and straung mutations. Seing therfor that by frovvning fortune, and Gods vvrath, for thoffences of thinabitantes, Englande is of late both in honour and possessions, not a lytle may med, Yea, takinge a fall through the negligence of the Nurce halfe made a creple: It is necessary for al good men, & the dutie of all faithfull Subiectes, to haue an eye to it, that it runne not vpon the rockes, and make shipp vvrake. And as in great Cities, great hede is geuen, that nei∣ther by negligēce of the Citezins, nor malice of euil vvillers, it be cōsumed by fyre, or hurt by any other casualtie: So in common vvelthes must it be proui∣ded, that no fyre brandes of Sedicion be cast into the houses of mens hartes, to impayre thobedience of good Subiectes, to kindle the harts of the frovvard, and to destroy honest, godly, and comly order. For mans nature being such, as it can hardly be brought to stupe, and easely stirred vp to disturbe: All occa∣sions must be cut of, vvherby the euyll may be enco raged to cast of the yocke of obedience, and the sim∣ple brought into doubt vvhat thei ought to folovv. Happening therfore not longe agone to rede a lytle

booke strangely vvritten by a Straunger, to proue that the rule of VVomen is out of Rule, and not in a cōmon vvelth tollerable: And vvaying at the first vvhat harme might come of it, and felyng at the last that it hath not a lytle vvounded the conscience of some symple, and almost cracked the dutie of true Obedience: I thought it more then necessary to lay before mens eyes the vntruth of the argument, the vvekenes of the proufes, and the absurditie of the vvhole. In the siftyng vvherof, I mynd to vse suche modestie: that it shall appere to all indifferent men, that I seke to defend the cause, and not to deface the mā, Seing this errour rose not of malice but of zele: and by loking more to the present crueltie, that thē vvas vsed: then to the incōuenience that after might follovv. VVherin surely his doyng is somvvhat to be pardoned: consideryng the grief that like a good member of that bodie vvhich then suffered, he selte to his great sorovv and trouble. For lvke as the eye being ful of teares, is the more vnable to se: So is the mind full of sorovv much the les hable to iudge. As vve se in Euripides Polymnestor being for his mor∣dring of Polidor{us} extremeli punished of Hecuba ād other vvemē (vvho pricked out his eyes vvith pins) cryeth out not only agayn them that hurt hym, but agaynst the vvhole sexe that neuer came nere him. And in Hippolit{us} vvho for the faut of his Stepdame Phedra, cursseth the vvhole kynd. So this Authour seyng the tormentes of Martyres, the murdrynge of goodmen, Thimprissonment of Innocentes, The ra∣cking of the gyltles, The banishyng of Christ, The

receiuing of Antechriste, the spoyling of subiectes, The mayntenaunce of straungers, The mouing of vvarres, The losse of Englandes honour, the purcha∣sing of hatred, vvhere vve had loue, the procuring of trouble vvhere vve had peax, The spending of trea∣sure vvhere it vvas nedeles, and to be short all out of ioynt: He could not but mislike that regiment from vvhence such frutes did spring. Only in this he vvas not to be excused (onles he alledge ignoraunce) that he svvarued from the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 that is frō the particuler question to the generall, as though all the gouernment of the vvhole Sexe vvere against nature, Reason, Right, and Lavve: because that the present state then through the faulte of the persone, and not of the Sexe, vvas vnnaturall, vnreasonable, vniust, and vnlavvful. If he had kept him in that par∣ticular person: he could haue said nothing to muche, nor in suche vvyse, as could haue offended any indif∣ferent man. And this againe vvould haue been consi∣dered: that if the question vvere to be handled, yet vvas it not mete to bring it into doubt at that time, vvhen it could not, nor yet can be, redressed (vvere it neuer so euill,) vvithout manifest and violent vvrōg of thē that be in place. For if it vver vnlavvful (as he vvill haue it) that that Sexe should gouerne: yet is it not vnlavvfull that they should enherit, as hereafter vve shal proue. And in this point their enheritaūce is so lynked vvith the empyre: that you cā not pluck from them thone vvithout robbing thē of thother. This doubt might better haue been moued vvhē the Sceptre vvas or shalbe in the hand of the male. And

so if it vvere founde euill (as I am persvvaded it shal neuer be) it might vvithout the vvronging of any be reformed. But novve being stably shed by lavve, cō∣firmed by custome, and ratefied by common cōsent of all the orders in the Realme: It can be no equitie to take it from them, nor any colour of honestie or godlines to moue any plea against them. If nature hath geuen it them by birth: hovve dare vve pulle it from them by violence? if God haue called thē to it either to saue or to spille: vvhy should vve repine at that vvhich is Gods vvyland order? ar vve vyser thē he in bestovving it: or so bolde to alter that he pur∣pose should come of it? if he hable vvomen: shal vve vnhable them? if he ment not they should ministre: he could haue prouided other, Therfore the safest vvaye is, to let him do his vvill, vvhiche can do best, vvhiche can see plainly that vvil follovve it, vvhere vve blyndly gesse and do but grope at it. Per me Reges regunt saith vvisdome in the person of God, by him reigne they and not by vs. It is his appoyntment and not ours, for though vve somtyme haue the election to chuse or refuse this person or that (as it is in some cōmō vvelthes) yet because vve be not our ovvn but his: nor haue our hartes in our hāds to ordein vvhat vve liste, but must as vvaxe yelde to his vvurkinge: Therfore it is more agreable to dutie, and a greate deale lesse icopardic, to honour his choise, rather thē to preferre our ovvn. Placeth he a vvoman vveake in nature, feable in bodie, softe in courage, vnskilfull in practise, not terrible to the enemy, no Shilde to the stynde, vvel, Virtus mea (saith he) In infirmitate pficitur.

My strengthe is moste perfight vvhen you be moste vveake, if he ioyne to his strengthe: she can not be vveake. If he put to his hande she can not be seable, if he be vvith her vvho can stande against her? Thou shalt not take vvith the any great povver (saith he to Gedeon) lest you thinke to ouercome your enemies by your ovvn strength, and provves, and not by my vvurking and might. It is as easy for him to saue by sevve as by many, by vveake as by strong, by a vvo∣man as by a man. Yea his moste vvōderfull vvorkes are alvvayes vvrought in oure moste vveakenes, as infinite examples and testimonies do shevve. Yet meane I not to barre pollicie: vvhē vvithout breatch of Gods ordinaunce it may haue place, for pollycie is Gods gifte eyther geuen man immediatly of God, or gottē by study, experience, and practise, or vvōne by quicknesse of vvit. But vvhen God chuseth him selfe by sending to aking, vvhose succession is ruled by enheritaunce and lyneall discent, no heires male: It is a plain argument, that for some secret purpose he myndeth the female should reigne and gouerne, if vve consider the vvorkes of God: vve shall fynde throughout the vvhole scripture: that vvhere vvas least helpe of man or any vvorldly meanes: there vvrought he greatest vvonders and brought thinges to a moste happy ende. In the making and framing of the heauen the earth and all that in them is contey∣ned, vvho put to his hande to helpe? vvhat felovve had he to so excellent a vvorke? did he it not himself vvithout any tovvardnes of matter, any helpe of any meanes, either of aungels or man? And that moste

bevvtifull and excellent image of him selfe man, did he not shape him selfe of a moste vnmete matter, a pece of earth, a thing of naught, hovve so euer Ga∣lene folishly derideth it, saying that nature chose the metest matter for euery vvoorke? Preseruid he not mankinde, and the state of al other lyuing creatures, by one shippe? vvherin if a mā vvil search by reason and not by Gods omnipotencie, hovve one vessell coulde holde so many couples of beastes, foules, vvormes. &c. And if it could: hovv so many straūge, diuers, and contrary natures should agree together pynned vp in one corner: it shall appere not only vvonderfull but also inpossible. VVhat helpe vvas in a sorte of pore men, compassed aboute vvith ene∣mies, mountaynes, and seas: to make the vvater con∣trary to nature to leaue his course, and as it vvere vvith a certain choise and iudgement to giue passage and safetie to the stressed, and cōfusion and destructiō to the proude prince and his company? he forsed the harde rocke to yelde vvater, as a moste plētiful vvel, at the tycke of a vvande. He saued his people by the hande of a vvoman poore Deborah. He aduaunced them and ouerthrevve the enemies by a poore shep∣herde and his sling. He cut of the head of the proude captayne Olophernes by the hande of avveake vvo∣man. It vvas, in reason a poore helpe to Sampsons strengthe, a nōber of heares grovving vpon his hed, or an Asses iavve bone in his hande, to destroye so many enemies and bring the people to libertie. The breaking of .300. earthen pottes, vvas a sclender pol∣lycie to make so many Myriades to flee and one to

kille another. And to come to the greatest of al: it se∣med to the eye of the vvorlde, and the vvisdome of the fleshe, very vnlyke: that a poore abiect cōdemp∣ned for a traytour hanged among thefes vpō a crosse moste vylie, gronyng and morning at the panges of death: should robbe Sathan of his kyngdom, restore man to the fauour of God, vvynne the victory of death, and make a conquest of hel and synne. This cō∣sidered in it selfe and not taught by the spirite in∣vvardly: made the Ievves to counte it madnes and the Greekes mere folishnes. VVhat shoulde I saye of the meanes, vvhereby as by conduites this vvater of liyfe, this doctrine of Gods sonne, vvas caried a∣bout the vvhole vvorlde, against all reason and pol∣lycie, by idiotes to confounde the learned, by sym∣plicite all the vvisdome of the vvorlde, by fysshers, the fyne Philosophers, the proude Pharises, the myghty princes and monarkes of the earth. And to come to our dayes vvhen the lyght of this Gospell vvas put out, and Antechrist ruled and reueled in the temple of God (vvhich is mens hartes and cōsciēce) armed and garded vvith the povver of Emperours, Kynges, Prynces, and Lavves: beyond all mens ex∣pectations, contrary to hope, a poore frier, one man, at that time not the best learned, through the migh∣ty hande of God according to his vnsearcheable de∣cree vvas able not vvith svvoorde and armour, not vvith bandes of men and povver, not vvith fauour of princes and prelates, not vvith any helpe of man, or fauour of the vvorlde: to set vp the crosse of Christ, to pull dovvne the chaire of Antechriste, to restore

Gods vvorde, to banyshe the deuels Sophistrie, to make of darknes lyght, of lyes truthe, of playne fo∣lyshnes, trevve vvisdome, and as it vvere an other Helena to finde out the crosse of Christ hiddē in the dungeon of deuelishe doctrine, couered vvith the rotten bones of Romy she Martirs, synfull Sayntes, and cōtersaited Confessores. And as vve began vvith the matter of vvomen so to returne thither againe vvith the example of a vvoman. VVas not Quene Anne the mother of this blessed vvoman, the chief, first, and only cause of bany shing the beast of Rome, vvith all his beggerly baggage? vvas there euer in Englande a greater feate vvrought by any mā: then this vvas by a vvoman? I take not from kyng Henry the due praise of broching it, nor from that lambe of God king Edvvard, the finishing and perfighting of that vvas begon, though I giue hir, hir due cōmen∣dacion. I knovv that that blessid martir of God Tho¦mas Cranmer Byshop of Cāterbury, did much tra∣uaile in it, and furthered it: but if God had not gyuen Quene Anne fauour in the sight of the kynge, as he gaue to Hester in the sight of Nabucadnezar: Hamā and his company, The Cardinall, VVynchester, More, Rochest. and other vvold sone haue trised vp Mardocheus vvith al the rest that leaned to that side. VVherfore though many deserued muche praise for the helping forvvarde of it: yet the croppe and roote vvas the Quene, vvhiche God had endevved vvith vvisdome that she coulde, and gyuen hir the minde that she vvould do it. Seing then that in al ages God hath vvroughte his moste vvonderfull vvorkes, by

moste base meanes: and shevved his strengthe by vveakenes, his vvisdome by folyshnes, and his ex∣ceding greatnes by mans exceding feblenes: VVhat doubt vve of his povver, vvhen vve lacke pollycie, or mistrust his helpe vvhiche hath vvrought suche vvounders? VVho is placed aboue him saieth Iob: to teach him vvhat he shuld do? Or vvho can say to him, thou hast not don iustly? He sendeth a vvomā by birth, vve may not refuse hir by violence. He sta∣blissheth hir by lavve, vve may not remoue hir by vvronge. He maketh hir a head, vve may not make hir a hande or foote. Nunquid contendere cum deo est eruditio (saieth Iob) is it vvysdome to comptrolle Gods doynges, or to breake that he hath made, or to pulle dovvne that he hath set vp? If vve vveye our ovvne vvisdome vvhat folishnes it is, and considre our ovvne pollycie hovve feable it is, vve shall sone leaue this quarell and yelde our selues to his vvill. The children of Israels pollycie vvas to haue a king, a iolie fellovve to rule them vvith pompe as other nacions had, and not a poore Prophet for that vvas to base. I doubte not, they had these consideracions that our polytikes haue. He must be a man of cou∣rage that the forren enemy may feare him, to mayn∣teine that vve haue, and recouer that vve loste, to be vvith his souldiars abroade, and sitte vvith his coū∣sell at home: But vvhat folovved this their godlie pollycie? Marry, non reiecerunt te sed me dicit dominus. They vvould not haue the Prophet apoynted them by God, as these men vvill not haue a vvoman or∣deyned by nature. Therfore they had akyng at their

ovvne asking to their owne vndoinge. If an Ape should take vpon him to comptrolle a man, he wold not suffer it, thoughe it can somwhat countrefayte mens doing: No more wyll God be taughte or cor∣rected by man, though he haue a shadowe of his si∣militude. But lest this author should thinke that I make to longe a flory she before I come to hande strokes with him, as an euil fenced mā, that can make a better bragge of his cūning, then when nede is, vse it: I mynde before I saye any more of this matter, to buckle with him in his argumentes, and to trie what blowes he gyueth. VVherin if I followe not the or∣der that he kepith leafe by leafe, and reason by reasō, which I auoyde, because he followeth no methode: Yet I truste so to hyt the pithe of it, that all suche as be indifferent shall thynke him fully aunswered, and he him selfe with the boulting out of the truthe not offendid. For I haue that opinion of the mans hone∣stie and godlynes: that he will not disdayne to heare better reasons, nor be loth to be taught in any thing he misseth: Knowyng that no mans iudgement is so sounde, no mans wytte so ripe, nor no mans learning so perfight: but he may sumty me misse the quissy on and fall into errour. For as it is Gods peculyar pro∣pertie neuer to erre: so it is a botche in mans nature seldome to hyt the treuth, as we see in all the sectes of Philosophers, Stoickes, Academikes, Paripate∣cians, Epicures, and all other, which lackyng neither wytte, learning, nor diligence, yet came as nere the trouthe as darkenes to light, and errour to truthe.

Yea not onely they: but many auncient Fathers, (yea I myght saye all) not being vtterly withoute Gods spirite: Yet were not alwayes without their errours as Augustine who humbly confesseth it. Hierom, Ambrose, and Origene, with the rest who can not denye it Hominis est (sayeth Cicero) errare labi, falli & decipi. No man can warraunt hym selfe, but that he shall some tyme swerue, and thinke he seeth when in deede he is blynde. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 is man therfore I doubte not wyll paciently heare, what may truly be sayd against hym, Specially seinge that this at∣tempte is not so muche to reproue hym, as to proue the matter, and to satisfie tender myndes, whiche by probable reasons are soone wounded, and onles they heare the countrary not so soone healed. I shal in this treatise passe ouer al bie matters as of VVyat, the Duke of Suffolke, the tyranny of suche as then gouerned, the decaye of the Realme, and all suche other appendixes whiche were rather ornamentes to decke then reasons to proue the cause: and will only turne the argumentes out of their cloutes and consi∣der them as they be in them selues, and not as they be set out with colours. For like as a man that would bye an house, wyll not soo muche weye the gaye Payntinge, as the suer buyldynge: So who wyll iudge of any matter truely: must laye it before his eyes nakedly.

1 The argumentes as I remember, bee these, not many in nomber, but handsomlye amplified. Fyrst that what so euer is agaynste nature the same in a

common vvealth is not tollerable, but the gouern∣ment of a vvomā is against nature. Ergo it is not tol∣lerable.

The second, vvhat so euer is forbidden by scrip∣ture is not lavvfull. But a vvoman to rule is forbid∣den by scripture. Ergo it is not lavvfull.

The third, if a vvoman may not speke in the con∣gregation: muche lesse she may rule. But she may not speake in the cōgregaciō, ergo she may not rule.

The fourth, vvhat the ciuil lavve forbiddeth, that is not lavvfull: but the rule of a vvoman the Ciuill lavv forbiddeth, ergo it is not lavvfull.

The fift, seing therfolovveth more inconueniēce of the rule of vvomē then of mens gouernmēt: ther∣fore it is not to be borne in a common vvelth.

The last, the Doctors and Canonistes forbidde it, ergo it can not be good. These (as I remēber) be the Proppes that hold vp this matter, or rather the pik∣axes to vnder mynde the state. This is the cannon shot to batter the vvalles of them perial seate, and to beate the crovvne of the true heires head. It is a sore enterprise to alter so aunciēt an order, and to chaūge lavves of suche antiquite, specially at suche tyme as the realme is full of trouble, mēs myndes othervvise disquieted, and the forren enemies gaping for occa∣sion to inuade and ouerrenne vs: Zalencus counsell vvas, that vvho so euer vvould attempt to persvvade the people to breake olde lavves and make nevve: should stande vvith his necke in the halter, that if he proued it not necessarie: he might be knit vp by and by. And if he could proue them: he should be sett at

libertie. And the Garamants in like maner apoynted it death, to alter anye one of those lavves, that vvere made. This they apoynted in their commō vvelths because they cōsidred that the breach of good lavvs, vvas the breakeneck of the countrey. And shall vve thinke it a light matter to alter a state, to plucke the chief magistrate out of her throne, and geue scope to light heades, to descant vpon their dutie, according to their phansie? I vvolde haue vviss hed that it had bene vndone, or novv it is done: that the doer vvold for the quyetinge of vveake myndes acknovvledge his error. But vvhether he dothe or no, I doubt not by that time vvee haue vnfolded hys argumentes, seene throughe his vvhole shoppe, and perused hys vvares, the good subiects shal both think them not saleable, ād be satissied, and the mouths of busy bo∣dies stopped. And as this is don vpō good cōscience, and not to curry fauor: so I pray God to geue it foi∣sen in the harts of true subiects. VVel, novv to the first argument: You say in your minor that the rule of a vvoman is against nature, because the vvoman is by nature vveake, vnskilful, ād subiect to the mā. &c VVell, befoore I ansvveare to these, vve muste se vvhat is ment by this vvorde nature, hovve farre it stretcheth, hovv it must be taken in this propositi∣on, and then hovv the rule of a vvoman maye agree or not agree vvith it. Nature is nothing els but a ge∣neral disposition ingraft of God in all creatures, for the preseruatiō of the vvhol, and of euer ikind, or as Seneca saith. Quid aliud est natura {quam} deus et diuina ratio toti mundo vniuersis{que} eius partibus inferta. Nature is no∣thinge

els but God him selfe, or a diuine order spred throughout the whole world, and ingrafte in euerye part of it, as in all fire to be hot, all water moiste, all heauy things to moue downward, al light things vp ward. The sonne and the moone to run their course, motu circulari. &c. whiche are so set orders in the sub∣stance of euery creature: as it must nedes follow that natural disposition, onles it pleseth the creator (who is the Lord of all) to alter those properties which he hath geuen them by nature, as when he made of the mouing water a standing wall, and the fire so to lose his operacion: that it consumed not the bodies of the three yonge menne that were caste into it, and suche like, all whiche deedes bee wonders and miracles, and not the vvorke, but the impedimente of nature. Now if this hathe so beene ingrafted in the nature of al menne, that no woman shoulde gouerne, but all women shoulde bee subiectes: then vvere there no more to be saide, the matter were ended. But be∣cause we see by many examples, that by the wholle consent of nacyons, by the ordinaunce of God, and order of lawe, wemen haue reigned and those not a fewe, and as it was thoughte not againste nature: Therefore it canne not bee saide, that by a generall disposition of nature, it hathe bene, and is denyed them to rule. But let vs here consider, whether it be in a woman againste nature to rule, as it is in a stone to moue vpwarde, or in the fire not to consume. In the stone or in the fire is no manner of aptnesse, ei∣ther for the one to go vpward, or the other to pre∣serue and not destroy; and neither can be done in ey∣ther,

withoute violence and outwarde force: But in a woman is witte, vnderstāding, and as Aristotle saith the same vertues that be in a man, sauinge that they differ. Secundum maius et minus, that is, moore in the man then in the woman. There is the same shape, the same language, and sometime more giftes in them, then in the man, as was in Artemisia (as Iustine re∣porteth) more prowes and witte to rule the armie, then in the great Monarke Xerxes. Only we can pul from them that they be not strong of body, or com∣monly so couragious in minde, graunte that it is so: must they therfore be vtterly vnmete to rule: nay if you saide vnmeter, then men: we woulde not muche wrastle with you. For as Aristotle saithe the mannes rule is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 that is more mete to rule. But to reason thus wemen be not so mete as men, Ergo, it is against nature: is an euill consequent. King Edwarde for his yeares and tendernesse of age was not so mete to rule, as was his father Kinge Henrye: yet was it not againste nature, onles you pronounce of him as Storie bothe vnlearnedlye and impudentlye sayde Ve terrae illi cuius puer rex est. Vnhappye is the realme that hathe a childe to their Kinge, as thoughe thys worde child were not there a Metaphor, but take an elder. Cambises was not so mete to rule as his father. Cyrus: for he vvas a dronkard ād cruel. Ergo his rule was vnnaturall. It is a fallax a vitio consequentis. If it wer vnnatural for a womā to rule, because she lacketh a mannes strengthe. Then olde Kinges whyche bee most mete to rule for witte and experience, because they lack strength, shuld be vnmete for the feblenes

of the bodi. Yea say you, God hath apoynted her to be subiect to her husband. Ad virum erit conuersio tua, therfore she maye not be the heade. I graunte that, so farre as perteineth to the bandes of mariage, and the office of a vvife, she muste be a subiecte: but as a Magistrate she maye be her husbands head. For the Scripture saithe not. Thine eye must be to the man, but ad virum tuum to thy husbande. Neither ovveth euerye vvoman obedience to euery man, but to her ovvne husbande. VVel, if she be her husbandes sub∣iecte she can bee no ruler. That follovveth not, for the childe is the fathers subiecte, and the Father the childes ruler, and as Aristotle saithe (vvhome you so muche vrge) his rule is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 that is kynglike ouer his childe. But the husbandes is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 that is ciuill, then if the childe by nature a subiect, maye be by lavve a heade, yea the heade of his father, and his father his subiecte: VVhie may not the vvoman be the husbandes inferiour in matters of vvedlock, and his head in the guiding of the common vvelth. Lyuie reporteth hovve Quintus fabius Max: cominge from Rome to his Sonne in the vvarre, came riding thoroughe all the Sergeants and officers, vviche for the reuerence they bare to him, boothe for his ho∣noure and age, and that he vvas the consuls father: gaue him roome, tyll at the laste his Sonne the con∣sull bad thofficer staye him, vvhereat the olde man alighted, and doinge his dutie to his sonne, say de: I ment to try sonne, vvhether you knevv vvhat belō∣ged to the maiesti of your office, vvherbi vvese that the father, vvhich by nature vvas the sonnes hed, is

novv by order of polly cie his subiectt, and yet is not this rule in the sonne vnnaturall. But you vvill saye there is an aptnes in the sonne to rule, but the vvo∣man is ordeined to obey, and cleane exempt frō su∣perioritie. That I denye. For both nature and Gods vvorde giueth hir a kynd of superioritie by expresse vvordes, not only ouer beasts, and al creaturs ioynt∣ly vvith Adam: but also ouer men and reasonable creatures. Saynt Paule speaking of yong vvy dovves saith let them mary, tende their busines, and rule the hous 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. No man I am sure, vvill deny but that the gouernment in the house is a kynde of supe∣riorite and that ouer men: Onles you vvyll as the Buoi dyd, that the men shall rule the men, and the vviues the vvomen, or you vvill apoynte them such famylies as shall haue no men in them. If then they may gouerne men in the house by saynt Paules com¦mission, and an houshold is a lytle common vvelth, as Socrates in Xenophon saith. Then I can not see hovve you can debarre them of all rule, or conclude that to be heads of men is against nature. VVhiche if you graunt, is inough for the disprouing of your minor. If you put to and saie in a common vvelthe: yet it vvil not scrue, for the profe of that is, by cause (say you) she is the mans subiect. I haue shevved hovve, in that she is his vvyse, not in that she is a vvomā. For as you see, she may be some mans head as in hir houshold. But vvhyle you take this vvord nature to largely, you deceiue yourself vvy ttingly. thinking that because it is not so conuenient, so pro∣fitable, or mete, therfore it is vnnaturall. But that is

to large a Scope. VVherfore that we maye vnder∣stande howe farre you stretche this woorde nature. I wyll axe you whether you take it, as it is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 that is, for the mooste parte: or all together 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 that is vniuersall. If you take it as it is in the order of nature, for the moste parte: As it is na∣turall for an olde man to haue whyte heeres in his age, or for a woman to brynge forthe one childe at a burden: and then reason, it is agaynst nature for an olde man to haue black heres, or a gainst nature for a vvoman to bringe furth twoo children or three at a burden: no man would allowe your reasonyng. For though the one be accordynge to nature, as it is for the moste parte: yet is not the other, that happe∣neth some tyme, vtterly againste nature. In lyke maner, thoughe it bee for the mooste parte seene, that men and not vvomen doo rule common wel∣thes: Yet when it happeneth somme tyme by the ordinaunce of God, and course of enheritaunce, that they beare rule: it is not to bee concluded, that it repungneth against nature: no more then the old mans black heeres, or the vvomans two twynnes. So that you see, that in this acception of nature, their rule can not be against nature. On the other syde, if you take it in a generalite, as when so euer the stoone moueth vpvvarde, it is violent, and a∣gainste nature: or vvhen so euer the fyer consu∣meth not the matter that is put to it: then are you further vvyde. For it chaunseth not seldome but ofte, not in one countrey, but in manye, not emong the barbarous, but in the chefest Empires, and Mo∣narchies,

and not only in them, but in the common vvealth of the Ievves, more then ones or tvvyse, that vvomen beinge inheritours, haue ruled after their parentes, vvyues after their husbandes: and Systers after their brethrē, as I shal at large declare. But before I come to that poynte, I muste vvade a lytle further vvith hym in his argument of nature. VVherfore, I reason against him thus: vvhat so euer preserueth commō vvealthes, and destroyeth them not: is not againste nature, but the rule of vvomen hath prese rued common vvealthes, ergo, it is not a∣gainst nature. The maior is playne, for it is mooste naturall to preserue and maynteine the societe of men, seing man and cities, vvhiche consiste vpon the companie of menne, be the chiefest vvoorke of God by nature, for all other thynges, bee prepared for that, as the chiefe ende: That menne lyuinge toge∣ther in a cyuill companye, maye peaceablie, and quietly honour GOD the author, and preseruer of that societie: So that there is no doubte of the ma∣ior. For the minor, vvhiche is that the rule of vvo∣men preserueth common vvealthes, it muste be pro∣ued by histories. VVhiche I truste to make so ma∣nifest, that not only the matter shalbe out of contro∣uersie: But also that men of indifferent iudgement shall see playnlie, that this man fell chiefly into this errour, either by cause he red not, or conferred not thauncient histories, vvhiche record this matter: I shall therefore not onely oute of the Histories of the people of GOD the Ievves, but also oute

of the Ethnikes and Christian Stories proue, that in alages, in many coūtreis, and vnder euery monarck, wemen haue not only ruled, but happely and vvell: yea (whiche is a great matter) cmong those that in that sexe bare rule, you shal fynde none or very few, in vvhose reigne their countrey vvas the vvorse for their gouernment, but muche the better. VVhere of the cōtrary, hovv many misfortunes, ouerthrovves, chaunges, and translations of monarchies, haue hap∣pened vnder the regiment of men: it is harde to nū∣ber, and impossible to declare. But hereby I meane not either to preferre or matche this sexes gouerne∣ment vvith the mās. (For I coūt it in dede the more conuenient) only my meaning is to shevv that such kynde of regiment, is not so heinous, and intollera∣ble, or in any vvyse euel, as this man maketh it. De∣borah shal marche in the first ranke and haue the first place both for thantiquite of the tyme, the authori∣tie of the story, and the happy successe of hir reigne. Deborah (saieth the scripture) iudged the people of Israell, and the people resorteth vnto hir, she dely∣uered them out of thraldome, and set them at liber∣tie. In this vvomans doinges is playnlie set out that she both gouerned in peace and in vvar, and so did cō¦sequently al that any ruler by ciuil authorite might, or is vvont to do. She iudged saith the scripture and she sent Barake to the vvarre, vvho beinge of lesse courage or lesse zeale then she vvas, refused to goo onles she vvent vvith him. And vvhen they came to encoūter vvith their enemies, if she had not bene: both Barake, and al his souldiors, lyke vvite lyuered

warriars had geuen backe ānd marred all. This wo∣man is coūted of some of the Hebrues to be Barakes wife, and yet sent she him to the warre, gaue him his commission and made him the generall, whereby a∣peareth that to be true, which we saide before: that a woman as a wife must be at commauudement, but a woman as a magistrate may lawfullye commaunde, but this exāple the blast bloweth awai as a peculier example, and extraordynarie, because wee finde no more the like in the Scripture, but that is no sound reason, it is but once in the Bible: Ergo it is no suffi∣ent example? we rede not in the scripture more then once or twise that a childe reigned, therfore shall it followe that a childes reigne is not by that exam∣ple stablished? VVe find not in the scipture that the Apostles were baptized, and yet we thinck they wer. VVe rede but once in the scripture, that Peter chec∣ked a Magistrate, and yet some there be that dare af∣firme, and wryte bokes of it, that it is not only law∣full to checke, but to kil an euil Magistrate. But that you may see that wemen reigned in Iudah ofter, thē at one time, though it be not conteigned in the Bi∣ble: I shall proue out of Iosephus a Iew born, wry∣ting the Iewish history, that diuers beside this wo∣man, gouerned. Iohannes, ruler of the Iewes. 470. yeares, after the captiuitie of Babilon, at his deathe left his wife Quene and gouernes, who ruled as it a∣pereth rightwel, vntil thambition of her sonne con∣trary to his fathers order, troubled her gouernmēt: for at the last as a wicked graft, he conspired against her, and pined her in prison vnto death.

Not long after, Aristobulus beinge ruler of Iew∣rye at his deathe, lefte his wyfe Quene, to gouerne in his place: vnder whose gouernment, the lande was in quyet. And after, she crowned Alexander her hus∣bandes brother, (whome Aristobulus hadde impri∣soned) and gaue ouer her title to him. VVhereby it do the appeare, that she did not onlye gouerne, but hadde also authoritie to place a Kinge. This Alex∣ander, dyinge lefte Alexandra his wife, Quene of the Countrey: who vsed suche mercye and mode∣stie towarde her people, that she kept them in peax, and wanne their good wyll, whiche her husbande throughe his crueltie, rigoure, and vnmercifulnesse, hadde vtterlye loste. She is muche commended in the stories, for her good and pollitike gouernment, not onlye in kepinge that was lefte her, but also for encreasinge it, vntill the churche menne, the Phari∣sies, and Priestes abusinge her pitye, and deuoute mynde, gatte authoritie to empry son, murder, and kill whome they listed. Not muche vnlike in thys poynte to the late Quene Mary, who bearinge, and wearing, a womans hart, coulde not (I thincke) haue vsed suche rigoure and extremitie, in impry soning, banishinge, rackinge, hanginge, dravving, hedding, burninge, flesinge, and fleainge withal manner of ex∣tremitie, not sparinge her owne bloude, no not her natural sister: Onles she had bene so bewitched, and endoted by her Cardinall, Bishoppes, and Church∣men, of whome, some be gone before her, to taste of those rewardes whiche she and they by suche extre∣mitie deserued: And those that remaine muste fol∣lovve,

onles they vvashe avvaye the spottes of bloude that hange vppon their Rachets, vvith fluds of teares of repentaunce. Oh they may thanck God, that they haue this time to brethe them, and bethink them of their naughtie, and hellishe crueltie, and to call daily, and hovverly, for pardon, and forgeuenes, for let them thincke that if they be not punyshed in this life: nor repent: God accompteth their dedes so vile, and the faultes so heynous: that no temporall paines be inough, for suche offences, and therfore re∣serueth them to eternall damnaciō. Oh hovvld and vvail you priests and prelats, not for the daūger you stād in, of losing your bishopriks ād benefices, your pōp and your pride: your dignities ād honors, your riches and vvelth: but for that hel hathe opened hys mouth vvide, and gapeth to svvallovve you, for the shedding of so much innocēt blud, for the murdring of so many martirs, and spoiling Christes church, of so many glistering, and glorious ornamēts, cōmen∣ded of al men for learning, and discōmended of none for their liuinge. But to returne to my storye, this Quene Alexādra vvas so inuegled of the church mē: that (as Iosephus saith) she ruled other, and the Pha∣risies her. It is an easy matter for them that be of de∣uout mindes, and godly dispositiōs, to be broughte into error by those, vvhom they think to be godly. And therfor that cōmō vvelth is hapy (saith Plato) vvhose gouerner is a philosopher, or a Philosopher their gouerner, vvhē princes be lerned thē selfes: thei shal not hang alone vpō the mouths of the prelates, but iudge thē selfes hovv true it is they teache, that

they may saye with the Samaritanes: woman, we do not beleue it, because thou say est it, but because we haue sene our selues. VVhat shoulde we saye of the Quene of Saba, whome Christ with his own mouth commendeth for her desire to heare Salomons wis∣dom, and calleth her by the name of Quene. If she had vnlawfully, and against nature vsurped that au∣thoritie: surely he would as well haue founde faulte with her vnlawful rule, as he commended her diligēt trauail. But Christ knowing the boundes of hys of∣fice, wold not meddle with externe pollycies, trāsla∣ting of realms, ād depriuing of true inheritors: No, when he was desired to be arbiter betwixte two bre∣thern he axed not how the pleastode, but who made him an officer. Diuines (me thinke) shoulde by this example not geue them selues to much the bridle, and to large a Scope, to meddle to farre with matters of pollicie, as this is, wherupon depēdeth either the welfare or ilfare of the whole realm. If those. ii. offi∣ces, I meane Ecclesiastical and Ciuil, be so iumbled together, as it may be lawful for both parties to med∣dle in both functions: there can be no quiet, nor any wel ordered common welth. But because this argu∣ment requireth a long treatise, I leaue it and go for∣warde with my matter. I passe ouer here the sister of Antigonus and Salome, the sister of Herode, of the which one was Quene of Hircania, and tho ther ap∣poynted by Augustus Cesar to rule ouer Iammam, Azotum, Phasalidem, and Astaloniam, and the same regiments she after left to Iulia Tiberius motherād Augustus wife. These are euidente argumentes that

whyle the Romaynes, at that tyme the Monarkes of the worlde, did so bestowe kyngdomes vpon womē: they thought it not to be against nature, for that sexe to gouerne. Many other exāples of such regimentes there be in the histories of the Iewes, which I might alledge for this matter, if I thought not these suffi∣cient, but that it may appeare, that not only it was in vse, and practise in that nacion, to bee ruled by that sexe, but also emong the gentiles, which were rather ledde by the lawe of nature, then hedged in with gods pollycie: I will shortly runne ouer, some of their prophane histories. Berosus, a Babilonian borne, and for the truthe of his storie preferred before all the Grekes, and worthely (for he followed no fables, as they commonly dyd, but the recordes of the Cal∣dies) saith, that Noah whiche was called Ianus (for iain signifieth wyne, whiche he inuented) made his daughter Cranā quene and gouernes of Italy, which thing being true (as it is moste lyke) howe dare men saye that their regiment is against nature. VVhiche that worthy father, whome God thought amyddes his vnspeakeable wrath, against the whole world, not only to saue and preserue, but also to make hym the author of the newe worlde: did not only suffer, as a thinge tollerable, but apoynted as an order most ho∣nest. If we cōdempne his dede: we must also condēp∣ne Gods choise, who could not fynde, or pick oute a worthier or wvser man, to be the restorer of mākind, then hym: that should so shamefully erre, as they saye against nature. In the monarche of the Babilo∣nians, were very notable Semiramis, and Nicocris,

both for their vvisdome and selicite in gouerning, & also for the notable monuments they lest behind thē. Semiramis, after the death of hir husbād Ninus, fea∣ring least the late conquestes and countreis vvoulde not be kept in avve by hir sonne, yet yōg of yeares, vnskilfull in gouernmēt, and not of courage mough to play the king: in the persone of her sonne, for the tyme of his nonage ruled so (as Berosus saith of hir) that she passe in seates of vvarre, in triumphes, con∣questes, and vvelthe, all that vvere then lyuinge, or before hir. She buylded Babilō, she cōquered Ethio∣pia, she inuaded India, vvhether neuer king nor Em¦perour came. but Alexander the great. Thother Ni∣cocris (as Herod. reporteth) vviser then the former, desēdid hir empire agaīst the Medes, who thē sought the monarchie of the vvorlde. She vvrought suche a vvonder in the great flud Euphrates, as al men, then vvere amased at it, and yet, thinke it almoste incredi∣ble, for she made it cōtrary to all mens expectaciō, to leave thold course, and to folow hir deuise to, & fro, to serue the citie most cōmodiously. So that she did not only passe all mē in wyt: but ouercāe the elemēts with povver. VVhē she died, she caused to be ingra∣ued in hir sepulchre these vvordes. If any king of Ba∣bilon stande innede of treasure, let him searche my tombe. But not onles he be in nede. This sepulchre was neuer touched, til Darius wan Babilō, vvho dig∣ging vp hir graue, foūd nothing but a vvriting to th{is} effect. If thou weert not an vnsaciable rauenour, thou vvouldest not scrape for riches emōg dead mens bo∣nes. I thinke that some fault vvilbe found in these, &

specially in Simiramis, by cause she attyred hir selfe lyke hir sonne: and that shalbe thought a sufficiēt re∣futaciō For it is the maner of the world to blot out many good and honest dedes, with obiecting of one euil. But that can not hurt my matter, nor helpe his. For so that I wyn at his hand that these womē reig∣ned, and kept their coūtreis in as good order, or bet∣ter then any men did: it is a great likelihod, that this sexe is not so vnapt to rule, as he maketh thē. Amōg the Masagits reigned Thomir{is} a womā of such fame for hir wisdom, and power: that Cir{us} that noble Per∣sian and first monarche after the Medes, sēt to hir for mariage, to whome she made answer, that she knew his meaning was to mary hir kingdome, and not hir: which answer, if Quene Mary had gyuen to Philip: Calles, Hams, and Guisnes, had not bene lost, nor th{is} good lady hir sister, and our souereigne, so lefte in the breers, besett about on euery syde almoste, with mightie enemies, empouery shed, and robbed of hir common treasure, and hir subiectes so flesed, that they must scrape nere the boones that vvill get any more. This Thomiris vvith this ansvvere kyndled Cirus vvrath so muche: that (no remedy) he muste vppon hir and haue hir by force, vvhome he could not gett by fayre meanes. And hadde at the first so good lucke against hir: that he kylled hir sonne, and the moste parte of his armie. But this noble Quene, let it not long go vnreuēged, for cōming to the field hir self, and pitching a battell against him: ouercame hym that hadde before ouercome all other, cutte of his head and thrust it into a vesselful of bloud saying:

drinke thy fill, vvhiche hast euer so thirsted bloud. In this story, by the vvay is to be noted, that if kings be vvovvers and no speders: there can be small hope that they vvill be faithfull friendes after. For greate men, can not beare great repulses, specially vvhen their povver is such as they can vvhen they vvill re∣uenge it. And a mynde, or harte, vvhere loue hath dvvelt, if it begynne ones to hate: is lyke a sponge vvhiche sucketh vp as muche vvater of malice, as it had before hony. Mother vnto this greate monarke Cirus vvas Mandane, doughter vnto Astiages king of Media: who hauing no more children but hir, be∣cause he drempt that out of his doughters vvombe, sprong a tree vvhich shadovved all Asia: thought by destroing hir child begotten of Cambises a Persian, he should auoide the destenie. And therfore assone as the child vvas borne, deliuered it, to one Harpagus a trusty mā of his, to be made avvay, and destroyed. But Harpagus, forcasting lyke a vvyse polytike se∣lovve, that if he killed the childe: the mother enhe∣riting after hir father, vvould be on his bones for it, and call him to accompte: founde the meanes that it vvas saued. This mans forsight, vvas not muche vn∣ly ke the polly cie of some by sshops in Englande, in the late quenes dayes, vvho being more vvyse, and lesse furious then the rest: though they serued at an ynche in their calling, in ambassages, to fetche in the holy father, to minister vngracious counsell, and do all that vvas commaunded: yet vvould they not ap∣peare, to be any of the broylers of the milde martirs, or the common hang men, as the rest vvare, least the

day might come, that Mandane, might axe accompt of these Harpagi, for her children and seruantes, but the rest as desperate dicks, went forward in their bu∣sines, spared none, dred no pearill, looked no further then their fote, but with to the and naile cried downe with the side, hang some, racke some, beheade some, banish some, broile some, fetch them vp with num∣bers of harnessed men, into the Tower wyth them, spare neither kithe, nor kin, sister nor other, it made no matter, so they might shew them selfes obedient subiects to the Quene, and disobedient traytors vn∣to God, and the realme. These were Harpagi in dede and furi, but not in wit and forsight. Now to mi pur∣pose, if it hadde not bene an order in Media that the daughter shuld succede the father: yea in the whole Monarchie of Asia: what needed Harpagus to haue mistrusted Mandanes reuenge. So that it is more thē euident, that women might not only enherite after their fathers, in prouinces, and small kingdoms: but in great Monarchies, and Empires, which shuld not haue bene so permitted in all places: if it had bene so much against godes forbid. If I shuld here tarye in the setting oute of Artemisias noble courage, excel∣lent wisdom, and felicitie in Gouernment, of whom Herod maketh mencion: I should easely finde, how to begin: but hardly, how to end, wherfore I say onli of her, as Herod. Iust. and all other writers do: that she was more mete to haue gouerned that heuge ar∣my of Xerxes, which for the greatnes dranke dry all the riuers it came to, then he him self was. For when he inuaded Grecia, and by the subtiltie of Themisto

cles was discomfited at Salamine, and like a coward was glad to take his feete: She not onlye encouraged her souldiours, so as they passed al other in the con∣flict: but also gaue the king such counsel, as if he had followed it: all Gretia had smarted for it: and he vn∣doubtedly haue bene the conqueroure. But he like a braynsick beast, thinking as many do, that it had ben a shame, to be well counseled or ruled by a woman: had rather follow his owne fansy, to his vtter vndo∣ing: then her wisdom to saue his country and army. And therfor he went home not like a king, but like a cockescome, not like a conqueror, but like a coward, not like a man, but like a mouse, in a fishers boote, with one or two with him: whiche broughte oute so many as it is almoste at these daies incredible. If he could haue bene as wise, as God mighte haue made him: or as the counsel of Bethulia at the comming in of Olophernes were: he had bene the greatest that e∣uer was vpon the earth. These Bethulians when thei were besieged of Olophernes: wer contēt all the hole Senate to come to Iudithes house, a meane widowe, but a wise, and godly woman, and to heare her, folow her coūsel, ād obey her. For whē they wer al at their wits end, ready to geue ouer the city like milk sops, and venture religion, wife, and children, goodes and liues, in thenemies hāds: She indued with gods spirit and heauēly wisdō, found the way through wit, prai¦er, ād the help of God, not only to deliuer thē: but to reuenge thē, not only to saue their pols, but to cut of thenemies. wher was thē this saying, which is so mu∣che vrged: a woman may not open her lips in the cō∣gregaciō?

A womā may be no iudge? she opened her mouth, and vttered her wisdō, when they al wer gra∣uelled, and not only that, but toke the sworde in her tender hand, and did executiō like a magistrate vpō gods enemi. But of that place of Paul I shal speak of at a nother time at large, I may not tary in the ope∣ning of al the prophane histories, which scrue to this purpose, least I shuld seme to write an history, and not a cōfutaciō. vvherfor the reader being instructed with these shal not nede but only to be put in minde of the rest that remain. Isis (after the death of her hus¦bād Osiris) reigned ouer al Egipt with so much pro∣uisiō for the welth of the realm: that she was after her death cōpted of thē a goddesse. For as Tullie saith, the folish antiquitie, honored mē as gods after their deathes, which either exceded in power, or wer great by birth, or had done some notable pleasure to their country. Lauinia after the death of Aeneas reigned in Latio: Dido in Carthage: Olīpias (Pirrh{us} daugh∣ter) in Epire: Aramea, in Scithia, Cleopatra, in Egipt in the time of August{us}: and a Quene in Illiria, who durst venture to withstand the Romains, when they wer greatest. Olimpias (after the death of great Alex∣ander) in Macedonia: ād infinit more, which thei that be expert in histories, know. It is a wōder, that men vnskilled in the diuersities of times, ād historis, dare thus ventre in so great matters: which, because they be somwhat obscure in the Bible, therfor they think can no where els be found. Not much vnlyke the cō∣mon sort of Germains, which trauailinge no further then they may se the smoke of the stouf: think that

in their country is the paradise of the world, and that in it is al things and in all other nothing, and like to a certen. Sir Ihō which said, by my priesthode if the Trinitie were not in my portase, I wold not beleue it. I make not this comparison, as though I thought not the Bible to be a paradise. wherin are to be foūd all the best hearbes and frutes that be: but meaninge that all antiquitie of time, all histories and monu∣mentes, canne not be conteined in so lyttle rometh. VVherfore, if men wil decide weightie matters, hā∣ging vppon antiquitie: they must not only counsell with the Bible, but excercise them selfe in aunciente stories. And therefore, Philippe Melanthon (one of the Princes of learning, at this day) trauaileth more in these his last yeares, in the reading, gathering, and setting furth of histories: then of any other kinde of learninge, and not withoute reason. For histories (saith Tullie) be the witnes of times, the candle of truthe, the life of memory, the Ladye of life, and the regestre of antiquitie. VVherfor, let no man disdain histories, or find fault with vs, though we trauaile in histories about this cōtrouersy, for nothinge better openeth it, nothing more cōfirmeth it, nor nothing soner bringeth out of doubte, that is nowe broughte into question. Nowe thou seest (good Reader) howe this matter stode among the Iewes, and gentils, how neither of them debarred the heires female, of their right, and title of enheritance, when so euer it fell to their lot to succede their parēts, as though it had ben vnlawful, vngodly, ād vnnatural for that sexe to go∣uern. There remaineth, that we run ouer a fewe re∣cordes

in like maner among the christians: least the contrary side might haue their refuge and startinge hole there. VVherfore, disday ne not to heare a fewe more, and so wil I end with this argumēt. Theodora (otherwise called Helena) reigned after the death of Leo Themperour, in Constantinople ouer all Asia, as lady and Empresse, and sauing that she was super∣sticious, and wilfull (thorough the lewde perswasions of hir clatteringe Clargie, in the defence of Images) there was no great, faulte to be founde in hir gouern∣ment. In this poynt in dede she was more then mad. For she digged vp the bones of Constantinus hir fa∣ther in lawe and burned them for an heretike. As the late quene did doctor Busars and others. I can not tel whether she did it with the lyke solēpnite, or more spite, then this was done in Englande. But it is lyke that she had hir by sshops, and ioly Clargie to set it forwarde. I rede not that there was any Cardinall of counsel in it, as was of late (by report) in the deuising to burne king Henry theights bones. If the spiritual spiders ment it without cōmission: it was to shame∣ful: if they had cōmission suerly it was to vnnatural. But Prince and Prelates deale it betwixt them: But for the matter she gouerned by the consent bothe of the spiritualtie, and tēporaltie, and as it was thought laufully, vvhiche is inough for my purpose. For if it vvere thought lauful for a vvomā to be an empresse, to vvhome belonged the managinge of the greatest parte of the vvorlde: It can not be then vnlaufull for a vvomā to rule one litle realme: and as for hir faults vvhat so euer they vvere, that can not vvype avvaye

hir right: no more then the crueltie in Nero, and Do mitian, drunkennes in Alexander, and Cambises, & other faultes in other rulers, made them vnlavvfull gouernours. Elias saide to Achab, it is thou, and thy fathers hous, that troubleth al Israell: but he inferred not therfore that he was an vnlawful kyng. Saul was reiected of God for his wickednes: and yet Dauid so long as he lyued called him the lordes anoynted. Christ called Herode foxe, and the Scribes and pha∣risies ypocrites: yet did he not impugne their autho∣rite, or deface their title. VVherfore, though there be some faultes to be found in this Theodora, and o∣ther: yet proueth it not that thei may not reigne, for it is a fallax ab accidente to say, she was naught: ergo, she might not rule: for that hangeth not vppon the rule, that she was naught, but vpō the persone. As if you should saye, my L. lubber of London is a ty∣raunt: ergo he is no by sshop. I warraūt you, though he graunted you the antecedent whiche he can hard∣ly denie: yet he would denye the consequent, or els he would call for wylie VVatson to helpe him: In Fraūce, tyl of late yeares womē enherited the crown as in Englande, and Scotlande, vntill that they ment by the lawe salique, rather to defeate vs of our title, then to condempne the successiō as vnlaufull, as you may now see by the Frenche king. He neither thyn∣keth it vnlaufull or vnnaturall to be lorde of your cōtrie by that womans tytle. I woulde you coulde perswade either him or your coūtrey men, to thinke that the quenes title by cause she is a womā is vnlau∣full, and so do your own countrey good first, and let

vs alone with ours. And as you speede there, you might {per}chaunce encourage vs to follow when it may be done laufully. Tully saith, ne sis curios{us} in aliena rep. The voyce of a straunger, is to be hard in the pulpit so long as he speaketh Gods worde: But a straungers voyce is not alowed in foro, in the parliament about pollycie, by cause he is not a citezen. This I saye not to philip you, as though you ment euill to vs (for I am perswaded that you loue England aswell as your own cōtrey) but I meane to monish you, that being a straūger you disturbe not our state: lest you giue oc¦casion to them that know you not, of suspicion. It is a great enterprise (and as they say no balle playe) to pulle a quenes crowne of hir head: and specially such a ones, as many ages haue not sene, nor many coun∣treis enioyed, or many histories recorded the lyke. I would not be wounded in cōscience, with any attēpte against hir: if I might be lord of al, that Philippe, & the french king haue. VVel, I must leaue hir for this tyme, lest the remēbraunce of hir vertues make me to forget my matter. And that we may make an ende of our recompt of histories, we wil go forward: Hen∣ry Duke of Sueuia, sonne of Frederic{us} the first, called Barbarossa, maried the heire of Scicilia, and so becāe king therof & emperour of Rome. Cōrad{us} Palatin{us}, left behinde him one only doughter Agnes, whiche was Palatinesse, and after being maried to Henry the duke of Saxō, made hī Palsgraue: who in like maner died and left a doughter called Gertrude palatinesse, whō Otto duke of Bauaria maried & becāe palsgraue & the same order of discēt & successiō remaineth yet in

the moste part of Thempire. Here I myght nūber a gret sort in Spain, who succeded & ruled in the realm But I shalbe cōtent with such as be of late memory, as Ioanna the mother of Charles the fift, who reig∣ned and gouerned the countrey not ill, as the Stories report. Mary (the doughter of Charles called Bella∣tor) the warrier and wife to Maximilian, succeded hir father in the Duckdom of Burgundy, and the coūtie of Flaunders. I let pas Mary, Charles sister who ru∣led in Flanders in our tyme, And Fraunces the frēch kinges mother, who during the terme of her sonnes captiuitie in Spayne after he had daunsed his pauino at Pauia, ruled the whole dominiō: wherby the frēch though they will haue no heires females: yet shewe that they condempne not the regiment of women. Other there haue bene, and that not a fewe, whiche haue gouerned and enherited in diuers countreis of Christendome, with muche commendacion. As A∣malasinta the mother of Athalaricus, when she sawe that the Frenche men, cōtrary to all right would de∣priue hir sonne of Prouince, whiche was his enheri∣taunce: deliuered it vp to Theodoberto, king of the Mediomatrices, which kept it to thuse of hir sonne, Thus was the mother constreyned by the purposed wrong of the subiects, to seke remedy for hir sonnes right, and was a better gouernes to him then he to him selfe. Leonora doughter to the king of Aquita∣nia, was maryed to Henry Duke of Gaunte, and in spite of the Frenche kyngs teethe, brought hir hus∣bande Aquitanie and Poiteaux. Adela mother to the king of Fraūce, was made Regent of the countrey in

thabsence of her sonne, while he was in the warre a∣gainst the Sarazens, and gouerned wel. This hir sōne (for his goodnesse and wisdome) was called Philip∣pus a deo datus sente of God, and yet thoughte it not amisse, to put his mother a wise woman in trust with the whole realme. And according to his expectaciō, he toke no hurt nor los by it. In like maner Blanch mother vnto Ludouic{us} for his vertue named Diuus holie, was twise made regēt of Fraunce, while he was away in the same warre. And after his death, she had the gouerning of her sonne and the realm. It is like that if her gouernment had not ben good at the first: the nobles and people wold haue bene lothe to haue had her again the second time. Not longe after that time, gouerned a woman in Flaunders, named coun∣tesse Margarite. An. domini. 1247.

Ioanna the nese of Diuus Ludouicus was Quene of Nauarre, and marrying with Philip named Pul∣cher: made him king of Nauarre, by which meanes, that countrey came to be vnder the Frenche Kinge. And anno. 1415. was a woman gouernesse and Quene of Naples, called Ioanna. Not only in Fraunce, Ita∣ly, Spaine, and Germany: but also in thempire haue women ruled, whiche is more straunge, because the Emperour is chosen by election, and commeth not to it by enheritance. As anno. 1301. after the death of Henrye the thirde. Hagne his wife for the honor na∣med Augusta, gouerned both her sōne in his nonage and thempire, keping it in good order, vntil the by∣shop of Colen (as those men wilbe busy in pollicies) by certen conspiracies, pulled the yonge Emperoure

Henry the .4. from her, after what time grewe much trouble in Thempyre. Hereby we see, that in no cō∣mon wealth, thei thought it a monstrous Reigne, or against nature, for a woman to gouern: which error bringing our auncetors in the reign of Sthephē to be wicked periures caused thē ro conspire with the said vsurper to kepe Mathilda the daughter of Henry the first frō the title, right, and crown of this realm, but God not suffring such an extreme wronge, so tossed him in warres, both extern and ciuil, to the vtter vn∣doing of the realm: that they wer glad to grow to a∣grement, and suffer her son to haue his right, and the vsurper had not only neuer a good day, so lōg as he reigned: but also by the iust iudgement of God, first was imprisoned, and next lost his sōne Eustachi{us}, in whō was all his glory, thinking, he shuld haue reig∣ned after him: what shuld we say? God hath not onli shewed his displesure and wrath, against such as haue sought, vnder this pretence to defeat true heirs: but also hath in this our realme, raised vp greate houses by their menes, as the house of York by Philippa ād Anna, which by mariage, brought the title into the house of the Morty mares. And King Henry the .7. and all that line, colde not claim but by the woman, which was daughter to Henry the .6, and mother to Richard Duke of Richmond. Charles the .8. refused Maximilians daughter, to whō he was betrothed, ād maried the heir of Britain called Anna, despoused to Maximilian, but seduced by certen noble womē, bri∣bed of the french King, ād by that mariage, became Lord of the coūtry, against the wils of al the nobles.

For they thought it better to marrye one, whiche might be their seueral Lord, then to ioign Britaine with such a realm, as shuld drown the name of it, and bring them (as they be) to slauery: Amias was defen∣ded by a womā, against tharmy of Maximiliā, it had ben els lost, as al the french men confessed, her name was Catherina licia. A maid defēded Orliance, in ar∣mor, against the duke of Burgundie and the English army, and after with the same her army led the yōg king Charls the .7. to Rome, ād ther crowned him. Before this maids time, the English euer prospered, and the french wer euē at the last cast, geuing vp the goste, but she brought them into that condiciō, that afterwarde, they grewe: and we appaired. Helena the Quene of the Adiabenits, ruled so wisely and godli: that after her deth, the Iewes erected a monumēt for her remembrance at the gates of Ierusalem: She mi∣nistred to the nede of the pore liberally, in the greate dearth that than was in Iury. Thus thou seest (good Reader) that if this man take nature so generallye, as it may stretche to all conntries, all tymes and al cō∣mon welthes, and then saye, it is against nature for a woman to rule: That is againste the generall con∣fente and order, engrafte by nature, in al peoples and mennes mindes: that then it is mooste vntrue. For I haue proued, that neither the Iewes, nor the Gētils, nor yet the christiās, had that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 that cōmō opiniō plāted bi nature in their harts that it stode not with good order of nature that one of that sex shuld rule. But shortly I reasō thus with him, whatsoeuer is natural, the same is vniuersal. But that womē shuld

not rule is not vniuersall, Ergo, it is not naturall. If to rule in women be vnnaturall: then not to rule, is naturall. But not to rule is not vniuersall. Ergo it is not natural. That it is not vniuersal we haue proued by a great number of histories which testify that we∣men in al ages, and all countries, haue gouerned. A∣gain what so euer is naturall hath in the mind of mā 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 as that there is a God, all menne haue it in their mindes ingrafted by nature, that al societies must be ruled and ordered by magistrates and lawes: that murder is wicked and against nature. &c. which be common opinions in the table of mannes minde, written by the finger of God, with the pen of nature: but of this (that only men must rule and not women when it pleaseth God) there is no such principle vni∣uersal in mens mindes. For you see that a number of countries, decree the contrary, wherefore it can not be said, that it fighteth with nature: But you will re∣ply vpon me thus peraduenture: Nature hathe made her a subiect, Ergo, she can not rule. I deny your ar∣gument, for nature hath made the childe and the ser∣uāt subiects. And yet they may rule as Fabius sōne: and the Kinges seruaunt may be my master, where∣for you must vnderstand the argument thus, that if nature haue made her a subiect: in that state she is a subiect, and in respect of them to whome she is sub∣iect: she can not be their ruler. As a thilde in the du∣tie of a childe towarde his father, is his fathers sub∣iect And a seruaunt in respecte of his master and the duty of a seruaunt, can not be his masters heade. But in respect of Ciuil pollicie, the sonne bearing office,

may be in that functiō his fathers head, and the kings seruaunt an other mans maister, as Ioseph was in the house of Putiphar. So the woman being eyther as a childe to hir father, or a seruaunt to hir maister, or a wyfe to her husband, respecting these persones: can not be head ouer them in those offices: that is in the office of a father, a maister, or a husband. But in the office of a ruler and a magistrate she may be this mās wyfe, that is his subiect, and his head, that is his ma∣gistrate. So that this argument by destinction is no∣thing, for it is a Fallax, called ignoratio elenchi, as re∣solue it, and you shal see the faulte. VVho so euer is one mans subiect, can not be another mans ruler, or the same mans ruler in an other respect. But awyfe is hir husbandes subiect: ergo she can bee none other māshead, nor his in an other respect. This is false, for the contradictorie is true: That a wyfe may be this mans wyfe, and that mans maistres, and this mans subiect in the dutie of matrimony, and the same mās head in thauct horite of office. Thus we se that al rea∣sons well set out, are lyke a wel kempt buss he wher neuer a here lyeth amysse, so longe as he hath a hous to couer him. But when he cummeth into the wynde it is sone ruffled. Or lyke a paynted madams face, whiche so longe as no mā bloweth vpon it nor sweat ryseth in it: is gay glistring, but any of these meanes make the wrinkles sone to appere. So a false argumēt decked with fayre wordes, semeth good: but turne it naked and you shall sone see the botches.

The seconde Argument is this that the scripture forbiddeth that a woman should rule, and therfore it

is not tollerable, the prouses be out of tholde testa∣ment. First that after the false of Adam through the womans intrcement it was enioyned hir, and hir po∣sterite as a penaūce, to be at the beck and cōmaunde∣mēt of the mā. 2 That Esai pronouceth as a curse that the rulers for the peoples vnrulines shal be children and women. 3. that S. Paule forbiddeth thē to speake in the congregaciō. Before that I answer particulerly I must saye this to them all in general, that the scrip∣ture medleth with no ciuill pollicie further then to teach obediēce. And therfor what so euer is brought out of the scripture cōcerning any kynd of regimēt, is without the booke, pulled into the game place by the eares to wrastle whether it will or no. For Christ faith: Quis mo constituit inter vos iudicem. VVho hath made me be betwixt you a iudge, as though he shuld saye, myne office is not to determyne matters of pol¦licie, of succession, and enheritaunce, for that belon∣geth to the ciuill magistrates. If he had thought that it had bene within the compasse of his function: why and with what conscience refused he to set thē at one, whiche were at stryfe, and to put that out of doubte which was in sute. If he ought to do it, and wold not: he lacked charite, and did not his dutie: if it belōged not to him, how belonged it to any of his Apostles, disciples, or successors? Had not he as large cōmissiō as he gaue? or could he gyue that he had not? But he knowing his office, as the prophet Esaie had forspo∣ken of him to be, to preache the Gospel, to heale the broken. &c. would do nothing without warraunt, & therfore being axed if he were a kyng: he aunswered

simply by a playne negatiue. Regnum meum. &c. my kingdom is not of this world. If his kingdom were not here: neither the ordring of pollicies was his, for remouing from his functiō the whole: he must nedes remoue the part, pollicie is a part of a worldly king∣dome, yea when they woulde haue taken him vp to make him a kyng, as one that refused that belonged not to him, he conueyed himselfe from among thē. If tēperal iurisdictiō belōged to him: why refused he his calling? If it did not, where had Paul, Peter, or a∣ny other, any authorite to medle with that he refu∣sed? Seing he said. Sicut misit me viuēs pater, ita et ego mit to vos. He gaue them no more scope then he had him selfe: wherfore it is not like that Paul, or any other, would vsurpe a further authorite, then he had recei∣ued of his father, or they of him, and therfore Paul, sheweth howe farre he wilbe folowed: Saying. Imita∣tores mei essote sicut ego Christi: Followe me, and her∣ken to me in those thynges that I followe, and her∣ken to my maister in, he teacheth in effect, this part of pollicie whiche he hadde learned of his Lorde. Date Caesari quae sunt Caesaris, obey the magistrates and those that be in authorite, not only for feare, but for conscience, he ly miteth no magistrates, he alte∣reth no polycie, he medleth neither with Democra∣ties, Aristocraties, nor monarchies, nor pscribeth whe ther old or yong, riche or poore, lerned or vnlerned, mā or womā, shuld reigne. But as he findeth thē, so he leueth thē, empaireth none, altereth none, disturbeth none: knowing as Christ sayd. Principes gentiū domina būtur eis, vos aūt nō sic. It falleth not into a disciples, an apostles,

or churche mans office, to meddle with suche mat∣ters: thei haue their princes, guides, and gouernours the churche men be no suche: For Nemo militans deo implicat se mundanis negotijs. It is inough for them to wayte vpon one office, to attende as soule priestes, & not erraunt bay lifes: Thus farre to the whole in ge∣nerall nowe to eche reason in special where it is said: Et ad virum erit conuersio vel desiderium tuum. I myght aunswer it with the common interpretacion whiche is. Though both in conceauing and brynging forth thy child, thou shalt feele throwes and exceding pā∣gues: yet shalt thou not be hable to withdrawe the from thy husbande, but shalt gyue occasion to haue more. The payne of the former shall not make the to auoy de the next. This is no euill interpretacion, for it aunswereth in the maner of the payne, the qua∣lite of the offence. As who should saye, thou hast in∣tyced thy husband to turne to thy folly: I shal ther∣fore make the to turne to him, to thine owne smarte. This place thus interpreted maketh no more for this matter then Gloria in exelsis doth proue that S. Peter say de masse: But by cause some reiect this interpre∣taciō: and we seke not to cauil, but to fynd the truth: therfor I wil admyt the other, that it maketh for the wiues obedience toward hir husbande, that she must hange vpon him as vpon hir guide, followe his wyll as the wyser, obey his commaundement as hir supe∣rior, and to be short, to knowe him for hir head, and hir selfe for his subiect. VVhat? Graunt you this? that is inough. yea I must nedes do so for the truthe els, and myne owne conscience, would reproue me.

How than answere you? forsothe as I did before that she muste do all this and more, but vs{que} ad aras. So far forthe as he comaundeth like a husband, like a chri∣stian, and like her head. But if he passe his commis∣sion, as if he commaunde that is vngodlye: then she may answer him, as. S. Aug. doth the ruler. Da veni∣am imperator Tu minaris carcerem, sed deus gehennam. Thou wilt haue me obey thy will for fear of thy pri∣son and sword: but I must obey goddes will, for feare of his eternal fire and damnacion: if her husband will commaund her in the publike weale, she beinge the magistrate, and not he: she may say to him as the cō∣sul said to Fabi{us}. siste lictor. Law make my husbād to obey, for heare he is not my hed, but my subiect, yea if he breake any lawe, if it were capitall, she myghte strike with the sword, and yet be a wife good inough for the dutye that she oweth to him, is not omitted in that she obserueth, that she oweth to the commō weale, wherein he is as a member conteyned. But if for her wedlocke dutie to him, she will neglecte the common vvealth: Then is she a louing wife to him, and an euel head to the countrey. The .ii. reason out of Esay maketh as muche as for debarringe of yonge Princes rule, as Ioas, Iosias and our swiet kinge Ed∣warde (as his sister Marye helde) as it dothe againste women, for they be ioigned together, but in dede it maketh againste neither. For Esaye beinge worthe∣lye called the Demosth: of the Hebrues, vseth suche goodly figures of speaking, as all the scripture hathe not beside, as in this place, I will take from you your

honerable Senators, and your wise counselers, and I will geue you boyes and women, or effeminate per∣sons to reigne ouer you, not boyes in age, but in ma∣ners (as Aristotle saithe of yonge men, that to heare Philosophie it maketh no matter for their yeares, but for their maners) not women in sexe, but in feble∣nes of wit, and not suche as some women be, wiser, better learned, discreater, constanter, then a number of men: but such as women be of the vvurst sort, fōd, folish, wanton, flibbergibbes, tatlers, triflers, waue∣ring, witles, without counsell, feable, careles, rashe, proude, deintie, nise, tale bearers, euesdroppers, ru∣inor raisers, euell tonged, worse minded, and in e∣uerye wise, doltefied with the dregges of the Deuils dounge hill, as these minions be: such shall your se∣natoures and rulers be, that shall be neither hable to rule them selfes nor you. No Deborahes, no Iudiths no Hesters, no Ely zabethes. For sure wher such be: ther is no token of Gods wrath, whiche the Prophet threatneth here: but of gods fauoure, wherof we may be assured. Therfor this argumente riseth of wronge vnderstandinge, as the Vicar of Trumpenton vnder∣stode Eli, Eli, lamah zabatani, when he red the Pasli∣on vpon Palme Sonday, when he came to that place he stopped, and calleing the Churchwardens saide. Neighboures this geare muste be amended, heare is Elitwise in the booke, I assure you if my L. of Elie come thys waye and see it, hee will haue the booke. Therefore by mine aduise we shall scrape it out, and put in oure owne townes name, Trumpington, Trū∣pington lamah zabactani, they consented, and he did

so, because he vnderstode no grewe. So they that vse this place for a weapon against this matter, thei fault in homonymia, not considering that words haue pro∣per significations and translations.

The .iii. reason of this argument is oute of Saint Paule, wherby, women be forbidden to speake in the congregacion, for it is an vnsemely thinge for them to speake. This is meruelouslye amplefied and vr∣ged, as thoughe it were so sounde as no faulte, nor cracke coulde be founde in it. This is the Hercules clubbe that beateth all downe before it. Theese bee Sampsons lockes, that make him so stronge, where∣fore there muste be taken some paines in the confu∣tinge of it: fytste therefore, I laye this foundacy on whiche I laide before, that Saynt Paule, nor none of the reast of Christes garde, meddle not with Cyuill pollycie, no further then to teach obediēce, nor haue no commission thereunto in all the whole scripture. And this beinge a greate matter of pollicie, yea the greatest (for it conteigneth the whole) it can not be within the compasse of Pauls commission, and so fo∣loweth it, that Paul either in this place ment no such matter as they gather: or if he did: he did it wythout the compasse of his commission, but that is vnlike. For as he saide in one thinge, so surely did he in all. Quod accepi a domino id tradidi vobis Et unitatores hier e∣stote sicut ego Christi. VVell what then ment he. This he ment. That though he ordemed that euery mā in the assemblie ecclesiastical about the word of God ād praier, shuld haue leaue, orderly ād in his course, to speke ād vtter, for thinterpretatiō of the scripture, all that was

reueled him by the spirit of God, yet womē (because they be not mete, neither by nature nor study to pre∣che and interprete scriptures) he woulde not haue to medle with it there. And as Primasius and Theophi: saith the chefest cause that moued Paule to take thys order, was the common faulte that then was in that sexe. For being somwhat instructed, by the hearing of thapostles in the misteri of saluacion, in the crosse of Christ, they began to thinke somethinge of them selues, and turned that was taughte to edifye with, to a iangling and tatlinge in the church when thei met, so that the congregacion was thereby disturbed. For the auoydinge whereof, Paule mente to bridle them: as withoute doubte, he wold haue done the mē also, if they had prophecied vnorderly, or made it a mat∣ter of discorde: as it hathe bene of late in some con∣gregacions, where it hathe bene reuiued. And not only he debarred the women from prophesiyng: but also from anye publike function in the ecclesiasticall iurisdiction. For in such as shall occupy the pulpit, is required these things, that they be mete to teach, to reproue, and conuince. In teaching is required gra¦uitie, learning, and eloquence. In reprouinge cou∣rage and sounde iudgemente, and in conuincynge Artes, memorye and muche science. And because the bringinge vppe of vvomenne, is commonlye suche, as they canne not haue theese thynges (for they bee not broughte vppe in learnynge in Scho∣les, nor trayned in disputacions. Or if they were yet because nature hathe made them softer and mil∣der then menne. Yet bee they not suche as are

as are mete for that function.) Therfore be they vn∣mete for this calling. For those that be preachers, must be no mylke soppes, no white lyuered gentle∣men, that for the frowning and cloudy countenaunce of euery man in authoritie, will leaue his tackle and crie Peccaui. They must be of such nature, as the Poet saieth of Crito, in vultu grauitas, in verbis sides. They may not be afrayed to rebuke the proudest, no not kynges and quenes so farfurth as the two tables rea∣cheth. As we see in Samuel, Nathan, Elie, Ihon Bab∣tist, and many other. They may not stoupe to euery mans becke, and study to please man more thē God. If heresies arise, they must haue their tooles ready to mete with thaduersary and to ouerthrowe hym: whiche he can not haue, onles he haue trauay led in many sciences, harde and redde much, which thinges because they be huswyues) women can not haue cō∣monly, and therfore they be vnmete hereunto. Yea God knoweth so be many mē to: for it is not inough for a man to tell a fayre tale in the pulpit, and when he commeth downe is not able to defende it. If prea∣thers and spirituall ministers be suche: where be we when we come to handgripes, (They must not only florishe, but they must know their quarter strookes, and the waye how to defende their head, their head Christe I saye, and his crosse. And specially in these dayes, wherin Sathan spiting the happy grouthe and grenes of Gods field, soweth tares and fytches of he∣resies and sectes continually, to choke or to empayre the good corne if it may be. VVhat ennemies haue we of the Papistes? vnlearned thinke you? nay, who

so encountreth with them, had nede haue his harnes wel bucked to hym, or he may chaūce to take a wipe: I would they were aswel mynded, as they be learned. VVhat saye you nowe to the Arrians? whiche suer, are lyke to enfect the best heads in Europe (I meane the Italyans) if God prouide not remedy. Shall it be easy thynke you for euery man to ioyne with them? I can not tell howe simple they be. But one man of that sect so distourbed a whole vniuersitie in Ger∣many, that all the learned men there, and the Prince him self, was not hable to scrape out that he had wic∣kedly grauen. The Swingfieldians, the Maioranes, the Pelagians, the froward freewyll men, the Adia∣phoristes, the Osdrianistes, thenewe Marcionistes, the Anabaptistes, with infinite other swarmes of Sa∣tanistes, do you thinke that euery pulpit man wyll be hable to aunswer them. I pray God there be many that can. I saye therfore because there is so muche re∣quired in a spirituall minister: that all men bee not mete for the office. And therfore that with good rea∣son women bee debarred from it. Albeit, at some tymes it pleaseth God to vse their ministrie euen in this poynt, as the woman of Samaria, whiche was the fyrst preacher to hir cytezens of the Messias, and the women, the fyrst Apostles and messengers of the resurrection. And as we reade in the Ecclesiasti∣call historie, A certen woman vnder Const. Mag. was the Apostle of the Iberians, whiche turned first the Kynge and Quene, and then the whole coun∣trey to the fayth of Christe. This coulde not bee

done without some talke in thassēblies, nor without a kynde of preachyng. Yea, Theodoretus sayeth, that she dyd preache to them: wherfore me thinke euen in this poynte wee muste vse 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a certen moderacion, not absolutelie and in euerye wyse to debarre them, herein (as it shall please GOD) to serue Christe. Are there not in Englande women thynke you, that for their learnynge and wysdome, coulde tell their housholde and neighbours, as good a tale as the best Sir Ihon there? And what if by occasion, not by common office, they shoulde sumtyme make their neighbours partakers of their giftes: were it so heinous a matter? I pray you what more vehemencye vseth Paule, in the forbiddynge of women to preache, then inforbydding them to vncouer their heads. He sayeth of the one, it is euyll fauoured, and of the other: that it is against nature. And yet you knowe that in the best reformed chur∣ches of all Germany: all the maides be bare headed, whiche the preachers and learned men, make noo greate accompte of. This I saye, not because I allowe either (for I assure you I dooe not.) But that wee should not in suche pointes, grate vpon the woordes to sore, as though in no respecte a woman may opē hir mouth to edifie. But if this be vtterly taken from them in this place: what maketh it against their go∣uernment in a politike weale, where neither the wo∣man nor the man ruleth. If there be no tyraunts, but the lawes. For as Plato saith. Illi ciuitatiparatū est exitiū vbi magistrat{us} legibus inperat, et nō leges magistratui That cytie is at the pits brinke, wherin the magistrate ru∣leth

the lawes, and not the lawes, the magistrate: VVhat could any kyng in Israell do in that cōmon wealth, besides the pollycie appoynted by Moyses? They be but ministers, obeyed for the lawes sake, and not for their owne. Nowe what vnhablenes is in a woman for the ministring of lawes? She knoweth not the lawes, no more doth your kyng. She sitteth not in iudge∣ment, howe oft doth your kyng? Onles you call de∣termining matters in his priuie chamber, iudging. She is not mete to go to the warres, she hath that bee mete, and some wemen haue gonne and sped wel. She is not of so sound iudgement, peraduenture beter, & of more lerning then your kyng, as it happeneth at this tyme, that you can neuer shewe in al Englande synce the conquest, so learned a kyng, as we haue now a Quene. Men will not stande in aweso muche of a woman as of a man: that is their faulte and not hirs. No more will they of a childe, and yet be they tray∣tours that do disobey him. Solinus writeth that the neighbours of Sambri haue a dogge to their kynge, and by his beckes and fawnings they gesse what they must do. But thei were foles in obeying a brute beast, and you bee Traytours in not obeying a reasonable creature. They are to obedient (a shrewed faulte) and you to disobedient, that is no faulte. VVell a womā may not reigne in Englande. Better in England, thē any where, as it shall wel appere to him that without affection; will consider the kinde of regiment. whyle I conferre ours with other as it is in it selfe, and not may med by vsurpacion: I can fyndenone either so good or so indifferent. The regiment of Englande is

not a mere Monarchie, as some for lacke of conside∣racion thinke, nor a meere Oligarchie, nor Demo∣cratie, but a rule mixte of all these, wherein ech one of these haue or shoulde haue like authoritie. Thi∣mage whereof, and not the image, but the thinge in dede, is to be sene in the parliamēt hous, wherin you shal find these .3. estats. The King or Quene, which representeth the Monarche. The noble men, which be the Aristocratie. And the Burgesses and Knights the Democratie. The verye same had Lacedemonia the noblest ād best city gouerned that euer was, thei had their kings, their senate ād Hippagretes, which wer for the people. As in Lacedemonia none of these could make or breake lawes, order for warre or peax, or do any thing without thother, the king nothinge without the Senate and commons, nor either of thē or both withoute the kinge (Albeit the Senate and the Ephori had greater authoritie then the Kinge had) In like maner, if the parliament vse their priui∣leges: the King can ordein nothing without them. If he do. it is his fault in vsurping it, and their follye in permitting it: wherefore in my iudgement those that in King Henry the .viii dais, would not graunt him, that his proclamacions shuld haue the force of a statute, were good fathers of the countri, and wur∣thy cōmendacion in defending their liberty. Vvold God that that court of late daies, had feared no more the fearcenes of a woman, then they did the displea∣sure of such a man. Then should they not haue stou∣ped contrary to their othes and alledgiaunce to the crowne, againste the preuilege of that house, vppon

their marye bones to receiue the Deuels blessinge, brought vnto them by satans Apostle the Cardinal, God forgeue him for the doing, and them for obey∣ing. But to what purpose is all this? To declare, that it is not in England so daungerous a matter, to haue a woman ruler, as men take it to be. For first it is not she that ruleth but the lawes, the executors whereof be her iudges, appoynted bi her, her iustices of peace and such other officers: but she may erre in chusing such: so may a Kinge: and therfore they haue theyr counsel at their elbow, which by trauail abrod, know men howe fit or vnfit they be for suche offices. 2. she maketh no statutes or lawes, but the honerable court of Parliament: she breaketh none, but it must be she and they together or els not. 3. If she shuld iudge in capitall crimes: what daunger were there in her wo∣mannishe nature? none at all. For the veredict is the 12. mennes, whiche passe vppon life and deathe, and not hers: Onlye this belongeth to her mynisterie, that when they haue founde treason, murdre, or fe∣lonie, she vtter the paine limited in the lawe for that kind of trespasse. Yea but this she can not do because a womā is not learned in the lawes, No more is your kinge, and therefore haue they their ministers, whi∣che can skill if they be cruell, wicked, handmakers, and bribers, it is their faulte, and not the Princes, on∣les he know them to be such and winke at it. VVhat maye she doe alone wherein is pearill? She maye graunte pardon to an offender, that is her preroga∣tiue, wherein if she erre: it is a tollerable and pityfull error to saue life. She maye mispende the reuenues

ōf the crowne wantonlye, so can kings do to, and cō∣monlye do, and yet may they be kings: if on thother part, the regiment were such, as all hanged vppon the Kinges or Quenes wil, and not vpon the lawes wry∣tē: if she might decre and make lawes alone, without her senate. If she iudged offences accordinge to her wisdome, and not by limitation of statutes and laws: if she might dispose alone of war and peace: if to be short she wer a mere monark, and not a mixte ruler, you might peraduētute make me to feare the matter the more, and the les to defend the cause. But the state being as it is or ought to be (if men wer wurth theyr eares) I can se no cause of feare, nor good reason why Saint Paule forbiddinge her to preache, shoulde be thoughte to forbidde her to rule, nether Saint Chri∣sost. Amb. Theoph. or Primassius writinge vppon that place gather anye suche thinge as you strain out of it. I knowe verye well that Ambrose saithe, they maye not teache, be witnesses nor iudge, and Aug. in li. 2. gen: et hab. 23. q. s. Est ordo saith he. It is a natu∣rall order in men that the women shuld obey theyr husbandes, and children their parents. Saint Hierom thought them vnmete to iudge alone by their discre∣tion, Ergo, to beare rule and conserre in pollitike matters with other. Nay it is a fallax adicto secundum quid ad simpliciter: for he forbiddeth them to iudge in a respect, neither hauinge rule by enheritaunce nor iudging and conferring with other, and you therfore gather that simplie they are forbidden Deborah iudged and that lawfully, which cam not to it by en∣heritaunce, but by extraordinarye callinge. Muche

more may she that to Gods callinge hathe ioygned thordinarie meanes of enheritaunce, her commons consent, and confirmaciō of lawes. To Saynt Austen and all the rest, which wolde haue women in the sub∣iection of their husbandes, is to be answered as be∣fore: that their meaning and speaking was, of euery priuate woman in the bonds of mariage: And not of those which God by birth hath called to the gouern∣ments of realmes. Neither is it to be thought that a∣ny of thold fathers wold be so iniurious to any heirs female: as to take frō thē their fathers patrimony, or that wold that al other mēs daughters shuld haue ād enioy their right: and kings daughters shuld be put frō their righte. Either so seuer thinheritaunce from the dominion, that they maye haue thone withoute the other, (whiche wilbe harde for you to do) or els graunt them both as you oughte to do. The daugh∣ters of Silphad by the iudgement of God and not of man were enhabled to their enheritaunce: And shall we take vppon vs to iudge in our pollicie otherwise then God did in his? Againe, Saint Augustine, Hie∣rome, the Cannon law, and Arist: meddle not wyth those rules and gouernmentes, whiche come by ly∣neall discentes, coincydent and linked with the inhe∣ritaunce: but with such as stand in election. VVher∣fore it is to be noted, that there be .iii. maner of Ma∣gistrates. One chosen by lotte, as was the house of Saul. A nother by Suffrages and election, as in Ve∣nice, Polonia, the fre Cities of Germany, and them∣pire. And the thirde prouided of God by lineall suc∣cession, as in Fraunce, England, and other Kingdōs.

if any were to be chosen by lotte, or suffrage: I would not in dede that any woman should stand in the ele∣ction, but men only: for I say with Aristotle, that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the male is by all ly kelihod meter to rule, then the womā in many respectes. And vndoubtedly in the whole number of men, might be founde some one that shoulde in all respectes, passe the beste among women in wisdome, grauite, lear∣ning, vnderstanding, sobrietie, temperauncie, hable∣nes to take paines, warly kenes, iustice, fortitude. &c. But when it standeth in no mans election, but in his hande that shapeth male or female, in the wombe of the mother, at his pleasure: Then hath mans voyce no authoritie, by cause he hath gyuen ouer his right in chusing, by cōmon consent vnto God. That he ac∣cording to his inscrutable wysdome, may chuse and dispose, as he pleaseth. This being doone, shall man pull back his graunt, or call God to accompt and say, Nay when we agreed, the matter should be referred to your iudgemēt: we ment not that you should send vs a woman to rule ouer vs: or we had forgottē to put that in the cōdicions, and therfote you must geue vs leaue to reuoke our graūt, for we can prouide better then thus, our selfes. VVere not this a foly she plea (thinke you) and a mad enterprise? wold he not sone aunswer vs. Oh you presumptuous fooles, that haue suche opinion of your own wyt: who made empires and kyngdomes, dominions and rules? who preser∣ueth and mainteineth them? whose be they? yours or myne? must you haue the orderyng or I? If they bee myne: why let you me not alone with them? If they

be yours: shewe your euidence howe you came by them: shall not I do with myne what I liste? Is ther∣fore your eye ill because I am good? Murmur ye at myne anoynted, because she is a woman? who made man and woman, you, or I? yf I made hir to lyue: may I not make hir to reigne? If I apoynt hir to the office? can I not adourne hir, and make hir hable to discharge it? VVhy then (you of litle faithe) eyther feare you my good wil: or mistrust you my power? you are muche worse then Saule in this poynte, whome I reiectyd for disobedience. For when I sent my seruaunt Dauid, yonge of age, and no Gy∣ante instature, with his shepe hoke and his slynge: Saule woulde haue armed hym wyth hys owne armoure? But when Dauid threwe it of and wente his waye naked against his enemy, a great hyghe monstre, in comparison of hym: Saule mystrusted not as you do: murmured not as you doo, sayinge, ah this poore boye is not hable to be our champion, and to defende our libertie: but he prayed for him, and wyshed him well in the name of Iehouah the lorde of hostes. It is I tell you all one to me, to saue with many or few, with armour or without, by a wo∣man or by a man. VVhat letteth, that she may not as well represent my maiestie, as any of you all? If I be best represented by the shining ornamentes of the mynde, and not the outwarde sturdines of the body: why may not she haue at my hande that any of you haue? wisdom to gouerne, iustice to punish, clemēcie to pardon, discrescion to iudge. I that coulde make Daniel a sucking babe, to iudge better then the wisest

of the lawyers: A brute beaste to reprehende the fol∣lie of a Prophet: and poore fisshers, to confound the great clarkes of the worlde: can not I make a woman to be a good ruler ouer you, and a mete minister for me? VVhat vnly kelihod se you in hir? are your eyes so dulle? or your myndes so malycious? that you cā¦not or wyll not see those Iewelles, wherwith I haue decked hir? is that rare learning, that singulare mo∣destie, that heauenly clemencie, that christiane con∣stancie, that loue of religion, that excellent wysdom with many more of my graces, nothīg in your sight? I shewed you the lyke towarde in a man of late: but for your owne vnworthines, I toke him from you: And wil you nowe, I haue geuē you this: make your selues vnworthy to enioye hir? Leaue of, leaue of, your owne pollycie, which is but folly, and embrace my ordinaunce, as it is your dutie. For I pulle down whome I will, and set vp whome I wil. Though God speaketh not thus to vs audibely: yet suer, he nedes must thus speake in our cōscience inwardly. VVher∣fore let vs leaue of to dispute, and beginne to praye, that it maye please hym to stably she hir seate a∣monge vs, and to sende hir longe lyfe and quiet reigne, to defende hir and vs from inuasions abrode and conspiracies at home, to geue hir grace to see∣ke his honour, and maynteine the truthe, to guide hir harte in the choise of hir husbande, and to make hir frutefull, and the mother of manye chyldren, that thys Realme maye haue the graftes of so good∣ly a tree, That oure chyldren and posterite maye see hirs occupying hir throne, with honour, ioye, &

quietnes. The remembraunce of hir vertues carieth me awaye from my matter: wherfore I return. And becaus Ari. is thought to be of such authorite in this matter, let vs a litle examine his woordes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 that is the male is moore mete to rule then the female, well, what inferre you? ergo the woman vnmete. I denie that argument, you should rather saye the woman is not so mete, that we could graunt you, and not a whyt hurt our cause: for otherwyse no man will reason, as to say this man is better learned then the other: ergo thother is vn∣learned. Chalke is whyter then cheese: ergo cheese is black. No man that knoweth what comparison is, wyll bryng two contraries in one comparison, as to saye pitche is blacker then snowe, or fyer is whotter then water. But if they compare two thynges toge∣ther they must be suche as they haue in one qualite or propertie maius et minus. As I saye right. A man is more mete to rule then a childe. That is not by af∣firmacion and negaciō, as because thone is apt, ther∣fore thother is not, and euen so of a mā and a womā, he is more mete: therfore it foloweth not that she is vtterly vnmete. And therfore Plato Arist. master not a whit wurse learned then his scholer, saith: Magistra∣tus vtriusque Sexus preficimus nuptijs, our maner is to make officers of both sexes to ordre mariage. And saint Paule as we haue declared, gyueth them a kynd of gouernment 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to gouerne the house. And lykewyse Aristo, him selfe in the Ethikes. So that neither Philosopher, nor Apostle, dealeth with them so hardly as you do. But Arist. 3. polit: saieth,

that cities be euil gouerned by women. Vvhat, by al or by some? if he saye by all, we can reproue him by many instances: if he saye by some: we can saye the same of men. So that you se: that these be no oracles which you bring in out of Aristotle, wherby (if you haue no better authoritie then this) you can not put them out of possession. In this poynte I can not but think you much blame wurthy, not that malicious∣ly (as many do) you peruert the sayinges of the au∣thors: But for that negligently, you passe them ouer without waying and vnderstandinge their sayinges, without conferring and matching place with place, and saying with saying. For if in the citinge of Ari∣stotle you had ioigned the Ethikes with the Polli∣tikes, I surely beleue, that you wold haue made him none of your iury in this matter. For in the Ethikes handlinge the kindes of rule, what is a Monarchie, what an Aristocratie, and what a Democratie, saithe of the rule of the man and the wife thus: Viro cum vxore ius id intercedit, quod est in optimorum potestate. Nam pro dignitate ijs in rebus imperat, quae dignae sunt vi∣ro. Quae autem feminam decent: eas ei tribuit. Qu od si in omnibus presit vir ac dominetur: in paucorum potestatem fit mutatio, quoniam contra dignitatem facit, non qui est praestantior. Interdum etiam mulieres praesunt cum amplū patrimonium consecutae sunt. The rule and kind of go∣uernment betwixt the man and the wife saithe Arist: is like the gouernment of the chiefe, or of a Senate. For the man accordinge to his wurthines, ruleth in such thinges as becommeth him, and the wife in su∣che as is meete for her. If so be the man will rule and

beare the swaye in all: Then is the rule chaunged in∣to an Oligarchie, that is, where a fewe beare the stroke, and herein he dothe otherwise then becom∣meth him. Sometime women also hauing great and large patrimony beare the sway. In the which wor∣des I noote first, that the Philosopher leaueth a kind of rule to the woman, whiche is hers so muche by nature, as the husbande pullinge it from her, entreth into a kinde of tirannie and violateth the moste na∣turall and best ordre. As those do which turne an A∣ristocratie to an Oligarchie that is the better into the worse. Secondly if I woulde grate vpon the wor∣des, and take the aduauntage of the comparison: I mighte neare gather an equall authoritie betwixte the wife and the husbande. For euery man knoweth that in the rule of the chefe, whiche is called Aristo∣cratie (whereunro he likeneth that in Mariage) there is equalitie and none vsurpeth vpon an other. But I will not so followe the aduauntage of mine argu∣mente: that I will confounde goddes apoyntmente. Thirdlye it appeareth plaine by this place of Aristo∣tle: that in his time it was a common order that wo∣men enheritoures, shoulde rule their landes, houses, and possessions (VVhiche is oure case) and yet not be thoughte to do againe nature in so doinge: These things cōsidered, you must nedes not only be thou∣ght to deale to straightly with this sexe by plucking from them all, when your Philosopher geueth them some, but also to be much ouersene in ouerseing and perusing your authors. But leaste Aristotle shoulde kepe vs to long from matter of more weight and au∣thoritie,

I wil return again from the Philosopher to the Apostle. If you reason in this place of S. Paule. Nō permitto mulieri loqui. I suffer not a womā to speke in the congregacion. Ergo, not to rule, thinking that it is formall, a minore ad maius from the lesse to the more: your logike ād diuinitie both do fail you. For it is not to be taken thus, Paul forbiddeth her the les for her vnaptnes, Ergo, he debarreth her of the grea∣ter. But in dede it is contrary wise, he forbiddeth her the greater and more chargeable function whiche is the spirituall ministerie and preaching: therefore it followeth not that he shutteth her from the les, whi∣che is extern pollicy. No man I think doubteth but that the Ecclesiasticall function is greater and more chargeable then the other, for thone concerneth the bodye, and the other the soule. The one reacheth no further then outwarde actes, but the other pearceth to the harte and thoughtes That binedeth in earthe the bodye, thys fettereth boothe in heauen and in earthe, the soule: The one as Sainte August: saithe, threatneth prisones, the other eternall damnacy on. The one maye be executed by deputies: the other muste execute him selfe de manu tua. &c. To the one is required iustice and no great learning: thother can not be without great lerning and knowledge. Thone treteth of the world, thother of heauē, thone of thin∣ges temporall, thother of thinges eternall, and to be shorte, the one belongeth to this life, and the other to lyfe euerlastinge. VVherefore what wyll serue the one: wyll not serue the other. For they bee not

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 A good churchman mighte be a good ruler as Samuel was: but euery good ruler ran not be a good churchman. Thus we see that Sainte Paule thrustinge that Sexe from the greater function and office: dothe not also disable it to execute the other which is lesse. But you wil say in England she muste haue both. How can she discharge both, if you make thone so hard? I answer that in dede both belonge to her but not in one maner. For in thone (as pollicye) she hath a function, that is she must be a doer: in the other she hath thauthority and ouersight but not the function and practise as we se in the common welth of the Iewes. First betwixt Aaron and Moises. Moi∣ses comptrolled Aaron, but yet he executed not Ara¦ons office, he offred no incense nor sacrifice ordina∣rely, he medled not with tharke, nor any such thing as belonged to the priesthode, he ware not the gar∣ments, he ministred not the sacraments, and yet had he authoritie to redresse his faults, as it appeareth in the matter about the calf, and by the commissiō whi∣che he receiued at Gods hand Tu eris illi in deum & il∣le erit os tuum. Thou shalt be his God and he thy spe∣che man. VVell but Moises aucthority (saye some) was not ouer the priests, because he was a prince, but in that he was a priest, and so was it lawful for him to meddle with church matters, because he was a chur∣che man. This hold they, that wold haue priestes to be kinges: and not kinges ouerscers of priestes. Ther groūds to proue him a priest: be these. First that the psalme calleth him so. Moises & Aaron inter sacerdotes eius. &c. Moises and Aaron amonge his priestes. Se∣condarely,

that saint August. vpon the same psalme saith so. And .3. that to the Hebrewes, and in Exodus he is said to sprinkle bloud vpon the aultar. Last of al, that a prince can not geue to an other, that he hath not him selfe: and therfore if he be not a priest he can not electe, nominate, ordeine, or correcte priestes. To these I aunswere shortly, and first to the first. In the Psalme howe so euer the old interpreters gaue it, we rede in the Hebrewe Cohanim, whiche is a worde indifferent to the chief priestes, or thechief princes, wherfore suche as doo best vnderstande that tongue, geue it thus. Moises & Aaron inter ministros eius. Moises and Aaron among his ministers, and to proue that it may be so, the scripture calleth Dauid his sonnes Co∣hanim. ministers. For no man is so fond to saie, that a kinges sonnes were priestes. Yea the best amōg the Hebrewes interpreting this woorde, giue it in Chorei sheino. Moises & Aaron inter eos qui inuocant nomen eius. Moises and Aaron among those, that called vpon his name. Thus we see that this place truly vnderstande maketh no whyt to proue Moises priesthod. To the exposition of S. Aug. whose wordes be these. Aperte enim in illis literis Aaron nominatur sacerdos: de Moise non ibi dicitur quod sacerdoserat, sed si hoc non erat quid erat? Nunquid sacerdote maior esse poterat? Exproprat Psalmus quia et ipse sacerdos erat. Moises et Aarō &c. In that place Aaron is plainly called a priest: but of Moises it is not said that he was a priest. If he were not that, what was he than? Could he be greater then a priest. The Psalme doth vtter it that he was a priest. To this ex∣position, I saye myne answere, is that saint August.

Not vnderstanding the Hebrewe, was easely decea∣ued, and being wrapped in these two places of scrip∣tures, wherin there semed cōtradictiō, leaueth thē at a iarre as he found thē, the one to say he was: and the other he was not: whiche maner of interpretacion, & reconciliation of scriptures, howe it is to be lyked: I leaue to the learned reader to iudge. 3. That whiche Moises is reported in Exodus, and the Hebrewes to haue done as a priest, it hurteth vs nothing. For he might do sometimes that extraordinarely, which be longed to the priest, as we read that kinges readde the boke of the law, and yet were no priestes. Yea, al the children of Israel, at their cōming out of Egipt, dyd as much as this came to, for euery one sprīkled bloud vpon theit dore postes in the passeouer, and yet they could not all be pristes. And this sprincling of bloud vpon the aultar, was but a solempne ceremony, for the time done, and not suche a function, as than was proprely appointed to the priestes. But to put the matter out of doubt. If Moises were a prieste, than were there two highe priestes at ones, whiche coulde not be, by the lawe, and also Moises must nedes be in feriour to Aaron, because Aaron, and not he: is there called the highe priest. Thus we se how lightly, light argumentes may be aunswered, and I would wyshe, that as easely, obstinate men could be satisfied. The last is of as litle force as the rest, and therfor I say to it shortly, that it is grounded vpon a false principle, or maxima, whiche is that none can giue to another that it hath not it selfe. VVe see that as the phisicions say, the braine being the origine of the senewes: giueth to

the whole body, sensum & motū, sense and mouing, and yet by their opinion lacketh it selfe. Againe, the earth giueth to all frutes, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 whiche Arist. saith: is spēs motus, that is, that they should growe and mo∣ue to a greater quantitie, and yet the earthe it selfe, neither moueth toward bygnes nor increaceth one way nor other. And if a prince may geue to a lawyer, authoritie to plead lawe, though he can not pleade him selfe and prescribe a Tanner how he shall tanne, though he tanne not him self, being neither a lawyer nor a tanner, why may he not I pray you in lyke ma∣ner, constitute, apoint, correct, and ouerse the church men, though he be no churche man him self. But the meaning of these mē, is to driue prīces frō ouerseing them, that they might in the meane time liue out of subiection. And now the name being odious, because theire dissolute lyfe, hath purchased them an euell name, they thinke (when no shifte els will serue) that princes will not medle with the authoritie, les they should be combred with the priestes infamie. VVhat the Princes authorite was ouer the bysshoppes and priestes aperith in the .2. of the kinges, where Ioas checketh the bysshop and priestes for not bestowing the offeringes vpon the reparation of the the temple, and enioyneth them to do it. If the prince hadd not this authorite ouer his bisshoppes and priestes, why should S. Paul haue said omnis anima. Let euery soule be subiect to the higher power: he saith not al tēporal soules, or al saue priests: This authorite kept the prī∣ces & emperours after christs time, vntil the beast of Rome made thē worse thē beasts: as apearith by Cō∣stantinus

Magnus, who was the moderator of the great counsell of Nece. And by Iustiniane whiche writeth to Peter the maister of his chappel matters, where he saieth Iuuemus, we commaunde that all Bysshops and Priestes do not from henceforth whi∣sper thir Seruice, but so pronounce it with an audible voyce, that the people may heare & vnderstāde thē. &c. This Emperour, euen in matters of the churche, toke vpon him thauthoritie to appoint them an or∣der in their Seruice, howe dare then our proude pre∣lates (very fooles in deede to them that were then) wrastle with the Prince in this matter? But to oure matter we see by these examples, that the Princes hadde authorite in spiritualties to ouersee them and order them: but meddled not with the function in executing, for that belonged only to the Priestes: Lo, I truste you nowe perceaue, howe the functions doo differ. But thautorite ouer both may lawfully be in one. And that maketh not the Prince beynge a woman, vtterlye vnmete to gouerne, because she hath in somme repect to doo in bothe. This I haue sayde by the waye lest our aduersaries the Papistes, should snatche this at my hande whyle I thus seuer thoffices that I meane (as they doo) to pull from the Prince the ouersight and gouernmēt of the churche. I may not tary longer in that matter at this tyme. A tyme shall come peraduenture when it shall be more largly handeled. In the meane tyme, I retourne to my purposed argument: Furthermore where it is sayde thou shalt chuse a Kynge amonge thy bre∣thren, and not among thy systers. And thereuppon

is inferred, that we may haue no Quene. It is the like reason as if a man shuld say. Christ said Veni ad vo∣candum peccatores ad penitentiam, that is I am come to cal men sinners, and not women sinners. Therfor, ei∣ther womē be no sinners: or if they be, they shal not bee saued: or as one resoned examinet se ipsū homo, let a mā examin him self: and thē cōmunicate, ergo, wo∣mē may not. And Christ shal at the latter day saye, Venite benedicte ād not Benedicte. Therfore the womē shal not com in heauē, or nearer to this our purpose, si peccauerit in te frater tuus. If thi brother offēd the ne∣uer so oft. forgeue him: hereupō I gather, that I nede not to forgeue mi sister. In al tōgs 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 hath a singuler good grace, and speciallye in the He∣brue tonge wher Ach which signifieth a brother do∣the not only comprehend also a sister but a nephewe to. And through out the whole scripture the mascu∣line comprehendeth the feminin, or els sure we must say with the phrenitik postellus: that women be not yet redemed, but men and that they must haue a wo∣man to dye for them, aswell as men hadde Christe. That place of Scripture, which commaundeth a bro¦ther to be a king emong the Iewes, had no relacion to a sister, as these mē make it, but to straungers. For it followeth non constituus regem alterius gentis. Thou shalt not make the a kinge of a straunge nation. For the people of God, hauing no neighbours that wor∣shipped the true God as thei did: could not haue cho¦sen any straunger to be their kinge, but they shoulde haue bene in daunger of swaruing from God, and fal∣ling to Idolatrie. And therfore was it necessary, to a∣poynt 〈2 pages missing〉〈2 pages missing〉

great coate to Englande, no more than you wolde a∣point the English law, which is the litle cote to Rome our lawe muste direct vs, because it best agreeth with our country, we haue no further to do with the ciuil law then in arch matters, that is for testaments, ma∣riages and such other, as for landes, and enheritance, pains for offences and many other poynts touching the law: ours doth meruelously iarre with the ciuill law, as we shall in some poyntes declare. VVherfore to burden vs with the ciuil lawe? is asmuch as if you shoulde perswade the Scottes to vse the Garamantes law, to kil men at .50. and women at .40. because the countrey being somwhat barren, can not wel norish such, as by their age can do no greate good. But that you may see, that the ciuill lawe, and oures, agreeth like harpe and harrowe: we wil confer them in a fewe poyntes. And because this matter wherof we treate, concerneth enheritaunce: we wil first speake of inhe∣ritance. In England the Eldest sonne inheriteth, the sathers landes only, sauing in Gauel kind. And in mi opinion it is good pollicie, for the continuaunce of houses. For nothing soner destroieth greate houses, then the deuision of then heritance, as it appeareth in Germany, and wil more hereafter to our posterity, when the yong brothern shall not be made abbottes bishops, and cardinals as they haue hitherto bene. In the Ciuil law, the children succede indifferentlye in their fathers patrimony, in fendis the sonnes, and in other both sonnes and daughters l. max. vit. ff. sancimus C. de lib. praet. Itē in Autent. de hered. ab intest in princ. et in. ff. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. et ff. cum filius. Iust. de hered. VVhere you see not

only our lawe farre to disagree with this: But also that the ciuil lawe graunteth enheritaunce to the fe∣males, whiche, you would plucke away. The cyuill lawe, geueth the father power ouer his childe in lyse and death, specially, that whiche is called Ius vetus, as it aperith Le. 2. C. de par. qui fil dict et le. in suis Edelib. et posth. C. de pat: ptatē. But in England if any father should kill his sonne: he should be try sed vp for his labor. The cyuill lawe maketh the children of tray∣tors, Infames, but committeth them not to perpetual prison, as they do in Englande. In the cyuil lawe, the king, or lorde of the soile, hath nothinge to do with wardes or tutorshippes, but the next of kynne, if the father in his lyfe tyme apoynte none: but in our law, the kyng hath the wardeship of all that holde of him in capite or knightes seruice. And as it was graunted to the crowne, vpon a necessary respect: So must it not be pulled away, so longe as the same cause remai∣neth. It was geuen him at the first, in consideration of the great charges in warre, and the smale reuenues that belonged to the crowne. And though suche or∣ders seme hard, thorough thabusing of thē, by some gredy guttes: Yet the realme, hauing alwaies, almost contynuall warres, with the Frenche, or Scottes, or both: who so euer goeth about to pul from the crown suche helpes: vnwittingly, maketh a breache for the enemy to inuade vs. VVherfore I would wishe, that suche as out of gods boke will comptroll the kinges exchequer, should well vnderstand the matter, befor he brought it into the pulpit. In the ciuill lawe, the tutorshippe endith in the males at .14. yeares of age,

and in the females, at. 12. But our lawe kepeth him in nonage vntill. 21. yeres. The cyuil lawe by ndeth not him to marry, by the force of his wardship, where his Tutor wyll: C. de nup. Marriage must be free and in his own choise, and may not be compelled by his father, muche lesse by this tutor. But in England, he tutor hath his mariage, or maketh him to paye tor his libertie, how that cōmeth to passe, and how in different it is, let the lawyers answer. I medle no sur∣her, but to she we that it is so. The cyuill lawe so sa∣uoreth lyfe: that it graunteth a traitour his aduocate to defend his innocencie, but in our lawe he can haue none to speake for him, but him self. For the fault is coūted (and that iustly) so heynous, that it taketh frō him, all maner of helpe, to put other in feare. Againe, the cyuill lawe cōdempneth no man, onles he either confesse the faulte, or be openly conuicte by witnes sufficiēt. But our lawe cōmitteth it to the veredict of 12. mē, indwellers in the coūtrey, wher the trespas is cōmitted, who pronounceth giltie if they thinke so, whether he confesseth it or no, and oft tymes rather vpon their own cōscience, then ani great witnes or o∣ther euidēce. This order as it was in it self at the first without corruptiō: was maruelous concionable and godly, and in my iudgemēt much better then the cy∣uil order. For they to wring out the cōfession of the fault cōmitted, are driuen to vse tormentes, and to puny she before they haue tried the faulte, wherein they are ofte ty mes deceaued, by rackynge those whiche haue not offended, and dryuinge them for paynes of tormentes to saye that they neuer did, as I haue harde, happened at Tubinga, in the wirtenberg

lande, that a man was broken vpon the whele for murdring an other, which after was foūd a liue, the smarts of the tormentes made him to confesse it, and lye of him self. In monument wherof his image standeth yet in a glasse wyndowe of the churche, euen as he was vpon the whele. Agayne there was in Englande, an Italian, not longe agoo, who (as they saye) passed thorowe all the tormentes in Venice, and escaped without confessing the faulte, whiche in deede he hadde committed. On the other syde our. 12. men the questmongers, being indwellers in the countrey, and men of skyll, shall learne by the circumstannces, as by the life of the mā, the commō fame of the peo∣ple, or their own search in the matter: whether he be suche a one or no, and so without racking, wresting, and tormenting, the deede maye be founde. But in deede at these dayes it is growen to great corruptiō, and that thorow one speciall meanes, or two which be these. If there be any noble man dwellinge in the countrey either a Duke, a Marques, an Earle, or Ba∣ron: He shall lyghtlye haue in his retynewe all the cobbes in the countrey, whiche be the questmōgers, and if any matter be touchinge him, his man, or his frende, whether it bee a cryme capitall, or Nisi prius, sent downe for landes: the case shal wey as he wil. For his deteynors must nedes haue an eye to my lorde, though they should go to the deuill for it: and so be some innocentes knyt vp, and some offenders dely∣uered, some titles of inheritaūce lost, agaīst al iustice and right. Another is, if my lord wyll not offend the Statute of retynewe: then must the hyghe Shrife be

his frende: And the vnder thefe (vndershrise I should saye) his man. He empaneleth the quest either suche as dare not displease my lorde, or for good will, will not. And so that way betwixt the highe these and vn∣derthese, my L. and the curstmongers, poore mē are out weyed. This corruption if it be not loked to: wil not make this order (whiche was the best that could be) to be the wickedst that can be. But as I sayde, in it selfe (me thinke) it hath much more iustice, equytie, and indifferencie, then the cyuill or rather cruel rack hath. If I should peruse and compare all poyntes wherein ours differ from the cyuill: and shewe that for our countrey it is muche meeter, I should neuer make an ende. VVherfore these shalbe sufficient, to shewe that you must brynge our owne weyghtes, to weye our matters by, and not straungers, or els we must take you for an euell Clarke of the markett. Therfore if you will iudge well of our municipall matters: you muste let vs alone with our own coate, and geue the great boye his. Nowe I passe to certen inconueniences whiche are thought to come of wo∣mens rule. Many inconueniences do commonly fol∣lowe the rule of women and their enheritinge of kyngdomes, as the losse of holdes, and auncient pos∣sessions as experience teacheth of late daies, by the departing from Hams, Guisnes, and Calyce, with all that we hadde in Fraunce, besides the daungeringe of the realme to be gouerned by straūgers, which thing of late was muche feared, and not vnlyke to happen. For the first, it is to trewe: that in that womās reigne Englande was put to a sore plunge through hir wyl∣fulnes:

which wold moue warre, when she might haue bene at peax, vpon no iust cause, but because (as you wold haue her) she wold shew her a louing wor∣me and an obediente wife, rather then a catefull go∣uernes. That follye was accidente to her person, and not proper to her sexe. But admit it to be throughe the fault of a woman: haue we not had as greate, and greater by men? who loste olde Brytaine to Iulius and the Romaines? men. Vvho loste it againe to the Saxons? men. Of whom wone it VVilliam conque∣rour? of men: who lost it to the Danes? mē, who lost Normandie, Brytanie, Gascoigne, and Guine, and al our right in Fraunce? men, who lost Bulloigne, Bul∣lenois and all the rest? a man. VVho killed the Scot∣tish King, when Henry. 8. was in Fraunce? a woman or at the least her army? who brought in the light of gods worde into Englande? a woman, who lighteth now again the candle after it was put oute? a woman, whereby it is euident that we haue, not yet so muche cause to complaine of losse by them, as by men. And in oure histories whiche we haue before cited: wee maye see manye common welthes by women enlar∣ged, or at the leaste well preserued, but fewe ey ther muche weakened, or vtterlye destroyed. Onles you tell me of the destruction of Troye, which notwith∣standinge, was rather thorowe the follie of Paris, then anye rule of Helena, and as for thys losse we haue nowe, I doubte not, but as the olde fathers are wonte to saye, that as by a woman came death: so by a woman was broughte fourthe life. In like manner

as bi a womans (whether negligence, or misfortune, I wote not we haue taken this woūd (so bi anothers diligence and felicitie, we shal haue it againe healed. If euerye man coulde perswade him selfe of as good successe by her as I do my selfe: I doubte not but the Frenche, and the Scottes bothe, shoulde haue theyr handes full, I praye God oure vnthanckfulnes make vs not to fare the worse. The next and greatest incō∣uenience and daunger to be feared is, that if a woman inherit: the realm by mariage shall be transserred to straungers. A greate matter I confesse if it so bee, yet GOD maye do with his owne what he liste. Scitote (saith the Prophet) quia deus est dominator in regno ho∣minum, et ipsius regnum est, & cuicun{que} vult dabit illud: if he will translate it, who can let it? Yea in another King Henries daies. And some translation and ioig∣ning of realmes maye turne to muche good, and the wealth and tranquilitie of many. As if we had had a Kinge for your Quene, or you a King for oures, it had bene a goodly translacion: to haue vnited bothe realmes in dominion, regiment and law, as thei be in nature, lāguage, ād maners. I suppose a great dele bet¦ter for your coūtry, thē as it is now, thus to be mat∣ched, yea subiected and slaued to the proudest, vn∣truest and the mooste tirannicall nacion, vnder the sonne. I except not the Spaniardes, whose dominion the Italians in Millane, Naples, Scicilie, and elsse where: can muche better brouke and abide, then the light and inconstant French, as Cesar calleth them. If you and we had ioigned together: it had made no

great matter, on which side the kinge had bene, so he had bene religious. I graunte if all thinges answer, it is better ioignynge at home, then chusing abrode. As if he be no verye base or meane person, if he loue and feare God, if he be of the same religion, indued with good and commendable qualities of wisdome, Iustice, Manhode, Temperaunce, giftes of languages knowledge of Countries, pitifull, mercifull, con∣staunte, sobre, no hearer of flatterers, continent, not prodigal, but liberal, no extorcioner, &c. Such a one if God shoulde lot any Quene, were to be preserred, to any abrode. Onles all these, myght be found in a straunger, and therto iouned nobilitie and auncient∣nes of lynage, and the nation beyng such, as vse not to rule cruelly, but rather fatherly, then lordly. For by suche a one coulde come no great harme, but ve∣rye muche good. As for example, if your Quene, shoulde haue founde oute some Germaine, or some suche other, whose Gouernmente is not rygorous (as in deede theirs is not) theyr hartes not amby∣tious, the same Religion, good bryngynge vppe, a manne of actiuitie, whose auncetoures haue bene religious, lyncked wyth manye Prynces, eyther by Consanguinitie, Affinitie, or sure Societie, and league, of whome there coulde be no doubte of con∣ueying the treasure to any other nacion, or bringing in of hys owne countrye men to oppresse the Sub∣iectes (as vndoubtedly the Spanyardes and Frenche woulde). Suche a one I saye, if God appoynted: I see not why the name of a straunger, shuld be odiouse, it

is religion and likenes of maners, that ioigne men together, or at the least shoulde so couple them: that agreing therin, we shuld not much stick in the rest, In the kingdom of heauen, is nother Iew nor gentile man nor woman. A stranger if he be a goodman, is as deare in the fight of God, as he that is born in the middest of Edenbrough. This I speake, not because I shute at any one, for that were not onlye malapart∣nes, but madnesse. But to answer mi obiection, whi∣che is, that tealmes be vndone by the matchinge of Quenes with straungers. Scicilia, as the histories re∣port, was quietly and happely gouerned, so longe as the Duke of Sueuia marrying the heir, had it in qui∣et possession. But after a Pope of Rome, as the duke passed thorowe Italie, to set order in Scicilie, had bi conspiracy murdred him, it fel euery daye more and more to decay. So that it stādeth not so much in the chusing of a straunger, as what he is that you chuse. He is one of our brethren, if he be a faithfull Chri∣stian, it is maners, faith, and behauior, and not nacy∣ons that make men strangers one to an other. A mā in his own country, at home, if he be not of the hous∣hold of faith: is a straunger. And contrary wise, wher there is one faith, one baptisine, and one Christ: ther is narrower fraternite then, if they came out of one wombe: But to conclude, we must commit all this to God, who hath the hartes of rulers in his handes, as the flouds of waters, and wil so dispose them as shal be most to their peax, to the realmes good, and hys honor, let vs not meddle with bridelinge of Quenes in mariage this way or that wai, we are none of those

to whome it shalbe saide, who shal geue this womā. Now thus thou seest good reader, that al this wynde shaketh no corne, that this bolde blustering blaste, though it puffeth, and bloweth neuer so muche: Yet can it not moue, or ones stirre the suer grouded rock of verite. And though it be the propertie of Northrē blastes to coole and freese: yet in the hartes of good christians, faithfull subiectes, and true Engly shmen, well warmed with natuall loue, and defended with the walles of wysdome, obedience, and dutie: it can do nothing. It may peraduenture make a sewe weake redes to wagge, whiche wil styrre at euery litle puffe of wynde: But the stronge and harde Ookes sure ro∣ted in loialtie, and growen to a iust perfection in the discipline of dutie: will neuer stirre a leafe for it, con∣sidering that this blaste is sent out of Aeolus at the request of dame disobediēce, to hindre good Aeneas, say ling to the porte and hauen of quietnes and loyal∣tie. Though thou warte not disposed of thy selfe, ei∣ther for opinion of thauthor, or for the noueltie of the matter, to stande to thy tackle against this storm: yet I doubt not, but now by me rather put in mynde of that thou knowest, then taught that thou wart ig∣norant in: thou wilt sone contēpne this gale of wynd, and take it to be nothinge, but as it is named verye wynde indede. Thou seest it euy dently proued, that it standeth well inoughe with nature and all good or∣der, with iustice and equitie, with lawe and reason, with Gods and mans ordinaunce, with custome and antiquitie: that a woman leafte by hir progenitors, true heire of a realme, hauing the consent of hir peo∣ple,

the stablishment of lawe, auncient custome, and Gods callyng, to confyrme the same: may vndoubt∣tedly, succede her auncettors lawfullye reignyng, in lawful succession, both to enheritance and regiment. Thou seest no scripture is agaynste it, truelye vn∣derst ande, but rather both in example and practise, and also in expresse word and meaninge, altogether with it. Thou seest no lawe wherto we be bounde, to debarre this sexe of this right: but in euerye wyse to graunte it them, as it shal come to their course. And that the rule beyng ioyned to thinheritaunce, can no more be plucked from it, sauynge iustice inviolated, then thy soule from thy body, and thou yet alyue. Thou seest last of all, that thinconueniences that be feared, be rather bugges to feare babes, then matter to moue men and specially christen mē, which loke not so much to tharme of mā, as to the helpe of God for their safetie: which trust not in horsse and harnes, glayues and gunnes, and such other worldly meanes but in inuocation and faith, and in the mightie arme of God, VVho delighteth no more in the legges of a goodly made man, then in the lamenes of a creeple, Nor in the rugged lookes of a desperate warry our: then in the mylde countenaunce of a wyse VVomā. VVherfore the matter standyng so, that whosoeuer rule, man or chyld, male or female, God must be our shilde, fortresse, and bulwarke: Let vs do our dutie bi trusting him, and he wyl do his, by helpyng vs, and so much the rather, because that now, it is more like the glory shalbe his, if the victorie be ours, Then if we had some great Goliah, some lustie champion, to

take the matter in hād. For the next way is, to make him shrink from vs, to put ether our whole trust in a¦ny other, or so to parte the prayse with him: that his maiestie shal haue one pece, & our pollicie another. How oft crieth he to the Israelites. Nay, go to now, cal vpon your gods to helpe you, let me se what thei can do for you. Runne to your leaguefellowe the E∣giptian and kynge of Assiria, in whom you haue put your trust. Let them shyld you, agaynst those euyls that shal come vpon you. VVherfore let vs say with Dauid, Hii in curribus, Hii in equis, nos autem in nomine domini inuocabimus. Trust who wyl in their stout kin∣ges: we call vpon our God to help our good Quene. Now thou art perswaded, thou true Engly she heart, that thou maist and oughtest to take, esteme, and ho∣nour one of this Sexe appointed of God to rule ouer the, for thie naturall, and lawful soueraigne: it is thy part to know and learne, and after to do and performe all maner of dutie to her, which occupieth by moost iust title, thimperial throne of this Realme. And that thou maist the rather, the willinglier, and gladlier do it: I mynd by Gods grace, to treat a lytle of the dutie thou oughest her, of the good hope thou mayst con∣ceiue of her, and the fruit of doyng or balkynge thy dutie towardes her. VVhiche. iii. thynges, whyle I runne ouer: thynke it not longe, for I mynde not to make any long discourse. There is no man ether of wyt so dull, of vnderstandyng so ssender, or of malice so obstinate: but wyl and must confesse, that God by nature, haue so ordained all thinges: that mankinde shoulde not onelye rule, and haue the dominion o∣uer other creatures, which be not of nature so excel∣lent

as he is, but also, one man ouer an other: that some ruling and some obeing, concorde and ttanqui∣lite might cōtinue. For if al should ruie: there shuld be none to obey. Or if all should obey: there should be none to rule. VVherfore, God hath so disposed his creatures in this world: that suche as he wyl deck and beautifie, with his singular giftes, should by ru∣lyng other, that lacke them, be meanes to ayde and helpe them. For God so careth for the preseruacion of this godly and comly frame of his, the world: that he will not leaue it without meanes of order, where by it may contynew. And though it be his peculiar propertie, to haue dominion and rule, as the onely kyng and monarke: yet because our dulnes can not cōceaue his bryghtnes, nor our infirmitie his maie∣stie (as the people of Israel say de to Moises, let not the Lorde speake to vs but thou) therfore he com∣municateth not only his power, rule, honour, and maiestie to men: but also his owne name, callynge them Gods: that by their manhod, they myght con∣ferre with men, as men, and by their name and office, represent a dyuine maiestie as God. Ego dixi dij estis, say eth he. I saye you be Goddes. Agayne. Deus stetit in sinagoga deorum. God stode emong the assemble of Gods, that is magistrates. Thus it pleased God to a∣dourne his anoynted with so noble a name: that we whiche be of nature rebellious, shuld beholde in thē not only flesh and bloud, whiche they haue commō with vs, but also a dyuine and godly maiestie, which they haue geuen thē of God. So that we shuld rather fixe our eyes vpon their office, whiche is gods: then

vpon their person whiche is mans. If this order were not in nature, al thynges woulde growe to confusi∣on, while euerye man, as he were of greater power: so coulde and woulde oppresse suche as were of lesse, (as Theodoret saithe) the greate fishes eate vp the small, and the weaker beastes, be the strongers pray. Therefore, it is not saide withoute great cause of the apostle: that the Magistrate is for our good. For he defendeth oure bodies from the murderers, oure goodes from the rauenoure, and oure landes from the oppressour. Seing then that God by nature, hath thus placed Magistrates in deede to be watchmen to kepe our cities, to preserue our lande from thenemy abrode, and conspirator and oppressor at home: we shuld be to much ingrate: if we shulde not loue hym or her, that careth for vs, and to obstinat if we should not obey them that rule not for their own pleasure, but for our commoditie. Hereto we be exhorted by many places of scripture, wherunto, if we herkē not: we prouoke gods vengaunce to gush out against vs: out of whose moste holye mouth, they come. Let e∣uerye soule (saithe Paul) obey the higher power, as ordeined of God: for who resisteth the power, resi∣steth Gods ordinaunce. In whiche woordes is con∣teined both a precept and a pain. A precepte, in that he commaundeth all to obey, exceptinge none, nei∣ther priest nor Monke saithe Chrisost. which muste aswell obey, as the lay itie. A pain, in that he vttreth them to be gods rebels and aduersaries, which do re∣siste the power ordeined of God. For who violateth the ordinaunce: violateth the ordeiner, whiche was

God. But because almoste none doubte of this, that they must obey (onles it be a few dissolute Anabap∣tistes) and many be ignoraunt, wherin they shoulde obey: therfore did Paule him self not omit to teach, that they muste be obeyed in honor and paimentes. Cui vectigal, vectigal, cui honor, honorem. For it is not inough to paye them their due, as a man payeth his hirelinge, or his miller for grindinge his corne: but he muste also yelde him his due honoure, why che muste firste come from the harte, and then be vtte∣red in outwarde humblenes. The Persians thoughte ther kinges and rulers to represent such a diuine ma∣iestye: that they fell flat on their faces before theyr souereigne. And the same we read to be vsed among the kinges of Iury. The like wherof, the histories do reporte of the Turkes, that they haue not onlye as muche honor geuen them as the kings of Persia had: but also who so euer speaketh to him, at his goinge from him, neuer turneth his backe vppon hym, but goeth backwarde so longe as he is in the same place wyth him. Fewe I thincke will allowe thys, yet muste they learne hereby, that greate honour is due to that estate, and thincke it no Idolatrye as some men vse to terme it, either to bare thy head or bowe thy knee to the chiefest minister of God, yea if thou doest it not thou makest an idoll of thy selfe, whyle thou liftest vppe thy basenesse to that heighte, that thou wylte not stoupe, where thou oughtest, nor geue honoure where thou shouldest. VVhat is els to make an Idoll of thy selfe, but to honour thy self, where thou oughtest not, and pull downe Goddes

Maiestye, where thou shouldest not: Ah we bee all Adams children, yea and the deuels to, if we goe no further: But Adams children, be distincte in degres, euen by the ordinaunce of God. As we rede through oute the Bible: and Christe in the newe Testamente confirmeth it, sayinge: geue to Cefar that is his. And the apostle: go before one another in honoure. So that they may rightlye chalendge it, and we be boūd to yelde it. But this will not be onles we firste bow at home in oure heartes, and learne to stoupe, say inge in oure selfes. VVhat? thou arte a subiecte not called to honoure, Therefore thou muste not pearche vp, before thou beist called: And couldest thou, if thou warte in the same place suffer (if it were not for thine owne sake, yet for the dignities and office sake) to be withoute honoure? If we can thus reason wyth oure owne proude stomackes: we shall soone leaue of to be Adames children, and become Goddes and the Quenes obedient subiectes. The hart (I say) must be framed and brought into the circle of obediēce: and then wyll all the reaste followe. Thy knee shall bowe, thy Cap shall of, thy tonge shall reuerently speake of thy soueraign, whē and wher thou ough∣test. For lyke as the fountain being clear, or trobled the water that goeth from it, must be good or bad: so the hearte beynge in order, the reaste canne not bee out of order. Thy tong must be dedicated to God, to speke wel and reuerently of his minister, for els as Sa¦lomon saith: he will make the birdes of the ayre to vtter thy rebellion. Furthermore, it is thy bounde∣duti

to geue her, whē she calleth for part of thi goods that as Demosth. saith, by parting with a little: thou maist keepe the whole. Is it not better to healpe the mother and mistres of thy country, with thy goods and body: then by withholding thy hande, and nig∣ging, to make her not hable to kepe out thine enne∣my? haddest thou rather that thy auncient ennemy, the proud french man, or vntrusty scot, should come to ransake thy coffers, to deflour thy wife, to rauish thy daughters, to beat thy childrens brains vpon the walles, to fire thy house, to spoile thy goodes, driue away thy cattle, enioy thine enheritaunce, cut thine own throte, and bring thy country to naughte: then that the Quenes officer should take the .20. parte of thy possessiōs, for thy defence? If thou wilt not haue these mischiefes to happen thou must do thy dutye in paying with a franke and free hart, without grut∣ching or groning, specially, seing thou gatherest all that thou hast, in her peax. Shuldest thou that arte a husbandman follow thy tillage, reape thy corn, and enioy it: if thou wart not defended by her diligence? Shouldest thou that arte a grasier kepe thy fat Bul∣lockes and flockes of shepe, til they were fatte: if she were not thy shephearde? Shouldest thou that arte a marchant cary out, and fetch home, to thy exceding gain, thy merchaundise: onles she were thine Admi∣rall? Could the Lord or gentlemā enioy his rents, if she defended not the tenauntes? Coulde the bishops ruffle in their robes, kepe their great houses, ād haue their thousands yerely, withal the rest of ther super∣fluitie: if she wer not their bulwarke, and tooke care

for them, while thei care not for her? And to be short there is none that should enioy his owne: if her pro∣tection were not. If thou mystrust the my spendyng of that thou geuest, and she taketh: thou art to folish. For could she that in al her lyse, hath liued vpon her owne, so humbly without pride, so moderately with out prodigalitie, so may denly without pompe: now find in her heart, in vnnecessary charges to lashe out thine? VVilt thou haue a tast, how prodigal or pom∣pous she is? I pray the then marke these two poynts which I know to be true (although in that Sexe they be straunge) vii. yeres after her fathers death, she had so proud a stomake, and so much delighted in gliste∣ryng gases of the world, in gay apparell, riche atty re and precious iewels: that in all that tyme, she neuer loked vpon those that her father left her but ones, ād that agaynst her wyll. And after so gloried in them: that there came neuer gold nor stone vpon her head, tyl her sister enforced her, to lay of her former sobre nes, and bear her company in her glisteryng gaynes. Yea, and than she so ware it, as euery man myght se, that her bodie caried that, which her heart misliked. I am sure, that her maidenly apparel, which she vsed in Kyng Edwardes tyme, made the noble mēs daugh¦ters and wyues, to be ashamed, to be drest and payn∣ted lyke pecockes, being more moued with hir most vertuous example: then with all that euer Paule and Peter wrote, touchyng that matter. Yea this I know that a great mans daughter, receaiuinge from Ladye Marie before she was Quene, goodly apparel of tyn∣syll, cloth of golde, and veluet, layd on with parche∣ment

lace of gold: when she sawe it, sayde, what shal I doo with it? mary saide a gentle woman weare it. Nay quod she, that were a shame to followe my lady Mary against Gods woorde, and leaue my lady Ely zabeth, whiche foloweth Gods woorde. See that good example, is ofte tymes muche better, then a great deale of preachinge. And this all men knowe, that whē al the ladies hent vp thattire of the Scottish skyttes, at the commyng in of the Scottishe Quene, to go vnbrydled, and with their heares frownsed and curled and double curled: she altered nothinge, but to the shame of them all, kepte hir olde may denly shamefastnesse. &c. An other thyng to declare, how lytle she setteth by this worldlye pompe, is this. That in all hir tyme, she neuer medled with monye but agaynst hir wyll, but semed to set so lytle by it: that she thought, to touche it, was to defile hir pure handes consecrated to turne ouer good bookes, to lyfte vp vnto God in prayer, and to deale almes to the pore. Are not these argumentes sufficient to ma∣ke the thynke of hir: that she wyll neyther call to the before she hath nede, nor mispend it vaynely af∣after she hath it? VVherfore if thou bearest the hart of a christian: thou wylt ministre to christes lieute∣naunt willinglye, and gladly. If thou bast the mynde of a trewe subiect: thou wylt not see thy souereigne lacke. If thou haste the forcaste of a wyse man, thou wylt be content with a lytle, to purchase safetie of the whole. If thou hast the stomack of a good english man, thou wylt with body and goodes, keepe out the forren ennemy, whiche would be glad, through thy

disobedience, to salute thee at thy gate: wherfore be not couetous, where thou shouldest be lyberall, nor vnkynde, where thou shouldest be thanckfull, nor waywarde, where thou shouldest be forwarde. Take to thee, the stomacke of a free palfraye, and not the froward touches of a restie iade. It is the propertie of thone, saieth Seneca, to goo forwarde lustelye with the Shadowe of a wande, and of the other, to renne backwarde, put you neuer so muche the spurres to hym. Nowe by cause our nature is so dull, that it can not be stirred vp withoute some hope of benefytte: Therfore I wyll briefly shewe what good hope there is, by all lykely hode, of this godly gouernesse. And to the intent, I myght appeare to saye of hir for con∣science sake, what I thinke and knowe, withoute su∣spicion of flatterie, or hope of benefyt: Therefore I haue suppressed my name: that my penne might be the freer. VVherfor if thou thīkest that either I spea∣ke more then I thynke, or do that I do for any hope of benefite: thou doest me wrong in misiudging: and hir great iniury in not beleuing. If I should reherse al thynges which myght put vs in hope of hir good, godly, and vertuous reigne: I shoulde peruse hir wholle lyfe paste: But that were to longe and ra∣ther perteyneth to the Storie to be wrytten of hir, then to this argumēt, wherfore I wil only touch one or. 2. things to giue goodmē good occasiō, to gesse at the rest. It is knowē to al mē howe vertuosly and vir¦ginly keshe hath bene brought vp what wise, honest, discrete, sober, and godly women she hath had about

her, howe she hath bene trained in learning, and that not vulgare and common, but the purest and the best which is most cōmended at these dais, as the tonges, artes, and gods word, wherin she so excedingly pro∣fited, as I my selfe can wytnes, that. vii. year past, she was not in the best kind of learning inferior to those that al theyr lyse tyme had ben brought vp in the vni¦uersities, and were counted iolly felowes. So that it is lyke, that nowe, she is not meanlye instructed and armed with good letters. If then learnyng and the cō¦uersation with such as be wyse and honest, fashioneth and frameth the mynde (as Plato sayth) and maketh it tractable as waxe, to prynt in good images of ver∣tues and modest maners: And commonly, wel tilled land bryngeth forth good frutes: we must nedes con∣ceiue great hope, yea in a manner be assured: that as she hath passed many of our kynges, and alour Que∣nes in these good studies and Sciences: so she must nedes exceede them in the rest of her lyfe and gouern ment. And that you may vnderstand that there hath not bene, nor is in her, learnyng without nature, and knowledge without towardnes, to practise: I wyl tel you, what I haue credebly hearde, and assuredly be∣leue of her. For I woulde wyshe of God, that all men knew by her asmuch as I do: that thei might cōceiue of her the same opinion that I haue.

Her first scholemaster with whome I was familiar, a mā very honest and learned, emongst other talke, which we had of her (for I was curious in questionīg and he gentle in answeringe) tolde me once, that he learned eueri day more other, then she of him. It se∣med

to me a mistery, as in dede it was, but because he wold not kepe me in doubt, he thus expounded it. I teach her wordes (quod he) and she me things. I tea∣che her the tongues to speake: and her modest and maidenly life, teacheth me workes to do. For (saith he) I think she is the best inclined and disposed of a∣ny in all Europe. It semed to me a goodly commen∣dacion of her, and a witty saying of him, and therfor not to be forgotten: In like maner, an Italian, which taught her his tonge (thoughe that nacion lightlye praise not out of their own country) said once to me that he founde in her. ii. qualities, whiche are neuer lightly yock fellowes in one woman, whiche were a singuler witte, and a meruelous meeke stomacke, I would haue thoughte that these men had thus com∣mended her, because she was their mistresse: but by certaine knowledge other waies I vnderstode: that it was true, and that they might haue said much more, and not haue lied. This dispositiō and godly toward∣nes being in her then, can not now be but muche en∣creased by continuaunce of study, hauing about her such as feare God, increasing in yeares, and taught bi affliction, which as (Dauid saith) bringeth vnderstā∣ding, and in a nother place. Bonum mihi domine quod humiliasti me It is my great profite Lorde that thou hast brought me lowe, for hereby I haue learned thy law, and of this I think no English man is ignorant: that her affliction hath ben far aboue the condiciō of a kings daughter. For there was no more behind, to make a very Iphigenia of her, but her offring vp, vp∣on the altare of the Scaffolde. How she behaued her

selfe in those stormes and tempestes, let them wyt∣nesse, who beyng hir aduersaries: hadde the muynge of her. I wyll saye nothynge, though I coulde saye muche: But this I see, and therefore muste saye, that than she muste nedes be in hir affliction maruelous pacient: whiche sheweth hir selfe now in this prospe∣ritie to be vtterly without desyre of reuenge: or els she would haue geuen some token or this daye of re∣membraunce, howe she was handled. It was no smal iniurie that she suffered in the protectors dayes, whē certen venymous vipers spued oute their poyson a∣gainst hir to dymynishe hir honour: But God hir father and defender, made hir so muche the more to enter in to the hartes of good people: howe muche the earnestlyer they wente aboute to harme hir. VVas it no wrong think you that she susteyned of late dayes, to be first a prysoner in her owne house, and garded with a sorte of cutthrotes whiche euer gaped for the spoyle of hir house, that they myght haue bene fyngeryng of sum what? Then with great solempniti, with bandes of harnessed hangemē (hap∣pie was he that might haue the carying of hir) to be setched vp, as the greatest traytour in the worlde, hoisted into the tower, there kept not lyke a kynges doughter and a Quenes sister: but as one that hadde come out of Turkey to betraye Englande. VVhat assemblies and counselles? VVhat examinacions and rackynges, of poore men was there, to fynde out the knyfe that shoulde cutte hir throte? what gaping

among my Lordes of the clargie, to see the daye wherein they myght washe their goodly whyte rat∣chettes in her innocent bloude? thinckinge that then none shoulde be spared, for they sawe the bloude of the father wash of the Scaffold, the daughters bloud, the husbandes, the wifes, the yonger brothers, the el∣ders, and so one after an other, tyll the hangemanne was wearye. VVhen they sawe that so much woode was spente in Smith fielde about holy Martirs sacri∣ficed to the God in the boxe: that poore folckes for lacke died for colde in London: when they sawe the streates of London so decked and adourned wyth Gallowes, and behanged with gentlemens carcases: that my L. of London coulde not haue place to goo a procession: when they sawe all these notable trage∣dies wherein no respecte was hadde, neither of sexe nor kynred, neither of age nor innocency, neither of noble nor vnnoble: had not these ratchetters good cause to hope: that this blessed woman shoulde haue followed, and so they haue bene out of feare of thys daye, whiche is come vppon them?

VVhat mente those charitable Churchemenne thincke you towardes her? whan they coulde not bee contente, to suffer Sir Thomas VViat vpon the scaffolde (euen at the houre of his deathe, betwixte the axe and the block, when it is like men wil not lie) to discharge her, of that was laid against her, and vn∣burden hys owne conscience of that, he thoughte at that time hee stoode giltie in, for hurtynge her

to saue himselfe, when he testified to the people that she was cleare. Cried not weston, beleue him not, be leue him not? For the racke hath wrounge out other maner of matter. Oh tyrānes, and rake helles. VVas he rather to be beleued vpon your cruel racke, than nowe, vpon the scaffolde. when he feared the tearyng of his fleshe, then when he myght loke for helles tor mentes? whan it stode vpon the losse of hys carcasse, than whan he must daunger his soule? Dyd you not here, vtter your mischeuous mindes, and meanings, that you cared not, though he went to the deuyll, so you myght haue bene ryd of her. These be the com∣fortable goostly fathers, which must be at a mans cl∣bowe, when he is redy to dye. VVhose regard of the Soule is suche: as thei must nedes haue their ghostly chyld, euen with the last breath, lash out most shame ful lyes, to maintaine their malice, & murder. These fellowes cā vse Confession to serue their tourne, for the destructiō of such, as they would haue out of the way. If their Cōfession serued not to such purposes, I warrant you, thei would not set a blewe point by it. Thus had she the whole worlde agaynst her, with all the spyte and malyce that could be deuised: And yet she is so far offrō sekyng reueng: that I am surely per swaded, that she prayeth for thē. Are not these great tokens thou good subiect, of much mercy to follow? Marke her comming in, and compare it with others She commeth in lyke a lambe, and not lyke a Lyon, lyke a mother, and not lyke a stepdam. She russheth not in at the fyrst chop, to violate and breake former lawes, to stirre her people to chaunge what they list,

before order be taken by lawe. She hangeth no man, she behedeth none. She burneth none, spoileth none. I wisse if my L. Cardinal had known her clemēcy: he would not haue made so much hast in dying so sone to follow his mistres, and to be out of the daunger of this. I like my L. of London better: for thoughe he haue deserued a great deale more: yet he neither ren∣neth away, nor hangeth him selfe, nor nothinge, but trusteth to find grace, which neuer deserued any. But you wil say that this Quene hath no such aduantage against men, as thother had, and therfore is merciful whether she wil or no: you say wel but not al, is ther no aduauntage to be taken, thinke you? I wil not af∣firme, because I am no lawyer. But I wil axe thys for my learning of the lawyers, whether it be a faulte by statute to take away the title or any part of it which belongeth to the king or Quenes stile? as to take frō it by no order of law, but by priuate authoritie, thys part supreame head of the church of England. If it be a faulte, of what force were the writtes, whereby the Parliament was called, that tooke awaye the supre∣macie, if the writtes for lacke of wordes of form, wer not good in the law: by what authoritie did that par∣liament repeale. K. H. and K E. lawes or make anye newe? by what authoritie, if they were not sufficient∣ly called, receiued they the bishop of Rome? And af∣ter by his authoritie, broiled, and murdred so many martirs? Surely if the first were vnlawful, the laste can haue no warraunte, if the lawyers finde this to be so: hath then the Quene none aduauntage againste men thincke you? if it be so: then must you confesse, that

there is a meruelous mercy and no rigour, an exce∣ding pacience, and no desire of reueng in her. If it be not so: yet might she fynde good quarels els to deale more hardly with som then she doth. In Quene Ma∣ries first daies the bisshoppes that were maryed were thruste out of the parliament house before any lawe, and all maryed deanes and archedeacons oute of the conuocation, many putte out of their lyuinges and other restored withoute force of lawe. If that were lawfull for hir: why is it not lawful for this? Yea some noble men and Gentlemen were depryued of those landes whiche the kynge had genen them withoute tarying for any lawe: lest my Lord of VVinchester, should haue lost his quarters rent. Many churches were chaunged, many altares set vp, many masses sayde, many dredges sunge, before the lawe was re∣pealed, all was done in post haste. Some for feare per∣aduenture that they shoulde not els haue hadde the blestered masse, whole fyue yeares in the worship of the fyue Gaudees of the blessed virgin Mary. Nowe we see that thinges be doone with more aduisement and lesse haste, although there be a better warraunte for this then for that. For she knoweth that to bee trewe whiche Seneca sayeth, Velox consilium sequitur penitentia. But the deuil is a diligent felowe, he bestir∣reth him in his matters, for he euer mistrusteth he shuld come to late. Contrariwyse God is longanimus of great pacience, and maketh his to be the lyke, ra∣ther to loke for amendement: then by and by to seke destruction and reuenge. VVherfore she being gods chosen instrumēt to represent here amōg vs his ma∣iestie:

walketh wisely in the steps of him that hath cal¦led hir, and studieth diligently to represent a lyuely image in hir mortalite of his incomparable and infi∣nice maiestie, by vsing correction without seueritie, by sekyng the loste with clemēcie, by gouerning wi∣sely without fury, with weying and iudging without rashenes, with purging il rumors with deliberacion, and to conclude, in doing hir dutie without affectiō. Besides furth it is not the lest tokē of all to perswade vs of hir happy and godly procedinges, that she pi∣keth out some such couselors to serue hir (and I trust will do more) as be neither of common wytte nor cō¦mon experiēce, of whom some by trauaile in straūge countreis, som by learning, some by practise and ly∣ke authoritie in other rulers daies, some by afflictiō either one waye or other: for their gistes and graces whiche they haue receiued at Gods hande, bee men mete to be called to suche roumes. And if any man thinkes there be inter azimos fermentum let them leaue that to God and tyme, and descant not to farre of it. Herein she well putteth in practise that is counselled by Ecclesiasticus, saying consiliarius sit tibi vnus de mille. Culle out of a thousand a coūsellour, for it is no mat¦ter of small waight to chuse counsellors as it aperith by the counsell and successe of Roboam whiche was of two sortes. Thaunciēt men & Senators gaue him coūsel & aduise to kepe the people in order by loue, gentlenes, and clemēcy, thother aduised hym not to spare but to lay about him to chop of their heades, to towre thē, hāge thē, burne thē, awai with them, dead mē do no harme, and to make his litle finger heauier vpon

his people thē was his fathers body. These ware lusty laddes these were suche: as would wyne all our lose all. But they founde at the last as other that haue fo∣lowed them very Hieroboamites as wrissles, VVyn chesters and some other their scholers yet aliue, that as Horatius saieth vis consilij expers, mole ruit sua. fears∣nes without wisdome, and counsel, cummeth to a so lishe ende. I doubt not but hir maiestie if she could, woulde chuse hir counsell of the nobilyte, she being her selfe the head of that order and patronesse: but if she shal espie out meaner men of greater experience, farther reache, and more scyence, then they be: it is not to be feared, but thē nobles both for their owne safetie, and the Quenes, would gladly lotte to them selfes (though she woulde not require it) suche as myght put them in mynde of thynges they remem∣ber not, either because they haue not exercised and beaten their heads about it: or by lookyng to their lordships haue not had leisure to studdy for polli∣cies. But wise men by study and noble men by birth, wyll make suche an harmony in the commō wealth: as neyther Frenche nor Scotte, shalbe hable to in∣terrupte the concorde: and it to be hoped that ney∣ther the one parte in respect of their nobilitie, wyll contempne the other for their basenes nor enuie thē for their wisdom: nor thother part through thadmi∣racion of their own giftes, set light by the honour & aūciētnes of the peres. Learne a similitude saith Paul of the body of mā, how eche mēber is not the head, & yet hath his necessary vse in the bodye, wherefore if

some be wiser, and some nobler, som richer, and som porer: I doubt not but like good marmers they will all consider, that they must all trauaile to bringe the ship of the common welth, the Church of Christe, and the Quenes realm, to a quiet port, which wil not be: if they striue, who shall tend the sail, and who the helm, who shall sounde, and who clense the Pumpe, who shal do this, and who shal do that. Iosephe with King Pharao kept by his counsel al the kings people from staruinge, a meane man and a straunger, pulled out of Prison, wher he lay for a great crime. And Da∣niell gouerned Chaldea better then all the Princes ther, and his seruice was more acceptable to the king then all the rest: Mardocheus by the help of Hester, kept Assuerus from the foulest murdre, that euer was deuised. And yet he was but a meane man to be of a kinges counsell, being not onlye a straunger, but also suche an abiecte, as satte at the kinges gate with∣out office, dignitie, countenaunce, or anye estimaci∣on, yea and of suche a stomacke, as he woulde not stoupe to the proudest of all the reaste. M. Haman, who was, domine fac totum, Vvhiche had like to haue cost him the best ioynte he caried aboute. VVhere∣fore if meane men be called to that honoure: lette no manne repine at it. For sometime vnder a homelye coate, lieth hidden muche treasure, and pure golde is founde among muche drosse. A wise man saithe Sa∣lomon climeth vp into the cities, of the stronge and mightye, and destroieth all the strengthe that he trusteth to: if I had but. 10. Nestors, said Agamenon Troy could not stand longe. Consideringe then that

aswell in the choise of counselloures as in all other thynges oure mooste deare soueraigne taketh that waye: as all godlye wise men muste needes accompte the best: and geueth vs by these buddes and floures, so greate hoope of singulare frute: we maye if we bee nor stoones in sence, and monsters in malice, cheare and feede our selues with the good successe, we hope to haue by her. One thinge there is that maketh my harte to blede in my belly for her: That when al her progenitoures commonly haue founde their realm in quiet: She good Lady receiueth it at the hande of her sister intangled (I will not saye oppressed) wyth forren warres, the french on thone side, and the scots on thother, which sucking oute of their auncettors, poisoned breasts, immortal and dedly hatred against this realme, lie in waite like theues, to inuade and to spoil it. In token wherof the french freke, as it is said after truce was taken: VVhē he hard of .Q. M. death kept stil his Germains about him, vpon hope that if there had ben any stir in England, he might haue set in a fote. And for that purpose, had willed the cardi∣nal of lotharing, to confer with our churchmen, to se what mighte be done, whether he did so or no God knoweth: but it is certain that the cardnall had suche commission: but God hath dispatched their deuises. And besides that she is thus lefte: who seeth not the realme not Philipped, but flesed for Philips sake, by mainteining all the last sommer, such a nauy on the seas, and an army on the land, besides som tokens of loue that passed (I am sure) from the Quene to her spouse, to shew that she was a louing wife: Alas what

remeadye? it is a miserable case: but this will be the help, first to flee to God, and say on euery side. In do, mino confido, quomodo dicitis animae mae transmigra in montem sicut passer. Our trust is in God, thoughe the French and scots, and the deuil him selfe had conspi∣red against our souerein, whiche is anima nostra, oure life and cōfort. Shal not we with God and pollicy, be hable to do asmuch for the preseruation of our coū∣try, as Philip of Macedonie did with pollicy alone? who comming to his kingdom in as il case ād worse, then this vertuous Lady doth to hers, hauing the Il∣lyrians, the Paenyans, the Thessalonyans, the Boeti∣ans and the Atheniens, in his neck: so vsed the mat∣ter by making peax with some, by leaguinge with o∣ther, and by war with the rest, one after another, that within .iii. yeres space, he gatte again that his ancet∣tors had lost, and made al his enemies to stoupe, and not long after became themperor of al Grece. In like maner Dauid entred into his kingdō, when the Phi∣listins had made a meruelus slaughter in Israel, and killed king Saul ād his sōnes in the field, ād yet with in a while, he recouered the losses, ād had the better of al his enemies round about him: So I doubt not, but God shal send this Iudith grace and power, to cut of Holophernes hed, and this Deborah to saue her peo∣ple, ād knock out Siceras brains, com he either out of fraunce, or out of scotlād. But so much the soner: if al men like true subiectes, put to their helping hande, knowinge that it is theyr quarrell aswell as hers. Come of you bishoppes, away with your superflui∣ties, yeld vp your thousands, be contēt with hūdreds

as they be in other reformed Churches, where be as greate learned men as you are. Let your portion be priestlike and not princelike. Let the Quene haue the rest of your temporalties and other lāds to main∣tain these warres which you procured, and your mi∣stresse left her, and with the rest to builde and founde scholes thorow oute the realme: that euerye parishe church may haue his preacher, euery City his super∣intendent to liue honestly and not pompously, whi∣che wil neuer be, onles your landes be dispersed and bestowed vpon many, which now feadeth and fatteth but one. Remember that Abimeleck, when Dauid in his banishmēt wold haue dined with him, kept such hospitaliti: that he had no bread in his house to geue him, but the Shew bred. wher was all his superfluity to keepe your pretensed hospitalitie? for that is the cause that you alledge, why you must haue thousāds as though you were commaunded to kepe hospitali∣tie, rather with a thousande, then with a hundreth: I would our country man VVicliefes boke whych he wrote deecclesia, were in print, and there shoulde you see that your wrinches and cauillations, be nothing worthe. It was my chaunce to happen of it in ones hand that brought it out of Bohemia. Lay to youre handes, you noble men, and rather sel a pece of your enheritance to help the Quene, then by a little back∣wardnes to ventre all, and to se a proud French man, your heir, or a Scot, the steward of your landes, learn you of thaunciēt senators of Rome, and let your wi∣ues, take example by theirs, to sette more by youre Prince, then your pomp, by your country, then by

your curiositie and vnsitting superfluitie in apparel, dyet, and other vnnecessaries. These Romaines of whome I speake being stressed and almoste brought to the last cast, by the long and daungerous warres of Hanibal, and the Frenche, did not only lyke louing fathers to their countrey, bring in their mony and goodes, without hinching or pinching, to reliefe the charges of their cōmon welth: But also partly by ho∣nest perswasiō, and partly by their good exāple, pro∣uoked the noble matrones their wiues, to bringe in their ouches, ringes, chaines, bracelettes, and other iewelles, to be bestowed in the necessary defense of their countrey. Oh you Englishe ladies, learne here rather to weare Romain hartes, then Spanish knaks, rather to helpe youre countrey, then hinder youre husbādes, to make your quene ryche for your defēse then your husbandes poore for your garish gainesse. If euery one of you would but imploy your ringes and chaines, or the price of your superfluous ruffes, furres, fringes, and suche other trinkettes, vpon the necessary defēce of your coūtrey: I thinke you shuld make the quene much richer, & habler to mete with your enemies, and your selfes much the honester, & reddier to withstande Satan whiche this waye goeth about to sift you. leaue of your pride & leaue a good example as the Romain ladies did to your posterite, of loue to your countrey, loyaltie to your quene, & honestie towardes God and man. Be liberal you Gēt∣lemē & thinke it not inough to serue the quene with your bodies, but helpe also with your goodes. Suf∣fer not the Gentlemē of Fraunce to make you their

slaues. Some of you knowe what natured men they be, beware that the rest feele not. It wilbe a shame and to great a vilanie for you, which in al ages haue bene hable to holde their nose to the grindstone, nowe ei∣ther for sparing of your goodes, which is niggardie, or feare of your liues, which is cowardise, to be their pezantes, whose lordes your Auncettors were. Loke to this geare you. Lawyers, whiche for a lyttle spen∣ding of your breath in chatering in the Chancery, and common place: become the Lordes of your cū∣treis, and leaue your sonnes so great liuelodes as thei be noble mens matches. Some in sport cal you drud∣ges and not iudges, but I thinke in god earnest that it is contrary that you make you and your lordes and al other drudges. In this your so gret gain forget not what you owe to your prince, by whose protection you haue had leasure to study, & now time to plead. If your countrie be not kept in peax, your law wilbe litle worth, neither your copes nor coifes wil serue to any vse. I would you could al finde in your hartes to be as liberal toward your prince as some of you haue bene of late to the orders of Friers. Be no niggardes you marchaūtes of your gaines to releue the quene, for if you be: the vengeaunce of God wil come vppō your hurdes and bākes, the tratling Scot shal knocke out your chestes botoms, shal enioy your machaun∣dize, meete out your veluets and silkes, carry awaye your clothes, brenne your fayre houses, and rule in your citie of London, which the lord forbyd: In like maner you Farmers and Franklins, you yomen and riche Cobbes, abroad with your rusty ryals & your

old Angels, which you hourd vp: for the ruste of thē shalbe to your condēpnaciō, because you couetously kepe Gods creatures frō their true vse, wherfore thei were made. They are called curraūt & not slepaunt. Helpe your coūtrey with thē, let the quene haue part of thē, that you may peaceably enioy the rest. wher∣fore hourd you them vp, and for whome? Thesaurizas nesciēs cui cōgregas. I am sure your meaning is thereby to leaue your sonnes and heires, lādes and possessiōs, pastures wel stored, houses wel furnished, and honest soms of money to marrv your doughters. But if thou best not liberal towardes the defence of thy coūtry: who shal be thine heire? The pocky frenche man and the scoruy Scot: thyne olde gold shalbe caried away into Fraūce, thy sonne and thou shalt be made gally slaues. And where thou thinkest to marry thy daugh¦ter richelye: thou shalt see both hir and hir mother defiled before thy face miserably. Thy sōnes enheri∣taūce shalbe chaines in the gally, wherwith he shalbe fettered, a whippe vpon his bare skinne, if he row not to the death, and an horse lofe and water for his dayly dyet. Oh thynke vppon this, thynke vppon it, you hourders and hyders of Gods creatures. Lette not that mucke of the molde, those rustye Royalles be dearer to you, then your countrey, your Quene, your wyfe, and children, your owne bodies and ly∣ues. VVhat a spyte were it, that you shoulde be the Treasurers of your mortall foes, that you shoulde keepe for them to carry awaye, and hyde from your Quene to enryche the robber. And you husbande men whiche haue Gods plenty, aboundaunce of his

blessinges. Sticke not to helpe your natural cuntrey so muche as you can. God is benificiall vnto you, be not vnthankfull to his chefe minister. For like as the springes and brookes renne into the sea: so must all mens trauail tourne to the defence of his coūtrey. If the springes should withholde their water: at the last the sea shuld lacke So if euery one of you hold back your hād: what shal become of your coūtrey & next of your selues? The Philosophers say that the sonne draweth vp the moistnes of the water in the sea, and therof maketh the cloudes whiche after according to the wil of God, be caried ouer al the face of thearth to water it, & of that water, which cōmeth frō the clou∣des, riseth the springes and ryuers, so that neither the sea can be without the springes, nor the springs with out the cloudes, nor the cloudes without the sea. Lo what a mutuall contributiō here is in helping one an other. In like maner if you yelde not to the defēce of your coūtrie, parte of your frutes: it shalbe ouerrūne for lacke of helpe with your enemies, and what shall then become of you? If you yelde liberallie to your head, she shalbe hable by Gods grace to defend you with her souldiars, so that you may eare in hope, sow in suertie, reape with ioye, and eate with plēty. Is not this sea of yours, your countey and quene, by many meanes sucked drie thynke you? Is it a Small charge to maynteyne a nomber of shyppes against the Frē∣che that they haue no leasure to lande in Englande, and inuade you? To maynteyne an armie in the borders, to keepe the countrey from burnynge and spoylynge? VVhat saye you to the buyldynge of

block houses by the seas side, the prouisiō of harnes, gunnes, and weapons for the warre, to the kepinge a∣bout her, a great coūsel of wisemē to debate for your welth and safegard, to the sendinge embassadors hy∣ther and thither, with a thousand more charges whi∣che wer to long to recken: From whence must thys come? but from the frutes of the earth, which by qui∣etnes you gather: and without her defence you must lose. Oh you count it a great matter, to geue. 3. or. 4 shillings in the pound. Oh England, England, thou knowest not thine own welth: because thou seest not other countries penury. Oh if thou sawest the pezan∣tes of Fraunce, howe they are scraped to the bones, ād what extremities they suffer: thou woldest think thy self blessed (as in dede thou art) whiche haste ra∣ther fathers and mothers to thy gouernoures, then Kinges or Quenes. The husbandman in Fraunce, al that he hath gotten in his whole life, louseth it vpon one day. For when so euer they haue warre (as they are neuer without it) the kings souldiers enter into the poore mans house, eateth and drinketh vp al that euer he hath, geueth their horse his corn, so longe as it lasteth, without paying a farthinge, and neuer de∣parteth so long as there is any thing left in the hous. This was the maner: but this king hathe amended it with the wurse, for his souldiours come not thither, but his rakehels thofficers, which pare them euen to the bones, the pore man neuer goeth to the market, to sel any thing: but he paieth a tolle, almost the half of that he selleth: he eateth neither pigge, gose, capō, nor hen: but he must pay as much for the tribute of

it there, as it might be bought for here: h. Ovnhappy and miserable men that liue vnder this yocke. In I∣taly they say it is not much better, the husband men be there so rich: that the best coate he weareth is sac∣king, his nether stockes of his hose, be his own skin, his diet and fare not very costly, for he commeth to the market with a henne or two in one hande, and a dosen egges in a nette in the other, whiche beynge solde and tolde, he bieth and carrieth home vvyth him, no Biefe or Mutton, Veale or sea fishe, as you do: but a quarte of oyle to make sallettes of hearbes, wherewith he liueth all the weke followinge. And in Germanie thoughe they be in some better case then thother: yet eat thei more rotes then flesh. For what cheare so euer they haue beside, they are sure of ro∣tes and stinckinge hearbes, whiche they call crowte. Thus these men liue and thinke them selues happy: if thei may haue inough of this. Now compare them with thee: and thou shalt see howe happye thou arte. They eat hearbes: and thou Beefe and Mutton. Thei rotes: and thou butter, chese, and egges. Thei drinck commonly water: and thou good ale and beare. Thei go from the market with a sallet: ād thou with good fleshe fill thy wallet. They lightlye neuer see anye sea fish: and thou hast thy belly full of it. They paye till their bones rattle in their skin: and thou layest vp for thy sonne and heir. Thou art twise or thrise in thy life time called vppon to healpe thy Countrye, with a subsidie or contribution: and they daily pay and neuer cease. Thou liuest like a Lorde, and they like dogges. God defende vs from the feling of their

misery. I am a fraid our grutching and groning, will make vs to taste of this whip, as it must nedes come to passe, if thy heade haue not wherewith to defende the: these wil be the frutes of thy disobedience VVe liue in paradise. England is the paradise and not Ita∣ly, as commonlye they call it. For they haue figges, Orenges, Pomgranates, Grapes, Pepons, Oyle, and herbes: and we haue Shepe, Oxen, Kie, Calues, Cō∣nies, Fish, woll, Leade, Clothe, Tinne, Leather, and infinite treasures more, which they lacke. VVe haue plenty of all thinges: and they scarcesitie of all thin∣ges. Oh if thou knewest thou Englishe man in what welth thou liuest, and in how plentifull a Countrye: Thou wouldest .vii. times of the day fall flat on thy face before God, and geue him thāks, that thou wart born an English man, and not a french pezant, nor an Italy an, nor Almane. If thou beiste not thanckfull to God, and liberall to thy Quene and Country: the poore pezante of Fraunce, shall enioye thy wealthe: and feele howe happye thou arte, and thou shalt taste of his miserye to knowe howe vnhappye he is. The Frenche shall teache thee to eate rotes and Acornes: seinge thou canste not fynde in thy harte to doe thy dutie, to them that mainetaine thys thy vvealthe, Thou muste learne to drincke water, if thou comest vnder his yocke, and spare thy Barly and Ootes, for his greate horses. The Scottes in spite of vs, haue made him their heade: but they shall tell me or it be long, how wisely they haue dealte, hauer cakes will be good manchet with thē within a while. God that defended his children of Israel from the Amalechits

the Palestines, the Iebusites, the Ammonites, the Moabites, and all the rest of their enemies defend vs from the slauery and misery of that proude nacy on, that cruel people, and tirannous rulers. Furthermor for the sauegard of your country, if you be called to the warres, grutche not nor grone not at it: go with good willes and lusty courages, rather to mete them in the field, thē to tarry til they come home to you, and hang you at your own gates. Play not the milk soppes in making curtsy, who shal go first: but shew your selues true Englishe men in readines, courage, and boldnes: and be ashamed to be the last, feare nei∣ther french, nor Scot. For first you haue God, and al his army of angels on your side: you haue right and trouth, and seeke not to do them wronge, but to de∣fend your own right. Think not that God wil suffer you to be foyled at their handes, for your fall is hys dishonour, if you lose the victory: he must lose the glory. For you fight not only in the quarel of your country: but also and chieflye in the defence of hys true religion, and of his deare sonne Christe, not a∣gainst men of the same religion, whiche might make theuent doubtfull, but againste his ennemies, Ante∣christes frendes, the Turkes confederates, ethnikes, Idolaters, and very helhounds. If there wer nothing els to prouoke gods fury and extreme vengaunce a∣gainst that turkish Valesius the french tiraunte: but that he roigneth him selfe in league wyth Christes sworn enemy the Turke: were it not inough to kin∣dle, yea to enflame the wrath of God againste him? is he a king or a deuel, a christian or a lucifer, that bi his

cursed confederacie so encourageth the Turke, that he nowe dare be bolde to venter vppon Polonia, a Christian realme, whiche hath receiued the gospel. And that way to come into Germany. Oh wicked catise, and fierbrand of hell, which for thincreasing of his pompe and vayn glory (whiche he shall not long enioye) wil betray Christ and his crosse, to his mor∣tall enemy. Oh folish Germains which se not their owne vndoing. VVhiche conspire not together with the rest of christen Princes, to pull out suche a tray∣tour to God and his kyngdome by the eares oute of Fraunce, and hange hym against the sonne a drying: The deuill hath none other of his syde nowe, but him to mainteyne bothe the spirituall and the tem∣porall Antechriste, the Pope and the Turke: GOD can not longe suffer this, though he wynke a whyle at his wretchednes, and suffer him to scourge vs and other, vntil we knowe our selues: And after vndoub∣tedly he will pull his feathers, he wyll coole his cou∣rage, as he did Nabucadnezer, and others whose exā∣ple he followeth: wherfore seynge he hath forsaken God lyke an Apostata, and solde him selfe to the de∣uell: let vs not doubte but God wilbe with vs against him: when so euer he shall seeke to wrong vs, and I trust wyll nowe in the latter age of the worlde shewe his myght in cuttynge of this proude Holophernes head, by the hande of our Iudith: Oh blessed is that man that loseth his lyfe against such a Termagaunt: yea more blessed shall they be that spende their ly∣ues against hym, then against his great maister the Turke: for the Turke neuer vnderstode the crosse

of Christe, but this Iulian Apostata, is named a de∣uelles name: Christianissimus. And is in the verye harte of Christendome: and lyke a traitorous Sara∣cene is Christes enemy. Secondarely what people be they with whome we shall matche: are they Giaunts, are they conquerours, or monarks of the world? No good Englishe man they be effeminate Frenchmen: Stoute in bragge, but nothing in dede. They be such as you haue alwayes made to take their heles. They be your slaues and tributaries: whose Castels, Cy∣ties, and townes, you haue possessed, whose armies you haue not ones but .500. tymes discōfited, whose noble men you haue manfully killed, spoyled their countrey, brent their cities, taken their kynges, and crowned your owne, in the chiefest cytie of their do∣minion, as their owne histories do testifie. Remem∣ber our auncettors victories at Crauantum, at Ver∣nolium, about Amias, in the borders of Normandy, at Cressiacum, at Dagincourt, when some tyme they killed. 2000. some tyme. 3000. VVhen they had in the fiielde against vs to helpe them the king of Bo∣heme, the kyng of Scottes, the kyng of Nauare, the Duke of Lotharinge, the Duke of Flaunders, and 26. straunge earles. Yea their histories doo confesse that we haue sorer handled them: then euer the Ro∣mains wereable to doo. At this daye the Germaines that come home out of their warres saye: That the Fransois are more afraied of the Engly she then of a∣ny nacion: And it is no maruaile, for we haue tho∣row Gods help euer had the better of thē: Only this was our faulte, whiche was also Hanniballes, that we

coulde conquere them when we lyste: but we coulde not vse the victorye, in kepynge that we hadde got, whiche was oure negligence and not lacke of man∣hode. In oure tyme what good forune haue we had agaist them? Howe dyd Kynge Henry the eyght Scourge them? In his youthe, wanne Turwyne and Turney, and in his age Bulloigne, Blackneste, Newe hauen, Tholde man, and all that countrey. VVhen durst these meacockes mete vs in the field? or if they did: went they not weepynge awaye? This courage was in our Auncettors, that they thought it a sport to warre with the Frenche men: They contempned them as dishe cloutes: and shall we feare them as cō∣querors? They inuaded them in their owne coun∣trey: and shall we suffer them to bragge vs at oure own gates? Thei haue left vs this glory for our enhe∣ritaunce: and shal not we leaue it to our posteritie? It hath ben alwayes sayd of Thenglishe and yet is (as of the Ombri) that either they will wynne or they will die. Oh shall we suffer this honour to be taken from vs in our dayes? Shall not we leaue it aswell to oure children: as our progenitors left it to vs? Tusshe feare neither their horse nor their gunnes: For when they haue the seas at their backes, in steade of their foxe holes, wherinto they always crepe, and the black byll at their noses, our arrowes in their sides, and English mēs lokes in their eies: they wilbe so perplexed that they can not tel where to wynde thē. Then remēber that for this .110. yeares our aūcettors haue scourged thē, & kept this noble yle spite of the deuil & them. Sauing that VVilliam of Normādy crept in among

vs through the cyuill warre of twoo brethren, He rald and Toston. And yet what did he? He leste his posteritie to reigne, which were rather by tyme tur∣ned to be Englyshe: then the noble Englyshe, to be∣comme Frenche, as oure tongue and maners at this daye declareth, whiche differeth very lytle from our Auncettors the valy aunt Saxones. VVe haue a fewe hunting termes and pedlars Erenche in the lousye lawe, brought in by the Normanes, yet remayning: But the language and customes bee Englyshe and Saxonyshe. I can not tell what Frenche bloude is left. But if there be any Frenche hartes, I woulde they hadde to it the Mall Francois, whiche is their countrey mens enheritaunce: Besydes this you haue the pidlyng Scottes, whiche are alwayes Frenche for their lyues. So we haue had them alwayes, we neuer had to doo with the one, but we hadde the other bu∣sy against vs. For they haue bene and are to vs as the Philistines, Iebusites, Amalechites. &c. were to Gods people prickes and thornes in oure sydes, to keepe vs from pryde, or as the Samnites, were to the Romaines rather to exercise vs in warres, then that they were euer hable to doo vs any displeasure: how ofte haue we inuaded them, euen to the harte of their coūtrey, made notable slaughters, killed their kings, takē their nobles, and did in maner what we list: our victories of late days as Flodō field, Musselborough field, Saint Catherines daye and other, declare that our borders nede more to seare the stealyng of their cattel: thē any inuadig of our coūtrie. And that wher to they trust most: shalbe theyr greatest cōfusiō, and

greatest helpe, I mean the commyng in of the Frēch men into theyr countrie. For nether the begerlines of the land, wilbe able to fede the fine mouthed frēch mē, nor the nature of the Scotts can long suffer their yocke, and so wyll they together by the eares. Thus haue we nothing to dismay vs, but al thyng to enco∣rage vs. God to fyght for vs, the strength of our land the courage of our men, the goodnes of the soyle, to geue vs to maintaine warre, the wekenes of our ene∣mies, ouer whom we haue rained, and triūphed, the ryght of the quarrel. And to conclude all likelihode of victory to make vs rather to contēn thē then fear them. VVherefore, if thou beist a man: shrinke not. If thou beist a good Subiect, seke no excuses. As one did, when a Noble man mustred his men towardes Bolloigne. One, among the rest, which desired to ta∣ry at home, ether because thei hadd some disease, or wer in some part lame, or had some such impedimēt seing that diuers wer excused, desired that he might tari at home also. Nay saith the noble man, thou art a tall fellowe, young and lusty, hable to the King set uice, thou must nedes go. Alas syr quod he, I haue an impediment, I cannot go. Vvhat is that sayd the no∣ble man. Mary my hart faileth me syr, quod he. Yea saith the noble man, is that thy impediment, in dede thou canst not haue a wursse. But I wyll remedie the of that with an halfepeny halter, if there be no other helpe. Suche whyte liuered mylke soppes be no true Englysh, for thei lacke tholde Englishe hartes.

¶ Nowe therfore, it is all our duties, to be in euery wise be obedient to gods liuetenaunt our souereign,

in forwardnes, and helping her both with our goods londes, and bodies, when nede is, euerye man in hys callyng. If we do not: we fyrst prouoke Gods wrath agaynst vs, to poure downe his vengeaunce vppon vs, either by sicknes and plagues, or by openinge the mouthe of the earth, and hell to swallowe vs, to the dongeon of damnation, as Corah, Dathan and Abi∣ram, or to send vs a tirāt, in stead of a louiug Quene and mother to raigne ouer vs: or by turning the hart of the prince through our vnkindnes, churlishnes, & rebellion, from vs. That where as she loued vs, and trusted vs: she must be greeued and suspecte vs. And what prouoketh Princes to be lyons, and seuere, yea maketh them tyrants? but the frowardnes, the chur∣lishnes, the kicking and disobedience of the vnnatu∣ral subiectes, as Thucy dides sayth of Harmodius, and Aristogeiton, which by the cowarde kyllinge of Hipperchus made Hippias to be a fraied, thei would do the lyke to him. And therupon gat hym a garde about hym, cut his subiects shorter, gaue them lesse libertie, shewed them the lesse loue, ioyned himselfe with other kinges, to make him strong, made harder lawes. VVhere as before he ruled curteouslye, brake no olde lawes, nor vexed them not. The frowardnes of the people is a great matter to alienate the princes mynde from them: wherefore, if thou wylt haue a good kyng or Quene: playe thou the good subiect. And if thei be of nature enclined to clemencie: pro∣uoke them not to fury. If thei be not: rather study to wynne them by obedience, then to exaspetate them by Rebellion. It is for the synnes of the people that

God suffereth tirantes to raign. For if the people did their dutie: God would rewarde them with mercy. By disobedience to thy head, what gainest thou? but fyrst as I say, Gods wrath, next thi rulers displeasure which as Salomon saith: is death. 3. Trouble of thine owne mynd, while thou kickest agaynst the pricke. Then the daunger of thi country, in that by thy dis∣obedience, thou openest agate, to let in thy common enemy, both to thy countries and thine owne vndo∣ing. Thou prouokest thi prince to hedge the in, with many lawes, which is fyrst thy deserte, and after thy hurt. For as Arcesilaus sayd, where there be manye Phisicians and Poticaries: it is a signe there be many diseases: So wher be many lawes: it is a tokē of much disobedience. Last of al, thou art sure, if God punish the not here: yet shalte thou not go scott free in the world to come. Loke vpō the Iewes at this day, who for their rebellious and vnquiet nature, are scattered abrode in the world, theircities destroied, their coū∣trie desolate, and their name abhorred. And who re∣deth Iosephus shal se, that it could not be otherwise. For there was neuer vnder the sōne such a rebellious people. I graunt that the chefe cause was, the refusall of Christ, but God punished that sinne with a nother by sending them vnbuxome hartes, wherbi thei mi∣ght purchasse their owne destruction. As it came to passe at the last, to the terror of all rebellious and se∣ditious nacions. VVhat made Scicilia that noble ile to be so tossed and turmoiled, as it was? First betwixt the olde Atheniences the Lacedemonians and after that betwixt the Romains and Carthagiens: but dis∣cord

among them selues, and diobediēce to their rulers? what made the romains so sone to ouerthrow Grece: but that manye cities refused to be gouerned by the Atheniens and some other by the Macedoni∣ans and others by other, so that it was an easy matter to win those countries, that by ciuill warre and diso∣bedience had lost and vndon them selues: what made either Dane or Normand to sette his fote in this no∣ble realm: but werines in the subiectes of their own naturall rulers, and malicious desire to haue innoua∣cions? This hath ben the vndoing of all countries to be loth to obey, and readye to rebell. Contrariwise where good concorde, and brotherlye vnitie, where loyaltie and obedience is: there muste neades bee a sure state, as Solon being asked what preserued a cō∣mon wealthe, answered when the subiectes obey the magistrates, and the magistrates the lawes. This ha∣the kept the Venetians common welth so longe, and so many hundreth yeres in tranquilitie and honor, in that they haue sought to reuerence good lawes ād obey their maiestrats, not because their Aristocratie is the best kynd of Gouernment (as by no meanes it is nether by reason, experiēce, nor iudgement of Phi¦losophers. Let vs therfore contende wyth them, in that preserueth them, whiche is humble obedience, faythfulnes, and true seruice to our countrie, and the head therof. And thinke that it is the call of Sathan, that moueth vs to the contrary, to entangle vs lyke a cunnyng fouler, vsinge such a voyce as we lyke, in the net of destruction, both of body and soule. If we obey, and do our dutie: all the blessinges of God shal

be poured vpon vs. VVe shall lyue in peace bothe of bodie and mynde, with leysure and libertie to serue God freely, without feare of thennemie to encombre vs in our possessions, ordrede of Antechriste to vexe our conscience. Our land shall haue Raine and sunne shine in dewe season, our cornes and frutes shall pro∣sper, our cattell and goodes shall encreace, oure bo∣dies shalbe without diseases, our myndes quiet with out crosses, our wiues shall not be barrē, our childrē no vnthriftes, our seruauntes no loyterours, nor pic∣kers, our neighbours not enuious but louinge, oure counsellours wyse and prudēt, our men of warre cou¦ragious, our preachers faithful and not lordlyke, our lawyers not couetous, our iustices no bribares, oure lordes and noble men no fooles, our officers no hād∣makers, and our gouernors no tyrauntes. For where as God saieth elles Dabo vobis regem in ira inea. I will geue them a kyng when I am angry, to anger them: He shall then saye to the contrary, Constituam super illos vnctum meum qui regnabit inter illos in aeternum. I wyll apoint them a prince that they shall neuer bee wery of, nor that shal deale with them vncurteously. Do you not heare how lamētably your natural mo∣ther your countrey of Englād, calleth vpon you for obediēces saying. Oh, remēber remēber my dear chil¦dren in what case you stāde, your enemies be roūd a∣bout you, lyke vnsaciable rauenours to pluck me frō you, to cast you out of my lap where I haue this. 110 yeres lyke a faithful mother nourished you, a tyme sufficiēt for me I trow to know you, & you me. I ha∣ue bene and am glad of you, I delight and reioyce in

you, aboue all other peoples. In declaraciō wherof I haue always spued out & cast frō me Danes, Frēche, Norwegiās, and Scottes. I could brooke none of thē for the tender loue that I bare vnto you, of whome I haue my name. I neuer denyed to minister to you my singular cōmodities, which God hath lent me for you, as corne and cattell, lande and pasture, wull and cloth, lead and tynne, fleshe & fishe, gold and siluer, and all my other treasures: I haue poured them out among you, and enriched you aboue all your neigh∣bours about you: which make them to enuie you, & couet me. Besides this God hathe brought forthe in me, the greatest and excellētest treasure that he hath, for your comfort and al the worldes. He would that out of my wombe should come that seruaunt of his your brother Ihō VVyclefe, who begate Husse, who begat Luther, who begat truth. VVhat greter honor could you or I haue, then that it pleased Christ as it were in a second birth to be borne again of me amōg you? And will you now suffer me, or rather by your disobedience purchase me, to be a mother withoute my childrē, and to be made the nurse of a sorte of in∣fideles Idolaters and Turkes? Can I abide to be with out you, or can you be cōtent to be without me? Oh God graunt that I neuer se the day that the basterdly brode of ambytious frenche men, eate and enioy the frutes whiche I prepare for you my deare chyldren: Lette me rather satisfie my thirste with their effe∣minate bloud, then they should pluck from you my motherly breastes: Sticke to youre mother, as she

sticketh to you. Let me keepe in quiet and feede as I haue done your wyues, your children, and your kinsfolkes: Obey your mistres and mine which God hath made lady ouer vs, bothe by nature and lawe. You can not be my children, if you be not her sub∣iectes: I wyll none of you, if you will none of hir. If you loue me you can not hate hir, as my hope is you doo not: if you obey her, honour hir, and loue hir, be you assured that I wyll not fayle you at your neede, with any of my good frutes that you can re∣quyre: I wyll fill your bosomes and your mouthes, your wyues, and your children, with plentie. And if your enemies come against you, I will sound so ter∣rible against them, that their hartes shall fayle them to come of the Seas and treade vpon me. I wyll not suffer so vyle a nacion to remayne quietly, or to ha∣ue any fotinge in me: wherfore as a friende I exhorte you, and as a mother require you (my dere Englysh chyldren,) to knyt your selues together with bro∣therly loue, and with vnfained obedience, to defende me and my gouernesse agaynst those your auncient enemies, whiche euer were in feare of you and yet be. If they attempte any thinge againste me, playe the men, and honour me with the sacrifice of their heads and carcases. Then shall I thynke that you bee no mungrelles but the trewe posteritie of my auncient childrē the olde English mē, which by their valiaūt∣nesse made me lady of Fraunce, and gouernesse of al their chefe cyties, follow your fathers steps, & delēd your mothers honour. Be no slaues wher you haue bene

lordes, nor subiectes, where you haue bene rulers.

¶ Thus good trew harted Englishe men, speaketh your countrey vnto you, not in worde but in deede. VVherfore geue no dulle eare to hir, nor harken not to any vayne blastes or voyces whiche maye drawe you from the loue of your coūtrey, from the sauing of your selues, and & the defēce of your souereigne. You shall finde loue for your obedience, faithe for your truthe, care and study to kepe you, for your re∣dy good will to obey hir. Let no enchauntment be∣witche you. Let no spiririte deceaue you. Let no straunger make you straungers to your selues. You see their reasōs be trisles & their wordes but wynde, whiche goo aboute by their blusterynge blastes to blowe you, fyrst from youre dutie to God, whiche commaundeth you to obeye youre Rulars, next from your faith whiche you owe to your prince, for that care and loue whiche she beareth toward you. And last of all from your quiet and countrey: which you can not enioye, but by doing your dutie in obey¦ing. Let vs therfore good brethren I bescche you in the tēder mercies of God, in the bowelles of Christe, stoppe our eares from hearing, staye our myndes frō conceauing, and shut vp our mouthes from vttering any suche venyme or poyson: whiche these mount∣bankes brynge out of our enemies lande, to insecte, poyson, and corrupt vs, vnder the pretence of play∣sters to salue vs.

¶ Let vs heare God rather then man, which crieth and commaundeth vpon payne of dampnacion, to o∣bey his lieutenaūt and supreme officer: Against whō

we can not kicke, but we must be Gods enemies, false subiectes, and Satans seruantes.

¶ Let vs seke to requite her with thankfulnes, which studieth to kepe vs in quietnes. Let vs daylye call to God with lifted vp heartes and handes, for her preser¦uation and long lyfe: that she may many yeares cary the sworde of our defence, and there with cutt of the head of that Hidra, the Antichrist of Rome, in suche sort, as it neuer growe againe in this realme of England: that Gods glory maye flory she, good mens conscience may beat rest, this noble Realme in honor, & the Quenes Maiestie in long seli∣citie, which God grauut. Amen⁂

Notes

• Eurip. in Hecu.
• Idem in Hipp.
• Vve may not vvith∣stāde god
• Proue. 6.
• 2. Cor. 12.
• Iud. 17.
• Iud. 5.
• Pollicie gods gift.
• God vvor keth in vveaknes.
• Gen. 1.
• Galen de vsu partiū
• Gen. 7.8.
• Exod. 14.
• Num. 20. Exod. 17. Psalm. 77.15.104.
• Iud. 5.
• Sam. 17.
• Iudith. 13.
• Iud. 16.
• Iud. 15.
• Iud. 20.
• Math. 24.
• 1. Cor. 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• Luther.
• Sledanus.
• Eccle. hist. li. 10. ca. 7.
• Quene Anne the instrumēt of reuiuig the gospel King Hē∣ry.
• Kyng Ed∣vvard.
• The Bys∣shop of Canterbu¦ry.
• God vvor¦keth oft by contra¦ries.
• Iob. 36.
• Iob. 39.
• 1 Sam. 8.
• Man gods ape.
• Man may sone erre.
• Both phi∣losophers and diui∣nes erre.
• Cic. in off.
• A simili∣tude.
• The argu¦mentes.
• The blast vvas blo∣vven out of season.
• Zalencus lavve.
• The Gara mantes.
• To the first argu∣ment.
• VVhat is nature.
• Sen. de be∣nef.
• Ex. 14. Dani. 3.
• 3. Polit.
• Artemisia Iust. li. 2.
• Storie.
• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 3.
• Liu. li. 4.3 dec.
• Obiect.
• Ansvver.
• Gen. 2.
• 1. Tim. 3.
• Xenophō in dict. & fact.
• Against nature di∣uersly vn∣derstand.
• To preser ue cōmon vvealths is not agaist nature.
• Many coū¦treis haue bene vvel gouerned by vvomē
• Deborah.
• Iud. 5.
• Iosep. li. 1. de capt.
• Ioseph li. pri. Egesip. lib pri. cap. 12
• Alexan∣dra.
• Quene Mary.
• The Pre∣lates haue time of re¦pentance.
• Note you Prelates.
• The Quene de¦ceiued by her chur∣che men.
• Learnyng in pryn∣ces.
• Ioh. 4.
• 1. Reg. 10. Luc. 11.
• Luc. 12.
• Spirituall mē shuld not medle vvith po∣licies.
• The sister of Anti∣gonus. Salome.
• Ioseph. 1. li. ca 13.
• Lib. 5.
• Crana No¦ahs dough¦ter.
• Hero. li. 1.
• Semira∣mis.
• Iust. lib. 1.
• Hero. li. 1.
• Nicocris byl in hir tombe.
• Thomiris
• Hero. li. 1.
• Thomiris aunsvver.
• Kinges cā not beare repulses.
• Mādane.
• Hero. li. 1.
• Iust. lib. 1.
• Harpagi in Englād
• Desperate dickes, good Bi∣shops in England.
• Harpagi signifyeth raueners.
• Artemisia
• Hero. li. 8
• Iust. li. 2.
• In coūsell looke not to the per¦son, but to the reasō.
• Iudith. cap. 8.
• Isis. Beros. li. 5
• Cic. de na. deorum.
• Liui. li. 1. det 1. Beros. li. 5, polyb. Iust. li. 14.
• The kno∣ledge of Instories is a greate peece of learninge.
• Cic. de o∣rat. li. 2.
• Regist. an nali. mag.
• Bulling de orig. erro.
• Quintus Curtius. Herod. Sabell.
• 1. Reg. 8.
• 1. Sam.
• Luc. 13. Math. 23. Marc. 12. Luc. 11.
• A fallax is a deceitful argument in Logike
• Li. 1. off.
• Munste. Duke of Svveuia.
• Cōr. Pala.
• Ioāna the mother of Charies.
• Marie.
• Tillius.
• Tillius in Chronog. Amala∣sinta.
• An. 1552. Tillius.
• Tillius. 1227.
• Tillius. 1245.
• Paul. Emi li. Valer. Ansel.
• Bishops busye bo∣dies in po∣licies.
• Poly. A. li. 19.
• Poly.
• Arnoldus
• A vvomā noble and happye in vvarres.
• The firste healpe of the french a vvoman
• Euseb. li. 2. cap. 10.
• Gen. 39.
• The secōd Argumēt.
• Gen. 2. Esai. 3.
• 1. Cor. 14. 1. Tim. 2.
• Luc. 12.
• Math. 27. Marc 15. Ioh. 18.
• Ioh. 16.
• Ioh. 22.
• Mar. 12. Math. 22.
• Rom. 13.
• Math. 20. Luc. 23.
• 2. Tim. 2.
• Priestes of fice is ouer the soule.
• Aug. & habetur. 11 q. 4. cap. ita corpo∣ris qui resistit.
• Limidec. 3
• A vvomā maye rule as a magi∣strate, and yet obey as a vvife.
• The, ii. re∣son.
• Esay the Hebrues Demosth.
• Esaie.
• Eth. 1.
• The .iii. reason.
• 1. Cor. 11. 1. Cor. 4.
• 1. Cor. 14
• Primas. in 1. Cor 14 Theoph.
• VVhat is requyred in a pul∣pit man.
• Preachers must be nomilck soppes.
• Terent.
• Tubinga in Sueuia.
• Ioh. 4.
• Math. 28. Marc. 16. Ioh. 20. Ruff. li. 10 cap. 10. Theo li. 1. cap. 23.
• 1. Tim. 2.
• 1. Cor. 11.
• As vvomē be forbid∣den to pre¦ache, so be they to go bare hea∣ded.
• Plato de leg. lib.
• Tillius Arnoldus Iust. Herodot.
• Solin. 43. cap.
• It is lesse daunger to be go∣uerned in Englād by a vvoman then any vvhere els
• The kind of gouern¦ment in England. Amonar∣chie is vvher one alone rule An Obli∣garchie vvhere a fevv rule. A Demo∣cratie vvher the people rule. Architas de leg. & iustit.
• The Par∣liament in Kinge Henry .8. daie.
• The recei∣uing of the Popes absolutiō in the Parliament.
• VVhere mistreies be, vvo∣mens go∣uernment cannot be dangerus.
• Amb. li. q vet & no. test. & hē∣tr. 33. q. ••.
• Ansvvere to the fa∣thers.
• Vvomans inheritāce linked vvith the dominiō. Nu. 27.
• Thediuer sities of Magi∣strates.
• In Englād God hath al the voi∣ces in his ovvn hād.
• Gods aun∣svver to mens soly
• Math. 20.
• 1. Samu.
• The maic∣stie of god represēted by a vvo∣mā no les then by a man.
• Dansel. 13. Num. 22.
• Vve must praye for the Que∣nes estate and not dispute of hir right.
• Ansvver to Aristo.
• Plat. in Ti¦meo.
• Arist. in Eth. lib. 8. Cap. 10.
• Lib. 8. ca. 10. Vt supra.
• A Senate vvher ma¦ni rule to∣gether.
• An Oli∣garchie is vvhere a sevv beare the stroke
• 1. Cor. 14.
• The chur¦che mans office of more char¦ge thā the temporall rulers.
• Aug. & hē tr. n.q. ca. ita corp.
• Ezech. 3. &. 33.
• Hovv the Quene may ouer∣see the churche, and yet be no priest. Exod. 32.
• Exod. 4.
• Psalm. 98.
• 2. Sam. 8.
• 24. Exod. Heb. 9.
• 2. Re. ca. 12
• Rom. 13.
• Neceph. lib 8. Tripart. hist. cap. 5
• In nouell consti 123.
• Deut. 17.
• Mar. 2.
• 1. Cor. 11.
• Math. 18 Luk. 18
• Ach. signifieth, bro∣ther, sister and Ne∣phevv.
• Postellus phrensy.
• The deui∣sion of in¦heritance, destroyeth noble hou¦ses.
• Tit de leg∣tute. ff & lo. & Ti. Iust. de le. app. tut.
• VVarde∣ships are not rashly to be pul∣led from the prince
• Cōst. Iust. l. fin. C. qūd tut. velcur esse desinūt.
• L••nec sil. Cde nup. I sisil. fami¦le si puel tut l. in cō uict. C de nup.
• L. seruū ff publ. vi castr. nu. 5 Bart.
• The triall of capitall crimes by 12. men.
• Against racking.
• The quest mongers.
• The iuries and quests corrupted
• The fre∣holders re¦teinours to great men
• The cor∣ruption of the Sherifs
• The incō∣ueniences that fo∣lovve vvo mens rule. The first.
• England hath hi∣therto ta∣ken grea∣ter losse by mens rule then by vvo∣mens.
• The .2. in∣conueni∣ence.
• Ecclesi. 10.
• The heny yokes of the french
• Caesar. in comment.
• The orna mentes of an honie∣borie ma.
• Such as be of the sa∣me faithe be no straūgers.
• Mūsterus in Tab.
• Subiectes mai vvish but not vvringe Quenes to mariage.
• A recapi∣tulacion.
• Psal. 147.
• Vve must cast our care vpon God.
• Vve may not part vvith god
• Psal. 19.
• Some be made to rule and some to obeye.
• Exod. 20.
• Deu. 20. Exod. 22.
• Psal. 81. Psal. 28.
• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• Ro. 13.
• Ro. 13.
• Chrys. 10. hom. 23
• Obediēce consisteth of. ii. thin∣ges.
• Hovv the persiā, ho∣noured their kin∣ges.
• Hovv the Turkes honoure theirking.
• To knele to a prin∣ce is no I∣dolatry.
• Degrees of men.
• Mat. 12.
• Ro. 12.
• Obediēce spryngeth from the hart.
• The .2. part of o∣bedyence. Dein. 1. o∣lymth.
• The que∣nes sobri∣etie in a∣parel.
• The pōpe of english ladies aba∣ted by the quenes ex¦ample.
• A yonge ladies an∣svvere.
• An exhor tacion to liberalitie.
• Li. demori
• The que∣nes brin∣ging vp.
• The Que∣nes schole maisters ansvver.
• An Italiās sayinge of the Quene
• Psal. 104.
• The Que∣nes aduer∣sitie.
• The Que∣nes asslic∣tion in the protectors daies.
• The Quene cō¦mitted to the Tour.
• My L. of London vviser thē the Cardi∣nall.
• Rom. 2.
• Eccl. 6.
• 1. Reg 12.
• Horat. in od. s.
• 1. Cor. 12.
• Gen. 41.
• Hester. 8.
• Pro. 21.
• Psal. 10.
• Gemistus. Princes of il begin¦ninges, oft mak good endinges.
• 2. Samu. 3.
• Aduise to the bi∣shops.
• Bishoppes landes.
• 1. Sam. 21
• Aduise to the noble men.
• Liui. 3 de.
• Aduise to the ladies.
• To the Gentlemē
• To the marchaūts
• Iacob. 5.
• Psal. 38.
• To the husband∣men.
• Hovv the french pe∣zantes bee handled.
• The hus∣bandmās state in I∣talie.
• The coun¦trimen in Germani.
• A compa∣ring of the English mā vvith other coū∣try men.
• The fru∣tes of Eng¦land and Italy.
• VVhat vvill fol∣lovv oure grutching.
• The folye of the Scottes.
• Iosua.
• An exhor tacion to manlines in the vvarres.
• God is English.
• The frēch Turke.
• The frēch is Christes enemy & the Turks Friende.
• The frēch manhod is not to be feared.
• Tillius in Chrono. Cuminius de bello Burgund. Pol. Virg.
• Till. an. 1339.
• The En∣glishemēs fault.
• The com∣mō report of the En∣glyshe.
• Tillius polyd.
• VVe be the Saxōs posteritie.
• Our duty of obedi∣ence.
• Nu. 16.
• Thueyd. li. 6.
• The gain of disobe∣dience.
• Pro. 16
• Arcesilaus
• Then ga∣ther vvhat vve bee in England.
• Ioseph de capt. The rebel¦l on of the Ievves.
• Thucyd, Polyb. Lin.
• Scic lia.
• Thucyd.
• Englande cōquered by discord
• vvhat pre¦serueth cō¦monvvel∣thes.
• The calof the sedici∣cus.
• All good things fo∣lovve obe¦dience.
• Ose. 13.
• Englādes voyce to hir cluldrē
• Englandes liberalitie toward hir children.
• Christes se¦cond birth in Englād.