Purchas his pilgrimes. part 3 In fiue bookes. The first, contayning the voyages and peregrinations made by ancient kings, patriarkes, apostles, philosophers, and others, to and thorow the remoter parts of the knowne world: enquiries also of languages and religions, especially of the moderne diuersified professions of Christianitie. The second, a description of all the circum-nauigations of the globe. The third, nauigations and voyages of English-men, alongst the coasts of Africa ... The fourth, English voyages beyond the East Indies, to the ilands of Iapan, China, Cauchinchina, the Philippinæ with others ... The fifth, nauigations, voyages, traffiques, discoueries, of the English nation in the easterne parts of the world ... The first part.

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Title
Purchas his pilgrimes. part 3 In fiue bookes. The first, contayning the voyages and peregrinations made by ancient kings, patriarkes, apostles, philosophers, and others, to and thorow the remoter parts of the knowne world: enquiries also of languages and religions, especially of the moderne diuersified professions of Christianitie. The second, a description of all the circum-nauigations of the globe. The third, nauigations and voyages of English-men, alongst the coasts of Africa ... The fourth, English voyages beyond the East Indies, to the ilands of Iapan, China, Cauchinchina, the Philippinæ with others ... The fifth, nauigations, voyages, traffiques, discoueries, of the English nation in the easterne parts of the world ... The first part.
Author
Purchas, Samuel, 1577?-1626.
Publication
London :: Printed by William Stansby for Henrie Fetherstone, and are to be sold at his shop in Pauls Church-yard at the signe of the Rose,
1625.
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Subject terms
Voyages and travels -- Early works to 1800.
Cite this Item
"Purchas his pilgrimes. part 3 In fiue bookes. The first, contayning the voyages and peregrinations made by ancient kings, patriarkes, apostles, philosophers, and others, to and thorow the remoter parts of the knowne world: enquiries also of languages and religions, especially of the moderne diuersified professions of Christianitie. The second, a description of all the circum-nauigations of the globe. The third, nauigations and voyages of English-men, alongst the coasts of Africa ... The fourth, English voyages beyond the East Indies, to the ilands of Iapan, China, Cauchinchina, the Philippinæ with others ... The fifth, nauigations, voyages, traffiques, discoueries, of the English nation in the easterne parts of the world ... The first part." In the digital collection Early English Books Online. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/a71305.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed May 23, 2024.

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CHAP. VI. Ciuill Customes and Arts of the INDIANS taken out of ACOSTAS 6. Boooke.

I Will first shew in what sort the Mexicans counted and diuided their yeere, their moneths, their Kalender, their computations, their worlds and ages. They di∣uided the yeare into eighteene moneths, to which they gaue twentie dayes, wherein the three hundred and threescore dayes are accomplished, not compre∣hending [ 10] in any of these Moneths the fiue daies that remaine, and make the yeare perfect. But they did reckon them apart, and called them the dayes of nothing: during the which, the people did not any thing, neither went they to their Temples, but oc∣cupied themselues onely in visiting one another, and so spent the time: the sacrificers of the Temple did likewise cease their sacrifices. These fiue dayes being past, they began the computa∣tion of the yeare, whereof the first moneth and beginning was in March, when the leaues be∣gan to grow greene, although they tooke three dayes of the moneth of February; for the first day of their yeare was, as it were, the six and twentieth day of February, as appeareth by their Kalender, within the which ours is likewise comprehended and contained with a very ingeni∣ous Art, which was made by the ancient Indians that knew the first Spaniards. I haue seene [ 20] this Kalender, and haue it yet in my custodie, which well deserueth the sight, to vnderstand the discourse and industrie the Mexican Indians had. Euerie one of these eighteene moneths had his proper name, and his proper picture, the which was commonly taken of the principall Feast that was made in that moneth, or from the diuersitie of times, which the yeare caused in that moneth. They had in this Kalender certaine daies marked and distinguished for their feasts. And they accounted their weekes by thirteene dayes, marking the daies with a Zero or cipher, which they multiplied vnto thirteene, and then began to count, one, two, &c. They did like∣wise marke the yeares of these wheeles, with foure signes or figures, attributing to euerie yeare a peculiar signe, whereof one was of a House, another of a Conie, the third of a Reede, and the fourth of a Flint. They painted them in this sort, noting by those figures the yeare that did [ 30] runne, saying of so many Houses, of so many Flints, of such a Wheele, happened such a thing. For we must vnderstand that their wheele, which was an age, contained foure weekes of yeares, euerie weeke containing thirteene yeares, which in all made fiftie two yeares. In the midst of this wheele they painted a Sun, from the which went foure beames or lines in crosse to the circumfe∣rence of the wheele, and they made their course, euen as the circumference was diuided into foure equall parts, euerie one with his line, hauing a distinct colour from the rest, and the foure colours were, Greene, Blew, Red, and Yellow: euery portion of these foure had thirteene separations which had all their signes or particular figures, of a House, a Conie, a Reede, or a Flint, noting by euery signe a yeare, and vpon the head of this signe they painted what had happened that yeare.

And therefore I did see in the Kalender mentioned the yeare when the Spaniards entered [ 40] Mexico, marked by the picture of a man clad in red, after our manner, for such was the habit of the first Spaniard, whom Fernando Cortes sent, at the end of the two and fiftie yeares, which fi∣nished the wheele. They vsed a pleasant ceremonie, which was, the last night they did breake all their vessels and stuffe, and put out their fire, and all the lights, saying, that the world should end at the finishing of one of these wheeles, and it might be at that time: for (said they) seeing the world must then end, what neede is there to prouide meate to eate, and therefore they had no further neede of Vessels nor fire. Vpon this conceit they passed the night in great feare, say∣ing, it might happen there would be no more day, and they watched verie carefully for the day; when they saw the day begin to breake, they presently beat many Drums, and sounded Cor∣nets, Flutes, and other instruments of ioy and gladnesse, saying, that God did yet prolong the [ 50] time with another age, which were fiftie two yeares. And then began another wheele. The first day and beginning of this age they tooke new fire, and bought new Vessels to dresse their meate, and all went to the high Priest for this new fire, hauing first made a solemne Sacrifice, and giuen thanks for the comming of the day, and prolongation of another age. This was their manner of accounting their yeares, moneths, weekes, and ages.

ALthough this supputation of times practised amongst the Mexicans, be ingenious enough and certaine, for men that had no learning; yet in my opinion they wanted discourse and consideration, hauing not grounded their computation according vnto the course of the Moone, nor distributed their months accordingly, wherein those of Peru haue farre surpassed them: for they diuided their yeare into as manie daies, perfectly accomplished as we doe here, and into [ 60] twelue moneths or Moones, in the which they imploied and consumed the eleuen daies that re∣maind of the Moone, as Polo writes. To make the computation of their yeare sure and certaine, they vsed this industrie; vpon the Mountaines which are about the Citie of Cusco (where the

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Kings Inguas held their Court, being the greatest sanctuarie of those Realms, and as we should say another Rome) there were twelue Pillars set in order, and in such distance the one from the o∣ther, as euerie moneth one of these Pillars did note the rising and setting of the Sunne. They called them Succanga, by meanes whereof they taught and shewed, the Feasts, and the seasons fit to sowe and reape, and to doe other things. They did certaine sacrifices to these Pillars of the Sunne. Euery moneth had his proper name, and peculiar Feasts. They began the yeare by Ia∣nuarie as we doe. But since, a King Ingua called Pachacuto, which signifies a reformer of the Tem∣ple, began their yeare by December, by reason (as I coniectue) that then the Sunne returneth from the last point of Capricorne, which is the tropike neerest vnto them. I know not whe∣ther [ 10] the one or the other haue obserued any Bisexte, although some hold the contrarie. The weekes which the Mexicans did reckon, were not properly weekes, being not of seuen daies: the Inguas likewise made no mention thereof which is no wonder, seeing the count of the weeke is not grounded vpon the course of the Sunne, as that of the yeare, nor of the Moone, as that of the moneth; but among the Hebrewes it is grounded vpon the creation of the world, as Moyses reporteth; and amongst the Greekes and Latins vpon the number of the seuen Planets, of whose names the daies of the weeke haue taken their denomination; yet was it much for those Indians, being men without bookes and learning, to haue a yeare, seasons, and feasts, so well appointed as I haue said.

[ 20] LEtters were inuented to signifie properly the words we doe pronounce, euen as words (ac∣cording to the Philosopher) are the signes and demonstrations of mans thoughts and con∣ceptions. And both the one and the other (I say the letters and words) were ordained to make things knowne. The voice of such as are present, and letters for the absent, and such as are to come. Signes and markes which are not properly to signifie words, but things, cannt be called, neither in truth are they letters, although they be written, for we cannot say that the picture of the Sunne is a writing of the Sunne, but onely a picture; and the like may be said of other signes and characters, which haue no resemblance to the thing, but serue onely for memorie: for he that inuented them, did not ordaine them to signifie words, but onely to noate the thing: neither doe they call those characters, letters, or writings, as indeede they are not, but rather ciphers, [ 30] or remembrances, as those be which the Spherists or Astronomers doe vse, to signifie diuers signes or planets of Mars, Venus, Iupiter, &c.

Such characters are ciphers, and no letters: for what name soeuer Mars may haue in Italian, France, or Spanish, this character doth alwaies signifie it, the which is not found in letters: for although they signifie the thing, yet is it by meanes of wods. So as they which know not the thing, vnderstand them not: as for example, the Greekes nor the Hebrews, cannot conceiue what this word Sol doth signifie, although they see it written▪ for that they vnderstand not the La∣tine word: so as writing and letters are onely practised by them, which signifie words there∣with. For if they signifie things mediately, they are no more letters nor writings, but ciphers and pictures: whereby we may obserue two notable things. The one, that the memorie of Hi∣stories [ 40] and Antiquities may be preserued by one of these three meanes, either by letters and wri∣tings, as hath beene vsed amongst the Latines, Greekes, Hebrewes, and manie other Nations; or by painting, as hath beene vsed almost throughout all the world, for it is said in the second Ni∣cene Counsell, Painting is a Booke for fooles which cannot reade: or by ciphers and characters, as the cipher signifies the number of a hundred, a thousand and others, without noting the word of a hundred, or a thousand. The other thing we may obserue thereby, is that which is pro∣pounded in this Chapter, which is, that no Nation of the Indies discouered in our time, hath had the vse of letters and writings, but of the other two sorts, Images, and figures. The which I obserue, not onely of the Indies of Peru, and New Spaine, but also of Iap∣pon, and China.

[ 50] It is difficul to vnderstand how the Chinois can write proper names in their tongue, espe∣cially of strangers, being things they haue neuer seene, and not able to inuent figures proper vnto them. I haue made triall thereof being in Mexico with the Chinois, willing them to write this proposition in their language, Ioseph Acosta is come from Peru, and such like: whereupon the Chinese was long pensiue, but in the end hee did write it, the which other Chinois did after reade, although they did vary a little in the pronuntiation of the proper name. For they vse this deuise to write a proper name: they seeke out some thing in their tongue, that hath resem∣blance to that name, and set downe the figure of this thing. And as it is difficult among so many proper names, to finde things to resemble them in the prolation, so is it very difficult and trou∣blesome to write such names. Vpon this purpose, Father Allonso Sanchez told vs, that when hee [ 60] was in China, being led into diuers Tribunall Seates, from Manderin to Manderin, they were long in putting his name in writing in their Caphas, yet in the end they did write it after their manner, and so ridiculously, that they scarce came neere to the name: and this is the fashion of Letters and Writings which the Chinois vsed. That of the Iapponois approached very neere, al∣though they affirme that the Noblemen of Iappon that came into Europe, did write all things

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very easily in their Language, were they of our proper names: yea, I haue had some of their Writing shewed me, whereby it seemes they should haue some kinde of Letters, although the greatest part of their Writings, bee by the Characters and figures, as hath beene said of the Chinois.

An Indian of Peru or Mexico, that hath learned to read & write, knowes more then the wisest Mandarin that is amongst them: for that the Indian with foure and twentie Letters which hee hath learned, will write all the words in the World: and a Mandarin with his hundred thousand Letters, will be troubled to write some proper name, as of Martin, or Alonso, and with greater reason he shall bee lesse able to write the names of things hee knowes not. So as the writing in China, is no other thing but a manner of painting or ciphering.

[ 10]

WE find among the Nations of New Spaine a great knowledge and memorie of antiqui∣titie; and therefore searching by what meanes the Indians had preserued their Histo∣ries, and so many particularities, I learned, that although they were not so subtill and curious as the Chinois, and those of Iappon, yet had they some kind of Letters and Bookes amongst them, whereby they preserued (after their manner) the deeds of their Predecessors. In the Prouince of Yucatan, where the Bishopricke is, which they call de Honduras, there were Bookes of the leaues of Trees, folded and squared, after their manner, in the which the wise Indians contained the distribution of their times, the knowledge of the Planets, of beasts and other naturall things, with their Antiquities, a thing full of great curiositie and diligence. It seemed to some Pendant that all this was an Inchantment and Magicke Arte, who did obstinately maintayne, that they [ 20] ought to be burnt, so as they were committed to the fire. Which since not onely the Indians found to be ill done, but also the curious Spaniards, who desired to know the secrets of the Coun∣trey. The like hath happened in other things: for our men thinking that all was but Supersti∣tion, haue lost many memorials of ancient and holy things, which might haue profited much. This proceedeth of a foolish and ignorant zeale, who not knowing, nor seeking to know what concerned the Indians, say preiudicately, that they are all but Witch-crafts, and that all the In∣dians are but Drunkards, incapable to know or learne any thing. For such as would be curiously informed of them, haue found many things worthy of consideration. One of our company of Iesuits, a man very wittie and well experienced, did assemble in the Prouince of Mexico, the [ 30] Ancients of Tescuco, of Talla, and of Mexico, conferring at large with them, who shewed vnto him their Bookes, Histories and Kalenders, things very worthy the sight, because they had their figures and Hierogliphicks, whereby they represented things in this manner: Such as had forme or figure, were represented by their proper Images, and such as had not any, were represented by Characters that signified them, and by this meanes they figured and writ what they would. And to obserue the time when any thing did happen, they had those painted Wheeles, for euery one of them contayned an Age, which was two and fiftie yeeres, as hath beene said; and of the side of those Wheeles, they did paint with figures and Characters right against the yeere, the memo∣rable things that happensd therein. As they noted the yeere when as the Spaniards entred their Countrey, they painted a man with a Hat and a red Ierkin, vpon the signe of a Reed, which did rule then, and so of other accidents. But for that their Writings and Characters were not suffi∣cient [ 40] as our Letters and Writings be, they could not so plainly expresse the words, but onely the substance of their conceptions. And forasmuch as they were accustomed to rehearse Discourses and Dialogues by heart, compounded by their Oratours and ancient Rhethoricians, and many Caphas made by their Poets (which were impossible to learne by their Hierogliphickes and Cha∣racters) the Mexicans were very curious to haue their Children learne those Dialogues and com∣positions by heart. For the which cause they had Schooles, and as it were, Colledges or Semi∣naries, where the Ancients taught Children these Orations, and many other things, which they preserued amongst them by tradition from one to another, as perfectly, as if they had beene written; especially the most famous Nations had a care to haue their children (which had any in∣clination [ 50] to be Rhetoritians, and to practise the Office of Orators) to learne these Orations by heart: So as when the Spaniards came into their Countrey, and had taught them to reade and write our Letters, many of the Indians then wrote these Orations, as some graue men doe wit∣nesse that had read them. Which I say, for that some which shall happily reade these long and e∣loquent Discourses in the Mexican History, will easily beleeue they haue beene inuented by the Spaniards, and not really taken and reported from the Indians. But hauing knowne the certaine truth, they will giue credit (as reason is) to their Histories. They did also write these Discourses after their manner, by Characters and Images: and I haue seene for my better satisfaction, the Pater noster, Auie Maria, and Symboll, or generall Confession of our Faith, written in this manner by the Indians.

And in truth whosoeuer shall see them, will wonder thereat. For, to signifie these words, I [ 60] a Sinner doe confesse my selfe, they painted an Indian vpon his knees, at a religious mans feet, as one that confesseth himselfe: and for this, To God most mightie, they painted three faces with their Crownes, like to the Trinitie, and To the glorious Virgin Marie, they painted the face of

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our Lady, and halfe the bodie of a little childe: and for Saint Peter and Saint Paul, heads with crownes, and a Key with a Sword: and whereas Images failed, they did set Characters, as Wherein I haue sinned, &c. whereby we may conceiue the quicknesse of spirit of these Indians, seeing this manner of writing of our Prayers and matters of Faith hath not beene taught them by the Spaniards, neither could they haue done it, if they had not had an excellent conception of that was taught them. And I haue seene in Peru, a confession of sinnes brought by an Indian, written in the same sort with Pictures and Characters, painting euery one of the tenne Com∣mandements, after a certayne manner, where there were certayne markes like Ciphers, which were the sinnes hee had committed against the Commandements. I nothing doubt but if [ 10] any of the most sufficient Spaniards were imployed to make memorials of the like things by by their Images and markes, they would not attayne vnto it in a whole yeere, no not in tenne.

BEfore the Spaniards came to the Indies, they of Peru had no kind of writing, either Let∣ters, Characters, Ciphers, or Figures, like to those of China and Mexico: yet preserued they the memory of their Antiquities, and mayntaine an order in all their affaires, of Peace, Warre, and Policie, for that they were carefull obseruers of Traditions from one to another, and the young ones learned, and carefully kept, as a holy thing, what their Superiors had told them, and taught it with the like care to their Posteritie. Besides this diligence, they supplied the [ 20] want of Letters and Writings, partly by painting, as those of Mexico, (although they of Pe∣ru were very grosse and blockish) and partly, and most commonly by Quippos. These Quippos are Memorials or Registers, made of Bowes, in the which there are diuers knots and colours, which doe signifie diuers things, and it is strange to see what they haue expressed and represented by this meanes: for their Quippos serue them insteed of Bookes of Histories, of Lawes, Ceremonies, and accounts of their affaires. There were Officers appointed to keepe these Quippos, the which at this day they call Quipocamayos, the which were bound to giue an account of euery thing, as Notaries and Registers doe heere. Therefore they fully beleeued them in all things, for according to the varietie of businesse, as Warres, Policies, Tributes, Ceremonies and Lands, there were sundry Quippos or branches, in euery one of the which there were so many knots little and great, [ 30] and strings tyed vnto them, some Red, some Greene, some Blue, some White; and finally, such diuersitie, that euen as wee deriue an infinite number of words from the foure and twentie Let∣ters, applying them in diuers sorts, so doe they draw innumerable words from their knots, and diuersitie of colours. Which thing they doe in such a manner, that if at this day in Peru, any Commissary come at the end of two or three yeeres, to take information vpon the life of any Officer, the Indians come with their small reckonings verified, saying, that in such a Village they giuen him so many Egges which he hath not payed for, in such a house a Henne, in another, two burthens of grasse for his Horse, and that he hath payed but so much mony, and remaineth debtor so much. The proofe being presently made with these numbers of knots and handfuls of coards, it remaynes for a certaine testimonie and register. I did see a handfull of these strings, [ 40] wherein an Indian woman carried written a generall confession of all her life, and thereby con∣fessed her selfe, as well 〈◊〉〈◊〉 I could haue done it in written Paper. I asked her what those strings meant that differed from the rest: she answered me, they were certaine circumstances which the sinne required to be fully confessed. Beside these Quippos of threed, they haue another, as it were a kind of writing with small stones, by meanes whereof, they learne punctually the words they desire to know by heart. It is a pleasant thing to see the old and the impotent (with a Wheele made of small stones) learne the Paer noster, with another the Aue Maria, with ano∣ther the Creed; and to remember what stone signifies, Which was conceiued by the Holy Ghost, and which, Suffered vnder Pontius Pilate.

It is a pleasant thing to see them correct themselues when they doe erre; for all their corre∣ction consisteth onely in beholding of their small stones. One of these Wheeles were sufficient to [ 50] make me forget all that I doe know by heart. There are a great number of these Wheeles in the Church-yards for this purpose. But it seemes a kind of Witch-craft, to see another kinde of Quippos, which they make of graines of Mays, for to cast vp a hard account, wherein a good Arithmetician would bee troubled with his Penne to make a diuision: to see how much euery one must contribute: they doe draw so many graines from one side, and adde so many to ano∣ther, with a thousand other inuentions. These Indians will take their graines, and place fiue of one side, three of another, and eight of another, and will change one graine of one side, and three of another: So as they finish a certaine account, without erring in any point: and they sooner submit themselues to reason by these Quippos, what euery one ought to pay, [ 60] then wee can doe with the Penne. Heereby wee may judge if they haue any vnderstanding, or bee brutish: for my part, I thinke they passe vs in those things, whereunto they doe apply themselues.

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IT shall be good to adde hereunto what we haue obserued, touching the Indians Writings: for their manner was not to write with a continued line, but from the top to the bottome, or in circle-wise. The Latines and Greekes doe write from the left hand vnto the right, which is the vulgar and common manner wee doe vse. The Hebrewes contrariwise beganne at the right to the left, and therefore their Bookes began where ours did end. The Chinois write neither like the Greekes nor like the Hebrewes, but from the top to the bottome, for as they bee no Letters but whole words, and that euery figure and Character signifieth a thing, they haue no neede to assemble the parts one with another, and therefore they may well write from the toppe to the bottome. Those of Mexico, for the same cause did not write in line, from one side to another, but contrary to the Chinois, beginning below, they mounted vpward. They vsed this manner of writing, in the account of their dayes, and other things which they obserued: Yet when they [ 10] did write in their Wheeles or Signes, they began from the middest where the Sunne was figu∣red, and so mounted by their yeeres vnto the round and circumference of the Wheele.

By words, Pictures, and these Memorialls, the Kings were often aduertised of that which passed. For this cause there were men of great agilitie, which serued as Curriers, to goe and come, whom they did nourish in this exercise of Running from their youth, labouring to haue them well breathed, that they might runne to the top of a high Hill without wearinesse. And therefore in Mexico they gaue the Prize to three or foure that first mounted vp the stayres of the Temple, as hath beene said in the former Booke. And in Cusco, when they made their So∣lemne Feast of Capacrayme, the Nouices did runne who could fastest vp the Rocke of Ynacauri. And the exercise of running is generall; much vsed among the Indians. When as there chanced [ 20] any matter of importance, they sent vnto the Lords of Mexico, the thing painted, whereof they would aduertise them, as they did when the first Spanish ships appeared to their sight, and when they tooke Topanchan. In Peru they were very curious of Footmen, and the Ingua had them in all parts of the Realme, as ordinary Posts called Chasquis, whereof shall bee spoken in his place.

Many Nations of the Indies haue not indured any Kings, or absolute and souereigne Lords, but liue in Comminalties, creating and appointing Captaynes and Princes, for certayne occa∣sions onely, to whom they obey during the time of their charge; then after they returne to their former estates. The greatest part of this New World (where there are no setled King∣domes, nor established Common-weales, neither Princes nor succeeding Kings) they gouerne [ 30] themselues in this manner, although there bee some Lords and principall men raised aboue the common sort. In this sort the whole Countrey of Chille is gouerned, where the Aracanes, those of Teucapell and others, haue so many yeeres resisted the Spaniards. And in like sort all the new Kingdome of Granado, that of Guatimalla, the Ilands, all Florida, Bresill, Luson, and other Countreyes of great circuit: but that in some places they are yet more barbarous, scarce∣ly acknowledging any head, but all command and gouerne in common, hauing no other thing, but will, violence, industry and disorder, so as hee that most may most commands.

They haue onely found two Kingdomes or setled Empires, that of the Mexicans in New Spaine, and of the Inguas in Peru. It is not easie to be said, which of the two was the mightiest Kingdome, for that Moteçuma, exceeded them of Peru, in Buildings, and in the greatnesse of his [ 40] Court: but the Inguas, did likewise exceed the Mexicans, in treasure, riches, and greatnesse of Prouinces. In regard of Antiquitie, the Monarchie of the Inguas, hath the aduantage, although it be not much, and in my opinion, they haue beene equall in feats of Armes and Victories. It is most certaine, that these two Kingdomes haue much exceeded all the Indian Prouinces, dis∣couered in this New World, as well in good order and gouernment, as in power and wealth, and much more in Superstition and Seruice of their Idols, hauing many things like one to another But in one thing they differed much, for among the Mexicans, the succession of the Kingdome, was by election, as the Empire of the Romanes, and that of Peru, was hereditary, and they suc∣ceeded in bloud, as the Kingdomes of France and Spaine.

[ 50]

THe Ingua which ruled in Peru, being dead, his lawfull Sonne succeeded him, and so they held him that was borne of his chiefe Wife, whom they called Coya. The which they haue alwayes obserued since the time of an Ingua, called Yupangui, who married his sister: for these Kings held it an honour to marrie their Sisters. And although they had other Wiues and Concu∣bines, yet the succession of the Kingdome appertayned to the Sonne of Coya. It is true, that when the King had a legitimate Brother, he succeeded before the Sonne, and after him his Nephew, and Sonne to the first. The Curacas, and Noblemen, held the same order of succession in their goods and Offices. And after their manner they made excessiue Ceremonies, and obsequies for the dead. Being dead, they presently held him for a God, making Sacrifices vnto him, Images and such like. By this meanes, there was infinite Treasure in Peru: for euery one of the Inguas, [ 60] had laboured to haue his Oratorie and Treasure surpasse that of his Predecessors. The marke or ensigne, whereby they tooke possession of the Realme, was a red roll of Wooll, more then fine silke, the which hung in the middest of his forehead: and none but the Ingua alone might

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weare it, for that it was as a Crowne and Royall Diademe: yet they might lawfully weare a Roll hanging on the one side, neere vnto the eare, as some Noblemen did, but onely the Ingua might carrie it in the middest of his forehead. At such time as they tooke this Roll or Weathe, they made solemne Feasts, and many Sacrifices, with a great quantitie of vessell of Gold, and Siluer, a great number of small formes or Images of sheepe, made of Gold and Siluer, great a∣bundance of the stuffes of Cumby, well wrought, both fine and courser, many shels of the Sea of all sorts, many feathers, and a thousand sheepe, which must bee of diuers colours. Then the chiefe Priest tooke a young Childe in his hands, of the age of sixe or eight yeeres, pronouncing these words with the other Ministers speaking to the Image of Viracocha, Lord we offer this vn∣to [ 10] thee, that thou mayest mayntayne vs in quiet, and helpe vs in our warres, mayntaine our Lord the In∣gua in his greatnesse and estate, that hee may alwayes increase, giuing him much knowledge to go∣uerne vs.

There were present at this Ceremonie and Oath, men of all parts of the Realme, and of all Guacas and Sanctuaries. And without doubt, the affection and reuerence which this people bare to their Kings Inguas, was very great, for it is neuer found that any one of his subjects commit∣ted Treason against him, for that they proceeded in their gouernments, not only with an abso∣lute power, but also with good order and Iustice, suffering no man to bee oppressed: The Ingua placed Gouernours in diuers Prouinces, amongst the which, some were Superiours, and did ac∣knowledge none but himselfe, others were of lesse command, and others more particular, with [ 20] so goodly an order, and such grauitie, as no man durst be drunke, nor take an eare of Mays from his Neighbour. These Inguas held it for a Maxime, that it was necessary to keepe the Indians alwayes in action: and therefore we see it to this day, long cawses and workes of great labour, the which they say were made to exercise the Indians, lest they should remayne idle. When hee conquered any new Prouince, hee was accustomed presently to send the greatest part, and the chiee of that Countrey into other Prouinces, or else to his Court, and they call them at this day in Peru, Mitimas, and in their places he sent others of the Nation of Cusco, especially the O∣eiones, which were as Knights of an ancient house. They punished faults rigorously. And there∣fore such as haue any vnderstanding hereof, hold opinion, that there can be no better gouernment for the Indians, nor more assured, then that of the Inguas.

[ 30]

TO relate more particularly what I haue spoken before, you must vnderstand, that the di∣stribution which the Inguas made of their vassals, was so exact and distinct, as hee might gouerne them all with great facilitie, although his Realme were a thousand leagues long: for hauing conquered a Prouince, he presently reduced the Indians into Townes and Comminaltie, the which he diuided into bands, he appointed one to haue the charge ouer euery ten Indians, o∣uer euery hundred another, ouer euery thousand another, and ouer ten thousand another, whom they called Humo, the which was one of the greatest charges. Yet aboue all in euery Prouince, there was a Gouernour of the house of the Inguas, whom all the rest obeyed, giuing vnto him e∣uery yeere particular account of what had passed, that is, of such as were borne, of those that [ 40] were dead and of their troupes and graine. The Gouernours went euery yeere out of Cusco, where they remayned, and returned to the great Feast of Rayme, at the which, they brought the tribute of the whole Realme to the Court; neither might they enter but with this condition. All the Kingdome was diuided into foure parts, which they called Tahuantinsuyo, that is, Chinchasuyo, Collasuyo, Andsuyo, and Condesuyo, according to the foure wayes which went from Cusco, where the Court was resident, and where the generall assemblies of the Realme were made. These waies and Prouinces being answerable vnto them, were towards the foure quarters of the world, Collasuyo to the South, Chinchasuyo to the North, Condesuyo to the West, and Andesuyo to the East. In euery Towne and Village, there were two sorts of people, which were of Hanansaya, and Vrinsaya, which is as much to say, as those aboue, and those below. When they commanded any [ 50] worke to be done, or to furnish any thing to the Ingua, the Officers knew presently how much euery Prouince, Towne, and Family, ought to furnish: so as the diuision was not made by equall portions, but by Cottization, according to the qualities and wealth of the Countrey. So as for example, if they were to gather a hundred thousand Fanegues of Mays, they knew presently how much euery Prouince was to contribute, were it a tenth, a seuenth, or a fift part. The like was of Townes and Villages, Aillos, or Linages. The Quipocamayos, which were the Officers and Intendants, kept the account of all with their strings and knottes, without fayling, setting downe what euery one had payed, euen to a Henne, or a burthen of wood, and in a moment they did see by diuers Registers what euery one ought to pay.

[ 60]

THe Edifices and Buildings which the Inguas made in Temples, Fortresses, wayes, Countrey houses, and such like, were many in number, and of an excessiue labour, as doth appeare at this day by their ruines and remaynders, both in Cusco, Tyaguanaco, Tambo, and other places, where there are stones of an vnmeasurable greatnesse: as 〈◊〉〈◊〉 cannot conceiue how they were

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cut, brought and set in their places. There came great numbers of people from all Prouinces, to worke in these Buildings and Fortresses, which the Ingua caused to bee made in Cusco, or other parts of the Realme. As these Workes were strange, and to amaze the beholders, wherein they vsed no Morter nor Ciment, neither any Iron, or Steele, to cut, and set the stones in worke. They had no Engines or other Instruments to carrie them, and yet were they so artificially wrought, that in many places they could not see the ioynts: and many of these stones are so bigge, that it were an incredible thing, if one should not see them. At T••••guanaco, I did measure a stone of thirtie eight foot long, of eighteene broad, and sixe thicke. And in the wall of the Fortresse of Cusco, which is of Moallon, there are stones of a greater bignesse. And that which is most strange, these stones being not cut nor squared to ioyne, but contrariwise, very vnequall [ 10] one with another in forme and greatnesse, yet did they ioyne them together without Ciment, after an incredible manner. All this was done by the force of men, who endured their labour with an inuincible patience. For to ioyne one stone with another, they were forced to handle and trie many of them often, being vneuen. The Ingua appointed euery yeere what numbers of people should labour in these stones and buildings, and the Indians made a diuision amongst them, as of other things, so as no man was oppressed. Although these Buildings were great, yet were they commonly ill appointed and vnfit, almost like to the Mosquites or Buildings of the Barbarians.

They could make no Arches in their Edifices, nor Morter or Ciment to build them withall: when they saw Arches of wood built vpon the Riuer of Xaura, the Bridge being finished, and [ 20] the wood broken downe, they all began to runne away, supposing that the Bridge which was of stone should presently fall; but when they found it to stand firme, and that the Spaniards went on it, the Cacique said to his companions; It is reason we should serue these men, who in truth seeme to be the children of the Sunne. The Bridges they made were of Reedes pleited, which they tyed the bankes with great stakes, for that they could not make any Bridges of stone or wood. The Bridge which is at this day vpon the current of the great Lake Chiquitto in Collao is admirable; for the course of that water is so deepe, as they cannot settle any foundation, and so broad, that it is impossible to make an Arch to passe it: so as it was altogether impossible to make a Bridge either of wood or stone. But the wit and industry of the Indians inuented a meanes to make a firme and assured Bridge being only of straw, which seemeth fabulous, yet is it very true: For as [ 30] we haue said before, they did binde together certaine bundles of Reeds, and Weeds, which doe grow in the Lake that they call Torora, and being a light matter that sinkes not in the water, they cast it vpon a great quantitie of Reeds, then hauing tyed those bundles of Weedes to ei∣ther side of the Riuer, both men and beasts goe ouer it with ease: passing ouer this Bridge I haue wondred, that of so common and easie a thing, they had made a Bridge, better, and more assured then the Bridge of Boates from Seuille to Triane. I haue measured the length of this Bridge, and as I remember, it was aboue three hundred foote; and they say that the depth of this Current is very great: and it seemes aboue, that the water hath no motion, yet they say, that at the bottome it hath a violent and very furious course. And this shall suffice for Buildings. [ 40]

THe Inguas riches was incomparable, for although no King did inherit the riches and trea∣sure of his Predecessor, yet had he at command, all the riches of his Realmes, aswell Sil∣uer and Gold, as the stuffe of Cumbi, and cattell, wherein they abounded, and their greatest ri∣ches of all, was their innumerable number of vassals, which were all imployed as it pleased the King. They brought out of euery Prouince what he had chosen for tribute. The Chicas sent him sweet and rich woods; the Lucanas sent Brancars to carry his Litter; The Chumbilbicas, Dancers; and so the other Prouinces sent him what they had of abundance, besides their generall Tribute, whereunto euery one contributed. The Indians that were noted to that end, laboured in the Mynes of Gold and Siluer, which did abound in Peru, whom the Ingua entertained with all [ 50] they needed for their expences: and whatsoeuer they drew of Gold and Siluer, was for him. By this meanes there were so great treasures in this Kingdome, as it is the opinion of many, that what fell in the hands of the Spaniards, (although it were very much, as wee know) was not the tenth part of that which they hid and buried in the ground, the which they could neuer discouer, notwithstanding all the search couetousnesse had taught them. But the greatest wealth of these barbarous people, was, that their vassals were all slaues, whose labour they vsed at their pleasure: and that which is admirable, they employed them in such sort, as it was no seruitude vnto them, but rather a pleasing life. But to vnderstand the order of Tributes which the Indians payed vnto their Lord, you must know, that when the Ingua conquered any Cities, he diuided all the Land into three parts, the first was, for Religion and Ceremonies, so as the Pachayachaqui, [ 60] which is the Creator, and the Sunne, the Chuquilla, which is the Thunder, the Pachamana, and the dead, and other Guacas and Sanctuaries, had euery one their proper Lands, the fruits whereof were spoyled and consumed in Sacrifices, and in the nourishing of Mini∣sters and Priests; for there were Indians appointed for euery Guaca, and Sanctuarie, and

Page 1057

the greatest part of this reuenue was spent in Cusco, where was the vniuersall and generall sanctu∣arie, and the rest in that Citie, where it was gathered: for that after the imitation of Cusco, there were in euery Citie, Guacas, and Oratories of the same order, and with the same functi∣ons, which were serued after the same manner and ceremonies to that of Cusco, which is an ad∣mirable thing, and they haue found it by proofe in aboue a hundred Townes, some of them distant aboue two hundred leagues from Cusco.

That which they sowed or reapt vpon their Land, was put into houses, as ranaries or store-houses, built for that effect, and this was a great part of the Tribute which the Indians paied. I cannot say how much this part amounted vnto, for that it was greater in some parts then in o∣ther, [ 10] and in some places it was in a manner all: and this part was the first they put to profit. The second part of these Lands and inheritances was for the Ingua, wherewith he and his hous∣hold were entertained, with his kinsfolks, Noblemen, Garrisons and Souldiers. And there∣fore it was the greatest portion of these tributes, as it appeareth by the quantity of Gold, Siluer, and other Tributes, which were in houses appointed for that purpose, be∣ing longer and larger then those where they keepe the reuenues of the Guacas. They brought this Tribute verie carefully to Cusco, or vnto such places where it was needefull for the Souldi∣ers, and when there was store, they kept it ten or twelue yeares, vntill a time of necessitie. The Indians tilled and put to profit the Inguas Lands, next to those of the Guacas; during which time they liued and were nourished at the charges of the Ingua, of the Sunne, or of the Guacas, [ 20] according to the Land they laboured. But the old men, women, and sicke folkes were reserued and exempt from this Tribute, and although whatsoeuer they gathered vpon those Lands were for the Ingua, the Sunne, or the Guacas, yet the propertie appertained vnto the Indians and their successours. The third part of these Lands were giuen by the Ingua for the Comminaltie, and they haue not yet discouered, whither this portion were greater, or lesse, then that of the Ingua or Guacas. It is most certaine they had a care and regard, it might be sufficient for the nourish∣ment of the people. No particular man possessed any thing proper to himselfe of this third por∣tion, neither did the Indians euer possesse any, if it were not by speciall grace from the Ingua: and yet might it not be engaged nor diuided amongst his heires. They euerie yeare diuided these Lands of the comminaltie, in giuing to euery one, that which was needefull for the nourish∣ment [ 30] of their persons and families. And as the familie increased or diminished, so did they en∣crease or decrease his portion, for there were measures appointed for euerie person. The Indi∣ans paied no tribute of that which was apportioned vnto them: For all their tribute was to till and keepe in good order the Lands of the Ingua, and the Guacas, and to lay the fruits thereof in their store-houses. When the yeare was barren, they gaue of these fruits thus reserued to the needie, for that there is alwaies superabundance. The Ingua did likewise make destribution of the cattell as of the Lands, which was to number and diuide them; then to appoint the pa∣stures and limits, for the cattell belonging to the Guacas, and to the Ingua, and to euerie Town: and therefore one portion of their reuenues was for religion, another for the Ingua, and the third for the Indians themselues. The like order was obserued among the hunters, being forbidden to [ 40] take or kill any females. The troupes of the Inguas and Guacas, were in great numbers and ve∣rie fruitfull, for this cause they called them Kapaëllama, but those of the common and publike, were few in number and of small value, and therefore they called them Bacchallama. The Ingua tooke great care for the preseruation of Cattell, for that it hath beene, and is yet, all the wealth of the Countrie, and as it is said, they did neither sacrifice any females, nor kill them, neither did they take them when they hunted. If the mangie or the scuruie which they call Carache take a∣nie beast, they were presently commanded to burie it quicke, lest it should infect others. They did sheare their cattell in their season, and distributed to euerie one to spinne and weaue Stuffes for the seruice of his Family. They had searchers to examine if they did employ themselues in these workes, and to punish the negligent. They made Stuffes of the wooll of the Inguas cattell, [ 50] for him and for his family, one sort very fine, which they called Cumbi, and another grosser, which they likewise called Abasca. There was no certaine number of these Stuffes and gar∣ment, appointed, but what was deliuered to euery one. The wooll that remained was put in∣to the storehouses, whereof the Spaniards found them full, and with all other things necessary for the life of man. There are few men of iudgement but doe admire at so excellent & well setled a gouernment, seeing the Indians (being neither religious, nor Christians) maintained after their manner, this perfection, nor to hold any thing proper, and to prouide for all their necessities, en∣tertaining with such abūdance matters of Religion, & that which concerned their King & Lord.

THe Indians of Peru had one perfection, which was, to teach their children all arts and oc∣cupations [ 60] necessary for the life of man; for that there were no particular Tades-men, as amongst vs, Taylers, Shoomakers, Weauers, and the rest, but euery one learned what was neede∣full for their persons and houses, and prouided for themselues. All could weaue and make their garments, and therefore the Ingua furnishing them with wooll, gaue them cloathes. Euery man could till the ground, and put it to profit, without hyring of any labourers. All built their own

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houses, and the women, which vnderstood most were not brought vp in delights, but serued their Husbands carefully. Other Arts and Trades which were not ordinary and common for the life of man, had their proper Companies and workemen, as Goldsmiths, Painters, Potters, Water∣men, and players of Instruments. There were also Weauers and workemen for exqisite workes, which the Noblemen vsed: but the common people, as hath beene said, had in their houses all things necessary, hauing no neede to buy. This continues to this day, so as they haue no neede one of another for things necessary: touching his person and family, as shooes and garments, and for their house, to sowe and reape, and to make Iron workes, and necessarie instruments. It is worthy obseruation, although the Indians be simple in their manner and habits, yet doe we see great diuersitie amongst the Prouinces, especially in the attire of their head, for in some places [ 10] they carried a long peece of cloath, which went often about, in some places a large peece of cloath, which went but once about, in some parts as it were little morters or hats, in some o∣thers as it were high and round Bonets, and some like the bottome of sacks, with a thousand other differences. They had a straight and inuiolable law, that no man might change the fashi∣on of the garments of his Prouince, although he went to liue in another. This the Ingua held to be of great importance for the order and good gouernment of his Realme, and they doe obserue it to this day, though not with so great a care as they were accustomed.

THere were many Posts and couriers which the Ingua maintained throughout his Realme, whom they called Chasquis, and they carried commandements to the Gouernours, and re∣turned [ 20] their aduises and aduertisements to the Court. These Chasquis were placed at euery course, which was a league and a halfe one from another in two small houses, where were foure Indians of euery Country, and they were changed monthly. Hauing receiued the packet or mes∣sage, they ranne with all their force vntill they had deliuered it to the other Chasquis, such as were ao runne, being ready and watchfull. They ran fiftie leagues in a day and night, although the greatest part of that Countrie be very rough. They serued also to carry such things as the Ingua desired to haue with speede. Therefore they had alwaies Sea-fish in Cusco, of two daies old or little more, although it were aboue a hundred leagues off. Since the Spaniards entred, they haue vsed of these Chasquis, in time of seditions, whereof there was great neede. Don Martin the Viceroy appointed ordinary Posts at euery foure leagues, to carry and recarry dispatches, which [ 30] were very necessary in this Realme, though they run not so swiftly as the ancients did, neither are there so many, yet they are well paied, and serue as the ordinaries of Spaine, to whom they giue Letters which they carry foure or fiue leagues.

EVen as such as had done any good seruice in warre, or in the gouernment of the Common∣weale were honoured and recompensed with publike charges, with Lands giuen them in proper, with armes and titles of honour, and in marrying wiues of the Inguas linage: Euen so they gaue seuere punishments to such as were disobedient and offenders. They punished mur∣ther, theft, and adultery, with death, and such as committed incest with ascendants or descen∣dants in direct line, were likewise punished with death. But they held it no adultery to haue [ 40] many wiues or concubines, neither were the women subiect to the punishment of death, being found with any other, but onely she that was the true and lawfull wife, with whom they con∣tracted marriage; for they had but one whom they did wedde and receiue with a particular solemnitie and ceremonie, which was in this manner: The Bridegroome went to the Brides house, and led her from thence with him, hauing first put an Ottoya vpon her foote. They call the shooe which they vse in those parts Ottoya, being open like the Franciscan Friars. If the Bride were a maide, her Ottoya was of Wooll, but if she were not, it was of Reedes. All his other wiues and concubines did honour and serue this as the lawfull wife, who alone after the decease of her husband carried a mourning weede of blacke, for the space of a yeare; neither did she mar∣ry vntill that time were past; and commonly she was yonger then her husband. The Ingua [ 50] himselfe with his owne hand gaue this woman to his Gouernours and Captaines: and the Go∣uernours or Caciques, assembled all the yong men and maides, in one place of the Citie, where they gaue to euerie one his wife with the aforesaid ceremonie, in putting on the Ottoya, and in this manner they contracted their marriages. If this woman were found with any other then her husband, she was punished with death, and the adulterer likewise: and although the hus∣band pardoned them, yet were they punished, although dispensed withall from death. They inflicted the like punishment on him that did commit incest with his Mother, Grandmother, Daughter, or Grandchilde: for it was not prohibited for them to marrie together, or to haue of their other kinsfolke for concubines; onely the first degree was defended, neither did they al∣low the brother to haue the company of his sister, wherein they of Peru were very much de∣ceiued, beleeuing that their Inguas and Noblemen might lawfully contract marriage with their [ 60] sisters, yea by father and mother: for in truth it hath beene alwaies held vnlawfull among the Indians, and defended to contract in the first degree; which continued vntill the time of Top Ingua Yupangui father to Guaynacapa, and grandfather to Atahualpa, at such time as the Spaniards

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entred Peru; for that Topa Ingua Yupangui, was the first that brake this custome, marrying with Mamaoello, his sister by the fathers side, decreeing that the Inguas might marrie with their sisters by the fathurs side, and no other.

This he did, and by that marriage he had Guaynacapa, and a daughter called Coya Cussillimay: finding himselfe at the point of death, he commanded his children by father and mother to marrie together, and gaue permission to the Noblemen of his Countrie, to marrie with their si∣sters by the fathers side. And for that this marriage was vnlawfull, and against the law of na∣ture, God would bring to an end this Kingdome of the Inguas, during the raigne of Guascar Ingua, and Atahualpa Ingua, which was the fruite that sprang from this marriage. Who so will more exactly vnderstand the manner of marriages among the Indians in Peru, let [ 10] him reade the Treatise Polo hath written at the request of Don Ieronimo Loaisa Archbishop of Kings: which Polo made a very curious search, as he hath done of diuers other things at the Indies.

BY the commandement of Don Phillip the Catholike King, they haue made the most diligent and exact search that could be, of the beginning, customes, and priuiledges of the Inguas, the which was not so perfectly done as was desired: for that the Indians had no written Re∣cords: yet the haue recouered that which I shall write, by meanes of their Quippos and Regi∣sters. First there was not in Peru in old time, any King or Lord to whom all obeyed, but they were Comminalties, as at this day there is in the Realme of Chille, and in a manner, in all the Prouinces which the Spaniards haue conquered in those Westerne Indies, except the Realme [ 20] of Mexico. You must therefore vnderstand, that they haue found three manner of Gouerne∣ments at the Indies. The first and best, was a Monarchie, as that of the Inguas, and of Mote∣çum, although for the most part they were tyrannous. The second was of Comminalties, where they were gouerned by the aduise and authority of many, which are as it were Counsel∣lors. Thele in time of warre, made choise of a Captaine, to whom a whole Nation or Prouince did obey, and in time of peace, euery Towne or Comminalty did rule and gouerne themselues, hauing some chiefe men whom the vulgar did respect, and sometime (though not often) some of them assemble together about matters of importance, to consult what they should thinke ne∣cessary. The third kinde of Gouernment, is altogether barbarous, composed of Indians with∣out [ 30] Law, without King, and without any certaine place of abode, but goe in troopes like sauage beasts. As farre as I can conceiue, the first Inhabitants of the Indies, were of this kinde, as at this day a great part of the Bresillians, Chiraguanas, Chunchos, Yscycingas, Pilcocones, and the greatest part of the Floridians, and all the Chichimaquas in new Spaines Of this kinde the other sort of gouernment by Comminalties was framed, by the industry and wisdome of some a∣mongst them, in which there is some more order, holding a more staied place, as at this day those of Auracano, and of Teucapell in Chille, and in the new Kingdome of Grenado, the Moscas, and the Ottomittes in new Spaine: and in all these there is lesse fiercenesse and inciuilitie, & much more quiet then in the rest. Of this kinde, by the valor & knowledg of some excellent men, grew the other gouernment more mighty and potent, which did institute a Kingdome and Monarchy. [ 40] It appeares by their Registers, that their Gouernment hath continued aboue three hundred yeares, but not fully foure, although their Seigniorie for a long time, was not aboue fiue or six leagues compasse about the Citie of Cusco: their originall and beginning was in the valley of Cusco: where by little and little they conquered the Lands which we call Peru, passing beyond Quitto, vnto the riuer of Pasto towards the North, stretching euen vnto Chille, towards the South, which is almost a thousand leagues in length. It extended in breadth vnto the South Sea to∣wards the West, and vnto the great champains which are on the other side of the Andes, where at this day is to be seene the Castell which is called the Pucara of the Ingua, the which is a for∣tresse built for the defence of the frontire towards the East. The Inguas aduanced no farther on that side, for the abundance of water, Marshes, Lakes, and Riuers, which runne in those parts. [ 50] These Inguas passed all other Nations of America, in pollicie and gouernment, and much more in valour and armes, although the Canaries which were their mortall enemies, and fauoured the Spaniards, would neuer confesse it, nor yeelde them this aduantage: so as euen at this day, if they fall into any discourse or comparisons, and that they be a little chased and incensed, they kill one another by thousands vpon this quarrell, which are the most valiant, as it hath happe∣ned in Cusco. The practise and meanes which the Iuguas had to make themselues Lords of all this Countrie, was in faining that since the generall deluge (whereof all the Indians haue knowledge) the world had beene preserued, restored, and peopled by these Inguas, and that seuen of them came forth of the Caue of Pacaricambo, by reason whereof, all other men ought them tribute and vassalage, as their progenitors. Besides they said and affirmed, [ 60] that they alone held the true religion, and knew how God should be serued and honoured: and for this cause they should instruct all men. It is a strange thing, the ground they giue to their customes and ceremonies. There were in Cusco aboue foure hundred Oratories, as in a holy land, and all places were filled with their misteries. As they continued in the conquests of Pro∣uinces, so they brought in the like ceremonies and customes. In all this Realme the chiefe Idols

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they did worship, were Viracocha, Pachayachachic, which signifies the Creator of the World, and after him, the Sunne. And therefore they said, that the Sunne receiued his vertue and being from the Creator, as the other Idols doe, and that they were intercessors to him.

THe first man which the Indians report to be the beginning and first of the Inguas, was Man∣gocapa, whom they imagine, after the deluge, to haue issued forth of the Caue of Tambo, which is from Cusco about fiue or sixe leagues. They say that hee gaue beginning to two princi∣pall Races or Families of the Inguas, the one was called Hanancusco, and the other Vrincusco: of the first came the Lords which subdued and gouerned this Prouince, and the first whom they make the Head and Stemme of this Familie, was called Ingaroca, who founded a Familie or Allo, as they call them, named Viçaquiquirao. This although he were no great Lord, was serued [ 10] notwithstading in vessell of gold and siluer. And dying, he appointed that all his treasure should be imployed for the seruice of his Body, and for the feeding of his Familie. His Successor did the like: and this grw to a generall custome, as I haue said, that no Ingua might inherit the goods and house o his Predecessor, but did build a new Palace. In the time of this Inguaroca, the In∣dians had Images of gold; and to him succeeded Yaguarguaque, a very old man: they say, hee was called by this name, which signifies teares of bloud, for that being once vanqished and ta∣ken by his Enemies, for griefe and sorrow hee wept bloud. Hee was buried in a Village called Paullo, which is vpon the way to Omasugo: he founded a Familie called Aocuillipanaca. To him succeeded his sonne Viracocha Ingua, who was very rich, and made much vessell of gold and sil∣uer: he founded the Linage or Familie of Cocopanaca. Gonçales Piçarre sought out his body, for [ 20] the report of the great treasure buried with him, who after hee had cruelly tormented many In∣dians, in the end he found it in Xaquixaquana, whereas they said Piçarre was afterwards van∣quished, taken, and executed by the President Guasca. Gonçales Piçarre caused the body of Viracocha Ingua to be burnt; the Indians did afterwards take the ashes, the which they preser∣ued in a small vessell, making great sacrifices thereunto, vntill Pollo did reforme it, and other Ido∣latries which they committed vpon the bodies of their other Inguas, the which hee suppressed with an admirable diligence and dexteritie, drawing these bodies out of their hands, being whole, and much imbalmed, whereby hee extinguished a great number of Idolatries which they com∣mitted. The Indians tooke it ill, that the Ingua did intitle himselfe Viracocha, which is the name of their God: and he to excuse himselfe, gaue them to vnderstand, that the same Viraco∣cha [ 30] appeared to him in his dreame, commanding him to take this name. To him succeeded Pa∣chacuti Ingua Yupangui, who raigned seuentie yeeres, and conquered many Countries. The be∣ginning of his conquests, was by meanes of his eldest brother, who hauing held the gouernment in his fathers time, and made warre by his consent, was ouer-throwne in a battaile against the Changuas, a Nation which inhabites the Valley of Andaguayllas, thirtie or fortie leagues from Cusco, vpon the way to Lima. This elder brother thus defeated, retyred himselfe with few men. The which Ingua Yupangui, his younger brother seeing, deuised and gaue forth, that being one day alone and melancholy, Viracocha the Creator spake to him, complayning, that though hee were vniuersall Lord and Creator of all things, and that he had made the Heauen, the Sunne, the World, and Men, and that all was vnder his command, yet did they not yeeld him the obedience they ought, but [ 40] contrariwise did equally honour and worship the Sunne, Thunder, Earth, and other things, which had no vertue but what he imparted vnto them: giuing him to vnderstand, that in heauen where hee was, they called him Viracocha Pachayachachic, which signifieth vniuersall Creator; and to the end the Indians might beleeue it to be true, he doubted not although hee were alone, to raise men vnder this title, which should giue him victorie against the Changuas, although they were then victo∣rious, and in great numbers; and make himselfe Lord of those Realmes, for that hee would send him men to his aide inuisibly, whereby he preuayled in such sort, that vnder this colour and con∣ceit, he began to assemble a great number of people, whereof he made a mightie Armie, with the which he obtayned the victorie, making himselfe Lord of the whole Realme, taking the go∣uernment from his father and brother. Then afterwards he conquered and ouer-threw the Chan∣guas, [ 50] and from that time commanded that Viracocha should be held for vniuersall Lord, and that the Images of the Sunne and Thunder, should doe him reuerence and honor: And from that time they began to set the Image of Viracocha aboue that of the Sunne and Thunder, and the rest of the Guacas. And although this Ingua Yupangui had giuen Farmes, Lands, and Cattell to the Sunne, Thunder, and other Guacas, yet did he not dedicate any thing to Viracocha, saying, that he had no neede, being vniuersall Lord and Creator of all things. Hee informed his Souldiers af∣ter this absolute victorie of the Changuas, that it was not they alone that had conquered them, but certaine bearded men, whom Viracocha had sent him, and that no man might see them but himselfe, which were since conuerted into stones; it was therefore necessarie to seeke them out, whom he would know well. By this meanes he gathered together a multitude of stones in the [ 60] Mountaines, whereof he made choice, placing them for Guacas, or Idols, they worshipped and sacrificed vnto; they called them Pururaucas, and carried them to the warre with great deuo∣tion, beleeuing for certaine, that they had gotten the victorie by their helpe. The imagination

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and fiction of this Ingua was of such force, that by the meanes thereof hee obtayned goodly vi∣ctories: He founded the Familie called Yuacapanaca, and made a great Image of gold, which hee called Indijllapa, which he placed in a Brancard of gold, very rich, and of great price, of the which gold the Indians tooke great store to carry to Xaxamalca, for the libertie and ransome of Atahul∣pa, when the Marquesse Francis Piçarre held him prisoner. The Licenciate Polo found in his house in Cusco, his seruants and Mamacomas, which did seruice to his memorie, and found that the body had beene transported from Patallacta to Totocache, where the Spaniards haue since foun∣ded the Parish of Saint Blaise. This body was so whole and preserued with a certaine Rosin, that it seemed aliue, he had his eyes made of a fine cloth of gold, so artificially set, as they seemed very [ 10] naturall eyes, he had a blow with a stone on the head, which he had receiued in the warres, hee was all grey and hayrie, hauing lost no more haire then if he had dyed but the same day, although it were seuentie and eight yeeres since his decease. The foresaid Polo sent this body with some others of the Inguas, to the Citie of Lima, by the Vice-royes command which was the Marquesse of Canette, and the which was very necessarie to roote out the Idolatrie of Cusco. Many Spani∣ards haue seene this body with others in the Hospitall of Saint Andrew, which the Marquesse built, but they were much decayed. Don Philip Caritopa, who was grand-child or great grand-child to this Ingua, affirmed that the treasure hee left to his Familie was great, which should bee in the power of the Yanaconas, Amaro, Toto, and others. To this Ingua succeeded To∣paingua Yupangui, to whom his sonne of the same name succeeded, who founded the Familie [ 20] called Cupac Aillo.

TO this latter Ingua succeeded Guaynacapa, which is to say, A young man, rich and valiant, and so was he in truth, more then any of his Predecessors, or Successors. He was very wise, planting good orders throughout his whole Realme, he was a bold and resolute man, valiant, and very happy in warre. He therefore obtayned great victories, and extended his Dominions much farther then all his Predecessors had done before him; he dyed in the Realme of Quitto, the which he had conquered, foure hundred leagues distant from his Court. The Indians opened him after his decease, leauing his heart and entrailes in Quitto, the body was carried to Cusco, the which was placed in the renowmed Temple of the Sunne. Wee see yet to this day many Caw∣seys, [ 30] Buildings, Fortresses, and notable workes of this King: hee founded the Familie of Teme Bamba. This Guaynacapa was worshipped of his subiects for a god, being yet aliue, as the old men affirme, which was not done to any of his Predecessors. When hee dyed, they slue a thou∣sand persons of his houshold, to serue him in the other life, all which dyed willingly for his ser∣uice, insomuch that many of them offered themselues to death, besides such as were appointed: his riches and treasure was admirable. And forasmuch as the Spaniards entred soone after his death, the Indians laboured much to conceale all, although a great part thereof was carried to Xaxamalca, for the ransome of Atahulpa his sonne. Some worthy of credit, affirme that he had aboue three hundred sonnes and grand-children in Cusco. His mother called Mamaella was much esteemed amongst them. Polo sent her body with that of Guaynacapa very well imbal∣med [ 40] to Lima, rooting out infinite Idolatries. To Guaynacapa succeeded in Cusco a sonne of his called Titocussigualpa, who since was called Guaspar Ingua, his body was burned by the Captaines of Atahualpa, who was likewise sonne to Guaynacapa, and rebelled in Quitto against his bro∣ther, marching against him with a mightie Armie. It happened that Quisquits and Chilicuchi, Captaines to Atahualpa, tooke Guaspar Ingua in the Citie of Cusco, being receiued for Lord and King (for that he was the lawfull successor) which caused great sorrow throughout all his King∣dome, especially in his Court. And as alwayes in their necessities they had recourse to sacrifices, finding themselues vnable to set their Lord at libertie, aswell for the great power the Captaines had that tooke him, as also, for the great Armie that came with Atahualpa, they resolued (some say by the commandement of this Ingua) to make a great and solemne sacrifice to Viracocha Pachayachachic, which signifieth vniuersall Creator, desiring him, that since they could not deliuer [ 50] their Lord, he would send men from Heauen to deliuer him from prison. And as they were in this great hope, vpon their sacrifice, newes came to them, that a certaine people come by Sea, was landed, and had taken Atahualpa prisoner. Hereupon they called the Spaniards Viracochas, beleeuing they were men sent from God, as well for the small number they were to take Ata∣hualpa in Xaxamalca, as also, for that it chanced after their sacrifice done to Viracocha, and there∣by they began to call the Spaniards Viracochas, as they doe at this day. And in truth, if we had giuen them good example, and such as we ought, the Indians had well applyed it, in saying they were men sent from God. It is a thing very well worthy of consideration, how the greatnesse and prouidence of God, disposed of the enrie of our men at Peru, which had beene impossible, [ 60] were not the dissention of the two Brethren and their Partisans, and the great opinion they had of Christians, as of men sent from Heauen, bound (by the taking of the Indians Country) to la∣bour to win soules vnto Almightie God.

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THe rest of this subiect is handled at large by the Spanish Writers in the Histories of the In∣dies, and for that it is not my purpose, I will speake onely of the succession of the Inguas. Atahualpa being dead in Xaxamalca, and Guascar in Cusco, and Francis Piçarre with his people hauing seised on the Realme, Mangocapa sonne to Guaynacapa besieged them in Cusco very straightly: but in the end he abandoned the whole Country, and retyred himselfe to Vilca Bam∣ba, where he kept himselfe in the Mountaines, by reason of the rough and difficult accesse, and there the Successors Inguas remayned, vntill Amaro, who was taken and executed in the market place of Cusco, to the Indians incredible griefe and sorrow, seeing iustice done vpon him pub∣liquely whom they held for their Lord. After which time, they imprisoned others of the Linage of these Inguas. I haue knowne Don Charles, grand-child to Guaynacapa, and sonne to Polo, [ 10] who was baptized, and alwayes fauoured the Spaniards against Mangocapa his brother, when the Marquesse of Canette gouerned in this Country Sarritopaingua, went from Vilcabamba, and came vpon assurance to the Citie of Kings, where there was giuen to him the Valley of Yucay, and other things, to whom succeeded a daughter of his. Behold the succession which is knowne at this day of that great and rich Familie of the Inguas, whose raigne continued aboue three hundred yeeres, wherein they reckon eleuen Successors, vntill it was wholly extinguished. In the other Linage of Vrincusco, which (as we haue said before) had his beginning likewise from the first Mangocapa, they reckon eight Successors in this sort: To Mangocapa succeeded Cin∣choraca, to him Capac Yupangui, to him Lluqui Yupangui, to him Mayraca paest Tarcogumam, vnto whom succeeded his sonne, whom they name not, to this sonne succeeded Don Iean [ 20] Tambo, Maytapanaça. This sufficeth for the originall and succession of the Inguas, that gouer∣ned the Land of Peru, with that that I haue spoken of their Lawes, Gouernment, and man∣ner of Life.

ALthough you may see by the Historie written of the Kingdome, succession, and beginning of the Mexicans, their manner of Commonweale and Gouernment, yet will I speake briefly what I shall thinke fit in generall to bee most obserued: whereof I wll discourse more amply in the Historie. The first point whereby wee may iudge the Mexican gouernment to bee very politike, is the order they had and kept inuiolable in the election of their King: for since their first, called Acamapach, vnto their last, which was Moteçuma, the second of that name, [ 30] there came none to the Crowne by right of succession, but by a lawfull Nomination and Electi∣on. This election in the beginning was by the voice of the Commons, although the chiefe men managed it. Since in the time of Iscoalt the fourth King, by the aduise and order of a wise and valiant man, called Tlacael, there were foure certaine Electors appointed, which (with two Lords or Kings subiect to the Mexican, the one of Tescuco, and the other of Tucuba) had power to make this election. They did commonly choose young men for their Kings, because they went alwayes to the warres, and this was in a manner the chiefe cause why they desired them so. They had a speciall regard that they should bee fit for the warres, and take delight and glorie therein. After the election they made two kindes of feasts, the one in taking possession of the Royall E∣state, for the which they went to the Temple, making great ceremonies and sacrifices vpon the [ 40] Harth, called Diuine, where there was a continuall fire before the Altar of the Idoll, and after some Rhetoricians practised therein, made many Orations and Speeches. The other feast, and the most solemne, was at his Coronation, for the which hee must first ouercome in battell, and bring a certaine number of Captiues, which they must sacrifice to their gods; hee entred in triumph with great pompe, making him a solemne reception, aswell they of the Temple, who went all in procession, sounding on sundrie sorts of instruments, giuing Incense, and singing like secular men, as also the Courtiers, who came forth with their deuises to receiue the vctorious King. The Crowne or royall Ensigne was before like a Myter, and behinde it was cut, so as it was not round, for the forepart was higher, and did rise like a point. The King of Tescuco had the priuilege to crown the King of Mexico. In the beginning when the Mexicans were but poore [ 50] and weake, the Kings were very moderate in their expenses and in their Court, but as they in∣creased in power, they increased likewise in pompe and state, vntill they came to the greatnesse of Moteçuma, who if he had had no other thing but his house of Beasts and Birds, it had beene a proud thing, the like whereof hath not beene seene: for there was in this house all sorts of fish, birds of Xacamamas, and beasts, as in an other Noahs Arke; for Sea fish, there were Pooles of salt-water; and for Riuer fish, Lakes of fresh-water; birds that doe prey were fed, and likewise wilde beasts in great abundance: there were very many Indians imployed for the keeping of these beasts: and when he found an impossibilitie to nourish any sort of fish, fowle, or wilde beast, he caused the Image or likenesse to be made, richly cut in precious stones, siluer, or gold, in marble, or in stone: and for all sorts of entertainments, he had his seuerall Houses and Palaces, some of pleasure, others of sorrow and mourning, and others to treat of the affaires of the Realme. There [ 60] was in this Palace many Chambers, according to the qualitie of the Noble men that serued him, with a strange order and distinction.

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THe Mexicans haue beene very curious, to diuide the degrees and dignities amongst the noble men and Lords, that they might distinguish them to whom they were to giue the greatest honor. The dignitie of these foure Electors was the greatest, and most honorable, next to the King, and they were chosen presently after the Kings election. They were commonly brothers, or very neere Kinsmen to the King, and were called Tlacohecalcalt, which signifies Prince of darts, the which they cast, being a kinde of armes they vse much. The next dignitie to this, were those they doe call Tlacatecati, which is to say, Circumcisers or Cutters of men. The third dignitie were of those which they called Ezuahuacalt, which signifies, A shedder of bloud. All the which Titles and Dignities were exercised by men of warre. There was another, a fourth intituled, [ 10] Tlilancalqui, which is as much to say, as, Lord of the blacke house, or of darknesse, by reason of cer∣taine Inke wherewith the Priests anointed themselues, and did serue in their Idolatries. All these foure Dignities were of the great Counsell, without whose aduise the King might not doe any thing of importance: and the King being dead, they were to choose another in his place out of one of those foure Dignities. Besides these, there were other Counsels and Audiences, and some say there were as many as in Spaine, and that there were diuers Seates and Iurisdictions, with their Counsellors and Iudges of the Court, and others that were vnder them, as Corrigidors, chiefe Iudges, Captaines of Iustice, Lieutenants, and others, which were yet inferior to these, with a very goodly order. All which depended on the foure first Princes that assisted the King. These foure onely had authoritie and power to condemne to death, and the rest sent them instructions [ 20] of the Sentences they had giuen. By meanes whereof they gaue the King to vnderstand what had passed in his Realme.

There was a good order and settled policie for the Reuenues of the Crowne, for there were Officers diuided throughout all the Prouinces, as Receiuers and Treasurers, which receiued the Tributes and Royall Reuenues. And they carried the Tribute to the Court, at the least euery moneth; which Tribute was of all things that doe grow or ingender on the Land, or in the wa∣ter, aswell of Iewels and Apparell, as of Meat. They were very carefull for the well ordering of that which concerned their Religion, Superstition, and Idolatries: and for this occasion there were a great number of Ministers, to whom charge was giuen to teach the people the custome and ceremonies of their Law. Hereupon one day a christian Priest made his complaint that the [ 30] Indians were no good Christians, and did not profit in the Law of God; an old Indian answered him very well to the purpose, in these termes: Let the Priest (said he) imploy as much care and di∣ligence to make the Indians Christians, as the Ministers of Idols did to teach them their ceremonies; for with halfe that care they will make vs the best Christians in the world, for that the Law of Iesus Christ is much better; but the Indians learne it not, for want of men to instruct them. Wherein he spake the very truth, to our great shame and confusion.

THe Mexicans gaue the first place of honour to the profession of Armes, and therefore the Noble-men are their chiefe Souldiers, and others that were not noble, by their valour and reputation gotten in warres, came to Dignities and Honors, so as they were held for Noble-men. [ 40] They gaue goodly recompences to such as had done valiantly, who inioyed priuiledges that none else might haue, the which did much incourage them. Their Armes were of Rasors of sharpe cut∣ting flints, which they set on either side of a staffe, which was so furious a weapon, as they affir∣med that with one blow, they would cut off the necke of a Horse. They had strange and heauy Clubs, Lances, fashioned like Pikes, and other manner of Darts to cast, wherein they were very expert; but the greatest part of their combate was performed with stones. For defensiue armes they had little Rondaches or Targats, and some kinde of Morions or Head-pieces inuironed with feathers. They were clad in the skinnes of Tigres, Lions, and other sauage beasts. They came presently to hands with the Enemie, and were greatly practised to runne and wrestle, for thir chiefe manner of combate, was not so much to kill, as to take Captiues, the which they vsed in their sacrifices, as hath beene said. Moteçuma set Knight-hood in his highest splendor, orday∣ning [ 50] certaine militarie orders, as Commanders, with certaine markes and ensignes. The most honorable amongst the Knights, were those that carried the crowne of their haire tied with a little red Ribband, hauing a rich plume of feathers, from the which, did hang branches of fea∣thers vpon their shoulders, and rolls of the same. They carried so many of these rolls, as they had done worthy deeds in warre. The King himselfe was of this order, as may be seene in Chapulte∣pec, where Moteçuma and his sonnes were attyred with those kindes of feathers, cut in the Rocke, the which is worthy the sight. There was another order of Knight-hood, which they called the Lions and the Tigres, the which were commonly the most valiant and most noted in warre, they went alwayes with their Markes and Armories. There were other Knights, as the [ 60] Grey Knights, the which were not so much respected as the rest: they had their haire cut round about the eare. They went to the warre with markes like to the other Knights, yet they were not armed, but to the girdle, and the most honorable were armed all ouer. All Knights might carry gold and siluer, and weare rich Cotton, vse painted and gilt vessell, and carry shooes after their manner: but the common people might vse none but earthen vessell, neither might they

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carry shooes, nor attire themselues but in Nequen, the which is a grosse stuffe. Euery order of these Knights had his lodging in the Pallace noted with their markes; the first was called the Princes lodging, the second of Eagles, the third of Lyons and Tigers, and the fourth of the grey Knights. The other common officers, were lodged vnderneath in meaner lodging: if any one lodged out of his place, he suffred death.

THere is nothing that giues me more cause to admire, nor that I finde more worthy of com∣mendations and memory, then the order and care the Mexicans had to nourish their youth: for they knew well, that all the good hope of a Common-weale, consisted in the nurture and in∣stitution of youth, whereof Plato treates amply in his bookes De Legibus: and for this reason they laboured and tooke paines to sequester their children from delights and liberties (which are [ 10] the two plagues of this age) imploying them in honest and profitable exercises. For this cause there was in their Temples, a priuate house for children, as Schooles, or Colledges, which was seperate from that of the yong men and maides of the Temple, whereof we haue discoursed as large. There were in these Schooles a great number of children, whom their fathers did willing∣ly bring thither, and which had teachers and masters to instruct them in all commendable ex∣ercises, to be of good behauiour, to respect their superiours, to serue and obey them, giuing them to this end, certaine precepts and instructions. And to the end they might be pleasing to No∣blemen, they taught them to sing and dance, and did practise them in the exercise of warre; some to shoote an Arrow, to cast a dart or a staffe burnr at the end, and to handle well a Target [ 20] and a Sword. They suffered them not to sleepe much, to the end they might accustome them∣selues to labour in their youth, and not be men giuen to delights. Besides the ordinary number of these children, there were in the same Colledges, other children of Lords and Noblemen, the which were instructed more priuately. They brought them their meate and ordinary from their houses, and were recommended to ancients and old men to haue care ouer them, who continually did aduise them to be vertuous and to liue chastely; to be sober in their diet, to fast, and to march grauely, and with measure. They were accustomed to exercise them to trauell, and in labori∣ous exercises: and when they see them instructed in all these things, they did carefully looke in∣to their inclination: if they found any one addicted vnto warre, being of sufficient yeares, they sought all occasions to make triall of them, sending them to the warre, vnder colour to carrie [ 30] victuals and munition to the Souldiers, to the end they might there see what passed, and the la∣bour they suffered. And that they might abandon all feare, they were laden with heauie bur∣thens, that shewing their courage therein, they might more easily be admitted into the com∣pany of Souldiers. By this meanes it happened, that many went laden to the Armie, and re∣turned Captaines with markes of honour. Some of them were so desirous to be noted, as they were either taken, or slaine: and they held it lesse honourable to remaine a prisoner. And there∣fore they sought rather to be cut in peeces, then to fall captiues into their enemies hands. See how Noblemens children that were inclined to the warres were imployed. The others that had their inclination to matters of the Temple; and to speake after our manner, to be Ecclesiasti∣call men, hauing attained to sufficient yeares, they were drawne out of the colledge, and pla∣ced [ 40] in the Temple, in the lodging appointed for religious men, and then they gaue them the order of Ecclesiasticall men. There had they Prelates and Masters, to teach them that which concerned their profession, where they should remaine being destined thereunto. These Mexi∣cans tooke great care to bring vp their children: if at this day they would follow this order, in building of houses & colledges for the instruction of youth, without doubt Christianitie should flourish much amongst the Indians. Some godly persons haue begunne, and the King with his Counsell haue fauoured it: but for that it is a matter of no profit, they aduance little, and pro∣ceede coldly.

We haue not discouered any Nation at the Indians, that liue in comminalties, which haue not their recreations, in plaies, dances, and exercises of pleasure. At Peru I haue seene plaies in man∣ner [ 50] of combats, where the men of both sides were sometimes so chafed, that often their Paella (which was the name of this exercise) fell out dangerous. I haue also seene diuers sorts of dances, wherein they did counterfait and represent certaine trades and offices, as shepheards, la∣bourers, fishers, and hunters, and commonly they made all those dances, with a very graue sound and pale: there were other dances and maskes, which they called Guacones, whose actions were pure representations of the deuill. There were also men that dance on the shoulders one of another, as they doe in Portugall, the which they call Paellas. The greatest pars of these dances, were superstitions, and kindes of Idolatries: for that they honoured their Idols and Guacas in that manner. For this reason the Prelates haue laboured to take from them these dances, all they could: but yet they suffer them, for that part of them are but sports of recreation: for alwayes they dance after their manner. In these dances, they vse sundry sorts of instruments, whereof, [ 60] some are like Flutes, or little Canons, others like Drums, and others like Cornets: but common∣ly they sing all with the voyce, and first one or two sing the song, then all the rest answer them. Some of these songs were very wittily composed, containing Histories, and others were full of

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superstitions, and some were meere follies. Our men that haue conuersed among them, haue laboured to reduce matters of our holy faith to their tunes, the which hath profited well: for that they employ whole dayes to rehearse and sing them, for the great pleasure and content they take in their tunes. They haue likewise put our compositions of Musicke into their Language, as Octaues, Songs, and Rondels, the which they haue very aptly turned, and in truth it is a good∣ly and very necessary meanes to instruct the people. In Peru, they commonly call Dances Ta∣gui, in other Prouinces, Areittos, and in Mexico, Mittottes. There hath not beene in any other place, any such curiositie of Playes and Dances, as in New Spaine, where at this day we see Indians so excellent Dancers, as it is admirable. Some dance vpon a Cord, some vpon a long and streight [ 10] stake, in a thousand sundry sorts; others with the soles of their feet and their hammes, do handle, cast vp and receiue againe a very heauy blocke, which seemes incredible but in seeing it. They doe make many other shewes of their great agilitie, in leaping, vaulting, and tumbling, sometimes bearing a great and heauy burthen, sometimes enduring blowes able to breake a barre of Iron. But the most vsuall exercise of recreation among the Mexicans is the solemne Mittotte, and that is a kind of dance they held so braue and so honourable, that the King himselfe danced, but not ordinarily, as the King Don Pedro of Arragon with the Barber of Valencia. This Dance or Mittotte, was commonly made in the Courts of the Temple, and in those of the Kings houses, which were more spacious. They did place in the midst of the Court two Instruments, one like to a Drumme, and the other like a Barrell made of one piece, and hollow within, which they [ 20] set vpon the forme of a man, a beast, or vpon a Pillar.

These two Instruments were so well accorded together, that they made a good harmony and with these Instruments they made many kinds of Ayres and Songs. They did all sing and dance to the sound and measure of these Instruments, with so goodly an order and accord, both of their feet and voyces, as it was a pleasant thing to behold. In these Dances they made two Cir∣cles or Wheeles, the one was in the middest neere to the Instruments, wherein the Ancients and Noblemen did sing and dance with a soft and slow motion; and the other was of the rest of the people round about them, but a good distance from the first, wherein they danced two and two more lightly, making diuers kinds of paces, with certayne leaps to the measure. All which to∣gether made a very great Circle. They attyred themselues for these Dances with their most pre∣cious [ 30] apparell and Iewels, euery one according to his abilitie, holding it for a very honourable thing: for this cause they learned these Dances from their infancie. And although the greatest part of them were done in honour of their Idols, yet was it not so instituted, as hath beene said, hut only as a recreation and pastime for the people. Therefore it is not conuenient to take them quite from the Indians, but they must take good heed they mingle not their superstitions amongst them. I haue seene this Mittotte, in the Court of the Church of Topetzotlan, a Village seuen leagues from Mexico: and in my opinion, it was a good thing to busie the Indians vpon Festi∣uall dayes, seeing they haue need of some recreation: and because it is publike, and without the preiudice of any other, there is lesse inconuenience, then in others which may be done priuately by themselues, if they tooke away these.

[ 40]
To the Reader.

REader, I here present vnto thee the choisest of my Iewels. My trauelling fancis hath inuited ma∣ny Readers to many my labours in strange births already. Qae regio in terris nostri non plena la∣boris? Iaponian and China rarities so remote from our world, are neere to our worke, and their chara∣cters communicated here to the Reader; not their arts alone. Thou hast here also Indostan, Arabike, Per∣sian, Turkish, add other Letters, and not onely the transcript from their languages. As for translations and collections, thou hast them here also out of the Hebrew, Auncient and Moderne Greeke, Abassine, Tartarian, Russian, Polonian, Aegyptian, and innumerable other Nations Christian, Iewish, Mahu∣metan, Ethnike, Ciuill, Barbarian and Sauage, innumerable wayes diuersified. Yet all these in letters, [ 50] or characters. In hieroglyphicall mysticall pictures the ancient Aegyptians and Ethiopians, haue by way of Emblemes obscurely and darkly deliuered their obscure mysteries, vncertaine, waxenly, pliant con∣ceits to the world; some of which our Pilgrimage hath mentioned. But a Historie, yea a Politicke, E∣thike, Ecclesiastike, Oeconomike History, with iust distinctions of times, places, acts and arts, we haue nei∣ther seene of theirs, nor of any other Nation, but of this, which our light and slight apprehensions terme not barbarous alone, but wilde and sauage. Such an one we here present, a present thought fit for him whom the senders esteemed the greatest of Princes, and yet now presented to thy hands before it could ar∣riue in his presence. For the Spanish Gouernour hauing with some difficultie (as the Spanish Preface imports) obtained the Booke of the Indians, with Mexican interpretations of the Pictures (but ten daies [ 60] before the departure of the Ships) committed the same to one skilfull in the Mexican language to be in∣terpreted; who in a very plaine stile and verbatim performed the same, vsing also some Morisco words, as Alaqui and Mezquitas (for Priest and Temples) import. This Historie thus written, sent to Charles the fifth Emperour, was together with the Shippe that carried it taken by Fenchmen of war, from whom Andrew Theuet the French Kings Geographer, obtained the same: after whose death,

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Master Hakluyt (then Chaplaine to the English Embassadour in France) bought the same for 20. French crownes, and procured Master Michael Locke in Sir Walter Raleighs name to translate it. It seemes that none were willing to be at the cost of cutting the Pictures, and so it remained amongst his papers till his death, whereby (according to his last will in that kinde) I became possessour thereof, and haue obtained with much earnestnesse the cutting thereof for the Presse. The rather was I eagerly vehe∣ment herein, as being a thing desired by that most industrious Antiquary, iudicious Scholler, Religious Gentleman, our Ecclesiastike Secular, the Churches champion, Sir Henry Spelman, Knight; whom for honors sake I name, that his name may honour our ruder lines; a name so fitting to the Man, as one which an, in regard of his wise spell and science in diuine & humane learning, and is ready, with maine courage and alacritie to shew himselfe the Churches Man, and to exhibit himselfe in deede whatsoeuer any man can spell, out of Spel-man. The commending from such a friend (let the Muses impetrate [ 10] pardon for so bold a name) was a commanding vnto me, which here I againe commend to Him and thee.

It is diuided into three parts; the first being the Annales and Mexican Chronicle: the second, their Exchequer or the Accounts of their seuerall Tributes paid them from the Nations and peoples tributary, whereby may be seene the Naturall riches of those parts peculiarly sorted: the third the Mexican Oeconomie and Policie in warre and peace, religious and secular, their priuate and pub∣like rites from the graue of the wombe, to the wombe of the graue. Obscure places I haue explained (besides what before in Acosta thou hast read) comparing the translation with the originall, adding ma∣ny of mine owne: and perhaps there is not any one History of this kinde in the world comparable to this, so fully expressing so much without Letters; hardly gotten, and easily lost, that thou maist here [ 20] finde it.

Notes

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